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n
V.
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# ^
THE
ECLECTIC REVIEW.
MDCCCXXXIII.
JANUARY JUNE.
THIRD SERIES.
VOL. IX.
jMi^<r«ff n H») *A^rrT«rtXi»ii»* «XX' 3r« i7^r«i sWf* ImmtJi rimr mIfUfimp
rtf^«ncy r« 'EKAE'KTIKON ^tXc^tfSa* fifu.
Clem, Aliz. iS^rvm. L. 1.
LONDON:
JACKSON AND WALFORD,
18, ST. PAUL'S CHURCH-YARD.
1833.
G. WOODFALLf AicacL c<hjjit« ikivmcr nmuMT, lonook.
CONTENTS.
(
PACK
Allport*s Transbtion of Bp. Davenant*8 Works 1S3
America anj the Americans, by a Citizen of the World .... SSS
Annual Biography and Obituary, The, for 18SS 179
Anti-Slavery Reporter, The, No. 104 ISB
Arnold's Principles of Church Reform . 176
Auldjo*8 Sketches of Vesuvius 812
Blair*s Inquiry into the State of Slavery amongst the Romans .... S78
British Critic^ The. Article on Robert Hairs Works 4«7
Brown's Biblical Cabinet, Vol. II. 110
Buccaneer, The, a Tale 40
Canadas, The, as they now are. By a late Resident 3S8
Causes, The, of the French Revolution 861
Chesney^s Reports of the Navigation of the Euphrates .... S6S
Christian Observer, The, for February. Art. Hall's Works . . ^ .180
Clarke's Concise View of the Succession of Sacred Literature, VoL II. . . 382
Cobbin*s Moral Fables and Parables 01
Colton's Manual for Emigrants 888
Conder's Wages or the Whip, an Essay on the Comparative Cost and Productive-
ness of Free and Slave Labour 544
Correspondence 182. 266
Cropper's Vindication of a Loan of fifteen Millions to the West India Planters • 544
Curtis's Existing Monopoly, an inadequate Protection of the Authorized Version
of Scripture 500
• ■ . ■
Davenant*s, Bp., Exposition of St. Paul's Epistle to the Colossians. Tran&Uted bv
J.Allport 123
Davis's Ti-oe Dignity of Homan Nature 534
Douglas's Address on Slavery, Sabbath Protection, and Church Reform . .851
Elijah. By the Author of "Balaam" 260
Eliot's Christianity and Slavery 883
Essays on Religious Subjects. By a Layman 225
Englishman's Almanack, The . 04
Entomological Magazine ... 450
Fergusson*s Practical Notes made during a Tour in Canada .... SSB
Fifty-one Original Fables, with Morals, &c. 01
Fbwers of Fable, culled from Epictetus, &c t6.
Garrison's Thoughts on African Colonization . . . . . . 138
GiUy's Memoir of Felix Neff 23
Gre^weU's Harmonia Evangelica 1. 200
— — ~ Dissertation upon the Principles and Arrangement of a Harmony of
the Gospels ib.
Gurney*8 Biblical Notes and Dissertations 161
Hairs Works , . . . 180,487
Halley's Sinfulness of Colonial Slavery 34(>
Harmony, A, of the Four Go5(h:1s «... 290
J ) ^^)J^'
IV CONTENTS.
PAGE
Heath's Book of Beauty for 18S3 88
Hiaton*s Harmony of Religious Truth and Human Reason asserted . .413
Hints on the necessity of a change of principle in our Legislation, for the efficient
Protection of Society from Crime 468
I>egion*s Letter to Right Hon. E. G. Stanley, &c 544
Leifchild*s Abbreviated Discourses on various Suljects .... 434
Lewises Remarks on the Use and Abuse of some Political Terms . . . 473
literary Intelligence 95. 184. 269. 358. 451. 547
Mackintosh's Histor>' of England 97
Martin's Poor Laws for Ireland, a Measure of Justice to England, &c. . . S25
Mirabeau's Letters during his Residence in England 65
Murat*s Moral and Political Sketch of the United States of North America . 233
North American Review, No. LXXVIII i6.
Oxford Bibles. Mr. Curtis's Misrepresentations Exposed, by Dr. CardwelT . 509
Pecchio's Semi..serious Observations of an Italian Exile during his residence in
England 65
Quarterly Review, No. XCV. Article on Robert Hall's Works . . .189
No. XCVIL Article on the French Revolution . . 361
Report from Select Committee on King's Printers* Patents .... 609
Secondary Punishments .... 453
Rush's Residence at the Court of London 537
Scholefield*s Hints for an Improved Translation of the New Testament . .314
Smedley's History of the Reformed Religion in France . . . . 217
Sprague's Lectures on Revivals of Religion 287
Statistical Sketches of Upper Canada, for the Use of Emigrants . . . 8S8
Stickney's Pictures of Private Life 442
Stuart's Three Years in North America w 233
Turton's Text of the English Bibles considered 509
Whatcly's, Abp., Thoughts on Secondary Punishments 453
Whychcotte of St. John's 897
Wilcox's Religion of Taster a Poem 180
Works recently published ..... 96. 187. 272. 360. 452. 548
Year of Liberation, The, a Journal of the Defence of Hamburgh against the
French in 1813 54
THE
ECLECTIC REVIEW,
For JANUARY, 1833.
Art. I. 1. Harmonia Evangelica, sive Quaiuar Evangelia Greece pro
Temporis et Rerum Serie in Partes Quinque Distrihuta. Edidit
Edvardus Greswell^ A.M. Coll. C. C. Apud Oxon. Socius. 8vo.
pp. 418. Oxon. 1830.
2. Dissertations upon the Principles and Arrangement of a Harmony
of the Gospels. By the Rev. Edward Greswell, M.A., Fellow oiF
Corpus Christi College, Oxfords In 'three Volumes, pp. xxx.,
598 ; X. 574 ; vi. 354. Oxford, ISSQ.
"^LTE are not entirely xesponsible for tlie delay in noticing this
erudite and valuable performance, which, though it has^or
so long a time passed the press, will probably be new to the
greater part of our readers. The volumes issue from the Univer-
sity press; much to the honour of the learned Delegates, to
whose readiness in undertaking the publication the Author ac-
knowledges his obligations. But, notwithstanding the high aus-
pices under which they appear, we cannot learn that they have
nitherto obtained the share of attention from the public, to which
they are intrinsically entitled ; owing, perhaps, to their not having
been made known by the usual expedients adopted by London
publishers.
The " Harmonia Evangelica'*^ and the three volumes of Pre-
liminary Dissertations, compose one connected work. In the
former, the evangelical history is distributed into five parts, com-
prising as many chronological divisions: these are subdivided
into sections, the text of the Evangelists being arranged in two or
more parallel columns. The Dissertations are fifty in number,
to which are added some supplementary disquisitions and notes,
in eight appendices. Of the object and purpose of these disser-
tations, which form a connected series, we shall first give an ac-
count, taken from the Author^s own synopsis.
The first volume comprises thirteen principal Dissertations.
VOL. IX. — N.S. B
2 Gresveirs Harmony and Dissertations.
The first three are intended to expound and establish the funda-
mental principle of the Harmony, which the Author rests upon
the truth of the following propositions : 1. That the last three
Gospels are regular compositions ; 2. That St. Matthew''s Gospel
is partly regular and partly irregular ; 3. That each Gospel was
written in the order in which it stands ; and 4. That each of the
later three was immediately supplementary to the prior one. It
is the object of the first Dissertation, to confirm these proposi-
tions by a mode of reasoning which assumes nothing but the
existence of the Gospels themselves : it is entitled, ' On the re-
* gularity of the Gospels, and on their supplemental relations to
* each other/ The Second Dissertation is an historical inves-
tigation of the times and the order of the first three Gospels ;
and the Third treats of the Irregularities of St. Matthew''s Gos-
pel, comparing its details with the accounts given in the three
others. The Fourth Dissertation is devoted to ascertaining the
true date of the Passover mentioned John ii. 13, ^ the most car-
* dinal date in the whole of the Gospel history \ by ascertaining
the sense of John ii. 20. The verification of this date gives oc-
casion for three distinct supplementary dissertations, which are
styled Appendices: No. I. is intended to ascertain the rule by
which Josephus invariably computes the reign of Herod ; No. II.,
to confirm the statement which respects the length of the Mac-
cabean dynasty ; and No. III., to shew, that neitner the evidence
of the coin of Herod Antipas, nor the supposed time of the
eclipse before the death of Herod, is inconsistent with the true
date of that death as established in No. I. This is followed by
a Computation and Table of Jewish Passovers and other feasts,
in Diss. V. Diss. VI. and VII. have for their object, respect-
ively, to reconcile the testimony of St. Luke, as regards the fif-
teenth year of Tiberius Caesar, and the beginning of the govern-
ment of Pontius Pilate, with the cardinal date established in
Diss. IV. The next ^ determines the interval between the be-
* ginning of the ministi^ of John the Baptist and the close of the
' ministry of Jesus Christ ; or the whole length of time embraced
' by them in conjunction, and the duration assignable to each.'* f A
dissertation supplemental to this, proves that the time of the
Baptist''s imprisonment is not at variance with the history of the
marriage of Herod and Herodias. The Ninth Dissertation pro->
poses to determine the true age of Our Lord at his baptism, by
ascertaining the exact import of Luke iii. 23 ; and the following
one is intended to establish the high probability that the day of
the Nativity was the tenth of the Hebrew month Nisan, cop-
responding to the fifth of the Julian April, b.c. 4. An Appen-
dix to this Dissertation has for its object to prove, that the insti-
tution of the Passover took place b.c. 1560, when, in like man-
ner, the 1 0th of Nisan and the 5th of April coincided both with
Grcflweirs Ilarmimy athd Dis^BtiaHoM. 3
each other, and with the yemal equinox. In the Eleventh Dis-
sertation, the opinions of the earliest Christian writers upon the
preceding topics are examined. Dissert. XII. examines the true
sense of Luke ii. 2« in reference to the census of Cyrenius. The
last dissertation in the first volume treats of the Prophecy of the
Seventy Weeks, and the first part of the chronology of the Acts of
the Apostles ; having for its object, to complete the argument in
Diss. VIII. This subject is pursued in Diss. I. of the second
volume, which is occupied with an examination of the chronology
of the Acts from the xiiith chapter forwards, and belongs to the
first Series.
The second volume contains twenty-two principal Disserts^
tions. The subject of the first has been mentioned : those of the
five following may be briefly stated. II. On the Two Genea-
logies. III. Upon the Question, Who are intended by the
^Mextpo) of Christ. IV. On the date of the Visit of the Magi*
V. True Nature and Design of the Ministry of the Baptist. VI.
On the Order of the Temptations. The Seventh is entitled :
^ On the hiatus in the first three Gospels, between the time of
^ the Baptism of Our Saviour and the comifiehcement of his mi-
^ nistry in Galilee, and on its supplement by the Gospel of St
^ John.^ The object of this disquisition is to shew, that, be^
ginning his narrative precisely where the other evangelists had
left off, St. John conducts it regularly down to the point of time
where St. Luke had begun again. To this is subjoined an ap*
pendix, involving the question of the Computation of Sabbatic
Years, one of which is shewn to have actually coincided with the
first year of Our Saviour^s Ministry. The Eighth Dissertation,
which is divided into four parts, is designed to give a general
preliminary view of Our Lord'^s ministry down to the middle of
the third year. The next six Dissertations (IX. — XIV.) are
devoted to the discussion of particular questions relating to sup-
posed trajections or anticipations in the several narratives. The
next two, in continuation of the subject of Diss. VIII., illustrate
the supplementary relation of John vii. — xi. 54., to the first three
Gospels ; and of Luke ix. 51. — xviii. ] 4, to those of Matthew and
Mark. The subjects of the remaining Dissertations in this vo.^
lume are : XVII. On the village of Martha and Mary. XVIII.
On the two Dispossessions recorded. Matt. xii. and Luke xi.
XIX. On the notices of time supplied in Luke xii. XX. On
the occurrence relating to the Galileans, Luke xiii. 1 — 9. XXI.
On the question concerning Divorce, Matt. xix. 3— -12; Mark
X. 2 — 12. XXII. On the Miracles performed at Jericho.
The object of the six consecutive Dissertations contained in
the third volume, is, to harmonize the several accounts in the
ibur Gospels, from the time of Our Lord'^s arrival at Bethany
before the last Passover^ to the day of the Ascension. The re-
B 2
4 Gretwell^t Harmony and DissertcMona.
mainder of the volume is occupied with appendices, comprising
additional illustrations of various points discussed in several of
the* Dissertations. These, in the event of a new edition, should
cither bo incorporated with the dissertations to which they relate,
or l>e introduced in immediate sequence. Other improvements in
the distrilmtion of the materials, mieht be suggested. The three
volumes are of very unequal size, tne first containing much the
largest number of pages; and if we add the 100 pages occupied
by the first dissertation of the second volume, and Appendices
I. to v., which also belong to the first series of Dissertations,
we Nlmll have H2H pages, or nearly half the three volumes, the
remainder of the matter occupying 7^4. It so happens that the
work naturally divides itself into two parts at this place. The
first Part comprises an exposition of the Author's hypothesis
with resnect to the composition of the Gospels, and a series of
disNortations upon the chronology of the New Testament. The
Meccm<l Part consists of preliminary disquisitions upon the subject-
matter of the inspired record, and of an application of the Au-
thor's hypothesis, or of the principles upon which it is built, to
the facts recorded by the Evangelists. Had Mr. Greswell
adopted this twofold division of his work, assi^fiing to each Part
one large or two smaller volumes, and subdividing the longer Dis-
sertations into chapters, instead of adding a series of appendices,
^-it would greatly have improved both the appearance and the
arrangement of the work.
To tile Hiblical student, the above synopsis of the Contents
will not fail to convey a general idea of the extremely interesting
and Important nature of the Author's labours ; characterized by a
range of erudition, a patience of investigation, and a degree of
critical ability, that entitle him to take his rank with Lardner,
(Irlenlmch, and Michaclis, in the first class of those who have
sealously consecratiHl profound scholarship to the illustration of
the ( linstlan Scriptures. Such a work must go some way towards
vindicating the literature of the day from the charge of universal
fVlvollty or suuerlicialness ; and it is with peculiar satisfaction
that we (Ind (ixfortl beginning to cultivate a species of learning
which has of late licen almost monopolised by the German critics.
Among the curious and recondite questions discussed in the first
volume, and which are but remotely connected with the Harmony
itself, there are some, the Author remarks, which have exercised
the ingenuity of learneil men, without their arriving at any satis-
fkctory ctmclusions, ever since the revival of letters.
' Nor am I»* ho adds, M*ain enough to supp<Mie that they have been
■ettled by my own individual attempts. It will not be laid to my
chargt\ however, that what could reanonablv be exi)ccted frt>m the ex-
ortioiiii of one pornon, has not been perfiv d to tne utmost ; that I
have not endeavoured to sift every que to the bottom ; that the
GreswelPs Harmony and Dissertations, 5
pains and labour of the investigation have not been commensurate to
the diiiiculty or importance of the end proposed. If I have erred, it
has been on the score of an over-anxious diligence to render my Dis-
sertations even tediously scrupulous and elaborately minute, rather
than leave them perfunctory or superficial. Perhaps, too, there are
some of these controverted instances, in which I may be considered to
have approximated to the truth as nearly as, under the circumstances
of the case, was practicable; for, if the results of the speculations of
learned men upon such questions are not every where final and de-
cisive, the cause must be ascribed to a defect for which no ingenuity
nor industry can compensate, the defect of data. In the course of my
researches, it has more than once fallen to my lot to observe that very
great names, in every department of sacred literature, have lapsed in-
to mistakes, and mistakes which frequently might have been avoided.
Nor do I mention this as if to claim any merit to myself for discover-
ing errors into which they had fallen, much less to put myself on a
footing of equality with them, but that I may plead the failures of
more competent and more learned persons in extenuation of my own.'
Pref, pp. xi, xii.
The nresent work first suggested itself to the Author, in the
course or an examination of the most popular Harmonies, which
he was led to consult, in preparing an exposition of the Gospel
Parables. The striking inconsistencies which he observed in the
several Harmonies he examined, convinced him that the prin-
ciples upon which they rested, could not be correct ; and the
dissatisfaction produced by this discovery, induced him to lay
them all aside, and to take the four original narratives into his
hands, with a view to frame for himself a system that should
at least avoid the difficulties that appeared so glaring and pal-
pable in the works referred to. The result of this endeavour, is
the Harmony before us, which has assumed a shape very dif-
ferent from the idea of it which its Author had originally con-
ceived. Had he fully comprehended the extent of his undertaking,
and into how wide a field of research and disquisition it would
lead, he must have shrunk b«ck, he says, from the arduous at-
tempt ; and he considers it as a fortunate circumstance, that he
was too inextricably involved in the task, and too deeply in-
terested in its completion, to be able or disposed to recede from
its prosecution, when experience had convinced him of its mag-
nitude and difficulty. The rule which he determined to adopt,
was, to trust as much as possible to his own researches, so that
the work, though of course containing much that is in accord-
ance with the opinions and conclusions of preceding writers, is
strictly original, being the result of an independent inquiry.
While prepared to find that he has been anticipated in many
things, Mr. Greswell states, that he has abstained from intro-
ducing any borrowed matter ; and regarded as a whole, the Har-
mony which he offers to the public, may still be considered as un-
like any other. He disclaims all affectation of novelty or the
0 Greswell^s Harmony and DuserioHons.
wish to deviate without reason from the opinions of his predeces-
sors, * Could I/ he says, ' have met with any Harmony which
* was not apparently fraught with more difficulties than it was in-
* tended to remove, most gladly would I have acquiesced in its
* use.' The number and diversity of the Harmonies in circula-
tion, afford a presumption that the true principle remains to be
ascertained, upon which a perfect Harmony is to be constructed,
or such a one as should unite the suffrages of the learned in fa-
vour of its satisfactory character.
' If it is not in the nature of things impossible for the four Oos«
pel narratives to be satisfeietorily reduced to one, it is not in the na-
ture of things impossible for a perfect Harmony to be composed : but,
as only one method of reconciling these accounts can be abjsolutely just
and true, so only one Harmony, such as should be founded altogether
en the principle of that method, would be absolutely just and perfect/
Frej. p. HI.
What is not, in the nature of things, impossible, is sometimes,
however, from circumstances, impracticable ; and how desirable
soever it may be to harmonize the order and succession wi events
in the several Gospels, we cannot for a moment admit the neces-
sity of ascertaining the true method of reconciling apparent dis-
crepancies, in order to vindicate the credibility and consistency
of the narratives. This would be a gratuitous concession to the
sceptic, which the nature of the c&se does not warrant. Mr.
Gresswell remarks, that, ^with some minds, the difference of
* opinion which prevails among commentators upon Scripture,
* the great variety and incompatibility between their several
* modes of reconciling the same accounts, would be calculated ta
* operate rejlexively against the belief of the' truth, or the con-
* sistency of the accounts themselves.'' But would this be a ra-
tional inference ? If there are various modes of reconciling inde-
pendent accounts of the same transactions that appear to differ,
although but one mode can be the true one, yet, the possibility of
reconciling them is established by the diverse hypotheses ; and
the objection founded upon their alleged incompatibility falls to
the ground. That objection originates in our imperfect know-
ledge of all the circumstances, and of all the relations of time
and place affecting the order and succession of the events recorded.
Such perfect knowledge of the circumstances as would enable us
to adjust their precise order with certainty, is unattainable ; but
if we can hypothetically harmonize them, although the hypothesis
be but an approximation to the fact, it will suffice to shew that
no necessary incompatibility exists. If the theory employed is
jBraught with more difficulties than it is intended to remove, this
is a good reason for distrusting its correctness ; but it may still be
of use as shewing that these difficulties are capable of solu-
liresweffB Harmony and Dissertations. 7*
tron; — ^if by the false hypothesis, still more by the true one.
AH that is requisite is, that we prove there is no essential dis-
^reement between the separate accounts : the rest is matter of
curiosity, or, at least, of subordinate importance.
Even althoujijh the present Writer should be thought to have
failed to detect the true method, or to construct a perfect Har-
mony, the value of his labours will suffer little depreciation on
that account. The satisfactory determination of the various
questions that present themselves in the course of the attempt to
reconcile and arrange the details of the four Gospels, is far more
important than the object proposed as the ultimate result. The
greater part of these Dissertations have for their immediate de*
sign, to clear up points affecting not so much the harmony of the
various accounts, as the credibility or accuracy of each particular
narrative. We do not mean to deny the utility of Harmonies ;
but we are inclined to consider their indirect utility as greater
than their direct benefit. It is often by an assumed hypothesis that
the philosopher is conducted to the discovery of recondite facts, —
facts not merely more certain, but more important than the prin-
ciple it was sought to establish. The construction of a diatessaron
is the purpose to which the scheme of the Harmonist is intended
to be subservient ; but no diatessaron can possess the authority^
the internal evidence, and the effectiveness of the separate docu-
ments. The stamp of genuineness, the seal of Inspiration are
wanting. Digests or summaries of the evangelical history,
whether in the words of the Evangelists or not, are legitimate
vehicles of religious instruction ; but they must never be substi-
tuted for the four Gospels. That would be, to shape by the wisdom
of man the wisdom of God, — to bend the rule of faith to our
own notions of harmony and fitness, — and, by obscuring the
genuineness, to weaken to a great degree the authority of Scrip-
ture. Harmonies are for the learned, not for the unlearned :
they are of more service in silencing the cavils of the sceptic,
than in edifying the plain and ingenuous believer. They form a
valuable part of the expository apparatus for illustrating the
sacred text, as they enable the commentator or teacher to throw,
as it were, upon each Gospel, the concentrated light of all. They
afford a tabular view of the substantial accordance, the charac-
teristic difference, and the separate value of the four documents
respectively, and serve as an illustrative index to their contents.
But here, we think, their legitimate purpose terminates.
' No one,' Mr. Greswell remarks, * can study the Gospels with
' that attention which they deserve, or with that sense of personal
^ interest in them which they are calculated to excite, without
* endeavouring to harmonize them, in some manner or other, for
^ himself.' This is true. But there, is a great difference be-
8 Gresweirs Harmony and Dissertations.
tween harmonizing the statements of the four witnesses, and har-^
monizing the order in which they severally narrate particular cir-
cumstances and sayings, by reducing them to one chronological
arrangement. If their statements could not be reconciled, it
would affect the credibility of at least one of the witnesses ; but
that they should observe a different order, forms no objection, un-
less they each professed to adhere to a strict chronological ar-
rangement. This is not the case ; and the hypothesis, that the
Four Evangelists constantly observed such an order, is not
merely encumbered with insuperable difficulties, but is utterly de-
ficient in probability. Many reasons might be given for their
observing a different order. A work may be a regular composition,
without being a regular history. The plan and design of the
writer may require that he should bring together facts or dis-
courses of a certain class^ without reference to the topographical
scene of the one, or the immediate occasion of the other ; in order
to present the evidence they furnish in a cumulative shape, or as
specimens of what took place at many times and in many places.
The connexion will not, m such a case, be less real or natural, be-
cause it is the connexion of subject, not that of chronology. We
admit that a transposition in the order of leading events, would,
if unexplained, affect not merely the regularity, but the accuracy,
if not the absolute truth of the history ; whereas transpositions of
illustrative incidents and topics are allowable even to an his-
torian, and still more natural in a composition which is not simply
or strictly historical.
Most Harmonists have set out with the assumption, which we
cannot but regard as altogether erroneous, that the four Gospels
are alike regidar and independent histories ; or that, at least, the
first three are Gospels communis generis^ and must be classed
together. Mr. Greswell in some degree sanctions the latter
opmion, with this modification ; that, though each is a history of
the rise and progress of the Evangelical dispensation, no one of
them is a separate and independent account. ' Like the subject
• to which they all relate, they are so connected together, that
• the one entire histoiy of this one entire scheme, is that which is
• made up of them all.' Our Author's hypothesis with regard to
the supplemental character of the last three, we shall examine
presently ; but it appears to that the first Gospel, that of
Matthew, is a composition ve- ent in itsj^nicture from those
of Mark and Luke. M^^ iiflf'^^^HiBed, that the
Gospel of St. Matthew * r %ular in part ;
• while the Gospels of "t John are
• regular throughout' IkMatthew
is not a less regular co ^Ui it it
not, and does not prof! ^ig hav^
GreswelVs Harmony and Dissertationa. 9
elsewhere endeavoured to shew ♦, an account of the ministry of
Our Lord, with copious specimens of his discourses, having for
its specific object, to establish his M essiahship, and to combat the
objections of the Jews* The historical notices are brief and, as it
were, incidental and subsidiary to the main purpose. St. Matthew
wrote his Gospel for the use, primarily, of the Christians of
Palestine ; at a period, probably, when all the historical facts were
fresh and notorious. Hence, he is much more concise than any
of the Evangelists in narrating occurrences, except when referring
to such as were called in question by the Jews. In narrating, for
instance, the story invented by the chief priests to account for the
disappearance of Our Lord^'s body from the sepulchre, he is
remarkably particular and minute ; and yet, he does not mention
the Ascension. There are other peculiarities in this Gospel,
which, together with the supposed irregularities, seem to us to
admit of easy and natural explanation according to the view we
have taken of it, but which ill agree with the character of regular
history. Upon this ground, and not because we deem the
irregularities of St. Matthew^s Gospel greater than those of the
other Evangelists, we think with Mr. Greswell, that it cannot be
safely made, throughout, the basis of a Harmony for the rest.
In the following remarks, some of the points of characteristic
difference between the several Evangelists, are ably discriminated.
' The argument of those learned men who contend that> because
St. Matthew would write as an eye-witness, he would write the
most regularly of all, however plausible in theory, is completely false
in ^Eict. Nor, indeed, is it difficult to retort the argument ; for one,
like St. Luke, or St. Mark, who, though not an eye-witness, yet
proposed to write an account of the same things, it might natursdly
be supposed, even humanly speaking, would take so much the greater
pains to remedy this very defect ; both to acquire a perfect knowledge
of his subject, and to verify, in every instance, the order of his facts.
Meanwhile, if St. Matthew in particular, though he must have written
as an eye-witness, has yet written at all irregularly, this may be a
- good presumptive evidence that he must have written early, — while the
recollection of the facts was still unimpaired, — and among, and for,
eye-witnesses as well as himself, whose own knowledge, or possibilities
of knowledge, would supply omissions or rectify transpositions for
themselves.
< Those also who contend that the principle of classification is the
characteristic principle of St. Luke*s Gospel, are not less mistaken :
for, while St. Luke is uniformly attentive to historical precision,
this constructive tendency, by which facts really distinct in the order
of time, are brought together out of deference to certain principles of
:ociation, and related consecutively, is rather the predominant
iracteristic of St. Matthew. The structure of all the Gospels, indeed,
• Edec. Rev. Third Series, Vol. V. p. 379.
10 Greswell'^s Harmony and Dissertations*
as far as they enter into detail, is anecdotal, — or a selection of particular
passages out of a much larger and a more continuous narrative ; the
eifect of which structure is, necessarily, that each particular stands in
a great measure by itself, and has little or no connection with either
what precedes or what follows it ... . This anecdotal arrangement
is a different thing from the principle of classification. And even this
is only so far peculiar to St. Luke, compared with St. Matthew or
with St. Mark, that, without altering or disturbing the order of
succession, he has communicated to the particulars of his Gospel, in
many instances, the most integral and independent shape, the most
separate and detached position of any.
' St. John's Gospel, from its peculiar relation to the rest, could not
be otherwise than a digest of remarkable passages, following at great
intervals of time, and almost entirely independent of each other. And
the CTeat vivacity, minuteness, and circumstantiality of detail with
which he has invested all these accounts, are truly wonderful, and
among the strongest internal evidences of the inspiration and truth of
a Gospel written so long after the events which it records, and so late
in the life-time of its Author. Yet, St. Matthew, notwithstanding his
characteristic differences in other respects, has defined with more
precision than any of the rest, the eras of certain memorable events ;
as, when Jesus b^an to preach publicly, — when to teiach in parables, —
when to predict his sufferings and death mthout disguise, — when the
Apostles began to dispute about precedency, — and when Judas con-
ceived the design of betraying his master. And this also may be
another proof that he wrote early, and as an eye-witness of what he
relates; and not late, nor as one who had obtained his information
from others.' Vol. I. pp. 185 — 7»
In the process of constructing a Harmony, these characteristic
differences naturally force themselves upon the attention of s
competent critic ; but, in the Harmony or Diatessaron itseU^
they become obscured or lost. The variations and apparent
discrepancies in the several narrations, are there exhibited in a
naked and palpable form, while the reason of them is not seen ;
and the proprieties of the composition are nearly as much violated
by the perpetual interpolation of passages from the several
Evangelists, as they would be in a work composed of consecutiTe
extracts from three or four authors of different countries. Some
further points of difference are adverted to in the following
paragraphs.
' It will scarcely, perhaps, be disputed, that St. Mark was a Jew,
and that St. Luke was not The internal evidence of the Gospel
of St. Mark is altogether in favour of the presumption, that the Writer
of this Gospel in particular must have been a Jew ; and, whether a
Jew of Palestine or not, yet intimately connected with the language^
the topography, the idioms of Palestine, and familiar even with the
habits and associations of a native Jew. And the argument from thi»
evidence is rendered so much the stronger, because, in all or most of
those respects which characterize a native Jew, St. Mark agrees %yith
GresweU'i Harmony and Dissertations^ W
St. Matthew and St. John, who were unquestionably native Jewg,
and differs from St. Luke, who was unquestionably not a native
Jew. .... That St. Mark did not write for Jews, nor for persons pre-
viously acquainted with Judea, is not less apparent from the character
of his Gospel, compared with St. Matthew's ; but that he himself was
a Jew, or intimately familiar with Judea, does not admit of a question.
• . . Not to specify such remarkable passages in this Gospel, as, con-
trasted with similar passages in St. Matthew's, would prove this to
have been expressly written for Gentile belie vers-es such ; the frequency
of Latin terms or phrases clothed in Greek, (scarcely any of which
occur in the Gospel of St. Luke, and not so many in the Gospel of St.
Matthew, and still fewer in the Gospel of St. John,) would prove it to
have been designed for Roman converts in particular * It is no
objection that a Gospel, though written at Rome, should still have
been written in Greek; or, in other words, the hypothesis which
supposes St. Mark's Grospel to have been originally published in Latin,
is unnecessary as well as untenable. The Epistle to the Romans is a
case in point ; and yet that was written in Greek ; and such was the
1>revalence of this language almost every where, that even in Gaul, the
aw proceedings were carried on in Greek ; bargains of every kind were
indited in Greek ; and the Roman Satirist could say,
*' Nunc totus Graias nostrasque habet orbis Athenas,
Gallia causidicos docuit ^unda Britannos,
De oonducendo loquitur jam rhetore Thule."
' It is much to be doubted, whether the Latin language, even in the
Roman dominions, was ever so generally in use ; in which case, both
the perpetuity and the utility of a Gospel, though composed at Rome,
were best consulted by composing it, not in Latin, but in Greek.'
Vol. I. pp. 79 ; 80, 1 ; 98. 9.
Mr. Greswell, by a series of ingenious deductions, endeavours
to establish the strong probability, that St. Mark'*s Gospel was
composed or published at Rome about a.d. 54. To St. Matthew^s,
he is disposed to assign a date about twelve years earlier. The
reasons given for this conjecture are not very satisfactory, although
the opinion is sanctioned by ancient authorities, and is in ac^
eordance with probability. By the eleventh or twelfth of Nero,
at all events, ^ there was no Apostle left in Judea, by whom a
* Hebrew Gospel might have been written : the Hebrew Church
^ itself had been, for a time, dispersed ; for the Jewish war was
* begun .'* Our Author adopts and vindicates the tradition, that St.
Matthew^'s Gospel was written originally in the vernacular
language of Palestine, improperly called Hebrew. The disap-
pearance of the genuine Hebrew Gospel is accounted for on the
* Several instances of this kind are given. The most decisive, the
Author thinks, are the two explanations — Xj9rr« Ivo' o Wn xo^^aivrriq —
and, uvXri<i' o lain tpoutu fiop : which are ' manifestly intended to render
something intelligible, as it would seem, to the ideas of Romans ; nor
does any thing like them occur in the other Gospels.'
13 GreswelTs Harmony and DUsertaiions.
Bupposition, that the authority of the translation was known and
acknowledged from the first, as equal to that of the original;
which it would be, if rendered into Greek by one of the Apostles.
According to Athanasius, it was translated by * James the Loid*s
Brother,^ while another less credible tradition assigns it to St
John. Mr. Greswell ventures the novel conjecture, that St
Mark translated the Hebrew Gospel of St. Matthew, and wrote
his own supplementary to it. The ingenious reasoning by which
this supposition is supported, we shall transcribe.
' No supposition is better calculated to explain whatever there is in
St. Mark's Gospel peculiar to that, as compared with St. Matthew's,
and yet, what tnere is in common in both ; what it agrees in with bis,
and what it diifers in from his ; their verbal coincidences, both in the
historical and in the discursive parts, throughout ; — the deviation from
St. Matthew in the arrangement of some detached fiEu:ts^ with an ab-
solute coincidence in the general outline of the whole ; — the circum-
stantiality of detail in the history of miracles, and the conciseness in
the report of discourses^ which are the reverse of each other in each ;-^
the omission of nothing by St. Mark, recorded by St. Luke, which is
not also omitted bv St. Matthew ; — ^^he very supplementary relation of
St. Mark's Gospel to St. Matthew's : — all whicn things are critically
characteristic of one Gospel adapted to another, — of St. Mark's Grees
adapted to St. IMatthew's by a common hand, as the author of the one,
and the translator of the other ; and forming both tc^ther, and always
designed to form, neither more nor less than one work. If there ia any
difference between them in certain proprieties of idiom, confined to either
respectively, this may be explained on the principle that, in his own
Gospel, St. Mark would ^vrite in his natural character; in translating St.
Matthew, he would be restricted to that of his original. The same con-
jecture solves the problem concerning the origin of the Greek Grospelof St.
Matthew more satisfactorily than any which has yet been aavanced,
and brings Irenseus's testimony (respecting its date) as near as possible
to the truth. . . • The Translator must have been some one of equal
authority with St. Matthew himself: otherwise his translation could
never have superseded the original. The translator of St. Matthew's
Gospel, too, not merely from the great variety of Hebrew words and
phrases simply clothed in Greek, which the translation exhibits, but
from certain isolated expressions more remarkable than others, which
may be cited from it, shews plainly that, in translating from Hebrew
into Greek, he was translating from a language which was his own,
into a language which was not. Thus Matt. v. 22. 'paaei — Ma;^/—
both Hebrew words, would not have been suffered to remain in their
original form by any but a native Jew, or one fully acquainted with the
native language; nor. Matt, xxiii. 15. rri» In^ay have been opposed, by
way of discrimination, to t*}* Qa^iaa-a-avy except under the same circum-
stances. No Greek, translating Hebrew, would have transferred this
idiom into his own language, when he might so easily have written tqv
y^f. The Latin terms, which occur in this Gospel, (as Koipdyrri^, fAiXior,
H^fO^^, xof(rT*'o/a, v^atT^'^ioir, ?ieywf, /utooto;, Sfifx^tof, o^aa^toy,) though
they are not all peculiar to it, and might have become current where-
Greswell^fl Harmony and Dissertations. 13
ever the Roman empire had been established, may yet be some pre«
sumptive argument that this was translated, as St. Mark's was com-
posed, at Rome. And the coincidence between them in the use of
such remarkable words as ayye^fva-ui, ^^otyeXXua-g^i, ko\o ffucai, and the
like, serves equally to render it probable that the translator of the one
and the author of the other were the same. Nor is it an improbable
conjecture, that this same person, besides being a Jew, and intimately
fiamiliar with Judea, might yet be a Roman citizen, or one of the order
of Libertini, numbers of whom were resident at Rome. This sup-
position is in unison with the name of St. Mark, which at least is
Roman, and not Jewish/ Vol. I. pp. 122 — 124.
That Mark, * the reputed convert of St. Peter,' and the author
of the Gospel, was not the same person as John Mark, the
nephew of Barnabas, Mr. GreswcU regards as decisively certain ;
in which opinion he differs from Jer. Jones, Lightfoot, Wetstein,
and Lardner. Cave, Grotius, Du Pin, and Tillemont are on his
side.
Whoever St. Mark was, and whoever was the translator of St.
Matthew'*8 Gospel, the verbal agreement between the translated
Gospel of St. Matthew and the ori^nal composition of St. Mark,
can be accounted for only on one of two suppositions ; either that
St. Mark had seen, and designedly accommodated 'his own
Gospel to that of the former Evangelist, or that both derived
their materials in common from some primary document. The
latter is the hypothesis embraced by Michaelis and some of the
most eminent German critics ; and on a former occasion^, an
opinion was expressed in this Journal, favourable to the general
theory. Mr. Greswell maintains, however, that although the
verbal coincidences may be accounted for on this hypothesis, it
does not account for ' the supplemental arrangement of facts,'*
St. Matthew'^s Gospel being taken in conjunction with St. Mark's,
there are clearly omissions in the former, which are, he contends,
as plainly supplied by the latter. Of this description, he enu-
merates the following, which our readers will be able to verify and
estimate by an examination of the passages referred to.
' I. Omissions which concern integral facts : e. g. the first instance of
our Saviour's teaching afier the commencement of his ministry in
Gralilee, followed by the miracle on the demoniac in the synagogue at
Capernaum ; the account of a circuit in the neighbourhood of the lake
of Galilee ; that most important event, the ordination of the twelve
apostles t; one additional parable among those which were first de-
• Eel. Rev. VoL I. Third Series, p. 417. Art. Schleimacher on the
Gospel of Luke.
t This is not omitted by St. Matthew, (See ch. z. 1.) although St.
Mark may be thought to be more specific in his account. Mr. GresweU^
however, detaches Matt. x. 1. from its connexion, and transposes it as
parallel to Mark vi. 7*
14 Greswell'^s Harmony a^ul DisMertatiofu.
livered ; two miracles performed at Bethsaida in Decapolis ; and three
personal manifestations of Our Lord after his resurrection: all whidi
things the Harmony will exhibit in their proper places.
' II. Besides those instances, where a concise account of St. Mat-
thew's is expanded into a circumstantial detail by St. Mark, the latter
is frequently so accommodated to the other, as to end where he begins,
or, vice versa, to begin where he ends. Mark ix. 33 — 50. concludei
where ]\Iatt. xviii. 1 —35. begins. — Mark vii. 25. takes up Matt. xr.
24 — Mark vii. 32—37* comes in exactly between Matt. xv. 29. aad
XV. 30 — Mark viii. 12. concludes Matt. xvi. 1-^4. — Markviii. 19, 20l
follows on Matt. xvi. 10 — And, what is among the most strikinf
instances of all, Mark, xvi. 5 — 8., in his account of that event, begins
precisely where Matthew, xxviii. 6. in his account just before had
made an end.
'III. In such cases, and especially where the one narratire ccm*
tinues or is continued by the other, St. Mark, it is manifest, pre-
supposes St. Matthew, and without that supposition would scarcely be
intelligible: of which Mark viii. 12. is a remarkable instance; for it
passed altogether in private, after the answer to the demand, as re*
corded by St. Matthew, xvi. I — 4., had been returned in public. It is
clear that the exordium of the narrative at Mark iii. 22. presupposes
the fact of a recent dispossession, and, without that, would be utterly
inconceivable ; yet, this dispossession is related by St. Matthew only,
xii. 22.
'IV. Even in their common accounts, something is often supplied
by St. Mark, critically explanatory of something in St. Matthew.
Mark iii. 21. serves this purpose for Matt. xii. 46. — Mark iii. 22. and
iii. 30, ascertaining the fact of a double blasphemy, one against the
Spirit, and one against the Saviour, serve it still more so for Matt. xiL
24. and xii. 31 — 37.> which is directly founded on that distinction.-—
Mark iv. 10. explains the circumstances under which Matt. xiii. 18 —
23. was delivered. Mark x. 35. compared ^vith Matt. xx. 20., ex-
plains Matt. XX. 21., which, without that, would not be so apparent.
The same observation would hold good of numerous passages besides,
if my limits would permit me now to cite them.
' V. Closely as St. Mark adheres to St. Matthew, one object is still
kept in view by him throughout; to rectify his transpositions, to
ascertain what he had left indefinite, and to fill up his numerous
circumstantial omissions. No two Gospels, in all these respects, could
be more the afTi(rToix» of each other ; while, in the general outline,
they are absolutely upria-T^et*
*' Hac in re scilicet una
Multum dissimiles, at csetera paene gemelli."
' VI. The very deficiencies in St. Mark, or the consideration of
what St. Matthew possesses, which is not to be found in St. Mark, by
implying a tacit reference to the Gospel of St. Matthew, confirm,
rather than invalidate the same conclusion. There is one such omission
relating to their common accounts of the resurrection and of the manifest-
ations of Christ ; the account of the manifestation in Galilee, which is
almost the only one related by St. Matthew, and must have been in-
Greswell^s Harmony and Dissertations, 15
i %entionally omitted bj St. Mark. . . . But his most regular omissions
I are in the account of Our Saviour's discourses, where, in a Gospel
composed^ as his was, for the instruction of Gentile converts, especially
I in the account of Our Lord's moral discourses^ it was a priori to be
■ expected he would have been the most full.
II ' VII. The verbal coincidences which are found in the text of these
■I two Evangelists^ are so numerous^ that, in a Harmony duly arranged,
J they may be discovered in every page. What is most to be observed,
B they appear in the simple narrative part, as well as in the account of
i discourses .... It is observable also, that these verbal coincidences
B are much more perceptible between St. Matthew and St. Mark, than
f between either and St. Luke; the best proof of which is, that, even
f where all the three are going along together, St. Mark may still be
found adhering verbatim to St. Matthew, when St. Luke departs from
both . . . Nor can I discover any very striking idiom of St. Matthew,
which may not be found also in St. Mark.* — Vol. I. pp. 24-28.
In combating the objections which may be urged against this
view of the supplementary character of the Gospels of St. Mark
and St. Luke, Mr. Greswell adverts to the verbal disagreements^
which equally require to be accounted for. Had a later Evan-
gelist seen and transcribed from an earlier, it may be thought
that he would have retained what he transcribed, without any
verbal alterations. This objection, Mr. Greswell replies, as-
sumes, that a later Evangelist might not be as independent an
authority as an earlier ; and that a prior Gospel roust have re-
corded the whole of what was said, exactly as it was said. But,
as regards Our Lord^s discourses, every account contained in the
Gospels, is a translation of what was actually said ; and in the
terms of a translation, alterations afiecting the language, but not
the sense, might be freely made.
' If St. Matthew's Gospel was written in the language which Our
Saviour spoke, it is possible that it might often have retained the very
words which he spoke. But, in the present Gospels, there are only
three pure and unmixed instances of wnich this assertion would holi
good: — Talitha cumi (Mark, v. 41); Ephphatha (Mark, vii. 34); and
Eli, Eli, lama sahachthani (Matt, xxvii. 46.; Mark, xv. 34). If St.
Mark, then, retains the language of St. Matthew in some respects,
and deviates from it in others, it must be remembered, that he de«
viates from a translation of what was actually spoken ; and whether,
in so doing, he approaches nearer to, or recedes nirther from, the ori-
ginal, no one now can undertake to say. The same would be true of
St. Luke, who, in such instances, where he differs from St. Mark,
differs from St. Matthew also. Yet, among all these examples of oc-
casional verbal differences amidst remarkable verbal agreements, it is
easy to discover that, while the sense remains the same, some new
beauty, force, or propriety is introduced by the change : in which case,
it is hardly to be considered as an objection, that the original, in some
minute respects, was not already so perfect, so elaborated ad umbili-
cum, that it cotdd admit of no improvement from the copy.' [^After
16 Gresweirs Harmony and DisseriaHons.
adducing several examples, Mr. O. adds:]] ' By far tbe mater part of
the variations in question are resolvable into the principle of ellipsis,
or the supplement of fresh matter ; many are purely synonymoiu ;
many, the fruit of mere compendium of speech ; others, on the con-
trary, of amplification. Even where the dinerence is greatest in wordsi
there is still an agreement in the sense.' Vol. I. pp. 43, 44.
Our limits will not allow us to detail the whole of the ingenious
criticisms and reasonings which are adduced in support of the
Author^s hypothesis. That St. John'^s Gospel is of a supple-
mental character, will be readily admitted ; and if so, he must
have been acquainted with the preceding ones, although be does
not specifically refer to them as authorities. The silence, then, of
St. Mark with regard to the first Gospel, and of St. Luke with
respect to those of Matthew and Mark, is no objection. The
Gospel of St. John consists entirely of independent matter ; and
^ what St. Mark possesses akin to St. Matthew'^s, abounds in so much
^ more of detail, compared with that, that even in their common
^ narrations it may be said to go along by itself Yet, had the
later Evangelists seen the writings of their predecessors, it may
be urged, that they would have avoided all appearance of contra-
diction or discrepancy. Mr. Greswell replies to this objection,
that the existence of such discrepancies is a gratuitous assump-
tion ; that the appearance of contradiction has, in many instances,
been produced by confounding together distinct, though similar
transactions ; in which case, the blame attaches not to the ambi-
guity of tbe Evangelist, but to the hallucination of the critic;
and that, admitting the supplemental character of the later Gos-
pels, ' what appears to be contradiction, is seen to be really ex-
^ planation, and, instead of confusing and perplexing', dears up
* and ascertains.**
' The writers of these common accounts were too well aware of thdr
mutual agreement and consistency, to be afraid of the effects of col-
lision : they neither apprehended it themselves, nor supposed it would
be imputed to them by others. In all such instances, they either
borrow light, or they communicate it ; they are as critically adapted to
each other in what they omit, as in what they supply ; sometimes pre-
supposing the circumstances already on record, preliminary to their
own accounts ; at other times, connecting, separating, or defining the'
old by additional particulars. That they have done this without pro-
fessing to be doing it, ought to be no objection.' Vol. I. p. 38.
Account for it as we may, Mr. Greswell remarks, there are
transpositions in St. Matthew'^s Gospel, ^from which a later
^ Evangelist would be at liberty to depart, which may be ad-
^ mitted without injury to the credibility of St. Matthew, but
* which cannot be denied without the utmost danger to the au-
* thority of St. Mark or of St. Luke.' It is no more necessary to
assume, that, because a prior Evangelist was an eye-witness or
^
Gr^eweirs Harmony and Dissertations, 17
ear-witness of what he records, he would give an account of it
in strict chronological order, than to suppose that one who was
not an eye-witness would do the contrary. But, if St. Matthew^s
immediate object, and the structure of his Gospel, did not require
him to observe chronological exactness, it is the more probable
that those who came after him, and whose object was to set forth
the facts relating to the life and ministry of Our Lord **in order ^,
would be found to deviate from his inexact order; nor is it likely
that they would depart from it with sufficient reason and evidence.
The following remarks claim transcription.
'^ In short, it cannot be denied^ that the Gospel of St. Matthew ex-
hibits the evidence of two facts ; one, of great scantiness of detail in
the purely narrative parts: the other, of great circumstantiality in
the discursive. In the former, then, there was clearly room fur sup-
plementary matter ; but, in the latter, except on one supposition — that
much of what had been so minutely related by him once at a certain
time and place, came over again at another — there was little or none.
Now, in favour of this supposition^ it is a remarkable coincidence,
first, that all those parts, or nearly all, in the Gospel of St. Luke^
about whose identity with corresponding parts in St. Matthew's a
question is commonly raised, are the accounts of discourses as such :
secondly, that they all, or nearly all, occur in parts of the Gospel of
St. Luke, the corresponding periods to which in the Gospel of St.
Matthew, are total blanks. Now where was matter omitted by St.
Matthew from its resemblance to what he had recorded before, so
hkely to have been omitted as here ? And what reason was so likely
to have produced the blanks in his Gospel as this — because it did oc-
cur, and might best be omitted, here ? Where, on the other hand,^
was a supplementary Gospel so likely to abound in fresh matter as-
here also ?" Vol. L pp • 45, &.
The reader will perhaps have to complain,^ on this and other
occasions, of a want of clearness in Mr. Gresweirs style; and
this fault is rendered more conspicuous by the defective punctua-
tion. With regard to the conclusiveness of his reasonings, we
reserve our decision, till we shall have brought under the reader'^s
notice, the application of the Author^s principles to the text of
the Evangelists, in the Harmony itself. This must be reserved
for a future article* In the mean time, we may remark, that Mr.
GreswelFs hypothesis has at least this great advantage in its
favour ; that it satisfactorily accounts for our having four Gos-
pels, and only four. ^ Admit that, on any account, St. Matthew'^s
* Gospel was not a complete history of the Christian ministry^
* and we explain the origin of St. Mark''s : admit that even both
* were not sufficient, and we assign a reason for St. Luke'^s : ad-
^ mit that all the three contained omissions, and we account for
' the addition of St. John'^s. But why, it may be asked, was the
first Gospel left so incomplete.'^ It seems to us, that Mr. Gres-
well would have strengthened his argument, had he shewn that
VOL. IX. — N.s. c
18 Gresweirs Harmony and Diasertatians.
each Gospel bears the internal marks of adaptation to a specific
period and purpose, in reference to which it is complete and suf-
ficient. For, though it may be objectionable ' to consider the
* final end of any of the Gospels as purely temporary, and to
' account for its structure upon that ground,' it is perfectly allow-
able and rational to regard the primary purpose as related to the
circumstances and object of the writer, and to account for its
structure by its adaptation to that immediate design. Mr. Gres-
well does not, he says, ^ deny that each of the Gospels must have
* sufficed for its proper purpose."*
' But if in this position it itt implied, that the proper purpose of
any one of the Gospels was, to be complete and sufficient inaepend-
ently of the rest, it assumes the point at issue: for this proper purpose
may have been just the reverse, — to be complete along with the rest,
ana not to be independent of them, but to presuppose them. Aad
either of these cases, ii priori, was just as possible as the other. No
one could undertake to say for what particular use and purpose any
one of the Gospels was written, unless this use and purpose had been
previously declared by the Gospel itself; which is actually true of 8t.
Luke's Gospel only, and even virtually, of none but St. John's
besides.' p. 55.
Here the learned Writer has, we think, suffered his eagerness
to establish the main hypothesis, to betray him into rash and in-
consequential assertion. It is surely quite possible to determine,
if not with certainty, yet with high probability, from internal evi-
dence, the use and purpose for which each Gospel was primarily
intended ; so as to judge of its completeness aud sufficiency for
that purpose, and to account for its structure on that ground.
There would be no presumption in undertaking to explain and il-
lustrate that primary purj)ose. Nevertheless, as the Author
afterwards contends, ^ though a particular Gospel might be wrH-
^ ten for a particular purpose, this would not invalidate the pos-
* sible truth of its supplementary relation to others'*; (the first
excepted ;) nor would it prove that *' the instruction of a con-
* temporary, and the perpetual benefit of future ages, might not
* both be consulted in the same provision.^ But the specific pijor-
pose of the Writer is one thing ; and the design of Divine Pro-
vidence in overruling the specific purpose of each writer for a
common final end, is another thing. We might as well suppose
that St. Paul, in writing his first Epistle to the Corinthians, did
not immediately consult the benefit of the Church of Corinth,
but constructed his letter with the express design^ that that
Epistle might, together with the second and the other canonical
epistles, written or to be written, form a complete provision for
the necessities of the Church in all ages : we might as rationally
suppose this, as that St. Matthew wrote his Gospel, not imme-
diately for the benefit of the Christian believers in Palestine, but
GreswclFs Harmony and Dissertations. 1^
to iDe<?t the necessities of the Church in later ages ; conscious
that it would be insufficient or incomplete without supplements
from other hands. The Author'^s reasoning implies this absurd-
ity ; and yet, his argument does not require it. Absolute com-
pleteness does not attach to either of the Gospels, nor to all four
collectively. The relative completeness of each, can be judged
of only in reference to its specific purpose. If that purpose had
a supplemental relation to a prior document, then its complete-
ness must be judged of in connexion with that previously incom-
plete history, lluf, though not complete, each might be sufficient
for its particular purpose, and perfectly adapted to that purpose ;
while the concurrent accounts, mutually illustrative and in a
sense supplemental, are sufficient for the common and final end
for which the Holy Spirit overruled the immediate purpose of
the sacred writers.
That St. Mark should not have seen St. Matthew s Gospel, is
so utterly incredible, that we are surprised how such a notion
sliould have been seriously maintained. Having seen it, it is
equally incredible that he should not have consulted it. And
that he should have done so, and made use of it, is surely a more
natural supposition, and not less compatible with the credibility,
independence, and inspiration of St. Mark, than that Matthew,
MarK, and Luke drew their materials, independently and without
concert, from an imaginary Tr^urtvayyiy^iov^ or from floating, un-
arranged, unauthoritative documents. Upon this point, Mr.
Gresweirs observations are, we think, quite conclusive.
' It is considered as no objection to the credibility of St. John, even
when he goes along with the first three Gospels, that he had seen and
was acquainted with them; and I would inquire of those who feel
any alarm on this score^ whether^ if they knew that St. Mark had re-
peatedly heard or conversed with St. Matthew, they would think him,
en that account, less competent to write a Gospel. Instead of thisy
they must say he would be more so. I would inquire again^ then,
what difference there could be between hearing and conversing with
St. Matthew, and reading his work ? Would not the one be as good
and as authentic a source of information as the other ? Is the credi-
bility of St. Mark increased, the more of the original eye-witnesses
and ear- witnesses of the Gospel he had personally seen and heard ?
Is it all at once impaired, if he had penisea a Gospel by any of them }
The truth is, unless every one of the first three Gospels was composed
at the same time and in different places, it would be a moral imjiossi*
bility, that St. Matthew's Gospel could actually have been in exist-
ence before St. Mark wrote his, and yet not be known to him ; and
equally so, that, if known to him before he wrote his own, it could
have been deliberately disregarded by him when he was writing it.
The same impossibility will hold good of St. Luke ; so that, except
on the supposition before mentioned, we could not, however much we
might consider it necessary^ keep a later Evangelist in ignorance of
c 2
20 Greswell'*8 Harmony and Diasertafions^
the existence of a prior. But, in fact, the whole basis of this imagm-
ary danger is overthrown by the supplementary relation of the later
Gospels : it is peculiar to that relation, both to imply the existence of
prior, and yet to derive no authority from them.* Vol. I. p. 62.
The preface to St. Luke's Gospel refers to a plurality of
narratives, the composition of persons who had derived their
information from the original witnesses and ministers of the
Gospel : expressions which clearly exclude the apostolic Gospels.
Yet, had St Matthew'^s been a regular and orderly history, (to
say nothing of St. Mark'^s,) it would create a difficulty, that St«
Luke should nevertheless have deemed it necessary to furnish «
new and more accurate narrative, and that he should have taken
no direct notice of the existence of such an authentic document.
The proof from internal evidence, that St. Luke was acquainted
with the first Gospel, is, we must think, by no means so strong as
that St. Mark consulted and followed it. Still, St. Luke^s very
acquaintance with the various apocryphal or unauthoritative
histories, renders it in the highest degree improbable that he
should not have seen the only true proto-evangelion^ the Gospel
of St. Matthew. But so little that is directly historical is con-
tained in that Gospel, or even in St. Mark'^s, that St. Luke might
well consider himself as entering upon ground totally unoccupied
by the prior Evangelists. St. Luke is the only historian of the
New Testament. His Gospel may be said to contain supplemental
information, as his second book, the Acts, may be regarded as
supplemental to St. PauPs Epistles ; but its character is not that
of a supplemental document. It is not, like St. Mark'^s, merely a
new edition, as it were, of the first Gospel, more orderly, circum*
stantial, and complete, and adapted to Gentile converts, but, a
work of a difTorent kind, independent and original, and comprising
facts and dates with which tne other Evangelists do not concern
themselves. That he repeats so little of what St. Matthew has
recorded; that he seems even to avoid copying him ; that he gives
a different genealogy of Our Lord ; that he introduces few parables
but such as St. Matthew had omitted ; — all tend to prove that he
was well acquainted with St. Matthew's Gospel, and that he had
no thought of su|>ersedinff it, while they snew that he drew his
information from indepenaent sources. In point of chronology,
St. Luke's must of necessity form the basis of a Gospel history*
To suppose him to have neglected onler in the narration of events,
is to discredit his own pretensiouM, and to ini)>each his credibility.
No other Evangelist makes similar claims to historical accuracy.
But the order of events, and the order of matter, are not the same
thing. The most accurate historian may introduce anecdotes,
without r^ard to the particular date * ' i ; and the structure
of all the Gospels, Mr. G 'ell nnecdotal.'* And
we know of no law ^ lires the strict
s.
GrcsweU's Harmony and DlBsertations. 21
• observance of chronological series in introducing specimens of the
■ sayings and discourses of the subject of the memoir. While,
■ therefore, we should rely upon the historical precision of this
Evangelist in the detail and order of facfs^ we should deem it far
i more safe for the Harmonist generally to adhere to St. Matthew
i in the arrangement of Our Lord'^s sayings and discourses, with
I the precise occasion, date, and scene of which, (immaterial to &
K history,) an eye-witness only could be perfectly and accurately
I acquainted. And if, in giving these, St. Matthew has not
. adhered to chronological order, but has brought together such
minor and illustrative occurrences, or sayings, as were distinct and
separate in point of time, ^ out of defierence to certain principles
^ of association,*" we may safely infer, that the time and order in
which they occurred, are of no. absolute importance. In fact, the
connexion of subject which suggested them to the Evangelist,
may be far more important than the connexion of time and place ;
and there is no small danger lest, in transpositions intended to
harmonize the chronological order, violence siiould be done to the
intention of the inspired Writer and to the general scope of the
passage. Plagrant instances of this kind might be adduced from
most of our Harmonies ; and few indeed are the transpositions
which do not involve injury to the context. How far Mr.
Greswell has steered clear of this species of violence to the sacred
text, we shall see hereafter. We shall for the present take leave
of the subject, by exhibiting in a tabular view, the results, in part
of Mr. Gresweirs researches, in part of our own Biblical studies,
as to the distinctive characteristics of the Four Gospels.
V
X
22
GreswelFs Harmony and Dissei'tatione*
St. Matthrw's
Gospel.
l^Mtten about a.d. 42.
St. Mark's Gospxl.
Written about a.d. 54.
St. Lukk's (iospcl.
Written about a.d. 60.
In Palestine, for the
use of Jewish believer*.
Originally in Syro-Chal-
dee. Translated, pro-
bably, by Mark (or
James), about a.d. 54.
Style of Transl. He-
braistic Greek; closety
resembling St. Mark's.
Purpose and scope.
To esublish the le^^al
genealofcy of Our Lord
as the Heir of David ;—
to vindicate from Jeuh-
Uh cavils the circum-
stances of his birth and
despised condition ; — to
shew the entire corre-
spondence of every part
of his character, con-
duct, circumstances,
and sulIMnffs, to the
Crtdictions of the Jew-
>h Scriptures ;— to ex-
hibit specimens of his
preaching and doctrine:
— in a word, to estab-
lish his Divine autho-
rity as greater than
Moses, and the evl-
dcnce of his being
Messiah.
CharaeteritttcM : Ex-
treme conciseness In
noticing fkcts. Fre-
quent appeal to Old
Testament prophecies
and precedents. The
fullest report of Our
Lord's disoottisea.
Contents: Genealogy
of Jesus. Miraculous
birth. Visit of the
Magi- Massacre at
Bethlehem. Flight in-
to Egypt. Public ap-
pearance of the Fort-
runner. Baptism and
probationary tempta-
tion of our Lord. His
Public Ministry from
the time of his return
to Galilee after the im-
prisonment of John,
at which time this Evan-
gdist's acquahitance
with the Lord com-
menced. Betrayal,
Trial, and Crucifixion
of Jesus. Resurrection,
and public appearance
InGdLilee.
At Rome (or Alexan-
dria), for the use of
foreign Jews and Gen-
tile converts. The
Writer a native Jew,
intimately acquainted
with the topography
and idkims of Pales-
tine. Style, a Hebrais-
tic Greek.
—To give a brief out-
line of the leading fscts
and characteristic fea-
tures of orr Lonfs
Imblic mhiistry in Gali-
ce: omitting such al-
lusions and passages
as would exclusively
interest the Jews, and
adding explanatory
phrases and circum-
stances for the inform-
ation of Gentile Chris-
tians. The miracles of
Our Lord are more pro-
minently adduoMi, tnan
his character as a teach-
er, and the correspond-
ence between the facts
and the predictions.
Condseneu and exact-
ness, yet more cirrum*
stantial and specific in
many parts of the nar-
rative than St. Mat-
thew. More exact ar-
rangement of fSscts.
Omissi(m of the dis-
courses. Frequent La-
tinisms.
Precursive mbilstry
of John. Baptism of
Our Lord. Public mi-
nistry of Christ in Ga-
lilee from the Impri-
sonment of John.
Events of the Passion
week. The Crucifixion.
Resurrection. Mani-
festation. Ascension.
Place uncertain : pro-
bably Achala. The
Writer a Gen*ile. the
Companion ofSt.Paul;
supposed tu have been
a native of Antioch, by
profession a physician.
Style, the purest
Gre^ of the sacred
Writers; copious and
flowing.
— To give an authentic
and orderly relation ot
the facts believed
among Christians: com-
mencing with the pa-
rentage and birth of
Our Lord's forerunner;
and carrying on the his-
torical account with
chronological exactnea
to the Ascension.
St. Jornv*!
Written abt
At Epb
Apostle, a G
the disciple
sus loved. '
the Church!
Style,
Greek, but i
and facile tl
Mark.
— To prove
Is the Son o
believers mj
through his
confutation
heresiea. 1
additional pi
Our Lord's p
ing and vat
iutertx>urse i
ciples; and t
the eventa i
the other 1
To portray
glory of th4
character. *'
corpus in mm
runttJo^atu
Historical accuracy
and exactness in the re-
cord of events. More
of artificial order and
classification of subject.
Specification of circum-
stances of general and
political interest. Sup-
plemental relations.
Circumstances re-
lating to the birth of
John the Baptist. The
Annunciation. The
Nativity. The Cir-
cumcision. Early life
of Our Lord. Date of
John's ministry ; his
preaching, testimony
to Chrbt, and Impri-
sonment. Baptism of
Our Lord: his nge at
the commencement of
his ministry ; lineal
descent trota David by
his mother. Tempta.
tion. Public ministry
of Our Lord in Galilee,
and in Judea. Trans-
actions at Jerusalem
during the Passion-
week. Particulars of
the Crucifixion, Resur-
rectkm. Manifestation,
and Ascension.
Perspicai^
thos of sty(
phical mlnut)
plemental d
the narrative
spedmenaof
ttrgutmenttttn
courses. Cc
ference to hi
as the Son o<
Profim, tea
pre-existence
of the Wor
made flesh,
and testimoi
the Baptist,
tlons which
between the
tion and O
f>ubUc minfa
mprisonmcn
Visit to Jen;
discourse wit
there. DIaoc
sionedby the
the kMves
naum. Seca
Jeriisalem;
and miracl
Third visit,
Laaarus. Fii
to Jeruaalcn
dictory disco
the disciple
Prayer. Tri
flxion. Rei
ManlfcatatlM
(To b€ cantimied.}
:n^
( 23 )
Art. 11.— Memoir of Felix Neff, l>asloroflke High Alp.t; and of lii»
Laboiin among the French Protestants of Duuphin^, a Remnant
of the primitive Christians of Gaul. By William Stephen Gilly,
M<A. Prebendary of Durham and Vicar of Norham. 8to>
pp. 342. Price Us. 6d. I^ndon, 1832.
J OT merely this volume, but the pious labours which it
records, may be said to have been in part ori^nated by the
interesting memorials of the life of the Pastor Oberhn. The cha-
racter of Oijerlin ' was Nefi^s delight and his model ; and if,' says
Mr. Giily, ' it did nut first awaken his desire to become eminent
* in the same way, it confirmed his good resolutions.'
' The Pastor of the Alps had by some means become acquainted
vith the history of the Pastor of the Vosges, and of his improvements
in the Ban de la Roche. Several publications had noticed Oberlin's
benelicia] labours in his mountain parish ; and ^^eff's bosom glowed
with a noble emulation to imitate his doings. Therefore, without
denoting in the lea.st degree from Neff's merits, it may be said, that
much of his usefuhiess may be attributed to the practical lesson which
Obtrlin bad previously taught . . . The amiable Biographer who
collected the memorials of Oberlin, may enjoy the exquisite sacisfactioa
of believing, ihut her record of his blameless life and indefatigable
labours will be like a voice exclaiming in the ear^ of many who begin
to feel the pleasure of being useful, " Go thou and do likewise "; and
will thus be the means of perpetuating to future generations the in-
fluence of Oberlin's beneficent exertions, more effectually than any
monument tu his memory.' pp. 232, 3.
Mr. Gilly, the Author of the present Memoir, must be well
known to our readers, by his " Narrative of an Excursion to the
Mountains of Piedmont";* and his assiduous and persevering
Ieflurts on behalf of the Waldensian Church reflect the highest
.honour upon his Christian benevolence. In the course of his
ecclesiastical researches, he became convinced, * that the secluded
' glens of Piedmont are not the only retreats where the de-
' scendants of primitive Christians may be found.' His belief
that the Alpine provinces of France might still be harbouring
some of the descendants of the early Christians of Gaul, was
confirmed by a letter received in the winter of 1826, from the
Rev. Francis Cunningham, in which the meritorious labours of
Felix. Neft' were referred to; and he subsequently obtained from
that gentleman, * to whom the Protestant cause on the Continent
' owes much,' a memorial drawn up by Neff himself, of which the
Eubstancc is given in the Introduction tu the present memoir.
Long as it i- we cannot refrain from giving it entire.
In tho: : ti s, when the Dragon of whom St. John speaks,
f> t of the seed wliich kept the commandments
. Vol. XXVI. p. 5ao.
24 Memoir of Felio! Neffi
of Ood« and have the testimony of Jesus Christy some of those wba
escaped frum the edge of the sword, found a place of refuge among tbe
mountains. It was then, that the most ru^^ged valleys of the Frendi
. department of the High Alps, were peopled by the remains of those
primitive Christians, who, after the example of Moses, when he pre-
ferred the reproach of Christ to the riches of Egypt, changed their
fertile plains for a frightful wilderness. But fanaticism still pursued
them ; and neither their poverty nor their innocence, nor the glocien
and precipices among which they dwelt, entirely protected them ; sod
the caverns which served them for churches, were often washed with
their blood. Previously to the Reformation, the Valley of Fressini^
was the only place in France, where they could maintain their ground;
and even here, they were driven from the more productive lands^ and
were forced to retreat to the very foot of the glacier, where they built
the village of Dormilleuse. This village, constructed like an eagle'i
nest upon the side of a mountain, was the citadel where a small portioo
that was left, established itself, and where the race has continued
without any mixture with strangers to the present day. Others took
up their dwelling at the bottom of a deep glen called La Combe, t
rocky abyss to which there is no exit ; where the horizon is so bounded,
that, for six months of the year, the rays of the sun never penetrate.
These hamlets, exposed to avalanches and the falling of rocks, and
buried under snow half the year, consist of hovels, of which some are
without chimneys and glazed windows, and others have nothing hot i
miserable kitchen and a stable, which is seldom cleaned out more than
once a year, and where the inhabitants spend the greater part of tbe
winter with their cattle for the sake of the warmth. The rocks br
which they are enclosed, are so barren, and the climate is so severer
that there is no knowing how these poor Alpines, with all their
simplicity and temperance, contrive to subsist. Their few sterile fields
hang over precipices, and are covered, in places, with enormous bloda
of granite, whicn roll every year from the cliffs above. Some aeasoni.
even rye will not ripen there. The pasturages are, many of them, in-
accessible to cattle, and scarcely safe for sheep. Such wretched soil
cannot be expected to yield any thing more than will barely sustsin
life, and pay the taxes, which, owing to the unfeeling negligence of
the inspectors, are too often levied without proper consideration for
the unproductiveness of the land. The clothing of these poor creatoRi
is made of coarse wool, which they dress and weave themselves. Their
principal food is unsifted rye: this, they bake into cakes in the
autumn, so as to last the whole year.
' ** The revocation of the Edict of Nantes, in 1686, deprived thea
of their ministers, and we may judge what their condition must hate
been for many years ; but still, there was not a total famine of the
Word among them. They met together to read the Bible and to
sing psalms ; and although they had an ancient church in Dormiileote,
they were building a second in La Combe, which was not finished
when I first arrived there. Such was their situation when Pro-
vidence directed me to their valleys in 1823. They received me
most gladly ; they attended my preaching with eagerness, and gate
themselves up to my guidance in all that I undertook for their in-
Memoir of Felix Neff. 26
provement. The limits of this short notice will not permit me to
enter into any detail of my proceedings^ during the three years and a
half that I remained with them. I will merely state, that my in-
structions were not unproductive of good; that many young men
have been put in the way of opening schools during the winter ; that
the Sunday-schools have been frequented by adults who could not
profit by the lessons given in the day-schools open to younger persons,
tip to tnis period, the girls and the women had been almost entirely
neglected. With the assistance of subscriptions from foreigners, one
jschool-room has been built, and another is in preparation. Several of
the inhabitants have shewn a strong inclination to take advantage of
the information which I have given them on agriculture and ar<p
chitecture, and in the principles of some of the useful sciences, which
hitherto were utterly unknown to them. I have distributed many
Bibles, New Testaments, and other books of piety among them, which,
I have been pleased to find, were not only received with ffratitude,
but such as were sold were readily purchased at prime cost. In truth,
the religious knowledge communicated to them has been so blessed,
that you would not find in any part of France more genuine piety or
simplicity of manners. But still it can hardly be expected tnat this
improvement will be permanent, considering their physical, moral, and
religious condition, so long as they are without the ministration of
regular pastors. Up to the present time, the Valley of Fressiniere
has not a pastor of its own. It is served in connexion with the
churches of Val Queyras, which are ten leagues distant, on the other
side of the Durance, and are separated by a lofty range of mountains,
whose passes are not only very difficult, but absolutely dangerous in
the winter. The visits of the pastor are, therefore, necessarily few
and at long intervals; and the people are obliged to wait his con-
venience, until they can have their children baptized, the nuptial
blessing pronounced, or any of the church services performed. Moved
by the destitute condition of these mountaineers, who are endeared to
me not only by their own amiable disposition, but by their interesting
origin, I would most willingly devote myself to their service, and
submit to all manner of deprivation and fatigue as their pastor ; but
the frequent journeys from one church to another, in the Valleys of
Fressiniere and Queyras, have been too much for me ; and total ex^
haustion, proceeding from this cause and from a stomach complaint,
brought on by living on unwholesome food, have so disabled me, that I
am obliged to remove myself for the present, with very slight hopes of
ever being so restored as to be able to return.
' *^ At this juncture, when respect for the adherents of the primitive
doctrines and forms of Christianity has manifested itself so con-
spicuously in behalf of the Protestants of the Valleys of Piedmont, I
have thought it my duty to give publicity to the fact, that their
brethren of the French Alps are equally objects of interest, and
much more indigent, although they have Hitherto remained unknown
and unnoticed." ' pp. 5 — 10.
Anxious to know more both of this * Apostle of the Alps and
* of his flock,^ Mr. Gilly determined to visit the Val Fressini^e^
VOL. IX. N.S. D
26 Memoir of Feliv Neff,
on his way to or from Piedmont ; and he had the gratification of
traversing nearly the whole of the alpine diocese which was the
8])here of Nef!*^s pastoral labours; but that extraordinary man
had gone to his rest a few months before his Biographer arrived
at Dormilleuse. From the information collected on the spot,
together with other documents *, including NefTs own journals,
the present volume has been compiled.
Felix Neff was born in the year 1798, and was brought up in
a villafice near Geneva, under the care of his widowed mother.
The village pastor gave him instruction in the Latin language,
as well as in history, geography, and botany. Among the tern
books that were within his reach, Plutarch and Rousseau were
his favourites : the former, by making him acquainted with the
great heroes of antiquity, kindled his youthful ambition ; and
the writings of the latter encouraged' his love of nature and his
taste for mountain scenery. Military exploits and scientific re-
searches shared the visions of his boyhood ; and his character and
habits were thus formed in remarkable adaptation for the arduous
duties and hardships of his future station ^^ as a good soldier of
Jesus Christ.**'
* When it was time for NefF to select a profession, necessity or
choice, or perhaps both combined, induced him to engage himself to the
proprietor of a nursery-ground or florist-gardener ; and at sixteen, he
published a little treatise on the culture of trees. The accuracy and
arrangement of this juvenile work, and the proof of deep observatioa
which it manifested, were subjects of no small praise at the time. But
the quiet and humble walks of the florist's garden were soon exchanged
for the bustle of the garrison ; and at seventeen, Felix entered f as a
private into the military service of Geneva, in the memorable year 1815.
Two years afterwards, he was promoted to the rank of Serjeant of
artillery ; and having raised himself to notice by his theoretical and
practical knowledge of mathematics, he continued to make this brandi
of science his study during his continuance in the army. . . . Neff was
soon distinguished in the corps to which he belonged, not only as an
eflicient sub-oflicer, hut as a devoted soldier of the cross. The in-
fluence, however, which he hourly obtained over his comrades, excited
a degree of jealousy among the superior oflicers, which was far from
honourable to them. They wished him out of the service : he was too
religious for them ; and after a few years, the serious turn of his piind
became so marked, that he was advised to quit it, and to prepare him-
self for holy orders.' pp. 43 — 45.
* The Author acknowledg:es his obligati(ms to a small tract, entitled,
'* Notice snr Felix Neff, Pasteur darts les Hautes Alpes" A brief
memoir of Neff, chiefly translated from this tract, was given in the
Congregat. Mag. ftir April last.
t In a memoir referred to in a preceding note, it is stated, that Neflf
was * compelled to enrol himself in the garrison.'
Memoir of Felix Neff. 27
It would have been interesting to learn more distinctly the
means and mental process by which, amid circumstances and as-
sociations so unfavourable to piety, Neff first became awakened to
his own spiritual condition and to the paramount importance of
eternal interests. A deep and solemn examination of the motives
which had hitherto governed his conduct, appears to have led to
the overwhelming conviction, that he had come utterly short of the
primary obligations of a creature, and of the unchangeable re-
quirements of the law of God. The mental anguish produced by
this discovery, was augmented by his ignorance of the evangelical
doctrine. In this agony of spirit, he had recourse to prayer for
guidance and relief, and to the Bible itself, to the study of which
he devoted himself with fervent supplications for Divine illumina-
tion : * Make me, O God, to know thy truth ; and deign to ma-
' nifest thyself to my heart.** Such was his language ; and his
prayer was heard. Mr. Gilly states, that, on quitting the army,
Neff * placed himself under pious instruction and superintendence.'
Having offered himself as a candidate for ordination, he officiated
for some time as a probationer, or proposant ; first, in the neigh-
bourhood of Geneva, afterwards in the adjacent cantons, and, in
1821, at Grenoble. We should have been glad to learn further
particulars relating to this period of his life ; but all that is known,
or stated in the memoir, is comprised in these facts. He was in
his twenty-fourth year, and had not yet received ordination, when,
in 1821, he was invited to assist the Protestant pastor of Grenoble.
Having remained there about six months, his services were re-
quested at Mens, in the department of Isere, to supply the place
of an absent pastor ; and at the petition of the inhabitants to the
Consistory, he was nominated ' pastor-catechist ' on June 1, 1822.
His indefatigable zeal and faithful instructions were made useful
to many persons there, and endeared him to all. Having thus,
during four years, made proof of his ministry, he left Mens in
April 1823, with the intention of seeking ordination. But here a
difficulty presented itself.
' By whom should he be ordained ? By the authorities of the
National Church of Geneva, the land of his birth ? They had avowed
principles from which his soul shrunk ; and he felt a strong reluctance
to derive authority to preach the Gospel from those who, in his opinion,
had betrayed the Gospel, by ceasing to uphold the divinity of Jesus
Christ and the essential doctrines of the Book of Life. Should he
present himself before those seceding pastors of Geneva who had
separated from the National Church, ana who declared themselves the
members of a new Church ? A reference to Neff's letter on the subject
of national establishments, will shew that he w^s likely to have
scruples here.* p. 81.
The letter to which Mr. Gilly refers, explicitly maintains the
right of separation from the national Church, but at the same
d2
28 MtmtAr •/ JFWte Neff,
time expresses the Writer^a opinion in favour of EstaUisbmnits,
as ' uBeiiil tnBtitutionB.^ ' It ia necessary id my ojrinion,^ saya
NefT, ' at the same tims that ve r«C(^ise the rif^ht of a Christiaii
' to separate, (and it ia often absolutely expedient to do so,) to
' admit also, that there are many strong reasons to induce a ffreat
' number of the children of God to remain in connexion with the
' national church, so long as it does not compel them to profeaa
' or to teach a lie, and that it does not reject them from its boeom,
* because they are in unison with a more spiritual congregation.^
NelTs views on this subject were in entire coincidence with those
of Henry, Howe, Baxter, and the great body of the ejected
ministers. Yet, the step which he took, though not in direct op-
pontion to the National Church of Geneva, was one of very de-
cided dissent from it. He resolved to come to this country,
where his name and character had been made known through the
medium of the Continental Society, ' to ask for a public recov-
' nition as a devoted servant of God, in one of those independ-
* ent congregations whose ministers are received in the Protestant
' churches of France, as duly autboriied to preach the word of
* God and to fulfil all the duties of the pastoral office.'* Unac-
quainted with a word of English, he embarked on board a steam-
boat at Calais; on landing at Dover, consigned himself to a
night-coach ; and arrived in the Metropolis on a Sunday mom-
ing, with no other clew to guide him through the mazes of the
city, than a direction to the nouse of the Rev. Mr. Wilks. Af-
ter * puzzling out his way "" to his friend's abode, he found that
Mr. Wilks was not at home, and no one in the house could speak
French. He then contrived to find his way to the Protestant
French Church.
' The excetlent Mr. Scholl was the preacher at the chapel upon this
occasion ; and to him Neff addressed himself after the service, with
tbe modest request that he would direct him to an hotel where French
was spoken. Tlic wanderer's delight must have been excessive, when
Mr. Scholl kindly accosted him by name, and told him that he was
aware of the errand upon which he had come, and that every thing
should be done to promote his views. He was placed in comfortable
lodgings ; and, on the return of Mr. Wilks, he was introduced hj that
gentleman to the ministera who were to receive him into their body.
On the 19th of May, 1823, Netf, to use his own ternis, "re*
ceived a diploma in Latin, signed by nine ministers, of whom threo
were doctors in Theology, and one was a Master of Arts, and was or>
dained in a chapel in the Poultry in London." ' — pp. 68, 9.
We cannot refrain from remarking, that Mr. Gilly^s acanmt of
these transactions bespeaks a c lour and liberw^ of I '
highly honourable to nim as an i ' "^"*'"'~^^"
feu-, not many cburcbmeD w i
CMMO SoK anartiog th« e:
Memoir of Fetia Keff. 29
and for ituinuating their contempt for tlie congregatitmal poHty.
Neir lost no time in returning to the Bcenc of his paetoral 1a-
boun; and the aflectionate reception he met vith at Mens,
' would have been felt like a triumphal entrance by any but a
' person of his humble and unasEurninp; Bpirit.' The jealousy of
th« French Goveninient towards foreign preachers, rendered it
unadviaable, however, for him to remain there ; and he had
formed a strong desire to make the secluded and neglected re-
^on of the Alps the scene of his labours. With as much ardour
ss many would have sought the richest preferment, he longed to
become the Oberlin of the French Alps,
' " I am alwavfl dreaming of the High Alps," said he in a letter of
the 8th of Sept.' 1823 ; " and I would rather be Btstionfd there, than
in the placex which are under the beautiful sky of Languedoc. In
the higher Alpine region I Hhall be the only pastor, and therefore more
at liberty- In the nouth, I shall be embarrassed by the presence and
conflicting opinions of other pastors. With respect to the description
which B— — has given of these mountains, it may be correct as to
some places ; but still, the country bears a strong resemblance to the
Alps of Switierhuid. It haa its advantages and even its beauties. If
there ere wolves and chamois, there are also cattle and pasturage, and
glaciers, and picturesque snots, and ubove all, an energetic race of
people, intelligent, active, hardy, and patient under fatigue, who offer
a better soil for the Gospel, than the wealthy and corrupt inhabitants
of the plains of the South." '
At length, his ardent wishes were (Ratified. On the applica-
tion of the ciders of the Protestant churches of Val Queyras and
Val Fressiniere to the Consistory of Orpicrre, he was regularly
appointed their pastor; but difficulties occurred with respect to
some formalities requisite in order to his obtaining the Govern-
ment stipend ; so that his salary from the Continental Society,
of about fifty pounds a year, was his principal, if not sole main-
tenance.
NefTs journal haa noted the 16th of Jan. 1824, as the day on
which he arrived at Arvicux, to take possession of the habitation
provided for the pastor of the district. The parish of Arvieux,
one of the two ecclesiastical sections into which the department
c^ the High Alps is divided, comprises the two arrondUsemena
of Embruu and Brian^on. It extends sixty miles, in a straight
geographical line from east to west; but nearly eighty miles must
be traversed throi^h the windings of the mountains, in the jour-
ney from OP* eitre""' ""int to t other. Within this line are
Utuated sev ri containing between 600
and 700 Pni ■ di' into six distinct and distant
roupcs. '1 < ■ . wnich communicates directly
' '1 tlie f n by the pass of the Col
" ' tne sectioB of Arrienx.
30 Memoir of Felioa Neffi
This valley, extending from the foot of Monte Viso to Mont
Dauphin, comprises the whole length of the river Guil, to its
junction with the Durance, together with the lateral glens through
which descend the mountain torrents that fall into the Guil. The
western quarter of the section consists of the valley of Fressi-
niere, watered by a torrent which pours itself into the Durance
half-way between Brian^on and Embrun. Sixty miles of rug-
ged road must be trodden by the pastor stationed at La Chalp,
near Arvieux, before he can perform his duties at Champsaur, at
the eastern extremity of his parish. San Veran, at the opposite
extremity, is twelve miles west of La Chalp ; he has also a dis-
tance of twenty miles towards the south and of thirty-three to-
wards the north, when his services are required by the little flocks
at Vars and La Grave. The contrast which these savage defiles
on the wron^ side of the Alps, present to the Piedmontese val-
leys, is very striking. The latter are, for the most part, beau-
tifully diversified by green meadows and rich corn-fields ; the de-
clivities are clothed with thick foliage, and the innumerable flocks
and herds browsing on the mountain sides, present an animated
picture. They form, in fact, Mr. Gilly remarks, * a garden with
* deserts in view.** Some are barren and repulsive, but they are
exceptions.
' On the contrary, in the Alpine retreats of the French Protestants,
fertility is the exception, and barrenness the common aspect. There,
the tottering clilFs, the sombre and frowning rocks, which, from their
fatiguing continuity, look like a mournful veil which is never to be
raised, — the tremendous abysses, the comfortless cottages, and the ever
present dangers, from avalanches and thick mists and clouds,-- proclaim
that this is a land which man never would have chosen, even for his
hiding-place, but from the direst necessity.' — p. 113.
•
The Pass of the Guil, which is one of the keys of France on
the Italian frontier, presents scenery of the most terrible mag-
nificence, that might amply repay the summer traveller for the
fatigue of exploring this savage defile ; but, in winter, it is so
perilous that lives are lost almost every year. Yet, NefT repeat-
edly forced his way through it in the middle of January, when it
is notoriously unsafe. We must make room for the following
description and the reflections which are subjoined.
' On issuing out of the depths of the defile, the frowning battlements
of Chateau Queyras, built on a lofty projecting cliff, on the edge of the
torrent, and backed by the barrier wall of Alps, which, at this season
of the year, towers like a bulwark of ice between the dominions of
France, and those of the king of Sardinia, present a picture of the most
striking magnificence. Every thing combines to give an interest to
the scene. In the far distances are the snowy peaks of Monte Viso, of
dazzling white^ and in the fore-ground, the rustic aqueducts, composed
Memoir of Feluv Neff. 31
in the simplest manner of wooden troughs^ supported on lofty scaffold-
ing, and crossing and recrossing the narrow valley ; which form a
striking contrast between the durability of the works of God's hands,
the everlasting mountains, and the perishable devices of men. About
a mile and a half, on the Guillestre side, from Chateau Qneyras, a
rough path, on the left, conducts to Arvieux : and here a different
prospect opens to the view. The signs of cultivation and of man's
presence increase : some pretty vales, and snug-looking cottages please
the eye ; and in one spot, a frail but picturesque foot-bridge of pines
carelessly thrown across a chasm, invites the stranger to approach
and inspect it. He is almost appalled to find himself on the bnnk of
an abyss, many fathoms deep, at the bottom of which a body of water
fbams and chafes, which has forced itself a passage through the living
rock. The narrowness and depth of this chasm, and the extraordinary
manner in which it is concealea from observation, till you are close to
it, form one of the greatest natural curiosities in a province which
abounds in objects of the same sort.
' Neif followed the custom of those who directed him to his pastoral
dwelling-place, and called it Arvieux in his journals. It is not, how-
ever, situated in the principal village of the commune so called, but at
La Chalp, a small hamlet beyond. The church is at Arvieux, but the
minister's residence is, with the majority of the Protestant popula-
tion, higher up the valley ; for in this glen, as in all the others where
the remains of the primitive Christians still exist, they are invariably
found to have crept up to the furthest habitable part of it. In the
Valley of Fressiniere, the Protestants, in like manner, have penetrated
to the edge of the glacier, where they were most likely to remain un-
molested ; and again, in the commune of Molines, Grosse Pierre, and
Fousillarde, are at the very furthest point of vegetation ; and there is
nothing fit fur mortal to take refuge in, between San Veran and the
eternal snows which mantle the pinnacles of Monte Viso.
'In the page which records his arrival at the humble white cottage,
which had been recently prepared for the pastor, in La Chalp, NefF
has not inserted any observation about the comforts or conveniences of
the habitation designed for his future dwelling-place. It is a small
low building, without any thing to distinguish it but its white front ;
such at least was its aspect when I saw it : but there was an air of
cheerfulness in its situation, facing the south, and standing in a warm
sunny spot, which contrasted strongly with the dismal hovels of Dor-
milleuse, where he afterwards spent most of the winter months. It is
most probable that he found it totally devoid of every thing which ad-
ministers to comfort, beyond locality ; for a memorandum, written a
few days after his arrival, mentions his having made a journey to Guil-
lestre, for the purchase of some household utensils. Once for all,
therefore, I may remark, that the reader, whose notions of the happi-
ness of a pastor's life have been formed in the smiling parsonage or
snug manse, or who has considered it as deriving its enjoyment from a
^ state of blissful repose and peacefulncss, has widely erred from the
mark in NefTs case. His happiness was, to be busily employed in
bringing souls to God : he seems not to have set the slightest value on
any of the comforts of a home : or, if he valued them, to have sacri^
32 Mem<Ar of Feli.r Ni-ff.
ficed them cheerfully to hi« iienae of duty- One of the princiiMl
charms in the recital of a gnod clereymnn')! fifu, is tlic chnrecter of the
clergyman at hwne. But Ncff had nmii: of the comforts of this life to
cheer him. No family endearments welcomed liim to a peaoefill fire-
side after the toils uf the day : nothing of carthlv softness smoothed hit
pillotv. His was a career of anxiety, iinmitignted and unconaoled br
any thing but a sense of duties performed, and of acceptance with GoA
The commune of ArvieuK, and the chciTful hamU'ts of La Chatp and
Brunichitrd, were the brightest spots in hisextensive parish ; but thej
were nut the fitirest to his eye, for he complains in several of hit) let'
ters, that the people there were npoiled hy the odvantiiges of their ai-
tuation, and were by no means so well inclined to profit by his instruc-
tiona, as the inhabitants of leas favoured ^tuta.' pp. 115 — 119.
The natives of Arvieux are almost all Homan Catholici.
Those of La Clialp and Brunichard are, for the moft part, Pn>-
tcBtants. San Veran is the highest village in the valley of Quey-
r«8, and the meet pious. It le, in fact, said to be the most ele-
vat«<l village in Europe ; and it is a provincial eaying relating to
the mountain of San Veran, that it is la piu alia on Pi mindgent
pan, the highest spot where bread is eaten. It contains about
twenty-three Protestant families. Mr. Gilly was only the se>
cond Englishman who had penetrated to this obscure nook of the
Alps. He found the men intelligent, well read in the Scriptures,
and eager to converse on spiritual itubjects. The village is ao
fenced in by rock and mountain barriers, that not a road ap-
proaches it, over which a wheel has ever passed. None of the
comforts and few of the conveniences of life have yet been intro-
duced thcrs. But, says Mr. Gilly,
'San Veran is a garden, and a t^ccoe of delighta, when com-
pared with Dormillpuse, to which the ]iaHtur Ijjxtened, as soon na he
hod put things in order in this i>art uf liix parish. Here the huuwt
are built tike iog-buuiies, of mugh nine trt-cs, laid one above another,
and composed <m several stories, whicli have a singularly picturesque
look, nut unlike the chalets in Switserlund, but lufiier and much mora
picturesque. On the ground floor the family dwells ; bay and un-
thraahcd corn occupy the first stoiy, and the second is given up ta
grain, and tu stores of bread-cakes and cheeses, ranged on frame-wvk
suspended from the roof. But at Dormilleuae, the huts are wretched
constructions uf stone and mud, from which fresh air, comfort, and
cleanliness seem to be utterly excluded. CleanlincM, indeed, is not a
virtue \vhich distinguishes any of the pouple in these mountains ; aitd
with such a nice sense of moral perception as they displey, and witb
such strict attention to the duties of religion, it is astoititiliiiig that they
have nut yet learnt to practise those ablutions in their persuns or habi-
tations, which are as necessary to comfort as tii health. Even ammg
the bstter provided, for they are all jJcawintB alike, tillers of the earth,
and small proprietors, the wealthiest of ivhom (if wo can speak of
frealth, even cranparatively, on such poor ii^il,] puts his Imna to tka
his Imnd to tka I
Memoir of Felix Neff. 33
spade and hoe with the same alacrity as the poorest^ the same unclean-
liness prevails ; their apartments are unswept^ their woollen garments
unwashed, and their hands and faces as little accustomed to cold water>
as if there was a perpetual drought in the land. I should fear that
the excellent NeflT, with all the improvements which he introduced
into his parish, either omitted, or failed to convince the folks there,
that cleanliness is not a forbidden luxury, but one of the necessary
duties of life.
' But though their habitations and their persons are, thus far, likely
to leave some disagreeable impressions on those whose sensations have
been rendered quick and impatient by English habits, yet the sim-
plicity, amiability, and good manners which prevail among these
children of nature, are so winning, and the images and associations
that rise up in the mind, in this retreat of Protestantism in France,
supply such profuse enjoyment, and give such a grace, as well as a
charm, to any intercourse with them, that it is impossible not to write
down the time that may be spent in San Veran and in its contiguous
hamlets, among the most interesting of one's life. To those who un-
derstand the patois, or to whom it is accurately translated, as it was
to us, the poetical and elegant turn which is given to conversation, by
the constant use of figures and metaphors derived from mountain
scenery, and from the accidents and exposures of Alpine life, enhance
the pleasure, and send the traveller home well satisfied with his ex-
cursion. In short, it is the moral and intellectual refinement about
these mountaineers, which renders their society interesting in a high
degree, and furnishes matter for reflection long afterwards.' pp. 124—6.
The rock on which Dormilleuse stands, is almost inaccessible
even in the finest months in the year. From the village of La
Roche, where the Durance is crossed by a long timber bridge, it
is one continued ascent of five hours, the latter part steep and
dangerous, to this bleak and gloomy spot. Nature is there
^ stem and terrible, without oiTering any boon but that of per-
* sonal security from the fury of the oppressor.' When the sun
shines brightest, the side of the mountain opposite to the village,
and on the same level, is covered with snow ; nor is any thing
seen that relieves the forlorn prospect. Yet, in this wretched
place, Neff, relinquishing the scanty comforts of his station at La
Chalp, took up his head-quarters from November to April, be-
cause there his services seemed to be most requisite, and because
he had every thing to teach the poor inhabitants, even to the
planting of a potato. ^ But his whole life was a sacrifice.' The
population consisted of forty families, every one Protestant, and,
though sunk in ignorance and degeneracy, interesting to him, as
^ of the unmixed race of the ancient Waldenses, who never bowed
^ their knee before an idol, even when all the Protestants of the
^ valley of Queyras dissembled their faith.'
', " The as] of this desert," (writes NeflT,) " both terrible and
jiiiitflnej whicn i ved as the asylum of truth, when almost all the
IX.— I. K
34 Memoir of Felia: Neff.
world lay in darkness ; the recollection of the faithful martyrs of old»
the deep caverns into which they retired to read the Bible in secret,
and to worship the Father of Light in spirit and in truth ; — every
thing tends to elevate my soul, and to inspire it with sentiments dif-
ficult to describe. But with what grief ao I reflect upon the present
state of the unhappy descendants of those ancient witnesses to the
crucified Redeemer ! A miserable and degenerate race, whose moral
and physical aspect reminds the Christian, that sin and death are the
only true inheritance of the children of Adam. Now you can scarcely
find one among them who has any true knowledge of the Saviour,
although they almost all testify the greatest veneration for the Holy
Scriptures. But, though they are nothing in themselves, let us hope
that they are well beloved for their fathers' sakes, and that the Lord
will once more permit the light of his countenance and the rays of his
grace to shine upon those places, which he formerly chose for his
sanctuary." ' p. 134.
It was the wretchedness of these poor mountaineers in the
three higliest villages of Val Fressiniere, that induced Neff to
devote more of his time to them than to any other quarter of his
parish : ' seeing them deprived of almost every temporal enjoy-
^ ment, he determined to give them all the spiritual comfort ne
* could impart*^ Nor were his labours bestowed upon an un-
grateful soil. For the details of his proceedings and their results,
we must refer our readers to the Memoir. In emulation of the
example of Oberlin, he became for their sakes, mason, carpenter,
architect, engineer, agriculturist ; working with his own hands
at the head of his reluctant parishioners, and by this means
shaming them into exertions for the common benefit. In order
to qualify himself to become their schoolmaster also, he deter-
mined to make himself master of the patois of Daupbin^ ; aad
in this he succeeded. In a miserable stable, the only school-
room, this admirable man was to be seen patiently teaching his
young parishioners the elements of the French language ; and
then, to vary the dull routine of reading and spelling, and to
keep his pupils in good humour, giving them lessons in music.
The happy result of his experiments made him feci anxious to
have a better accommodation for his school ; and having per^
suaded each family in Dormilleuse to furnish a man to work
under his directions, the good Pastor undertook to build a school-
room, which was speedily completed. His crowning work was
the institution of a normal (or model) school for training adults
to become teachers. It was the most difficult and irksome, but
the most important of all his labours. And it was his last ; for,
the unremitted attention which it required, added to the severity
of the winter of 1826, 7> broke up his shattered constitution. He
has left an interesting record of the motives which induced him
to undertake this drudgery, and of the difficulties he had to sur-
mount. Dormil se was the spot which he chose for his
Memoir of Feliv Neff, 38r
of action, on account of its seclusion^ and because its whole po-
pulation was Protestant ; and he had sufficient influence to induce
those who offered themselves as students, to commit themselves
to a five-months' rigid confinement within a prison-house walled
up with ice and snow.
* Nothing can be compared *, remarks Mr. Gilly, ' to the resolution
and self-denial of the volunteers who enrolled their names under Neif
for this service^ but the similar qualities which were called into ac-
tion by our gallant officers and seamen who embarked in the polar ex-
peditions^ with the certainty before them of being snowed or iced up
during many months of privation. In their case^ the hope of promo-
tion and of reputation^ and the ardour of scientific research, were the
moving inducement. In that of the pastor and his young friends, a
sense of duty, and thoughts fixed on heavenly things, constituted the
impulse. To Neff himself, it was a season of incessant toil, and that
of the most irksome kind. He did violence to his natural inclination
every way. His mind and body were kept in subjection. He was de-
voted to his profession, as a minister and preacher of the Gospel ; and
yet he suspended the pursuits wliich were more congenial to his tastes
and habits, and went back to first princijiles, and consented to teach
the simplest rudiments, and meekly sunk down to the practice of the
humblest elementary drudgery, when he saw the necessity of laying a
foundation for a system of instruction different to that which had
hitherto prevailed in this neglected region. His patience, his humi-
lity, his good-humour and perseverance, his numberless expedients to
expand the intellect of his pupils, to store their minds, and to keep up
a good understanding among them, are all subjects of admiration, whicn
it is beyond the power of language to express.* pp. 262, 3-
' The young men who submitted to their pastor's system of disci*
pline at Dormilleuse, must have their sliare also of our admiration.
We cannot but feel respect for students who willingly shut themselves
up amidst the most comfortless scenes in nature, and submitted to the
severity of not less than fourteen hours of hard study a day, where the
only recreation was to go from dryer lessons to lectures in geography
and music. It was a long probation of hardship. Their fare was in
strict accordance with the rest of their situation. It consisted of a
store of salted meat, and rye bread, whicli had been baked in autumn,
and when they came to use it, was so hard, that it required to be
chopped up with hatchets, and to be moistened with hot water. Meal
and flour will not keep in this mountain atmosphere, but would be-
come mouldy ; — they are, therefore, obliged to bake it soon after the
com is threshed out. Our youthful anchorites were lodged gratuitously
by the people of Dormilleuse, who also liberally supplied them with
wood for fuel, scarce as it was ; but if the pastor had not laid in a stock
of provisions, the scanty resources of the village could not have met
the demands of so many mouths, in addition to its native population.
The party consisted of five from Val Queyras, one from Vars, five,
from Champsaur, two from Chancelas, four from the lower part of the
valley of Fressiniere, and eight from the immediate neighbourhood of
Dorxnilleuse.
E 2
36 Memoir of Felix Neff,
* Neff had the satisiaction to find that his plan answered well, and
this was reward enough. " I never ", said he> '' can be sufficiently
thankful to Almighty God for the blessing which he has vouchsafed
to shed upon this undertaking, and for the strength he has giren me
to enable me to bear the fatigue of it. Oh ! may he continue to ex-
tend his gracious protection, and to support me under my infirmities,
or rather, to deliver me from them, that I may be able to devote my-
self to his service and glory, to my life's end i " ' pp. 264, 5.
Among other novel studies to which Neff introduced his pajnls,
was Geography. This was made a matter of recreation after
dinner, and they pored over the maps with a feeUng of delight
and amusement which was quite new to them. The remark
which he makes on the moral influence of such studies, deserves
attention. We have long been persuaded that the ignorance that
prevails in Christian congregations upon such topics, is very un-
favourable to an intelligent zeal for the spread of the Gospel, or
a sympathy with Missionary exertions.
€ ft
Up to this time, I had been astonished by the little interest they
took, Cnristian-minded as they were, in the subject of Christian mis-
sions. But, when they began to have some idea of geography, I dis-
covered that their former ignorance of this science, and of the very
existence of many foreign nations in distant quarters of the globe, was
the cause of such indifference. As soon as they began to learn who
the people are, who require to have the Gospel preached to them, and
in what part of the globe they dwell, they felt the same concern for
the circulation of the Gospel that other Christians entertain. Theae
new acquirements, in fact, enlarged their spirit, made new creatores
of them, and seemed to triple their very existence." ' p^ 259.
Poor as the district was, Nefl* was successful in raising some
small contributions in aid of religious societies. He understood
too well the beneficial influence of a sympathetic concern in the
religious interests of others, to neglect to encourage it in his little
flock ; and though the sum raised was very small, he had the
gratification of being able to inform the committees of the Bible
Society and the Missionary Society, ^ that such feeble support as
* they could render to the cause, was cheerfully proffered by the
* shepherds and goatherds of the High Alps.' In concert with
the principal inhabitants of the Protestant hamlets, he organized
a Bible Association, by means of which every family was enabled
to become possessed of a copy of the Scriptures.
Some very interesting details are given of NefTs method of
dealing with the Roman Catholics of his parish. The priests
had the mortification to see many of their respective flocks become
proselytes to the Protestant teacher ; yet it was some time before
they resented his exertions ; and even then« his meekness and
conciliatory deportment took the sting out of their indignation.
What might not a few such men do for poor Ireland [
Memoir of Felios Neff, 37
The winter of 1825, followed by the cold spring of 1826, had
shaken NefTs constitution; and an accidental sprain of his knee
contributed to weaken his frame. He struggled pretty well
through the summer; but, during the winter of 1826, 7» his
strength rapidly diminished, and he became conscious that it was
time to seek K)r medical succour, and to submit to a removal to
his native climate. On the 17th of April, 1827, he took a final
farewell of his presbytery at La Chalp. On his arrival at Geneva,
his native air produced a temporary improvement ; but in a short
time, the symptoms of his malady returned with aggravated vio-
lence, and he found himself unable to digest any solid food. For
a whole year, his only nourishment was milk. In June 1828,
he was advised by his physicians to try the effect of the baths of
Plombieres, which seemed at first to be beneficial ; but it soon
became evident that nothing could arrest the progress of his dis-
order. His last days were worthy of his life. Having returned
to Geneva, he lingered in extreme weakness and suffering till the
12th of April, 1829, when, at the early age of thirty-one, he
entered into the joy of his Lord. His last letter, traced at inter-
vals, when he was almost blind, a few days before his death, is
exquisitely touching and apostolic.
i n
^' Adieu, dear friend, Andr6 Blanc, Antoine Blanc, all my friends
the Pelissiers, whom I love tenderly ; Francis Dumont and his wife ;
Isaac and his wife; beloved Deslois, Emilie Bonnet, &c. &c.; Alex-
andrine and her mother ; all, all the brethren and sisters of Mens, adieu^
adieu. I ascend to Our Father in entire peace ! Victory ! victory !
victory ! through Jesus Christ. Fblix Nepp." '
During his residence at Geneva, NefF composed a number of
religious meditations, which have been printed, and are held
in deserved estimation throughout Switzerland *. His charac-
ter was every way highly extraordinary. Rar^y, indeed, have so
much ardour and zeal, so much vivacity and warmth, been tem-
pered, directed, and enhanced by so much practical wisdom,
meekness, and unaffected humility. His singular freedom from
any ambitious views, his striking disinterestedness and singleness
of purpose, were in him the fruit, not of natural disposition, but
of the triumphant ascendancy of principles peculiar to the faith
he had embraced. It is ascribed to his extreme humility, but
indicated rather his entire sincerity, that he ^ even regarded his
^ own energy and activity as something that partook of the nature
* of sin ; as being an obstacle in the way of his more frequent
^ communion with God ; as distracting his thoughts from himself
* They are stated to have gone through several editions. Cong.
Mag. April, 1832, p. 200. It is singular that Mr. Gilly should not
have become acquainted with this fact. He appears not to have met
with the work.
Ml.
38 Memoir of Felia Neff..
^ and those secret contemplations which are needful for the ihdi-
' viduai;
' He was fully sensible, that an active spirit, and an affectionate
concern for the temporal and spiritual concern of others, are qualities
excellent in themselves, and indispensable for the good of the Christiatt
commonwealth^ and for the extension of Christ's kingdom ; but, in his
own case, he was afraid that they absorbed other qualities. He knew
that it was not the establishment of schools, the conducting of mis-
sions, or the preaching to others, which of themselves constitute the
life of the soul : on the contrary, that the strenuous pursuit of great
usefulness, often becomes a snare and a pitfall and a covering under
which pride lurks. And he felt, with the Apostle, the necessity of
bringing himself under subjection, lest, when he had preached to
others, he himself might become a cast-away. It was under the in-
fluence of this feelings that he was inclined to set small value upon
his own labours.
' No man,' continues Mr. Gilly, in portraying his character, * ever
preached, or insisted u|)on the main and essential doctrinal points of
the Gospel more strongly than he did ; these were put prominently
forward in all his sermons, in his conversations, in his correspondei\ce,
and in his private diaries ; but at tiic same time he exacted attention
to the ordinary duties of life, with all the strenuousness of one who
would admit of no compromise. It was his anxiety to build up the
Christian on a foundation where self-dependence, vain-glory, and
imaginary merit, were to have no place whatever ; and yet every act
of his ministry proved that he set a just value on knowledge and at-
tainments. It was his labour of love to show, that whenever any
addition is made to our stock of knowledge, we not only gain some-
thing in the way of enjoyment, but are laying up a store for the im-
provement of our moral and religious feelings, and of our general
habits of industry. The spiritual advancement of his flock was the
great end and object of all his toils ; but no man ever took a warmer
interest in the temporal comforts of those about him ; and this he
evinced by instructing them in the management of their fields and
gardens, in the construction of their cottages, and in employing all his
own acquirements in philosophy and science for the melioration of
their condition. He was not only the apostle, but, as somebody said
of Oberlin, ''he was also the Triptolemus" of the High Alps.
* To discharge the proper duties of a preacher of the Gospel, was a
vehement desire with Neff, strong as a passion ; his heart and soul
were in them ; yet he often left this walk, so glorious in his eyes, to
follow another track, and to point out those things to the notice of his
people, which related to their worldly conveniences. It was his high
and lofty ambition, to elevate their thoughts and hopes to the noblest
objects to which immortal beings can aspire, and to raise the standard^
until they should reach to the fulness of the stature of Christ : and
yet he so condescended to things of low estate, as to become a teacher
of a, b, c, not only to ignorant infancy, but to the dull and unpliant
capacities of adults. Beginning with the most tiresome rudiments, he
proceeded upwards, leading on his scholars methodically, kindly, and
patiently^ until he had made them proficients in reading, WTiting, and
Memoir of FelLv Neff. 39
.rithmetic, and could lead them into the pleasanter paths of music,
;eography, history, and astronomy. His mind was too enlarged to
ear that he should be teaching his peasant boys too much. It was
lis aim to show what a variety of enjoyments may be extracted out of
:nowledge, and that even the shepherd and the goatherd of the moun-
ain side, will be all the happier and the better for every piece of solid
nformation that he can acquire.
' Neff was a man of the most ardent and elastic zeal, else he never
!0uld have dedicated himself so entirely to the work of a missionary
lastor in a foreign country : yet he brought the good sense of a mas-
luline understanding to bear upon all his religious projects : he exer-
ised a degree of prudence seldom witnessed in conjunction with such
irdour, and he was constantly checking the ebullitions of his spirit,
tnd tempering his zeal with salutary prudence. The nicest discretion,
ind the most judicious caution, distinguished his proceedings. This
vas especially manifested in the selection and training of his catechists.
3e knew that a few young men, well prepared, would do more good
imong their countrymen, than a host of undisciplined enthusiasts and
11-taught novices.
' The broad distinctions and uncompromising truths of Protestant-
sm were matters of awful sanctity with Neff; and yet, though he was
;he pastor of a flock opposed to ropery by all the strone prejudices of
lereditary separation, I might almost say of deep-rooted aversion, yet
^ith dogmatical and polemical Protestantism he would have nothing
» do. He made numberless converts from Romanism, not so much
yj argument and discussion, as by mildly inculcating the true spirit
It the Gospel ; not by dwelling on topics of strife, and on points of
lifference, but on points of universal agreement, and by exhibiting our
x>mmon Christianity in its most persuasive form, until their hearts
nelted before the One Mediator and Intercessor, and they said. Your
Gfod shall be our God, and your creed shall be our creed.
< He was rigid in his notions of Christian deportment; yet there was
I meekness, and a kindness of manner about him, whicn conciliated
ill, and convinced them that he had their best interests at heart ; so
nuch so, that perhaps no man was ever more reverenced and loved.'
pp.311— 14.
A most instructive passage occurs in one of NefTs letters, in
reference to the proper way of dealing with Roman Catholics.
While he was confined to his bed at Plorobieres, he received
several visits from one of the cures, and from some young Romish
ecclesiastics. *' Had they come for controversy % says this ad-
mirable man, ^ I should not have been able to receive them ; but
' they carefully avoided every thing that could fatigue me, and
' even listened willingly to the few words I addressed to them.
' They were surprised to hear a Pro*^stant speak of the conver-
' sion of the heart and of spiritual life in the same terms as some
' of their most eminent divines.** Most of their prejudices, he
idds, proceed from their ignorance of all that concerns true Pro-
keatantism ; ^ and they are half disarmed when we speak to them,
40 The Buccaneer.
^ without any argument, of that which constitutes the life, the
* strength, and the peace of the soul/
We cannot lay down the Volume without again tendering our
best thanks to the Author of this very interesting memoir, whose
piety, candour, and benevolence are unobtrusively, but unequi-
vocally evinced in its pages. To have selected such a subject,
does honour to the Biographer ; and no one could do justice to
the character of such a man as Felix NefF, without becoming in
some degree assimilated in feeling to the subject of his por-
traiture.
Art. III. The Buccaneer, A Tale. In three Volumes, pp, 966.
Price 1/. 11*. 6d. London, 1832.
Tl/'E presume that the name of the Author, though not an-
^ nounced on the title-page, is no secret. Yet, had we not
been informed upon the best authority, that this tale is the pro-
duction of a deservedly popular female writer, we confess that we
should not have detected the pen of Mrs. HaU. There is a
masculine vigour and breadth of style, a dramatic force of con-
ception in the characters, and a range of imagination, not dis-
played in any of her former writings, and very rarely exhibited
by any female author. The power of mind exerted in realising
and depicting scenes with which the writer cannot by possibili^
have been familiarized, except by the writings of others, is indeed
extraordinary. If, in these volumes, Mrs. Hall must be con-
sidered as an imitator, it is a pupiPs imitation of his master,
which does honour to both. In the bold track which Scott first
opened, it required almost equal courage and tact to follow.
There is much in these volumes that reminds us of the great de-
parted magician, though nothing that can be regarded as servilely
borrowed ; and we might almost fancy that he had lent his wand,
although it is no longer the same arm that wields it. The hand
is slighter, yet not feeble ; and if there is not the same force of
muscle, there is the strength of excitement. But, in stepping into
this magic circle, a female writer of necessity treads dangerous
ground. She is required to lay aside as it were the costume of
her sex, to assume a masculine voice, and to tread sometimes on
the very verge of those proprieties which are the outworks of
feminine delicacy. Such characters as the Buccaneer and his
associates are rough subjects for a lady^s pencil ; though bandits,
outlaws, and corsairs are very picturesoue personages, and have
found favour in the eyes of at least the ladies of romance. Mrs.
Hall has, upon the whole, acquitted herself in this false position
with as few violations of moral decorum as the case would admit
of; but, in those parts of the story and dialogue in which such
wild and coarse personages are introduced, it is more by what they
The Buccaneer. 41
do not say, than by what they do, that we gather that they ar^
under the restraints imposed by a lady^s presence. There is
much less swearing and profane vulgarism than would be perfectly
natural, in the conversation of such worthies, or than we should
expect to meet with in a tale of a buccaneer ; and we give the
Author credit for a wish to keep her pages as clear as might be
deemed expedient from such dis-embellishments ; but there is
quite enough to preclude our bestowing unqualified praise, or in-
discriminately recommending the volumes to perusal.
In fact, in meddling with such works, we feel to be almost
compromising our grave judicial character. They are a contra-
band literature, which it is in vain to attempt to prohibit, but
which at the same time it is not our business to encourage. In
perusing works of this class, we too often find ourselves forced to
admire what we cannot approve ; pleased, interested, fascinated by
the perusal, and dissatisfied with ourselves on reflecting what has
80 much pleased us. Yet, they form too prominent and character-
istic a feature of our literature to be passed over ; and the amount
of talent and genius lavished upon this class of productions, is in-
deed astonishing. In no otner department, perhaps, is the
literature of the day so fertile of talent. Whatever else does not
sell, or fails to obtain readers, tales and stories find a market
always open and a perpetual demand. And writers are not
altogether to be blamed, who, finding that such fancy-works alone
ensure a sale, strike into this line of composition. It is well when
they can be rendered subservient to useful instruction ; but it
is more safe to class them under the head of Amusement, since
their efficiency as instruments of mental or moral training is very
indirect and limited. The tendency of a tale does not fie in its
^ moral % but in the company and associations to which the story
introduces the reader, in the scenes described and the sentiments
suggested in the progress* of the tale.
Tried by this standard, we regret that we cannot award much
commendation to the work before us. The characters of Dalton,
Burrell, Springall, Roupall, and Fleetword may carry a lesson
with them ; but better by far that that lesson should never be
learned from familiarity with such characters, even in imagination.
Against the introduction of such a personage as Fleetword, we
more especially and strongly object, for reasons of which the
Author must be well aware. It is merely because we acquit her
of any irreligious intention^ that we refrain from emplo}ring
stronger terms of reprobation. The example of the Author of
" Tales of my Landlord ^, is no apology. Nor can we allow any
force in the plea, that such ideal characters have an historic verity,
and are true to the costume of the age. That obsolete costume,
it must be remembered, was not at the time so ridiculous as it now
appears ; and the selection of such a character can have no other
VOL. IX. — N.s. F
42 The Budcaneer.
effect^ than to cast ridicule upon the class. There have been
Tartufles, and Mawwonns, and Mucklewraths ; but this supplies
no extenuation of the unfairness and reckless impiety which brings
them upon the sti^.
The majority ot Mrs. Hairs readers will not trouble themselves
with considerations of this nature ; and firom them, she will hear,
and deservedly as regards the talent she has displayed, the
Elaudits of success. We have no wish to mingle with them a
arsher note ; and having cautioned our readers against mistaking
our critical testimony to the literary merit of her performance for
unqualified commendation, we shall proceed to give some fturther
account of its subject-matter and execution.
The following dialogue will introduce our readers to the
Buccaneer and one of the principal personages in the tale, and
will indicate the basis of the plot.
' Sir Robert Cecil was standing, or rather leaning, with folded arms,
against a column of the dark marble chimney-piece, which, enriched
by various carving and mouldings, rose nearly to the ceiling. The
Baronet's hair, of mingled grey and black, had been cropped accord-
ing to the approved fashion of the time ; so that his features had not
the advantage of either shadow or relief from the most beautiful of
nature's ornaments. He might have been a few years older or younger
than the sailor who had just entered ; but his figure seemed weak and
')ending as a willow-wand, as he moved slowly round to receive his
risiter. The usually polite expression of his countenance deepened
nto the insidious, and a faint smile rested for a moment on his lip.
This outward show of welcome contrasted strangely with the visible
tremor that agitated his fiume : he did not sp^k ; either from in-
ability to coin an appropriate sentence, or the more subtle motive of
waiting until the commimication of the stranger was first made.
' After a lengthened pause, during which Dalton slowly advanced^
80 as to stand opposite Sir Robert Cecil, he commenced the conversa-
tion, without any of that show of courtesy which the knowledge of
their relative situations might have called tor : even his cap was unre-
moved.
' '' I am sorry. Sir Robert^ to have come at such a time ; nor would
I now remain, were it not that my business "
' " I am not aware," interrupted the Baronet, " of any matters of
' business ' pending between us. I imagine, on reflection, you will
find that all such have been long since concluded. If there is any
way, indeed, in which I can oblige you, for the sake of an old ser-
vant "
' " Servant!" in his turn interrupted Dalton, with emphasis ; " we
have been companions. Sir Robert — companions in more than one act ;
and, by the dark heavens above us, will be so in another — if neces-
sary."
' The haughty Baronet writhed under this familiarity ; yet was
there an expression of triumphant quietude in his eye, as if he
despised the insinuation of the seaman. ^'I think, considering all
The Buccaneer. 43
things^ you have been pretty well paid for such acts. Master Dalton ;
I have never taken any man's labour for nothing."
' '' Labour ! " again echoed the sailor ; <' labour may be paid for,
but what can stand in lieu of innocence, purity of heart, and rectitude
of conduct?"
' " Gold — which you have had, in all its gorgeous and glowing
abundance."
* " 'Twon't do," retorted the other, in a painfully subdued tone ;
'' there is much it cannot purchase. Am I not at this moment a banned
and a blighted man — scouted alike from the board of the profligate
Cavalier, and the psalm-singing Puritan of this most change-loving
oountry ? And one day or another, I may be hung up at the yard-
arm of a Commonwealth — Heaven bless the mark ! — a Commonwealth
cruiser ! — or scare crows from a gibbet off Sheemess or Queen borough ;
or be made an example of for some act of piracy committed on the
high seas!"
' " But why commit such acts ? You have wherewithal to live
respectably — quietly."
' " Quietly!" repeated the Skipper; "look ye. Master— I crave
your pardon — Sir Kobert Cecil ; as soon could one of Mother Carey's
chickens mount a hen-roost, or bring up a brood of lubberly turkeys,
as I, Hugh Dalton, master and owner of the good brigantine, that sits
the waters like a swan, and cuts them like an arrow — live quietly,
quietly on shore ! Santa Maria ! have I not panted under the hot sun
of the Caribbees ? Have I not closed my ears to the cry of mercy ?
Have I not sacked, and sunk, and burnt without acknowledging claim
or country ? Has not the mother clasped her child more closely to
her bosom at the mention of my name ? In one word, for years mive
I not been a Buccanksr ? Ajid yet you talk to me of quietness ! —
Sir, Sir, the soul so steeped in sin nas but two resources — madness, or
the grave : the last even I shrink from ; so give me war, war, and its
insanity."
' " Cannot you learn to fear the Lord, and trade as an honest
man ? "
' Dalton cast a look of such mingled scorn and contempt on his com-
panion, that a deep red colour mounted to his cheek as he repeated^
'' Yes ! I ask, cannot you trade as an honest man ? "
' " No ! d n trade : and I'm not honest," he replied fiercely.
' ** May I b^ you briefly to explain the object of your visit ? said
the Baronet at last, after a perplexing pause, during which the arms
of the Buccaneer were folded on his breast, and his restless and vigi-
lant eyes wandered round the apartment, flashing with an indefinable
expression when they encountered the blue retreating (Nrbs of Sir Ro-
bert.
' " This, then : I require a free pardon from Old NoU, not only for
myself, but for my crew. The brave who would have died, shall live
with me. As a return for his Highness's civility, I wiU give up all
free trade, and take the command of a frigate, if it so please hinu" '
' '^ One word more. The Protector's plans render it impracticable
£ir me to continue as I have done on the seas. I know that I am a
F 2
44 The Buccaneer.
marked man, and unless something be determined on, and speedily, I
shall be exposed to that ignominy which, for my child's sake, I would
avoid. Dcm't talk to me of impossibilities : you can obtain the pardon
I desire ; and, in one word. Sir Robert Cecil, you must ! "
' Sir Robert shook his head.
* " At your pleasure, then, at your pleasure ; but at your peril also.
Mark me ! I am not one to be thrown overboard and make no struggle.
I am not a baby to be strangled ^\'ithout crying. If I perish, fucts
shall arise from my ^rave, — ay, if I were sunk a thousand fathoms in
my own blue sea, — racts that would You may well tremble and
turn pale ! The secret is still in our keeping. Only remember^ I
fall not singly." '—Vol. I. pp. 22—29.
The next chapter introduces us to a death-bed scene, which is
touchingly described. Before she expires, Lady Cecil extorts
from Sir Robert a promise, that he will not compel their daughter
Constance, the heroine of the tale, to wed Sir Willmott Burrell, to
whom she has been in early life contracted. Cecil Place, the
scene of these transactions, is picturesquely described.
' It was situated on the slope of the hill, leading to the old monas-
tery of Minster. Although nothing now exists except the church, a
few broken walls, and a modernized house, formed out of one of the
principal entrances to what was once an extensive range of monastic
buildings ; yet, at the time of which we treat, the ruins of the nun-
nery, founded by Sexburga, the widow of Ercombert, king of Kent,
extended down the rising ground, presenting many picturesque points
of view from the small but highly-cultivated pleasure-grounds of Cecil
Place. Nothing could be more beautiful tlian the prospect from a
rude terrace which had been the favourite walk of Lady Cecil. The
small luxuriant hills, folding one over the other, and terminating in
the most exquisite valleys and bosky glades that the imagination can
conceive — the rich mixture of pasture and meadow land — the Downs,
stretching to King's Ferry, whitened by thousands of sheep, whose
bleating and whose bells made the isle musical, — while beyond, the
narrow Swale, widening into the open sea, shone like a silver girdle
in the rays of the glorious sun, — were objects indeed delightful to
gaze upon.
' Although, during the Protectorate, some pains had been taken to
render Sheerness, then a very inconsiderable village, a place of strength
and safety, and the ancient castle of Queenborough had been pulled
down by the Parliamentarians, as deficient in strength and utility, no
one visiting only the southern and western parts of the island could
for a moment imagine that the interior contained spots of such posi-
tive and cultivatea beauty.
' It was yet early, when Constantia Cecil, accompanied by a female
friend, entered her favourite flower-garden by a private door, and
strolled towards a small Gothic temple overshadowed by wide-spread-
ing oaks, which, sheltered by the surrounding hills, had numbered
more than a century of unscathed and undiminished beauty, and had
as yet escaped the rude pruning of the woodman's axe. The morning
habit of the noble Constance fitted tightly to the throat, where it was
The Buccajieer. 45
terminated by a full niff of starched muslin ; and the waist w&s en-
circled by a wide band of black crape, from which the drapery de-
scended in massive folds to her feet. She pressed the soft green turf
with a more measured step than was her wont^ as if the body shared
the mind's sad heaviness. Her head was uncovered, save that, as she
passed into the garden, she had carelessly thrown on a veil of black
mnslin, through which her bright hair shone with the lustre and rich-
ness of the finest satin : her throat and forehead appeared most daz-
zlingly white in contrast with her sable dress.
' Tne lady by whom she was accompanied, was not so tall, and of a
much slighter form ; her limbs delicately moulded, and her features
more attractive than beautiful. There was that about her whole de-
meanour which is expressively termed coquetry, not the coquetry of
action, but of feeling : her eyes were dark ana brilliant, her mouth
full and pouting ; and the nose was only saved from vulgarity by that
turn, to describe which we are compelled to use a foreign term — it was
un peu relroussS : her complexion was of a clear olive, through which
the blood glowed warmly whenever called to her cheek by any par-
ticular emotion. The dress she wore, without being gay, was costly :
the full skirt of crimson grogram descended not so low as to prevent
her small and beautifully turned ancles from being distinctly seen, and
the cardinal of wrought purple velvet, which had been hastily flung
over her shoulders, was lined and bordered with the finest ermine.
Nor did the contrast between the ladies end here : the full and rich-
toned voice of Constance Cecil was the perfection of harmony, while
the light and gay speech of her companion might be called melody —
the sweet playful melody of an untaught bird.' — Vol. I. pp. 77 — oO.
This last personage is Lady Frances Cromwell, the Protector's
youngest daughter, afterwards Lady Rich, to whom Prince
Charles (afterwards Charles II.) is reported to have offered hia
royal hand. Her character, warm, impetuous, gay, and affectionate,
is well conceived, and serves as a side light to the sombre parts of
the story. The Sir Willmott Burrell to whom Constance has been
contracted, is a villain of the deepest grain and of ruined fortune,
who, to escape from his embarrassments, is anxious to press his
marriage with the heiress of the house of Cecil. Having got
possession of Sir Robertas secret, his guilty implication in the
murder of his elder brother, the crafly villain first makes use of it
to work upon the father'^s fears, and then, by disclosing the
horrible fact to Constance, wrings from her eventually a promise to
become his bride within a week, as the only security of her father^s
honour. The interview between Sir Robert and his daughter, in
which the latter obtains the dreadful confirmation of the charge,
is very touchingly — we cannot say whether it is naturally de-
scribed. At this juncture, the friend and companion of her youth,
after a long and mysterious absence from his native country, re-
appears under a disguised name; — ^becomes a visiter at Cecil
Place ; — ^is recognized by Constance, though by her alone ; — and
receives at the same time the assurance of her regard, and the in-
46 The Bficcaneer.
timation of her approaching miserable nuptials. By the time
we reach the end of the first volume, the plot becomes too thickly
interwoven for us to be able, without entering too much into de^
tails, to give an outline of the story. A certain ambiguous Major
Wellmore becomes a very prominent actor in the ensuing scenes ;
and his ubiquitous movements, mysterious influence, and imposing
air keep wonder and curiosity alive, till the reader begins to sus-
pect his real station. Actuated by the warm interest he takes in
the welfare of Constance, and suspecting foul play in the conduct
of Burrell, he takes eflectual measures to defeat his plans.
Burrell, however, has succeeded in dragging his intended bride to
the altar, in spite «of the strong indications of incipient insanity in
poor Sir Robert, the effects of too powerful and maddening ex-
citement ; and Constance is ready, but habited in deep mourning ;
•^-notwithstanding which, the ceremony has commenced, when
some interruption is occasioned by Sir Robert'^s insisting that
Constance^s maid Barbara, who is dressed in white, must be the
lady bride ; and amid the confusion, a pistol is fired by an in*
truder, intended for the real bride, but which Barbara receives.
The assassin is a beautiful Jewess, whom Burrell has married while
abroad, and deserted, and who thus seeks to revenge herself upon
her innocent rival. At this moment, a detachment of horse
arrive, with orders to conduct Sir Willmott a prisoner to Hampton
Court. Barbara, though supposed to be mortally wounded, i^
carried off by her father, the Buccaneer, who has been on the
watch. In the mean time, the father of the Jewess, a learned
Rabbi favoured by Cromwell, has followed his daughter to Eng.
land, supposing her to have fled with her seducer ; and having
discovered Biurreirs treachery, he applies for redress to the Pro*
tector. Mrs. Hall has bestowed great care and skill upon the
portrait of that extraordinary man. The Robin referred to in
the following peep into the Presence-chamber, has attended Ma-
nasseh Ben Israel as his servant. He is, in fact, one of the
Buccaneer^s party, and plays an important part in the story.
' It was impossible to look upon him without feeling that he was a
man bom to command and to overthrow. His countenance^ though
swollen and reddish^ was marked and powerful, and his presence as
lofty and majestic as if he had of right inherited the throne of Eng-
lano. However his enemies might have jested upon his personal ap*
pearance^ and mocked the ruddiness of his countenance, and the un-
seemly wart that disfigured his broad, lofty, and projecting brow, they
must nave all trembled under the thunder of his frown : it was ter«
rific, dark, and scowling, lighted up occasionally by the flashing of
his fierce grey eye, but only so as to show its power still the more.
His dress consisted of a doublet and vest of black velvet, carefully
put on, and of a handsome ^hion ; a deep collar of the finest linen,
embroidered and edged with lace, turned over his vest, and displayed
to great advantage his firm and remarkably muscular throat. Hio
The Buccaneer. 47
hair, which seemed bj that b'gfat as dark and luxuriant as it had been
in his younger age, fell at either side, but was completely combed or
pushed off his massive forehead. He looked, in very truth, a most
strongman — strong in mind, strong in body, strong in battle, strong
in council. There was no weakness about him, except that engen-
dered by a warm imagination acting in concert with the deepest ve*
Deration, and which rendered him ever and unhappily prone to super-
stitious dreamings.
' When Robin entered, there was no one in the room but the Lord
Bn^ill, Manasseh Ben Israel, and a little girl. I^Iy Lord Broghill^
who was one of the Protector's cabinet counsellors, had been sent for
£rotn Ireland to go to Scotland, and be President of the Council there;
but soon wearying of the place, had just returned to London^ and
Kted down immediately to Hampton Court : — he was bidding the
tector good night, and that with much servility. The presence of
Robin was yet unnoticed, save by the Jew. Before his Lordship had
left the chamber, even as his foot was on the threshold^ Cromwell
called him back.
' " My Lord Broghill."
' The cabinet counsellor bowed and returned.
' " I forgot to mention, there is a great friend of yours in London.**
' *' Indeed ! Please your Highness, who is it ? "
* " My Lord of Orm'ond," rqilied the Protector. *^ He came to
town on Wednesday last, about three of the clock, upon a small grey
mule, and wearing a brown but ill-made and shaboy doublet. I^
lodges at White Friars, number — something or other ; but you, my
Lord," he added, pointedly, " will have no difficulty in finding him
out***
' ^ I call the Lord to witness," said Bn^hill, casting up his eyes
after the most approved Puritan fashion, '^ I call the Lord to witness,
I know nothing of it ! "
' Cromwell gathered his eyebrows, and looked upon him for a mo-
ment with a look which made the proud Lord tremble ; then sending
forth a species of hissing noise from between his teeth, sounding like
a prolonged hish — ^h — h — h. " Nevertheless, I think you may as well
tell him that I know it. Good night, my Lord, good night ! "
Vol. II. pp. 256—258.
In a subsequent chapter, the fair Novelist ventures upon an
historical essay on the Protector'^s character, in which is shewn a
great deal of candid discrimination.
' Hb Court was a rare example of irreproachable conduct, from
whidi all debauchery and immorality were banished ; while, such was
his deep and intimate, though mysterious acquaintance with every
occurrence throughout the Commonwealth, its subjects had the certainty
of knowing that, sooner or later, whatever crimes they committed
would of a surety reach the ear of the Protector. His natural abilities
must always have been of the highest order, though in the early part
•f his career he discovered none of those extraordinary talents that
afiterwards gained him so much applause, and worked so upon the
46 The Buccaneer.
affections of the hearers and standers by. His mind may be compared
to one of those valuable manuscripts tnat had long been rolled up and
kept hidden from vulgar eyes, but which exhibits some new proof of
wisdom at each unfolding. It has been well said by a philosopher,
whose equal the world has not known since his day, '' that a place
showeth the man." Of a certainty Cromwell had no sooner possessed
the opportunity so to do, than he showed to the whole world that he
was destined to govern. '' Some men achieve greatness, some men are
born to greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them." With
Cromwell, greatness was achieved. He was the architect of his own
fortunes, o\ving little to, what is called, " chance," less to patronage,
and still less to crime, if we except the one sad blot upon the page of
his own history, as connected \vith that of his country. There appears
in his character but a small portion of that which is evil, blended with
much that is undoubtedly good. Although his public speeches were,
for the most part, ambiguous — leaving others to pick out his meaning
— or, more frequently still, , having no meaning to pick out — being
words, words, words — stniitg of mouldy sentences. Scriptural phrases,
foolish exclamations, andf such like ; yet, when necessary, he showed
that he could sufficiently command his style, delivering himself with
so much energy, pith, propriety, and strength of expression, that it
was commonly said of him under such circumstances, " every word he
spoke was a thing." But the strong^t indication of his vast abilities
was, the extraordinary tact with which he entered into, dissected, and
scrutinized the nature of human kind. No man ever dived into the
manners and minds of those around him with greater penetration, or
more rapidly discovered their natural talents and tempers. If he
chanced to hear of a person fit for his purpose, whether as a minister,
a soldier, an artizan, a preacher, or a spy, — ^no matter how previously
obscure, he sent for him forthwith, and employed him in tbe way in
which he could be made most useful, and answer best the purpose of
his employer. Upon this most admirable system, (a system in which,
unhappily, he has had but few imitators among modem statesmen,)
depenaed in a great degree his success. His devotion has been sneered
at ; but it has never been proved to have been insincere. With how
much more show of justice may we consider it to have been founded
upon a solid and upright basis, when we recollect that his whole ont-
wieurd deportment spoke its truth. Those who decry him as a fanatic,
ought to bethink themselves that religion was the chivalry of the age
in which he lived. Had Cromwell been bom a few centuries earlier,
he would have headed the Crusades, with as much bravery, and far
better results, than our noble-hearted, but wTong-headed '' Coeur de
Lion.'* It was no great compliment that was passed on him by tiie
French minister, when he called the Protector '' the first captain of
the age." His courage and conduct in the field were undoubtedly
admirable : he had a dignity of soul which the greatest dangers and
difficulties rather animated than discouraged, and his discipline and
fovernment of the army, in all respects, was the wonder of tne world,
t was no diminution of this part of his character, that he was wary in
his conduct, and that, after he was declared Protector, he wore a coat*
The Buccaneer, .4&
w-mail concealed beneath his dress. Less caution than he made use
of, in the place he held, and surrounded as he was by secret and open
•enemies, would have deserved the name of negligence. As to his
political sincerity, which many think had nothing to do with his
religious opinions, he was, to the full, as honest as the first or second
Charles.
' Of a truth, that same sincerity, it would appear, is no kingly
virtue ! Cromwell loved justice as he loved his own life, and wherever
he was compelled to be arbitrary, it was only where his authority was
eontroverted, which, as things then were, it was not only right to
establish for his own sake, but for the peace and security of the
country over whose proud destinies he had been called to govern.
*' The dignity of the crown," to quote his own words, " was upon the
account of the nation, of which the king was only the representative
head, and therefore, the nation being still the same, he would have
the same respect paid to his ministers as if he had been a king.'*
England ought to write the name of Cromwell in letters of gold, when
«he remembers that, within a space of four or five years, he avenged
iJl the insults that had been lavishly flung upon her by every country
in Europe throughout a long, disastrous, and most perplexing civil
war. Crioriously did he retrieve the credit that had been mouldering
and decaying during two weak and discreditable reigns of nearly fifty
years' continuance— gloriously did he establish and extend his country's
authority and influence in remote nations — gloriously acquire the real
mastery of the British Channel — gloriously send forth fleets that went
and conquered, and never sullied the union-flag by an act of dishonour
or dissimulation !
' Not a single Briton, during the Protectorate, but could demand
and receive either reparation or revenge for injury, whether it came
from Prance, from Spain, from any open foe or treacherous ally; — not
an oppressed foreigner claimed his protection but it was immediately
and effectually granted. Were things to be compared to this in the
fdgn of either Charles ?* Vol. III. pp. 19—24.
In the presence of Cromwell, Burrell is confronted with the
Rabbi ; and the Protector^s skilful examination of the parties is
very liappily conducted. The investigation is adjourned to Cecil
Place ; and there, according to dramatic rules, all the actors are
brought together on the stage, — ^perhaps somewhat too dramatically.
It is, however, all veiy cleverly managed. The issue is, that
tlie Protector orders tne ceremony of marriage to be repeated
between Sir Willmott and the fair Jewess ; while Constance is
repaid for her sufferings and her filial heroism, by finding every
obstacle removed to her union with her brave cousin Walter.
For Burrell, however, a dreadful fate is reserved. He escapes
from custody, and takes shelter in the GulFs Nest, the secret
baunt of the Buccaneers, which has been cleared out and deserted
pr^aratory to its being blown up. At the approach of Cromwell'*s
troops, who come to search the place, the train is fired, and
VOL. IX. — N.S. ii
50 The Buccaneer.
* In a moment^ the report as of a thousand cannon tbondered throngli
the air ; and fragments of clay> rock> and shingle fell, thick as hail and
heavy as millstones all around. Immediately after, a piercing cry for
aid burst upon their ear, and spread over land and water* " * • * * "
exclaimed Springall : " it is not possible that any human creature
could have been within the place ! " And he stretched himself forward,
and looked up to where the cry was uttered. The young man, whose
locks were then light as the golden beams of the sun, and whose step
was as free as that of the mountain-roe, lived to be very old, and his
hair grew white, and his free step crippled, before death claimed his
subject ; he was moreover one acquainted in after-years with much
strife and toil, and earned honour, and wealth, and distinction ; but
often has he declared that never had he witnessed any thing which so
appalled his soul as the sight he beheld on that remembered morning.
He seized Roupall's arm with convulsive energy, and dragged him
forward, heedless of the storm of clay and stones that was still pelting
around them. Wherever the train had fired, the Crag had been
thrown out ; and as there were but few combustibles within its holes,
and the gay sunlight had shorn the flames of their brightness, the objects
that struck the gaze of the lookers on, were the dark hollows vomiting
forth columns of black and noisome smoke, streaked with a murW red.
' As the fire made its way according to the direction of the meandering
powder, which Dal ton himself had laid in case of surprise, the earth
above reeled and shook, and sent forth groans, like those of troubled
Nature, when a rude earthquake bursts asunder what the Almighty
united with such matchless skill. The lower train that Springall fired
had cast forth, amongst rocks and stones, the mass of day m which was
the loop-hole through which Fleetword had looked out upon the wide sea.
Within the chasm thus created was the figure of a bvine man. He
stood there with uplifted hands, lacking courage to advance; fosr
beneath, the wreathed smoke and dim hot fume of the consuming fire
told him of certain death ; unable to retreat, — for the insidious flame
had already destroyed the door which Roupall had failed to move, and
danced, like a fiend at play with destruction, from rafter to rafter, and
beam to beam, of the devoted place.
' " Hah !" exclaimed the reckless rover, with a calmness which at
the moment made his young companion upbraid him as the most mer-
ciless of human kind ; " Hah ! I wonder how he got there ? I heard
that somehow or other he was in limbo at Cecil Place ; he wanted to
make an escape, I suppose, and so took to the old earth ! Ay, ay,
look your last on the bright sun, that's laughing at man and man*s
doings — you'll never mount to where it shines, I trow."
' Sir Willmott Burrell — for Roupall had not been deceived either
as to the identity of the person, or tne motive which led him to seek
refuge in the Gull's Nest — had effected an almost miraculous escape,
considering how closely he was guarded, a few hours before, and
secreted himself in the very chamber where he had left poor Fleetword
to starvation, little imagining that he was standing on the threshold of
retributive justice ! He had caught at flight, even so far, as a sort of
reprieve ; and was forming plans of future villainy, at the very moment
TAc Buccaneer, 5l
4he traiu was fired. God have mercy on all sinners ! it is fearfol to
be cut off without time for repentance. Sir Willmott had none. In
the flower of manhood, with a vigorous body and a skilful mind, he
bad delighted in evil, and panted for the destruction of his fellows.
His face, upon which the glare of the garish fire danced in derision of
bis agony, was distorted, and terrible to look upon : brief as was the
space allotted to him, each moment seemed a year of torture. As the
flames rose and encircled their victim, his cries were so dreadful, that
Springall pressed his hands to his ears, and buried his face in the
sand ; but Roupall looked on to the last, thinking aloud his own rude,
but energetic thoughts.'
' Cromwell had a curiosity to inspect the resort of the Buccaneers ;
tmd, perfectly unconscious of Sir Willmott's escape, was petrified with
horror and astonishment on seeing him under such appalling circum-
«tances — the tumbling crags — the blazing fire — the dense smoke,
mounting like pillars of blackness into the clear and happy morning*
sky — and above all, the agonized, scorching figure of toe wretched
Knight, writhing in the last throes of mortal agony !
' " The Lord h^ve mercy on his soul !" exclaimed Fleetword^
" Pray, pray !" he continued, elevating his voice, and hoping, with a
kindliness of feeling which Sir Willmott had little right to expect,
that he might be instrumental in directing the wretched man's
attention to a future state. '^ Pray ! death is before you, and you
cannot wrestle with it ! Pray ! even at the eleventh hour I Pray 1— -
and we will pray with you!"
* The Preacher uncovered ; the Protector and his soldiers stood also
bareheaded on the diff. But not upon the prayers of brave and honest
soldiers was the spirit of active villainy ana cowardly vice to ascend to
the judgment-seat of the Almighty — before one word of supplication
was spoken, a column of flame enwreathed the remaining portion of
the crag — ^it was of such exceeding brightness that the soldiers blinked
thereat ; and when its glare was past, they looked upon a smouldering
heap at the foot of the cliffs. It was the only monument of '^ the
GuU's Nest Crag;" and the half-consumed body of Sir Willmott
Burrell was crushed beneath it.' Vol. III. pp. 276 — 282.
This is vivid and powerful description; and the volui a
abound with it. But the most remarkable and distin i ing
feature of the story is, the dramatic skill with which the doa
are conceived, developed, and grouped in pictu le combi
and contrast Indeed, in the rapidity of the a on, t
succession of incident, the well managed shifting ot t
acting, rather than narration of the story, it partakes t
racter of a drama, as much as of a tale. From first to 1;
interest is never suspended ; there is no languor in the com]
— ^no prosing or spinning out of chapters. The female cha
are portrayed with a feminine skill, the want
most obvious defect in the Tales of the A
On the other hand, too much of woman is at
characters depicted in these volumes. T
59 The Buccaneer^
the story, but none, we think, of a very prominent character.
Among those faults, we do not rank the various improbabilitiea
comprised in the story ; first, because real life is scarcely less full
of improbabilities than romance, and secondly, because the art of
the writer is often most happily displayed in throwing a plausible
air over unlikely incidents, and in working them into tne story,
so as to make them seem probable. In a work of fiction, pro-
baUlities and improbabilities being equallv true^ the only difference
between them consists in the degree of skill which is shewn in
the introduction and management of them.
Many admirable sentiments occur in these volumes ; and we
are convinced that the Writer has meant to convey, in some
instances, religious instruction ; but where this is not a writer^s
main object, it is seldom either happily or efficiently accomplished..
As a moral writer, we must place Mrs. Hall, if somewhat abore
her "fiiend Miss Mitford, yet, much below Miss Jewsbury,
although, in another way, she has displayed talents equal, at leasts
to both.^ We make this remark, not for the sake of comparison,
but of distinction. Works of a totally different description are
often confounded under a common name. The " Three Histories ***"
of Miss Jewsbury are all truth, though a fiction. The Buccaneer,,
though containing a vein of historic and moral truth, is pure
romance. The reader of Mrs. HalPs work cannot close the
volumes without forming a very high estimate of the powers of
the author. On reading Miss Jewsbury'^s tales, we are less struck
with the genius than with the knowledge of the writer, — less with
her power of describing, than with her skill in analysing. She
brings before us, not scenes so much as things, and is more
philosophical than dramatic. The female Writer of the day with
whom Mrs. Hall may be most fairly compared, and whom she
may be thought to have followed, is Miss Lawrance. The latter,
in some fragments of a story contributed to " Friendship's Offer^
ing,^ has ventured upon the same historic ground, and indicated
talents capable of producing greater things. Both ladies have
given portraits of Cromwell and of Cromwell's still more illustrious
Latin secretary ; and our readers may compare with the extract
given in our November Number (p. 452), the following portrait.
' Behold him as he sits^ within the tapestried chamber at Hampton
Court ! 'Tis the same room in which the Protector sat last night ;
but how changed its aspect, just by the presence of that one man f
How different is the feeling with which we regard men of great energy
and men of great talent. Milton, blind— blind, powerless as to his
actions, overwhelming in his genius, grasping all things and seeing
into them, not with the eyes of flesh, but those of mind, altering the
very atmosphere wherein we move, stilling the air that we may hear
bit oracles f
^ The room, is one of most curious fashion, and hung with the oldest
The Buccaneer. 53
tapestry in England^ lighted on either side by long and narrow
windows, that are even now furnished as in the time of the old Cardinal
who built them. On the low seat formed within the wall the Poet
sat. Who would suffer a thought of the ambitious Wolsey or the
sensiud Henry to intrude where once they held gay revels and much
minstrelsy in their most tyrant pastimes ? Cromwell, the great Pro-
tector, even Cromwell is forgotten in the more glorious company of one
both poor and blind ! He sat, as we describe him, within the em-
brasure of the narrow window ; the heat and brightness of the summer
sun came full upon his head, the hair upon which was full and rich
as ever, parted in the centre, and falling in waving curls quite to his
shoulders ; his eyes were fixed on vacancy, but their expression was as
if commnning with some secret spirit, enlivening thus his darkness ;
he seemed not old nor young, for the lines upon his face could not be
considered wrinkles — tokens were they of care and thought— such care
and such thoi^t as Milton might know and feel. He was habited
with extraordinary exactness ; his linen of the finest quality, and his
vest and doublet put on with an evident attention to even minute ap-
pearance. Hb hands of transparent whiteness were clasped, as if he
were attending to some particular discourse ; he was alone in that vast
chamber, — yet not alone, for God was with him, — not in outward form,
but in inwajrd spirit. It was the Sabbath-day, and ever observed in
the Protector's family with respect and reverence. The morning-
meeting was over, ana Cromwell in his closet, '^ wrestling," as he was
wcmt to term it, " with sin." Silence reigned through all the courts
— ^that due and reverend silence which betokens thoughtfiilneas, and
attention to one of the Almighty's first commands — " Keep holy the
sabbath-day," given when he ordained that man should rest from his
labours in commemoration that he himself set an example of repose
after calling the broad earth into existence and beauty. The poet sat
bat for a little time in that wide silence ; yet who would not give a
large portion of their every-day existence to have looked on him for
those brief moments, moments which for their full feeling might play
the part of years in our life's calendar ? Blessed holy time ! — when
we can look on genius, and catch the gems that fall from its lips \
Yet Milton spoke not, — he only looked; and still his looks were
heavenward — turned towards that Heaven from whence they caught
their inspiration. He heard the sound of coming footsteps, and loving
quiet on that holy day, withdrew to his own chamber. How empty
now appeared the tapestried hall ! as when some great eclipse shuts to
the golden portals of the sun, and steeps the earth in darkness !'
Vol. III. pp. 32—35.
In the correct finishing of her portraits and pictures, Miss
Lawrance, we think, excels. The graphic talent of Mrs. Hall is
displayed in a bolder use of the pencil: if we may use the
metaphor, she paints in oil. But we have said more than enough
to intimate our opinion of the sort and degree of literary merit
displayed in these volumes, and now leave our readers to frame
the verdict.
( 54 )
»
Art. IV. The Year of Liberation : a Journal of the Defence of HaQ1<
burgh against the French Army under Marshal Davoust in 1813:
with Sketches of the Battles of Lutzen^ Bautzen^ &c. &c. In two
Volumes. 12mo. pp. 656. Price 18^. London^ 1832.
TTNDER a title that does not seem to promise much, we have
in these volumes a melange' oi the most brilliant and enter-
taining descrintion. The ostensible subject, though an interest-
ing episode of ' the war of liberation "*, would, in ordinary hands,
have afforded scanty materials for a chapter ; but give this Writer
any subject, and it is evident that he could work it up into any
prescribed form or number of volumes. At the touch of his p^i-
cil, the most common-place and unsightly objects become pics
turesque. He has the strange art of making an old story new, of
imparting to the fresh coinage of his fancy the semblance of his-
tory, and of making veritable history seem half romance and haff
a joke. By help of scenic description, inexhaustible anecdote,
portraiture of character, politics, battles, poetry, romance, the
grave and the gay, the lively and the severe, he contrives to keep
the attention in a state of constant and pleasureable exdtement;
so that, whatever be the road he chooses to travel, the reader
thinks only of the pleasant company he finds himself in. He has
endowed a mere incident with the opulence that would ha^e suf-
ficed to furnish out a whole history of the war. But the most re-
markable feature of the work is, tnat, although the Writer^s s^le
is too vivacious to be sentimental, too sportive for grave philo-
sophy, and you scarcely know when he is quite in earnest, there
lies concealed beneath this ofF-hand, trifling manner of dealing
with things, a depth of observation and a seriousness of opinion
and purpose, which impart to some of his occasional observations
an axiomatic force and practical value, redeeming both the book
and its author from the class to which a superficial glance might
have referred them. The charm of the work is its style, which
sparkles with wit, or flashes with eloquence, from beginning to
end ; but the retrospect of events which the work comprises, is
adapted to be at the present moment peculiarly instructive. We
seem to be taken behind the scenes of the great drama, and are
shewn the machinery of history.
The Author is quite serious in his Preface, which contains the
moral of the tale. From this war, ^ the great patriotic war of
' Gei-many \ eminently rose, he remarks, * the fearful supremacy
^ of Russia, which now threatens all independence, and the not
* less fearful sense of popular power, which threatens all sovem-
^ ment ; the imbodying of the principles of despotism ana demo*
' crasy, at this hour arming for a conflict, which, whenever it ar*
^ rives, may cover the world with dust and ashes.^ Upon tlttl
The Year of Liberation, 55
single'^sentence, we could hang a dissertation ; and at some future
period, we may favour our readers with one ; but we must now
pass on.
' The rising of the people of Hamburgh against the French was one
of the most interesting incidents of the war. The present Writer has
described it as he saw it ; with the opportunities of one on the spot^
and the fresh impressions of the moment ; impressions heightened,
rather than diminished, by the twenty years which have since been in-
terposed. He has found no record of the transactions from the native
pen ; and he has long felt an allowable anxiety that some memorial
should exist of a public effort, which exhibited all the essential features
of public virtue. The general aspect of German affairs at the time will
be found occasionally observed.'
The first chapter introduces us to a groupe of characters on
board the packet, sketched with a vigour and humour that just
stop short of caricature, and make the week'^s voyage, which lasts
the chapter, not seem tedious. Heliogoland is the subject of
Chapter II.; and we must insert the graphic description of this
singular outpost of the Continent.
* The North Sea was angry, and a whole wilderness of immense
waves, topped with yellow, bilious-looking foam, rolled furiously
towards the little half-drowned island which continually escaped from
us, and seemed as if it were swimming away for its life. But, rough
as the gale was, it was luckily in our favour. We were hurled along
like the foam itself, and, in the course of a few hours, we were abreast
of the beach. The scene there was a very curious and peculiar one.
All seemed on the smallest scale, and might have been sketched for
Gulliver's first view of Lilliput. Heligoland is probably the smallest
spot to which human life, adhesive as it is, ever thought of clinging. . . .
Like every other nook of this over-travelled world, it has long since lost
its ancient spell ; but it was then a novelty, and an extremely charac-
teristic one. Paley should have put it into his chapter of " Con-
trivances." It was impossible to look upon it without recognizing the
onginal design of nature for the intercourse of nations ; the Plymouth
Breakwater, or the Eddystone lighthouse, is not a clearer evidence of
intention. Though it has stood from the creation or the deluge, a
solitary point in the deep, the playground of the seamew and the
porpoise for some thousand years, it was yet as obviously placed for
the uses of human kind, when the low shores of Holstein ana Hanover
should be peopled, as if it had been piled by a Telford or a Rennie
before our eyes. Standing about twenty-five miles from the mouth of
the £lbe, it is 8e9a|||gtaMB'i|^^ for ships to make
the land, wiUiou^P^^^^ -^^ ^^ifc )|ini (In iiliiili
shore of Germany'^
and many a stotf^
with which
their more
56 The Year of Liberation.
name of " Holy Island/' there may be found some reference to th^
sailor's gratitude for his preservation. But things had now, in the
American phrase, prodigiously progressed ; for the pedestal was not
merely topped witn a huge light-house, glittering with reflectors and
all the improvements of modem art, but it was enjoying that peculiar
prosperity which, according to the proverb, in the worst of times, fidls
somewhere ; and being the first mark of all vessels bound for the Elbe,
and just out of the reach of Napoleon's talons besides, it had become a
grand depot of commerce ; or, to use a less dignified, but truer ap-
pellation, of smuggling of the most barefaced kind. £very spot was
crowded with clerks and agents firom England and Germany ; many of
them not improbably agents of more important concerns than the
barter of sugar and coffee ; for those were times when every feeling of
right, seconded by every dexterity of man, was concerting the fiEdl of
the great enemy ; and Heligoland was, perhaps, more nearly connected
vrith Vienna, and even with Paris, than half the cabinets alive.
' But all before us, was the merchant and his merchandize, bales of
Manchester manufactures and bags of West India produce, and among
them the busy Englishman stalking about, and the spectacled German
following him, and each apparently too well employed to think of the
fates of empires.
' From our deck, the beach, which looked scarcely more than a
hundred yards wide ; and the rock itself, which did not seem half the
number of feet high, gave the thickest picture of human swarming,
that I had ever seen ; the whole was black, restless, and buzzing with
life; it had the look of an immense beehive.' pp. 20 — 24,
* It blows a storm ; and every wave that rolls in upon the little
beach threatens to wreck our whole navy at its anchors. The man
who '' pitied idle gentlemen upon a rainy day," should have added to
the rainy day, confinement upon an island a mile round, as flat as a
bowling-green, and with nothing upon it but a gathering of crazy huts,
shaking in every limb, groaning in the wind as if they were groaning
their last, and making it a doubtful point, whether it were wiser to
take the chance of being swept into the sea with them, or without
them.
' But the sea is magnificent : I now feel, for the first time, the full
&rce of the words, " the wilderness of waves." As far as the eye can
reach, the whole horizon is one moving mass of billows, rolling, foam-
ing, and thundering on each other; sheets of spray suddenly caught up
and whirling to vast distances, like the banners of the host of waters.
Here are no chains of rock to fret the waves, no projections and pro-
montories to break their mass, no distractions of the eye by the mixture
of land and water : all is ocean, deep, dreary, and illimitable. With
such an object before the poets of the north, well might they fill their
imaginations with shapes of desolate power. Among the clouds which
come continually rolling along the horizon, and almost touching t^e
waters. It would be no difiicult fancy even now, to conceive some of the
old pirate fleets, spreading sail from the Baltic, and sweeping down,
with the lightning for their pilot, and the winds for their trump, to
the spoil of Europe. All is wild, melancholy, and grand.'
Vol.1, pp. 36-38.
The Year of Liberation. STl
We must not stop to discuss the point, how far Napoleon'^s
downfall may be ascribed to the Berlin and Milan decrees. The
Writer asserts, that their first effect was, the ruin of his own re-
sources. The blow aimed at England, fell on Germany, which
had hitherto fed the French exchequer, and instantly cut off the
conduit through which the German revenues had flowed into
France. A more formidable result was, that ^ the whole mind of
* the Continent'* was at once exasperated against him.
' Napoleon might have galloped his charger over Europe, making
her castles the dust of its hoofs to the last of his days^ but for his for-
Eing the spell wbich^ more than cannon or bayonet, fought for the
ublic; the '* Guerre anx palais, paix aux cabanes". He had now
n on the cabanes, and from that moment he was undone. The
nations^ lone discontented with their sovereigns, had seen him tramp-
ling them down, and never moved a muscle. But, when they found
his heel pressing on the neck of every man alike, they sprang up and
cmshed nim.'
In the dreary six years which intervened between ^ the fall of
* Germany ^ in the battle of Jena in 1806, and its recovery at
the battle of Leipsig, Germany was gradually sinking into pau-
perism.
' Her higher orders were driven to despair by perpetual insult and
robbery ; her lower were compelled to criminal courses by the mere
pressure of hunger. The system of smuggling had become the only
resource of trade; and a more pernicious and demoralizing system
never was offered to tempt the natural evil of man. Fraud, on a
greater or lesser scale, was rapidly infecting all commercial transac-
tions : every thing bore a fictitious name in the invoice ; coffee passed
the customs as horse-beans, sugar as starch, and pepper was alternately
.pease, rape-seed, and a hundred other things. The quantity of oaths,
forgeries, and bribery that made this traffic pass down the consciences
of the Douaniers, may be imagined. All was mystification, which
yet mystified no one; hungry artifice openly arrayed against bloated
plunder.'
But the crisis was ripening. The effects of this system on the
burghers of Hamburg, and the people at large, are described by
the iVriter with the distinctness of a close and shrewd observer.
For some time before the insurrection, the French garrison in that
city felt themselves to be in the midst of a hostile population.
But, in place of entering into the historic details, whicn will be
beat learned from the narrative, we shall transcribe the Writer^s
description of this ancient Gothic Hanse-town.
' The first aspect of this famous old city gives the idea of opulence,
as opulence displayed itself in the ancient days of Germany, it is not
a French display, nor an Italian : it is the gloomy, solid, and almost
severe visage of the old Teutonic. Hamburg strikes the eye as a
VOLt IX. N.S. H
68 The Year of Liberation,
place where much money was made and much expended, and yet ^bere
It was both made and expended by merchants and those merchants re-
publicans Some of the public buildings are historic; and if
they are superabundant in neither grace nor majesty, yet they occasion-
ally have the look of times, when the Hamburg merchant could wield
the bat^leaxe as well as the pen, and buckle on his iron coat against
Swede and Dane. The front of the senate house, heavy and huge^ it
a gallery of civic heroes, all bronzed and gilded in full costume, an^
enveloped in wig and regimentals, '' as a general ought to be ;" the
long line of trading gallantry from Charlemagne, or Nimrod. If Com-
merce ever sat for the portrait of Bellona, those champions of the desk
might circle her car, as the attendant genii.
' But, to my sorrow, Hamburg is all pav^; the streets were, of coarse
universal mire after the day*s rain ; as in sunshine they are universal
dust ; and the wonders of the city were not to be seen, without ha^
zarding something little short of suffocation in public mud. It is odd
enough, that this universal offence in the continental cities should arise
not more horn laziness, than luxury. " Thank Heaven," said the
French abb6, when he found himself on the flags of London, " a pe-
destrian's bones are worth something here ;" and this was the whole
secret. In Paris, the pedestrian's bones were worth nothing; for
every man who was worth any thing rode in his carriage. The Ham-
burgers had been under the same circumstances ; the time was, when
they were not compelled to know whether their streets were earth or
water ; for such was the opulence of the city at the close of the last
century, that there was scarcely a shopkeeper's family without an
equipage and a country-house. The ladies of the firm seldom came
into Hamburg but to purchase some finery of the day ; the gentlemen
came in but to spend an hour behind the counter, hold open their
hands for the golden shower that was literally pouring upon them from
every corner of the earth, and then drive back to their villas, and
luxuriate for the rest of the day among their lilies and roses. In fkct,
the life of the great English merchant now was the life of the little
Hamburg trader then. The French reformed this thoroughly; the
marshals first cut down the opulence by a series of contributions,
levied with the sabre ; Napoleon gave the second blow by his " decrees;"*
but the final and the fatal blow was given by letting loose the swarm
of French employes upon the unfortunate city. The rough men of the
sabre trampled down the field ; but it was the prefeis, the collectors,
and the custom-house oflicers, that played the part of the locust, and
nipped every leaf and sprout of commerce out of the soil.
' The landscape round the city is Dutch, — flat, quiet, and green,
sprinkled with houses, looking not unlike those which sprinkled the
suburb fields of London a hundred and fifty years ago ; low, yet some*
times spreading over a considerable extent, sometimes showy, but, in
most instances, ample and convenient. Hamburg itself is an inland
Amsterdam, a huge mass of buildings, imbedded in a marsh on the
side of a lazy^ river, and cut through in all directions with sullen ca-
nals. The citizens pronounce it a Venice, and a Venice it is, if we
divest the Adriatic queen of her palaces, her squares, her skies, and
her recollections.' Vol I. pp. 61 — 63.
The Year of Liberation. 59
• •••••
' I have just returned^ after a ramble among the villages. The
iiKvther city looks best from the outside. The villages are little, wild,
odd things, with a primitive look, yet with some kind of gaiety. They
put us in mind of a group of young Quakers, with the l3ood of youth
contending against the inveteracy of the drab ; or the unwilling for-
mality of a family circle in the presence of the venerable and forbid-
ding grandmother of the household. The brown roofs and ponderous
steeples of the city are seen from every dell and thicket for miles
round, looking gravity, and frowning down the light propensities of
the rising generation of villas.
* The contrast, to one returning from the country into the sudden
doom of the streets, renders all their evils still more unpalatable.
Whatever better times, or another generation, may make of the city,
it is now dark, intricate, and miry, to the full republican measure.
Republicanism may have its advantages, but it never paves, sweeps,
lights, or whitewashes ; the sovereign people feels the value of its in-
dependence too profoundly to suffer any intrusion of authority in the
shape of public comfort ; cleanliness is a breach of privilege, and the
<n^er to hang up two lamps where but one twinklea before, would be
an insult to the genius of the constitution altogether unheard of. The
result is, that there is not a stone in the streets of Hamburg which
has not been suffered to settle into its place by the laws of gravity ;
not a spout which does not irrigate the passer by, and seem to be
employed for that sole purpose ; not a crevice which does not widen
into a pool ; not a pool which does not widen into a gulph ; and, in a
huge city of ravines of lanes, and cut up with foggy canals, not a light
much exceeding that of a moderate cigar. The senate know all this,
and are alternately laughed at and libelled for not smoothing their
pavements, stopping up their pools, and lighting their streets. But
what can any citizen-senate on earth do more than groan over the
oommonwealUi ; draw up magnanimous resolutions, and throw them
into the fire, through fear of offending the freeborn sordidness and pa-
triotic putrescence of the state ; and leave the rest to destiny and the
general conflagration.
* I honour and esteem the spirit of Hamburg in its resistance to
the French, but all my respect cannot disguise ^m all my senses,
that the city would be infinitely the better for a good, active bombard-
ment. But an earthquake would be the true benefactor. Any thing
would be eood that would bore, batter, scatter, and prostrate some fur-
longs of tnose streets, that, wild and winding as the shafts of a coal
mine, seem nearly as dark, narrow, subterraneous, and unwholesome.
After having so lately renewed my recollections of ^esh air and open
sky, I feel doubly incarcerated among those endless piles of old houses,
like so many German barons, bowing round me with stiff decrepitude.
The city has some memorable old buildings, but the republican spirit,
which rorgets every thing but its crabbed rights and peevish privileges,
leaves them to the common career of men and buildi ' **»ere
they stand or fall, proud with established squalidi
the sacred dirt of ages.' Vol. II. pp. 217 — 20.
* Still the city is a fine old gloomy relic, of
60 The Year of Liberation.
wben, whatever might be the wickednesses of this world among the
satrapies of the Continent, there was a spirit of grandeur, Gothic as it
was, moving among mankind. I never tread my swampy way under
the shadow of those fierce old buildings, that seem to scowl over the
degenerate race of modern traffickers ; without doing homage to the
phantoms of sovereign commerce which still linger round the oomptoirs,
like ghosts round the spot they loved.' Vol. II. pp. 221.
And now for a few sketches of the worthy natives, whose ^ fair,
* flat, piscatory visage ^ affords so striking a contrast to ^ the bi-
* lious pug-dog physiognomy of the Gaul \
* It is impossible to refuse the Germans all the praise due to good-
xiature, kindness of manner to strangers, and especially to general
intelligence. £very one reads, almost every one writes, and altogether
there is more of the active power of education visible in general society,
than, perhaps, in any other country of the world. But they have two
d^sagr&mensy for nothing but the word can express the thing, too slight
to be called vice, and too vexatious to be entitled to tolerance ; which
very considerably undo the spell of German society ; and those are —
smoking, and stocking knitting.
' A few mornings since, I visited a man of letters. I found him in
his study, entrenched up to the chin in books and papers, and
surrounded with all the printed wisdom of his country, in bindings that
had evidently known a good deal of the *' midnight lamp." The
nocturnd versaie manu, versaie diurn/l, was in every thing. In short,
all was as it ought to be in the sacellum of literature. The master of
the shrine was a very intelligent person, 1 believe a very learned, and
certainly a very industrious one; for in a list of his daily pursuits,
which he showed to me, there was scarcely an hour out of the twenty-
four, which had not its appropriate study. But the genius of tobacco-
smoke was there, writing his death warrant, as l^bly as my learned
friend ever wrote a line of high Dutch. His pipe was in his hand ;
his goblet of eau sucre, its never-iailing, and almost equally sickening,
companion, was beside him ; and with a lack-lustre eye, and a chedc
as yellow as the yellowest page he %vas poring over, was this able and
valuable man sadly smoking himself into the other world.
. * His chamber, his books, his clothes, every thing about him, were
tobacco; and I left the interview in sorrow, and half suffocated.
Argument in this distemper is but loss of time. No logic can pierce
the integument that smoking wraps round the brain. Nothing will
ever be effectual, except a general fusillade of the criminals, and a
cordon prohibitory of the entrance of this foXsl gift of America for the
mystification of the continental soul. The propensity too is declared
by the physicians to be actually one of the most efficient causes of the
Uerman tendency to diseases of the lungs. In point of expense, its
waste is enormous. In Hamburg alone, 50,000 boxes of cigars have
been consumed in a year ; each box costing about 3/. sterling : 150,000^
puffed into the air !
' And it is to be remembered, that even this is but a part of the
expense ; the cigar adorning the lip only of the better order, and even
The Year of Liberation, 61
•mong those, only of the young ; the mature generally abjuring this
small Tsnity, and blowing away with the mighty meerschaum of their
ancestors. This plague, like the Egyptian plague of frogs, is felt every
where, and in every thing. It poisons the streets, the chibs, and the
coffee-hooses ; furniture, clothes, equipage, person, are redolent of the
abomination. It makes even the dulness of the newspaper doubly
narcotic ; the napkin on the table tells instantly that native hands have
been over it ; every eatable and drinkable, all that can be seen, felt,
heard, or understood, is saturated with tobacco ; the very air we breathe
is but a conveyance for this poison into the lungs ; and every man,
woman, and child, rapidly acquires the complexion of a boiled chicken.
From the hour of their waking, if nine-tenths of the population can
erer be said to awake at all, to the hour of their lying down, which in
innumerable instances the peasantry do in their clothes, the pipe is
never ont of their mouths ; one mighty fumigation reigns, and numan
nature is smoke-dried by tens of thousands of square miles.
' But if it be a crime to shorten life, or extinguish faculties, the
anthority of the chief German physiologists charges this custom with
effecting both in a very remarkable degree. They compute, that of
twenty deaths of men between eighteen and thirty-five, ien originate
in the waste of the constitution by smoking. The universal weakness
of the eyes, which makes the Germans par excellence a spectacled
nation, is probably attributed to the same cause of general nervous
debilit?. Tobacco burns out their blood, their teeth, their eyes, and
their brains; turns their flesh into mummy, and their mind into
metaphysics.' Vol. I. pp. 176 — 180.
' To the eye accustomed to genuine English beauty, the foreign
countenance is seldom seen to advantage. The foreign brunette is
too dark ; the blonde is too light ; the Greek profile, grand as it is, is
too inanimate ; and the French favourite nez reironss^, seconded by the
little restless brown eye, is too common-place. For the combination of
dignity and tenderness, for the noblest expression of mind and heart
together, the countenance of English loveliness, in its few finer instances,
is altogether without an equal in the world.
' But the Gkrman females have better claims than those which
depend upon the exterior; they are a remarkably kind-hearted,
fiuthful, and honest-minded generation. The German ladies, excepting
where they are led away by the tempation of French manners, vinoicate
the character of the sex, and fairly constitute the stronghold of the
national morality. Even such sujierficial knowledge of their domestic
life as might lie open to a stranger, conveyed the impression of a
mixture of gentleness and goodness, which forms perhaps the best
quality for home. The ties of parent and'child certainly seem to owe
but little of their acknowledged closeness, in Germany, to severity on
the one side, or fear on the other. The feature which strikes a stranger
most, is the general prevalence of a simple familiarity, perfectly con-
sistent with duty on both sides. The aged head of the house is looked
up to mth something of patriarchal respect, which he returns by
something of patriarchal affection. In England, families suddenly
break off, and scatter through life, as if they were blown up by an
explosion of gunpowder : they fly to all corners of the world, never to
63 The Year of Liberation,
reioin ; but the happier circumstances of this country fi^uently allow-
all the branches of families to settle near each other : sons and daughters^
sons-in-law and daughters-in-law, with their children and their
children's children, come and sit under the shelter of the family vine.
Circle spreads beyond circle ; and the ancient father, sitting in the
centre of all, like another Jacob, with the sons of Joseph at his knee,
IS loved and honoured, rejoices in his grey hairs and fulness of years,
and in peace and gratitude prepares for the great change that comes
to all; VoL I. pp. 21 7> 218.
In genuine domesticity^ however, the Englishman is distin-
guished alike from the pipe-loving Teutschlandery the talk-loving
Frenchman, or the sun-loving Italian.
' Be it known, that the Englishman is the only inhabitant of Europe,
who, between the hours of dinner and sleep, can stay at home. Be
the weather wild as Boreas and Eurus together ever made it, the sun«
loving Italian steals to his casino ; the Frenchman rushes out into the
whirlwind, to yawn for three hours in the same coterie where he has
duly yawned every night for the last fifty years ; the Dutchman finds
a moral impossibility of smoking his pipe at home, and goes to enjoy
it in the Harmonic; the Spaniard's lemonade is tasteless unless he
can sip it in the accustomed Caffeteria ; and the German's schnapps
and newspaper cannot go down, except in the Guinguette atmosphere
of brandy, lamp-oil, and the most pestilent tobacco fiimes that ever
nauseated the lungs of man.
' This anti-home propensity accounts for half the pheenomena of
foreign life; for the rarity of affection where it ought to be, and the
universality of attachment where it ought not; — for the wretched
profligacy of private life, and, as a consequence, for a good deal of the
very scandalous corruption of public ; for the crowding of the theatres,
the prosperity of the gaming-tables, and the general propensity to
suicide.
' The Englishman, on the contrary, can sit at home, and bear to
look at his wife and children, without grudging the moments given to
either, as so much lost to sentiment, and the billiard balls.'
Vol. I. pp. 148—150.
' The original malediction of the foreigner is restlessness : he lives
under an anathema of perpetually doing something. His Qavem*
ments, and his nature, alike make him an idler, — I speak not of the
few exceptions, — and the misery of his idleness is to oe made endur-
able only by eternal trivialities. The Gaul thus chatters away his un-
derstanoing ; the German smokes and mysticises ; the whole South of
Europe vainly absorbs itself in sonnetteering, scandal, and macaroni.
The Englishman is the only individual in existence, who can sit still
when he has nothing to do ; and hold his tongue, when he has nothing
to say ; and limitless praise be to him for both. To this pitiful pro-
pensity, worthy only a forest of baboons, is due the theatre and coffee-
nouse haunting spirit, that utterly un-domesticates foreign life ; a vast
quantity of the vice, — for foreign life is intolerably vicious; and the
incalculable waste of the energies, talents, and opportunities which
Ptovidenoe has given as largely hefe as elsewhere, but given in vain«
The Year of Liheration. 63
To this 18 due the opera and ballet-fever^ the frenzy into which a
dancer or a singer throws the public for a hundred square leagues^
noble and gentle^ prince and plebeian ; all crowding for fifty nights to-
gether, to see a profligate from Paris^ who stands on her toe half a
minute longer than all other profligates from Paris ; or a singer from
Milan or Naples^ who eclipses all the violins, and all the vices, of her
native hot-bed.' Vol. II. pp. 301, 2.
In our own metropolis, the theatres are comparatively deserted
by the higher classes ; but the multiplication of clubs and club-
houses, to say nothing of billiard-rooms, is, we fear, making se-
rious inroads upon domesticity of character, and tmdermining, in
many cases, domestic virtue. Happily, if Paris is France, Lon-
don is not England.
A chapter is devoted to the history of the Hanseatic League,
— a ffrapnic and spirited sketch, in the vivid colouring of romance*
Chanemagne is exalted into a benefactor ; and the Crusades are
referred to as having showered gold on the north ; representations
which do not belong to history, — ^but tant pi8 pour lea faits.
Next comes ^ The Battle of Bautzen ^ followed by a ^ Tale of
the Generations of Napoleon \ to which this gorgeous paragraph
finrms a head-piece, — a pen and ink vignette.
* Who has not heard, read, written, or dreamed of the Bay of
Naples ? Of its morning sun showering it with pearls and roses, and
of Its evening sun exchanging them for topazes and tulips ! Of its
being at one time a mirror in which Aurora dresses her ringlets, and
at another a prodigious cathedral window, stained with all kinds of
heavenly things, before which Phoebus goes to vespers ! '
After perusing this tale, fanciAil, extravagant, oriental in its
conception, dramatic in its execution, the dullest reader will
scarcely be at a loss to conjecture the name of the Writer, if he
has not detected him before ; but the following stanzas, which it
would be injustice to withhold, tell the secret still more plainly.
We will not, however, deprive our readers of the pleasure of
guessing.
' THB RUSSIAN BLACK EAGLE :
' A NIGHT VIEW.
* The trumpet of the storm is blown, '
The thunder wakes upon his throne.
Through the vapours damp
The moon's sad lamp
Seems lighting funeral shrouds ;
And a giant plume
Stoops through the eloom
Of tte thousand rolBng clouds,
' That head is crown'd with many a ring !
I know that fearful eagle- wing !
64 The Year of Liberation.
Fierce^ broad, and black.
It hung on the track.
From Moscow's towers of flame.
O'er hill, and plain, and tide.
Chasing the homicide.
Till France was but a name.
* Thou eagle-kine ! I know thee well.
By the iron beak and the deadly yell.
It was no forest prey
Thou wentest forth to slay ;
Whole armies were thy food.
Earth's crown'd and mighty men :
Thy haunt no forest-glen.
But kingdoms, slaughter-strewed !
' Dark spirit of the mystic North,
When sweeps thy sullen pinion forth,
Like a cloudy zone :
What fated throne
Must sink in dust aeain !
Com'st thou to wreak
Old vengeance for the Greek,
Giving him blood to drink like rain !
' Or shall thy gory talon sweep
O'er the pale Propontic deep.
Where sits the Sultan-slave,
His throne beside his grave !
Gathering his vassals wan ;
And with shrinking ear.
Seems in each blast to hear
" Death to the Ottoman !"
* Or from thy tempest-girdled nest
On Caucasus' eternal crest.
Shall thy consuming eyes
Glance where trembling India lies.
Offering her jewelled diadem,
Another, to thy many-circled brow !
Or shalt thou too be low.
Thy grandeur like the rest — a dream !
* Or shalt thou revel till the storm.
When the avenger's fiery form
Bursts from his midnight skies.
And mankind's trembling eyes
See the last thunders hurlea ?
And thou, and thy wild horde.
Are in his hand the sword.
Destroying, and destroyed but with the world ! '
1 65 )
Art. V. 1. Mirabeau's Letters, during his Residence in England;
with Anecdotes, Maxims, &c I^w first translated from the
Original Manuscripts. To which is prefixed, an Introductwy
Notice on the Lite, Writings, Conduct, and Character of the
Author. 2 Vols. pp. Ixxxiii. 928. Price 21*. London, 1832.
2. Semi'Serums Observations of an tialian Exile, during his Residence
in England. By Count Pecchio. 12mo. pp. xvi. 625. Price
10*. M. London, 1833.
nPHE history of this portion of Mirabeau's Correspondence,
now first published, is thus stated.
' In the year 1806, the Tran^tor was residing at Brussels. At
that period, the fiishion of collecting autographs was extremely pre-
valent, especially among ladies. A particular friend of the Translator's,
Madame de Bathe, requested Mde. Guilleminot, the sister-in-law of
tiie present General Guilleminot, to assist her in her collection. Her
hommd, in consequence, applied to one of the sisters of Napoieon
Baoaapartc. That princess mentioned the application to Cambaceres,
the ChanoeHor ef the empire ; and under his direction, die Keeper of
the Archives was instructed to forward as many autograph letters as
might be at his disposal to Brussels. Between two and three thousand
letters, written by celebrated men of the Revolution, were accordin^y
despatched. The Translator was present on their arrival. Mde. d«
Baoie requested him to select those which might appear the mo^ in*
teresting. Having done so, he was allowed to transcribe such as he
chose, and also to submit the originals to the inspection of several of
fais friends Most of Mirabeau's letters, here given, were in his
<ywn hand-writing ; but some of them had been copied by Adam, his
secretanr, who succeeded Hardy. It is not known to whom they had
been written ; for, having been collected either by Mirabeau or by Adam,
and jMurtiaHy arranged, with a view to their publication, the envelopes
liad Deen destrc^ed.*
For corroborating testimony to the genuineness of these Letters,
the Translator refers to Prince d'Aremberg, an intimate Sriend
of Mirabeau'^s, and several other highly respectable personages.
The date of the letters is 1784, 5.
The notice of the Life and Character of Mirabeau, prefixed to
the Letters, is spirited and, upon the whole, impartial and just.
It is a melancholy and disgusting disclosure. A prodigy of ta-
lent, talent of gigantic energy, he exhibited at the same time the
most frightful specimen of mind witholit heart. Immoral does
not describe his character: be had no sense of morality, no con-
science either in morals, politics, or religion. He was entirely
unprincipled. He looked not merely first, but exclusively, to his
personal interest in public affairs ; and, as Mde. de Stael ob-
serves, his foresight was bounded by his selfishness. ^ The tri-
^ Inme by policy, and the aristocrat by taste,' at once a Tory and
a dflstmctionist, he despised the mob as much as he hated hia
▼OB. IX. — N.S, I
66 Mirabeau^g Letters^ S^e,
own order ; and yet, he courted the applause and enjoyed the iiv-
cense of the rabble, while his vanity never suffered him to forget
his pretensions to nobility. He was to be bought by any party ;
but no gold would have satisffed his cupidity, supported his ori-
ental extravagance* or purchased his fidelity.* He is described
as ugly almost to hideousness, — ' the face of a tiger marked with
^ the small-pox "*; but of his very ugliness, as of the moral hide-
ousness of which it was a type, he was vain. With all his de-
formity of countenance, he was a personal favourite with the
ladies. To a Herculean frame, he united a voice of thunder,
full, flexible, and sonorous. This was the chief instrument of his
power ; and by this he impressed, seduced, inflamed, and ruled.
His vanity, the efflorescence of his pure selfishness, was seen in
every thing.
< He was vain of his person, — his learning, — his oratory, — his
acting, — his fencing, — his authorship, — his mode of correcting proofs
fwr the press ; — vain of every thing. Yet, as a lUteratemr, he was one
of the most notorious and unblushing plagiarists that ever existed. As
a writer, or as a speaker, he never scmpTed to avail himself, to what-
ever extent occasion might require, of the labours of others. A proud
man would not have thus acted. '' His work on the ' Bank of St.
Charles,' his ' Denunciation of Stockjobbing,' his ' Considerations on
the order of Cindnnatus,' and his ' Lettres de Cachet,' were his titles
to fame. But if all who had contributed to these works had each
daimed his share, nothing would have remained as Mirabeau's own,
but a certain art of arrangement, some bold expressions, and biting
epigrams, and numerous bursts of manly eloquence, certainly not the
growth of the French Acadnny. He obtained from Claviere and Pan-
chaud the materials for his writings on finance* Clariere supplied
him with the subject matter of his ' Letter to the King of Pnissia.'
De Bourges was the author of his address to the Batavians." It has
been already seen, that Dumont and Duroverai wrote many of his
speeches. Mirabeau was not profound ; but he possessed. the art of
seizing upon grand points, and making the most of them. His faci-
lity in appropriating the ideas, thoughts, and expressions of others, was
truly wonderful ; with a Promethean touch he made them his own.
In fact, Dumont, — all the parties enumerated above, — and many
others, — were neither more nor less than his journeymen — ^his tools.
' Mirabeau was not, —
" In wit a man, simplicity a child : **
he was a man of splendid genius ; but his gem'us was not subservient
to his reason ; he was depl^bly wanting in self-respect ; he was im-
petuous, violent and indiscreet ; — he possessed not the discretion oi a
diild ten years of age. Hb shrewdness, his perspicacity, were pro-
tM, a ooort i«nter, once remarked, * Je sms vemdm, wutU mom
Mirabeau's reply was, ' Je suis pa^, mais mom vtmJm:
Minbeaa'*s Ijetiers^ 4^. 67
^^ioos. He wu profoondlT skilled in tbe art of flatterr ^ ^
soanTe — capable of cajoling;— Tct open to flattery himself, — erer
liable to be cajoled, and converted to the parposes of others, even by
men immeasnrablT his inferiors in knowled^ and in intellect.
* Temperate in drinking, he was the reverse in every other grati-
fication of sense. His perceptions were nice ; his conduct was gross.
Ardent as a lorer, he ^^as inconstant as he was ardent ; sensual —
heartless— -profligate.
' Had Mirabeaa been virtuonSr he would have been grreat : as he
was TicioiiSy he was only wonderfuL' — VoL I. pp. Ixxxi — Ixxxiii.
This is well put, and far more just than the remark of M.
Mignet, that ^ he wanted nothiDg but the opportunity, to be
^ great.^ La Harpe was accustomed to say of the ^ Plebeian
* Aristocrat,'' that he was nominally and essentially a despot ; and
that, * had he enjoyed the goTemment of an empire, he would
* have surpassed Richelieu in pride, and Mazann in policy.^
This might have been, had not his vanity been so much greater
than bis pride, and had not his policy been always oTer-nded by
his profligacy.
The most instructive view, perhaps, to be taken of his cha-
racter, is in reference to the state of society which produced it.
Mirabeau was not simply a Frenchman, but he was the quint-
essence of the national character ; of that character which Voltaire
described as a hybrid between the ape and the tiger. He was
the personification, the avatar of those evil qualities which have
ever been most prominent in the French character. He might
have been a CatUine in Rome ; we know not what he might have
been in England, — perhaps a mere Childe Harold, or a Chatham
without his patriotism and virtue ; but he could have been Mira-
beau, only in France. His character was the illegitimate offspring
of the old regime and the revolution ; deriving its energy firom
the latter, its utter viciousness from the former. He sprang from
that old noblesse whose crimes and profligacy, fostered by a cor-
rupt priesthood, had loosened all the bonds of morality and law,
and left nothing for the Revolution to destroy, but the forms and
trappings of government. His vanity and ferocity were French ;
his utter destitution of religious principle, his atheism, and his
profligacy, were the effect of that condition of society upon which
he was thrown, and out of the mould of which he rose ; a con-
dition produced by the twin evils, popery and despotism, the
joint corrupters and enslavers of mind and body ; in other words,
by the court of the Bourbons and the priesthood of Rome.
But our present object is neither to write an essay on the cha-
racter of Mirabeau, nor to discuss the causes which produced this
Genius' of disorganization. It is necessary th#t the reader should
be appised of the character of the Writer of these obser>'ations
upon England. In these Letters, however, Mirabeau^s appear-
I 2
6ft Mirabeftu'^fl LeH^ra^ Otr.
anoe is adyantageous. They evince no laxity of principle or of con-
duct ; and from their perusal, the Editor remarks, no one would sup-
pose him to be otherwise than a man of honour and rectitude ; and
yet, while living in London, he was * the sensualist, the volup-
^ tuary, the profligate Mirabeau.** His talents, however, procured
him the acquaintance of several of the leading men of the day.
^ Of many points of the English character, and of many of the
^ public institutions of England, he was a professed and ardent
* admirer.'* Chatham'^s speeches more especially excited his ad-
miration ; and ^ howsoever the copy migbt differ from the ori-
^ ginal,^ he avowedly made that great orator his model. We
shall now, without ftuther preface, lay before our readers, a few
apecimens of the Letters. Perhaps the best criticism upon them^
is that which the Writer has himself supplied.
' In that case I shall return to Paris ; and one of the first books I
intend to publish will be^ " A Year's Residence in England." I have
written to my different correspondents^ requesting them not to destroy
my letters dated from hence. They are merely rough sketches, thrown
off" in the greatest haste, Jilled perhaps with contradictory notions re^
specting this country and its inhabitants; but^ whatever they may be^
Kiev bear the impress of the moment ; and !> like many other worthy in*
dividuals, am guided in my opinions by the state of my mind, the h^tb
of my body, or, perhaps, to oe more precise, by the fiillness or empti-
ness of my purse. " I find it difficult," said La B. ''to persuade a
minister who is in the act of digesting a delicious meal, that the people
of an entire province are in a state of actual starvation." This is certain ;
I feel more pleased with myself and with those around me, thanks to
the fifty louis a month I receive from my publisher.' Vol. I. p. 130.
Contradictory and sometimes absurd, certainly, the notions
thrown out at random in these efiusions of the moment, must be
pronounced* For example :
' To children, the religious exercises of the English afford nothing
capable of softening and humanizing their disposition. These exer-
cises do not strike the senses ; they are confined to prayers, which
never end, and are interspersed with metaphysical or dogmatical in*
strnctions, that have no effect upon the mind. On the other hand,
the service of the Church of Rome, the pictures and statues which
adorn the temples, with the variety of ceremonies, processions, salu-*
tations, &c., are better adapted to the capacity of young people : as
they have a natural turn for imitation, they are seen to crowd together
in Catholic countries, to dress shrines, to sing at high mass, and to
tvalk in processions. These exercises nourish that simplicity which
becomes their tender years, and gives the mind a pliant turn that pre-
serves the gentleness of their temper, and their disposition to gayety.
' If, in England, we observe the influence of religion on grown per-
sons, we shall see a new source of melancholy. Let us confine our-
selves to the country towns and villages — to that part of the nation
which has most religion—and we shall find that the Jewish rigour
Mirabeau^'s Letters, ^c. 69
wkh wUdi they ai^ obliged to keep the Sabbath^ the only holiday
they haye> is an absolute speciBc to nourish the gloom of their temper.
This rigid obserrance of tne Sabbath is founded upon the laws which
the Puritans extorted from Queen Elizabeth ; laws which James the
First, and Charles the Firsts in vain endeavoured to meliorate by or-
dinances which allowed all sorts of lawful pleasures and amusements
alter divine service-' — Vol. I. pp. 238 — 240.
* The English, accustomed to view religion in this gloomy light, arc
veady to £dl into every sort of excess which they may think capable of
kading them to perfection, by any path whatever. There is no sort
of extravagance of this kind that an English head is not capable of.
Religion, notwithstanding, is calculated to make men happy ; and I
fully concur with the writer who says — " He will be cheerful, if he
has a cheerful religion ; he will be sad, if his religion is of a sad and
gloomy kind ; he makes his happiness subordinate to it, and refers
himself to it in all things that interest him most." Thus, the mi-
Bistera <ii reh'gion are responsible to God, not only for the future, but
the present happiness of the people whose confidence they possess. It
is an offence against the human species, to disturb the repose which
they should enjoy upon earth.
' The theatrical exhibitions of the English contribute equally to
fted, or rather to increase, the national melancholy. The tragedies
which the people are most fond of, consist of a number of bloody
scenes, shodcing to humanity ; and these scenes are upon the stage as
warm and affecting as the justest action can render them ; — an action
as lively, pathetic, and slowing, as that of their preachers is cold,
languid, and uniform.'— vol. I. pp. 243, 244.
To the national melancholy of the English, thus nourished by
the palpit and the stage, this clever, superficial, volatile French-
man paradoxically ascribes * the aptitude of the English for the
* sciences, ^^nd ^ the great sale of the newspapers \ which the ge-
nerality of the English, he says, spend a considerable time in
reading. * Hence those revolutions which have so often changed
* the government of England.'' It is a pity that it did not occur
to him to ascertain the date of the first newspaper. ^ In the pre*
^ sent state of England,'' he continues, ^ public affairs have become
' the concern of every Englishman : each citizen is a politician.
* The case was quite different in the reigns of Henry VIII. and
* Queen Elizabeth.'* In the next page, he proeeeds to speak of
the political divisions and contests that a^tated England in those
reigns, when newspapers had assuredly little to do with creating
disturbances. The theme is thus pursued in Letter xlvi.
' The impetuosity and the perseverance with which melancholy
dwells upon such objects as interest and engage it, are the principles
that induce the English to concern themselves so much about public
aflfairs. Each citizen, identifying himself with the government, must
of necessity extend to himself the high idea he has of the nation : he
triumphs in its victories ; he is afflicted by its calamities ; he exhausts
70 ' Mirabeau's Letters^ <J-c.
himself in projects to promote its successes^ to second its advantages^
to repair its losses.
' Hence that natural pride which immortalized him who first used
the expression — " The Majesty of the People of England ; " a pride
from which the splendour of the most renowned states of antiquity
took its rise ; — a pride which, being the first foundation of public
strength, and multiplying it ad infinitum, subdivides, and in some
measure distributes, itself to every citizen; — a pride that produced
those wonderful examples of patriotism which made so shining a
figure in ancient history ; — in fact, a pride which is perhaps the only
patriotism that human nature is capable of attaining.
" Totam diffusa per artus
Mens agitat molem, ac magno se corpore miscet.
Even the fair sex has its share of this pride, in England ; and it dis«
plays itself with all the violence which melancholy imparts to the af-
fections and passions. The revolution that subvertea the throne of
Charles the First furnishes many examples of this sort, which Butler
makes mention of in his Hudibras.* — Vol. I. pp. 259 — 261.
In a following letter, he traces to the same supposed melan-
cholic temperament of Englishmen, the inclination to commit
suicide. The Editor very properly asks, in a note, * What then
* occasions the propensity towards this crime among the French ?'
The fact is, that the crime is far less frequent in England, than
either in France or in Germany.
' Amongst men of learning, artisans, and clergymen, public afi^rs
generally furnish the subject of conversation ; every Englishman giving
as much attention to these matters as though he were the prime
minister. This is the case even with the lowest class, and country
people. Pleasurable and ^y conversation is unknown to these so-
cieties. The English find no relief from reflection, except in re-
flection itself : they have no other means of amusing themselves ; and
gaming gives them pleasure, only by affording them an opportunity to
reflect.
' ' The English, who are profound thinkers, violent in their desires,
and carrying all their passions to excess, are altogether extravagant in
the articiei of gaming. Several rich noblemen are said to have ruined
themselves by it ; others devote their whole time to it, at the expense
of their business, their repose, and their health. A minister of state
passed four-and-twenty hours at a public gaming-table, so absorbed in
play, that during the whole time he had no sustenance but a bit of
beef between two slices of toasted bread, which he ate without ever
quitting the game. This refreshment became highly in vogue, and re-
ceived the name of the minister (Lord Sandwich) by whom it was in-
vented.'—Vol. I. pp. 223—224.
' The French are apt to imagine, that it is on account of their
country they are pushed and shoved in the most frequented streets,
and often driven into the kennel. They are mistaken. The English
Mirabeau'^s Letters^ S^c, *J\
walk very fast, their thoughts being entirely engrossed by business ;
they are very punctual to their appointments ; and those who happen
to be in their way, are sure to be sufferers by it. Constantly dartins
forward, they jostle them with a force proportioned to their bulk and
the velocity of their motion. I have seen foreigners, not used to this
exercise, suffer themselves to be tossed and whirled about a long time,
in the midst of a crowd of passengers, who had nothing else in view
but to get forward. Plautus, describing the bustle of the port of
Athens, has given a true account of this city : —
* *' Drive those forward who are coming towards you ; push them on ;
force them into the middle of the street ; when you are running on,
and when you are in the greatest hurry imaginable, scarcely any body
will vouchsafe to make way for you :' so that you have three things at
once upon your hands, when you have undertaJcen but one ; you must
run, fight, and scold by the way."
' We should be in an error, were we to imagine that the English
&8hions, diametrically opposite to those of the French, arc contrived
in the manner they are, to avoid all resemblance to those of our na-
tion. On the contrary, if the former are in any respect influenced by
the latter, it is by the desire of imitating them. A mode begins to be
out of date in Paris, just when it has been introduced in London, by
some English noblejnan. The court, and the first-rate nobility, im-
mediately take it up ; it is next introduced, about St. James's, by
those who ape. the manners of the court ; and, by the time it has
reached the city, a contrary mode alreadv prevails in Paris, where the
English, bringing with them the obsolete fashion, appear like the
people of another world.* — Vol. I. pp. 189 — 191.
' Were you to be told, that, in a certain latitude, an island exists in
which the winds are extremely changeable, the climate temperate, but
the air almost always loaded with fogs and humid vapours ; were you
also to be told, that the people who inhabit this island, having pro-
cured, by labour and industry, considerable wealth, have acquired the
habit of partaking plentifully of food ; that, although they eat but
little bread, which is more readily converted into chyle, but a great
quantity of meat, much butter, and potatoes ; and that the customary
beverage is a strong beer, extremely nourishing, and even in whicn
opium is frequently infused, — woula you not, at the moment, be in-
clined to think that a man circumstanced thus, with respect to climate
and diet, must possess more substance, more life, more force and power
for action, be better able to endure fatigue ; but that, generally speak-
ing, his fibres must be more flaccid, more soft, consequently less elastic,
less susceptible, and, putting exceptions out of the case, his animal
spirits must be less vivacious, and circulate through his frame with less
rapidity ? Well ! this supposition here becomes reality.'
Vol. I. pp. 19, 20.
* On my arrival in London, nothing struck me more forcibly than
the sight of those flag-stone pavements which caused that excellent
man. La Condamine, to fall upon his knees, and exclaim, '' Thank
God ! I am in a country where they who are obliged to go on foot
have not been forgotten ! " Every thing else, as we passed through the
72 Mirabeau^s Letters^ 4*c.
town, appeared to me uncommoDly plain ; so much so, that I could
not but agree with the apathetic Italian, who said— '^ The town is
composed of streets on the right, streets on the left, and a road in the
midale." Every town resembles every other. If, however, you allow
this one to enjoy admirable cleanliness, which extends to every thing,
which embellishes every thing — an attraction both for body and soul
— to an extent which no ancient city ever possessed ; yet, here» you
will find frightful political maladies — a moral sink of iniquity — and,
perhaps, as elsewhere, a physical one also.' — Vol. I. pp. 10, 11.
* Speaking of order, cleanliness, and comfort, notning is more won-
derful than the stables of the English : they are positivdy cleaner than
most of the Paris hotels. I know not whether Swift ever visited
France : if he did, there he found prototypes in abundance for his Ya-
hoos; and here, models innumeralHe for his Houyhnhnms.' p. 110.
The following remarks are of a more grave and more important
character. We give them without comment, altboagh they supply
ample matter for reflection.
' The soul of the British government is influence : the Crown risi-
bly absorbs the power of the whole legislature by influence ; she pos-
sesses the executive in right ; and every man who attends to parlia-
mentary affairs, must perceive, that the votes of both houses are al-
ways at command. The real government of this country is, therefore,
different from the apparent. The King's Ministers are certain of be-
ing able to carry every point tliey desire ; the King's will is the law.
A Frenchman will then naturally inquire, what difference, in this case,
exists between the English constitution and the French government ;
he will say, ** Your King does what he likes through your parliament ;
ours does the same without the parliament ; now, where is the differ-
ence to the people ? " — The answer is, *' Yuu know not how many
points the King wants to carry ; but his friends will not support him
m them, and ccmsequently they never come before parliament." This
idea lets us into the secret of the constitution ; the King's power is
absolute in all matters which will not too greatly shock the prejudices
and inclinations of the people.
' As to the power of the purse, which, we are told^ includes all
other power, he is as absolute as the King of France ; and that^ be-r
cause the people of England are constitutionally accustomed to see
all the demands of the Crown granted in parliament.
* In general acts, the regal power seems uncontrdled ; in particular
ones, it is as limited as in any country in Europe. What I mean 1%
that the laws that bind the whole people in an equality, are ever in the
power of the Crown ; but, let the king depart from the general idea»
by injuring or killing an individual, he immediately finds his power
circumscribed. Thus, it would be easier for him to destroy the liberty
of the press at one stroke, or to oppress the whole kingdom by an
enormous tax, than to wrest a cottage from its rightful owner. The
King can raise twenty millions of money ; but he cannot cut off the
head of John Wilkes. All general laws are at the power of the
Crown ; particular actions must bear the stamp of freedom.
Mirabeau'*s Letters^ ^c, 73
' The Ireedom of the press has justly been called the bulwark of
liberty ; does any one doubt but a minister could carry a vote to sub-
ject it to a licencer to-morrow ?
' They who hesitate to subscribe to the opinion, that the Crown is
•in reality all-powerful in general laws, should consider the present
atate of influence. We have been told, that the public is poor, but
individuals are rich. This seems to be the strangest mistake that could
possibly have been made ; for the fact is directly contrary : nothing
can exceed the poverty of individuals, even those who possess the
ilargest and noblest estates. Whence the universal influence of the
Crown, if not from the poverty of the people ? It is a luxurious age ;
every man longing earnestly for the means of rivallinff^his neighbours ;
straining every nerve to rise in show, elegance, &c. Fine houses, su-
perb furniture, rich equipages, expensive dress, luxurious feasting, un-
Dounded gaming, and all the modes of lavishing money which were
ever practised in the most luxurious ages and countries, are now found
amongst persons of large fortunes : they arc closely imitated by their
inferiors, until some part of their profusion descends even to the low-
est classes. In such a state of things, how should any body be rich }
Wants on every hand exceed the power of gratification. All live be-
yond their fortunes ; all are, and, in such a train, must be, poor. To
whom should they look for money, which their own industry could
never gain, nor their economy save ? To him who has three millions
annually at his disposal.
' While such is the great outline of the nation, how can any one
doubt the power of influence?
* This universal expense, which so infallibly brings on universal po-
lEerty, enriches the public — that is, the King. The alienation, so ra-
pid, in profusion, is in every stage taxed pretty heavily ; whence a
revenue is raised, great in itself, but greater in its consequences ; for,
on the credit of what is and what may be, unbounded wealth is raised
at will, and a little kingdom spends more in a twelvemonth than sup-
ported the greatest empires during many years. Nor has this arisen
Irom the unnatural exertion of imprudent enterprise — the efforts of
folly sinking to debility ; it has been genuine strength, often repeated,
and yet unexhausted. In a word, it is public wealth founded on pri-
vate profusion.
' When I mention the poverty of individuals, I do not mean that
they are unpossessed of estates and money ; no, they live in unbound-
ed plenty of both ; but the luxurious profusion of the age is %o great,
that the master of forty thousand a-year is almost a beggar. Relative
to the constitution, he is poor ; but, as an object by whom the public
grows wealthy, he is rich. The wants and dependence, which surely
may in that sense be called poverty, are in exact proportion to the
qnantity of money, and consequent degree of luxury, in the nation.'
Vol. II. pp. 135-140.
In a subsequent letter, Mirabeau sarcastically ridicules the
spirit of modem patriotism, composed of ^ Grecian or Roman
* ideas in an EngUsh dress \ and insists that the moment anj
one in this country makes pretences to this obsolete and impos-
FOL. IX. — K.S- K
74 Mirabeau's Letters^ ^c.
Bible virtue, he should be treated as a visionary fool or a design-
ing knave. He then goes on to describe what a real patriot
would be.
* If you would fix an idea to the word patriot, and adapt it to this
country^ you ought to describe a man in parliament who looks at
measures alone, totally forgetting who are the conductors, and who, in
all his conduct, both m and out of place, adheres steadily to certain
plans which he thinks favourable to the happiness and liberty of the
people.
' In an age when the influence of the Crown is too great, and
threatens to overturn the constitution, he will not enter into any mea-
sures that can add to that influence by the same means that created it.
Debts and taxes laid the foundation, throwing into the scale of the
Crown a weight unthought of at the Revolution : adding to the debt
is increasing taxes, and all their train of consequences, already too
^Ninidable to liberty. If, therefore, such a man could exist as a
modern patriot, in cold blood, he would see the necessity of adhering
to a plan of preventing a further acquisition of riches in the Crown,
by raising fresh taxes to pay the interest of new debts.
' A patriot must merely think liberty of much more consequence
than military success, great trade, naval power, or any such posses-
sion ; and would consequently never agree to measures which, in order
to gain the latter, could in any degree endanger the former.
' Now, we have never found that any of our patriots have conduct-
ed themselves on these ideas: they nave railed at small expenses,
when out of power, and run into large ones the moment they were in
place.
* But what encouragement, real in the goods of fortune, or imagin-
ary in the opinions of the world, can any man have for turning pa-
triot? If he really mean well, he will possess neither: certainly not
the former ; and he will lose the latter the moment he may act beyond
the ideas of the mob. What glimpse of hope can he have of success?
In parliament, the Crown is so strong that an orator may \\aste a
dozen pair of well-toned lungs, before he out-talks the powers of
ministerial gold: he has not an Athenian or a Roman mob to ha-
rangue, but men whose education just gives them the plea of a sys-
tematic defence and apology for the most glaring venality. How is
he to make an impression on the needy sons of extravagance, who
have learning enough to be sophists ? Can he expect that flowers of
rhetoric and flights of fancy shall be weightier tnan posts and pen-
sions? A place at the board of customs or excise — pay master ship—
or a contract ; — are not these powers beyond the eloquence of a Tully
or a Demosthenes?' pp. 153—156.
In the next letter, we find the Writer, whom we should no
longer recognize as the author of some of the preceding flippant
observations, giving his reasons for thinking that the power and
prosperity of England will be more permanent than those of
either France or Spain.
' The maritime power of England is not the wayward child of an
Mirabeau^s Letters^ <S*c. 7^
knlote monarchy who determines to be potent on every element; it is
Ml bIow, natural growth of more than two hundred years^ which has
nod many a 6erce attack, and weathered many a storm.
' Another circumstance which has continued and increased every
Imt advantage, is the peculiar felicity of the English constitution.
yff the great kingdoms of Europe have lost their liberty except Eng-
od: liberty has carried her trade, agriculture, manu^tures, wealth,
iivarjy to a pitch to which they could never otherwise have at-
* Another point of vast importance is the uncommon union of trade
id agriciiltare. The amaaing commerce of England is equal to that
F liie most &mou8 states that have been great by commerce alone;
id this vast trade has been carried on, not by a knot of unhappy
ma, like the Dutch, who were forced to be traders or nothing ; but
f A great landed nation, amongst whom trade enlivened agriculture,
id agriculture yielded immense products for trade.
' liastly, the period of these various circumstances coming in full
}atf was at a time when the rival nations had passed the meridian of
Mr grandeur ; so that England was the rising, France the setting
in. No other power, arose to dispute the palm of equality; she had
Dt then a France succeeding Spain in great power, to draw her off,
id waste her strength with fresh contests.
* All these are reasons for conjecturing that this country will, in her
im« be the first power of the Christian world. She cannot aim at
niversal monarchy, for reasons already mentioned ; and that modera-
(m will save her from efforts beyond her strength, and from alliances
nongst the rest of Europe to pull down her power. It will, there-
ire> be more stable, and far more prosperous than that of either
'ranoe or Spain.
' You observe that this view of the affairs of Britain does not take
Otioe of her internal state, particularly her debts, and some other
Ircumstances, which newspaper politicians are always telling us are
er ruin.* pp. 159 — 161.
' The national debts of this country are certainly very considerable ;
at it seems preposterous to predict ruin to the state, because the right
and owes to the left ; and, as to the debt due to foreigners, it is com-
aratively light. But, where are the politicians who will venture to
Bsure us of the impossibility that this kingdom will apply the sponge,
ad yet presently after borrow again ? Much more surprising turns
ave happened in the history of human affairs.
* The power of England is much too great to have any thing to
aur from the united force of all her enemies ; and they must be shal-
>w politicians who arc deceived, by trifling minutiae, into an opinion
bat she is in any danger of falling under the power of France.
* I cannot by any means subscribe to your opinion, that the public
evenues of England arc carried to the utmost height of which they
re capable ; on the contrary, I apprehend there are several reasons
ir supposing them capable of great increase, without burthening the
eople so far as to destroy industry.
' There is an uncertainty in every thing that concerns taxation,
^ch is too dark for the acutest genius to clear up. In every country
K 2
76 Mirabeaa''s Letters^ ^C,
we find it muthematically proved^ that, if another million be raised^
the people must be clearly undone. Two or three millions are then
levied, and the same prophecy is repeated. The idea that one tax
creates an ability in the people to pay another, is very absurd ; but it
is difficult to say how &r taxation may be carried ; because, in no
country in Europe, where taxes are laid en equally, and with judge-
ment, do they oppress the people ,* nor is there an instance to be pro-
duced of a people ruined by taxes. Other more powerful eircum-
stances must unite ; for this is not of sufficient weight to effect the
evil. The heaviest taxed countries are the most flourishing in Eu-
rope: I do not mistake the cause for the effect, and assert them,
therefore, to be the most flourishing ; but adduce the fact to show that
taxes which, in their extreme, are perfectly consistent with wealth,
happiness, and power, cannot have those dreadful effects which some
have attributed to them.* pp. 162 — 165.
From whom did Mirabeau derive these ideas ? For, whether
just or not^ they can hardly have risen in his mind spontaneously
and underived. They are in curious contrast to the opinions ex-
pressed in a silly letter from Voltaire to Lord Chesterneld, given
in Letter lxxx. In Letter lxix. we have some very admirable
remarks, which we have not room to transcribe, upon the patron-
age of literature, and the importance of encouraging literary
men of sterling abilities, to prevent the prostitution of their ta-
lent. ' With authors of considerable reputation,' it is remarked,
' the booksellers are by far the most munificent patrons that
* the learned meet with in this country.** This is a species
of encouragement not to be found in many other countries where
literature is much cultivated ; and it is ' of all methods of an
^ author's being recompensed, the most honourable, easy, and in-
* dependent.' 13ut
' IVIany in the herd deserve encouragement, — or snpport, to keep
them from such a dependence on the pen, as may enable them to take
time and choice in their compositions. That there is real genius in
this class, cannot be doubted ; for most of the works of the present
aige, that will be read in the next with pleasure, and probably exist as
long as the English language, are the productions of authors who
wrotCj if not for bread, most certainly for an income.' Vol. II. p. 174.
Mirabeau seems to have taken an extraordinary interest in the
political condition of the Jews, and in the character of the cele-
brated Mendelsohn, of whose life and writings he speaks of
having prepared a notice; and he appears to have actually
formed the project of writing * a history of religion, and of the
* Jews'! ! An essay * on the Political Reform of the Jews',
with a Reply to the Objections of IVIichaelis, which occupies 62
pages, purports to be chiefly taken from Mendelsohn. We wish
that the Editor had given us more distinct information concern-
ing this interesting document, which cannot be Mirabeau's com-
Mirabeau^s Letters^ cj-c. 77
position, and if really translated from his papers, must be the
translation of a translation. Mendelsohn'*s Letter to Lavater is
also given ; and * the Death of Socrates \ translated from the
German of the great Jewish Philosopher. The strong sympathy
which all the Unitarians, Neologists, and Infidels of the day
evinced with that remarkable and learned personage, is a striking
fact. By one German Professor, he was styled, * the greatest
* sage since Socrates.'' On a monument erected to him, another
Professor inscribed, * A sage like Socrates, faithful to the ancient
* creed, teaching immortality, himself immortal'.* In the eyes
of the literati of the Continent, a greater than Luther, a greater
than Paul, nay, a greater than Paul's Master and Lord, had ap-
peared, worthy of being placed at the head of the great school of
Infidelity. We do not recollect, however, to have seen the cir-
cumstance noticed, that Mirabeau was among the number of his
enthusiastic votaries. It is remarkable, that, some time in 1^SS,
Mirabeau left London for Berlin, ' engaged on a secret mission
* by Calonne, to observe the politics of the Prussian court.'
Mendehohn died at Berlin on the 4th of Jan. I786. Whether
he had any share in determining Mirabeau's movements, whether
they had previously corresponded, or, if so, whether they ever
met, — are inquiries which naturally suggest themselves, but which
these volumes do not afford the means of ascertaining.
Before we dismiss these volumes, there is one more passage
which claims notice, both as being most honourable to the
Writer, and as reading at the present moment almost like a sa-
gacious presentiment or prediction. Mirabeau is giving an ac-
count of a long and interesting conversation which he had with
a learned English Professor, Dr. Brown, on the subject of the
national character of the English and the French, and the ani-
mosity between the two nations. That such anti-social opinions
should exist and be fostered among the low and the vulgar, said
Mirabeau, is not to me a subject of complaint ; ' but when I see
* ministers, lords of the realm, and the heads of the clergy, ma-
* nifesting and promulgating such unworthy notions, — endeavour-
*^ ing, with all their power, to keep up the hatred and spirit of
* rivalship existing between the two nations, I lose all patience.'
He then cites a furious anti-Gallican philippic from a sermon
preached before the House of Lords by the then bishop of St.
David's (Horsley), and adds:
i ce
I fear not to ask — I appeal to every honest man in England— a
country in which every thing that is good is excellent, whether the
principles which dictated the fragment I have just quoted, do not de-
serve the contempt of all nations, and excite the horror of all wise
men?
* See Eel. Rev. Vol. XXIII. p. 527.
78 Pecchio's Observations.
' Let the English compare this incendiary declaration of the Bi*
shop of St. David's with the address of the Archbishop of Paris,
which was published at the same time. This minister of the Gospel,
after congratulating his countrymen on the peace which had been pro-
claimed, continues: —
' " And now, my brethren, and fellow labourers, dismiss from your
minds all feeling of animosity to those who have become your friends ;
let the two most enlightened nations on the globe set an example to
the universe — let us shew, that, henceforth, no other rivalship shall
exist between us, save in effecting the greatest good, and thus render-
ing mankind happy by civilization." ' Vol. I. pp. 127, 8.
His worthy friend, the Professor, listened with perfect good
humour to these observations, and at the close replied : ' Years
* may pass away before the two nations will perfectly understand
* each other ; but the day must come^ when^ in spite of their
* rulers, France and England shall command all nations to
* remain at peace, and the nations shall obey.''
A portrait of Mirabeau is prefixed to these volumes, which
will not be thought, however, a sufficient apology for their most
exorbitant and unwarrantable price. The whole might have
been comprised in a handsome volume for about one half the
charge. If there exist any reasons that may explain this imposi-
tion upon the purchaser, they ought to have been stated.
Count Pecchio is known to the English public as the author of
some letters on the Spanish Revolution, published in 1823, and
of a Narrative of a Tour in Greece, published, together with the
Narratives of IVIessrs. Emerson and Humphreys, under the title
of " A Picture of Greece in 1825."' He is a native of the
North of Italy, from which he was compelled to flee, in conse-
quence of the share he took in the unsuccessftil Piedmontese re-
volution. He subsequently resided in Spain, his expulsion from
which country, he terms a second exile. Greece then had for
some time the honour of his residence ; and now, revolutions
being out of fashion, England affords him a chosen home and se-
cure asylum. The Count has seen much of the world, and is
therefore well qualified to form a comparative estimate of the
general aspect of society. He has made a few mistakes, which
may be pardoned to a foreigner. Besides, remarks his Editor,
* his slips, though they may throw no light on English character,
* very often give us an insight, the more valuable from being un-
* conscious, into the Italian.'' It is not a little curious, to find
the Count referring his readers, for-.the best account of English
politics, statistics, jurisprudence, and manners, to the works of
foreigners. ' My book \ he modestly says, ' cannot enter into
* See Eel. Rev. Vol. XXV. p. 193.
Peccliio"'6 Observaiiojis. 79
' competition with any other : it is but a miscellany, like the oUa
* podrida of the Spaniards, that favourite dish of my favourite
* Sancho Panza.
' Let him who \^ashes to become acquainted with English politics,
read M. de Pradt ; him who wishes to know the statistics of England,
refer to the work of Baron Dupin. Let him who desires to under-
stand the machinery of the admirable administration of justice in
England, consult the work of M. Cottu. Let him who wishes to be-
come familiar with English manners, read the elegant descriptions of
the American, Washington Ir\'ing, in his " Sketch Book/* * But let
him who does not love science and information well enough to read
these ; who admires profiles rather than full-lengths ; who reads for
reading sake, and in the way the journals of the fashions and the opera
books are read, skipping, singing, and yawning, — let him, I say, read
the following observations/
After this candid invitation, it will be the reader'^s own fault if
he is disappointed in the contents of these ' semi-serious ob-
* servations,** which are abundantly amusing, and by no means
uninstructive.
The first thing which would strike an Italian on setting his
foot in England in the month of October, would naturally be,
* the scarcity of sun f to which, in common with all foreign tra-
vellers, our Author ascribes all sorts of physical and moral
effects.
' In spite of Helvetius and Filangieri, who oppose Montesquieu's
theory of the influence of climate, I could almost venture to believe,
that, if the English are active in businesij, profoiuid thinkers, and good
fathers of families, it is owing to their having so little sun. True,
that with the false light by whicli they are almost surrounded, the Eng-
lish have not been able to become celebrated painters ; that they are
not, and perhaps never will be so. But, in recompense for this, they
can work at the spinning-wheel and the loom many more hours than
the countrymen of Murillo or Riiphacl. An English workman, some
years ago (before Parliament restricted the hours of labour to twelve),
used to work about sixteen hours a day* Ortes, the Italian political
economist, calculates the medium labour of an Italian at not more than
eight hours a day. The difference is greiit, but I do not on that ac-
count believe the statement erroneous ; the extremes of summer and
winter (in some parts of Italy); very sensitive and irritable nerves;
the beautiful serene sky that is ever tempting to an out-door walk ;
all these do not allow the Italian to give a long and steady application
to labour. There is nothing of this kind to tempt the English weaver
* Rapin and Delolme might have been added to the list of the fo-
reign writers who have employed their labours in illustrating the his-
tory and constitution of England ; but the former is too bulky for
modem readers, and Delolme is gone by.
80 Pecchio^g Ob$ervatiofis.
to abandon his loom. He is like one of those blind horses which are
continually turning round and round in a mill^ without any thing being
able to divert them from their unvarying occupation.
' Necessity is the goad of idleness, and the constant patron of in-
dustry ; the Spaniard (and so with all the sons of the sun), who has no
need of stockings, of a neckerchief, nor a coat ; who is content with his
cigar and his gaspacho ; who sleeps on the bare ground, and who feels
no curiosity, because he believes himself the favourite child of Grod,
placed in a terrestrial paradise {Quien dice Espana, dice todo), laughs
at fashion, at books, at voyages and travels, at luxury^ at elegance : he
is a Diogenes in his tub, who wants nothing but the sun. The indo-
lence, the natural laziness, of the sonthem nations (which was once
conquered, and may be conquered once again, by education and politi-
cal institutions), is not a defect for which they ought to be blamed,
any more than their sobriety is a virtue for which they ought to be
praised : the blame or the merit is all the sun's. The Englishman, on
the contrary, receives from his climate a multitude of necessities, all
so many spurs to industry and exertion. He has need of more sub-
stantial food, of constant tiring, of cravats, double cravats, coats, great-
coats ; tea, brandy, spirits ; a larger wardrobe, on account of the in-
creased consumption caused by the smoke and the wet, &c. &c« Sec,
Comfort is in the mouth of every Englishman at every moment ; it is
the half of his life. My own countrymen make every effort, and with
reason, to obtain the pleasures of the life to come : the English,
with no less reason, to procure the pleasures of the present. The word
'' comfort" is the source of the riches and the power of England.
' That frequent absence of the sun * which makes the artisan more
laborious, renders man also a more thinking animal. Who would not
become a philosopher, if he were shut up in a house for so many hours
by the inclemencies of the weather, with a cheerful fire, qniet and obe-
dient servants, a good-humoured wife, and silence within doors and
without ? The profundity of the English writers is a product of the
climate, as much as the iron, the tin, and the coal of the island. The
sun disperses families, and scatters them abroad ; a good fire blazing
up the chimney attracts and draws them together again. " The fa-
mily," in cold countries, is an equivalent for our " society" and our
theatres. It is one of the wants of the heart and the intellect. A na-
tional song, which is heard every where, from the splendid stage of
Covent-garden to the humblest hovel in Scotland, is called " Home,
sweet Home," (Oh casa! oh dolce casa!) and home is truly sweet in
England. In the southern countries everything gives way to public
places and public amusements. The houses, which, for the most part.
* The Writer subsequently declares, with frank sincerity, that,
' when the sun in England shines with all his lustre, and with sufli-
cient power to light up all the objects around' (which, however, he
says, rarely happens,) 'England is not only the most beautiful country
in the world, but a day of really fine weather in England, together
with its liberty, is worth ten years of life spent under the azure skies
of enslaved and enervated countries.'
Pecchio''s Observafian^. 81
only used for sleeping in, are often in bad repair, and oftener very
rly ifumished. Wnere, on the contrary, domebtic life is all in all,
it IS natural to think of rendering it pleasant ; hence the reciprocal
respect, the docility, the agreement of the members of a family,
tbe punctuality of service, the universal neatness, and the excellence
of tne furniture, — convenient, self-moving, and obedient, almost as
though it were endowed with life, like the ancient manufactures of
Vulcan/ pp. 13-21.
* But the most beautifiil sun of England/ exclaims the exiled
Count, * is Liberty : this is its cornucopia !' — Next to the scarcity
of sun in England, he was struck, on his entry into London, witn
the extreme contrast which the British metropolis presents to that
of Naples, for instance, in another respect ; the comparative si-
lence which reigns among its dense population.
' Some people are quite thunderstruck at the silence which prevails
Mnong the inhabitants of London. But how could one million four
hundred thousand persons live together without silence ? The torrent
of men, women, and children, carts, carriages, and horses, from the
Strand to the Exchange, is so strong, that it is said that in winter
there are two decrees of Fahrenheit dilference between the atmosphere
of this lone line of street, and that of the West End. I have not as-
certained the truth of this ; but from the many avenues there are to
the Strand, it is very likely to be correct. From Charing Cross to the
Royal Exchange is an encyclopedia of the world. An apparent
anarchy prevails, but without confusion or disorder. The rules which
the poet Gkiy lays down for walking with safety along this tract of
about three miles, appear to me unnecessary. The habit of traversing
this whirlpool renders the passage easy to every one, without disputes,
without accidents, without punctilio, as if there were no obstacle what-
ever. I suppose it is the same thing at Pekin. The silence then of
the passengers is the consequence of the multiplicity of business. 1
do not say it by way of epigram, but, if Naples should ever have a po-
Ealation of a million and a half, it would be necessary for even Neapo-
tan windpipes to put themselves under some restraint ! It is only in
Spain that silence is the companion of idleness This is perhaps the
perfecticm of idleness ; idleness at its ne plus vltra,
' In London I have often risen early, in order to be present at the
spectacle of the resurrection of a million and a half of people. This
great monster of a capital, like an immense giant awaking, shows the
first signs of life in the extremities. Motion begins at the circum-
ference, and, by little and little, goes on getting strength, and pushing
towards the centre, till at ten o'clock coniniences the full hubbub,
which goes on continually increasing till four o'clock, the 'Change
hour, it seems as if the population followed the laws of the tide until
this hour ; it now continues flowing from the circumference to the Ex-
change: at half-past four, when the Exchange is shut, the ebb be-
gins ; and currents of people, coaches, and horses, rush from the Ex-
change to the circumference.
' Among an industrious' nation, incessantly occupied, panting for
VOL. IX. N.S. L
82 Peccliio's Observations.
riches^ man, or physical force, is a valuable commodity. Man is dear,
and it is therefore expedient to be very economical of him. It is not
as in the countries of indolence, where the man and the earth alike
have little or no value. A Turkish Effendi, or gentleman, always
walks about with a train of useless servants at his heels. In the same
manner a Polish nobleman, or a grandee of Spain, consumes a great
quantity of men, who are otherwise unproductive. I was told, that
tne Duke of Medina Celi has in his pay four hundred servants, and
that he goes to the Prado in a carriage worse than a Parisian paiache.
It was the same in England when there was no foreign commerce,
and no home manufactures. Not knowing in what way to consume
their surplus revenues, the old English landowner used to maintain a
hundred, and, in some cases, even a thousand followers. At the pre-
sent day, the greatest houses have not more than ten or twelve ser-
vants ; and, setting aside the wealthy, who are always an exception in
every nation, and taking the greatest number, it cannot be denied that
in England, and especially in London, there is a very great saving,
both of time and of servants. But how can this be reconciled with
the loudly- vaunted comfort of the English? Thus: the milk, the
bread, the butter, the beer, the fish, the meat, the newspaper, the let-
ters,— all are brought to the house every day, at the same hour, with-
out fail, by the shopkeepers and the postmen. It is well known that
all the street-doors arc kept shut, as is the custom in Florence and the
other cities of Tuscany. In order that the neighbourhood should not
be disturbed, it has become an understood thing for these messengers
to give a single rap on the knocker, or a single pull at the bell^ which
communicates with the underground kitchen, where the servants are.
There is another conventual sign for visits, which consists in a rapid
succession of knocks, the more loud and noisy according to the real or
assumed consequence or fashion of the visiter. On this system, Parini
makes his hero talk in public in a high and discordant voice, that
every one may hear him, and pay the same respect to his accents as to
those of " the great Thunderer ". Even in London, the magnanimous
heroes of fashion announce themselves to the obtuse senses of the vul-
gar with " echoing blows", like those of the hammer of Bronte.
' This custom requires punctuality in servants, and an unfiuliiig at-
tendance at their posts. The price of every thing is fixed, so that
there is no room for haggling, dispute, or gossip. All this going and
coming of buyers and sellers is noiseless. Many bakers ride about
London in vehicles so rapid, elastic, and elegant, that an Italian dandy
would not disdain to appear in one of them at the Corso. The butchers
may be frequently met with, conveying the meat to their distant cus-
tomers, mounted on fiery steeds, and dashing along at full gallop. A
system like this requires inviolable order, and a scrupulous division of
time. For this reason there are clocks and watches everywhere, — on
every steeple, and sometimes on all the four sides of a steeple ; in the
pocket of every one ; in the kitchen of the lowest journeyman. This
IS a nation working to the stroke of the clock, like an orchestra play-
ing to the " time " of the leader, or a regiment marching to the sound
of the drum.' pp. 3%5 — 41. •
Pecchio''s Observations. 83
* One shopman^ therefore^ in London, supplies the place of forty or
fifty servanta. . . . By this system, the servants remain at home with
nothing to divert them from their occujiations . . It follows, also, that
an Enelish family has no need of keeping any great store of provisions
In the nouse : there is, in consequence, less occupation of room, and less
occasion for capital, less cure, less waste, less smell, and less wear and
tear/
Our Count finds the English Sunday, of course, * supremely
* dull and wearisome ^ and in Scotland, * where the religion of
* the ferocious Calvin prevails ', the Sunday, he was told, * is still
* more silent and gloomy/ Gloomy to an Italian, because silent ;
and to a Roman Catholic, because unenlivened by spectacle or
opera. Yet, had Count Pecchio met with Grahame's " Sabbath'',
or with Struthers's " Poor Man's Sabbath ", his good sense would
have led him to infer, that, although a holiday is lost upon the
idle, to the industrious, repose is enjoyment ; and that Sunday, the
dull Protestant Sunday, ranks in England among ^ the wants of
* the heart and the intellect', or rather, ministers to those wants.
Would to God that the first sentence in the ensuing extract were
quite true !
* Sunday is, if possible, obser^'cd by the English, wherever they may
be. On that day, the silence even bcKird ship is still more gloomy than
ever ; every one is shaved, every one puts on a clean shirt, every one
endeavours to display more neatness than usual in his dress. Some
read a few pages m the Bible ; religion is a comfort to their minds,
rather than a terror. The Englishman has no other intercessor with
the Supreme Being than his own prayers. He hopes for no other
miracles than those which spring from his own courage, and the dis-
charge of his duty. In a storm, the Spaniard, and even the Greek,
although a good sailor, throw themselves on their knees before some
image, to which a light is continually burning, and in the meantime
the sails and the vessel are under the control of the winds and waves ;
the sighs and signs of contrition of the devotees only serving to increase
the confusion and dismay. The Englishman, on the other hand, ful-
fils his duty, displays all his firmness of mind and strength of body,
struggles with death even to the last moment, and only when he has
exhausted in vain all the resources of his skill, and all the energies of
his frame, gives himself up to his fate, raises his eyes to heaven, and
bows to the will of Pro\'idence. They are not indeed so thoroughly
devoid of prejudice as a philosopher of the eighteenth century ; some
believe in ghosts, in hobgoblins, and prophetic voices which rise from
the hollow of the deep, — but in the hour of danger they no longer re-
collect these illusions, and see nothing but the reality before them, and
see it without affright." pp. 110 — 112.
* We reproach the English ', remarks this intelligent Observer,
^ with being downcast and melancholy ; but we ought to add, that
*gthey are not querulous. They labour indef&tigably to better
^ theur condition, without whining and whimpering, and at the
l2
84 recchio''g Ob$ervatiotis.
* same time draw from their present condition, all the profitB and
^ pleasures it can afford.^ A few pages further, we meet with some
discriminating strictures on the two sides of the picture of society
given by Cowper and Crabbe. * Both \ he remarks, * are ex-
* aggerators ; but poetry is not history.'' The value set upon
time in England, is another circumstance that forcibly strikes a
foreigner; and more especially one that has resided in Spain.
The contrast between the two countries in this respect, is finrciUy
described.
' Idleness is the luxury of the Spaniards, and a great luxnrj it is*
for it is all waste. It is a universal luxury, wliich is enjoyed by all,
from the highest grandee to the most miserable water-carrier. The
luxury, however, coiiiiists in the spending of au article of little or no
value in Spain. The Cahtilian, who keeps so religiously to his word
when his honour is in question^ is never punctual tu an appointment ;
because an hoi\r more or less, in the life of a Spaniard, is ouly an hoar
less or more in eternity. If you propose to a Spaniard to set his hand
to a thing at once, he answers you, however he may be interested in itj
" To-morrow." Fatal to^tnorrotv, which is repeated so often from day
to day, till your patience is worn out ! Fatal to-morrow, that hsA
reduced the kingdom, once seated on a throne of gold, and crowned
with precious stones^ to rags and a dunghill ! The very mantle in
which the Spaniards wrap themselves up, and which impedes every
motion but that of sleeping, displays their indolence, and the little
value they set on time^ as the laziness of the Turks is shown by their
wide trowsers and loose slippers. When the Spaniards are better
taught^ more industrious, and less prejudiced, they will wear the
mantle no longer. Superstition is usually the companion of sloth.
An active people cannot afford to pray away whole days at church> or
throw them away on processions and pilgrimages. An indostrioos
people prefer growing their " daily bread " with their own hands, to
asking it thirty or forty times a day as alms from Heaven. When I
was first in Spain I was surprised to see, that none of the lower dasaesy
and but few of the more respectable, had watches : yet it is natural
that it should be so. What has he who has no occasion for the division
of time, to do with the measure of it ? ' pp. 209-12.
* On the contrary, in England, Time is a revenue, a treasure, an
estimable commodity. The Englishman is not covetous of money, but
he is supremely covetous of time. It is wonderful how exactly the
English keep to their appointments. They take out their watch, re-
gulate it by that of their friend, and are punctual at the place and
hour. English pronunciation itself seems invented to save time : they
eat the letters, and whistle the words. Thus Voltaire had some reason
to say, *' The English gain two hours a day more than we do, by eat-
ing their syllables." The English use few compliments, because they
are a loss of time, their salute is a nod, or at the most a corrosion of
the four monosyllables <' How d'ye do ? " The ends of their letters
always show more simplicity than ceremony : they have not ** the
honour to repeat the protestations of their distinguished r^ard and
profound consideratiim " to his ''most illustrious lordship/' whoot
Pecchio's Observations. 85
nwwt humble, most devoted, and most obsequious servants *' they ''have
the honour to be." Their very language seems to be in a hurry; since
it is in a great part composed of monosyllables, and two of them, again,
are often run into one : the great quantity of monosyllables looks like
an abridged \i'ay of writing, a kind of short-hand. The English talk
little, I suppose, that they may not lose time : it is natural, therefore,
that a nation which sets the highest value upon time, should make the
best chronometers, and that all, even among the poorer classes, should
be provided with watches. The mail-coach guards have chronometers
worth eighty |)oundK sterling, because they must take care never to
arrive five minutes past the hour appointed. At the place of their
destination, relations, friends, and servants, are already collected to
receive postiengers and parcels. When a machine is so complicated as
£ngland is, it is essential for everything to be exact, or the confusion
wunld be ruinous.' pp. 213' 16.
* Double an Englishman''8 time, and you double his riches.'
* How fine a compliment to the national industry.' These
specimens will shew that Count l^ecchio has studied the English
cnaracter with no unfavourable result. Some of his observations
bespeak even a strong partiality as well as no ordinary penetration.
Our fair countrywomen have pleased him so well, that he has
married an English lady. He piaises highly the English system
of education, that which prevails among the better classes; ob-
jecting only, against the excess of reading which leaves the mind
no time to digest its food, and the use of stays ! * The
* young women of England \ remarks the Count, * under a stormy
* And inconstant sky, have hearts and minds peaceful and serene,
* always equable and always docile : My amiable countrywomen,
* under a heaven perpetually smiling, have minds and hearts
* always in a tempest.' He speaks from the opportunities he has
had, of judging of the manners of ^ that class of society which in
* England is the best informed, the most hospitable, the most
* beneficent, and the most virtuous of all ; and which, being there
* immeasureably more numerous than in any other country, forms,
* 80 to speak, the heart of the nation \ As to the higher classes,
he adds, * they almost every where have a strong resemblance to
* each other and model themselves on the same code of caprice,
* etiquette, prejudice, and nothingness.' Their manners may be
learned from Parini, '' Don Juan", or "Almack's". May the
pestilence of foreign manners never descend lower !
The Author's observations on the Opposition in the House of
Commons, do credit to his discernment. At first, he was led, he
says, to regard the exertions of the opposition members as ^ the
* mere professorship of eloquence '. Hut a person ' who studies
* the national organization of England ', soon changes his opinion.
' In the first place, he perceives that if the opposition does not con-
quer, it at least hinders the enemy (whoever he may be, liberal or not)
86 Pecchio^s Observations.
from abusing his victory, or consummating an unjust conquest. It is
like the dike of a river, which cannot assist its current, but keeps it
in, and compels it to follow its course. The advantage of the oppo-
sition does not consist so much in the good that it effects, as in the
evil that it prevents. It keeps awake the attention, the patriotism,
the distrust of the people ; it propagates in gena'al the right opinions,
it is the born protector of the injured and the oppressed, the harbinger
of all improvements, of all liberal institutions. Suppose that, by acci-
dent, the opposition is composed of persons in favour of absolute power :
to procure adherents, they will be obliged to mask their sentiments, to
hold the language of justice and freedom, — like those proud and ty-
rannic Roman patricians, such as the Apnii and Opimii, who, to gam
their suffrages for the consular dignity, uescendcd to mix among and
to flatter the common people ; or, like Dionysius, who, when on the
throne, crushed out the very blood of the people, and, when he was
hurled from it, played the buffoon to the populace, and got drunk in
the public taverns. But the action of the minority is not immediate.
An opinion cannot be formed and propagated and popularized in a few
months, nor sometimes in a few years. The abolition of the slave-
trade cost Wilberforce twenty years of persevering application. Every
year repulsed, every year he returned to the assault, printing pam-
phlets, convening public meetings of philanthropists, collecting notices
and documents on the barbarous cruelties practised on board of the
vessels engaged in the horrible trafHc, and thus exciting the imagin-
ations and melting the hearts of his fellow citizens, he broke at length
with the multitude into the temple of justice and triumph.
' The resistance of the opposition is not useful to the nation alone,
but to the government itself. Without it, every administration would
soon corrupt, and degenerate into infamy, and its existence would be
threatened, either with a slow-consuming or a rapid and violent de-
struction. Napoleon, at the time that every will bent before his, was
compelled, in order to get at the truth, to take sometimes the advice
of the opposition in his council of State, rather than that of his own
ministers, as will appear upon consulting the sittings of 1809 respect-
ing the liberty of the press. In December 1825, when Mr. Brougham
informed the Ministry, that he intended to propose a revision of the
law of Libel, a newspaper attached to the government, which was then
opposed to him, expressed much pleasure at the circumstance, observ-
ing, that between the two contrary opinions of two first-rate statesmen,
such as Brougham and the Secretary Peel, there would be found a
third, which would reconcile the interests of the liberty of the Press,
with the claims of justice for the repression of its licentiousness. While
the nation continues to prosper under the principles of the Ministry,
the opposition does nothmg out prevent its wandering too far from the
path ; but when it feels itself in a state of suffering and decline, under
the existing management of affairs, the nation finds other principles at
hand, other men and another party already matured, and prepared to
guide the vessel of the state in a different direction. All republics,
both ancient and modern, have been perpetually agitated by the two
contrary winds of the aristocratic and democratic factions, and al-
though the former at every step passed from the hands of one of these
Peccliio''8 Ohservatiaus. 87
parties into those of the other, they went on prosi)er]ng for several
centuries^ in the midst of the oscillation, produced by these changes.
In a free government, the shock of two parties, and the apparent dis-
oordj are in reality only a contest which shall render the country
happy. Filangieri says that this emulation is at bottom nothing better
than the love of power, but as this power can never be attained nor
preserved except by promoting the general good, it can be no very
great concession to call it Patriotism. The two opposite forces, whicn
oblige free governments to run along a middle line, are like those which
regulate the motions of the celestial bodies: op]K)sition produces the
same good effects in the moral world. All governments deteriorate
into tyranny without it : in the absence of criticism, which is their op«
position, — what would literature, and the arts become ? We should
still be under the yoke of the commentators on Aristotle ; we should
still have the atoms of Epicurus in physics, and the crystal heavens
of Ptolemy in astronomy. If the Winklemanns, the Mengses, and the
.l^lilizias, had not kept bad taste within its bounds, painting would
have become a caricature, and architecture a heap of crudities. Except
for criticism^ the Gongoras would still hold the foremast rank in Spain,
the Mariveaus in France, the Marinis in Italy : without Baretti's
*' literary scourge," the Arcadia of Rome wouM probably be still in
higher esteem than the French Academy, and the Italians would have
become so many Arcadian shepherds, with their pipes hung round their
necks. Without the struggle between duty ana sacrifice, would there
be any virtue or heroism in the world ? What is England itself with
regard to the rest of Europe, but " the Opposition," which always
throws its weight into the scale on the side of the weak and oppressed,
in order to preserve the equilibrium ?' pp. 141 — 45.
* England the refuge of the o])prcs8ed \ is the title of a very
interesting chapter, containing biographical notices of some
iUustrious foreign exiles in England. * Justice is not always done,
* nor can it always be done, in the English Parliament ; but in-
* justice is at least published to all the world by the sound of the
* trumpet.'* This is nobly said, and may teach Englishmen to
value more those glorious institutions which enable our Senators
to make their voice heard to tlic recesses of the council-chambers
and courts of despots, and not wholly without effect.
We have not room to notice the Author's observations on our
religious sects — Unitarians, jMethodists, Baptists, Quakers. Of
the Unitarians, he gives as favourable an account as would have
been supplied by one of themselves. His information with regard
to the rest of ^ the forty-seven sects'*, seems chiefly taken from
that most imbecile and pernicious production, Evans'^s " Sketch of
* all Denominations."" But the Author discovers so much
candour and liberality of feeling, that we cannot quarrel with him
for blunders for which he is hardly responsible. Unfeigncdly we
wish, that, on the subject of religion, he would take the only fair
or satisfactory means of infonning himself, by consulting the
word of G(h\. His *' Observations are, altogether, the most in-
88 Heath's Book of Beauty.
telligent, discriminating, and instructive that we have ever seen
from the pen of a foreigner ; very superior, in every respect, to the
superficial remarks of Mirabeau, or even the vivid, but flippant
delineations of the ' German Prince.'
Art. yi. Heath's Book of Beauty. M.D.CCC.XXXFII. With
Nineteen beautifully finished Engravings, from Drawings by the
First Artists. By L. £. L. 8vo. Price in Morocco^ \L 1#. London.
1832.
IJEAUTIFUL in many respects we must admit this splendid
volume to be. The engravings are beautifiil specimens of
the art, and the tales are really beautiful compositions. It is a
book of beauty, but not of beauties. We do not know what has
of late happened to our Artists, but, whether it be owing to fa-
vouritism, to caprice, or to the adoption of some new standard of
beauty, or whether beauty itself is going out of fashion, or what-
ever explanation may be given, this volume presents by no means
the first instance in which we have been puzzled to account for
the lavishing of the powers of the pencil and the burin upon sub^
jects so unattractive, or at least so little conformable to our ideas
of loveliness and grace. In the present volume, out of the
nineteen female beauties, Gulnare is a fright ; Grace St. Aubyn
might be lovely with a nose half the length of that which, not
Nature, but the artist has given her ; Laura is decidedly un-
pleasing ; Lucy Ashton has little pretensions to beauty ; Lolah is
m the sulks, and her mouth is the very type of ilUtemper ; Me-
ditation might be styled Affectation ; and Geraldine has more cha-
racter than beauty. The others, we admit, are happier specimens
of varied beauty. Leonora is a lovely blonde, with the genuine
mild, serene beauty of the English lady. Rebecca is romantically
beautifiil, a creature of poetry, looking like a fragile charm that a
rude breath might dissolve. The Enchantress has an oriental
cast of feature as well as of costume, which comports with her
look of witchery. Medora is a Grecian beauty. Belinda looks
as if descended from a picture gallery of the age of Sir Charles
Grandison. The Mask is a portrait of a dazzling creature with
that witching expression which no Englishman wishes to see in
the woman he esteems. Donna Julia, The Bride, and Madeline
are also, each in a different style, beautiful. But too much praise
can hardly be given to the Artists. As a scries of plates, they
are of the highest merit.
To these plates, originally designed as illustrations of Lord
Byron'*s Poems, and Scott'*s Novels, Miss Landon has been em-
ployed to accommodate a series of talcs, in which she has ex-
hibited a power of imagination and a skill in composition far ex-
ceeding any thing that we could have antici ted from her former
Heath'^s Bo(^ of Beauty. 89
modticdoiis. She must pardon us for saying that we much prefer
her prose to her verse. At the same time the powers of mind dis-
played in her present production shew^ that she might have
written fiir better poetry had she not been misled by the applause
lavished on her first clever, but immature uncultivated efforts.
Encouragement is sunshine to genius : Flattery is the forcing
glass. But of late L. £. L. has seemed to be pruning her talents,
and has appeared as a writer in a new character. These tales are
framed for the amusement of the polite and gay. The volume is
for the drawing-room or the boudoir. Of the general tendency of
such works of imagination, we have often had occasion to express
our opinion. But it is due to the present Writer to bear our
testimony to the feminine propriety and chastity of sentiment as
well as of style, which characterize these tales. Of the elegance
of the composition, our readers will judge from the subjoined
specimens.
' Water — the mighty> the pure^ the beautiful, the unfothomable— >
where is thy element so glorious as it is in thine own domain, the deep
seas ? What an infinity of power is in the far Atlantic, the boundary
of two separate worlds^ apart like those of memory and of hope ! Or
in the bright Pacific^ whose tides are turned to gold by a southern
•an, and in whose bosom sleep a thousand isles, each covered with the
verdure, the flowers, and the fruit of Eden ! But amid all thine he«
reditary kingdoms, to which hast thou given beauty as a birthright,
lavishly as tnou hast to thy favourite Mediterranean ? The silence of
a summer nieht is now sleeping on its bosom, where the bright stars
are mirrored, as if in its depths they had another home and another
heaven. A spirit, clearing air midway between the two, might have
panted to ask which was sea, and which was sky. The shadows of
earth and earthly things, restine omen-like upon the waters, alone
shewed which was the home and which the mirror of the celestial
host.
' Bat the distant planets were not the only lights reflected from the
sea ; an illuminated villa upon the extreme point of a small rising on
the coast, flung down the radiance from a thousand lamps. From the
terrace came tiie breath of the orange-plants, whose white flowers were
turned to silver in the light which fell on them from the windows.
Within the halls were assembled the fdrest and noblest of Sicily.
• • • • * ' A king, or more, the Athenian Pericles,
might have welcomed his most favoured guests in such a chamber.
The walls were painted in fresco, as artists paint whose present is a
dream of beauty, and whose future is an immortality. Each fresco
was a scene in Arcadia : and the nymphs who were there gathering
their harvest of roses, were only less lovely than the Sicilian maidens
that flitted past.' pp. 1, 2.
' Somerset House conveys the idea of a Venetian palace ; its Co*
rinthian pillars, its walls rising from the waters, its deep arches, fitting
harbour for the dark gondola, the lion sculptured in the carved arms—
all realises the picture which the mind has of those marble ho^e
vol*. IX. — M.S. M
90 Heath's Book of Beauty.
where the Foscarini and the Donati dwelt, in those days when Venice
was at her height of mystery and magnificence. The other side is, on
the contrary, just the image of a Dutch town ; the masses of floating
planks, the low tile-covered buildings, the crowded warehouses — mean,
dingy, but full of wealth and industry —are the exact semblance of
the towns which like those of the haughty bride of the Adriatic, rose
from the very bosom of the deep — Amsterdam and Venice. The his-
tory of the Italians is picturesque and chivalric, but that of the Dutch
has always seemed to me the beau-ideal of honourable industry, ra-
tional exertion, generally enjoyed liberty, and all strong in more than
one brave defence. He does not deserve to read history, who does not
enjoy the gallant manner in which they beat back Louis XIV.
' " The two banks of the river embody the English nation," thought
Charles ; " there is its magnificence and its poetry, its terraces, its
pillars, and its carved emblazonings ; and on the other is its trade, its
industry, its warehouses, and their many signs of skill and toil. Ah !
the sun is rising over them, as if in encouragement. I here take the
last lesson of my destiny. I have chosen the wrong side of the river
— forced upon exertion, what had I to do with the poetry of life ? "
* The river became at every instant more beautiful ; long lines of
crimson light trembled in the stream ; fifty painted spires glittered in
the bright air, each marking one of those sacred fanes where the dead
find a hallowed rest, and the living a hallowed hope. In the midst
arose the giant dome of St. Paul's — ^a mighty shrine, fit for the thanks-
giving of a mighty people. As yet, the many houses around lay in
unbroken repose ; the gardens of the Temple looked green and quiet as
if for away in some lunely valley ; and the few solitary trees scattered
among the houses seemed to drink the fresh morning air, and rejoice.
*''How strong is the love of the country in all indwellers of towns!"
exclaimed Charles. " How many creepers, shutting out the dark wall,
can I see from this spot ! how many pots of bright-coloured and sweet-
scented plants are carefully nursed in windows, which, but for them,
would be dreary indeed ! And yet, even here, is that wretched in-
equality in which fate delights alike in the animate and inanimate
world. VVhat have those miserable trees and shrubs done, that they
should thus be surrounded by an unnatural world of brick, — ^the air,
which is their life, close and poisoned, and the very rain, which should
refresh them, but washing down the soot and dust from the roofs
above ; and all this, when so many of their race flourish in the glad
and open fields, their free branches spreading to the morning dews and
the summer showers, while the earliest growth of violets springs be-
neath their shade.' "
• He turned discontentedly to the other side of the bridge.
' " Beautiful ! " was his involuntary ejaculation. The waves were
freighted as if with Tyrian purple, so rich was the sky which they
mirrored ; the graceful arches of Westminster Bridge stretched lightly
across, and, shining like alabaster, rose the carved walls of the fine old
Abbey, where sleep the noblest of England's dead. Honour to the
glorious past ! — ^how it honoured us ! Once we were the future, and
how much was done for our sake ! — The contrast between above and
])elow the bridge is very striking. Below, all seems for use, except
Fables, 91
Somerset Honae— 4ind even that, when we think, is but a superb
office— and the Temple gardens: all is crowded, dingy, and commer-
cial. Above, wealth has arrived at luxury ; and the grounds behind
Whitehall, the large and ornamental houses^ have ail the outward
signs of rank and riches.
^ Charles turned sullenly from them, and watched the boats now
floating with the tide. As yet few were in motion ; the huse barges
rested by the banks, but two or three colliers came on with their large
black sails^ and darkening the glistening river as they passed. At
this moment, the sweet chimes of St. Bride struck five, and the sound
was immediately repeated by the many clocks on every side : for an
instant^ the air was filled with music.
* " Curious it is," murmured our hero, " that everv hour of our day
is repeated from m3rTiad chimes, and yet how rarely do we attend to
the clock striking! Alas! how emblematic is this of the way in which
we n^ect the many signs of time ! How terrible, when we think of
what Time may achieve, is the manner in which we waste it ! At the
end of every man's life, at least three-quarters of the mighty element
of which tnat life was composed, will be found void — lost — nay, ut-
terly foreotten ! And yet that time, laboured and husbanded, might
have built palaces, gathered wealth, and, still greater, made an im-
perishable name.'
t» >
Art. Yll. — 1. Fifiy-one original Fables, with Morals and Ethical
Index, embellished with Eighty-five original Designs, by R.
Cruickshank: engraved on Wood. Also, a Translation of Plu-
tarch's Banquet of the Seven Sages, revised for this Work. 8vo.
pp. 251. Price 12^. London, 1833.
2. Flowers of Fable ; culled from Epictetus, Croxall, Dodsley, Gay,
Cowper, Pope, Moore, Merrick, Denis, and Tapner ; with original
Translations from La Fontaine, Krasicki, Herder, Gellert, Les-
sing, Pignotti, and others : the whole selected for the Instruction
of Youth, and pruned of all objectionable Matter. Embellished
with One Hundred and Fifty Engravings on Wood. 18mo.
pp. 352. Price 5^. London, 1832.
3. Moral Fables and Parables. By Ingram Cobbin, M.A. 24mo.
pp. 167. Price 2s. London, 1832.
A N original fable is a novelty ; and Dean Swift, who could
"^ imitate almost any style, confesses, in a letter to Gay, that
he could never succeed in a fable. Mr. Critbannah, the Author
of the first of these publications, modestly states, that ^ if per-
* adventure five out of his fifty should prove worthy of the kiiow-
* ledge of posterity, his literary ambition will be satisfied.' Pos-
terity, wc cannot answer for ; but he has taken the best possible
method of gaining the favour of Postcrity'^s worshipful predeces-
sor, the public, by employing Mr. R. Cruickshank to illustrate
these fi&bles by some extremely clever and humorous designs, ex-
M 2
93 Fables.
cellently cut on wood* We should wish to pick out one of tbe
five best, if possible, but are not sure whether the Author would
fix upon the following as one.
' FABLE XVII.
* THE THISTLE AND THE WHEAT.
^ *' What an onanned^ pusillanimous^ humble being art thou V said
a Thistle to a blade of Wheat ; " without a wei^Mn to repulse an
enemjj and contented to keep the benefit of thy acquirements within a
circumscribed space. Why dost thou not make a bustle in the world
as I do, keeping every one at bay, and when I choose, disseminating
my opinions East, West, North, and South ?** " I am not ", replied
the Wheat, " aware of having any enemies ; and therefore need no
weapon of defence. If I possess cultivated abilities, I am satisfied to
comfort and instruct my immediate neighbourhood therewith^ and mv
instructions are received cordially. Thou needest not to pride thyself
on spreading afar thy opinions, since thy neighbours wish not for
them ; and, for my own part, I am indinea to believe that, wherever
thy wild doctrines take root, they invariably prove a curse." '
Lest we should have £uled to choose aright, we will make room
f<Nr another specimen.
'FABLE XXXIII.
* THE COW AND THE GOAT.
' A Cow was grazing in a rich meadow, when raising her head, she
observed a Goat tearing some ivy from a tree that grew hard by. In-
terested for his welfiEire, " Desist ", said she, '* from browsing on those
poisonous leaves, and partake with me of this delicious herbage." To
this warning the Goat paid no attention, but continued to eat. At
last, the Cow thought proper, in kindness, to employ her superior
strength, and drove him away. " I doubt not ", said the Gkwt, " that
your intentions are good> ana that you consider you are doing me a
personal favour ;~as such, I give you credit for your good wills but
permit me to tell you that your solicitude savours too much of the
powerful to be, under any circumstances, convincing , and that in this
mstance, founded as it is in ignorance of what is wholesome Hn me
and delicious to my palate^ it is absurdly intrusive." '
We have not room to insert the Moral. A high tone of moral
sentiment pervades the work, and the Author^s object has eri-
dently been to promote the improvement of his readers.
The Flowers of Fable deserves high praise, as well fot its ex-
cellent design as for its tasteful execution. Most of the collec-
tions of Fables which find their way into schools, and into the
hands of young persons, on the strength of their supposed hano-
lessness and prescriptive reputation, contain many fables of very
doubtful tendency, inculcating craft, selfishness, or expediency,*
Fables. 93
or marked by other glaring improprieties. In the present collec-
tion, drawn from a great variety of sources, great care has been
taken, both in the selection, and in the exclusion of all objection-
able expressions. The dull, lengthy * applications ^ of Croxall
and other prosing commentators, have been discarded, and the
spirit of the fable is indicated by a brief sentence or a few lines
of verse, or by the introduction of an engraved tail-piece which
aims at delineating the fact, while the fable narrates the fiction.
Such is the plan of the volume. In a collection of this descrip-
tion, little novels is to be looked for ; but the fables from tne
PoliiBh of KrasicKi are new to us, and we shall transcribe one as
• specimen. We regret that we cannot give a specimen of the
wood engravings, which add not a little to the attractiveness of
this nice little book.
' Thb Bbook and the Fountain.
' A Fountain varied gambols played.
Close by an humble brook ;
While gentlv murmuring through the glade.
Its peaceml course it took.
' Perhaps it gave one envious gaze
Upon the Fountain's height ;
While glittering in the morning rays.
Pre-eminently bright.
' In all the colours of the sky
Alternately it shone :
The Brook observed it with a sigh.
But quielly rolled on.
' The owner of the Fountain died ;
Neglect soon brought decay ;
The bursting pipes were ill supplied ;
The Fountam ceased to play.
' But still the Brook its peaceful course
Ck>ntinued to pursue;
Her ample, inexhausted source
From Nature's fount she drew.
' " Now," said the Brook, " I bless my fate.
My shewy rival gone ;
Contented in its native state.
My little stream rolls on.
' " And all the world has cause, indeed.
To own with grateful heart.
How much great Nature's works excel
The feeble works of art.'
* * *
94 Notice,
Mr. Cobbin''s modest labours are designed for the benefit and
amusement of ^ infant minds.** Most of them are illustrative of
the real habits of the birds or animals which are introduccKl ; and
they are well adapted by their simple style for the youngest
readers. We must give a specimen.
'FABLE XXV.
* THE FALLING KITE.
' A Kite having risen to a very great height, moved in the air as
stately as a prince, and looked down with much contempt on all
below. " What a superior being I am now !" said the Kite ; " who
has ever ascended so high as I have ? What a poor grovelling set of
beings are all those beneath me ! I despise them." And then he
shook his head in derision ; and then he wagged his tail ; and again
he steered along with so much state as if the air were all his own,
and as if every thing must make way before him ; when suddenly the
string broke, and down fell the kite with greater haste than he as-
cended, and was greatly hurt in the fall.'
NOTICE.
Art. VIII. The Englishman's Almanack; or. Daily Calendar of
General Information for the United Kingdom, for the Year of Our
Lord 1833. Containing, with a Complete Calendar of the Year, in-
cluding the Revolutions of the Heavenly Bodies, Times of High
Water, Anniversaries, and Historical Memoranda, Statistic^ of
English Counties ; Copious Tables of the Population of Different
Districts in England, shewing the Proportion of Population to
Acre, and of Crime to Population, &c. &c. The Jewish and Ma*
hometan Calendars : Lists of the Peers, the Ministry, Corporation
of London, Bankers, &c., the New Duties on Imported Gkx)da,
the Expenditure for 1833 ; the Colonies, &c. And a Statement
of the Representation of Great Britain and Ireland, as Established
by the Reform Act, with Valuable Particulars of that Law.
18mo. 2s. 6d. stitched.
Among the Annuals, those which lay claim to the most venerable an-
tiquity,— those which interest all readers, and speak a language intel-
ligible to all nations, the Almanacks, ought not to be overlooked- It
is indeed only of late that they have assumed a literary character, —
that they have fallen in with the march of intellect. Some of our
Almanacks have long supported a scientific reputation. We have be-
fore us the Eighty-fourth impression of Wliite*s Ephemeris or ' Celes-
tial Atlas', edited by Dr. Olinthus Gregory, our best astronomical Al-
manack. The Lady's Diary, singularly enough, not less than the
Gentleman's Diary, has been distinguished by its mathematical as well
as enigmatic lore. The Englishman's Almanack is a younger compe-
titor ibr public favour. The quantity and value of statistioil informa-
Literary Intelligence, 95
tion which it contains, chiefly in a tabular furm, and drawn from par*
liamentary documents, would have rendered it, a few years ago, a literary
curiosity. The art of compression is now carried to such perfection,
that we have ceased to wonder at such displays of ingenuity ; but
we must fairly say, that the Proprietors of this Almanack deserve well
of the public for the pains they have bestowed on its compilation.
The title page exhibits a general view of its contents, which are not
more multifarious than intrinsically useful.
Art. IX. LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.
The Cabinet Annual Register, and Historical, Political, Biogra-
phical, and Miscellaneous Chronicle of 1832, is announced for public-
ation on the 1st of February next, with additional claims to public
favour and patronage.
Preparing for publication by subscription, A History of Protestant
Nonconformity in the County of York. By the Rev. Thomas Scales,
of Leeds, Author of ** Principles of Dissent." The object of the Au-
thor is, to trace the origin, progress, and present state of all the So-
cieties of the Three Denominations in each of the Three Ridings, with
memoirs of their successive pastors. To be comprised in two large
volumes, 8vo. Subscribers' names are solicited.
On the Ist of January will be published, price one penny. The Pro-
testant Dissenter's Juvenile Magazine.
A Prospectus is issued of a splendid Periodical, under the title of
Finden's Gallery of the Graces; to consist of a s<;ries of Portrait
Sketches, designed to exhibit, in its various forms of female loveliness,
the spirit of beauty. The whole to be engraved from original pic-
tnres, under the superintendence of W. and E. Finden, and accom-
panied by poetical illustrations from the pen of T. K. Hervcy, Esq.
A new edition (the third thousand) of " Saturday Evening,"
by the Author of " the Natural History of Enthusiasm " ; and a sixth
e^tion of the Natural History of Enthusiasm, are now ready*
In the press, and shortly will be published. Memorials of the Pro-
fessional Life and Times of Sir William Penii Knight, Admiral and
General of the Fleet during the interregnum, -A.dmiral and Commis-
sioner of the Admiralty and Navy after the Restoration from 1644
to 1670. In 2 VoL*. 8vo. By Granville Penn, Esq.
Also, edited by the same Author, The Character of a Trimmer ;—
His opinion of — Ist. Laws and Government ; — 2d. Protestant Reli-
gion ; — 3d. The Papists ; — 4th. Foreign Affairs. By the Honour-
able Sir W. Coventry, Knight. First printed in 1G87«
The Seasons. — Stories for very young Children. (Winter.) By
the author of ** Conversations on Chemistry," &c &c.
96
Works recently pttbUshed.
Nearly ready for publication. In 2 vols. 8vo. A View of the Early
Parisian Greek Press; including the Lives of the Stephani or Estiennes,
Notices of the other Contemporary Greek Printers of Paris, and varioos
Sirticulars of the Literary and Ecclesiastical History of their Times,
y the Rey. W. Parr Greswell, Author of '* Memoirs of Politian/' &c.
and of " Annals of Parisian Typography." (Oxford : printed at the
Uniyersity Press, for !>. A. TallKiys.) The above work (in which it
has been the author's object to combine literary history with biblio-
graphy) contains extensive biographies of Robert and of Henry Ste-
phens, and a vindication of the former of those celebrated individuals
from the charges alleged against him by Michaelis and Mr. Porson.
Art. X. WORKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED.
BIBLIOGEAPUr.
Bibliothect Scoto-Celtica ; or an Ac-
ooont of all the Books which have been
printed in the Gaelic Language ; with Bib-
liographical and Biographical Notices. By
John Rdd. 8to. I2t, extra cloth boards.
A few cwpHoi on Imperial Writing Paper,
price A/L 5s.
mSCXLLANIOUS.
Fifty-one Original Fables, with Morals
and Ethical Index. Embellished with eighty-
five Original Designs by R. Cruickshank.
Engrav^ on Wood. Also a Translation
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TBAVSLSi
Six Weeks on the Loire^ with a Peep into
La Vendee ; a route whtcb, in addition to
the Beauties of Scenery it must always
command, derives a political interest, at ^e
present moment from the circumstance of
its including many of the scenes in which
the hazardous enterprises and ** hair-breadth
escapes** of the Duchesse de Bern have
taken place. Sto. PUtes.
THE
ECLECTIC REVIEW,
For FEBRUARY, 1833.
Art. I. The History of England. By the Right Hon. Sir James
Mackintosh, LL.D. M.P. Volume the Thi/d. (Lardner's Ca-
binet Cydopeedia, Vol. xxxvii.) Fcap. 8vo. pp. xlii. 368. Lon-
don, 1^.
< CIR James Mackintosh had proceeded to the 211th page of
^^ * this third volume of his History of England, when litera-
* ture and his country were deprived of him by his lamented
* death.*^ A melancholy interest attaches to this portion of his
unfinished labours ; and we avail ourselves of the opportunity, to
attempt, with the aid of two well written notices of his life and
writing, now before us *, a brief memoir of a man who united in
no ordinary decree the qualities, rarely associated, of the philo-
sopher, the jurist, the forensic orator, and the man of letters.
The father of Sir James Mackintosh was a captain in the army,
whose life was chiefly spent in foreign and garrison service.
James, the eldest son, was bom at Alldowrie in tne county of In-
remess, on the 24th of October, 1765. For his early instruction
and discipline, he was greatly indebted to the superintending care
of an excellent grandmother, upon whom the charge of him cniefly
devolved. He was afterwards placed at the school of Mr. Stalker,
at Fortrose in Rosshire, where his talents were so far elicited as
to encourage his friends to determine on sending him to college,
with a view to his being qualified for some liberal profession. He
was accordingly placed at King's College, Aberdeen, under Mr.
Leslie, where he soon distinguished himself by his proficiency in
♦ The Annual Biography and Obituary. 1833. Vol. xvii. Art. X.
North American Review. No. lxxvii. Art. Sir James Mackin^
tosh. The writer of this last article was introduced to Sir James, when
on a visit to London in 1817> and during that and some subsequent
visits, enjoyed, he says, a good deal of his society.
VOL. IX. — N.s. N
98 Sir James Mackintosh.
Greek and mathematics ; and it was there, when in his eighteenth
year, that he first formed an acquaintance and close intimacy
with that eminent friend of whom he had undertaken to be the
biographer, when his own death prevented his paying that tribute
to his memory. Mr. Hall was about a year and a half older than
Sir James Mackintosh. Their tastes, at the commencement of
their intercourse, were widely different ; and upk)n some most im-
portant topics of inquiry, there was little or no congeniality of
sentiment between them. But ^ the substratum of tneir minds
* seemed of the same cast ** ; and upon this. Sir James himself
thought, their mutual friendship was founded. He became at-
tached to Mr. Hall, he said, ' because he could not help it \ He
was * fascinated by his brilliancy and acumen, in love with his
* cordiality and ardour, and awe-struck by the transparency of
* his conduct and the purity of his principles.^ We cannot re-
frain from forestalling our notice of Dr. Gregory'^s Memoir of Mr.
Hall, by transcribing from it the following paragraph, describing
the intimacy of these two distinguished class-mates.
' They read together; they sat together at lecture, if possible; they
walked together. In their joint studies, they read much of Xenophon
and Herodotus, and more of Plato ; and so well was all this known, ex-
citing admiration in some, in others envy, that it was not unusual, as
they went along, for their class-fellows to point at them, and say,
*' There go Plato and Herodotus ". But the arena in which they met
most frequently, was that of morals and metaphysics, furnishing to-
pics of incessant disputation. After having sharpened their weapons
by reading, they often repaired to the spacious sands upon the sea-
shore, and still more frequently to the picturesque scenery on the
banks of the Don, above the old town, to discuss with eagemeM the
various subjects to which their attention had been directed. There
was scarcely an important position in Berkeley's Minute Philonpher,
in Butler's Analogy, or in Edwards on the Will, over which they had
not thus debated with the utmost intensity. Night after night, nay,
month after month, for two sessions, they met only to study or to di»-
Imte ; yet no unkindly feeling ensued. The process seemed rather,
ike blows in that of welding iron, to knit them closer together. Sir
James said, that his companion, as well as himself, often contended fiir
victory ; yet never, so far as he could then judge, did either make a
voluntary sacrifice of truth, or stoop to draw to and fro the serra Xoyo-
fxaxici^, as is too often the case with ordinary controvertists. From
these discussions, and from subsequent meditation noon them. Sir
James learned more, as to principles, (such, at least, he assured me^
was his deliberate conviction,) than from all the books he ever read-
On the other hand, Mr. Hall through life reiterated his persuasion,
that his friend possessed an intellect more analogous to that of Baoon,
than any person of modern times ; and that if he had devoted his
powerful understanding to metaphysics, instead of law and politics, he
would have thrown an unusual light upon that intricate but valuable
Sir Jame9 Mackintosh. 90
ffigioo of inquiry* Such was the cordial^ reciprocal testimony of these
two di^ngoifthed men.' Memoir of Robert HalL (Worka^ V6L VI.
pp. 14> 15.)
From Aberdeen, Mackintosh repaired to Edinburgh, to com-
1>Iete his education, where he spent three years, attending the
ectures of Dr. Cidlen and Professor BlacK, preparatory to his
taking i^ the dc^ee of Doctor of Medicine. Medical studies,
However, had but a small portion of his attention ; they had few
attractions for him ; and we are surprised that he should ever
have thought of adopting, as a means of subsistence, a professicm
80 little suited to his taste and habits of mind. Was it that the
practice of law seemed to present still less scope for speculative
and excurrive inquiries, and that the science of law, in which he
was so peculiarly fitted to excel, has hitherto been deemed an
elegant study, rather than a branch of professional accomplish-
ment ? Mackintosh pursued the studv of medicine, however, so
fiu* as to obtain, in l?^?' ^^ medical aegree ; on which occasion,
be composed a Latin thesis, ^ On Muscular Action,^ afterwards
published. On leaving the university, he repaired to the me-
tropolis, ostensibly for the purpose of practising as a physician.
If he had any serious intention of this nature, the step which he
took, in engaging in political controversy, was the most likely to
defeat his purpose. The great question of the day was the pro-
posed Regency, in consequence of the first illness of George III.
Mackintosh made his debut as a political writer, by a pamphlet
in support of the views of Fox ; and his first essay shared the
jfete or the cause which he espoused. Foiled and disappointed,
the young politician repaired to the Continent, apparently with
the view of renewing his professional studies. After spending a short
time at Leyden, then the most celebrated medical school in
Surope, he proceeded to Liege, where he was an eye-witness of
the memorable contest between the Prince-Bishop and his sub-
jects. His visit to the Continent must have been little more
than a summer tour, since we find him, in this same year, again
in London. About the same time, his father died, and be-
queathed him a small landed property in Scotland. This may,
perhaps, explain another circumstance ; that, while as yet a phy-
sician without fees, and a writer without fame or influential
fnends, he ventured upon matrimony. In 17^9, he married
Miss Stuart, ' a Scottish lady without beauty or fortune, but of
*' great intelligence and most amiable character ;^ — the sister to
Mr. Charles Stuart, the author of several dramatic pieces. In
her, he found a partner of his heart, who appreciated his character,
and ' urged him on to overcome his almost constitutional in-
' dolence.^
In the spring of 1791) Mackintosh started into notoriety, as
k2
100 Sir James Mackintosh,
the Author of " Vindicice Gallicce^ or a Defence of the French
Revolution and its English admirers against the accusations of
the lit. Hon. Edmund Burke.*" This work, an octavo volume
of 379 pages, he is said to have sold, before it was completely
written, for a trifling sum ; but the publisher liberally presented
the Author with triple the original price. At the end of four
months, two editions had been sold, and a third appeared at the
end of August 1791. The powerful talent displayed in this
performance, procured for its Author the acquaintance of Sheridan,
Grey, Whitbread, Fox, and the Duke of Bedford. It after-
wards led to his being introduced to Burke himself, who invited
him to his seat at Beaconsfield ; and the visit is said to have re-
sulted in a very considerable modification of the political opinions
avowed in that brilliant but immature performance. Time — the
very events of the following year — must, even without any such
aid from the corrective wisdom of the venerable political philo-
sopher, have wrought some change upon Mackintosh, in common
with every sanguine admirer of the French revolution. Yet,
those who were the most disappointed by the issue, were not the
least sagacious observers ; and history rejects alike the generous
illusions to which Mackintosh surrendered himself, and the more
elaborate misrepresentations of his great anti-Gallican an-
tagonist ♦.
Fully determined now to relinquish the medical profession,
Mr. Mackintosh, in 1792, entered himself as a student of Lin-
coln's Inn ; and in 1795, he was called to the bar; but he does
not appear to have obtained any considerable practice. In the
year 1798, he projected, as a means of improving his income, the
delivering a course of lectures on the Law of Nature and of Na-
tions ; and he applied to the Benchers of Lincoln^s Inn, to be
^ allowed the use of their Hall for that purpose. It was not with-
out difficulty that he succeeded in overcoming the objections
* ' Mackintosh/ remarks the American Reviewer, 'gives ns the
' frothy effervescence of an immature mind which is still in a state of
' fermentation^ while in Burke we have the pure, ripe, golden, glowing
' nectar.' There is certainly more ripeness and body in Burke's per-
formance, though it is scarcely less Heady. We little expected, how-
ever, to meet uath so unqualified a pan^'ric upon that beautiftil pi>-
litical romance from a Republican writer. ' £ven now,' adds the
Reviewer, 'although his (Burke's) practical condusions have been
' confirmed by the event, and are generally acquiesced in, the public
' mind has no where — no, not et'cn in England!-— reached the devaiiom
* of his theory. If it had, we should not witness the scenes that are
* now acting on the theatre of Europe !' This is strange language to
come from a New-Englander ; and we are really at a loss to know
what is meant by Air. Burke's political theory.
Sir Jamea^ Mackintosh. 101
nvhich were raised on the ground of his supposed Jacobin prin-
ciples. To disprove the calumny, he published his Introductory
L.ecture, which met with general admiration ; and Mr. Pitt him-
self, who was a bencher of Lincoln^s Inn, spoke of it as the most
able and elegant discourse on the subject in any language. It is
said to have been at the immediate recommendation of Lord
Loughborough, the Chancellor, that permission was at length
given to use the Hall ; and Mackintosh delivered his course to a
large and most respectable audience. The Introductory Lecture
is generally considered as the most valuable and important of his
printed works; and the whole course, if of any corresponding
merit, would be a precious acquisition. But we can scarcely en-
tertain the hope that he has left any thing more than imperfect
memoranda. In these lectures, it is remarked by Mr. Campbell,
* Mackintosh, with the eye of a true philosopher, laid bare the
^ doctrines of Rousseau and Vattcl, and of a host of their fol-
* lowers, who borrowed their conceptions of the law of nature from
* the savages of the forest, or from the abodes of the brute
* creation.^ The errors which he combated, have now, however,
become so far obsolete, that, eminent as was the service rendered
to science at the time, these Lectures would now, perhaps, be
deprived of some portion of their interest.
Subsequently to the general election in 1802, Mr. Mackintosh
was retained as counsel in several cases of contested elections,
and acquitted himself with ability before committees of the House
of Commons. The first occasion, however, on which he dis-
tinguished himself at the bar, was as counsel in defence of Pel-
tier, the Editor of the Ambigu, who was prosecuted in Feb* 1B03,
for a libel against Bonaparte, then First Consul of France. Mr.
Perceval, afterwards prime minister, as attorney general, con-
ducted the prosecution, and was seconded by Mr. Abbot, after-
wards Lord Tenterden. Against this array of talent and power.
Mackintosh appeared as the single counsel for the defendant ;
and he delivered, on this occasion, an oration in defence of the
liberty of the press, which has been pronounced one of the most
finished specimens of modem eloquence. Lord EUenborough
declared it to be the most eloquent oration he had ever heard in
Westminster Hall. A translation of it into French, by Mad.
de Stael, was circulated throughout Europe. * We are not sure,'
remarks the writer in the North American Review, * that there
^ is any single speech in the English language, which can fairly
* be compared with it.'
The reputation which Mr. Mackintosh had previously acquired
from his Lectures at Lincoln's Inn, had obtained for him the
appointment of Professor of the Laws in the East India College
at Hertford. His eloquent defence of Peltier procured him the
offer of the Recordership of Bombay, which, after some hesitation,
103 Sir James Mackintosh.
he accq>ted. With a large and increasing fiunily and a slender
and precarious income, he could scarcely decline a high judkiai
station which promised ample means and literary leisure, aitfaoiig^
at the cost of expatriation, and, as the event proved, of the lost
of health. On this occasion, he received the honour of knight*
hood. He had previously lost his first wife, and married, in
I79B, a daughter of J. B. Allen, Esq., of Cressella, in Pem-
brokeshire, who, with several children, accompanied him on his
Toyage to the East.
^ It is not very honourable to the discernment of the Gorem-
ment,*^ remarks the American writer above referred to, * that Uiey
* should have permitted the expatriation, for so many of the best
* years of his life, of one of the master spirits of the country,
* whose proper sphere of action was the centre of business at
* home ; and it is much to be regretted that private considerations
* rendered it expedient for Sir James to consent to the proposal.'*
Want of discernment, in this instance, cannot, however, befiurhr
imputed to the Government. The constitutional indolence whicn
unfortunately adhered to him, and which rendered his life a course
of splendid but desultory efforts, with long intervals of compara-
tive inaction, his deficiency in the habits of business and in the
practical knowledge of his profession, together with his singular
improvidence, would probably have debarred him from filling that
sphere of usefulness at home to which his great talents would
otherwise infallibly have raised him. While he remained in In-
dia, Sir James discharged his official duties with distinguished
seal, ability, and philanthropy ; and it was while there, that the
subject of Criminal Jurisprudence became more especially an ob-
ject of his attention. By his high intellectual and moral qua-
lities, he contributed to elevate the standard of civilisation in tliat
remote colony. He founded a literary society at Bombay, as Sir
William Jones had done at Calcutta ; but he did not engage
with similar ardour in the study of the oriental languages, his ac-
quaintance with which was very limited. After a residence in
India of between seven and eight years, he found his health se-
riously impaired by the effects of the climate ; and in 1811, he
returned to England with his fortune not much improved, and
with a liver complaint which adhered to him for the rest of his
life, and ultimatdy shortened his days. He obtained a retiring
pension from the East India Company, of 1200/. a year; but
habits of economy are not to be learned in India.
As soon as his shattered health would permit. Sir James was
introduced into Parliament. In July 1813, he entered the House
of Commons as representative for the county of Nairn. In 1818,
the influence of the Duke of Devonshire secured his return for
Knaresborough, for which borough he was re-elected at the sub-
sequent elections of 1820, 1826, 1880, and 1831. On all ques-
Sir Jam€s Mackintosh. 103
tioiiB of foreign policy and international law, on the alien bill, on
the liberty of the press, on religious toleration, on slavery, on the
settlement of Greece, on Parliamentary Reform, and more
especially upon the reform of the Criminal Law, Sir James took
a prominent part, and was always to be found on the side of free*
dom, justice, and humanity. On the questions connected with
neutral rights, which grew out of the relations between Great Bri-
tain and tne United States of America, he cooperated actively
and ably with his friend Mr. Brougham in support of a liberal
policy. After the close of the last American War, he took oc-
casion, in one of his speeches in the House, to compliment the
American Commissioners at Ghent, upon their ' astonishing su-
^ periority ^ over their opponents ; a circumstance which we find
noticed with great complacency by our North American contem-
porary, who adds : — * In other speeches, and in his writings, he
has oAen spoken in friendly and favourable terms of this coun^-
try. This candid, — ^perhaps partial disposition, in one whose
opinion was authority, coming into contrast, as it did, with the
meanness and illiberality of many of his contemporaries, had so
much endeared the name of Sir James Mackintosh to our citi-
aens, that he was generally styled in the newspapers, whenever
he was mentioned, the friend of America. A report which
was spread soon after the entrance into power of the present mi-
nistry, that he was coming out to reside amongst us as British
Minister, was heard with much satisfaction ; and there cannot
be a doubt that his reception would have been of the most gra-
tifying character.^ We can scarcely suppose that there was any
foundation for the report, as the station would have been ill suited
to Sir James, and the state of his health would scarcely have ad-
mitted of his encountering, without imminent risk, the trials of a
long voyage and a new climate.
After tne death of Sir Samuel Romilly, the advocacy of the
revision of the Penal Code devolved more especially upon Sir
James. He was Chairman of a Committee m the House of
Commons on the subject of the Criminal Law in 1819 ; and in
pursuance of its report, he introduced six bills in the course of
May 1820. Only three of these were, however, at the time, per-
sisted in ^ and in the Commutation of Punishment bill, only four
offences were suffered to be included in its provisions, out of the
eleven for which it was proposed to commute the capital punish-
ment ; the other seven being expunged from the bill in the House of
Lords. For some time, after the death of Tierney, Sir James was,
we believe, regarded as a sort of chief of the Opposition party ; but,
although a most important auxiliary, he was deficient in many of
the requisites demanded by the post of a political leader and tac*
tician. His character as a parliamentary speaker, is thus por-
104 Sir James Mackintosh*
trayed in an article originally inserted in the New Monthly Ma^
gazine, and attributed to the pen of Mr. Lytton Bulwer.
' " Sir James Mackintosh never spoke on a subject without display-
ing, not only all that was peculiarly necessary to that subject, but all
that a full mind, long gathering and congesting, has to pour forth
upon any subject. The language, without being antithetic, was arti-
ficial and ornate. The action and voice were vehement, but not
passionate ; the tone and conception of the argument, of too lofty and
Shilosophic a strain for those to whom, generally speaking, it was
irected. It was impossible not to feel tnat the person addresdiig
you was a profound thinker, delivering a laboured composition. Sir
James Mackintosh's character as a speaker, then, was of that sort
acquired in a thin House, where those who have stayed from their
dinner, have stayed for the purpose of hearing what is said, and can,
therefore, deliver up their attention undistractedly to any knowledge
and ability, even if somewhat prolixly put forth, which elucidates the
subject of^^ discussion. We doubt if all great speeches of a legislative
kind would not require such an audience, it they never travelled
beyond the walls within which they were spoken. The passion, the
action, the movement of oratory which animates and transports a large
assembly, can never lose their effect when passion, action, movement are
in the orator's subject ; when Philip is at the head of his Macedonians,
or Catiline at the gates of Rome. The emotions of fear, revenge,
horror, are emotions that all classes and descriptions of men, however
lofty or low their intellect, may feel: — ^here, then, is the orator's
proper field. But again ; there are subjects, such as many, if not
most, of those discussed in our House of Commons, the higher bear-
ings of which are intelligible only to a certain order of understandings.
The reasoning proper for these is not understood, and cannot therefore
be sympathised with, by the mass. In order not to be insipid to the
few, it IS almost necessary to be dull to the many. If our Houses of
legislature sat with closed doors, they would be the most improper
assemblies for the discussion of legislative questions that we can pos-
sibly conceive. They would have completely the tone of their own
clique. No one would dare or wish to soar above the common-places
which find a ready echoing cheer : all would indulge in that vapid
violence against persons, which the spirit of party is rarely wanting to
applaud. But as it is, the man of superior mind, standins upon his
own strength, knows and feels that he is not spcaldng to Uie loUing,
lounging, indolently listening individuals stretched on the benches
around him : he feels and knows that he is speaking to, and will
obtain the sympathy of, all the great and enlightened spirits id.
£urope ; ana this bears and buoys him up amidst any coldness, im«
patience, or indifference, in his immediate audience. Wnen we perused
the magnificent orations of Mr. Burke, which transported us in our
cabinet, and were told that his rising was the dinner bell in the House
of Commons ; when we heard that some of Mr. Brougham's almost
gigantic discourses were delivered amidst coughs and impatience ; and
when, returning from our travels, where we had heard of nothing but
Sir James Mackintosh, lO/T
the genins and eloquence of Sir James Mackintosh^ we encountered
him ourselves in the House of Commons ;— on all these occasions we
were sensible, not that Mr. Burke's, Mr. Broueham's, Sir James
Mackintosh's eloquence was less, but that it was addressed to another
audience than that to which it was apparently delivered. Intended
for the House of Commons only, the style would have been absurdly
faulty: intended for the public, it was august and correct. There are
two different modes of obtaining a parliamentary reputation : a man
may rise in the country by what is said of him m the House of
Ccmimons, or he may rise in the House of Commons by what is thought
and said of him in the country. Some debaters have the iaculty, by
varying their style and their subjects, of alternately addressing both
those without and within their walls, with effect and success. Mr.
Fox, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Canning were, and Lord Brougham
is of this number. Mr. Burke and Sir James Mackintosh spoke to
the reason and the imagination, rather than to the passions ; and this,
together with some faults of voice and manner, rendered these great
orators (for great orators they were) more powerful in the printed
reports, than in the actual delivery of their speeches. We ourselves
heard Sir James Mackintosh's great, almost wonderful^ speech upon
Reform. We shall never forget the extensive range ot ideas, the
energetic grasp of thought, the sublime and soaring strain of legis-
lative philosophy, with which he charmed and transported us ; but it
was not so with the House in general. His Scotch accent, his un-
ceasing and laboured vehemence of voice and gesture, the refined and
speculative elevation of his views, and the vast heaps of hoarded
knowledge he somewhat prolixly produced, displeased the taste and
wearied the attention of men who were far more anxious to be amused
and excited, than to be instructed or convinced. We see him now ! his
bald and singularly formed head working to and fro, as if to collect,
and then shake out his ideas ; his arm violently vibrating, and his
body thrown forward by sudden quirks and starts, which, ungraceful
as tney were, seemed rather premeditated than inspired. This is not
the picture which Demosthenes would have drawn of a perfect orator ;
and it contains some defects that we wonder more care had not been
applied to remedy." ' • pp. 1 19 — 21.
* With this able critique, the reader may be pleased to compare the
estimate furnished by the American Reviewer, who describes his own
impressions. ' His eloquence was of a dignified, manly, and imposing
character. His manner was not particularly graceful, and he had a
slight Scotch accent ; but his language was flowing, copious, energetic,
and el^ant, and, above all, carried with it to the minds of his hearers,
the rich gifts of profound and original thought. The delightful com-
bination of philosophy and taste was exhibited by Mackintosh in higher
perfection tnan it naa been by any parliamentary orator since the time
of Burke ; not excepting even Canning, who yet exemplified it in a
very remarkable degree. The eloquence of Sir James was far more
finished than that of Brougham ; although the latter, from his supe-
rior activity and industry, possessed a greater share of political in-
fluence, and has finally made a much more brilliant fortune in the
106 Sir James Mackintosh.
Sir James was elected, in 1822, Lord Rector of the Uniyersity
of Glasgow, and again in 1823. On the Ist of December, 1830,
he was appointed one of the Commissioners for the aflfkirs of
India. If our recollection does not deceive us, he held, for a
short time, another public office at an intermediate period, which
he resigned in consequence of some political changes. Had the
state of his health permitted, it is believed that he would have
formed a member of the present Administration, or have been
Eromoted to some important and lucrative post. In that case,
is American friend remarks, * af^r having been nailed for much
^ of his life to the north wall of Opposition, and suffered a good
* deal from pecuniary embarrassments, he would have found the
' evening of his days gilded and cheered with the southern sun
* of power and fortune.^ It is not the fact, however, as this Writer
imagines, that he was unpensioned and neglected, with no other
temporal reward for his labours, than ' a great but dowerless
' fame.^ Our admiration of his splendid endowments must not
blind us to the lesson which may be derived from the history of
his career. The homely virtues of steady industry and prudence,
' the secrets of fortune,'' would have enabled him to secure at
least an honourable competency ; and while we may respect him
for despising wealth, we cannot but regret that his improTidence
interfered with his comfort, as much as his desultory nabits did
with his usefulness. The evening of his life was overcast also,
we lUdderstand, by trials of a domestic character. We rejcnce to
be assured by Dr. Gregory, in his Life of Hall, that latterly, if a
sadder. Sir James became a wiser man in ' the most essential
^ respects ;^ and that having always been the fUend of Virtue, he
became, towards the close of his days, more than he had been,
the disciple of Religion.
Sir James'^s health had been for some time rapidly declining;
and we were painfully struck, on meetin|; him at the anniversary
of the Anti-Slavery Society in 1831, with the unequivocal in-
dications of premature age. The illness which immediately led
to his death was, however, the effect of accident. About the
beginning of March 1832, while at dinner, a small particle of bone
in a portion of the breast of a boiled chicken, which he was
attempting to swallow, stuck in his throat ; and it was not till
afler two days that the obstruction was removed by an emetic
' The effects of the accident completely unsettled his general health.
He afterwards laboured under increasing debility and occasional
attacks of severe pains in his head, shoulders, and limbs. A few days
before deaths the pains suddenly ceased. Febrile symptoms set in, and
the head became affected. Although this change was met> and in a
world.' For a spirited and, npon the whole, correct portrait of Sir
Jameiy as a writer, a speaker, and a converser, we may refer also to a
ebvw volume, '' The Spirit of the Age." (8vo. 1825.)
Sir James Mackintosh. WJ
great measure subdued^ by the treatment prescribed by his medical
attendants^ the conseqaent debility was too great for his constitution
to resist^ already oppressed by the weight of sixty-six years. Sir
James Mackintosh anticipated the near approach of his dissolution
with the greatest firmness^ and with the most perfect resignation to
the Divine will ; retaining, nearly to the last, the command of the
Eowerful mental faculties which distinguished him through an arduous
fe. His decease took place on the 30th of May, 1832, at his house
in Langham Place. He was buried on the 4th of June, at Hampstead.
Among the carriages in the procession were those of Uie Lord Chan-
cellor, the Dukes of Bedford and Devonshire, the Marquis of Lans«
downe, the £arl of Carlisle, Lords Holland and Dover, Right Hon.
€. Grant, Sir Robert Inglis, Bart. M.P., &c.' pp. 125—6.
Many years ago, (it is even said, early in life,) Sir James had
projected a great historical work on the affairs of England since
the Revolution of 1788, for which he collected materials with
much assiduity ; but, after his return to Europe, his parliamentary
duties conspired with the feeble state of his health, to prevent his
making much progress in the execution of his design. The
work Si which tne volume before us contains a valuable fragment,
may be regarded as ^ an expansion of the prefatory matter in-
^ tended for his greater history ."^ The entire work was to have
extended to eight volumes of the Cyclopaedia; and he is stated to
have left ^ various manuscripts and memoranda relating to
^ English history,^ which have been purchased by the proprietors,
and ^ will be used as occasion shall require in the progress of
^ the work/ Among these is * a view of English affairs at the
* time of the Revolution,^ which promises to be peculiarly valuable.
We know not to whom the delicate task of continuing the hbtory
has been intrusted ; but we should strongly recommend, that that
portion of the history towards which Sir James''8 manuscripts will
oe found to supply no available materials, should be despatched
with all convenient brevity, for two obvious reasons ; first, because
the work, as originally planned, is on a scale too large in pro-
portion for the Cyclopseaia itself, and secondly, because, if that
scale is adhered to. Sir Jameses composition will form too small a
Sroportion of this History. Perhaps another reason might be
rawn from the character of that portion which he lived to
execute : though richly instructive, it presents by no means a
model for advantageous imitation by any inferior hand. The
learned Author was better qualified to oe a commentator upon
history, than an historian. His comments and elucidations are
admirable, and throw a strong light upon conspicuous points ; but
he does not excel in either graphic delineation or compressed and
perspicuous narrative. His distinguished friend, Mr. Hall, is
stated to have expressed in conversation, the opinion that, in
attempting history, Mackintosh had mistaken the proper line of
106 Sir James Mackintosh,
his powers. The conversation alluded to, which took place in
1819 and 1823, has been preserved by the Rev. Robert Balmer,
of Berwick upon Tweed, and is printed in the Vlth volume of
Mr. HalPs Works, just published. We shall transcribe the whole
of what relates to the subject of the present sketch.
* '' 1 know no man/' Mr. Hall said repeatedly and emphatically^
*' eqaal to Sir James in talents. The powers of his mind are admirallj
balanced. He is defective only in imagination He has ima-
gination too ; but, with him, imagination is an acquisition, rather than
a ^Eiculty. He has, however, plenty of embellishment at command ;
for his memory retains every thing. His mind is a spacious repository,
hung round ivith beautiful imc^es ; and when he wants one, he has
nothing to do but reach up his hand to a peg, and take it down. But
his images were not manufactured in his mind ; they were imported."
B. " If it be so defective in imagination, he must be incompetent to
describe scenes and delineate characters vividly and graphically ; and
I should apprehend, therefore, he will not succeed in writing history."
H. '' Sir, I do not expect him to produce an eloquent or interesting
history. He has, I fear, mistaken his province. His genius is best
adapted for metaphysical speculation. But, had he chosen moral
Shilosophy, he would probably have surpassed every living writer."
?. " I admired exceedingly some of his philosophical papers in the
Edinburgh Review; his articles, for instance, on Mde. de Stael's
Germany, and on Dugald Stewart's Preliminary Dissertation; but
there seemed to me a heaviness about them ; and I do think that Mr.
Jeffrey could expound a metaphysical theory with more vivacity
and effect." H. " With more vivacity, perhaps, but not with equal
judgement or acutcness. He would not go so deep. Sir. I am
persuaded that if Sir James Mackintosh had enjoyed leisure, and had
exerted himself, he would have completely outdone Jeffrey and
Stewart, and all the metaphysical writers of our times." '
Mr. HalPs remarks upon Sir Jameses qualifications for historical
writing, were made in anticipation of his great work, which was
destined never to appear, and had no reference to the task which
he was induced to undertake for Dr. Lardner^s Cyclopaedia. In
these volumes, he was obliged to have more immediately in view
the amusement of popular readers ; but his style is by no means
adapted to a popular work. It is rich, but often crowded with
thought ; obscure, not through any defect of perspicuity in the
diction, but from the complexity arising from the number of
accessory ideas interlaced with the primary one in the sentence
or paragraph. The narrative is encumbered with the philosophy,
like a silver stream half concealed by the rich vegetation it has
nourished. He presents to us not the mere facts, out the reasons
of the facts, never being satisfied without tracing the event to the
cause ; and thus, if not the most graphic of narrators, his work,
so far as it goes, is the most instructive of historical manuals.
Our readers will probably prefer to any further observations of
Sir James Mackintosh. 109
our own upon thb subject, the following critiaue upon the first
two volumes, from the pen of Mr. Campbell, the Poet*
< €t
There is something, at the first view, unpleasant in conceiviDg a
man like Mackintosh, with a mind whose deep speculations would
require a good long life-time for ordinary men to study, sitting down
to write a book for men of little leisure; but on closer examination of
the subject, it will occur, that we scarcely recognise profound thinkers
by a surer test, than that they save the bulk of men from the pain of
elaborate thought. They simplify truth at a glance. Locke, Bacon,
and Montesquieu afford abundant examples. That Mackintosh has
done this in a certain and very considerable d^ree, in his Manual of
£nglish History^ I do honestly believe ; nor would I wish that the
world had lost that Manual upon any terms, unless, perhaps, on the
condition that he had finished his larger history. I pretend not,
indeed, to come armed at all points, by that fresh and lull research
which the subject would require, to defend those two volumes against
every objection which criticism, both oral and written, has brought
against them. During their preparation, he had grown a veteran in
fame ; and, from the exaggerating tendency of the popular mind, he had
to satisfy absurd anticipations. Among famib'ar facts, he was expected
to introduce novelty,-— among the ' lying chronicles,' he was expected
to establish harmonious testimony, — and over ages of events, from
Boadicea to Bacon, he was to expound every thing at once palpably to
the school-boy, and profoundly to the philosopher. My own opinion,
if it may be heard amidst the myriad buzz of criticism, is, that he has
wondernilly solved the difficulty of making history at once amusing to
the hncVf elevating to the understanding, and interesting to the heart.
I scarcely know two volumes from which, considering their depth of
thooffht, the simplest mind will be apt to carry off more instruction,
nor from which the most instructed minds, if 1 may judge of such a
mental class, would be likely, considering the manual and popular
object of the work, to carry off more sound and pleasant impres-
sions.
* '^ As to the perfect correctness of the light in which he has ex-
hibited every historical &ct, I should exceed my commission, if I were
to speak in more than general terms. The axa^arov irvp of inquisitive
discernment seems, to my humble apprehension, always to accompany
him in his path as an historian ; but to prove, or to disprove, whether
that light ever failed him in certain dark periods of English annals,
would, for an opinion of any value, require to come from the most
experienced English antiquary. It has been objected to him, that he
has too freauenUy put faith in the authority of More, and in that of
the chroniclers Hall and Grafton. Those men wrote, it is well known,
as the ' very indentured servants ' of the Tudor dynasty ; and it has
been pertinently asked, whether men, stating, by their o^vn confession,
that they wrote at the instance of his highness (Henry VIII.), should
never omit a displeasing fact, never modify the appearance of an event ?
Assuredly, the supposition is inadmissible; but then, on the other
hand, has Mackintosh really held up Alore, Grafton, and Hall as
irrefiragable authorities ? Has he not rather sought to sift their truths
110 Sir James Maekiniosh.
^m their misrepresentatioiia ? And when the miner cumol find pore
metal» can we blame him for putting erode ore into the melting
furnace ? Supposing that in utter scepticism he had abandoned those
writers, where else was he to seek for informants? And it would snrelj
be rather a sweeping assertion to saj, that they are always ineredible.
* " When I find him, therefore, in his manual of history, departing
from certain historical opinions, which I know he onoe entertained, I
am rather inclined to suspend my judgment on the matter altogether,
than for a moment to suspect his latter and changed opinion to have
been formed undeliberately. I remember, for instance, that he was
once a Walpolite in his faith as to the numerous crimes of the third
Richard. 1 had the pleasure of seeing that monarch personated by
Kean, at Drury Lane theatre, in the company of Madame de StaSl
and my illustrious friend. Sir James spoke at great length on the
exaggerations of Richard's traditional character, and I recollect our
laughing heartily at what we then conceived to be a true hypothesis
started by Walpole ; namely, that the bones found in the Tower, and
supposed to be those of one of the princes, were really the bones of an
ola ape who had escaped from the menagerie. Poor fellow ! if it was
so, how little had he thought, amidst his m<ms and mows, that he
should ever be mistaken for a prince of the Mood royal ! But Sir
James Mackintosh, in his history of that period, comes back again
nearer to the Shakspearian idea of Richard's character; and ^ the
opinion, whether right or wrong, must have been at least well weighed
before he uttered it." ' Ann. Siog, pp. 122^24.
From the yolume before us, we shall extract a few paragraphs,
as specimens of the philosophical spirit, the enlightened senti-
ment, and the copious information wtiich characteriie die hiaCorj.
' The acts by which the ecclesiastical revolution was aooomplishcd,
occupied the whole session of parliament, which continued from Ja-
nuary to May .... Some documents purporting to be the speediea
of the minority in |)arliament in these important debates are preserved.
But they are considered as spurious or ooubtful by the ecclesiastical
historians of both parties. Those ascribed to Archbishop Heath, Bishi^
Scott, and Feckenham, abbot of Westminster, are summaries of the
controversy on the Catholic side, and are not properly within the pro>
vince of the civil historian. The speech of hora Montague ia UMve
ingenious and seasonable ; objecting to the severe penalties, and urging
the ordinary arguments ftt>m the antiquity and univernlity i^ the
Catholic Churdi, only as presumptions of the uncextainty ^ Frotest-
aiiti&m, and as aggravations of the injustice of severely punishing ad-
herents to a faith maintained for so many ages by their fathers.
' The true hinge of the dispute was not touched by either party.
The question was, whether the legislature had a right to alter the
established and endowed religion, on condition of respecting the estates
for life vested by law in certain ecclesiastics. The Protestants as well
as the Catholics converted the debate into a theological discussion, be^
cauae they justified their measures by the truth of their own reliffioua
opinions. No one then saw, that the legiidature could nofc« wiUunt
Sir James Mackintosh. Ill
usurpiiig anthority over eonscienoe, consider religion otherwise than as
it amcted the oatward interests of society ; which alone were entrusted
to their caie, and suhmitted to their rule. Every other view of the
suljecty however arising from a wish to exalt religion^ must in truth
tend to d^;nide and enshve her.
* Of the only two important deviations in the new Book of Common
Prayer from the liturgy of Edward VI.^ the firsts consisting in the
omissioa of a prayer to be delivered from the " tyranny of the Bishop
of Rome and all his detestable enormities," mamfestea a conciliatory
temper towards the Roman Church ; and the second, instead of the
Zwinglian language, which spoke of the sacrament as being only a
remembrance of the death of Christ, substituted words indicating some
tort of real presence of a body, though not affirming the presence to
be corporeal ; coinciding with the phraseology of Calvin, which, if any
meaning can be ascribed to the terms, might, it should seem, be used
by Catholics, not indeed as adequately conveying their doctrine, but
MB containing nothing inconsistent with it.
' When Cecil and Bacon had finally succeeded in overcoming his
(Parker's) scmples, the consecration was delayed for some time, in order
to take such precautions as might best secure its validity from being im-
pugned. The Church of England then adopted, ana has not yet re*
nonnced, the inconsistent and absurd opinion, that the Church of Rome,
though idolatrous, is the only channel through which all lawful power
of ordaining priests, of consecrating bishops, or validly performing
any religioas rite, flowed from Christ, throueh a succession of
TOelatea, down to the latest age of the world. The ministers, there-
me, irtt endeavoured to obtain the concurrence of the Catholic
faitliopa in the consecration ; which those prelates, who must have con-
sidered such an act as a pro&nation, conscientiously refused. They
were at length obliged to issue a new commission for consecrating
Faricer, directed to iCitdien of Llandaff, to Ball, an Irish bishop, to
Barkfw, Scory, and Coverdale, deprived in the reign of Mary, and to
two snfllTagans. Whoever considers it important at present to ex-
amine this list, will percdve the perplexities in which the English
Chnrdi was involved by a zeal to preserve unbroken the chain of Epis-
copal succession. On account of this frivolous advantage, that church
was led to prefer the common enemy of all reformation to those Pro-
testant communions which had boldly snapped asunder that brittle
diain : a striking example of the evil that sometimes arises from the
inconsistent respect paid by reformers to ancient establishments.
' Parker, who haa been elected on the Ist of August, was finally con-
secrated on the 17th of December. Four new bishops were conse-
crated three days after the primate ; whose preferment, as thcv had
been exiles for religion in the time of Mary, was a strong and irre-
vocable pledge of the queen's early determination to stand or fall with
the reformed fiedth. This politic, as well as generous elevation of
fidthful adherents and patient sufferers, did not prevent the wise
ministers from a general choice which none of their antagonists ven-
tmred to impugn. For some time, many of the Roman Catholics, un-
sldlled in theological disputes, continued to fireqnent their parish churches^
regardless of the differences which were to steep Europe in blood.
112 Sit JameB Mackintosh'.
' This uneilquiriAg conformity appears not immediately to hare
yielded to the condemnation of it pronounced by the divines at Trent,
^he Anglican reformation was completed by the publication of the ar-
ticles of religion^ exhibiting the creed of that establishment, which,
upon the whole, deserves commendation, in the only points where the
authors could exercise any discretion ; for treating the ancient church
with considerable approaches to decency, and tor preferring quiet,
Siety, and benevolence to precision and consistency : not pressing those
octrines to their utmost logical consequences, which, by such a mode
of inference, lead only to hatred, to blood, and often to a corruption
of moral principle.
' A translation of the Scripture was published by authority, which,
after passing through several emendations, became, in the succeeding
reign, the basis of our present version. This was the work of trans-
lators not deeply versed in the opinions, languages, manners, and in-
stitutions of the ancient world, who were bom before the existence of
eastern learning in Europe, and whose education was completed before
the mines of criticism had been opened, either as applied to the events
of history, or to the reading, interpretation, and genuineness of ancient
writings. On these accounts, as well as on account of the complete
superannuation of some parts of its vocabulary, it undoubtedly re-
quires revision and emendation. Such a task, however, should only
be entrusted to hands skilful and tender, in the case of a translation
which, to say nothing of the connection of its phraseology with the
religious sensibilities of a people, forms the richest storehouse of the
native beauties of our ancient tongue ; and by frequent yet reveren-
tial perusal has, more than any other cause, contributed to the per-
manency of our language, and thereby to the unity of our literature.
In waving the higher considerations of various kinds which render
caution, in such a case, indispensable, it is hard to overvalue the lite-
rary importance of daily infusions from the *' well of English unde-
filed" into our familiar converse. Nor should it be forgotten, if ever
the revision be undertaken, that we derive an advantase, not to be
hazarded for tasteless novelties, from a perfect model of a translation
of works of the most remote antiquity, into that somewhat antique
English, venerable without being obscure, which alone can fiuthfully
represent their spirit and genius.' pp. 12—18.
In addition to this history, its lamented Author contributed
to Dr. Lardner's Biographical Series, a life of Sir Thomas
More, given in vol. XXI., containing '* Lives of eminent British
Statesmen.^ In that volume, Sir James has finely discriminated
the respective provinces of the historian and the biographer;
and he has almost led us to think, that he would have found the
more scope, and the more congenial field of inquiry, in the latter
department of literature.
Besides these works and those already enumerated, including
his contributions to the Edinburgh Review, the only work which
he published is, the " General View of the Progress of Ethical
Philosophy,"^ which forms the second preliminary dissertation
prefixed to the seventh edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica*
. Sir James Mackintosh. 113
Of this «c^te «nd masterly production, some account will be found
in our Number for October, 1831. We then noticed, with re-
gret, the law of error which, though not very obvious, runs like
a Tein throij^h the beautiful formation of the Author^s philosophy.
In the article in the North American Review, already referred
t<s which comprises a critique upon the Dissertation, some dc*>
ficiencies of another kind are pointed out. The most remarkable
is the absence of any notice of the ethical theories of the modem
Germans : the French writers arc aho passed over almost with-
out notice ; and the work, besides being incomplete, bears through^*
out the marks of hasty preparation. Yet, adds the Writer,
' Notwithstanding these deficiencies, it will be read with deep
interest by students of moral science, and by all who take an interest
in the higher departments of intellectual research, or enjoy the beauties
of elegant language applied to the illustration of ^' divine philosophy.'*
It gives nsy on an important branch of the most important of the
sciences, the reflections of one of the few master minds that are fitted
by original capacity and patient study to probe it to the bottom. It
is hiffhly interesting, whether we agree with him or not, to know the
opimons of such a man, upon the character of the principal ethical
writers, and upon the leading principles of the science These opinions
are exhibited with every advantage of language and manner. It is
difficult to imagine how tho union of power, dignity, and grace, which
may be supposed to constitute a finished style, can be carried further
than it is in the writings of Sir James Mackintosh. The moral tone
is also of the purest and most agreeable kind. The work breathes
throughout, a temperate enthusiasm in the cause of humanity, and a
spirit of perfect toleration for opposite o])inions, even of an exception-*
flinle cast . . . He enlarges with an overflowing fullness of heart, we
xoay say, even to exaggeration, upon the merits of contemporaries.
Under the influence of this generous and amiable impuLsc, he has
probably over-rated the deserts of Benthani, Brown, and Stewart.
But how much more noble is an error of this kind, than the petty
jealousy which can see nothing in living excellence of any kind, but an
object of attack ; as the wasp approaches the fairest fruits, only for the
purpose of piercing them to the core ! It is indeed refreshing and
delightful, to find one of the most powerful minds of the age, uniting
the best feelings with the highest gifts of intellect, and exemplifying
in his own person the moral graces which he undertakes to tench.'
We transcribe with pleasure this encomium, honourable both
to its subject and to the writer, and substantially just. A slight
abatement, perhaps, from the unqualified commendation of Sir
Jameses style, might be made in respect to an occasional want of
jierspicuity and finished accuracy. Nor should we agree with the
Reviewer, in ranking among the excellencies of an ethical writer,
the ' toleration of exceptionable opinUniSy which is, assuredly,
no proof of benevolence, whatever candour and charity may be
due to the intentions and persons of those who differ from us on
^ vital questions." The distinction, one might think, is obvious
VOL. IX. — N.s. o
jli4 Sir James Mackintosh.
enough ; yet, how repeatedly are laxity of opinion or latitudina^
nanism of creed, and kindness of heart confounded ! *
Although Sir James possessed so great aptitude for literary
composition, the intellectual exercise in which he most deHghted,
and in which his fine powers and varied acquisitions were exhibited
with most satisfaction to himself and most gratification to others,
was, conversation. ^ The companion of all the most distinguished
' men of his own time, Sheridan, Parr, Burke, Romilly ; as in-
^ timately acquainted with all the great men of antiquity ; with a
f mind replete with ancient lore and modem anecdote ; equally
' ready on all subjects, philosophy, history, politics, personal
' narrative; eloquent without pomposity, learned without pedantry,
^ gay, and even witty, without affectation ; there never was a man
' possessed of more advantages for colloquial intercourse/ Of
these fascinating displays of his moral qualities and intellectual
Eowers, few traces, we fear, survive, except in the recollections of
is friends ; but some of his remarks, taken down at the time (in
1817)» have been pireserved by his American visiter, who was
much struck with the copiousness, elegance, originality, and point
of his conversation. As the journal in which they appear, is
probably seen by few of our readers, we shall make room for the
• We cannot refrain from observing, that the article from which we
have cited this panegyric on Sir James Mackintosh^ contains one of the
inost flagrant instances that we have ever met with, of that spurious
tolerance which levels all creeds, places the essence of virtue in the
intellect, and enthrones mind upon the ruins of every religious
principle. The frigid, cheerless if, with which the following sentence
opens, borrowed from a pagan historian, and worthy of the negative
creed of a disciple of Priestley, is a fit introduction to the impietv with
which it closes, and to the prostitution of language which woula seem
to make a blind, sinful, ernng man ' the image of the invisible God.'
' 7/* there be,— as we all believe and hope, — another and a better world,
where the wise and good repose tc^ther from the troubles of this, we
cannot doubt that Mackintosh is now among its favoured tenants, —
enjoying the communion of the high and ^fted minds whom he always
80 much loved and admired, the Platos, the Stewarts, the Burkes, tne
Ciccros, — and dwelling in the nearer presence of that sublime Spirit,
whose ineffable glories he has so eloquently though faintly shadowed
forth in so many splendid passages of his writings.' It is but too
evident, that '' to be with Christ ", forms no element of this Writer's
joyful anticipations of the heavenly society. Alas ! that, in the city
of the Pilgrims, such sentiments as these should pass for the eloquence
of piety. The ' Si quis piorum manibus locus, — si, ut sapientibus
placet, non cum corpore exstinguuntur magnae animce ' — of the classic
Jfloman, affects us not more by its beauty, than by its approximation to
Christian sentiment. In the American writer, the case is reversed :
we are startled at the approximation to heathenism.
t CI
€ «
Sir James Mackintoah. 115
whole, without any apprehension that they will complain of the
length to which it will extend this article*
' " Shakspeare, Milton, Locke, and Newton, are four names bejtmd
competition superior to any that the continent can put against them. —
It was a proof of singular and very graceful modesty in Gray, that,
after bestowing upon Shakspeare a high eulogium in the Progress of
Poetry, he did not, when proceeding to the character of Milton, rashly
decide upon their relative merit. Every half-read critic affirms at once,
according to his peculiar taste or the caprice of the moment, that one
or the other is the superior poet ; but when Gray comes to Milton j he
only says, —
' '' Nor second he that rode sublime
Upon the seraph wings of ecstacy."
Dryden he assigns to an inferior class : —
Behold where Dryden's less presumptuous car.
Wide o'er the fields of glory bear
Two coursers of inferior race," &c/
' The writer observed, that the German critics caU Dryden a man
walking upon stilts in a marsh.— >iSir James: — " Depend upon it, they
do not understand the language. — Shakspeare's great superiority over
other writers consists in his deep knowledge of human nature. Cha-
teaubriand says of him, ' II a souvent des mols ierrihles,' It has been
thought by some, that those observations upon human nature which ap-
pear so profound and remarkable, may, after all, lie nearest to the sur-
face, and be taken up most naturally by the early writers in every
language ; but we do not find them in Homer. Homer is the finest
ballad-writer in any language. The flow and fullness of his style is
beautiful; but he has nothing of the deep, piercing observation of
Shakspeare."
* The writer mentioned that he had been at St. Paul's, and spoke of
the statues of Johnson, Sir William Jones, and others that he had
seen there. Sir James : — '* It is a noble edifice, to be sure, and we have
some great men there ; but it would be too much to expect that the
glory of the second temple should equal that of the first. One country
is not sufficient for two such repositories as Westminster Abbey. —
Boswell's Life of Johnson has given a wrong impression of him in
some respects. When we see four large volumes written upon a
man's conversation, through a period of forty years, and his remarks
alone set down, of all those made at the time, we naturally take the
idea that Johnson was the central point of society for all that period.
The truth is, he never was in good society ; at least, in those circles
where men of letters mix with the fashionable world. His brutal, in-
tolerant manners excluded him from it, of course. He met good so-
ciety, to be sure, at the Literary Club and at Sir Joshua Reynolds's. —
Gibbon was asked why he did not talk more in the presence of Dr.
Johnson. ' Sir,' replied the historian, taking a pinch of snuflf, ' I have
no pretensions to the ability of contending with Dr. Johnson in bru-
tality and insolence.' "
' '* Sir William Jones was not a man of first-rate talent; — he had great
0-2
116 Sir James Mackintosh.
facility of acquisition^ but not a mind of the highest order. Reason and
imagination are the two great intellectual faculties^ and he was cer-
tainly not pre-eminent in either. His poetry is indifferent^ and his
other writings are agreeable, but not profound. He was, however,
a most amiable and excellent man."
' Speaking of the poets of the day. Sir James observed : — *' I very much
doubt whether Scott will survive long. Hitherto, nothing has stood the
test of time, but laboured and finished verse ; and of this, Scott has none*
If I were to say which of the poets of the day is most likely to be read
hereafter, I should give my opinion in favour of some of Campbell's po-
ems. Scott, however, has a wonderful fertility and vivacity. It may
be proper to add, that the allusion is here exclusively to the poetry of
Scott. The Waverley novels were not generally attributed to him at
the time when the remark was made.
* " Rogers's Pleasures of Memory has one good line, —
' The only pleasures we can call our own.'
It is remarkable that this poem is very popular. A new edition of
it is printed every year. It brings the author in about 200L per annum,
and yet its principal merit is its finished, perfect versification, which
one would think the people could hardly enjoy. The subject, how-
ever, recommends itself very much to all classes of readers."
' The writer commended highly the language of Sir William Scott's
opinions. Sir James : — '' There is a little too much elegance for judicial
dicta, and a little unfairness in always attempting to found the
judgement upon the circumstances of the case, perhaps slight ones,
rather than general principles. Sir William is one of the most
entertaining men to be met with in society. His style is by no means
so pure and classical as that of filackstone, which is one of the finest
models in the English language. Aliddleton and he are the two best,
in their way, of the writers of their period. Middleton's Free Inquiry
is an instance of great prudence and moderation in drawing conclusions
respecting particular facts from general principles. His premises
would have carried him much further than he has gone. There are
many fine passages in his Life of Cicero."
' Sir James said, that he had received from Mr. Wortman a collec-
tion of specimens of American eloquence, and tliat Mr. Wortman
had given it as his opinion, that the faculty of eloquence was more
general in America than in England, though some individual Eng-
lishmen might perhaps possess it in a higher degree. The writer
remarked, that he thought our best orators but little inferior to the best
orators of the present day in England ; and mentioned Mr. Otis, Mr.
Randolph, and iMr. Pinkney. Sir James: — " I have not seen any of Mr.
Otis's speeches. I have read some of Randolph's, but the efifect must
depend very much on the manner. There is a good deal of vulgar
finery. Malice there is, too, but that would be excusable, provided it
were in good taste. —
< *' Mr. Adams's Defence of the Constitution is not a first-rate work.
He lays too much stress upon the examples of small and insignifi-
cant States, and looks too much at the external form of governments,
which is, in general, a very indiflferent criterion of their character.
Sir James Mackintosh, 11^
Ilis fundamental principle of securing goremment^ by a balance of
power between two houses and an executive, does not strike me as
very just or important. It is a mere puerility to suppose that three
branches, and no more nor less, are essential to political salvation.
In this country, where there are nominally three branches, the real
sovereignty resides in the House of Commons. Two branches are no
doubt expedient, as fsLT as they induce deliberation and mature judgement
on the measures proposed."
' The writer mentioned Mr. Adams's opinion, (as expressed in a letter
to Dr. Price,) that the French Revolution failed because the legislative
body consisted of one branch, and not two. Sir James : — " That circum-
stance may have precipitated matters a little, but the degraded situa-
tion of the Tiers Etal was the principal cause of the failure. The
entire separation in society between the nobUsse and the professions,
destroyea the respectability of the latter, and deprived them in a great
degree of popular confidence. In England, eminent and successful
professional men rise to an equality in importance and rank with the
first nobles, take by much the larger share in the government, and
bring with them to it the confidence of the people. This will for ever
prevent any popular revolution in the country. — The Federalist is a
■well written work. —
* '* The remarkable private morality of the New England States, is
worth attention, especially when taken in connexion with the very moral
character of the poorer people in Scotland, Holland, and Switzerland.
It is rather singular, that all these countries, which are more moral than
any others, are precisely those in which Calvinism is predominant,"
The writer mentioned, that Boston and Cambridge had in a great mea-
sure abandoned Calvinism. Sir James: — " I am rather surprised at that ;
but the same thing has happened in other places similarly situated. Bos-
ton, Geneva, and Edinburgh might once have been considered as the
three high places of Calvinism, and the enemy is now, it seems, in full
possession of them all. The fact appears to be a consequence of the
principle of reaction, which operates as universally in the moral as in
the physical world. — Jonathan Edwards was a man of great merit.
His Treatise on the Will is a most profound and acute disquisition.
The English Calvinists have produced nothing to be put in competition
"with it. He was one of the greatest men who have owned the authority
of Calvin, and there have been a great many. Calvin himself had a
▼ery strong and acute mind. — Sir Henry Vane was one of the most
profound minds that ever existed ; not inferior, perhaps, to Bacon.
jVIilton has a fine sonnet addressed to him, —
*' Vane, young in years, in sage experience old."
His works, which are theological, are extremely rare, and display
astonishing powers. They are remarkable as containing the first direct
assertion of the liberty of conscience. He was put to death in a most
Eerfidious manner. I am proud, as a friend of liberty, and as an Eng-
shman, of the men that resisted the tyranny of Charles I. Even when
they went to excess, and put to death the king, they did it in a much
more decorous manner than their imitators in France. Thomson says
of them, with great justice, in his florid way, —
" First at thy call, her age of men eifulgcd," &c.
118 Sir James Mackintosh.
* '* Eloquenoe is the power of gaining your purpose by words. All tbe
laboured definitions of it to be found in the different rhetorical works>
amount in substance to this. It does not^ therefore, require or admit
the strained and ihlse ornaments that are taken for it by some. I
hate these artificial flowers without fragrance or fitness* >fobody ever
succeeded in this way but Burke. Fox used to say : ' J cannot bear
this thing in any body but Burke, and he cannot help it. It is his natural
manner.' — Sir Francis Burdett is one of the best of our speakers^ take
him altogether^ voice, figure and manner. His voice is the best that
can be imagined. As to his matter, he certainly speaks above his mind.
He is not a man of very superior talents, though respectable. — Plunkett,
if he had come earlier into parliament, so as to have learned the trade,
would probably have excelled all our orators. He and counsellor Phillips
(or O'Grarnish, as he is nicknamed here,) are at the opposite points of the
scale. 0*Grarnish*8 style is pitiful to the last degree. He ought by com-
mon consent to be driven from the bar. — Mr. Wilberforce's voice is beau-
tiful ; his manner mild and perfectly natural. He has no artificial or-
nament ; but an easy, natural image occasionally springs up in his mind«
that pleases very much. — Cicero's orations are a good deal in the
flowery, artificial manner, though the best specimens in their way. We
tire in reading them. Cicero, though a much greater man than Demo-
sthenes, take him altogether, was inferior to him as an orator. To be
the second orator the world has produced, is, however, praise enough. —
Pascal was a prodigy. His Pensees are wonderfully profound and
acute. Though predicated on his peculiar way of thinking, they
are not on that account to be condemned. I dislike the illiberality of
some of my liberal friends, who will not aUow any merit to any thing
that does not agree with their own point of view. Making allowance
for Pascal's way of looking at things, and expressing himself, his ideas
are prodigiously deep and correct. — Most of the apparent absurdities in
theology and metaphysics are important truths, exaggerated and dis-
figured by an incorrect manner of understanding or expressing them ;
as, for instance, the doctrines of transubstantiation and of total de-
pravity.— Jacob Bryant was a miserable writer, though, for particular
purposes, it was thought expedient at one time to sustain his reputation,
lie was guilty of a gross absurdity in attempting such a work as his
principal one without any oriental learning, which he did not even
profess. Yet Sir William Jones called him the principal writer of his
time. This opinion quite takes away the value of Sir William's critical
judgement."'
The American booksellers have announced for publication, a
selection from the works of this highly gifted man ; and a hope is
expressed, in which every reader will cordially participate, that
measures will be immediately taken in this country, ^ for collecting
* the whole of his works, acknowledged or anonymous, with such
* of his manuscripts as are in a state for publication, and as large
' an amount of his correspondence as can be produced."* We
want, to use Sir Jameses own expression, no ^ huge narrative of a
* life ' in which there were few events,-^a sort of literary funeral
which he justly stigmatised as ^ a tasteless parade \ — ^but a well
edited collection of his writings and remains, with a prefatory
Brown's Biblical Cabinet 119
memoir and such notes as may be requisite* We know not
whether a work of this description is in preparation : it is due
alike to the public and to the memory of the Author ; and the pen
of Mr. Jeflrey or Mr. Macauley could surely be commanded for
this tribute of private friendship and public veneration. * Non
* quia intercedendum putem imaginibusy quce marmore^ aut
* iBte JinguntuT : sed ut vultus homhium^ ita simulacra vultiks
^ imbeciUa ac mortalia sunty forma mentis cetema.''
Art. II. — The Biblical Cabinet; or Hcrmeneutical, Exegctical, and
Philological Library. Vol. II. containing a Collection of Phi-
lological Tracts on the New Testament. Edited by John
Brown^ D.D. 12n]o. pp. xiv. and 309. Edinburgh^ 1830.
^^UR pages have often shewn that wc participate not in the
faith or the fears (rather, might we say, the wishes) of
those would-be prophets whose opinions have of late outraged
theology, and disgraced the profession of religion, and whose
forebodings are those of judgement, desolation, and ruin to the
nadons of the earth, and especially to the Christian Church.
Amidst the darkness and the mysteries of providence, our firm
fiuth is, that God is carrying on the great plan of his gospel, a
universal melioration of mankind. In the sciences and the
beneficent arts, in the external relations and the internal govern-
ment of states, in moral principles and in religious activity, we
aee, on every side, awakenings, strivings, exertions, and success,
at die very idea of which, or even but a small part of them, Bacon
and Milton, Usher and Wilkins, Baxter and Howe, would have
leaped for joy. The publication before us, in its external form
as remarkaoly neat as its contents arc richly useful, is a striking
confirmation of our cheering position. True theology can rest
iMily upon the impartial interpretation and the genuine sense of
the Scriptures. This is an assertion which, in theory at least,
every Protestant is ready to maintain : but honest practice ac-
cording to this principle has not been so well established in any
community of Christians, as the reason of the case and the con-
sistency of profession would lead us to expect. At the Reform-
ation, a glorious beginning was made, and bright examples were
given. The true principles of interpretation, and their application
to the Holy Wn tings, were grasped and boldly professed by
Luther'^s master mind ; and more completely still by our country-
man, the martyr Tyndal, by Zuinglius, by Bucer, and, pre-
eminently, by Calvin. The religious public are by no means
sufficiently acquainted with the merit of that great man as a Bible
Interpreter. In taking up and using the proper instruments of
gnunmatical explication, in the finest perception of results, in
130 Brown'v Biblical Cahinei.
spurmng arbitrary and fanciful imputations of meaning, in
snewing himself free alike from the bondage of undue reverence for
human authority, and from the allurement of plausible novelty,
Calvin was above his contemporaries, and still further above his
successors. Indeed, upon the latter, for several generations, bit
example seems to have been lost For more than two centuries,^
just views and undeviating practice in the art of eliciting the trua
sense of the Divine word, seem to have gone lamentaUy back-
ward. We may quote a single paragraph, which will at once
fiirnish a specimen of Calvin^s exegetical principles, and a proof
of the defective attention which has been paid to them by many
wise and good men in following time. It is from the condusioft
of his Commentary on the Parable of the Grood Samaritan.
* Neither is there any sufficient evidence for another allegorical
application, which has however been found so generally agree-
able, that it has been almost universally received, even with a
reverence due only to a revelation from heaven. Certain persons
have entertained the fancy, that, by this Samaritan, Christ is re-
presented, because he is our Deliverer. They have represented
the application of oil and wine, as signifying the healing work
of Christ, by repentance and the promises of ^ace. They have
also invented a third secret, namely, that Chnst does not restore
converted souls to spiritual health all at once; but that he
commits them to the care of the Church, as the benevolent
Samaritan to the host of the inn, that they may be properly
attended to, and in due time restored to health. All tnis, I
confess, is very pretty : but it is our duty to maintain a greater
reverence for the Scriptures, than that we should take leave
thus to disguise their true and natural sense.^
Because the endeavour to ascertain, by plain grammatical
means, the simple and only sense of Scripture, has been often
professed by men unfriendly to the essential truths of Revelation,
or whose writings indicate no sense of vital and practical religion^
a prejudice and a dread have been produced against those
principles of interpretation, in many excellent minds. This
feeling has been strengthened by the fact, that some of the
German Bible-critics, whose works furnish important aid to the
study which we are anxious to recommend, have been, or are,
anti-supernaturalists, that is, scarcely disguised infidels. But
this is a melancholy and distressing fact, chiefly on account of
those unbelievers themselves. The principles and rules which
they lay down, as critics and philologists, are sound ; and those
writers have indeed rendered good service to the cause of
Christian truth, by their frequently establishing, as a matter of
historical fact, that the doctrines asserted or implied in the New
Testament, arc the very sentiments which form the leading
principles of the Evangelical or Orthodox system ; while those
Btowb'b Bibtical Cabinet. 131
iffibippy perftms do not defer to the authority of the New
restameDt as a positive revelation from God. Thus, in many
ImporUmt instances^ truth is elicited or confhmed by not merely
the concessions, but the elaborated and decided declarations of its
idversaries. The whole case, also, goes to confirm, instead of
reakening, the momentous fact, that learning, talent, and exe-
l^cal skill, will not qualify a roan to discern the beauty and feel
the power of heavenly doctrine, unless his mind is imbued with
the spirit of hnmble piety and practical holiness.
But let it not be thought, that the baptized infidels of the German
oniversities are the only men of high attainments, unsparing
liligence, and admirable skill, in sacred philology. Far, very
Tar, is this from being the fact. In the darkest period of the
ipoaCatising mania of Germany and other parts of the Continent,
mere were always some men of intellectual and literary power
3ual to that of the Neologistic party, who were the firm friends
pure faith and unfeigned Piety. Within fifteen years, and
still more within the last five, there has been a gratifying increase
in the number and in the public activity of such accomplished
scholars, endowed with fine talents of understanding and reasoning,
smd who are not ashamed of the gospel of Christ, knowing it to
be the power of God unto salvation. We may mention, premising
that this is by no means a complete enumeration, Bengel (the son
of the excellent man of that name in the last century), Harms,
the Tittmanns (father and son, both dead), Orelli, Planck, Liicke,
Schott, Strauss, Scheibel, Geibel of Lubeck, Flatt, Neander,
Tweaten, Theremin, Tholuck, Guericke, Hahn, Hossbach,
Olahausen, Grundtvigt, Pelt, and Steiger ; this last a young man of
wondrous promise, known to great advantage by his Refutation of
Wegscheider^s Institutiones and his Commentary on the First
Epistle of Peter, and who has last year removed from Berlin, to
be one of the Professors of Exegctical Theology in the new
Theological Academy at Geneva.
It has afforded us great pleasure to Icam, that some of the
ministers in Edinburgh or its neighbourhood, both of the
Established and the Dissenting denominations, including also the
Episcopalian, have formed a kind of association for the trans-
lating and publishing, in an elegant and uniform manner, the
most valuable of the smaller works of the German sacred critics,
chiefly those of recent production. The First Volume, which has
not yet fallen into our hands, contains a part, we presume about
one naif, of Emesti''s Institutiofiesj or ^^ Principles of Interpret-
ation of the New Testament ; with copious Annotations, by the
Rev. C. H. Terrot, A.M. late Fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge.*^ This is the work of which a translation was pub-
lished in 1 824 by the American Professor Stuart ; with many
elucidations and notes, partly selected from the Acroaaea o£
123 Brown's Biblical CMnei.
Moms and the works on Scripture-Interpretation of Seller, Eeil,
and Beck, partly from the pen of Mr. Stuart himself, and partly,
(in a London republication of 18270 from that of the English
editor, Dr. Ebenezer Henderson. For the reason just mentioned,
we are unable to form any estimate of Mr. Terrot's transUition,
as compared with Mr. Stuart's. There is abundant room for a
useiul diversity of plan and topics, in whatever illustrations Mr.
Terrot has added, or may propose for the remaining part, whidi
is announced to form a future volume of the **' Biblical Cabinet.^
We have been informed, that his plan is to include all the Notes
of Von Ammon, with subjoined observations of his own, for which
be will find no small reason. The Editor of this interesting col-
lection, which will be as valuable for its internal excellence as it
is beautiful in its external form and its typography, is Dr. John
Brown, of Edinburgh ; a minister beloved and revered for his
own attainments, talents, and personal religion, as well as &r the
hereditary representation of his devoted fatner and his grandfiither,
the holy and indefatigable divine of Haddington.
« Sensere quid mens rite, quid indoles
Nutrita jaustis sub penetraltbus
Posset ; quid Augusti patemus
In pueros animus Nerones.
Fortes creantur fortibus et bonis'
The Treatises contained in the present volume, and now first
given in an English dress, are :
I. Pfannkuche on the Vernacular Language of Palestine, in
the Age of Christ and the Apostles ; translated by T. 6. Repp.
This was originally published, more than thirty years ago, m
Eichhom's " Universal Library of Biblical Literature.** The
student will not have satisfied himself on this subject, without
attentively considering the arguments advanced by Hug in his
" Introduction to the New Testament,'^ (Vol. II. Sect X.,) with
a view to prove that Greek was so commonly spoken in the cities
of Palestine, during the period under consideration, that it was
nearly, if not quite, of coequal currency with the Aramaic ; that
this was the proximate reason why the New Testament was writ-
ten in Greek ; that the original of St. Matthew'^s Grospel is the
Greek which we possess ; and that the discourses of our Lord
were very often delivered by him in Greek. It should also not
be forgotten that a similar set of positions was maintained by the
late Dr. John Jones, a man whom we cannot remember without
respect and sorrow, and who, with all his eccentricities and un-
happinesses, frequently manifested great sagacity on philological
questions. The Section of Hug, to which we have referred, is
republished from Dr. Wait'^s translation, very much improved,
in No. IV. of Professor Robinson's " Biblical Repository ;** a
Brown's Biblical Cabinet. 123
work wbich is an honour to America, such as may well make the
mother-country feel ashamed and humbled.
II. Planck on the True Nature and Genius of the Diction of
the New Testament; translated by A. S. Patterson, who is, if
we mistake not, a nephew of Dr. Brown.
III. Hints on the importance of the study of the Old Testa-
ment ; by Dr. Tholuck ; translated by R. B. Patton. Every
thing of Tholuck's is interesting and instructive. He is a man
of exquisite learning, classical, biblical, and oriental ; of powerful
mind, of that genius and poetical tact without which no man is
gaalified to enter into the spirit of the sublimest parts of the
BiUe ; «nd, above all, a man of warm and vital piety. The Edi-
tor and his associates will confer a distinguished value upon the
Biblical Cabinet, by bringing into it as much as they may be
able of Tholuck''s various productions, both his separate works and
the diief papers in his (Anzeiger, &c.) *^ Literary Indicator for
Christian Theology and Science in general,^ — a periodical work
which he publishes every five days.
IV. Remarks on the Interpretation of the Tropical Language
of the New Testament, by Dr. Beckhaus ; translated by Mr.
Ferrot. This is a very useful and indeed necessary appendage
to £mesti''s chapter on Tropical Language.
Our wishes are iustly called forth, and our recommendation
is cordially given, that this new contribution to the science of Bib-
lical Critidsm and Interpretation may be received by the public
tu it deserves ; and that will be, with warm approbation and ex-
tensive support.
We are happy to see announced, for early publication in a
Bobeequent volume, the inestimable work of the younger Titt-
mann, (who died December 30, 1831, at the age of 570 ^^
•• The Synonyms of the New Testament ;**" translated by the
Bev. Edward Craig, one of the Ministers of the Episcopal
Church in Edinburgh. We assure ourselves that the small but
important Supplement, published since the Author'^s death, will
not be omitted. Brief editorial notices of the lives and writings
of the authors brought forward, would be a welcome addition to
the phm of the '' Biblical Cabinet.""
Art. III. An Exposition of the Epistle of St. Paul to the Colossians,
By the Right Rev. John Davenant^ D,D. Lord Bishop of Salis-
bury ; President of Queen's College, and Lady Margaret's Pro-
fessor of Divinity in Cambridge : originally delivered, in a series
of Lectures, before the University. Translated from the Original
Latin ; with a Life of the Author, and Notes illustrative of the
Writers and Authorities referred to in the Work. By Josiah
Allportj Minister of St. James's, Birmingham. To the whole is
124 Davenant — hU Life, WriiingSf and Times.
added, a Translation of Dissertatio De Morte Christi, bj tBe same
Prekte. In 2 vols. 8vo. pp.lxiv. 1148. Price 1/. 8f. Londoo,
1832.
"l^E apprehend that comparatively few of cnir readers know
much of Bishop Davenant Few, perhapa, are mcae than
slightly acquainted with his history ; and fewer still may have
looked into his writings. A short sketch of the one, and some
brief account of the other, may, therefore, be an acceptable as
well as appropriate introduction to the remarks we intend to
offer on those works which are included in the present pablication,
as well as on the manner in which his present Biographer and
Translator has achieved his task.
Bishop Davenant belonged to the third generation of English
prelates from the Reformation : he was, ecclesiastically speaking,
amongst the grandchildren of the Reformers. He may justly
be ranked, therefore, though not amongst the fathers of tne Eng-
lish Church, yet, amongst her most venerable names. He was
born in 1572, in Watling Street, London. His family boasted
of not only an ancient, but a highly respectable pedigree. His
father was an eminent merchant. Of his earlier years little is
known, except that he even then gave indications of that candour,
frankness, and integrity which afterwards so highly distinguished
him. In loH?, when no more than fifteen, he was admitted of
Queen'*s College, Cambridge ; and he took his degree of A.M. in
1594. In the same year, he was offered a fellowship ; bnt his
father, nobly unwilling that his son should appropriate the pub-
lic revenues of literature while an expectant of a lai^ fortune,
would not permit him to accept it. Liong afterwards, when pre-
sident of the college, Davenant had the magnanimity to follow
his^fathcr's example. He voted against one of his cousin'^s re-
ceiving a fellowship, softening his opposition by saying, ^' Cousin,
I will shew your father that you have worthy but not tcanU
enough to belong to our Society."*' In 1597* however, he was
himself elected fellow against his will. In 1601, he obtained the
degree of B.D. ; in 1609, that of D.D. ; and at the same time
was elected, against secen competitors, Lady Margaret's Professor
of Divinity. At the same time. Archbishop Abbot presented
him with the rectory of Cottenham, in Cambridgeshire. In
those public disputations which, in conformity with the spirit of
the age, then took place, Davenant was more than once chosen
moderator ; an honour which was at once a testimony to his
learning and a compliment to his temper. In 1614, he was
chosen president of his College. Four years afterwards, he was
appointed by James I. one of the representatives of the Church
of England at the celebrated Synod of Dort. Four others were
aspociated with him ; George Carleton, Bishop of IJandaff ; Hall,
then Dean of AVorcester ; S. ^Va^d, Master of Sydney College,
Davenant — hi$ Lifcy Writings^ and Times. 125
Cambridge ; and Walter Balcanqual, a presbyter of the Scottish
Church.
Into the history of this Council, it would be irrelevant to our
present purpose to enter. It is but justice, however, to the Edi-
tor and Translator of these works of Davenant, to remark, that,
in the biographical account of the Prelate'^s life which he has pre-
fijced to thero, the reader will find a short history of the Synod of
Dort, written with great clearness, ability, and moderation.
Though himself a Calvinist, Mr. Allport does not hesitate to de-
nounce both the constitution of the Council and the manner
in which its proceedings were conducted. The Remonstrants
(chat is, as our readers are aware, the Arminian party) were
summoned, he jiistly remarks, ^not to be heard, but to be
* oondemned ; and this was scarcely attempted to be con-
* cealed. The Council consisted of those alone whose views were
* well known.** The Council was, in fact, a packed jury, who had
already prejudged the cause, and resolved upon their decision.
While admitting with exemplary candour the overbearing and
nnjust character of the Synod of Dort, the Editor has, at the
flame time, volunteered an able vindication of its proceedings
from those calumnious attacks which have repeatedly been made
by its theological adversaries. The arbitrary and unfair consti-
tution of the assembly, both facilitated and provoked misrepre-
sentation and slander. Some of these malignant aspersions, Mr.
Allport traces with great acuteness to their source ; and he exposes
the uncandid manner in which the enemies of Calvinism have
reiterated them, either in a criminal defiance of known truth or in
a scarcely less criminal neglect of the means of ascertaining what
was the truth. They have for the most part originated in a wil-
fully mutilated copy of the decrees of the Council, purporting to
be above all things a ^favourable abridgement^ of them, pub-
lished by a Remonstrant named Daniel Tilenus, who took this
dishonest mode of avenging his own and his party^s wrongs.
Our readers will find some very curious statements on this sub-
ject at pp. xviii., xix., xx., of the ^^ Life''^ — statements highly il-
lustrative of the dishonesty of theological animosity, of the
blind eagerness with which men take up whatsoever makes for
their own cause, and of the reluctance with which they surrender
It. They also place in a very fair light, the honesty, impartiality,
and diligence of the Editor.
Of Davenant'^s conduct at Dort, suffice it to say, that he and
his colleagues displayed so much ability, learning, and temper,
that they greatly facilitated the proceedings of the council, and
received the thanks of its members at its termination. Through-
out the whole of its discussions, they manifested a jealous regard
to the interests of the ChuAh of England, and stubbornly refused
to give even an apparent assent to any thing which i^eemed to
136 Dtnxmami—kiM Lifi^ WrUmgB,
eoDtnTne her doctrines cr her dbdpGiie. S* fir did they ctrry
this, that, in manv instances, there vas mat reaflOD to fear that
their pertinacicT voold lead to their sndiaenlT withdraraig them-
aelTes from the'cooncil altogether. Bnt such vas the respect in
vhich ther vere held, that strennoiis efiorts vere nnifonnly made
to aooomroodate diflTereDces, and always with success.
Yet, notwithstanding this scrupalons, and, in our opinioD,
sometimes ludicrous Tigilance, ther were, when they returned
home, accused by some enemies to Calrinism, of haiing com-
promised the dignity of the Church of England ! Tbdr reply
was, of course, abundantly triumphant.
In 1621, l>avenant was nominated to the see of Salisbuiy.
His consecration was delayed, as well as that of some other
bbhops-elect, by an unhappy accident whidi happoied to Arch-
bishop Abbot.
' As he was using a cross-bow in Lord Zooch*s park, he accidentally
shot the keeper. Foiir Bishops-elect were then waiting fat oonsecra-
tioD. Of these, Williams^ elect of Lincoln^ who, as Heylin saySy had
an eye to the Primacy in case it had been declared racant ; and Land,
elect of St. David's, who had a personal hatred to Abbot ; stated an
insoperable aversion to being consecrated by a man whose hands were
stained with blood. Davenant did not j<Hn in this unworthy earil ;
but kept altogether aloof, lest he should be thought to act frnm prifate
feelings of obligation to the afflicted Primate: bnt despising the
groundless objection of those who, from motives of personal mque and
ambition, were willing to eive up their own high riews of the indeli-
bility of the Episcopal cmaracter, and act upon the principle that it
became vitiated and abortive in its operations, by an accident ^idi,
as the King justly remarked, might have happened to an anseL Hie
rest, however, made so much of their scruples, that a commusioa was
at length granted to the Bishop of London and four others, to dis-
charge the Archiepiscopal function in this case: and 1^ these,
Williams was consecrated on Nov. 11 ; and Davenant^ Laud^ and Gary
of Exeter, on Nov. 18.' Vol. L pp. xxxi — xxxii.
This was exactly like Laud ; a man who knew as wdl as any
frivolous ceremonialist who ever lived, how to strain out a enat and
swallow a camel, and who knew too how to make all his scru-
pulosity subserve the purposes of his ambition.
In tnis dignified situation, Davenant, it is universally admitted,
conducted himself with singular discretion, blamelessness, and
integrity. Of this, his Biographer remarks, it would not be eaqr
to find a testimony stronger than that of the Lord Keeper WiJU
liams, who, upon resigning the Great Seal, and retiring to the
more congenial duties of the see of Lincoln, avowedly adopted
Davenant as his model. For several very interesting anecdotes,
strongly characteristic of the elevated principle and purity of cha-
racter which distinguished him, we refer our readers to Mr.
AUport's memoir. Davenant died in 1641, at the age of 71.
DaoMOfi/— Am lAfe^ JVriHngs, and Times. 127
It was the misfortune of Davenant, to outlive the attachment
{ the bulk of the clergy of the Church of England to its
«rly Calvinism; the Calvinism of its founders, and which
jdll survives in the Articles of that church. The venerable
Prelate even fell under the displeasure of the King for venturing
o preach on the forbidden subject of predestination. Charles,
?' the advice of Laud, had enjoined that all * curious search "* on
at subject should be abandoned. By the bye, we are truly glad
0 find tnat, on all occasions, Mr. Allport speaks of the conduct
if that tyrannical and narrow-minded bigot in terms of the
trongest reprobation.
The works of Davenant make about two volumes folio.
Compared with some of his contemporaries, he was far from a
voluminous writer; nav* he might be almost considered as a mere
Mifnphleteer ; albeit m our degenerate times, folio volumes ap-
pear formidable things. His compositions were for the most part
n Latin ; and in the revision and publication of them, he em-
ployed almost all the leisure which the arduous duties of his
miscopate afforded him. They are all theological, and most of
hem controversial. The most important is the Exposition of the
Bpistle to the Colossians, which occupies the principal part of the
xesent volumes. None can look into them without being con-
dnced, that the author was a man of very acute powers of reason-
ng, and of various and profound erudition. He was, in fact, one of
hat race of men — a race, by the bye, which a little more than a
century eztinffuished — ^who combined the curious and profound
earning of die schoolmen, and a perfect mastery of all the
nibtilties of the scholastic logic, with much of that spirit of firee
nquiry which the Reformation necessarily originated and
fostered; and who therefore escaped the timid and narrow
miiit which had previously spell-bound the faculties of men. On
tne other hand, he did not live so long after that great event, as not
to have received the full impress of the ancient system of educa-
don and intellectual discipline. All his mental habits were formed
under the influence of the school-logic and school-metaphysics.
Thus, nothing is more common than to see the Protestants of
that age defeating Rome with her own weapons; calling into
]uestion all her doctrines, but retaining all those ingenious modes
3f assault and battery which had been devised and perfected in
the cloister. Nor is the scholastic logic and metaphysics, merely
Minsidered as a system of intellectual discipline, by any means to
be despised. The mischief was, that, instead of being used solely,
vt principally, as an exercise of the reasoning powers, or used as
1 test to examine the validity of any train of reasoning, it was
substituted for every other mode of mental discipline; — nay, and as
the great, the only instrument for the discovery of truth. We
aeed not wonder that, thus abused, it was a source of far greater
128 Dawe^uint^hU lAfe, WritimgWj and Ttmea.
evilfl thsH advantages. In itg appropriate sphere, however, it
tended more than any other system, to improve the peirers of the
mind upon which it was particuhirly adapted to operate. It is
true, that it often disguised what was obvious, and mystified what
was simple ; that it often engendered a love of eternal and uni-
versal disputation ; that it delighted in making subtile distinctions,
when there were no real differences ; that it often wasted scores of
pages in the most idle logomachy. It is true also, that its in-
cessant iteration of the phraseology and the forms of logic, gave to
the books of its votaries an unutterably repulsive appearance;
generally sufficient to overcome the most valiant resolutions of
the doughtiest student of modem times. This last defect, indeed,
-^this needless, pertinacious obtrusion of all the barbarous techni-
calities of the scholastic logic and metaphysics, when, in many
cases, not only is there no necessity for explication, but
nothing except such explication needs to be explained, — is fre-
quently perfectly gratuitous, and therefore the more vexatious.
Still, in spite of all this, the perpetual conversance with these
logical and metaphysical subtilties engendered a power of patient
abstraction, and an acuteness of reasoning, seldom witnessed in
modem times. Many of the schoolmen were no children.
• In the ^^ life "^ of his author, Mr. AUport gives from Bishop
Hacket^s life of Williams, an amusing description of those
chivalrous disputations in which the heroic divines of England
exercised their faculties and their logical weapons for the battle-
fields of mightiest controversies. Not Froissart himself could de-
scribe some valiant passage of arms, or the achievement of some
splendid tournament, with greater enthusiasm than that with which
tne worthy Bishop records the mighty shock of syllogisms. Nay,
these disputations were often got up for the express amusement—
not to say edification— -of some learned Queen Bess or some
theological King Jamie, just as tournaments and games of chivaliy
had been the royal pastimes of a preceding age, and in some
measure even of that of which we speak. The reader, therefore,
needs not wonder that, when beauty or power rained down its in-
fluences on the doughty champions, and added the fire of emu-
lation to that of valour, the combatant often **iell to it% as
Bishop Hacket says, " with all quickness and pertinency.^ The
whole passage is so entertaining that we must gratify our readers
by transcribing it.
' It is amusing to hear the coh amore animation with which the
excellent^ but pedantic Bishop Hacket^ in his Life of Archbishop
Williams^ p. 26^ records these academical feats. Speaking of one
super-eminent disputant. Dr. Collins, he thus proceeds : — '' He wa& a
firm bank of earth, able to receive the shot of the greatest artillery.
His works in print, against Eudnmon and Fitzherbert, sons of Anak
among the Jesuits^ do noise him fur and wide. But they that heard
Davenafit^-^hia Life^ Writings ^ and Times. 129
him speak would most admire him. No flood can be compared to the
spriDg-tide of his language and eloquence, but the milky river of Nilus,
with his seven mouths all at once disemboguing into the sea. O how
▼oluble ! how quick ! how facetious he was ! What a Vertumnus, when
he pleased to argue on the right side, and on the contrary. Those
things will be living to the memory of the longest survivor that ever
heard him. In this trial, wherein he stood now to be judged by so
many attic and exquisite wits, he strived to exceed himself, and shewed
his cunning marvellously that he could invalidate every argument
brought against him with variety of answers. It was well for all
sides, that the best divine, in my judgement, that ever was in that
place. Dr. Davenant, held the reins of the disputation. He kept him
within the even boundals of the cause ; he charmed him with the Ca->
ducaean wand of dialectical prudence ; he ordered him to give just
weight, and no more. Horat. 1. 1. Od. 3. Quo von arbiter Adrice
major, loliere seu ponerc vult freia. Such an arbiter as he was now,
such he ^vas and no less, year by year, in all comitial disputations ;
wherein whosoever did well, yet constantly he had the greatest ac-
clamation. To the close of all this Exercise, I come. The grave elder
3>ponents having had their course, Mr. Williams, a new admitted
achelor of Divinity, came to his turn, last of all. Presently, there
was a smile in the face of every one that knew them both, and a pre-
judging that between these two there would be a fray indeed. Both
jealous of their credit, both great masters of wit ; and as much was
expected from the one as from the other. So they fell to it with all
Jiuickness and pertinencv ; yet, thank the Moderator, with all candour :
ike Fabius and Marcellus, the one was the buckler, the other the
sword of that learned exercise. No greyhound did ever give a hare
more turns upon Newmarket heath, than the replier with his su!)tle-
ties gave to the respondent. A su!)ject fit for the verse of IMr. Abra-
ham Hartwell, in his Regina Literata, as he extols Dr. Pern's
arguments made before Queen Elizabeth : Qtiis fulminc tanto tela
jacei f tanto Jfdmine nemo jacel. But when they had both done their
best with equal prowess, the Marshal of the Field, Dr. Davenant, cast
down his warder between them, and parted them.'*' Vol. I. pp. x — xi.
By this long process, by this severe logical discipline, was
Davenant prepared for the services which he afterwards rendered
to the cause of religion. His * Exposition \ as well as all his works,
bears marks of the character thus impressed upon his mind.
There is a letter of Davenant'^s to Bishop Hall, so curiously
illustrative of the character of his mind, as well as of the spirit of
the age, that we cannot refrain from referring to it. Bishop Hall,
in his treatise entitled, *' The Old Religion*''*, had ventured to de-
signate the Church of Rome, though so sadly corrupt, as yet a
•* true visible church.*^ For this he was most severely censured :
whereupon he writes to Davenant, requesting him to give his most
lo^cal consideration upon this perplexing matter, and to ^ com-
purgate ** him from all taint of heresy. One might think that
this matter might have been very easily disposed of; that the
VOL. IX. — N.S. p
130 Davenant — his Life^ Writings^ and Times.
whole difficulty admitted of a very concise and easy solution, by
shewing that the word ^ true'' was ambiguous; — that if Bishop
Hall meant what he did mean, viz., that, notwithstandinflr the
conaiptions of the Church of Rome, the great principles of
Christianity were still so far recognized that a man may be — as
many have been — saved within its pale, he meant what was very
reasonable; but that if he meant that it was a *^ true^ church, as
fairly exemplifying the character and adequately fulfilling the
purposes of the Christian Church, he asserted what was noto-
riously false. Bishop Davenant comes to all this in time ; but it
is of course by a long process, and by a due observance of all the
formalities of definition and syllogism. The first paragraph fix)m
this letter, we will give our readers by way of a treat.
' " To the Bight Reverend Father in God, Joseph^ Lord
Bishop of Exon> these.
' " My Lord :
' " You desire my opinion concerning an assertion of yours, whereat
some have taken offence. The proposition was this, ' that the Roman
Church remains yet a True Visible Church.*
' " The occasion, which makes this an ill-sounding proposition in
the ears of Protestants, cs])ecially such as are not thoroughly acquainted
with School Distinctions, is the usual acceptation of the word ' true '
in our English Tongue : for, though men skilled in metaphysics hold
it for a maxim, Ensj Ferum, Bomim convertuntur ; yet, with us, he
which shall affirm such a one is a true Christian, a true Gentleman,
a true Scholar, or the like, he is conceived not only to ascribe tnieness
of being unto all these, but those due qualities or requisite actions
whereby they are made commendable or praise-worthy in their several
kinds/'*' *• • •
' ** I therefore can sav no more respecting your mistaken proposition,
than this : If, in that 'Treatise wherein it was delivered, the antece-
dents or consequents were such as served fitly to lead the Beader into
that sense, which, under the word True, comprehendeth only Truth of
Being or Existence, and not the due Qualities of the thing or subject,
you have been causelessly traduced. But, on the other side, if that
proposition comes in ex abrupto, or stands solitary in your Discourse,
you cannot marvel though, by taking the word True according to the
more ordinary acceptation, your true meaning %vas mistaken." *
Vol. I. pp. XXXV— XXX vi.
The two volumes which the Translator has here presented to
the English public, contain, besides the Exposition of the Epistle
to the C -olossians, a short essay ' on the diversity of degrees in
* the ministers of the gospeP; (in other words, a defence of Epis-
copacy, and forming tne xLvith of his ' Deferminatinnes'*;) and
a valuable ' dissertation on the Death of Christ.** This dissertation
occupies alK)ut half the second volume.
The ' Exposition ^ exhibits all the peculiar excellencies of Da«
venant'*8 mind, and all the peculiar defects of his age. It displays
Daf>enani — his Life^ Writings^ and Timea. 131
learning, most yariouB and deep ; a thorough and facile acquaint-
ance with the whole race of Fathers and school divines ; no ordinary
powers of argument ; together with that great j)re-requisite for a
successful interpretation of Scripture, — a sound and impartial
judgement ; and the whole is pervaded by a spirit of piety at once
9ober and ardent, the doctrinal being well illustratea by the
practicaL
As almost every commentary has its peculiar excellence, arising
from the constitution of the writer's mind, or the character of his
attainments, we should say that the princi])al value of this Ex-
position consists in the large and comprehensive e.vcnrsus in
which the good Bishop indulges on the papistical and Calvinistic
controversies, whenever a single text, or e^en an incidental
allusion affords him an opportunity. Indeed, in this way, almost
the whole of those vast questions is brought under review, and
treated in a very able manner. And if, instead of having been
thrown in with the * nidi^i indigestaqne moles "^ of a general ex-
position, they had been arranged and published in a methodical
form, they would have constituted an admirable treatise on the
great questions with which they are occupied. It is an annoying
circumstance, that much of our most valuable theological literature
has been published in the form of loose commentary. Contro-
versial matter thus distributed, labours under this two-fold dis-
advantage ; 1st, it is oflen buried altogether under a mass of very
diversified and by no means mutually connected observations ; and
2ndly, it is furnished in such scraps and fragments as to repel,
rather than invite the reader. Bishop Davenant was thoroughly
master of the Romish, as well as the Calvinistic controversy. On
these he is always able.
We have said that the defects of the Commentary are the de-
fects of the age ; while its excellencies are those of Davenant.
Among the principal of these defects, we have specified the large
infusion of scholastic logic, theology, and metaphysics which cha-
racterize it ; and the unmethodical and scattered way in which
the most valuable disquisitions are thrown together. The latter
defect may, perhaps, be disputed, inasmuch as it may be alleged,
that such a mode of writing is inseparable from commentary : our
reply, is, why attempt, then, enlarged discussion, profound dis-
quisition, in the shape of a general commentary ? A few brief re-
marks, critical and explanatory, and a practical improvement, are
all that a general commentary can admit. Lengthened and
elaborate reasoning on any (me subject, had better be prosecuted
separately; not incidentally, still less simultaneously with a
thousandothermattcrs, each differing from every other in nature and
importance. Besides these more serious defects, there are other
minor ones, which obscure and depreciate most of the theological
works of that age. One is, the endless subdivision, which is often
!• 2
132 Davenant — hU Life^ WritingSj and Timm.
80 minute, that it confounds the memory and perplexes the under-
standing a thousand times more than leaving the subject without
any formal divisions at all. This was an almost universal defect
of the age ; and indeed, Davenant is not so chargeable with it as
very many of his contemporaries. Nothing tends to assist the mind
more effectually than broad and philosophic classification ; nothing
to confound it more than one too complicated and too minute.
Another unhappy defect of all our elder commentators, is, that,
in the desire to leave no part of the subject untouched, they
illustrate the plainest and most unimportant matters with an
amplitude perfectly ludicrous ; pursue every theme into its remotest
bearings, and indulge in endless digressions, episodes, and wander-
ings. All this would be bad enough, if writing only on one sub-
ject ; if, as in our time, a wise application of the principle of the
division of labour had broken up the whole science of biblical
illustration into several distinct provinces, and disjoined verbal
criticism, for instance, from other branches. But such a dis-
cursive method appears intolerable, when we consider that the
whole business of sacred criticism and exposition was carried on
at once, and that the same commentary consisted of several
elaborate series of disquisition, critical, exegetical, historical,
geographical, doctrinal, and practical. It is indeed wonderfiil,
considering all this, that our forefathers should have dwelt with
such insufferable tediousncss and prolixity on matters which re-
quired no explanation ; as though the object had been to say as
much as could possibly be said on any given topic, not, as much
as was to the purpose. Neither do they appear to have been
aware of the propriety of leaving whatever is not peculiar to
the book on which they undertake to comment, to works of
general reference on the subjects of biblical geography, his-
tory, &c. Each commentary is found to contain distinct, and
often lengthy disquisitions, not only on what is not peculiar to the
book on which the commentator is engaged, but on points which
recur a thousand times in Scripture. To illustrate our meaning,
is it not as needless as it is absurd, to commence a commentary
on each of St. Paul's Epistles with a long excursus on the name,
birth, conversion, labours, life, death, &c. of the Apostle ? Would
not common sense teach, that, as that name occurs so of^n in
Scripture, all that may be said in one place, would come in
with just as much propriety elsewhere, and that it would be bet-
ter, therefore, to leave such matters to some general book of
Scripture illustration ? Now how does Davenant begin his com-
mentary ? Having cited the first two verses of the Epistle to the
Colossians, comprising the ' title"* or address, he says : * In the
* title three things are to be observed : the subscription ; the in-
* scription ; and the salutation.'' He then tells us, that he shall
say but little concerning the name of the Apostle:— that is to
Davenant — his Life^ Writings^ and Times. 133
say, he confines his observations to a full octavo page ; brevity
itself, we admit, for those times ; supporting his statements by
adducing or referring to the opinions of Augustine, Origen, &c.
On the life of Paul, he contents himself with referring to certain
writings in which an account of the great Apostle may be found.
*^ An Apostle,^ is the next word which seems to demand elaborate
explanation ; and the apostleship of Paul in particular is, of course,
vindicated at length. These topics occupy about two pages.
The rest of these two verses are anatomized and expanded in the
same way. So that the first two verses of this Epistle, simple
as they are, actually occupy more than fifty pages! Now
what can be more obvious, than that all this, in addition to its
being for the most part already known, would with equal pro-
priety be repeated by any commentator who should undertake to
expound any portion of the apostolic writings in which these
names or words occur ? If we once adopt such a principle of ex-
position, if we will persist in illustrating what is plain, and ampli-
fying what is simple, if we will pursue any subject even to its re-
motest relations, making every word the subject of distinct and in-
terminable digressions, there is no fixing a limit to such labours ;
since any text may be made the foundation of a biblical cyclo-
pedia, a theme for a thousand excursus. This it is, which has
rendered the commentators of our elder theologians, — very many
of which contain much valuable matter — so cumbersome and
so tedious, and, as they generally repel the reader, so compara-
tively profitless. Their authors have buried themselves beneath
the pile of their own ill applied erudition ; have built themselves
up in their own sepulchres.
Such are the defects of Bishop Davenant'*s Exposition : its ex-
cellencies are such as might be expected from a man of singular
acuteness of mind, vast theological learning, sober judgement, and
elevated piety. What we have said, is not intended to deter our
readers (more especially those whose peculiar study is theology)
from looking into this and other books of the same character, and
published in the same age; but to assure them that, notwithstanding
these defects of method, which lie on the surface, and are un-
happily but too obvious to casual inspection, there are often
treasures of learning and argument to be found in them, which
will repay a diligent search, if not a continuous perusal. The
redundancies are easily seen, and may be, therefore, passed over.
When we say that the redundancies may be passed over, we can-
not refrain from hinting at the same time, that it would perhaps
be well if the modern editors of our older commentators would
sometimes save their readers the trouble of selection, by
omitting those parts of the originals which are confessedly mere
exuberances, and egregious trifling. Let us not, however, be
184 Davenant'—hia Life^ Writings, atid Tifnes*
misunderstood as wishing to sanction tbose meagre mutilations
of our older writers which sometimes issue from tne press in the
£ resent day ; editions in which much that was wortti retaining
as been omitted^ and all that is worthless retained ; in which
the language of the author, under the pretence of modernising it,
has been robbed of all its raciness and all its energy ; in which,
in short, the whole book has been unjustifiably tampered with.
In too many instances, such abridgements have been attended
with the grossest injustice to the unhappy author who has been
subjected to the emendations of the critical Procrustes. What-
ever is given, ought undoubtedly to be given in the author^s own
language, and with all his peculiarities of thought, expression,
and manner. But the abridgement of commentators cannot do
much mischief: the task is plain and easy. It is only to /€are
out those already perfectly detached passages which are irrele^
vant, and therefore tedious. Abridgement in a work of conti-
nuous reasoning, or upon one subject, is, indeed, no easy matter,
and is to be attempted only by those in whom reverence for de-
parted genius is united with a sound and sober judgement. But
in cutting down a bulky commentary to something like genteel
proportions, it must require peculiar genius for blundering, to
perform the task otherwise than well.
Davenant''s Exposition is valuable, not as a book for continuous
perusal, but as a work of reference, in which the reader will find
most of the disputed points of the Papistical, Calvinistic, and
some minor controversies treated with great acuteness, learning,
and judgement. All that is wanted, therefore, to enable the
theological student to make easy use of this valuable work, is a
copious index ; and this, we are pleased to notice, Mr. AUport
has supplied. It is of course difficult to select a portion suf.
ficiently brief, and yet sufficiently characteristic of the several ex-
cellencies and defects of which we have spoken ; but the follow-
ing observations must suffice : if the former part edifies, the latter
cannot but amuse our readers. It will be seen with what gravity
and seriousness, the theologians of that age set themselves to the
demolition of the most ludicrous fallacies.
' Failh in Christ JesusP^ The Apostle shews the object of Christian
faith ; not the general^ or adequate object, but the principal ; and^ if
we regard the act of justification, the peculiar object.
' The general and adequate object of faith is, all the truth revealed
by God in the Holy Scriptures. There is a sort of general fiiith which
answers to this description, and which by a sure persuasion resolves
that whatever things are made manifest in the word of God, are most
true. But this general assent of faith cannot justify ; because jasti6-
cation brings with it peace of conscience, purification of heart> free
access to God, and many other privileges, of which^ doubtless, any one
Davenant — his Life^ Writings^ and Times, 135
timf be void> notbwithstanding his Hrmly believing the whole Scripture
to be true and inspired by God : For the devil himself knows the
Scriptureii^ and acknowledges them to have proceeded from the Author
of truth. Therefore, in this general object of faith, viz. the word of
God> there is one special and main object which is principally to be
ooBsidered by a believer, and to which all other things that arc de-
livered in the Scriptures have a certain relation and reference, as
Darandus speaks, in Prolog. Sent. And this object, is, Christ Jesus
in the character of a Mediator and Saviour, which is intimated under
his Tery names ; for Christ Jesns means nothing else than — anointed
Satiour.
* Now it is clear from the Scriptures, that he is the principal object
of £uth, and that all other things which are delivered in the Scriptures
regard Christ as their end and aim. John v. 39, Search the Scriptures,
they testify of me; and a little after, Moses wrote of me. So in Luke,
nit. ver. 44, All things must be fulfilled which are written in the law of
MoSes, and in the Prophets, and in the Psalms concerning me. So it
ia affirmed concerning the whole law, that it was a Schoolmaster to bring
us to Christ. Him the prophets described ; Him the ceremonies of
the law shadowed forth ; Him, in short, with all his benefits, the
Ooopel offers and exhibits to us. The Apostle, therefore, has rightly
plac^, as the special and principal object of faith, not the Word of
God in general, but Christ Jesus our Saviour and Mediator, who is
Erincipally regarded by a believer, and to whom all things in Scripture
ave reference.
' Now from hence it follows, that the proper and principal act of
justifying faith, is the apprehension and ])articular application of the
gratuitoBS promises which are offered to believers in this Mediator,
Christ. Which particular and justifying faith includes general faith ;
for if it should waver in general concerning the truth of the divine
word, it could not confide in particular concerning the promises made to
us in Christ the Mediator; but it justifies, not so far as it assents in
general to the divine word, but so far as it is applied to this its prin-
cipisl and peculiar object, viz. to the promises of grace in the Mc«
diator.
* Which is evident, first, because, as Tliomas expresses it, 1 quaest. 45,
art. 6, the JHstiJication of a sinner pertains to the goodness and the
mercy of God superabundantly diffusing itself But we neither can,
nor ought, to seek or apprehend the goodness and mercy of God, in-
dependently of the promises of grace, which are made and ratified to
us in Christ the Meaiator : therefore in these alone, as in the proper
object, the act of justifying faith is exercised, when and as far as it
justifies.
' Thirdly, we shew this from clear testimonies of Scripture. Acts
xiii. 38, 39, Through Christ is preached the forgiveness of sins ; and
by him all that believe are justified from all things from which ye could
wai be justified by the law of Moses, And Rom. iii. 21, 22, But now
tike righteousness of God without the law is manifested^ being witnessed
itu the law and the prophets ; even the right eotisness of God which is by
JaUM of Jesus Christ unto all and upon all them that believe.
136 Davenant — his Life^ Writin^Sf and Times.
' I argue these points the more at large, because Bellannin, De jnstif.
lib. i. cap. 8; &:c. says, that justifying faith is a general assent to all
things which are contained in the word of God ; and makes, not the
promises of grace, but the whole revelation of God, the object of this
faith. If ho intends, that justifying faith assents to the whole divine
word, we willingly concede it : but if he denies that it has a certain
principal object in the word which it regards before all others in the
act itself of justifying, viz. Christ the Mediator, and his gratuitous
promises concerning the remission of sins, he is opposed to St. Paul,
who, in a hundred places, names Christ as the principal object of futh,
not the word in general : he also opposes even Aquinas, who says, that
foith in the act ^justifying does not even regard and contemplate all
the articles of faith alike, much less the whole word of God, but only
God as remitting sins, — But here a doubt which is raised by the
Schoolmen may be briefly solved.
* They ask. How Christ can be the object of faith, when faith has for
its object an enunciation or proposition revealed by Grod ? Christ is a
thing, and (as the Logicians say) an incomplex term, not a proposition
in which truth or falsehood is perceived.
' It is answered. That is called an object of faith, which is either
believed itself, or concerning which any thing is believed. The thing
itself which is believed, is a proposition or enunciation; that concerning
which it is believed, is a thing signified by a simple term, as Durandus
says. Aquinas more plainly remarks : The object of faith is r^arded
in a twofold manner : either on the part of the thing believed ; and so
the object of faith is always something incomplex, viz. the thing itself
concerning which the propositions of &ith are formed, as Christ, the
resurrection, the final judgment, creation, and the like: or on the part
of the person believing ; and so the object of faith is that enunciation
which faith apprehends concerning the thing, as that Christ is the
Mediator and Saviour, that our bodies shall rise again, and that Christ
will come to judge the world, that God created the world, and the like.
— Thus far concerning the first gift, i. e. faith, and its object, ris.
Christ/ Vol. I. pp. 61^64.
^^ The Dissertation on the Death of Christ,^ is an elaborate
and very judicious treatise on those fiercely contested points which
have been mooted on the subject of which it treats. It is dis-
figured, of course, by some of the peculiarities to which we have
referred as characterizing the ^' Exposition ;^ notwithstanding
which, it is a very valuable production. In this treatise, Dave-
nant plainly shews, that, while profoundly impressed with the
truth of the main doctrines of the Calvinistic school, he was by
no means the supralapsariaii which many of the opposite pftrty
have been fond of representing him. He was decidedly a sub-
lapsarian. Some of his tenets, he certainly pushed further than
most Calvinists in the present day would think consistent with
truth. That he held the doctrine of * Universal Redemption,^
is plain from what he said at the Council of Dort ; yet, this doc-
trine he affirms to be inseparable from Reprobation or Pretention.
Davenani — his Life^ Writings^ and Times. 137
It has been asserted, that his opinions on some of the Calvinistic
tenets, relaxed considerably in his old age, under the persuasive
iDfluence of the amiable and excellent Archbishop Usher. Of
this, however, the Translator endeavours to shew there is no suf-
ficient proof; and we concur with him in opinion. The mis-
take appears to have been founded on an expression of Richard
Baxter^s.
The following observations, in the introduction to the ** Disser-
tation^, are very beautiful, and ought to be laid to heart by the
oontrovertists not only of Davenant'^s age, but of all ages.
' It is truly a matter of grief and exceedingly to be deplored, that,
^ther from toe misfortune or the disorder of our age, it almost always
happens, that those mysteries of our religion, which were promul-
gated for the peace and comfort of mankind, should be turned into
materials for nothing but contention and dispute. Who could ever
have thought that the death of Christ, which was destined to secure
peace and destroy enmity, as the Apostle speaks, Ephes. ii. 14, 17>
and Coloss. i. 20, 21, could have been so fruitful in the production of
strife ? But this seems to arise from the innate curiosity of men, who
are more anxious to scrutinize the secret councils of God, than to em-
brace the benefits openly offered to them. Hence it comes to pass
that, from too much altercation on the points. For whom did Christ
die, and for whom did He not die ? little is thought by mankind in-
dividually, of applying to ourselves the death of Christ, by a true and
lively faith, for the salvation of our own souls. It is my intention, in
treating of this subject, to endeavour rather to appease strife, than to
excite it anew. Since, therefore, it is conceded by those who extend
the death of Christ to all mankind generally, that, as to its beneficial
reception, it is applied only to certain persons in particular ; and since
on the other hand, those who restrain it to the elect alone, confess
notwithstanding, that its benefits extend to all that are called, yea, to
a]l men if they would believe ; both sides seem to acknowledge a two-
fold consideration of the death of Christ. For by both of them it is
r^arded as an universal cause of salvation, applicable to all mankind
individually if they should believe, and as a special cause of salvation,
applied effectually to certain persons in particular who have believed.*
Vol. II. pp. 137, 138.'
We have lefl ourselves but little room to speak of the labours
of the Editor and Translator. It would be in the highest degree
unjust, however, to pass them over without the strongest expres-
sions of commendation. They are such as to make the volumes
very complete. The translation not only possesses the more or-
dinary and absolutely indispensable pre-requisites of general accu-
racy and fidelity, but the more rare recommendations of consider*
able care, propriety, and even elegance. It is not oflen that an
expression occurs which grates upon the ear. For our own parts,
we highly applaud the practice (l^^ly come into vogue) of trans-
lating valuable books of theology, onginally written in Latin, in-
to each man^s vernacular ; that is, where the works are really va-
VOL. IX. — M.S. Q
138 Claims of the Blacks.
luable. Whatever might be said, in a fonner age, for the practice
of conveying theology in bad Latin, or whatever might be said
for it now, as a medium of more general communication than any
single modern language affords, we cannot see the peculiar bene-
fit of puzzling over the horrible dog-Latin in which so lar^ a por-
tion of systematic theology is couched ; except when it cannot
be remedied ; and this is rarely the case. We infinitely prefer a
tolerable translation. As to the notion that the practice of reading
such books tends to keep up the knowledge of Latin, (the plea some-
times made use of in its defence,) it is, we are persuaded, the most
compendious method of destroying any thing like classical taste or
a refined sensibility to the beauties and delicacies of the Latin
tongue. Latin theology abounds with such words as would make
' Quintilian stare and gasp.'
A very valuable feature of the present work is, that the Edi-
tor has appended, (in the form of notes,) biographical sketchesof the
Fathers and schoolmen whose names so profusely adorn the pages
of Davenant : — names once renowned and venerated ; now, in
many instances, unknown or despised. It is but justice to sav,
that Mr. Allport has ferreted out the history of these ' bright
obscure^ with most laudable research. His notes, therefore,
contain a great deal of curious valuable information. The
sketch of the life of Davenant deserves the highest praise : it is
the ofily attempt that has ever been made to give any thing
like a detailed account of the history and writings of that great
and good man. The materials for this purpose were necessarily
very scanty ; but what could be met with, have been procured,
evidently by considerable labour, patience, and research. The
whole is skilfully put together, ana written with unaffected sim-
plicity and great judgement. A good portrait of Davenant em-
bellishes the first volume. We have observed several typogra-
phical errors ; but they are not such as materially detract from
the value of the work.
We sincerely hope that the Translator will receive that en-
couragement from the public, which his labours merit. *
Art. IV. I. Thoughts on African Colonization : or an impartial Ex-
hibition of the Doctrines^ Principles^ and Purposes of the Ameri-
can Colonization Society. Together with the Resolutions, Ad-
dresses, and Remonstrances of the Free People of Colour. By
Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 2 Parts. 8vo. pp. 100, 7^. Bostouj U. S.
1832.
2. The Anti-Slavery Reporter, No. 104, Dec. 31, 1832. Analysis ^
the Report of a Committee of the House of Commons on the Ex-
tinction of Slavery, with Notes by the Editor. 8vo. pp. 472.
i^UR readers will bear us witness, that we have upon all oc-
^-^ casions evinced an anxiety to do justice to our American
brethren, and to promote, to the utmost of our ability, a cordial
Claims of the Blacks. 139
good understanding between the two countries. It is not long
since we endeavoured to vindicate the American Colonization So-
ciety from imputations and suspicions which we still wish to be-
lieve undeserved by its originators and early promoters. We had
not then- seen Mr. Garrison^s pamphlet ; and although we were
somewhat startled at the language of the North American Re-
viewer, which seemed to imply the doctrine, that no slave ought
to receive his liberty, except on the condition of being trans-
ported,— still, we were slow to believe that in republican Ameri-
ca,— ^the land of freedom, the land of * revivals'" — * doctrines,
principles, and purposes'* so atrocious as are here brought home
to the ^ Colonizationists,'* could be cherished by the mass of the
public. Mr. Garrison himself does not impeach the motives of
those who planned the Society.
■ ' Some of them/ he says, * were undoubtedly actuated by a benevo*
lent desire to promote the welfiEirc of our coloured population, and
could never have intended to countenance oppression. But the ques-
tion is not, whether the motives were good or bad. There is a
wide difTerence between meaning well ana doing well. The slave-
trade originated in a compassionate regard for the benighted Africans ;
and yet, we hang those who are detected in this traffic. I am willing
to concede, that Robert Finlej and Elias B. Caldwell, were philan-
thropic individuals, and that a large number of their followers are men
of piety, benevolence, and moral worth. What then ? Is the Ameri-
can Oolonisation Society a beneficial institution ? We shall see here-
after.'
Our present object is not, however, to examine the merits of
the prmect, or the motives of its founders. We will take it for
granted, that the institution is a beneficial one ; that the inten-
tions of its principal supporters and advocates are benevolent ;
that Mr. Garrison is .what his enemies style him, ^ a fanatic, a
madman, an incendiary, a monster, and worthy of death.** It
looks, however, as if he had truth and justice on his side, when
we find him thus reviled. But into this question we do not now
enter. It is to the documents contained in his pamphlet, the
language of the American press, the avowed sentiments of the
supporters of the Colonization project, that we wish now to di-
rect the attention of our readers. The disclosure which this
pamphlet makes, is truly a startling and a revolting one. Should
It tend to lower the Americans as a people in the estimation of
English Christians, the fault does not lie with us. We can truly
say, we are grieved and pained at finding ourselves compelled by
a sense of duty, to expose the anti-Christian spirit which seems
to pervade all the States, and all classes of society in the Union,
tonf ards the coloured Americans.
But we have employed at the outset, a term which would be
deeply resented by the whites. Strange to say, every black man
q2
140 Claims of the Blacks.
born in America, is called an African. Although our American
brethren have so long ceased to regard Ensiand as their mother
country, notwithstanding that they are, in language, in religion,
and in many essential characteristics, Englishmen, yet, they per-
sist in calling Africa the native country of a race bom on tneir
own soil, of parents bom in America for many generationa up-
ward ; and in representing these coloured freemen, their own
countrymen, every inch Americans, as ^ poor unfortunate exiles
from their much loved Guinea or Congo ! ^ Our readers will re-
quire proof of this most palpable absurdity. The following are
given by Mr. Garrison as illustrative specimens.
' At no very distant period^ we should see all the free coloured
people in our land, transferred to their own country, ••••••
Let us send them back to their native land. » • • • • By retnmine
them to their own ancient land of Africa, improved in knowledge and
in civilization, we repay the debt which has so long been due to
them/ AJrican Repository.
' And though we may not live to see the day, when the sons of
Africa shall have returned to their native sml, &c. To found in
Africa an empire of christians and republicans; to reconduct the Uackt
to their native land.' &c. Idem,
' Who would not rejoice to see our country liberated from her Uack
population ? Who would not participate in any efforts to restore
those children of misfortune to their native shores? The coloured
population of this country can never rise to respectability here : in
their native soil they can !
' The only remedy afforded, to colonize them in their mother country.
••***** They would go to that home from which they have
long been absent. * * * Shall we . . . retain and foster the alien
enemies* Idem.
' Be all these benefits enjoyed by the African race under the shade
of their native palms—' Idem.
' We have a numerous people who, though they are among U8» art
not of us.* Second An. Report of N. York Col, Soc,
' Among us is a gro^ving population of strangers • • * • It will
furnish the means of wanting to every AJrican exile among us, a happy
home in the land of his fathers.' Rev. Baxter Dickinson's Sermon,
' Africa is indeed inviting her long exiled children to return to her
bosom.' Circular of Rev. Mr. Gurley,
This is something less innocent than mere romance. The
greater part of the coloured population of the United States of
America, are the descendants of those who were forcibly torn
from Africa two centuries ago. Their fathers, it is remarked,
'assisted in breaking the yoke of British oppression, and in
' achieving that liberty which ** Americans * prize above all price ;
' and they cherish the strongest attachment to the land of their
' birth.'* Nor is it many years since this patriotic attachment was
10 substantially evinced, as to excite the warm approbation of no
Cktifiu of the Blacks. 141
Im8 m person than General Jackson, the present President. Mr.
Garrison gives us the following translation of a proclamation in
the French language, issued during the last war.
' Prodamation to the free people of colour.
' Soldiers ! — ^When on the banks of the Mobile^ I called you to
take np arms^ inviting you to partake the perils and glory of your
white fellow citizens^ / expected much from you ; for I was not ignor-
ant that you possessed qualities most formidable to an invading enemy.
I knew with what fortitude you could endure hunger and thirst, and
all the fiitigues of a campaign. / knew well how you loved your NA-
TIVE country, and that you had^ as well as ourselves, to defeud what
man hoLda most dear — his parents^ relations, wife^ children, and pro-
perty. You have done more than I expected. In addition to the pre-
vious qualities I before knew you to possess, I found, moreover, among
jFou, a noble enthusiasm which leads to the performance of great
things.
'Soldiers! — The President of the United States shall hear how
praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of danger ; and the Repre-
sentative of the American people will, I doubt not, give you the praise
jonr exploits entitle you to. Your General anticipates them in ap^
plauding your noble ardour.
* The enemy approaches ; his vessels cover our lakes ; our brave
citisens are united, and all contention has ceased among them. Their
only dispute is, who shall win the prize of valour ; or who, the most
glory, its noblest reward.
' By order. Thomas Butler, Aid-de-Camp.'
pp. 6, 7.
A respectable coloured gentleman of the city of New York, re-
ferring to this famous proclamation, makes the following brief
comment.
' When we could be of any use to the army, we possessed all the
cardinal virtues ; but now that time has passed, we forsooth are the
most miserable, worthless beings the Lord in his wise judgement ever
aent to curse the rulers of this troublesome world ! I feel an anathema
rising from my heart, but I have suppressed it.'
The second part of Mr. Garrison'*s pamphlet is entirely occupied
with numerous documents exhibiting the sentiments of the people
of colour themselves; documents which, while reflecting the
highest credit upon the good sense, ability, and virtuous feeling
of this basely calumniated portion of the American community,
place the advocates of the Colonization Society in no very ad-
vantageous light. We must make room for a few extracts from
these interesting papers ; after perusing which, few of our readers
will be at a loss to decide which party has the best of the argu-
ment.
' Philadelphia. Jan. 1817* At a numerous meeting of the people of
eohmr convened at Bethel Church, to take into consideration the pro«
142 CUUmM of the Blacks.
priety of remonstrating against the contemplated measoro tliat is to
exile us from the land of our nativity, &c.
' Whereas our ancestors (not of choice) were the first successful cttl«
tivators of the ^vilds of America, we their descendants feel ourselves
entitled to participate in the blessings of her luxuriant soil, which
their blood and sweat manured ; and that any measure or system of
measures, having a tendency to banish us from her bosom^ would not
only be cruel, but in direct violation of those principles which have
been the boast of this republic.
' Resolved, That we view with deep abhorrence the unmerited
stigma attempted to be cast upon the reputation of the free people of
colour, by the promoters of this measure ; ** that they are a dangerous
and useless part of the community "; when, in the state of disfranchise-
ment in which they live, in the hour of danger they ceased to remem-
ber their wrongs, and rallied around the standard of their country.
' Resolved, That we never will separate ourselves, voluntarily, from
the slave population in this country ; they are our brethren by the ties'
of consanguinity, of suffering, and of wrong ; and we feel that there is
more virtue in suffering privations with them, than fiaincied advantages
for a season.
' Resolved, That without arts, without science, without a proper
knowledge of government, to cast into the savage wilds of Africa, the
free people of colour, seems to us, the circuitous route by which they
must return to perpetual bondage.
' Resolved, That having the strongest confidence in the justice of
God and the philanthropy of the free States, we cheerfully submit our
destinies to the guidance of Him^ who suffers not a sparrow to fall
without his special providence.' p. 9.
' Hartford, Connecticut. July 1831. At a large and respectable
meeting of the coloured inhabitants of the city of Hartford and its
vicinity, convened at the vestry room of the African Church :
' Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the Ameri-
can Colonization Society is actuated by the same motives which in-
fluenced the mind of Pharaoh, when he ordered the male children of
the Israelites to be destroyed.
' Resolved, That it is the belief of this meeting, that the Society is
the greatest foe to the free coloured and slave population, with whom
liberty and equality have to contend.
' Resolved, That we look upon the man of colour that would be in-
fluenced by the Society, to emigrate to Liberia, as an enemy to the
cause, and a traitor to his brethren.
' Resolved, That it is the opinhm of this meeting, that many of
those who are engaged in this unjust scheme, would be willing, if it
were in their power, to place us before the point of the bayonet, and
drive us out of existence — so that they may get rid of that dark cloud,
as we are termed^ which hangs over these United States.
^Resolved, That in our opinion we have committed no crime worthy
of banishment, and that we will resist all the attempts of the Coloniz-
ation Society, to banish us from this our native land.
' Resolved, That we consider ourselves the legitimate sons of these
United States^ firom whence we will never consent to be transported.
Claims of the Blacks. 143
* Reaolyedy That we will resist even unto death all the attempts of
this Society to transport us to the pestilential shores of Liberia.
' Resolved^ That we will not countenance the doctrine of any pie-
tended minister of the gospel who is in league with those conspirators
sgainst our rights.' pp. 28, 29.
' New Haven. Aug. 8. 1831 . At a meeting of the Peace and Bene-
volent Society of Afric-Americans, &c.
' Resolved, That we consider those Christians and philanthropists
who are boasting of their liberty and equality, saying that all men are
horn free and equals and yet are endeavouring to remove us from our
native land, to be inhuman in their proceedings, defective in their prin-
ciples, and unworthy of our confidence.
* Rrcsolved, That we consider those colonizationists and ministers of
the gospel who are advocating our transportation to an unknown clime,
because our skin is a little darker than theirs, (notwithstanding God
has made of one blood all nations of men, and has no respect of per-
sons,) as violaters of the commandments of God, and the laws of the
Bible, and as trying to blind our eyes by their blind movements — ^their
mouths being smooth as oil, and their words sharper than any two-
edged sword.
' Resolved, That while we have no doubt of the sinister motives of
the great body of colonizationists, we believe some of them are our
friends and well-wishers, who have not looked deeply into the subject ;
hut when they make a careful examination, we think they will find
themselves in error.
' Resolved, That it is our earnest desire that Africa may speedily
become civiliaed, and receive religious instruction ; but not by the ab-
surd and invidious plan of the Colonization Society — namelv, to send
a nation of ignorant men, to teach a nation of ignorant men. We think
it most wise for them to send missionaries.
' Resolved, That we will resist all attempts made for our removal
to the torrid shores of Africa, and will sooner suffer every drop of
blood to be taken from our veins, than submit to such unrighteous
treatment.
' Resolved, That we know of no other place that we can call our
true and appropriate home, excepting these United States, into which
our fathers were brought, who enriched the country by their toils, and
fought, bled, and died in its defence, and left us in its possession — and
here we will live and die.' pp. 30, 31.
* Pittsburgh. Sep. 1831. At a large and respectable meeting of the
coloured citizens of Pittsburgh, convened at the African-Methoclist
Episcopal Church.
' Resolved, That we hold these truths to be self-evident ; that all
men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain in-
alienable rights ; that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness. — Liberty and Equality now. Liberty and Equality for ever.
' Resolved, That it is the decided opinion of this meeting, that
African colonization is a scheme to drain the better informed part of
the coloured people out of these United States, so that the chain of
slavery may be riveted more tightly ; but we are determined not to be
144 ClaiiM of the Blacks.
cheated out of our rights by the colooizatioii men, or any other set of
intriguers. We believe there is no philanthropy in the colonisation
plan towards the people of colour ; but that it is got up to delude us
away from our country and home, to the burning shores of Africa.
' Kesolved, That we, the coloured people of Pittsburgh, and dtisens
of these United States view the country in which we live, as our only
true and proper home. We are just as much natives here, as the mem-
bers of the Colonization Society. Here we were bom — here bred —
here are our earliest and most pleasant associations — ^here is all that
binds man to earth, and makes life valuable. And we do consider
every coloured man, who allows himself to be colonized in AMca, or
elsewhere, a traitor to our cause.
' Resolved, That we are freemen, that we are brethren, that we are
countrymen and fellow-citizens, and as fully entitled to the free exer-
cise of the elective franchise as any men who breathe ; and that we
demand an equal share of protection from our federal government with
any class of citizens in the community. We now inform the Colo-
nization Society, that should our reason forsake us, then we may desire
to remove. We will apprise them of this change in due season.
' Resolved, that we, as the citizens of these United States, and for
the support of these resolutions, with a firm reliance on the protection
of Divine Providence, do mutually pledge to each other, our lives, our
fortunes, and our sacred honour, not to support a colony in Africa,
nor in Upper Canada, nor yet emigrate to Havti. Here we were
bom — here will we live, by the help of the Almighty — and here we
will die and let our bones lie with our fathers.' pp. 34, 5.
From an address to the coloured citizens of Brooklyn, New York,
issued in pursuance of a meeting of the coloured inhabitants of
that township, June 3, 1831, we extract the following forcible and
pathetic remonstrance.
' Brethren, it is time for us to awake to our interests ; for the Ccdoni-
zation Society is straining every nerve for the accomplishment of its
objects. By their last publications we see that they have invoked all
Christian assemblies and churches throughout the Union, to exert their
influence, by raising subscriptions to send us (the strangers within
their gates, as they call us) to the coast of Africa. They have got the
consent of eleven States, who have instructed their senators to do
something in the next Congress for our removal. Maryland calls im-
peratively on the general government to send us away, or else they will
colonize their own free blacks. They have, by their influence, stopped
the emancipation of slaves in a measure, except for colonixaticm
purposes.
' We owe a tribute of respect to the State of New York, for her not
having entered into the confederacy. Though she is the last in pro-
claiming general emancipation to the slave, yet we find her alow in
adopting any such unchristian measures. We may well say, she it
deliberate in her councils, and determinate in her resolutions.
' Finally, Brethren, we are not strangers ; neither do we oome
under the alien law. Our constitution does not call upon us to become
neutralized; we are already American citizens ; our fJEithers were among
Claims of the Blacks. 145
lihe first that peopled this country ; their sweat and their tears have
been the means, m a measure, of raising our country to its present
standing. Many of them fcmght^ and bled, and died for the gaining of
her liberties ; and shall we forsake their tombs, and flee to an unknown
land ? No ! let us remain over them and weep, until the day arrives
when Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands to Gud. We were bom
and nurtured in this Christian land ; and are surrounded by Christians,
whose sacred creed is, to do unto all men as ye would they should do
unto you — to love our neighbours as ourselves ; and which expressly
declares, if we have respect to persons, we commit sin. Let us.
Brethren, invoke the Christian's God in our behalf, to do awav the
prejudices of our brethren, that they may adopt the solemn truths of
the gospel, and acknowledge that God is no respecter of persons —
that he lias made of one blood all the nations tliat dwell on the face of
the earth — that they may no longer bring their reasonings in contact
with the omniscience of Deity ; and insinuate to the public, that our
intellect and faculties are measurably inferior to those of our fairer
brethren. Because adversity has thrown a veil over us, and we,
whom God has created to worship, admire and adore his divine
attributes, shall we be held in a state of wretchedness and degradation,
with monkeys, baboons, slaves, and cattle, because we possess a darker
hue?
' Wc feel it our duty ever to remain true to the constitution of our
coantry, and to protect it, as we have always done, from foreign
asgresMons. Although more than three hundred thousand of us are
▼irtually deprived of the rights and immunities of citizens, and more
than two millions held in abject slavery, yet we know that God is just
and ever true to his purpose. Before him the whole world stands in
awe, and at his command nations must obey. He who has lately
pleaded the Indian's cause in our land, and who has brought about
many signal events, to the astonishment of our generation, we believe
is in the whirlwind, and will soon bring about the time when the sable
sons of America will join with their fairer brethren, and re-echo liberty
and equal rights in all parts of Columbia's soil.
* Wc pray the Lord to hasten the day, when prejudice, inferiority,
degradation, and oppression shall be done awav, and the kingdoms of
this world become the kingdoms of our God and his Christ.'
Are these the men whom the proud republicans of America
are anxious to expatriate ? to send to the pestilential shores of a
barbarous and heathen land, on the lying pretext that Africa is
their native land P When the Spaniards expelled the jMoors, a
diflTerence of religion supplied a powerful reason, in those days of
intolerance ; while something like retribution may be traced in the
calamities vhich befel the cruel persecutors of the Jews of the
peninsula; and those who refused to submit to baptism, found an
asylum on the opposite coast, among their brethren in Morocco.
But the coloured Americans are of the same religion as the
whites, and have deserved well at their hands. Their only crime
lies in the darker hue of their skin. ^ God has put a mark \ it is
VOL. IX. — N.S. R
1 46 Claims of the Blacks.
said, ^ upon the black man. The God of nature intended they
* should be a dUt'mct^freey and independent community.'* {New-
Haven Palladium.) If so, what shall be said of those who
frustrate the Divine intention by holding them in bondage ? But
what is this mark of distinction ? Is it meant that a black akin
is the distinctive mark of an African ? that Afnca is the only
region where people are bom black ? The consummate ignorance
betrayed in such a notion, is surprising. The Arab, the Hindoo,
the Asiatic Portuguese, the Indian Jew, has a skin as dark as
any Mandingo or Angola negro ; and among the black races, the
physical varieties are as numerous and as broadly distinguished as
among the whites. While the white races were yet barbarous, the
black races were advancing in civilization ; and from India and
Africa, the parent coimtries of Gentile science, emanated the light
which irradiated the ancient world. * The Blacks % remarks an
enlightened American writer, ^ had a long and glorious day ; and
' afler what they have been and done, it argues not so much a
* mistaken theory, as sheer ignorance of the most notorious
* historical facts, to pretend that they are naturally inferior to the
* whites."'
But the hypocrisy and wickedness of this shallow plea become
still more manifest, when it is considered, how utterly this dis-
tinctive mark of complexion is disregarded by the slave-bolder.
Does the lawfulness of holding men in bondage depend upon their
colour or their race ? What shall be said, then, of retaining in
slavery, numbers whose skin is not many shades darker than that
of their masters ; betraying a mixture of white blood which well
nigh obliterates the pretended distinctive mark, and gives the lie
to the blasphemy. If Africa were the native country of the
American black, we might still ask, which is the native country
of the mulatto ? Surely, as Mr. Garrison argues, ^ it would be as
^ unnatural to send white blood to Africa, as to keep black blood
* in America.
' Now, most unfortunately for colonizationists, the spirit of amalga-
mation has been so active for a long series of ycars^ — especially in the
slave States, — that there are comparatively few, besides those who are
annually stnuggled info the South from Africa, whose blood is not
tainted with a foreign ingredient. Here, then is a difficulty ! What
shall be done ? All black blood must be sent to Africa ; but how to
collect it is the question. What shall be done ? Why, we must re-
sort to phlehots^ny.
* '* Therefore prepare thee to cut off the flesh ;
nor cut thou less nor more.
But just a pound of flesh.*' '
But, in employing the terms, white blood and black blood, we
^urs reminded of the emphatic contradiction which the woi^ of
Claims of the Blacks. 14?
Grod supplies to the notion, that there is any essential difference
between tnem. The Creator of all has ^' made of one blood all
nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth ^; and he who
practically denies this, ^^ maketh God a liar ^\ How admirably
does the proud spirit which leads the white American to revolt at
worsbippinff his Maker in the same church with his sable fellow
Christian, harmonize with the apostolic exhortation, ^^ Let the
same mind be in you that was in Christ Jesus,^^ who ^^ is not
ashamed to call us^ — men of every hue, partakers of the same flesh
and Uood — *^ his brethren ^! Had Our Lord himself appeared to
the American nation '^ in the form of a servant ^, with a skin of
darker hue than their own, they would have exclaimed with one
voice, ** Crucify him.**'
No one who is aware of the intense, the almost savage an-
tipathy which inspires an American towards the coloured races,
will accuse us of exaggeration. In this respect, our own West
Indians, with all their faults, discover a less unconquerable pre-
judice. It seems inherited less, indeed, from the European,
than from the aboriginal Indian, between whom and the negro
there exists a peculiar mutual repugnance, as there is also the
most extreme physical contrariety. The very sight of a gentle-
man of colour, whatever his wealth and intelligence, at the same
dinner-table, in the same box of a theatre, still more at the same
altar, would, even in this country, throw an American into the
agitation of suppressed rage. The well authenticated anecdotes
we have heard, illustrative of this fact, would be simply amusing,
were it not for the serious consequences of this absurd prejudice.
When we find such a spirit as this in Christians, we may well
cease to wonder at the haughty prejudice of the ancient Jews
towards the Gentiles, which led them to resent Our Saviour^s
eating with ^^ publicans and sinners,^ and to exclaim respecting
the Apostle of the Gentiles, *' Away with this fellow : he is not
fit to live.*" The conduct of the Brahmins towards the inferior
castes, finds its counterpart, in the nineteenth century, among the
philosophic republicans of America. In proof of this, we shall
transcribe a few sentences from the publications of the advocates
of ColonLsation.
' Among the twelve millions who make up our census, two millions
are Africans — separated frum the possessors of the soil by births by the
brand of indelible ignominy, by prejudices, mutual^ deep^ incurable, by
an irreconciUable diversity of interests. They are aliens and outcasts ;
— they are^ as a body, degraded beneath the influence of neariy all the
motives which prompt other men to enterprise, and almost below the
sphere of virtuous affections. Whatever may be attempted for the
general improvement of societv> their wants are untouched. What-
ever may be effected for elevatmg the mass of the nation in the scale
of happiness^ or of intellectual and moral character^ their degradation
k2
148 Claims of the Blacks.
is the satne, — dark, and deep, and hopeless. BenevolsHce seems io
overlook them, or struggles for their benefit in rain. Pairudism forgets
them, or remembers them only with shame for what has been, and
fvith dire forebodings of what is yet io come ... In every part of the
United States, there is a broad and impassable line of demarcation
between every man who has one drop of African blood in his veins, and
every other class in the community. The habits, the feelings, all the
prejudices of society — prejudices which neither refinement, nor argu-
ment, nor education^ nor religion itself can subdue — mark the people
of colour, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a degradation in«
evitable and incurable, ^he African in this country belongs by birth
to the very lowest station in society ; and from that station ke can never
rise, be his talents, his enterprise, his virtues what they may. . . • They
constitute a class by themselves — a class out of which no individual
can be elevated, and below which none can be depressed.* African Re-
pository. Vol. IV. pp. 117—119.
' Here, invincible prejudices exclude them from the enjoyment of
the society of the whites, and deny them all the advantages of free
men. The bar, the pulpit, and our legislative halls are shut to them
by the irresistible force of public sentiment. No talents however
great, no piety however pure and devoted, no patriotism however
ardent, can secure their admission. They constantly hear the accents,
and behold the triumph of a liberty which here they can never enjoy.'
76. Vol. VI. p. 17.
' Is it not wise then, for the free people of colour and their friends
to admit, what caimot reasonably be doubted, that the people of cdour
must, in this country, remain for ages, probably for ever, a separate
and inferior caste, weighed down by causes powerful, universal, in-
evitable, ' which neither legislation nor Christianity can remove ?' * Let
the free black in this country toil from youth to ace in the honourable
pursuit of wisdom — let him store his mind with the most valuable re-
searches of science and literature — and let him add to a highly gifted
and cultivated intellect, a piety pure, undefilcd, and " unspotted from
the world " — 1/ is oil nothing : he would not be received into the very
lowest walks of society. If we were constrained to admire so un-
common a being, our admiration would mingle with disgust, because,
in the physical organization of his frame, we meet an insurmountable
barrier even to an approach to social intercourse ; and in the Egyptian
colour which nature has stamped upon his features, a principle of re-
pulsion so strong as to forbid the idea of a communion either of interest
or of feeling, as utterly abhorrent. Whether these feelings are founded
in reason or not, we will not now inquire — perhaps, they are not. But
education, and habit, and prejudice have so firmly riveted them upon
U8» that they have become as strong as nature itself. And to expect
their removal, or even their slightest rnodiji cation, would be as idle and
preposterous as to expect that we could reach forth our hands, and re-
move the mountains from tlieir foundations into the valleys which are
beneath them/ lb. Vol. VII. pp. 195, 231.
* The Soodra is not further separated frotn the Brahmin, in regard
to all his privileges, civil, intellectual, and moral, than the n^ro is
from the white man, by the prejudices which result from the difference
Claims of the Blacks, 149
made between them by the Gkxl of nature.' Seventh Annual Report
of Col. Soc.
^ Christianity cannot do for them here« what it will do for them in
Africa. This is not the Jault of the coloured man, nor of the white
nuLH, nor of Christianity ; but an ordination of Providence, and no
more to be changed than a law of nature.' Fifteenth An, Rep,
' The coloured people are subject to legal disabilities, more or less
galling and severe, in almost every State of the Union. Who has not
deeply regretted their late harsh expulsion from the State of Ohio, and
their being forced to abandon the conntry of their birth, which had
profited by their labours, and to take refuge in a foreign land ? Severe
regulations have been recently passed in Louisiana, to prevent the in-
troduction of free people of colour into the State. Wherever they ap-
pear, they are to be banished in 60 days. The strong opposition to a
negro college in New Haven, speaks in a language not to be mistaken,
the jealousy with which they are regarded. And there is no reason to
expect that the lapse of centuries will make any change in this respect.'
Matthew Carey* s *' Reflections".
* With us. Colour is the bar. Nature has raised up barriers between
the races, which no man with a proper sense of the dignity of his
species, desires to see surmounted,' Speeches at the formation of a Col.
&OC. in New York, pp. 135 — 140.
And this in America ! These are the fruits of reason and
philosophy, in a republic founded on the *' rights of man \ and
glorying in the political equality of its citizens, while every sixth
individual is a soodra, the victim of a prejudice as senseless, of
iiyustice as enormous, as ever disgraced a heathen nation. Talk
of freedom, of toleration, of justice, in a country where a free
citizen may be expelled from his native soil, because of his com-
plexion ! Why Russia and its autocrat appear to advantage in
comparison with this ruthless, irresponsible despotism. And then,
think of the blasphemy of making the Deity an accomplice in this
cruelty and injustice, by resolving it into ^ an ordination of Pro-
* vidence ,^ a * law of the God of nature \ which defies the utmost
power of Christianity, which religion cannot, that is, shall not
subdue ! How must this language of obstinate determination and
defiance sound in the ears of Heaven ! How righteously will the
refosal to inquire whether these feelings be founded in reason or
not, whether they be consonant with justice and religion or not,
be visited with a rebuke of fearful indignation ! When we read
such expressions, we are forcibly reminded of the emphatic words
of President Jefferson in reference to slavery : * / tremble for my
* country^ when I reflect that God is just^ and that his justice
* cannot sl^epfor ever J"
But what shall we say to such language from ministers of the
Grospel ? Let us for one moment imagine St. Paul revisiting the
earth, and passing from the extreme western limit of his former
labours to the shores of the new world, colonised by those who
150 Claitns of the Blaclu.
forsook their native land, that they might phtnt their churches
beyond the reach of intolerance, in the weatem "wildemeas. With
what language would he address their deaoendants, on finding
them leagued in a general conspiracy against their fellow Christians
of a darker skin ! He who once pleaded for Onesirous, the run-
away slave, as his spiritual son, entreating hit master to receive
him, not as a slave or servant, but ^* above a servant, a brother
beloved^; — who taught in the churches, that the slave, on being
*^ called in the Lord,*" became ^^ the Lord^s freeman*", as the free-
man was Christ'^s servant, and that between the Jew and the
Gentile there was no difference, the same Lord over all being rich
in mercy to all who call upon him ;— who insisted so continually
and pathetically upon the unity of the body, as having one head,
one hope, ^'one lord, one faith, one baptism^; — how would he
deal with these teachers of religion, who lend their sanction to a
brutal prejudice which defies every principle of Chriatianity ?
What would the Apostle have said to those who should have
urged, that an ^ ordination of Providence^ forbade the realising of
that chimerical unity of the Church upon which he insisted; tnat
the black and white portions of the mystical body of Christ are
incapable of union by a law of nature ; that the prayer of the
Saviour is at variance with the decrees of the God of nature ; that
He has not made of one blood all races ; and that the mountains
should be moved from their foundations, before they would admit
their sable fellows, ^^ for whom Christ died*", to the privileges of
brethren ? Faithful disciples of Him who ^^ gave his life a
ransom for alP; who has left this prime commandment, binding
upon all, — ^^ As ye would that men should do unto you, do ye
also unto them ""; and, as a test of obedience, ^^ By this shall all
men know that ye are my disciples, when ye love one another !^
We cannot forbear to address a few words to those Christian
ministers in this country, who cherish, as becomes them, a
brotherly regard for the transatlantic churches, and are apt to
look with a degree of fondness and partiality to the land of re-
ligious freedom, where Christianity has seemed to put forth of
late so holy an energy. Far be it from us to wbh to check those
feelings, and to sow discord between the two countries. But this
we must say ; that it becomes the Christians of England to make
their voice heard across the Atlantic on behalf of thmr coloured
brethren ; and that our ministers are more especially bound to
enter a solemn protest against the antichristian prejudice which
the American pastors seem either timidly to yield to, or criminally
to participate. Nor, speaking for ourselves, and willing to bear
all the blame attaching to the avowal, shall we be disposed to
place much faith in American revivals, or to augur well for the
interests of religion in the United States, so long as American
Christianity shall be found so partial or so feeble in its operation,
Claims of the Blacks. 151
as to exert no modifying influence upon this unjust^ cruel, and
insolent prejudice.
Its essential immorality is evinced by the avowals we have
transcribed, which shew that all moral distinctions are lost sight
of in comparison with a superficial physical difference. Virtue is
not to be discriminated from vice, knowledge from ignorance,
probity from dishonesty, piety from infidelity, if veiled beneath a
colouied skin. The lowest profligate, the meanest villain, if a
white, shall be admitted to contact and fellowship, rather than
Toussaint L^Ouverture, or Lott Carey, or any coloured minister
of Christ. The Brazilian Catholic does not scruple to receive
the sacred wafer at the hands of a black priest : the American
Protestant will not enter the same church as his black fellow
dtixen! And what is this insurmountable physical barrier.'^
Prejudice is not to be reasoned with, but let us be allowed to
examine the matter physiologically. National antipathies are
EnenJly founded upon, or fostered by, a difference of creed, of
iguage, of habits, or an hereditary feud between an intrusive
and an aboriginal race. In respect to the whites and coloured
people of the United States, the creed, the language, the habits
are the same ; and both are alike exotic races who have become
naturalized to the soil together. The one belongs as much to
Europe, as the other to Africa ; and the indigenous tribes may
regard both alike as intruders. Both races are American by
birth, English in language. Christian in creed, citizens of the
same political family. What prevents their amalgamation ? A
difierence of race ? No, for the races have blended ; the proud
white blood has mingled itself with the African, in America as in
the West Indies and every where else, till new terms have been
rendered necessary to describe the shades that distinguish the
SEulations by which the mulatto fades into the quadroon or
rkens into the zambo. Physical antipathy between the white
and black races, nature disowns. It is not strong enough, in tro-
pical climes, to become the faintest check upon immorality. To
an American critic, nothing seems so unnatural, so monstrous as
the love of Desdemona for the Moor, which Shakspeare has shewn
his matchless knowledge of human nature in depicting so well.
Brabantio talks just like a lordly American, incredulous that a
maid
' 80 tender, fair, and happy.
So opposite to marriage, that she shuun'd
The wealthy curled darlings of our nation^
Would ever, to incur a general mock.
Run from her guardage to the sooty bosom
Of such a thing.'
The noble Venetian is, however, much more easily pacified than
152 ClaimM of the Blacks.
an American would be^ on finding that no witchcraft had been
employed, and on hearing Desdemona^s simple confession, —
' I saw Othello's visage in his mind.'
Our readers will excuse this little digression. It is not every
body, we admit, that would readily fall in love with a Moor;
yet, in Spain, in Sicily, in Syria, Moor and Christian, the fiur-
skinncd European and the swarthy African, have freely mingled.
Will it be said, that the Moor, although an African, is not a
black, or not of the negro race ? Even admitting this, the facts
referred to prove that black is no distinctive mark of a particular
or distinct race, and that nature has placed no barrier of anti-
pathy between the black and white races. But let it be remem-
bered, the coloured Americans are not all blacks ♦ ; nor is it their
being black, that excludes them, as a degraded caste, from the
privileges of citizenship. The least drop of African blood, if
detected in the complexion, although not darker than that of an
Andalusian beauty, is fatal to their rights. No proportion of
white blood can ennoble them. This anti-social antipathy,
therefore, is not founded on mere difference of colour, or of race ;
for, if so, it would diminish in strength as the physical cause be-
came modified. "What then is its real source ? It is the pride
of caste. The association of slavery with the darker complexion,
is so strong, that the American hidalgo^ in whom, as Burke ex-
pressed it, ^ the haughtiness of domination combines with the
^ spirit of freedom ^ cannot disconnect them. Freedom is to the
Americans, as that great orator remarked, ^ not only an enjoy-
^ ment, but a rank and a privilege''; and the white aristocrat is
consequently at once ' proud and jealous of his freedom '.
But in whatever way we may account for the strength of the
prejudice, are the claims of justice and humanity annulled by its
existence .? Is the haughtiness of caste to be allowed for ever to
suspend or to trample upon the laws of morality ? Christianity
has l)een sufficiently powerful to break down the middle wall that
partitioned ofl* the Jew from the Gentile, — to loosen the yoke of
caste from the neck of the Indian Soodra, and reduce the unsocial
pride of the Brahmin, — to make savage nations forget their an-
cient feuds and mutual antipathies ; and shall it be said that it
* IVIr. Garrison says: ' In truth, it is often so difficulty in the Slave
States, to distinguish between the fruits of mixed intercourse and the
children of white ])arcnts, that tviinesses are summoned at court io soive
the problem ! Talk of the barriers of Nature, when the land swarms
with living refutations of the statement ! Happy, indeed, would it
be for many a female slave, if such a barrier could exist.' (p. 145.)
Claims of the Blacks. 153
cannot subdue this pride of caste in the American ? It roust
iind will give way.
The whole tale of the wrongs of the coloured race has not»
however, yet been told. We regret to state, that the projected
expulsion of the free coloured natives, is only a counterpart of
the system which is pursued towards both that class and the
slaves, whom it is determined to retain in the lowest degradation,
lest their knowledge should become power, and that power prove
fatal to irresponsible tyranny. What will our readers think of
the following disclosures ?
* The legislative enactment of Ohio, which not long since drove
many of the coloured inhabitants of that State into Upper Canada,
was the legitimate fruit of the anathemas of the Colonization Society.
A bill has been reported in the same legislature, for preventing free
people of colour from participating in the benefit of the common school
fund, in order to hasten their expulsion from the State ! Other States
are multiplying similar disabilities, and hanging heavier weights upon
their free coloured population. The Legislature of Louisiana has
enacted, that whosoever shall make use of language, in any public dis-
course, from the bar, the bench, the pulpit, the stage, or, in any other
place whatsoever, shall make use of language, in any private discourses,
or shall make use of signs or actions having a tendency to produce dis-
content among the coloured population, shall suffer imprisonment at
bard labour, not iess than three years, nor more than twenty-one
years, or dkath, at the discretion of the court ! ! It has also prohibited
the instruction of the blacks in Sabbath Schools — 500 dollars penalty
for the first offence — death for the second ! ! The Legislature of
Virginia has passed a bill which subjects all free negroes who shall be
convicted of remaining in the commonwealth contrary to law, to the
liability of being sold by the sheriff. All meetings of free negroes, at
any school-house or meeting-house, for teaching them reading or
writing, are declared an unlawful assembly ; and it is made the duty
of any justice of the peace to issue his warrant to enter the house
where such unlawful assemblage is held, for the purpose of appre-
hending or dispersing such free negroes. A fi ne is to be imposed on every
white person who instructs at such meeting. All emancipated slaves, who
shall remain more than twelve months, contrary to law, shall revert to
the executors as assets. Laws have been passed in Georgia and North
Carolina, imposing a heavy tax or imprisonment on every free person
of colour who shall come into their ports in the capacity of stewards,
cooks, or seamen of any vessels belonging to the non-slave-holding
States. The Legislature of Tennessee has passed an act forbiddiug
free blacks from coming into the State to remain more than twenty
days. The penalty is a fine of from ten to fifty dollars, and confine-
ment in the penitentiary from one to two years. Double the highest
penalty is to be inflicted after the first offence. The act also prohibits
manumission, without an immediate removal from the State. The
last Legislature of Maryland passed a bill, by which no free negro or
mulatto is allowed to emigrate to, or settle in the State, under the
penalty of fifty dollars for every week's residence therein ; and if he
VOL. IX. — N.S. S
154 Claims of the Blacks.
refuse or n^Iect to pay sucb fine^ be shall be committed to jail aud
sold by the sheriff at public sale ; and no person shall employ or har-
bour him, under the penalty of twenty dollars for every day he shall
be so employed, hired, or harboured ! It is not lawful for any free
blacks to attend any meetings for religious purposes, unless conducted
by a ichife licensed or ordained preacher, or some respectable white
person duly authorized ! All free coloured persons residing in the
State, are compelled to register their names, ages, &c. &c. ; and if
any negro or mulatto shall remove &om the State, and remain without
the limits thereof for a space longer than thirty consecutive days, un-
less before leaving the State he de[)osits with the clerk of the county in
which he resides, a irrilien slalement of his object in doing so, and his
intention of returning again, or unless he shall have been detained by
sickness or coercion, o/* which he shall bring a certificate, he shall be
regarded as a resident of another State, and be subject, if he return,
to the penalties imposed by the foregoing provisions upon free negroes
and mulattoes of another State, migrating to Maryland ! It is not
lawful for any person or persons to purchase of any free negro or mu-
latto any articles, unless he produce a certiHcate from a justice of the
peace, or three respectable persons residing in his neighbonrhood, that
he or they have reason to believe, and do believe, that such free negro
or mulatto came honestly and bona fide into possession of any such ar-
ticles so offered for sale ! A bill has been reported to the Legisla-
ture of Pennsylvania, which enacts, that from and after a specified
time, no negro or mulatto shall be permitted to emigrate into and
settle in that State, without entering into bond in the penal sum of
Jive hundred dollars, conditioned for his good behaviour. If he neglect
or refuse to comply with this requisition, such punishment shall be in-
flicted upon him as is now directed in the case of vagrants. Free
coloured residents are not to be allowed to migrate from one township
or county to another, without producing a certificate from the derk ot
the Court of Quarter Sessions, or a Justice of the Peace, or an Alder-
man ! The passage of a similar law has been urged even upon the
Legislature of Massachusetts by a writer in the Salem Gazette !
' All these proscriptive measures, and others lesa conspicuous but
equally oppressive, — which are not only flagrant violations of the con-
stitution of the United States, but in the highest degree disgraceful
and inhuman, — are resorted to, (to borrow the language of the Secre-
tary in his Fifteenth Annual Report,) *' for the more complete ac-
complishment of the great objects of the American Colonization So-
ciety"'!! pp. 10(J-108.
' In the Appendix to the Seventh Annual Report, p. 94, the
position is assumed, that '^ it is a well established point, that the
public safety forbids either the emancipation or general instruction
of the slaves." The recent enactment of laws in some of the
slave States, prohibiting the instruction of free coloured persons as
well as slaves, has received something more than a tacit approval
from the organ of the Society. A prominent advocate of the Society,
(6. P. Disosway, Esq.,) in an oration on the fourth of July, 1831,
alluding to these laws, says : — '' The public safety of our brethren at
the South requires them [[the slavesj to l>e kept ignorant and unin-
Claims of the Blacks. 155
Btmcted." The £ditor of the Southern Religious Telegraphy who is a
dergyman and a warm friend of the colonization scheme, remarking
upon the instruction of the coloured population of Virginia, says :
' " Teaching a servant to read, is not teaching him the religion of
Christ. The great majority of the white people of our country are
taught to read ; but probably not one in five, of those who have the
Bible^ is a Christian, in the legitimate sense of the term. If black
people are as depraved and as averse to true religion as the white
people are — and we know of no difference between them in this re-
spect^teaching them to read the Bible will make Christians of very
few of them. [[What a plea !] . . If Christian masters were to teach
their servants to read, we apprehend that they would not feel the obli-
gation as they ought to feel it, of giving them oral instruction^ and
often impressing divine truth on their minds. [!!] . . If the free
coloured people were generally taught to read, it might be an induce"
ment to them to remain in thus country. We would offer them
NO SUCH INDUCEMENT. [] ! ! ] . . A knowledge of letters and of all
the arts and sdences, cannot counteract the influences under which
the character of the negro must be formed in this country. . . It ap-
pears to us that a greater benefit may be conferred on the free coloured
people^ by planting good schools for them in Africa, and encouraging
them to remove there, than by giving them the knowledge of letters
to make them contented in their present condition." ' — ^Telegraph of
Feb. 19, 1831.]
' Jesuitism was never more subtle, Papal domination never more
exclusive. The gospel of peace and mercy preached by him who holds'
that ignorance is the mother of devotion ! who would sequestrate the
Bible from the eyes of his fellow-men ! who contends that knowledge
18 the enemy of religion ! who denies the efhcacy of education in ele-'
vating a degraded population ! who would make men brutes in order
to make them better Christians ! who desires to make the clergy in-
fallible guides to heaven ! Now what folly and impiety is all this !
Besides, is it not mockery to preach repentance and faith in the Lord
Jesus Christ, to the benighted blacks, and at the same time deny them
the riffht and ability to " search the Scriptures" for themselves ?
' The proposition which was made last year, to erect a college for
the education of coloured youth in New Haven, it is well known,
created an extraordinary and most disgraceful tumult in that place,
(the hot-bed of African colonization,) and was generally scouted by the
friends of the Society in other places. The American Spectator at
Washington, (next to the African Repository, the mouth-piece of the
Society,) used the following language, in relation to the violent
proceedings of the citizens of New Haven. " We not only approve
the course which they have pursued, but we admire the moral courage
which induced them ^/br the love of right, (!) to incur the censure of
both sections of the country."
' As a further illustration of the complacency with which colonization-
ists regard the laws prohibiting the instruction of the blacks, I extract
the following paragraph from the " Proceedings of the New- York,
State Colonization Society, on its second anniversary : "
' *' It is the business of the free — their safety requires it — to keiep
s2
156 Claima of the Blacks.
the slaves in ignorance. Their education is utterly prohibited. Edu-
cate them, and they break their fetters. Suppose the slaves of the
south to have the knowledge of freemen, they would be free, or be ex-
terminated by the whites. This renders it necessary to prevent their
instruction — to keep them from Sunday Schools, and other means of
gaining knowledge. But a few days ago, a proposition was made in
the legislature of Georgia, to allow them so much instruction as to
enable them to read the Bible ; which was promptly rejected by a
large majority. I do not mention this for the purpose of candemntng
the policy of the slave-holding States, but to lament its necessity"
' £lias B. Caldwell, one of the founders^ and the first secretary of
the Parent Society, in a speech delivered at its formation, advanced
the following monstrous sentiments :
* ** The more you improve the condition of these people, the more
you cultivate their minds, the more miserable you make them in their
present state. You give them a higher relish for those privileges
which they can never attain, and turn what you intend for a blessing
into a curse. No, if they must remain in their present situation,
keep them in the lowest state of ignorance and degradation. The
nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do
you give them of possessing their apathy."
' So, then, the American Colonization Society advocates, and to a
great extent perpetuates, the ignorance and degradation of the coloured
population of the United States !' pp. 148, 149.
^ The reason why the slaves are so ignorant, is, because they
* are held in bondage ; and the reason why they are held in
* bondage, is, because they are so ignorant. They ought not to
' be freed until they are educated ; and they ought not to be
* educated, because, on the acquisition of knowledge, they would
* burst their fetters.** Such, Mr. Garrison says, is the logic of
the American apologists for slavery, as we know it to be that of
the Jamaica planters; and within this vicious circle, all their
miserable shifts and evasions move round. We have the best
authority, then, for the conclusion, that slavery and education are
incompatible ; that the plan of educating slaves for freedom is
altogether chimerical and impracticable. What! educate a man^s
property for becoming alienated from him .? Will those who view
emancipation in this light, ever be induced to take, in good faith,
the steps preparatory to the issue they de])recate ? Such an ex-
pectation would betray an utter ignorance of human nature, and
an extreme of credulity perfectly ridiculous. Let us then hear no
more of educating slaves with the consent of their masters*.
There may be a few honourable exceptions; but the slave-holders
of Jamaica, and those of the United States, are generally quite in
♦ We transcribe the following from the Globe of Jan. 24. On the
12th of Dec. last, in the House of Representatives of South Carolina,
' a bill prohibiting the teaching of slaves to read, was called up, read
a third time, passed, and sent to the senate for concurrence.'
Claims of the Blacks. 167
sooordance upon this point. They say, that their slaves shall
not be instructed, for then they would know themselves to be
men* As to those who profess their willingness to consent to the
abolition of slavery, as soon as the slaves are prepared for it, let
it be recollected, that the apologists for the slave-trade consented
that the trade should be abolished, as soon as the colonies on the
coast of Guinea should have become civilized.
*• Wo to the policy,^ exclaims the philanthropic Bishop 6re-
goire, the enlightened Ami des Noirs^ ^ that would found the
^ prosperity of a nation on the misery of others ! And wo to the
' man whose fortune is cemented by the tears of his fellow men !
^ It is according to the established order of things under the con-
*' trol of Divine Providence, that whatever is iniquitous should be
^ at the same time impolitic, and that fearful calamities should be
^ the chastisement of crime. The individual culprit suffers not
' always here below, the punishment due to his offence ; because,
^ to use the words of St Augustine, God has eternity to punish
* in. It is not so with nations: in their collective capacity, they
* do not belong to the future state of existence. In this world,
* therefore, according to the same Father, they are either recom-
' pensed, or punished, as so many nations have been, for national
* crimes, by national calamities.'* *
In the political and moral effects of slavery, and its contingent
dangers, the crime carries with it in some degree its own punish-
ment ; and nothing can more strikingly illustrate this, than the
present aspect of things in the United States. There, we have
all classes affecting to deplore its existence in the heart of society
as a calamity, yet, refusing to repent of or to abjure the sin.
There, by a monstrous inversion of sentiment, we find it seriously
maintained, that it is the slave-holders, not the slaves, who are to
be commiserated, as being, by an unhappy necessity, involved in
the system* The whites, not the blacks, who are ^ a nuisance %
are tq be pitied* There is a sense, perhaps, in which this may be
partially true. The injurer is more to be pitied than the injured,
the criminal than the sufferer ; and that perversion of moral feel-
ing which seems to have spread, like a contagion, from the south
to the north, through all the classes of American society, has
something in it more frightful than the physical degradation of
the blacks themselves. The plague-spot, slavery, has infected
every thing within reach of contact. Its effects are seen in the
morbid pride, the tremulous apprehension, the short-sighted efforts,
of the whites. Slavery, in America, has rendered the constitution
a lie, changed nature into an enemy, made the increase of po-
I>uIation a tremendous evil, and occasioned the increase of know-
edge and virtue in the proscribed caste, to be dreaded as a still
« €€
De La Traite e( de VEsclavage" Paris. 18J5.
158 Claima of the Blacks.
greater evil. Hatred and fear, mingled with a pottioii of national
shame, form the scourge with which shivery is at this time lashing
the Americans. But this is not all. The existence of profitable
slavery in the southern states, of unprofitable slavery in the middle
states, and of a caste, the ofispring of abolished slavery, in the north-
em and middle states, — is the principal origin of the widening
breach between the different sections of the Union* It is this
circumstance which renders their several interests all but incom-
patible. The seeds of discord which are now ripening into open
conflict, have been sown by Slavery. We consequently find the
Slave-states the most tenacious of their sovereignty, while almost
all the great slave-holders are anti-federalists* Nine states out of
the twenty -four have now no slaves; and four more, in the middle
and western sections, comparatively few. But in the remaining
eleven, the slaves, who numbered in 1790 less than 700,000
throughout the Union, now amount to 2,010,000, having nearly
trebled in forty- two years; and of these, about a million are con-
centrated in Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, between the
Potomac and the Alatamaha. With the growth of the slave po-
pulation, has grown the anti-federal feeling, in which, Washing-
ton foresaw the probable cause of the disruption of the Federacy,
and the downfal of the fair fabric he had so greatly contribute
to consolidate. Thus is the curse of Slavery preying on the vitals
of the constitution. But will it entail no otner national punish-
ment upon those who persist in ^ founding their prosperity oh the
^ misery and degradation of others V ** Shall I not visit for these
things ? saith the Lord.^'
From America, we turn to England with feelings of mingled
' hope and intense anxiety. Upon the English soil, the slave is
free. The British Legislature is the arena, in which the monster
Slavery must be dragged forth to receive its death-blow. The
attention of both hemispheres is fixed upon the approaching con-
test. It is not Jamaica slavery only, but Carolina slavery, Cuba
slavery, Brazilian slavery, that it depends upon the decision of
Great Britain to extinguish. Five millions and a half of slaves
are awaiting the verdict that shall find and proclaim them— men.
Evidence enough in all conscience has been heard on both sides.
We have now on our table the three immense folio volumes, con-
taining the Reports of the Lords^ Committee and the House of
Commons'* Committee, with the minutes of the evidence respec-
tively laid before them, which, by those who have access to them,
and leisure for the perusal, will be found an invaluable mass of
information, and altogether decisive of the question* Of the
evidence annexed to the Commons'* Report, the present Num-
ber of the Anti-Slavery Reporter contains a very able analysis,
with some pithy notes by the Editor (we believe, Mr. Z. Ma-
caulay). In this condensed form, every one may easily make
Claims of the Blacks. 169
himsdf master of the facts established by the evidence, which
amply sustain the following two propositions. 1. That the Slaves,
if emancipated, will adequately maintain themselves by their own
labour. 2. That the danger of withholding freedom from the
slaves, is greater than that of granting it. Upon the present oc^
casion, we cannot attempt to go into the details of the evidence,
either in the shape of abstract or of extracts ; and indeed, we
earnestly hope that the majority of our readers will lose no time
in procuring and attentively perusing the whole of this interesting
document.
It may not, however, be so obvious at first sight, as it is true
in fact, that upon these two propositions hinges the whole ques*
don as regards the expediency of early emancipation. *' The im«
' portant question of what is due to the fair and equitable con-
^ sideration of the interests of private property, as connected with
' emancipation,^ was not investigated by the Commons'* Coul-
mittee ; and it may be thought by some of our readers, that this
enters, even as a preliminary inquiry, into the general question of
expediency. Upon this point, we shall content ourselves with
transcribing the following remarks, which have appeared in the
Patriot newspaper.
* This consideration (the interests of private propertv) ought
not to be allowed for one moment to embarrass the settlement of
the question, for three obvious reasons : First, the negro, at
least, owes nothing to the planter^ and the victims of our nar
tional guilt ought not to continue to suffer, ''while we are
haggling about the pounds, shillings, and pence.^ Secondly,
when it is finally determined that slavery shall cease, it will be
quite time enough to go into the consideration of those special
pases of hardship which may possibly require an equitable re-
medy. The claim to compensation is at present urged only as
an argument ad terrorem^ as it was during the agitation of the
slave-trade question; the justice and the impracticability of
compensation being insisted upon in the same breath. But for
what is the slave-holder to be compensated P For the loss of
his power over the person of the negro, or for the loss of his
command over the labour of the negro ? If for the former, he
may just as reasonably claim compensation for every abridgement
of his arbitrary power by humane enactments. If for the latter,
he has to prove that his command over that labour will be taken
away, or even diminished, by the abolition of slavery. Thirdly,
let it be but admitted, what the evidence condensed in this
pamphlet triumphantly estabUshes, that the slaves will, if eman-
cipated, maintain themselves by their labour, and that no danger
would result from granting them freedom ; it follows that the
abolition of slavery would be in two respects a boon to the
planter : first, by cheapening labour ; (free labour being always
160 Claims of the Blacks.
* cheapest ;) and secondly, by extingiushing the element of danger
* whicn is always generated by slavery, and with it, both the
* conscious feeling of insecurity and the cost of protection.
* Should it appear that the interests of private property, the value
^ of all the legitimate property, are enhanced by the change in
^ the condition of the slave, (which it is our firm belief that, ul-
* timately at least, they would be,) the claim for equitable and
^ reasonable compensation would be brought within very narrow
^ limits.
' West Indians, and many persons who are less excusable for
^ the prejudice, have so long been in the habit of considering the
^ negroes as so much stock, that they consider the proposal to
* raise them to the social level of men, as tantamount to robbine
* them of so many head of cattle. They forget this trifling dif^
' ference between the human herd employed upon their plantations
^ and the live stock of a farm ; the negro is of no use, eopcept for
* his labour. He cannot now, in the British islands at least, be
^ bred for a foreign market. He yields neither milk, flesh, wool,
' horn, nor hides. An old negro is a burden to the proprietor.
^ A dead negro is worth something less than nothing. His
* muscles and sinews alone are valuable, when set to work by the
. * cart- whip and other apparatus. Now, as the property in the
* person of the negro is valuable simply as giving a command
^ over his physical labour, if that command can be secured with-
' out the proprietorship, which is in itself a burden, what does the
* slave-holder lose by giving up his whole stock ? What more
' than a gentleman who should give up his carriage-horses, on
* condition of being furnished witn the use of horses by the jobber,
* on cheaper terms than he could maintain his own in the livery-
* stable, taking into account the chances of loss by death, the ve-
* terinary surgeon^s and farricr^s bills, and the other attendant
* expenses ?
*' Or let us suppose that the gentleman^s horses had died, or
^ that they were found to be stolen property, to which he could
* not make a valid or legitimate claim ; — lie loses, it is true, the
^ market price of the horse, but he saves the amount, perhaps, in
' the first or second year of his adopting the cheaper, thougn less
* dignified method of hiring. Is he greatly to be pitied ?
^ But if to hold men in slavery be a crime, — call it a national
* or an individual crime, — the only preliminary question ought to
* be, Can it be abolished without injury to the great sufferers by
* that crime, or without a disproportionate punishment falling
^ upon the guilty principals in that crime ? Admitting that the
* whole nation participates in the guilt, as originally an accessary ;
^ that it has, in former times, sanctioned and encouraged slavery,
* and the slave-trade too ; that the feeling of its moral turpitude
' is a feeling of modem growth : for this its sin, greatly a nn of
Gurney's Biblical Dissertations. 161
Ignorance, this nation has been punished in various ways, — has
been mulcted, and taxed, and injured in its best interests ; has
been deprived of its American colonies, which, in retaining that
fatal legacy of slavery, have clung to a curse that is now begin-
ning to work upon the vitals of the State. But what punish-
ment is not due from God and man to those guiltier principals
in the crime, who — when a whole nation has at length wakened to
repentance, — deaf to all remonstrance, after forty years'* warning
— persist in heaping fresh wrongs and injuries upon the victims
of their oppression, stigmatizing the sentiments of common hu-
manity as cant and hypocrisy, persecuting the ministers of
religion, and defying the very Government that protects them
in their crimes ? We invoke no human vengeance upon Ja-
maica, but we know who has said, " I will repay.'' Our anxiety
is, that England should not continue to be involved in the guilt
of tolerating the continuance of the wrong.
^ The time is come for the settlement of the question. If
slavery is not now abolished, it will be the fault of Christians
in this country. Nothing can much longer delay the abolition,
but the supineness or mistakes of the friends to emancipation.
We entreat our readers to be on their guard against delusions.
The following has been announced, among ^^ the political prin-
ciples of the Conservatives,'' as the specific pretext upon which
the abolition of slavery is now to be resisted by the ^o-slavery
party : —
* ** To promote, after a just and full compensation shall have
been secured to the proprietor of each slave, the abolition of
slavery throughout the British dominions, at such time, in each
colony, as it can be effected with advantage to the slaves, safety
to the colonies, and security to the shipping and commercial
interests of the empire !!"
* That is, delay, upon a double pretext, ad infinitum. We
say. Now. Our opponents mean, Never.'
We do not say. Now or never. But, if ever, now.
Art. V. Biblical Notes and Dissertations, chiefly intended to confirm
and illostrate the doctrine of the Deity of Christ ; with some Re-
marks on the practical ixtibottaftce of that doctrine. By Joseph
John Gumey. 8vo. pp. 480. London, 1832.
TIIBLICAL Criticism has hitherto received but few contribu-
•^^ tions from the Society of Friends. As a religious body, they
have almost universally discovered an aversion to theological dis«
cussions ; and the spirit which might tend to excite and extend
them, has generally been checked and repressed by their leaders,
VOL. IX» — N.*. T
16e Gurney's Biblical Di^aeftatUtm.
The controverfiies which have occasionally apruog up within the
Society, have been subdued, rather than determined ; and the in-
fluence of authority has been more powerful than that of know-
ledge, in maintaining the forbearance and quietude which prevail
in their community. On the oth^ hand, they display no soli-
citude to enlarge their denomination, and make no exertions to
diffuse their principles. In this respect, the f'riends oS the pre-
sent day greatly differ from their founders, who were unsparing
in the manifestations of an ever-restless and adventurous zeal for
the propagation of their opinions. The religious controversies of
the times have publicly engaged but little of their attention.
There have, indeed, been writers of the Society of Friends, who
have given proofs of their application to the study of the Bible ;
but these have been but few, nor have they been distinguished
for any essential services rendered either to the exposition or to
the defence of evangelical truth. We have now before us almost
the first erudite treatise in support of fundamental Scriptural doc-
trines, from which we can conclude that the cultivation of Biblical
criticism is not wholly neglected by them. Mr. Gurney^s vo-
lume, for sobriety, explicitness, and learning, must take prece-
dence of the theological productions of the community of which
he is an ornament, and is entitled to an honourable place among
the numerous works of its own class for which we are indebted
to Christian scholars.
The contents of this work comprise Notes and Dissertations, —
1. On the Canonical authority of the Epistle to the Hebrews. —
2. On the pre-existence of Jesus Christ before John the Baptist.
— 3. On Christ, the Redeemer — the Living One — in the time of
Job. — 4. On the existence of Christ before Abraham. — 5. On
the existence of Christ when the world was created. — 6. On the
Eternal pre-existence of Christ. — 7- On Christ pre-existent in the
form of God, and on an equality with Him. — 8. On the Chaldee
Targums, and on the doctrine of their authors respecting the
Word of Jehovah. — 9. On the Creation of all things by the
Word or Son of God. — 10 God made the world by his Son. —
11. On the testimony of the Apostle Paul, that the Psalmist ad-
dresses the Son of God, as the Creator of the Universe. — 12.
The Son the Image of the Invisible God, the First-bom of the
whole creation, and the Creator of all things in heaven and in
earth. — 13. On the preaching of Christ to the Antediluvians. —
14. On the Angel who bore the name and displayed the attri-
butes of God. — 15. On the Deity of the Word. — 16. On the
prophecies of Isaiah, in chap. vii. viii. and ix. I — 6. — 17- Christ
the Branch is Jehovah our Righteousness. — 18. On the Various
Readings of 1 Tim. iii. 16. — 19. Additional Observations on 1
Tim. iii. 1 6. — 20. Jesus Christ our Great God and Saviour. —
Giimey'^8 Biblical Dissertations. 168
21. Christ who, in his human nature, descended from the Jews,
is ** over all God blessed for ever/** — Conclusion. On the prac^
tical Importance of Faith in the Deity of Christ.
As these are topics which have successively engaged the at-
tention and employed the labours of the most eminent theological
controvertists and Biblical critics, the inquirer will scarcely expect
to meet in this vohime with information or reasonings of a novel
kind. After the extensive and minute researches into every
branch of criticism, and the unwearied diligence in disposing of
the results of their collations and discoveries, for which wc owe
so much gratitude to authors of reputation, it would be presump-
tuous to expect from a modern advocate of Christian doctrines, the
gratification which is to be derived from original statements and
unusual proofs. Yet, although the subjects themselves, and the
evidence which belongs to them, are familiar to us, their supreme
importance and their vital interest will ever prevent their being
regarded as trite and common.
The first of these Dissertations is ^ On the canonical authority of
the Epistle to the Hebrews.'* The Epistle is anonymous ; so
are the epistles ascribed to the Apostle John, the name of the
author not being prefixed to either of them. In this respect, the
two cases are similar ; but the circumstances in which they other-
wise differ from each other, are numerous and important. The
anonymous character of the Epistle to the Hebrews, is not the
circumstance from which exclusively, or even principally, doubts
of its being entitled to canonical authority, have arisen ; since we
find the authority of anonymous books admitted from the begin-
ning ; and on the other hand, there have been many who have
denied the claim of books bearing their author^s names to a place
among the canonical Scriptures. Mr. Gurney is unquestionably
correct in stating that, if there are sufficient reasons to convince
OS that Paul was the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, we
must of course rest satisfied of its canonical authority. But
we cannot say that we find in his arguments any better elu-
cidation of the question, or any nearer approximation to a determi-
nation of it, than in the statements and reasonings of his prede-
cessors, while he has not noticed in his Dissertation some of the
strongest objections which lie in the way of his conclusion. In
the first of the proofs by which Mr. Gurney supports the hyix)-
thesis of the Pauline origin of the epistle, we arc unable to per-
ceive any cogency or closeness of connection. Whatever be the
subjects to which the Apostle Peter refers in his second epistle,
as being included in the communication which the persons to
whom it was sent had received from the Apostle Paul, it is evi-
dent that they were not peculiar to it, because they were to be
found in all his epistles: — ^^ Even as our beloved brother Paul
also, according to the wisdom given unto him, hath written unto
T 2
164 Gurney^s Biblical Di99ertiUinn$*
you, M also in all his epistles^ speaking in them of these
things.^ This passage does not, we think, ascribe a superior
degree of wisdom in reference to one epistle more than to
another, though this is assumed, and is said to apply with pe-
culiar force to the Epistle to the Hebrews. The Apostle Peter
addresses his epistles to the *' elect strangers of the dispersion
in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bitfajmia.**^ But, if
the epistle to the Hebrews was written to the Jewish Christians
of Palestine, as Mr. Gurney supposes, we do not perceire how it
can be said to be written to persons in any of the countries enu-
merated in Peter''s dedication of his epistles. We might, with
more appearance of probability, fix upon the Epistle to the Gala-
tians, or that to the Ephesians, as the one intended ; since in
these, it cannot be denied, there are *^ some things hard to be
understood.^
From the expression, " they of Italy salute you,** Mr. Gurney
infers, as others had done before him, that the writer of the
Epistle to the Hebrews was in Italy at the time of his writing it;
and that the epistle was written from Rome ; but the wor& oi
airo rriq ^Irar^ia^^ would rather seem to indicate that the writer was
not in Italy, but out of it, accompanied by some persons who be-
longed to that country. Nothing is determined by such an ex-
pression as to the place from which the epistle was sent ; nor
does the connection in which we find it, assist us to any probable
conjecture on the subject.
The evidence of ecclesiastical tradition on the Pauline origin
of the epistle is much less satisfactory than the statement, Mat
the Greek and Eastern fathers are unanimous in ascribing the
epistle to Paul, would lead the reader to conclude. It is evident,
from Origen'*s accounts, that doubts were entertained, even in the
East, about its authorship ; and the manner in which some of the
earliest of the Greek fathers, including Origen himself, have de-
livered their sentiments on the point, ill accord with the explicit-
ness of a direct testimony or an unhesitating opinion.
On the internal evidence, much has been written ; and Mr.
Gurney follows his predecessors, in collecting examples of co-in-
cident sentiments and verbal agreements from the acknowledged
epistles of Paul and the epistle to the Hebrews, with the view of
deducing from the comparison, the proofs of a common origin.
Many of these examples have but little relevance to the question.
For instance : in Heb. i. 3, 4., it is said, that the Son of God,
^' when he had by himself purged our sins, sat down on the right
hand of the majesty on high ; being made so much better than the
angels, as he hath by inheritance obtained a more excellent name
than they.**' 'This, it is remarked (p. 16), Ms precisely the doc-
* trine of Paul ; who declares that God raised Jesus '^ from the
^ dead, and set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places.
Ourney^s Biblical Dissertations. 165
^ finr above every name that is named, not only in this world, but
* also in that which is to come.^ ^ But is not this also the doc*
trine of Peter ? — ** Jesus Christ, who is gone into heaven, and is
on the right hand of God ; angels and authorities and powers
being made subject unto him.*" 1 Epis. iii. 21, 22. We cannot
be surprised that, in writing on subjects alike common and inter«
eating to them, the writers of the New Testament should dis-
cover, to a considerable extent, an agreement in the sentiments
and expressions respectively employed by them ; especially when
we remember the original sources of their instructions, and the
peculiarities of their characters and associations. We might ob-
tain presumptions, similar to those which Mr. Gurney urges,
firom a comparison of other books ; and if the epistles of Peter
were anonymous, might allege, from the coincidences, or the re-
semblances, that we detect in collating them with the epistles of
Paul, that they are the productions of the same author. But so
long as the complexion of the books should be found different,
and their styles severally unlike each other, we should not be
prepared to affirm an identity of authorship in respect to them.
In order that we may shew the bearings of this assumed
ground on which Mr. Gurney rests his deductions, we shall com-
pare the epistles of Peter with those of Paul ; adducing, as we
proceed, the parallel cases from the Dissertation before us.
* Heb. X. 38, " The just shall live by faith.'' ' The words are
' a quotation from the Old Testament, but they are cited and
* applied elsewhere only by Paul.** But, if this be regarded as a
proof presumptive, it might be shewn that Peter's first epistle
was written by Paul, since we find in chap. ii. 6, a passage
firom Isaiah xxviii. 16, which is cited, and applied elsewhere
only by Paul. Vid. Rom. ix. 33. x. 11. * In Heb. iv. 13, 14,
* the first principles of religion are figuratively represented as
' milk, and the more recondite doctrines of Christianity as strong
* meat: the same remarkable figures are adopted by Paul, in
* 1 Cor. iii. 2.' But the word ydxa^ milk^ is the only one which
is common to both passages ; and the Hgure thus employed is
also used by the Apostle Peter, 1 Epis. ii. 2. The words,
^^ Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ,'"
1 Pet. i. 3, are found in 2 Cor. i. 3, and no where else in the
New Testament. " At the revelation of Jesus Christ," is a
form of expression we find in 1 Pet. i. 7> 13 ; but it occurs in the
writings of Paul, 1 Cor. i. 7> 2 Thess. i. 7» " Who believe in God
that raised him up from the dead, tov kytl^avra aurov ek vex^av^"^
is used by Peter, 1 Epis. i. 21 , and, besides, only by Paul, who
firequently employs it, Rom. iv. 24, 2 Cor. iv. 14, Gal. i. 1,
Coioss. ii. 12. " Wives be obedient to your own husbands," 1 Pet.
iii. 1, is also read in Paul's epistles, Eph. v. 22, Coioss. iii. 18.
In 1 Pet. iii. 3, we have directions given respecting the dress of
166 Gurney'8 Biblical IH9S0rimiht^.
women, as we have also in 1 Tim. ii. 9. The pecept delivered
by Peter, 1 Epis. iii. 9, Mi aToJiJevrif mcucw avrt MaXov^ is
contained in Rom. xii. 17, 1 Thess. v. 15. ** — ready to judge
the quick and the dead,^ are expressions peculiar to Peter, 1
Epis. iv. 5, and Paul, 2 Tim. iv. 1. " — partakers of Christ's
sufferings,^ is another instance, y. 13, and 2 Cor. i. 5, 7* The
coincidence of expression in the charge of Peter, 1 Epis. ▼• 1,2,
and in PauPs address to the elders at Miletus, Acts xx. 28, 29^
is much more close and striking than in some of Mr. Gumey^i
examples. Nii^u and yfnyo^ea — these verbs are used in conjunc-
tion, 1 Pet. V. 8, and 1 Thess. v. 6, but only in those passages.
0c/ii£Xio», applied to Christians, occurs only in 1 Pet. ▼. 10, and
Ephes. iii. 17) Coloss. i. 23. ^^ The day of the Lord will come
as a thief in the night,^ is found only in 2 Pet. iiL 10, and 1
Thess. v. 2. AVith these examples, then, before us, and sup-
posing the epistles of Peter to be without the name of the writer,
might we not adopt the words with which Mr. Gumey concludes
his collation of passages, and say ?— ^ On a close inspection, then,
^ it appears, that the points of resemblance between the Greek
^ style of our anonymous author and of Paul are numerous and
^ highly characteristic.'* We should then ascribe the epistles of
Peter to the pen of Paul, exactly, and on the same grounds as
j\Ir. G. attributes to him the epistle to the Hebrews.
But some of Mr. Gurney'*s examples are of more than question-
able propriety ; as when be remarks, (p. 22,) that 'Ila^'^Wa, t6
denote boldness in approaching God, is peculiar to Paul and this
epistle. Hcb. x. 19. ^^ Having therefore, brethren, boldness
{Trappujiav) to enter into the holiest, &c.*" ** In whom we have
boldness {7rappn(rUv) and access with confidence.*" — Eph. iii. 12.'
In each of these passages, there arc additional words, which give
the sense of access. In the former, we have vappntriav sig rh
sicroSov ; and in the latter, tJv irappnclay kcu t^v Tr^offayoynv, In
the first epistle of John, the word is used precisely as in Hcb. x.
19, and E])hes. iii. 12. " Beloveil, if our heart condemn us not,
then have we confidence (prafpmtJiax) toward God, and whatsoever
we ask we receive of him."' — 1 Epis. iii. 21. " And this is the
confidence {TrappYialav) that we have in him, that, if we ask any
thing according to his will, he hcarcth us.*" v. 14. In both
these pa^^^sages, the connexion shews, that boldness in approach-
ing God, is the sense in which the word is used.
But after all the array of examples of similar or identical
usage, and the comparisons adduced, the difference of style is
admitted by Mr. Gumey ; and he endeavours to remove the dif-
ficulty which this marked diversity in the composition of the
epistle opposes to the assumption that Paul was its author, by as-
signing, as the cause of the superiority of its style, the severer
attention of the writer. ^ The Greek style of this epistle be-
Gurney^s Bihlioal Disierlations. 167
^ came more polished than that in which the Apostle usually
* wrote, for the simple reason, that it was more attended to —
* more studied.^ We do more than hesitate to admit the ground
on which this solution is offered. The character of a writer^s
style will not be essentially affected by his most elaborate atten-
tion to his subject. The Epistle to the Hebrews is not more stu-
died than Paurs Epistle to the Romans ; but the difference of
style between these epistles, is not less remarkable than in any
other instance which might be adduced. It is surprising that
Mr» Gurney should not have taken the least notice of the objec-
tion to his hypothesis, founded upon Heb. ii. 3. ; which, in the
opinion of some of the soundest critics, is alone decisive of the
question. But on this point, and on the whole subject, wc refer
our readers to a former article. Eclec. R. May 1830, pp. 399, &c.
The Eighth of these Dissertations is ' On the Chaldee Tar-
* gums, and on the doctrine of their authors respecting the word
* of Jehovah.^ Of the Targums, or Paraphrases of the Old
Testament in the Chaldee language, the most valuable are, that
of Onkelos on the Pentateuch, and that of Jonathan Ben Usziel
on the Prophets, which are probably nearly of the same age. We
have no means which can materially assist us in endeavouring to
obtain a satisfactory determination of the period to which the
date of their origin should be assigned, but they are generally
considered as having been written about the commencement of
the Christian era. Perhaps they are of later date. From some
peculiarities of diction frequently occurring in these ancient
works, they have been adduced by many controversial writers as
exhibiting important testimony to prove the belief of the Jews,
in very remote times, in the pre-cxistence and distinct personality
of the Messiah. Mr. Gurney is to be classed with those writers
who have deemed this species of evidence available in support of
the doctrine of the divinity of Our Lord, and who have assigned
it an important place in that connexion. For ourselves, we must
confess that we are not prepared to admit the Targums to the
honour which is claimed for them as unexceptionable witnesses to
the points for which their testimony is produced. We do not
perceive, on an examination of their evidence, that the readings
of the Hebrew text are so elucidated as to receive another sense
than that which a reader would ascribe to them, who had no means
of using these auxiliaries in his endeavours to understand the
meaning of the Old Testament. The manner, too, in which the
Targums are employed by some Christian writers, cannot be de-
scribed otherwise than as incautious and partial : their citations
are frequently faulty and defective, and not calculated to lead an
inquirer into a knowledge of the true bearings of the several
terms and usages which are found in this secondary class of an-
cient Jewish aiuthors. A more minute and extensive examination
168 Gurney^s Biblical Dissertations*
of the whole evidence to be obtained from them, would be neces-
sary to determine the merits of the question under discussion.
We shall, however, just glance at the examples which Mr. Gur-
ney has produced, and try the soundness of the inferences and
conclusions which he is endeavouring to establish on their autho-
rity.
The Hebrews, it is well known, regarded with a reverencfe
which degenerated into superstition, the name Jehovah, appro-
priated to the Divine Being ; for which they substituted other
names, as Elohim, Adonai, or terms of abbreviation. In the
Targums, the terms, JaA, and Word ofJah^ are used in the same
manner. To the latter expression, in some examples of its use,
a sense has been ascribed, implying, in the subject thus designated,
distinct personal divinity. Several such examples are brought
under our notice by the Author. As the following is one of the
most important of the passages which he has selected, in illus-
tration of the doctrine which he supposes to be thus conveyed by
the language of the Chaldee Paraphrasts, we shall endeavour to
ascertain its real import. This is the more desirable, as not a few
writers, some of them of high respectability, have been very posi-
tive in asserting the authority of the Targums. Mr. Gumey
refers to them, as maintaining a doctrine coincident with that of
the Apostle John in the beginning of his gospel, and as assisting
us to determine the import of the principal expressions employea
by the Apostle in his description of his great subject. If the
Targumists speak of the Word of Jah as a person distinct from
Jehovah, their evidence is of the greatest moment ; but the fol-
lowing passage contains no proof, nor even a presumption, that
they entertained such a doctrine.
' On some occasions, the Word of Jah appears to be described by
the Targumists as the person through whom Jah, or Jehovah, effects
the redemption and salvation of his people. Isaiah xlv. 1&-— 25, is
paraphrased by Jonathan in the following striking language: — ** These
things saith Jah, who created the heavens : Grod himself who founded
the earth and made it, &c. Look unto my Word, and be ye saved^ all
ye who arc in the ends of the earth : by my Word I have sworn : the
decree is gone forth from me in righteousness, and shall not be in vain :
because, before me every knee shall bow and every tongue swear. How-
beit, he (God) said to me (the prophet), that by the Word of Jah he
would bring righteousness and strength. By his Word shall be con-
founded and brought to confusion with their idols, all the nations who
attacked his people. In the Word of Jah shall all the seed of Israel
be justified and shall glory." This passage of the Targum appears
plainly to import, that God, even the Father, originate^ the redemption
of his |)eople ; and that the Word of Jah is a divine Person, to whom
he commands all men to look for their salvation, because it is through
him that he promises to effect the great deliverance.' p. 137-
C[urney'*8 Biblical Dissertations. 109
' Before we proceed to notice the passages thus produced by
Mr. Gumey as vouchers for the doctrine of a distinct personal
subsistence of the Word, we must take the liberty of giving from
the Targum of Jonathan, the necessary quotation, without the
partial arrangement and omissions which appear in the foregoing
extract. * Verse 18. These things, saith Jah, who created the
* heavens : God himself who founded the earth and made it — I am
"* Jah, and there is no other. 21. Jah, — a just God, and a Sa-
* viour, there is none beside me. 22 Look unto my word and be
* ye saved, all ye who are in the ends of the earth, for I am God
* and there is no other. 23. By my word have I sworn, the de-
* claration is gone forth from before me in righteousness, and
^ shall not be in vain, That before me every knee shall bow,
* every tongue confess. 24. Surely by the word of Jah he said
* upon me he would bring righteousness and strength, by his
* word they shall praise, and all the nations, with their idols, who
* were the enemies of his people, shall be confounded. 25. In
* the word of Jah shall all the seed of Israel be justified and
* shall glory.** Throughout the whole of this quotation, there is
only one principal subject : the undivided supremacy of Jehovah
is asserted. No reader can mistake the import of the verses in
the original, or in any version of them. The doctrine delivered
lyy Mr. Gumey in the former part of the concluding sentence of
the foregoing extract, is not to be questioned ; but the Targumist
Jonathan does not declare it, nor do his words import it. We
can neither perceive in this passage any evidence to sustain the
notion, attributed to it by Mr. Gumey, of a personal existence
in the word apart from the being of the infinitely glorious
£temal One ; nor recognize any such difference in the language
of the Targumist here, compared with other and numerous speci-
mens of his diction which might be given, as would lead us to
regard his paraphrase as in this instance remarkably striking.
In the expression, word of Jah^ throughout the whole of the
preceding verses, no other usage, we think, is to be discovered,
than that which is so common in the Targums, of substituting a
periphrasis for the ineffable Divine name. Mr. Gumey has, by
the emphatics of the press, made a distinction which is not war-
ranted m the phrase, and which we have been careful to exhibit
throughout in a uniform manner.
In the 23d verse occur these words : * By my word I have
* sworn (no'03),*' — the expression used in all the other passages.
Now, as it will be easy to prove that the expression cannot in
this instance be applied to a personal existence, in the sense as-
sumed by Mr. Gurney, we shall find no difficulty in reading the
passage as we find it in the Chaldee paraphrase, precisely in the
same sense and application as we read it in the Hebrew text.
** Men verily swear by the greater.*^ — " When God made prof-
VOL. IX. — K.s. u
lyo Gurney's Biblical Dis^eriatioHg*
mise to Abraham, because He could swear by no gremter, he
Bware by himself.^ — ^Ileb. ^i. 13. The instances are not few in
the Bible, in which the Divine Being is represented as with so-
lemnity giving forth an oath. — Jerem. xxi. 5. * By myself I have
* sworn," is, in the Targum of Jonathan, ' By my word (nons)
* have I sworn.** As, then, in the instance, ' By mj word, I
* have sworn,** is exclusive of a second person, and is anodier
formulary for * By myself,^ and cannot be rendered in any other
sense or relation ; so we must conclude that the Taigumist, in the
words, ^ Look unto my word,^ ' In the word of Jah, &c.\ in-
tended no other sense than that which the Hebrew text before
him conveyed, ^ Look unto me** — ^ In the Lord shall all the
* seed of Israel be justified.'* Why should the phrase in Terses
22, 24, 25, be understood in a different sense from that which it
bears in verse 23 ? There seems no ground whatever for assum-
ing another application of the phrase in those verses, than that
which is clearly apparent in the other instance. The introduc-
tion of a second person is altogether unauthorised ; and nothing
can be inferred from the language of the Targum, which is not
intended and directly conveyed by the original expressions in
the prophet. Mr. Gumcy quotes other passages ; but those
to which he attaches most importance, are equally insufficient to
support the doctrine which he imagines they contain*
' The 18th and 19th chapters of Genesis describe an actual appear-
ance of Jeliovah, who came down to converse with Abraham, and to
destroy Sodom. This present Deily is in the same Taigum (the Jeru-
salem) denominated '' the Word of Jah " ; and Gen. xix. 24, in which
verse wc read that " Jehovah rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah,
brimstone and fire from Jehovah out of heaven/' is there paraphrased
in the following explicit manner : '^ And the Word of Jah sent down
upon them sulphur and fire ffV D^[^ \^\ from the presence of ./oA
out of heaven." ' p. 136.
We must repeat the remark, that Mr. Gumey has imposed
upon the expressions, by his mode of displaying the words in
question, a sense which they do not in themselves convey. We
perceive nothing explicit in the paraphrase, nothing which is not
m Q^Lact agreement with the Hebrew text. But if Mr. Gumey
considers this as an explicit passage, what will he say to the same
passage as it appears in the Targum of Jonathan? — ^ And the
word of Jah sent down the rains of his goodness upon Sodom
^ and upon Gomorrah, that they might repent ; but they repented
' not, but said. Our evil deeds are not manifest before Jah : then
* were sent down upon them sulphur and fire from the presence
' of the word of Jah out of heaven ? ^ In the Jerusalem Targum,
* the word of Jah' corresponds to the name Jehovah in the first
member of the verse ; as does the phrase, * from the presence of
Gurney^s Biblical Dissertatioru, I7I
* Jalhj in the second, answer to ^ from Jehovah ^ in the conclusion
€if the verse. In the Targum of Jonathan, ^ the word of Jah ^ is
used in both instances, as a periphrasis for the original expres-
sion. No second person is indicated by the use of such terms.
In the second Psalm, vs. 4, we have, " He who sits in heaven
^* shall laugh, the word of Jah shall have them in derision.*"^ The
subject of the predications is but one. Ps. cxviii. 8, 9* ^^ It is
^ better to trust in the Lord, than to put confidence in man. It
^' is better to trust in the Lord, than to put confidence in
** princes-'' In the Targum we have, in both clauses, * to trust in
*' the word of Jah." We are surprised at the facility with which
Mr. Gumey, following some other writers, who, whatever be the
qualities which we may approve in them, are not to be described
as jttdidous critics, admits such conclusions as abound in this
DiMerlation.
' In Gen. xx. S, we read, that " God came to Abimclech in a dream,
and said to him", &c. Onkelos has here distinguished the divine
Person who came to Abimelech, from God who sent him. His para-
5 h rase is as follows : " And the Word from the presence qf Jah (or
ehovah) came to Abimelech in a dream by night, and said to him,"
Ac.' pp. 136—7.
The whole of the expressions marked by italics in this extract,
are simply a periphrasis for the name of the Divine Being : this
sufficiently appears from the next verse, in which we find Abi-
melech invoking the name of Jah as the person appearing to him.
The same expressions are of frequent occurrence in the Targum-
ists, and imply nothing of distinction or of mission. So, in
Gen. xxxi. 24, ^^ God came to Laban the Syrian, in a dream by
night'", is, in Onkelos, * And the word from the presence of Jah,
* came to Laban the Syrian in a dream by night.^ Laban, re-
ferring to this appearance, v. 29, describes it by the words, ^ the
' God of your father.** In Num. xxii. 9, we have in Onkelos the
same phrase : *' And the word from the presence of Jah came to
' Balaam, and said. Who are these men who are with thee ? ' fol-
lowed by V. 10, ^ And Balaam said before Jah."*
In Gen. xxxi. 13, the angel of Jehovah proclaims himself to
be the God to whom Jacob vowed his vow at Bethel. * Now \
says Mr. Gumey, * according to Onkelos, it was to the Word of
* Jah that the vow of Jacob was addressed. '* And Jacob vowed
* a vow, saving, if the Word of Jah will be my help, and will
^ keep me m this way in which I am going, &c., then shall the
* Ward of Jah be my God.'"''* But the passage in Onkelos
expresses nothing more than is contained in the Hebrew text.
In the Targum of Jonathan, the whole appears as follows.
• Gen. xxviii. 20.
u 2
172 Gumey's Biblical DiMeriaiUmM.
Gen. xxviii. 13, * I am Jah, the God of thy ikther Abraham,
^ and the God of Isaac. — 15, And behold my word shall be thy
* help. — 20, And Jacob vowed a vow, saying. If the word of Jan
* will be my help, and will keep me — in this way in which I am
* going,— then shall Jah be my God.** The expressions are inters
changeable, and refer to the same subject. So, in Gen. xlix. 9, —
* IMy sons whom the word of Jah gave to roe \ as we read in the
Targiim of Jonathan, is, in Onkelos, ^ whom Jah has given me.^
Had the Targumists used the expressions in the manner repre-
sented by the Author, there are passages in which they would
have em])loycd them, but in which we find a different usage. In
Gen. i. ^6, the Targum of Jonathan reads : *' And Jah said to
* his angels, who ministered before him, who were created on the
* second day, Let us make man in our image.** If, in such a
passage, we had read, 'And Jah said to his Word**, Mr. Gumey'*8
notions might seem not to have wanted support.
We cannot then, subscribe to the notion that, in the language,
of the Tar;iiimist??, there is any thing corresponding to the ex-
pressions used by the Evangelist John in the Introduction to his
Gospel, or that they supply any conHrmation of his doctrine re-
specting the personality and deity of the Son of God. Whatever
may be the origin of the term iogon^ unquestionably applied by
the Apostle to Christ, we entirely agree with Michaelis, that it
was not derived from the Targums, since they never intended by
the e.x])ression, word of Jah^ to denote a Being separate and
distinct from Jehovah himself. If the phrase had any such
meaning, atid were so abundantly employed by the Chaldee
parajihrasts in the sense attributed to it by Mr. Gumey, it is im-
possible to suppose that it would be neglected, and that frequent
references to it should not be made by the Writers of the New
Testament, and by our Lord himself. In all his conferences with
the Jews, and in the whole of his discourses, there is no instance
of his appealing to them as possessed of traditionary knowledge
which included representations of himself so direct and formal.
The introduction of the Apostle John'^s Gospel is one of the
passages in the New Testament which necessarily engages the
critical attention of the Author. By all the most eminent com-
mentators of ancient and modern times, the verses which it
includes, have been regarded as conveying in very decisive terms
the doctrine of Our Lord's preexistent divinity. In his ninth
Dissertation, Mr. Gurney discusses the import of the expressions
in the third verse : " All things were made by him, and without
him was not any thing made that was made.*" We are sometimes
told, in respect to particular interpretations of biblical terms, that
no unprejudiced inquirer would deduce them from the passages
in which they occur. May we not ask, whether any unbiassed
reader could ever conclude the meaning of this verse to be.
Gurney^B Biblical Dissertations. 173
* All things in the Christian dispensation were done by Christ,
* i. e. by his authority, and according to his direction ; and in the
* ministry committed to his apostles, nothing has been done
^ without his warrant ?** This is the explanation given by the
Editors of the * Improved Version,' who render : ' All things
* were done by him ; and without him was not any thing done
' that hath been done.' In support of this rendering, we are re-
ferred in their note, to John xv. 4, 5, where we are certainly
unable to find any confirmation of it. " Severed from me, ye
can do nothing,'' are words which assuredly bear no relation to
Christ's warrant or authority as establishing the Christian dis-
pensation. They occur in his discourse respecting himself as the
Tine, and his disciples as the branches, and are entirely practical,
referring to the faith and obedience of his followers. In the verse
under notice, the common exposition is undoubtedly the true one.
In Genesis i. 3, eyeveTo ^^^, in the Septuagint version, is * light
* was produced,' and so itavxa — gyfivero, in John i. 3, is to be ex-
plained of the origin of things. In Mr. Gurney's Dissertation,
the generally received reading of the passage is vindicated, but
we cannot, in every instance, entirely approve of the mode by
which he reaches his conclusion.
* The title Word, which is here applied to Our Saviour, carries with
it an especial allusion to this very doctrine — that by him, God created
all things. That God created by his word, is a truth declared in the
Hebrew Scriptures ; in the Apocrypha ; and as appears from the pre-
ceding note, in the Jewish Targums.'
The passages of the Bible, to which IVIr. Gumey refers, are.
Gen. i. 3 ; Ps. xxxiii, 6. We do not see the propriety of the re-
ference, in connexion with the subject of his remarks. No
coincidence or agreement of expression appears between the term
Word, >^oyoi^ as used by John, and the phrase, * God said,' in
Gen. i. 3. In Psalm xxxiii. 6, ^' By the word of the Lord,
* T« xoV« roif Ku^louj were the heavens made, and all the host of
' them by the breath of his mouth," there is nothing in accordance
with the term used by the Evangelist. In the Apocryphal book
of Wisdom ix. 1, the passage to which Mr. Gurney's reference
directs us, we have o 'jrotria-a^ rd Trdvra h T^oyco aod^ * who hast
* made all things by thy word.' But in these passages, >.iyoi does
not signify person ; nor, as the term is used by the Evangelist to
denote a personal subsistence, can his use of it receive any illus-
tration from such references as the preceding. There is more
than verbal obscurity in such a sentence as the following, p. 153.
* From Gen. i., 3, 6, &c., we find that, in this " beginning," God
* repeatedly expressed his will and spake the word ; and accord-
* ingly, we learn from John, that *•" In the beginning, was the
* the Wordy and the Word was with Godr ' Speech is attributed
174 Gurney'*8 Biblical DissertatioM*
to the Omnipotent Creator, more humano, as commanding the
world, and the things successively described as being formed, into
existence, — 'He spake, and it was done;^ but John cannot be
understood as alluding, in the opening of his gospel, to the
creative command, the almighty Jiat,
Mr. Gumey'^s criticisms on the important topics of his Notes
and Illustrations, are copious and elaborate, and abundantly shew
that there is no penury of evidence to support the evangelical
doctrines which he so ably vindicates. Our strictures on the ob-
jectionable passages which we have noticed, seemed to us ne-
cessary, in order to relieve a solid argument from the unnecessaiy
assumptions with which he has encumbered it. The length to
which our animadversions have extended, forbid our adverting to
the critical reasonings which meet our approval. From the con-
clusion of the work, which is entirely practical, and conveys in a
very serious and impressive manner, the thoughts of the highly
reqiectable Author on the importance of the doctrine maintained
by him, we extract the following paragraphs*
' — A belief of the deity of Christ is not only inseparably connected
with the Christian's experience, but is essential to the general main"
tenance of his creed. That this is true, however, is still more clearly
proved by the notorious fact, that a denial of that doctrine is ever ac-
companied by a corresponding degeneracy of religious sentiment, in
relation to other important particulars in the system of Christianity.
' Those who allow that God was manifest in the flesh — that the
ONLY BEGOTTEN SON was clothcd with humanity, and died on the
cross to save us— are naturally impressed with the malignity of sin and
with the weight of its eternal consequences, which cafled for suck a
surrender, for such a sacrifice. But to the unbeliever in the deity of
the Son of God, sin is no longer a mortal offence against a Beingof
perfect holiness. It assumes the softer name of " moral evil." The
existence of it is ascribed to the Creator himself, and in connection
with its punishment, it is even regarded as forming one part of a pro-
vidential chain, which is destined to terminate in the happiness of the
sinner. Satan is transformed, from the father of lies, a murderer from
the beginning, the deceiver, accuser, and destroyer of men — into a
harmless metaphor — a mere figure of poetry. Hell, of course, is
robbed of its deepest terrors, and is treated of, not as a place of eternal
punishment, but as one of temporary and corrective suffering — a pur-
gatory provided in mercy, rather than ordained in judgment.
' With these unscriptural views of sin, it author, its origin, and its
effects, is inseparably connected a partial and inadequate estimate of
the hw of righteousness, which sinks down from the high and consistent
level, maintained in Scripture, of universal godliness; and while it
still borrows something; from Christianity* gradually assumes the shape
of a worldly, though plausible, moral philosophy.
' Since man is no longer regarded as a fallen and lost creature, prone
to iniquity, and corrupt at core, but as a being essentially virtuous, it
is plain that he can no longer be considered as standing in need of R#-
Guraey'^B Biblical Diasertatians. 175
demption. That word may indeed^ in some metaphorical seose, find
its way into the creed of those persons who rdect the deity of Jesus
Christ. But the doctrine oi pardon through jailh in his blood is dis-
missed as unnecessary and absurd ; unnecessary , because wc are not
under the curse of the law; absurd, because it is inconceivable that a
mere man« '' weak and peccable like ourselves '*, could possibly atone
for the sins of the world.
* In like manner, the doctrine of a spiritual influence, freely bestow-
ed by a glorified Saviour for our conversion and sanctifi cation, is dis-
carded as untenable. On the one hand, such an influence is no
longer required ; on the othc^, the greatest of merely human prophets
can have no power to bestow it. Since, indeed, the divine character
and inward operation of the Holy Ghost, are intimately connected, in
the system of revealed truth, with the deity and atonement of Christ,
it naturally follows that the latter doctrines cannot be forsaken, without
the surrender of the former. In point of fact, they usually disappear
at the same time, or in rapid succession, from the creed of the sceptic.
* Lastly, since the Bible has explicitly declared the several doctrines,
to which we have alluded, its plain declarations (in order to meet these
novel views) must now be interpreted, as harsh, unnatural metaphors
—as strained, oriental figures. Hence its authority is gradually
weakened, and although perhaps it is still allowed to contain much
true history and some divine doctrine, it descends from its lofty station
of a volume truly " given by inspiration of God." No longer are its
contents food for daily, pious meditation; no longer is it the test by
the simple application of which, all questions in religion must be tried
and determined. On the whole, revelation is marred, and religion be-
comes a wreck. Man is left to the perilous guidance of his own per-
verted reason, and must steer his course through the ocean of life,
without the true rudder,
* It may perhaps be objected that the degeneracy of religious senti-
ment, to which we have now adverted, attaches cniefly to the lowest
grade of faith in relation to the person of Christ ; and this is certainly
true. Nevertheless it is, I believe, in various degrees, the inevitable
accompaniment of every system which does not include the doctrine
of his deity ; and the lower we fall in our estimate of Him, the greater
and more conspicuous this degenercay becomes. The lines which
separate the different classes of persons, who reject the deity of Christ,
are of a finite breadth and easily passable. The broad, impassable dis-
tinction— ^the infinite difference of opinion — lies between those who
confess their Saviour to be God, and all who regard him only as a
creature.' pp. 468 — 471 .
The volume affords abundant marks of extensive reading and
accomplished scholarship ; but it is as a practical and devotional
writer that Mr. Gumey will, probably, be most useful and most
deservedly honoured.
( 17« )
Art. VI. Principles of Church Reform, By Thomas Arnold, D.D.,
Head Master of Rugby School, and late Fellow of Oriel College,
Oxford. 8vo. pp. 88. London, 1833.
T7R0M a crowd of publications upon this fertile topic, of
which a list will be found in another part of our Number, we
have selected this very able pamphlet, — ^not with the intention of
making it the text of any lengthened remarks, but for the simple
purpose of strongly recommending it to the attention of our
readers. We do not mean to intimate that we agree with Dr.
Arnold as to either all his principles or his scheme of compre-
hension. We greatly fear that the time for such irenical mea-
sures is gone by, and that the temper of all parties would be
fiercely opposed to the very mention of any plan of the kind.
Upon some future occasion, we may, perhaps, enter the lists with
the present Writer respecting those points upon which he assails the
Dissenters. We are nevertheless so much delighted to meet
with an antagonist of his comprehensive mind, independent and
patriotic views, and catholic spirit, that we cannot withhold our
approbation of his object and purpose, although we may deem
his plan chimerical and his principles vulnerable. The following
remarks, we are confident, must gratify our readers.
' Whoever is acquainted with Christianity, must see that differences
of opinion among Christians arc absolutely unavoidable. First, because
our religion being a thing of the deepest personal interest, we are
keenly alive to all the great questions connected with it, which was
not tlie case with hcuthenisni. Secondly, these questions are exceed-
ingly numerous, inasmuch as our religion affects our whole moral being,
and must involve, therefore, a great variety of metaphysical, moral,
and political points ; — that is to say^ those very points which, lying out
of the reach of demonstrative science, are, through the constitution of
man*s nature, peculiarly apt to be regarded by different minds dif-
ferently* And thirdly, although all Christians allow the Scriptures
to be of decisive authority, whenever their judgement is pronounced
on anv given case, yet the peculiar form of these Scriptures, which in
the ^ew Testament is rather that of a commentary than of a text; —
the critical difficulties attending their interpretation, and the still
greater difficulty as to their application ; — it being a constant question
whether such and such rules, and still more whether such and such
recorded facts or practices, were meant to be universally binding ;—
and it being a farther question, amidst the infinite variety of human
affairs, whether anv case, differing more or less in its circumstances,
properly comes under the scope of any given Scripture rule ; — all these
things prevent the Scriptures from being in practice decisive on con-
troverted points, because the contending parties, while alike acknow-
ledging the judge's authority, persist in putting a different construction
upon the words of his sentence.
' Aware of this state of things, and aware also with characteristic
Ckftrch Sejbrm. 177"^
wMiudi, of tli« deadly e?il 9i velij^oiis dmsioni, the Rmkn Catholi
CitiMil flsoribed to the soveieigit power ia the Christian society ia
^f9^ SQOoessiTe age^ an vniailible tpirit of truths whereby the real
neaoing of any disputed passage of Scriptare might be certainly and
aiithorftatively dedared ; and if the Scripture were silent, then the
1Mf»g rwse of the Church might supply its place, — and being guided
by that same Spirit which had inspired the written Word, might pro-
■aoBoe upoki any new point of controversy with a decision of no less
aHihoHty-
* With the same riew of prerenting divisions, the unity of the
CSiafch was mahxtained, in a sense perfectly intelligible and ooi>«
sistent. Christians, wherever they lived, belonged literally to one and
the same society, — they were subject to the same laws and to the same
government. National and political distinctions were wholly lost
8%lit of; the vicar of Christ and his general council knew nothing of
£agland or of fVance, of Germany or of Spain ; they made laws for
ChrUiendiom — a mi^ificent word, and well expressing those high aad
eonalatent notion^ w unity, on which the Church of Rome based its
aystem. One government, one law, one faith, kept frte from doabt
and error by the support c^ an infallible authority — the theory was is
f&t(ktt harmony with itself, and most imposing from its beauty and
apparent usefulness ; but it began with assuming a falsehood, and its
intended conclnsion was an impossibility.
' It IB Mae that there exists in the Church any power or office en«
dowed with the gift of infallible wisdom ; and therefore it is impose
dble to prevent diflerences of opinion. But the claim to infallibility
was not only false but mischievous ; because it encouraged the notion
Aat these differences were to be condemned and prevented, and thus
hindered men from learning the truer and better lesson, how to make
them perfectly compatible with Christian union. Doubtless it were a
fin* happier state of things if men did not differ from each other at all ;
-^Imt this may be wished for only ; it is a serious folly to expect it.
Far 80, while grieving over an inevitable evil, we heap on it i^erava*
tiona of our own making, which are fEir worse than the original mis->
diief. Difl^noes of opinion will exist, but it is our fault that they
sfaoold have been considered equivalent to differences of principle, and
made a reason for separation and hostility.
' Our fathers rigtitly appreciated the value of church unity ; but
they strangely mistook the means of preserving it. Their system con-
sisted in drawing up a statement of what they deemed important
truths, and in appointing a form of worship and a ceremonial which
they believed to be at once dignified and edifying ; and when they
proposed to oblige every man, by the dread of legal penalties or dis«
qnalifications, to subscribe to their opinions and to conform to their
rites and practices. But they forgot that while requiring this agree-
ment, they had themselves disclaimed, what alone could justify them
in enforcing it — the possession of infallibility. They had parted with
the weapon which would have served them most effectually, and
strange were the expedients resorted to for supplying its place. At
line tnne it was the Apostle's Creed ; at another, the decrees of th^
faar first general eooncils ; or, at another, the general consent of the
voir. IX.— N,S. X
178 Chutch Reform.,
primitiae Churchy which fbnned an anthoritatiTe ttandaid of tfoeh
truths as might not be questioned without heremr* . But though the
elephant might still rest upon the tortoise, and the tortmse on the
stone, yet since the claim to in&llibilitj was once abandoned, the stcwe
itself rested on nothing. The four first councils were appealed to as
sanctioning their interpretation of Scripture by men who yet confessed
that the decisions of these councils were only of ^^roe, because th^
were agreeable to the Scripture. Turn which ever way they would,
they sought in vain for an avthority in religious controversies ; infalli-
bility being nowhere to be found, it was merely opinion against opi«
nion ; and however convinced either party might be of the truth of its
own views^ they had no right to judge their opponents.
' With regard to the ceremonies and practices of the Church, a dif-
ferent ground was taken. It is curious to observe the contradictory
positions in which the two parties were placed : — the Church of Eng-
land enforcing a tyranny upon principles in themselves most liberal
and most true ; — the Dissenters accidentally advocating the cause of
liberty, while their principles were those of the most narrow-minded
fiinaticism. One feels ashamed to think that the great truths so clearly
and so eloquently established by Hooker, in the earlier books of his
Ecclesiastical Polity, should have served in practice the petty tyranny
of Laud and Whitgift, or the utterly selfish and worldly policy of Eli-
zabeth. The Church of England maintained most truly, that rites
and ceremonies, being things indifferent in themselves, might be alter-
ed according to the difference of times and countries, and that the re-
gulation of such matters was left wholly to the national Church. But
inasmuch as the government of the national Church was a mere des-
potism— the crown having virtually transferred to itself the authority
formerly exercised by the Popes— its appointments were made with an
imperious stiffness, which was the more offensive from the confessed
indifferent nature of the matters in question ; and while one ritual
was inflexibly imposed upon the whole community, in direct opposi-
tion to the feelings of many of its members, and too simple and unat-
tractive to engage the sympathies of the multitude, this fond attempt
to arrive at uniformity, inflicted a deadly blow, according to Lord
Falkland's most true observation on the real blessing of Christian
union.' pp. 15 — 21.
After a rapid sketch of the intervening period. Dr. Arnold
thus adverts to the present aspect of parties*
' But the population outgrew the efforts both of the Church and of
the Dissenters ; and multitudes of persons existed in the country, who
could not properly be said to belong to either. These were, of course,
the most ignorant and degraded portion of the whole community, — a
body whose influence is always for evil of some sort, but not always
for evil of the same sort, — which is first the brute abettor and encou-
rager of abuses, and afterwards their equally brute destroyer. For
many years, the populace hated the Dissenters for the stnctness of
their lives, and because they had departed from the institutions of
their country ; for ignorance, before it is irritated by physical distress,
Noticed. 179
and thoroughly imbued with the excitement of political agitation, is
blindly averse to 'all change, and looks upon reform Us a trouble and a
disturbance. Thus, the populace in Spain and in Naples have shown
themselves decided enemies to the constitutional party ; and thus the
mob at Birmingham, so late as the year 1791, plundered and burnt
Louses to the cry of " Church and King," and threatened to roast Dr.
Priestley alive, as a heretic. But there is a time, and it is one
fraught with revolutions, when this tide of ienorance suddenly turns,
and runs in the opposite direction with equal violence. Distress and
continued aeitation produce this change ; but its peculiar danger arises
from this, that its causes operate for a long time without any apparent
effect, and we observe their seeming inefficiency till we think that
there is nothing to fear from them ; when suddenly the ground falls
in under our feet, and we find that their work, though slow, had been
done but too surely. And this is now the case with the populace of
England. From cheering for Church and King, they are now come
to cry for no bishops, no tithes, and no rates ; from persecuting the
Dissenters, because they had separated from the Church, they are now
eagerly joining with them for that very same reason ; while the Dis-
senters, on their part, readily welcome tnese new auxiliaries, and reckon
on their aid for effecting the complete destruction of their old enemy.'
pp. 26, 27.
This is not, perhaps, quite a coTrect statement, as regards the
whole body ; but we must defer all observations till another op-
portunity.
NOTICES.
Art. VII. The Annual Biography and Obituary. 1833. Vol. XVII.
8vo. pp. 476. London. 1^33.
This publication is very respectably maintained ; and the last year has
been remarkable for the number of eminent men whom it has carried
off. The principal memoirs in the present volume are, the poet Crabbe;
Sir William Grant; Bishop Huntingford ; Dr. Adam Clarke; Sir James
Mackintosh; {see our Jirst article in the present Number;) Muzio
Clementi ; Sir Walter Scott ; Charles Butler, Esq. ; Bishop Turner ;
Anna Maria Porter ; and Jeremy Bentham. The last article is fur-
nished by a zealous disciple and admirer. Of course, in a compilation
like the present, the reader will not look for any thing so rare and
valuable as impartial or elaborate biography. Facts, not opinions, are
all that it should be attempted to supply.
x2
180 Notices.
4
Art Vm. Tke Religimqf Tatte, t Ptotm. Bf OtaAm WBan. Re^
printed from the Amencan EdkioR of his Lkeraiy RenudM; Iflhn*
pp. 56. London. 1832.
Tb9 Author of this 'Foem wm s imtire of N^^qsortr in New Hamp-
shire, asd was bom of respeetable parents in 17M. In his thirtieth
year, he was ordained as the pastor of a chnrdi SA Hortibr^ ; bot in
about 8 year and a half, he was compelled by ill health to roiSgn his
eharge; and after lingering for some time, he expired May 89, 1887-
His object in this Poem was, to warn persons €^ the ssime ardent and
poetic temperament as himself, that the vital Riirit of Christianity is
something more than a susceptibility of natnrai and moral beauty,—
something more than ' the religion of taste.' Of the genius displayed
by this American Poet, the fbllowiag stamsas will eni»le our reaoers
to judge.
'xxrir.
' To love the beautiful is not to hate
The holy, nor to wander from the true ;
Else why in Eden did its Lord create
Each green and shapely tree to please the view ?
Why not enongh that there the fruitful grew ?
But wherefore think it virtue pure and meat
To fSeast the eye with shape and bloom and hue ?
Or wherefore think it holier than the zest
With which the purple grape by panting lips is prest.
' XXVIII.
' The rose delights with colour and with form.
Nor less with fragrance ; but to love the flower
For either, or for all, is not to warm
The bosom with the thought of that high Power,
Who gathered all into its blooming hour :
As well might love of gold be love to Him,
Who on the mountain poured its pristine shower.
And buried it in currents deep and dim.
Or spread it in bright drops along the river's brim.
'XXIX.
' Yet Taste and Virtue are not bom to atrife ;
'Tis when the earthly would the heavenly scorn.
Nor merely spread with flowers, her path to life^
But woula supplant when bound to cheer and warn.
Or at the touch of every wounding thorn
Would tempt her from that path, or bid her trust
No truth too high for fiincy to adorn.
And turn from all too humble with disgust ;
'Tis then she wakes a war, when in her pride unjust.
Notices, 181
* XXX.
' But oft in Taste when mindful of her birtb.
Celestial Virtue owns a mortal friend,
A fit interpreter of scenes of earth.
And one delighting thought with hers to blend
Amid their loveliness, and prompt to lend
The light and charm of her own smile to all ; —
Thus when to heaven our best affections tend.
Taste helps the spirit upward at the call
Of Faith and echoing Hope, or scorns to work its fall,
' XXXI.
* The path we love, — to that all things allure ;
We give them power malignant or benign ;
Yes, to the pure in heart all things are pure ;
And to the bright in fancy, all things shine ;
All frown on those that in deep sorrow pine.
Smile on the cheerful, lead the wise abroad
O'er Nature's realm in search of laws divine ;
All draw the earthly down to their vile clod ;
And all unite to lift the heavenly to their God.
' XXXII.
' The universe is calm to faith serene ;
And all with glory shines to her bright eye ;
The mount of Sion, crowned with living green
By all the beams and dews of its pure sky,
She sees o'er clouds and tempests rising high
From its one fountain pouring streams that bear
Fresh life and beauty, ne'er to fade and die.
But make the blasted earth an aspect wear,
Like that of its blest prime, divinely rich and fair/
VOL. IX. — N.».
( 182 )
Art. IX. CORRESPONDENCE.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ECLECTIC REVIEW.
8IR,
Were it not that the concluding part of jour observations on the
Letter which yon did me the fevour to print in the last Number of
your Journal^ may lead your readers to infer that I evaded giving an
opinion as to the validity of one of the authorities quoted from
Mr. Hanbury (Eel. Rev. Oct. 1832, p. 293,) I should not so soon
have again trespassed on your time and patience. To obviate such an
inference, therefore, you will, perhaps, allow me to observe, that I
omitted to notice that authority merely because I conceived it to be
entirely set aside by what I had already written. In the absence of
all original documents, the writer in the Christian Remembrancer
aflirms, that '<it is certain that the disputed Clause of the XXth
Article of the Church of England was never composed by, nor ex-
hibited in manuscript to, the Convocation ". Archbishop Laud, on the
contrary, appeals to the then existing manuscripi Records of Convoca*
iion as containing the Clause, and his appeal is left uncontradicted by
persons who had the power, and the will, to controvert that appeal if
contradiction bad been possible. The only question then which re-
mains is this : Is the assertion that '' none ever ventured to impugn "
Laud's appeal to the Records, '' unsupported " by history ? The facts
of the case, so far as my information extends, are briefly these:
Dr. Laud is charged in 1637 with having illegally made alterations in
certain Formularies sanctioned by Acts of Parliament: — among other
alterations specifically charged upon him was the interpolation of a
Clause in the XXth Article. — ^Laud had " the impndency " (as Prynne
has it) to justify such alterations as he admitted to have been made,
but denied that any addition whatever had been introduced into the
XXth Article ; maintaining, on the contrary, that the Clause which
he had been accused of forging, was to be found in the original Records
of Convocation, and producing at the same time '' an attested Copy *'
of that Clause extracted from those Records. At this point, however,
it is argued, that "the controversy was cut short, not by evidence, but
by authority." Let us enquire, tnen, how far this " assertion " is sup-
ported by fact. Admitting that the controversy ^vas terminated by
authority in 1637^ yet, in March, 1644, the House of Commons
ordered that " Master Prynne hath power to view, and send for.
Writings, Papers, Orders, and Records, and to take copies thereof as
he sees cause ; " and this for the very purpose, among other things, of
carrying on the controversy in question. The consequence was, that,
in the course of Laud*s impeachment, those " publike Records of the
Church" which he is said to have altered, are again specifically pointed
out ; — his Speech in the Star-Cham ber in defence of those alterations
is expressly recited ;— but tlie charge of having interpolated a Clause
in the XXth Article is never once alluded to. But of how much
consequence it would have been to set aside the Archbishop's
appeal to the Records of Convocation, will at once occur to your readers
Correspondence* 188
when they consider that such a result would have afforded additional
matter of grave accusation against Laud in that it would have fastened
upon him the wickedness of having produced in the Star-Chamber a
forged Instrument which professed to be an " attested Copy " of a
Clause that did not in fact exist. On the other hand, to pass the
matter over in silence, as the Archbishop's accusers did, was, in my
apprehension, tacitly to admit that the Instrument exhibited by him
in the Star-Chamber was a true Copy of a Clause actually to be found
in the Records of the Convocation. 1 am the more disposed, also, to
adhere to this conclusion, because it is matter of notoriety that Prynne,
to whom the task of collecting evidence against Laud was entrusted,
was, (with all his defects of character,) too acute a man to have omitted
to bring forward so grave a charge against the accused as that above-
mentioned, provided there had been ground for it ; and too honest a
man to repeat the charge of Laud's having interpolated an Article of
Religion, if he found by reference to documents that such a charge
was destitute of foundation.
Whether or not Laud, in his defence in the Star Chamber, actually
** produced '* any early editions of the Articles, may not appear ; but
I do not find that those who afterwards examined his library ever
taxed him with referring to editions which he did not possess. He
doubtless might have produced such early editions of the Articles if
it had been necessary, for there are now existing a Latin edition, 1563^
printed by Wolfe ; one, if not two, English editions, printed by Jugg
and Cawood, J551; what is considered, the Authentic Edition in
English, 1571« by the last named printers; besides other editions of
later date, — all containing the disputed clause. An enumeration of
the earlier editions may, I believe, be seen in the Preface to Bennett's
Historical Essay on the Articles.
With regard to the Note in Archdeacon Blackburn's Confessional, to
which yon refer, I am quite willing to leave your readers to decide be-
tween the considerations which I have submitted to your notice, and any
inference which the Archdeacon may have been able to deduce against
the authenticity of the disputed clause, from ]\Ir. Hale's Letter to Dr.
Land. The only remark, therefore, I think it necessary to make
on that note is, that the whole question depends not on what is found
in any Latin edition of the Articles, but on what is read in that
English edition referred to by the Act 13M of Elizabeth, under the
title of '' A booke imprinted," &c. The Records of the Convocation
from which that edition was printed having been destroyed, the au-
thenticity of the disputed clause in the Twentieth Article may ever
remain among the qucestiones vexatce of literature ; yet, it seems to
me, that there is sufficient evidence in its favour to induce any scholar
to hesitate before he authoritatively pronounces that clause to be a
"forgery."
It now only remains for me to apologize for having inflicted such a
lengthy communication upon you, but my excuse must be the pleasure
one cannot but feel in discussing any subject with an impartial oppo-
nent. I can also, in much sincerity, assure you, that in these days of
ignorant prejudice and evil passion, it is no small satisfaction to corre-
spond with a Journalist, whose honourable distinction is, that, in any
Y 2
184 Literary Intelligence.
opposition be may feel it necessary to manifest towards the Church of
England, his aim is to found that opposition on argument^ and not on
clamour.
Dec. 22^ 1832. One of youb Readers.
The above letter was received too late for insertion in our last
Number. We have deemed it but fair to our courteous and well-
informed Correspondent, to allow him the benefit of replying to our
remarks ; but here, our readers will probably think, the subject ought
to drop. We will simply suggest, that, even although the charge
which would fix the forgery upon Laud, may have been unsus-
ceptible of proof, or without foundation, this circumstance would
not prove that the clause was not originally an unauthorized in-
terpolation. I^aud"'s own admission, that in 1571* (the very year
when the Articles were first confirmed by 13 Eliz. cap. 12,) the
Articles were printed, both in Latin and English, without the
clause, which he imputes to ^ the malicious cunning of that oppo-
* site faction \ who 'governed businesses in 1571» and rid the
* Church almost at their pleasure**, — we must still consider as
fatal to the authority of the clause. We say nothing here as to
the wisdom of retaining it.
Art. X. LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.
In the press, a Historical Sketch of the Baptist Denomination ;
prosenting a view of its rise, progress, and present state, in all rarts of
the world ; to which is added, nn Alphabetical List of Baptist
Churches in England^ with dates of their formation, and names of
Pastors. By Charles Thompson. In one small volume.
In the press, Notre Dame, a tale of the ancien Regime, from the
French of Victor Hugo. By the translator of Wilson's Edition of
" Lafayette."
In the press, to be ready on the 1st of March, Bagster's Improved
Edition of Cruden's Concordance of the New Testament (being one
of the " Polymicrian Series.")
This English Concordance may be united with Mr. Greenfield's
editiod of Schmidt's Greek Concordance (one of the Pofymicrian Se-
ries), thereby, in one small volume will be found together the most
complete Concordance extant of the Greek, and of the English New
Testament.
Nearly ready for publication. The Leed's Sunday School Union
Hynm Bfiok, containing an entirely new Selection of 400 appropriate
Hymns, each having been diligently compared with its most authentic
copy, for the purpose of restoring that original beauty of which too
many have been shorn by the frequent alterations of successive com-
pilers. Several Hymns nave been composed expressly for the work,
And a collection for Teacher's Meetings has been appended, which the
^itor hopes will be acceptable to " The Brethren. '
Literary Intelligence. 185
A reprint of Professor Stuart's Commentary on the Romans^ will
very shortly be ready, printed at the especial request of the Professor,
under the superintendence of the Rev. Dr. J. Pye Smith, and the Rev.
Dr. Henderson.
Preparing for publication, in royal d2mo. handsomely printed upon
fine paper, hotpressed, and bound in rich watered silk, with gilt edges.
The Adieu ! A Farewell Token to a Christian Friend, consisting of
entirely Original Pieces, in Prose and Verse. By the Author of
" Gideon," *' The Lady at the Farm House," " My Early Years,"
&c., and other Popular Writers.
Preparing for publication. The Naturalist's Library. Conducted by
Sir William Jardine, Bart. F.R.S.E. F.L.S. &c. * Illustrated with
numerous coloured plates, engraved by W. H. Lizars, fcap. 8vo. The
subjects for the Volumes which are now in preparation are: — Vol. ]•
Natural History of Monkeys. — 2. The feline Race, or Animals of the
Cat kind. — 3. I'he Dog.— 4. Sheep and Goats — 5. Deer.— 6. Eagles
and Hawks. — 7» Humming Birds. — 8. Creepers.— 9. Gallinaceous
Birds. — 10. Partridges and Grouse. — 11. Cetacea, or Whales. — 12.
The Salmon. — 13. Coleopterous Insects, or Beetles. — 14. Bees, &c.
In the press, Philosophical Conversations ; in which are familiarly
explained the Effects and Causes of many Daily Occurrences in Na-
tural Phenomena. By F. C. Bakewell. J2mo.
Nearly ready. The Angushire Album ; a Selection of Pieces, in
Prose and Verse. By Gentlemen in Angushire.
The two following works are announced as the forthcoming volumes
of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library: — 1. Life of Sir Walter Raleigh,
founded on Authentic and Orij^inal Documents, some of them never
before published : including a View of the most Important Transactions
in the reigns of Elizabeth and James I. ; Sketches of Burleigh, Essex,
Secretary Cecil, Sidney, Spenser, and other eminent Contemporaries :
with a Vindication of his character from the attacks of Hume and
other writers. By Patrick Eraser Tytler, Esq., F.R.S. & F.S.A.
With Portraits, &c. by Horsburgh and Jackson. 2. Nubia and
Abyssinia; comprehending their Civil History, Antiquities, Arts, Re-
ligion, Literature, and Natural History. By the Rev. M. Russell,
LL.D.; James Wilson, Esq., F.R.S.E. & M.W.S.; and R. K.
GreviUe, L.L.D. Illustrated by a Map and 12 Engravings.
Preparing for publication, a brief Memoir of the Pastor NefF, com-
prising information obtained from some of NefF's particular friends,
respecting the change in his religious sentiments, and other interesting
details. By the Author of the Memoir which appeared in the Con-
gregational Magazine.
Shortly will be published, " Johannice," a Poem in Two Cantos ;
Monody on Lord Byron ; and other Poems. By the Rev. John Dryden
Pigott, Jun., B.A., of Christ Church, Oxford, and Chaplain to the
Most Noble the Marquis of Tweedale.
186 Literary InielUgence.
Ready for the press^ The Supreme Divinity of Christ, in connexion
with His Human Nature, considered as the Basis of His Mediatorial
Character. By B. Quaife, Author of '^ A Memento for the Afflicted."
Mr. Murray is preparing for publication, a new Monthly Work, il-
lustrative of the pages of Holy Writ, consisting of Views of the most
remarkable Places mentioned in the Bible. It will appear in the month
of February, and will be called '' Landscape Illustrations of the Old
and New Testaments." The Drawings, by J. M. W. Turner, R. A., and
A. W. Callcott, R.A., are copied from original and aulhenlic Sketches
taken on the spot by Artists and Travellers ; the utmost regard being
paid to the fidelity of the views. The Plates will be engraved by Wil-
liam and Edward Finden, and other eminent Artists under their su-
perintendence. A detailed Prospectus and a Specimen Plate will be
issued immediately.
A New Edition of Wilbur's Reference Testament, with References
and a Key of Questions, Maps, &c. &c,, is nearly ready.
A New Edition of Prideaux's Directions to Church wardens^ with
considerable Additions by Robert Philip Tyrwhitt^ Esq., Barrister-at-
Law, is nearly ready.
In the Press, and spcedilv will be published, in one small volume,
12mo, Questions, Critical, t'hilological, and Exegetical, formed on the
Annotations to Dr. Bloomiield's Edition of the Greek Testament. —
The work has been drawn up at the desire of some eminent Prelates,
and other considerable ]>ersons of the Church and the Universities, by
Dr. B. himself, and has been framed with especial reference to the
Examinations at the Universities, and those for Holy Orders ; though
it is, at the same time, so formed as to be highly serviceable to all
Theological readers.
In the Press, and speedily will be published, in 1 VoL 8vo., a His-
tory of Croydon. By Steinman Steinman, Esq., Architect.
Dr. Boott is preparing for publication, in two Octavo Volumes, a
Memoir of the Life and Medical Opinions of Dr. Armstrong, late
Physician of the Fever Institution of London, and Author of'' Practical
Illustrations of Typhus and Scarlet Fever "; to which will be added,
an Inquiry into the Facts connected with those Forms of Fever
attributed to Malaria and Marsh Effluvium.
( 187 )
Art. XI. WORKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED.
BIOORAPHr.
John Milton ; bis Life and Times, Re-
ligious and Political Opinions ; with Anim-
adversions upi)n Dr. Johnson's Life of
Milton. By Joseph Iviraey. 8vo. With
a Portrait. IO5.
Memorials of the Professional Life and
Timet of Sir William Penn, Knight. Ad-
miral and General of the Fleet during the
Interregnum, Admiral and Commissioner
of the Admiralty and Navy aAer the Re-
storation. From 1644 to 1670. By Gran-
rille Penn, Esq. 2 Vols. 8vo. With
Plates. 1/. 16«.
The Remains of William Phelan, D.D.;
with a Biographical Memoir. By John,
Bishop of LJmerick, Ardfert, and Aghadoe.
2 Vols. 8vo. 1/. Is.
Lives, Characters, and an Address to
Posterity. By Gilbert Burnet, D.D., Lord
Bishop of Sarum. Edited, with an Intro-
duction and Notes, by John Jebb, D.D.,
F.R.S., Bishop of Limerick, Ardfert, and
Aghadoe. 8vo. lOs, 6d.
HISTORY.
History of Spain and Portugal. From
Dr. Lardner^s Cabinet Cyclopaedia. 5 Vols,
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THE
ECLECTIC REVIEW,
For march, 1883.
Alt. I. 1. The Works of Robert Hall, AM. With a brief Memoir
of hi8 Life^ by Dr. Gr^ory, and Observations on his Character as
a Preacher^ by John Foster. Published under the Stiperiiitendenoe
of Obnthns Gregory, LL.D. F.R.A.S., Professor of Mathematics
in the Royal Mflitary Academy. Vol. VI. Memoir, Obwryationa*
&C. Semions. Index. 8va. pp. 191, 488. Price 16#. London^
1838.
2. Quarterlif Reviefv. No. XCV. Art. The JVorks of the lale Revert
HaO.
a The Ckrutian Observer. Feb. 1833. Ait. The Life and WrUings
qf Robert HaU.
"l^^E have, in former Numbers *^ attempted a ^neral review of
Mr. Hallos vritings, and a portrait of his mteUectual cli»-
ncter. The biognq>hical portion o£ the present volume will
lead ufl to contemplate his personal character^ and the distinctive
features of his pul]Ht eloquence. We shall at the same time take
the fireedom d adverting to two articles which have appeared in
oontemp<»ary journals, containing strictures upon Mr. Hallos
diaracter and writings, in whidi admiration of his transcendent
talaita ia blended with some portion of misapprehensicNfi and party
feeling.
Tbe^ lamented death of Sir James Mackintosh has deprived us
of some interesting recollections of Mr. Hallos college life and
years, and of a philosophical estimate and delineation of
hia literary attainments and intellectual powers, such as Sir James
wa0, of all men who knew him, the best qualified to supply.
But we cannot regret that the biographer's office has devolved
• Eel. Rev. March, 1832— Art. I. May, 1832.— Art. 1 1. (Vol.
VII. Third Series.)
VOL. IX. N.S. Z
190 Life of Robert HalL
upcn one whose confidential intercourse with Mr. Hall in later
life, and entire harmony of religious sentiment with the subject
of his memoir, better fitted him, in other respects, to do justice
to the moral and religious features of his cnaracter. Of Dr.
Gregory's very able and interesting memoir, occupying 115
closely printed pages, we shall attempt a brief abstract.
Robert Hall was born at Amsby near Leicester, on the 2d of
May, 1764. His excellent father was the Baptist minister of that
village, and his name is well known as the Author of a valuable
little work entitled, " Helps to Zion'^s Travellers," which has
passed through several editions, and sufficiently attests his correct
judgement and solid piety. He died in the year 1791. Robert,
though named after his father, was the youngest of fourteen
children ; and while an infant, he was so delicate and feeble, that
it was not expected he would reach maturity. Until he was two
years of age, he could neither walk nor talk ; and he was taught
to speak and to spell at the same time, by an intelligent nurse,
who, observing that his attention was attracted to the inscriptions
on the grave-stones of a burial ground adjacent to his father^s
house, adopted this singular expedient of tuition. No sooner
was his tongue thus loosed, than his advance was marked. He
became a rapid talker and an incessant questioner ; and under the
village dame, his thirst for knowledge soon manifested itself in
his passion for books. In the summer season, after school hours
were over, he would put his richly prized library (including an
Entick^s Dictionary) into his pinafore, and steal into his first
school- room, the burial-ground, where, extended on the grass
with his books spread around him, he would remain till the shades
of evening compelled him to retire into the house. To this
practice, we may trace with too great probability, the origin of
that disease which rendered his wnole life a conflict with physical
suffering. ^Hien only six years of age, he was placed as a day
scholar under the charge of a Mr. Simmons, who resided four
miles from Amsby ; and at first he walked to school' in the
rooming, and back in the evening. But the severe pain in his
back from which he suflTered through life, had even then begun to
distress him, and to render him incapable of the fatigue of walking
so far. He was often obliged to lie down on the road ; sometimes,
his brother or one of his school-fellows would carry him. At
length, on his father ascertaining the state of the case, Robert and
his brother were placed under the care of a friend in the village,
spending the Sunday only at home. The seat of Mr. Ha&s
disease was the aorta and the kidney on the right side; and
nothing, we apprehend, could be more likely to give rise to it,
than rheumatic affections occasioned by his lying on the rank
grass of a burial-ground. The only wonder is that, with his
feeble constitution, he survived.
Life of Robert Hall. 191
* On starting irom home on the Monday morning, Robert was
in the practice of taking with him two or three books from his
father^s library, to read in the interval between school hours.
His choice of books at this early age, was most extraordinary.
The works of Jonathan Edwards were among his favourites ; and
before he was nine years old, he had perused, and re-perused,
with intense interest, the treatises of that acute reasoner upon the
^^Kelieious Affections '', and the "Freedom of the Will"", as
also Bishop Butler^s " Analogy.*^ His early predilection for
this class of studies was in great measure determined and fostered
by intimate association, in mere childhood, with a member of his
father^s congregation, a tailor by trade, but a very shrewd, well-
informed man, and ^ an acute metaphysician/ Before he was
ten years old, our young student had written many essays on
religious subjects, and had occasionally invited his brothers and
sisters to hear his first attempts at preaching ; and when he was
only eleven, a friend, at whose house he was spending a few
weeks for the benefit of a change of air, astonished at his pre-
cocity of talent, was so indiscreet as to request him to perform,
more than once, before a select auditory, invited to hear the boy-
preacher ! * I never call the circumstance to mind \ Mr. Hall
nas been heard to say, ' but with grief at the vanity inspired ;
* nor, when I think of such mistakes of good men, am I inclined
* to question the correctness of Baxter^s language, strong as it is,
* where he says : ** Nor should men turn preachers as the river
* Nilus breeds fi'ogs (saith Herodotus), when one half moveth
^ before the other is made^ and while it is yet but plain mud.*^ ^
We bare known instances of similar injudiciousness in cases of
similar precocity, so far as the gift of fluent speech was concerned
in the display; but nothing can be more equivocal than the
promise afforded by such early efflorescence. The native vigour
and genuine superiority of the mental constitution are tested by
the manner in which it comes out of the fever of juvenile vanity,
and gradually recovers a healthful tone. In some, the intellectual
growth is stunted for life, and vanity becomes the chronic disease
of the character. In the few, the temporary self-elation operates
as a beneficial stimulant, and sobers down into a proper self-con-
fidence.
When young Robert was about eleven, Mr. Simmons con-
scientiously informed the father, that he was unable to keep pace
with his pupil, declaring, that he had often been obliged to sit
up all night, to prepare the lessons for the morning; a practice he
&it unable to continue ! He was in consequence of tnis candid
intimation removed, and was next placed, as a boarder, at the
school of the Rev. John Ryland of Northampton, a man whose
excellencies and eccentricities were strangely balanced. There
he remained for little more than a year and a half, during which
z2
193 Life of Robert HalL
he made considerable progress in Ladn and Gredc ; and lAer
passing some time at home, in the study of divinity and soma
collateral subjects, under the immediate guidance of his father,
was, in Oct 177^« placed at the Bristol academy, with a Tiew to
his being prepared for the ministerial office among the Baptiats,
being then in his fifteenth year. In that institution, as in odicn
of a similar nature, the divinity students are appointed in ton to
deliver an address or discourse upon subjects selected by die
president. Mr. HalFs first essay in this exercise proved an
humiliating failure, which, if avocations so unlike may be com-
pared, reminds us of young Nelson^s failure of courage in the
first engagement. ^ After proceeding for a short time, much to
* the gratification of his auditory, he suddenly paused, covered
^ his face with his hands, exclaiming, '^ Oh ! I have lost all my
^ ideas % and sat down, his hands still hiding his face.^ A second
attempt, in the following week, was attended by a similar fidhm
of self-possession or recollection, still more painful to witness,
and still more humiliating. The effect upon his own mind seems
to have been that of salutary mortification, while his tutors an-
predated his talents too justly, to entertain any doubt of his
ability and future success. Not long after, he delivered a dis*
course in a village pulpit, in the presence of several ministen,
which excited the deepest interest.
The summer vacation of 17B0 was passed by young Hall un-
der his father's roof, who, having now become fiiUy satisfied of
his son^s genuine piety, as well as of his qualifications for the office
to which his paternal hopes had always devoted him *, expressed
to many friends, a desire that he should be ' set apart to the
* sacred work \ Agreeably to his views of popular ordination,
he resolved that the church of which he was pastor, should judge
* The writer of the Article in the Christian Observer, ' ean searotly
' understand how this could comport with the sentiments of an Aiiti«
' paedo-baptist minister ' ; and asks, in a note, ' Can Dr. Gregory tell
' us when, where, or how Robert Hall was baptized ? ' We may ven«
ture to answer this inquiry, without any specific knowledge of the
circumstances : by immersion, probably at Arnsby, and certainly prior
to his being admitted as a communicant by ' the church ' whicn sub-
sequently recognised its youthful member as fit to discharge the func-
tion of a public teacher. It is strange that this Writer snould be so
unacquainted with the sentiments of Anti-paedo-baptists as not to
know, that baptism is universally regarded as a pre-requisfte to par-
taking of the Lord*s Supper, and that it is administered to the adnh
on his public confession of faith. In what respect this view of the
baptismal ordinance could interfere with the pious father's wishes re-
specting his son, and his resolution to educate him for the ministry, we
can * scarcely understand '.
Lifi of Robert Hntt. 193
of hiff ion^s fitness for the sacred fiinctbn, and recognise theit
conriction by a solemn act.
« €€
Accordingly *\ as the following extract from the Church-hook
testifies, on the 13th of August, 1780, ''he was examined by his
&ther before the church, respecting his inclination, motives, ana end
in reference to the ministry, and was likewise desired to make a de-
claration of his religious sentiments. All which being done to the en-
tire satisfaction of the church, they therefore set him apart, by lifting
np their right hands, and by solemn prayer. His father then delivered
a discourse to him, from 2 Tim. ii. I. Thou, therefore, my son, be
strong in the grace that is in Christ Jesus, Being thus sent forth, he
preaoied in the afternoon from 2 Thes. i. 7> B. May the Lord bless
nim, and grant him great success ! " ' p. 9.
It ^ sadly baffles the notions ^ of persons accustomed to the
mode and rules of episcopal ordination, to find a mere boy of six-
teen thus brought forward as a public instructor, and then, almost
immediately afterwards, sent as a pupil to college. To such per-
sons, it seems better that the order of proceedings had been re-
versed. That is to say, they would deem it better, that a young
man shonid complete his academical training, before the point is
ascertained and certified, that he possesses the grand and most
indispensable qualification for the sacred office — piety. We can-
not say that such is our opinion. Without undertaking to decide,
whether a pious boy of sixteen or an irreligious man of three and
twenty is fitter to ascend the pulpit, we must think that it is the
safisr plan, to select a pious youth as a candidate for the ministry,
mad, after a certain measure of religious training and probation,
to send him to college, than to bestow the college education first,
and ascertain the moral fitness afterwards. We are very far from
wishing to countenance boy-preachers ; but we cannot help re*
marking, that if a lad of sixteen is deemed capable of intelligently
siibscribhig the Thirty-nine Articles, it ought not to be thought
so very preposterous, that he should be qualified to deliver a re-
ligious oiscourse as a probationary specimen of his attainments
aoid piety. That young Hall was not, by this solemn recognition
of his fitness for the sacred function, invested with the character
of a public instructor, is evident from the circumstances of the
case. He was still a student at the Bristol Academy, to which
he returned at the close of the vacation ; and in the autumn of
I78I, he was sent to Aberdeen, to complete his theological edu-
cation at Ring^s College, on Dr. Ward's foundation. In fact,
the object of the appeal to the church, and the bearing of its de-
cision, related to the expediency of his prosecuting his studies
with a view to his becoming a minister of the Gospel. Dr. Gre-
gocy does not employ the word ordination in mentioning this
' public designation "* of Mr. Hall as a preacher ; nor should we
194 Life of Robert HaU.
contend for the propriety of using that term in siicli a refierenoe;
since ordination is generally understood as an appointment to a
specific charge. But, dismissing that word from considermtioni
with all the polemical associations that it suggests, we would ask,
what was there in the proceeding here narrated, that could have
any tendency to inflate the mind of a pious youth with self-im-
portance, or that could be deemed, in any respect, offensive, in-
judicious, or * perilous ^ ?
Mr. Hall entered Eing^s College in the beginning of Novem-
ber, I78I. His first year was spent principally, under the tuition
of Professor Leslie, in the study of the Greek language ; his se-
cond, third, and fourth years, under Professor Madeod, in the
study of mathematics, natural philosophy, and moral philosophy.
Here it was that he first became acquainted with his eminent
friend Mackintosh; and some interesting particulars of their
friendship and joint studies have been gathered by his Biof^pher
from Sir James himself, of which we nave in part aviuled our-
selves in our last Number *• While he was still at Aberdeen,
he received from the Baptist Church at Broadmead, Bristol, an
invitation to become their assistant pastor ; * an invitation whidi
^ he accepted with much doubt and diffidence \ on the understand-
ing that it should not interfere with the completion of his course
of studies. He accordingly passed the interval between the col-
lege sessions of 1784 and 1785, at Bristol ; and then returned to
Aberdeen, where he took his degree of Master of Arts, March
SO, 1785. On resuming his labours at Broadmead, in conjunc-
tion with Dr. Evans, his preaching excited unusual attention.
* The place of worship was often crowded to excess, and many of
\ the most distinguished men in Bristol, including several clergy-
* men, were among his occasional auditors.^ -f In August of the
same year, only three months after his quitting Aberdeen, he was
appointed classical tutor in the Bristol AcademV) on the resigpi-
ation of the Rev. James Newton. This office tie held for more
than five years, discharging its duties with honourable seal and
activity.
At this period of his life, however, Mr. Hall appears to have been
* Eclectic Review, Feb. Art. Sir James Mackintosh, p. 98.
t We cannot refrain from expressing our surprise and r^^t, that
the Reviewer in the Christian Observer should have taken occasion
from this circumstance to introduce a homily against clergymen wan-
dering after a popular (i. e. Dissenting) preacher. Does nc mean to
say, that clergymen did wrong in occasionally going to hear Mr. Hall
preach ? If so, we pity his contemptible bigotry. If not, his anec-
dote is at all events irrelevant and mal a propos. Is there no difference
between venturing into a licensed chapel to near such a man, and mn«
ning after a mountebank ?
Life of Robert Hall. 195
in iinniinent danger of making shipwreck, if not of faith, of the
spirit of piety. The free and daring speculations which he ad-
vanced in private, grieved and alarmed his judicious friends, aU
though he never promulgated direct and positive error fi'om the
pulpit ; and his conversational sallies were occasionally marked
Dy a vehemence and extravagance of expression, a bitterness of
sarcasm, and a characteristic imprudence, which made him many
enemies. Admired as a preacher, courted as a companion, feared
as a satirist, looked up to as a tutor, while scarcely one-and-
twenty, the only cause for astonishment is, that, in the intoxication
of intellectual pride, he never relaxed his hold of the main doc-
trines of the Gospel, nor was betrayed by youthful impetuosity
into flagrant inconsistency. We may, perhaps, be justified in
concluding, that the strength of his reasoning faculties and the
solidity of his attainments, preserved him in some degree against
the vague and shallow scepticism of the half-learned and the
half-reasoning. But we must believe at the same time, that he
was imheld, at this critical period, by a sovereign and almighty
superintendence ; and that the prayers of his aged friends were
a more effectual means of his safety, than his own strength of
mind or of principle. There is something at once touching and
instructive m the brief and expressive remarks which Dr. Gre-
gory has transcribed from the private diaries of two of his con-
stant friends, in reference to this period of Mr. Hallos career.
The first two are from Mr. FuUer^s diary.
' 1784, May 7. Heard Mr. Robert Hall, jun. from " He that in-
creaaeth knowledge increaseth sorrow." Felt very solemn in hearing
some parts. The Lord keep that young man !'
' I785. June 14. Taken up with the company of Mr. Robert
Hall, jun.: — feel much pain for him. The Lord, in mercy to him
and Ills churches in this country, keep him in the path of truth and
righteousness ! '
The following are found in Dr. Ryland'^s journal.
' June 8, 1785. Robert Hall, jun. preached wonderfully from Rom.
viii. 18. I admire many things in this young man exceedingly, though
there are others that make me fear for him. O that the Lord may
keep him humble and make him prudent !
'June 15. Rode to Clipston to attend the ministers' meeting.
R. Hall, jun. preached a glorious sermon on the immutability of God,
from James i. 17-
* 1786, June 13. Sent off a letter to Robert Hall, jun., which I
wrote chiefly in answer to one of his some months ago, wherein he re-
plied to mine concerning some disagreeable reports from Birmingham :
added some new hints respecting another matter lately reported. O
that God may keep that young man in the way of truth and holi-
ness!'
In 1790, Mr. Hall received an invitation from the Baptist
196 U^ of RAert HaU.
congrention at Cambridge^ recently depriiFed of their pastor by
Uie sudden death of Mr. Robinson, to preach to them for a
month ; and in July oi the following year, he was inrited to as-
sume the pastoral charge, which be accepted. Circumstances
had occurred at Bristol, which rendered his longer continuance
there alike unpleasant and undesirable. Nothing could be more
flattering to a young pulpit orator, than to be deemed a fit suc-
cessor to the most fascinating preadber of the day, whom he had
at one time resolved to make nis model, but had now, perhaps,
been led to regard as a beacon. The post, boweyer, which he
was called to occupy, was difficult and perilous. His unhappy
predecessor had thickly sown the diurch with the seeds of hereqr
and irreligion, although the poorer members still maintained their
attachment to the fundam^ital doctrines of Revelation. Mr.
Hall was indebted to bis very moderate orthodoxy, for the invi-
tation he recdved ; and it might have been feared, that he was
more likely to suffer a deterioration of his own religious feelings,
than to reclaim his auditory from laxity of sentiment and levity
of conduct He has himself forcibly described, in his Memoir
of Mr. Tolla*, the perils of so un&vourable a position. ^ If^^ be
remarks, 'in a lengthened ministerial course, tbe people are
' usually formed by their pastor, in the first sti^e it is the re-
^ verse: it is the people who form the minister. The reciprocal
' influence of a minister and a congr^atioB on each other is so iiK
' cessant and so powerfol, that I womd earnestly cfasnade an in-
' experienced youth firom connecting himself with a people whose
' doctrine is erroneous, or whose piety is doubtful, lest be should
* be temnted to consult his ease, by choosing to yield ta a cunem
' be would find it difficult to resist''* In Mr. HalTs case, the
result exhibited the genuine force of his character and the deci-
sion of his principles, as well as illustrated that providential guid-
ance which had hitherto kept him from falling. The iaSh of
his father, in March I79I9 had greatly toided to being bis mind
to the state of serious thought with which he entered xqfxm the
pastoral office.
' Meditating with the deepest veneration upon the mrasual exod-
lencies of a parent now for ever lost to him^ he was led to investigate
with renewed earnestness, tbe truth as w^ as value of those high and
sacred principles from which his eminent piety and admirable con-
sistency so evidently flowed. He called to mindC too^ several occasions
on which his lather^ partly by the force of reason, par^ by that of
tender expestnlatien, had exhorted him to abandon the vagae and dsn-
eeroas specalations to whkh he was prone. Some important dianees
in Mr. Hairs sentiments, resnhed trom an inquiry conducted nnror
8«ch solemn impressions ; and among these may be mentioned his re-
• Works. Vol. IV. p. 310.
Xt/e of Robert Hall. 197
BnocMitioii of materiaiism, which^ he often declared^ he *' buried in his
father's grave."*
' Attentive to the voice of heavenly admonition^ thus addressing
him from various quarters^ he entered upon his new duties with earnest
denies that he might be able to " commend himself to every man's
oonsdenoe in the sisht of God.*' Feeling that to him was consigned
the charge of transtorming, with God's assistance, a cold and sterile
sml into a fruitful field, he determined not to satisfy himself with half
measures^ but proceeded to expose error, and to defend what he re«
sarded as essential truth. The first sermon, therefore, which he de-
uvered at Cambridge, after he had assumed the office of pastor, was
«o the doctrine of the atonement and its practical tendencies. Imme«
^tely after the conclusion of the service, one of the congregation,
who had followed poor Mr. Robinson through all his changes of senti-
Bient, went into the vestry, and said : — ^* Mr. Hall, this preaching
won't do for us : it will onlv suit a congregation of old women." " Do
you mean my sermon. Sir, or the doctrine ?" " Your doctrine."
** Why is it tnat the doctrine is fit only for old women ? " '^ Because
it may suit the musings of people tottering upon the brink of the
grave, and who are eagerly seekm^ comfort." '' Thank you. Sir, for
your concession. The doctrine will not suit people of any age, unless
It be true; and if it be true, it is not fitted for old women uone, but
IB equally important at every age." ' pp. 30, 31.
This individual, and three or four other men of influence, with
about twenty of the poorer class, shortly afterwards withdrew from
the congregation, and assembled for a few months on the Sunday
evenings at a private house, where ^the then Rev. William
* Frend, fellow and tutor of Jesus College, an avowed Socinian,
* became their instructor.^ But the conviction of their host for
sedition, and the expulsion of their teacher from the University,
soon dispei^sed this band of seceders, the dregs of poor Robinson^s
heretical ministry.
Mr. HalPs ministerial labours were beginning to be blessed
with the happiest results, when, in an evil hour, as he himself re-
garded it, he complied with the urgent solicitations of his friends,
in appearing before the public as a political writer. So far as the
urgency of the occasion, the patriotism of the motive, and the
usefulness of the result would warrant the temporary deviation
from the immediate sphere of his duties, Mr. HalFs conduct in
this instance lies open to no just reproach ; but the inconveni-
ences of poUtical celebrity led him subsequently to recede, * not
* He had always considered materialism, he tells his Bristol friends,
as ' a mere metaphysical speculation,' and wished them so to consider
it. But such mere metaphysical speculations, putting aside their un«
scriptural character, are almost sure either to wither and dry up the
affections, or to be swept away by the first spring-tide of genuine emo-
tion.
VOL. IX. N.Si. A A
198 Life of Robert Hall.
* from his principles, but from the (urtlier advocacy of them in
^ public.'^ He became convinced, to adopt his own words, * that
^ the Christian ministry is in danger of losing something of its
' energy and sanctity, by embarking in the stormy element of po-
* litical debate.'' Having elsewhere noticed at length Mr. Hairs
folitical writings *, we need only remark, that, from the year
793, when the Apology for the Freedom of the Press first ap-
peared, Mr. Hall remained silent for nearly eight years, when he
electrified the public with his Sermon on Modem Infidelity;
which was followed, in 1802, by his Reflections on War, and in
1803, by his Fast-Day Sermon on the Sentiments proper to the
present Crisis. An interesting portrait of his character at this
Seriod of his ministry, has been supplied by a gentleman who
ad the most favourable opportunities, as well as the requisite
discrimination, for forming a correct estimate.
< tt
I had but a slight acquaintance with Robert Hall from 1790 to
1 79.3 ; from thence to the end of 1796^ 1 knew him intimatel v. At that
period, his creed was imperfect, wanting on the personality of the
Holy Spirit, and wavcrinp between the terrors or Calvin^ and the
plausibilities of Baxter. His infirmities, which were increasing, he
concealed with dexterity, opposed with vigour, and sustained with mi-
common patience. In his ministerial situation, he was far from easy;
and he was vehemently severe upon Robinson, for leaving his church a
wilderness, and bequeathing his successor a bed of thorns.
' '' His religious conversation in company was not frequent^ and for
the most part doctrinal ; but in private, his experimental communica-
tions were, in bcauty> elevation, and compass, beyond all I ever heard.
The memory of a man of seventy-three will not afford particalan;
and the general impression can neither be obliterated nor expressed.
' " lu his manners, he was a close imitator of Diw Johnson t ; fond
of tea-table talk, and of the society of cultivated females, who had
the taste to lend him an ear, and the ability requisite to make atten-
tion a favour. lie has confessed to me, the taking thirty cups of tea
in an afternoon ; and told me, his method was, to visit four fiunilies,
and drink seven or eight cups at each.
' ^' He knew, as well as any man, what bad men were, and what
good men should be ; yet was often wrong in his judgement of indi-
viduals. From this deiiciency in the knowledge of mankind, he some-
times trusted his false, and abused his true friends : when he per-
ceived his error, he changed his conduct ; but, I suspect, very seldom
confessed his mistake.
' '* He did not, then, read much : but was probably more hindered
♦ Edect. Rev. Third Scries. Vol. VII. p. 399, cf scq.
t This will convey a false impression. Mt, Hall wvm extremely
courteous ; Johnson afiVKited rudeness, and was unbearably insolent
Mr. Hall was vehement ; Johnson was dogmatical. Diogenes and
Plato were scarcely more dissimilar in character.
Life of Robert Hall. 199
by pain than by indolence. A page, indeed, was to him more ser-*
viceable than a volume to many. Hints from reading or discourse,
passing through his great mind, expanded into treatises and systems,
until the adopted was lost in the begotten ; so much so, that the whole
appeared original. I am persuaded, however, that when I knew him,
he had not by many degrees attained his meridian, I should regret
my incapacity to do him justice, were I not persuaded that only the
bud was exhibited to me, while the bloom and the fruit were reserved
iqx those more deserving to be happy." ' pp. 37, 38.
His present Biographer was first introduced to Mr. HalPs ac-
quaintance in 1797 » ^^om which period, for many years, he wa«
admitted to the privacy of his studvy besides having frequent op-
portunities of enjoying his society in the company of his friends,
Dr. Gregory has supplied an exceedingly distinct, graphic, and
interesting description of Mr. Hairs character, habits, aqd pur-
suits at this stage of his career, with anecdotes of his convers-
ational remarks, which will excite regret that more have not been
preserved *. We can make room only for a few extracts.
' For some years, he made it a rule to pay a pastoral visit to every
member of his church, once each quarter. He did the same, also, wita
r^ard to jsuch of his ordinary hearers as he thought willing to receive
him as a minister of religion. These were not calls, but msits, and
usually paid on evenings, that he might meet the whole assembled
family. Among the lower classes, to make them quite at their ease,
he would sit down with them at supper ; and, that this might involve
them in no extra expense, he took care they should all know that he
preferred a bason of milk.
' He persuaded the poorer members of his church to form little
meetings, for reading, religious conversation, and prayer, going " from
house to house." llicse were held once a fortnight, I tbiidc, in the
summer time : once a week during the winter. He made it a point if
oliicial duty to attend them frequently; and regarded them, with the
weekly meetings in the vestry, as the best thermometer for ascertain-
ing the religious state of his people.
' Proceeding thus, it was not surprising that he conciliated the af-
fections of his friends, and secured the veneration of the pious ; that
he extended around him a growing conviction of his excellency, and
carried on many in the stream of hjs mental and moral power.
' In him, all was at the utmost remove from gloom or moroseness.
£ven the raillery in which he indulged, shewed his good-nature, and
was exceedingly playful ; and, notwithstanding the avowed and jiar
mented impetuosity in argument to which he was prone, nothing, so
fiir as I ever saw, but conceit, engrafted upon stupidity, provoked his
impatience, and called forth a severity which he scarcely knew how to
restrain. With regard to disposition, the predominant featvues were
kindness and cheerfulness. He never deliberately gave p^i^i t9 any
* The only one we could wish omitted, oecucs ia the aote at p. 42*
A a2
200 Life of Robwt HaU.
one^ except in those few extreme cases^ where there appeared a moral
necessity of '' rebuking sharply " for the good of the offender. His
kindness to children^ to servants^ to the indigent, nay> to anim&la, was
uniformly manifest. And such was his prevailing cheerfulnesa^ that
he seemecl to move and breathe in an atmosphere of hilarity^ which,
indeed^ his countenance always indicated^ except when the uain in hit
back affected his spirits, and caused his imagination to dwell upon the
evils of Cambridgeshire scenery.* pp. 40, 41.
' When I first became known to Mr. Hall, he had recently deter-
mined to revise and extend his knowledge in every department, ** to
re-arrange the whole furniture of his mind, and the economy of his
habits," and to become a thorough student He propoaea devot-
ing six hours a day to reading ; but these, unless his mends aongfat
after him, were often extended to eight or nine. He thought himself
especially defective in a tasteful and critical acquaintance with the
Greek poets ; and said, he should *^ once more begin at the beginning."
He set to work, therefore, upon the best treatises on the Greek metres
then extant. He next read the Iliad and Odyssey twice over, criti-
cally ; proceeded with equal care through nearly all the tragedies of
Sophocles and Euripides ; and thence extended his classical reading in
all directions. To the Latin and Greek poets, orators, historians, and
philosophers, he devoted a part of every day for three or four years.
He studied them as a scholar, but he studied them also as a moralift
and a philosopher ; so that, while he appreciated their peculiarities
and beauties with his wonted taste, and carefully improvedfhis style of
writing and his tone of thinking, by the best models which they pre-
sent, he suffered them not to deteriorate the accuracy of his Judgement
in comparing their value with that of tlie modems. Perhaps, how-
ever, this assertion should be a little qualified : for not only at the pe-
riod of which I am now speaking, but, in great measure, through life,
while he spoke of the Greek and Latin poetry, in accordance with the
sentiments and feelings of every competent classical schoIaTj he, witii
very few exceptions, unduly depreciated the poetry of the present
times.
' Much as he delighted in classical literature, he was by no means
inclined, nor could he have reconciled it with his notions of du^, to
circumscribe his reading within its limits. The early Christian fatners,
the fathers of the Reformation, the theological writers, both puritan
and episcopalian, of the seventeenth century, the most yaluable au-
thors on all similar topics down to the present time, including the
most esteemed French preachers, were all perused with his character-
istic avidity : what was most valuable in them became fixed in his un-
usually retentive memory ; and numerous marginal and other refer-
ences in the most valuable of his books, prove at once the minuteness
and closeness of his attention, and his desire to direct his memory to
the substances of thought, and not unnecessarily to load it with mere
apparatus.
' Like many other men of letters, Mr. Hall, at this period, found
the advantage of passing from one subject to another at short in-
tervals, generally of about two hours : thus casting off the mental
fetigue that one subject had occasioned, by directing his attention to
Life of Robert HaU. 201
another^ and thereby preserving the intellect in a state of elastic energy
from the beginning to the end of the time devoted daily to study.
' Not long after he had entered upon this steady course of reading,
be commenced the study of Hebrew^ under Mr. Lyons^ who then
taught that language in the University. He soon became a thorough
proficient in it ; and, finding it greatly to increase his knowledge of
the Old Testament, as well as of its relation to the New, and considerably
to improve and enlarge the power of Scripture interpretation^ he, from
thenoe to the close of life, suffered scarcely a day to pass without
reading a portion of the Old Testament in the original. This practice
flowed naturally from one of his principles of action^ namely^ to go to
the fountain-head for information, rather than to derive it from the
streams ; and ftom the continued application of that principle, it was
found, that his habit of reading originals often impaired the accuracy
of bis quotation of passages from our authorised version, having, in fact,
become more familiar with the Hebrew and Greek texts than with any
translation. This, which was often conjectured by some of his hearers
at Cambridge, was amply confirmed by the subsequent observation of
bis intimate and much esteemed friend Mr. Ryley, at Leicester.'
pp. 43, 44.
' Mr. Hall did not permit his sedulous cultivation of the mind to
draw him aside from the cultivation of the heart. The evidences
were, indeed, very strong, that his preparation for ministerial duty
was devotional as well as intellectuah Thus, his public services, by a
striking mdation, for months and years, evinced an obvious growth,
in mental power, in literary acquisition, and in the seriousness, affec-
tion, and ardour of a man of piety. His usefulness and his popularity
increased; the church and congregation became considerably aug-
mented ; and in 1 798, it was found necessary to enlarge the place of
worship, to accommodate about two hundred more persons.
' Early in the year 1799, a severe fever, which brought him, in his
own apprehension, and that of his friends, to the brink of the grave,
gave him an opportunity of experiencing the support yielded by the
doctrines of the cross " in the near views of death ancl judgement."
He " never before felt his mind so calm and happy." The impression
was not only salutary, but abiding ; and it again prompted him to the
investigation of one or two points, with r^ard to which he had long
felt himself floating in uncertainty. Although he had for some years
steadily and earnestly enforced the necessity of divine influence in the
transformation of character, and in perseverance in a course of con-
sistent, holy, obedience, yet he spoke of it as '' the influence of the
spirit of God," and never in express terms, as *' the influence of the
Holy Spirit." The reason was, that though he fully believed the
necessity of spiritual agency in commencing and continuing the spi-
ritual life, he doubted the doctrine of the distinct personality of the
Holy Spirit. But about this time, he was struck with the fact, that,
whenever in private prayer he was in the most deeply devotional
frame, ''most overwhelmed with the sense that he was nothing, and
God was all in all," he always felt himself inclined to adopt a tri-
nitarian doxology. This circumstance, occurring frequently, and more
frequently meditated upon in a tone of honest and anxious inquiry.
202 Uf9 of Robert Hall
issued at length in a persuasion that the Holy Spirit is really and
truly God^ and not an emanation. It was not^ however^ until 1800,
that he publicly included the personality of the Holy Spirit, in his
statements of the doctrine of spiritual influence.'
' His prayers were remarkable for their simplicity and their devo-
tional feeling. No person could listen to them without being per*
suaded, that he who uttered them was really engaged in prayer, was
holding communion with his God and Father in Christ Jeaus* Hit
tones and his countenance throughout these exercises, were tboae <if
one most deeply imbued with a sense of his unworthiness, and throir-
ing himself at the feet of the Great Eternal, conscious that he ooaU
present no claim for a single blessing, but the blood of atonement, yet
animated by the cheering hope thBt the voice of that blood would
prevail. The structure of these prayers never indicated any preeon*
ceived plan. They were the genuine effusions of a truly oevotional
spirit, animated by a vivid recollection of what, in his own state, in
tnat of the congregation, of the town and vicinity, needed most ardently
to be laid before the Father of Mercies. . Thus they were remarkably
comprehensive, and furnished a far greater variety on the sueoessive
occasions of public worship, than those of any other minister whom I
have ever known. The portions which were devoted to interoeaaion,
operated most happily in drawing the affections of his people towards
himself; since they shewed how completely his Christian aympathy
had prepared him to make their respective cases his own.
' The commencement of his sermons did not excite much expect*
ation in strangers, except they were such as recollected how the mental
agitation produced by diffidence, characterised the first aentencea of
some of the orators of antiquity. He began with hesitation, and often
in a v^ry low and feeble tone, coughing frequently, as though be were
oppressed by asthmatic obstructions. As he proceeded, his manirar
became easy, graceful, and at length highly impassioned ; hia voioe
also acquired more flexibility, body, and sweetness, and, in all his
happier and more successful efforts, swelled into a stream of the moat
touching and impressive melody. The farther he advanced, the more
spontaneous, natural, and free from labour, seemed the progreaaioii of
thought. He announced the results of the most extensive reading, of
the most patient investigation, or of the profoundest thinkii^, with
jBUch unassuming simplicity, yet set them in such a position of olivioua
and lucid reality, that the auditors wondered how things so simple and
manifest should have escaped them. Throughout his sermona he kept
his subject thoroughly in view, and so incessantly breuffht forward
new arguments, or new illustrations, to confirm or to explain it, that
with him amplification was almost invariably accumulative in its ten-
dency. One thought was succeeded by another, and that by anaCber*
and another, each more weighty than the preceding, each mere cal-
culated to deepen and render permanent the ultimate impmsioii. Hie
could at pleasure adopt the unadorned, the ornamental, or the ener-
getic ; and indeed combine them in every diversity of modulatiott. In
bis higher flights, what he said of Burke, might, with the aligbtest
deducti<m, be applied to himself, '' tbat his imperial &ncy itfd ail
nature under tnbote, and collected ridtes from erery acene of the
Life of Robert IlaO. 803
cntadon, end erery walk of art " ; and at the same time, that conld be
affinned of Mr. HaU, which could not be affirmed of Mr. Burke^ that
he never fatigued and oppressed by gaudy and superfluous imagery.
Whenever the subject obviously justified it, fie would yield the reins
to an eloquence more diffusive and magnificent than the ordinary
Course of pulpit instruction seemed to require ; yet, so exquisite was
his perception of beauty^ and so sound his judgement^ that not the
ooloest taste^ provided it were real taste^ could ever wish an image
omitted which Mr. Hall had introduced. His inexhaustible variety
augmented the general effect. The same images, the same illustra-
taonSf searcely ever recurred. So ample were his stores^ that repetition
of every kind was usually avoided ; while in his illustrations he would
eranect and contrast what was disjointed and opposed, or distinctly
unfold what was abstracted or obscure, in such terms as \vere generally
intelligiblej not only to the well-informed, but to the meanest capacity.
As he advanced to his practical applications, all his mental powers
were shewn in the most palpable out finely balanced exercise. His
mind would, if I may so speak, collect itself and come forth with a
luminous activity, proving, as he advanced, how vast, and, in some
important senses, how next to irresistible those powers were. In such
seasons, his preaching communicated universal animation : his congre-
gation woula seem to partake of his spirit, to think and feel as he did,
to be fiilly influenced by the presence of the objects which he had
placed before them, fully actuated by the motives which he had en*
forced with such energy and pathos.
' All was doubtless heightened by his singular rapidity of utterance,
—by the rhythmical structure of His sentences, calculated at once for
the transmission of the most momentous truths, for the powers of his
voice, and for the convenience of breathing at measured intervals, —
and, more than all, by the unequivocal earnestness and sincerity which
pervaded the whole, and by the eloquence of his most speaking coun«
tenanoe and penetrating eye. In his sublimer strains, not only was
every faculty of the soul enkindled and in entire operation, but his
very features seemed fully to sympathise with the spirit, and to give
out, nay, to throw out, thought, and sentiment, and feeling.'
Vol. VI. pp. 51—65.
Sach wfts the man, in the very morning of his fame, whom
0ome worthy perscms of the episcopalian persuasion, ibndly ima-
ttkie to have been indebted for his celebrity beyond the circle of
hifl own communion, to the accident of his being stationed at
Cambridge ! ! Had he lived in a country town, * the occasional
^ dieeoutses which have been rapturously applauded by the highest
* tribuibah of criticism, and been eagerly devoured by statesmen,
^divines, and philosophers, might have been heard of only in the
'neighbouring bookseller'*s shop, and among the deacons and
' communicants of a Baptist meeting !^ But, 'as our universities
' radiate intelligence to every part of the land, a name which was
'so well known at Cambr^e, would not fiul to become well
204 Life of Robert HaU.
^ known throughout the country.** * The Class-mate of
tosh^ the Preacher who at the age of one-and-twenty seduced Bri^
clergymen to wander into a Baptist meeting for the purpose of
hearing him, the Author of the sermon on Modem Inndelity,
would, possibly, never have made his way into open celebrity,
but for the irradiation shed upon him by his local conDexion with
Cambridge! Most philosophical and academical conclustoii !
That his residence at Cambridge gave many individuals an op>
portunity of listening to his pulpit eloquence, who would other-
wise not have taken the trouble to go after him, is certain. So
far did his reputation break down ^ even the pale of collegiate
*' order ', that, ^ when the heads of houses met to consider the
* expediency of preventing the gownsmen attending his meeting,
* the proposition was overruled % — ^prudently, but not very gra-
ciously. The fact is, that a grudging and reluctant homage was
paid to the great sectarian Preacher, while living, by the members
of the Establishment, with a few illustrious exceptions ; and even
now, the plaudit of admiration is tainted with the breath of de-
traction. Is it not remarkable, that the first notice which the
works of this ^ master of English ^ ever received in the London
Quarterly Review, should appear in the XCVth Number of that
journal, and should consist of an elaborate tissue of eulogy and ca-
lumny, artfully woven, for the purpose of rendering, if possible* the
posthumous fame of the Great Dissenter innocuous? This writer,
whose ^ wonderful compositions, — wonderful both for the scale
^ and the variety of the powers they display \ combine ' declama-
^ tion so impassioned with wisdom so practical, touches of pathos
^so tender, with such caustic irony, such bold invective, sodi
^ spirit-stirring encouragement to heroic deeds ; — and all in lan-
^giiagc worthy to be the vehicle of such diverse thoughts,—
^ more massive than Addison, more easy and unconstrained than
* Johnson, more sober than Burke ''i'; — the subject of this fisrvent
eulogy was scarcely, if ever, named, while living, by the Quarterly
Review. No one would have learned from its records of oor
literature, that such a writer existed. To hear such a man preach,
was an offence against the Establishment : to praise his writinn,
except in a whisper, required an apology from a churchman, so
strong is the influence of the sectarian feeling gendered by the
pride of ecclesiastical caste !
Our present business, however, is with Mr. HalFs personal
character, rather than his writings ; and as we have beoi led to
advert to the article in the Quarterly Review, we cannot refrain
* Christian Observer, Feb. p. 96.
t Quarterly Rev. No. XC V. p. 120.
Life of Robert Halt. 205
fton obsenring, tbat the mosaic portrait which, with considerable
ingeiiuity, the Reviewer has framed out of hints and scraps in his
fetters and writings, is much such a likeness as might be expected
to come out from such a process. From an expression in one of
hi» letters it is gathered, that his temperament was by nature
* indolent '* ; while, from other parts of his writings, it is shrewdly
QOiicluded that he was ^ irritable '* ; and from another letter, that
he was ^ unsocial.^ But ^ some allowance \ it is added, ^ is to be
^ made for a little habitual spleen in a man, who, conscious of
' high superiority, was depressed by circumstances below his
^ naCiural level of life. For such a person, so placed, not to kick
^ agaiAst the pricks, would indeed have been a spectacle of pro-
^ tracted self-denial of the rarest merit, but was one which required
* a degree of virtue unreasonable to expect'* !* The sarcastic can-
dour, the insolent condescension of this ^ allowance % harmonizes
with the palpable unfsiimess of making a good man'^s confessions
or complaints the basis of an estimate of his character. Upon
this principle, some of the most useful men that ever lived, might
be convicted of unpiofitabl^iess ; and some of the holiest, of
impurity of motive. To impute indolence and irritability, as
Wtinguisbing characteristics, to a man suffering under ^ an in*
^ iemal apparatus of torture \ to whom exertion was pain, and in
whom placidity was fortitude, is unjust and unfeeling. To call
on individual unsocial, who was the life of society, who delighted
in the company of his friends^ and retreated only from display
and debate, is not only unjust, but absurd. But, not content
with this, the Reviewer must needs devise a fictitious cause for
the supposititious infirmity, and ascribe the habitual spleen of
the surly, discontented, lasy being he has imagined, to a depres*
lien of fortune, or rather, to the conscious degradation of being
(Qondemned, as a Dissenter, to a position below his natural level !
Of this depression, Mr. Hall was assuredly unconscious. He had
a mind kinnitdy superior to the creeping baseness and littleness
which the su]^sidon of this Reviewer betrays. He never coveted
wealth ; aiid, in consecratbg himself to the Christian ministry
fUBong the Dissenters, he could never have dreamed of attaining
higher eminence and dignity than he attained. The fame and
eoosid^o^nwhidi beei\joyed, might have gratified an ambitious
man; but he esteemed ^' the reproach of Christ'*^ ereater riches
fhoo the treasures of a hierarchy, purchased by what he would
hove deemed apostasy f. What d^ree of virtue it might be
* Quarterly Rev. p. 131.
t ' Dr. ]\Iansel> afterwards Bishop of Bristol^ endeavoured to per-
suade Mr. Hall, through a common friend, to conform to the Esta-
blished Church, in which be would not long have wanted preferment ;
VOL. IX. — N.s. B B
206 Life of Robert HalL
unreasonable to expect in such a person, we will not undertake
to decide ; but the Reviewer ought to have recollected, befbie he
ventured to misapply the lan^age of Scripture, that to ^^ kidc
against the pricks^ is descriptive of the conduct of the persecutor,
not the persecuted; of the bigot, armed with sacerdotal power, not
of the despised objects of his intolerance.
To return to the narrative. In the beginning of iTOdy Mr.
Hall had the gratification of renewing personal intercourse with
his friend Mackintosh, who, being about to deliver his course of
lectures at Lincoln^s-Inn Hall, on the Law of Nature and Nations,
spent a few months at Cambridge, for the purpose of consultii^
the university and other public libraries. Dr. Parr came to
Cambridge on a visit to his friends at the same time ; and Mr.
Hall often spent his evenings with these two eminent men and a
few members of the university who were invited to their select
parties. It is a remarkable coincidence, that the Author of the
VindicicB Gallicce^ and the Author of the '* Apology for the
Freedom of the Press ^, both embarked, about the same time,
upon the stormy sea of political debate. In both, a generous love
or liberty, combined with the ardour of genius and the immaturity
of youth, gave birth to a brilliant performance, which their riper
judgement condemned, without any abandonment of their early
principles. To both, political celebrity became a source of in-
convenience, and subsequently exposed them to a charge, utterly
unfounded, of political apostasy. Both, in their juvenile pro-
ductions, had assailed the opinions, while they had, in some
measure, imitated the style, or caught the spirit of Burke. And
now about the same period, time having wrought a similar modifi-
cation upon the opinions of the two friends, without any concert
between them, we find Mackintosh preparing those lectures which
were the chief source of his permanent reputation, and Hall
preaching his splendid philippic against infidelity. That sermon
was no hasty production, but, as Dr. Gregory assures us, ' the
* deliberate result of a confirmed belief, that the most strenuous
' efforts were required to repel mischief so awfully and insidiously
* diffused.^ We cannot but think it highly probable, however, that
his renewed intercourse with Mackintosh in the preceding year, had
some effect, both in exciting him to the effort, and in influencing
the tone of his sentiments ; not less effect, perhaps, than Mack-
intosh's visit to Beaconsfield is supposed to have nad upon him.
After the publication of the sermon upon infidelity, which met
with unanticipated and extraordinary applause. Mackintosh thus
writes to his friend. Hall.
but Mr. Hall, much to the honour of his integrity^ declined the in-
vitation/ Christian Observer,
t ft
• • • •
Life of Robert Halt, 207
He {Windham) had recommended the sermon to Lord
Grenville^ who seemed sceptical about any thing good coming from
tlie pastor of a Baptist congregation, especially ut Cambridge. This,
you see, is the unhappy impression which Priestley has made, and
which, if you proceed as you have so nobly begun, you will assuredly
efface* But you will never do all the good which it is in your power
to do, unless you assert your own importance, and call to mind, that,
as the Dissenters have no man comparable to you, it is your province
to guide them, and not to be guided by their ignorance and bigotry.
I am almost sorry you thought any apology due to those senseless
bigots who blamed you for compassion towards the clergy of France,
as innocent sufferers and as martyrs of the Christian faith, during the
most barbarous persecution that has fallen upon Christianity, perhaps
•ince its origin, but certainly since its establishment by Constantino.
... I own I thought well of Horsley when I found him, in his charge,
call these unhappy men our Christian brethren, the bishops and clergy
of the persecuted Church of France. This is the language of truth.
This is the spirit of Christianity." ' p. 6(5.
But Mr. Hall, in his ** Apology *", had attacked Horsley for
this very language, with great acrimony, contrasting the extreme
tenderness the Protestant Prelate professed for the fallen Church
of France, with his malignity towards Dissenters. In employing
similar language in his sermon, seven years afterwards, he must
have recollected this, and have felt that he had laid himself open
to the charge of inconsistency *. It might be urged, that he nad
attacked Horsley for his intolerance, rather than for his charity,
• We have elsewhere exposed the injustice of the charge of political
inconsistency brought a^inst Mr. Hall by his detractors. (Eel. Rev.
Vol. VII. p. 419.) The change was not in his political principles,
but in his manner of holding and advocating them. It was the change,
not of vacillation, but of maturity. That between his early produc-
tions and his later writings there should nevertheless be a marked
difference of tone and spirit, and sometimes an apparent contrariety of
sentiment, is no more than might be expected from the circumstances
of his life, and his progression in wisdom and sanctity. But what
shall we say to the despicable industry which has employed itself in
studying his works for the express purpose of malignantly exhibiting
all tne ' contradictions ' of opmion which they can be made to furnish,
under the ^etence, that the unworthy and disgusting task was forced
upon the Keviewer in • self-defence ', because Dr. Gregory has pre-
sumed to reprint, in a complete edition of Mr. Hall's works, Hhe
unripe speculations of his youth '.■ Such is the conduct which the
Quarterly Reviewer has chosen to adopt ! We envy neither his head
nor his heart. Few persons, we imagine, whose minds are not en-
venomed by bigotry, will think that any production of Mr. Hall's
ought to have been suppressed in a collection of his works, where the
errors of his early opinions are at once corrected and neutralized by
the more serious and mature productions of his riper years.
B B 2
208 Life of Robert Hall.
— for his insolent invectives against his feIIow.Prote«tanM in this
country, rather than for his sympathy with the fallen Church of
France. Still, it must be concluded, that, like Mackrotosh, he
had somewhat changed his political views, undeceived by the
terrific issue of those events which he had hailed as the downfil
of an odious despotism ; and we are led to presume, that these
two eminent men must, when they met at Cambridge, have com-
pared, and mutually reinforced their sentiments upon these topes.
Mr. Mackintosh, we are told, continued to evince both the
steadiness of his friendship for Mr. Hall, and the high value
which he set upon this sermon, by frequently quoting and apply-
ing it to the elucidation of the topics introduced in his lectures at
Lincoln^s Inn. Many of his auditors were in consequence in-
duced to visit Cambridge, to listen to the pulpit instructions of
the individual of whom they heard so much ; and no fewer than
fifty or sixty members of the university might often be seen at
the Baptist place of worship.
' None of these circumstances, however *, says Dr. Gregory, ' wen
permitted to draw Mr. Hall aside from his ordinary course. His
studies, his public duties, his pastoral visits, were each assigned their
natural place as before. If there was any change, it was manifest in
his increased watchfulness over himself, anci, perhaps, in giving a rather
more critical complexion than before to certam portions of his momins
expositions, and in always concluding them with such strong practical
appeals as might be suited to a congregation of mixed character.'
p. 67.
In this meridian of his fame, if not of his usefulness, a cloud
arose, which for a while enveloped his faculties in the darkness of
disease, and occasioned his disappearance irom the scene of his
celebrity. Early in 1803, the pain in his back increased both in
intenseness and continuity, depriving him almost always of re-
freshing sleep, and depressing his spirits to an unusual degree.
Horse exercise was recommended; but the benefit which he seemed
at first to derive from it, was transient ; and at length, a state of
high nervous excitement was induced, the effect of bodily dis-
order acting upon a mind overstrained, which terminated in an
awful eclipse of his reason. ^ He who had so long been the
^ theme of universal admiration, became the subject of as exten-
* sive a sympathy.'' This event occurred in November, 1804.
Mr. Hall was placed under the care of Dr. Arnold, of Leicester,
whose attention, with the blessing of God, in about two months,
restored him to society. In April, 1805, he resumed his minis-
terial functions ; but a return of his old pain with aggravated se-
verity, in the same year, was followed by a relapse, which again
withdrew him from public duty. Under the judicious care of the
late Dr. Cox, of Bristol, he soon regained the complete balance
of his mental powers ; Imt it was now deemed requisite to bis
Life of Robert HaU. 209
fenaamitti tetoyett^ that be should resign the pastoml ofBee At
Cambridge, and, ror at least a year, abstain fram preaching, and
svoad all strong excitement. Thus terminated a connexion which
bad subsisted, with the happiest results, for fifteen years; but
the mutual attachment between the pastor and his flock surrived
hia remaral, and remained undiminished till his death *,
The effect of these Diyine chastisements upon Mr. HalPs
feelings and character, the reader will anticipate ; but we shall
extract the statement of his friend and biograpner.
' Two visitations of so humiliating a calamity within the compass
of a year, deeply affected Mr. Hall's mind. Happily, however, for
himself and for the world, his spirits soon recovered their wonted
tone ; and the permanent impression on his character was exclusively
religioua. His own decided impression was, that, however vivid his
0imvictions of religions truth and of the necessity ef a consistent
course of evangelical obedience had formerly been, and however cor-
rect his doctrinal sentiments during the last fonr or five years, yet,
that he did not undergo a thorough transformation of character, a
oomplete renewal of his heart and affections, until the first of these
seizures. Some of his Cambridge friends, who visited him at Shel-
ford, previously to his removal to Dr. Arnold's, and witnessed his deep
prostration of soul while he read the fifty-first psalm, and made each
verse the subject of penitent confession and of a distinct prayer, were
rather inclined to concur with him as to the correctness of^the opinion.
Be this, however, as it may, (and the wonderful revelations ot " the
great day " can alone remove the doubt,) there can be no question that
nrom this period he seemed more to live under the prevailing recollec-
taon of his entire dependence upon Qod; that his habits were more de->
Totional than they had ever before been, his exercises more fervent and
more elevated.
' In a letter written to his friend Mr. Phillips, of Clapham, after
his recovery, he thus adverts to his afflictions.
' '' 1 cannot look back upon the events which have befallen me,
without admiration and gratitude. I am a monument of the goodness
and of the severity of God. My sufi^erings have been extreme, and
the kindness of God, in interposing in my behalf, unspeakable. Pray
fbr me, my dear friend, that I may retain an indelible sense of the
mercies received, and that the inconceivable afflictions I have under-
gone, may ' work fbr me the peaceable fruits of righteousness.' I am
often afraid lest it should be with me as with the ancient Israelites,
who, after they had sung the praises of God, ' soon forgot his works.'
O ! that a life so signally redeemed from destruction, may be as sig-
nally employed in that which is alone the true end of life, the service
of God. But my heart is ' like a deceitful bow,' continually prone to
* Among other substantial marks of their gratitude and attach-
ment, his Cambridge friends purchased for him, during his illness, a
liberal life annuity, and rsosed a further sum, to be at his own disposal
at death.
210 Life of Robert HaU.
turn aside ; so that nothing but the powerful impulse of Divine grace
can fix it in a right aim." ' pp. 78, 79.
After spending some months among his relatives and friends in
Leicestershire, Mr. Hall fixed his residence for some time at
Enderby, a sequestered village near Leicester, where he gradually
regained his bodily health and a renewed capacity for public use-
fulness. He soon began to preach in some of the adjacent vil-
lages, and occasionally to a small congregation assembling in
Harvey Lane, Leicester, which had, several years before, been
under the care of Mr. (now Dr.) Carey, the eminent Missionary
of Serampore. He at length received and accepted an invitation
to become their stated pastor ; and over this church, he presided
for nearly twenty years, during which the attendance steadily in-
creased, so that it was twice found necessary to enlarge the place
of worship. In the year 1808, his marriage to a prudent and
estimable woman, greatly added to his domestic comfort, and had
a happy effect upon his spirits, while it contributed materially to
promote the regularity of his habits. Altogether, his residence
at Leicester, Dr. Gregory considers to have been undoubtedly
the period in which Mr. Hall was most happy, active, and useful.
His writings also, during this period, though by no means nume-
rous, tended greatly to augment his influence upon society. The
first of these, one of the most masterly of his productions, was
his critique upon '' Zeal without Innovation^, published in the
first series of the Eclectic Review. This article, which he un-
dertook at the earnest entreaty of the late Mr. Robinson of
Leicester, was attacked with much bitterness in the Christian
Observer, and occasioned the first denunciation of clerical hosti-
lity against the journal in which it appeared. It obtained also a
wide circulation in the form of a se])arate pamphlet. The ser-
mon * On the Discouragements and Supports of the Christian
* Ministry **, the Address to Eustace Carey, and the Funeral
Oration for the Princess Charlotte, which rank among the Au-
thor'^s most valuable and finished compositions, were also pro-
duced during his residence at Leicester ; as well as various tracts,
biographical sketches, reviews, and his polemical works relating
to the Terms of Communion. His engagements for the press
were not suffered, however, to draw him aside from his pastoral
duties; nor did the almost constant pain which he suffered from
his constitutional complaint, throughout the whole time of his
residence at Leicester, diminish his mental energy. When it is
known that, for more than twenty years, he was unable, through
pain, to pass a whole night in bed, it will be thought surprising,
Dr. Gregory remarks, that he wrote so much ; nay, that he did
not sink into premature dotage.
Mr. Hall had attained his sixty -second year, when the death
of Dr. Ryland, in 1825, led to his being invited to succeed ta
Life of Robert Hall. 211
be pastoral charge over the Baptist church at Broadmead, Bris-
jl, — the scene of his first continuous labours, and of his closing
linistry. Some few of the friends of his early life survived to
elcome his return among them ; and every thing but the infirm
tate of his health, conspired to promote his own comfort there,
8 well as the prosperity of the society with which he had thus,
fter so long an interval, renewed a sacred connexion. As the
idications of infirm age rapidly exhibited themselves, they were
Baccompanied by a decaying mind or a querulous spirit. About
ix years before his death, he was attacked with a spasmodic af-
^tion of the chest, a plethoric habit having been induced by his
lability to take regular exercise. This disorder gradually in-
reased, occasioning several alarming attacks, till at length, on
he 10th of February, 1831, he was seized with the first of a
eries of paroxysms which terminated in his dissolution. For
en days, he sunered, with short intervals, great physical torture,
rithout a murmur, without an expression of irritability ; employ-
Qg the moments of comparative ease to express his thankfulness
o God for his unspeakable mercies, — his humble hope and entire
ubmission, — his simple, unshaken reliance upon his Saviour, —
;nd his affectionate acknowledgements of the care and assiduities
»f his family and friends around him. He also exhorted both the
aembers of his family and others occasionally present, to make
eligion their chief and incessant concern ; urging especially upon
ome of the younger persons, the duty of openly professing their
ittachment to Christ and his cause.
' When he was a little recovered from one of his severe paroxysms,'
ays his medical attendant, Mr. Chandler^ ' I asked him, whether he
eft much pain. He replied that his sufferings were great : " but
?hat (he added) are my sufferings to the sufferings of Christ ? His
afferings were infinitely greater: his suffering were complicated.
Tod has been very merciful to me — very merciful: I am a poor crea-
ure — an unworthy creature ; but God has been very kind — very mer-
;iful." He then alluded to the character of the suflTerings of cruci-
ixion, remarking, how intense and insufferable they must have been,
ind asked many minute questions on what I might suppose was the
)rocess by which crucifixion brought about death. He particularly
nquired respecting the effect of pain — the nervous irritation — the
hirst — the oppression of breathing — the disturbance of the circulation
—and the hurried action of the heart, till the conversation gradually
)rought him to a consideration of his own distress ; when he again
'everted to the lightness of his sufferings when contrasted with those
»f Christ. He spoke of our Lord's " enduring the contradiction of
(inners against himself" — of the ingratitude and unkindness he re-
vived from those for whom he went about doing good — of the com-
lination of the mental and corporeal agonies sustained on the cross —
he length of time during which our Lord hung — the exhaustion oc-
^oncd, &c. He then remarked how differently he had been si-
SIS Auldjo^s Sketches of Vewvhia.
tuated ; tbftt, though he had endured as modi er mofe thAn fell !•
the lot of most men, yet all had heen in mercy. I here remarked te
him, that, with most persons, the days of ease and comfort were hi
more numerous than tnoae of pain and sorrow. He replied : *' But I
have been a great sufferer in my time : it is, however, generally true :
the dispensations of God have been merciful to me." He then ob-
served, that a contemplation of the sufferings of Christ was the best
antidote against impatience under any troubles we might experience ;
and recommended me to reflect much on this subject, when tn pwi or
distress, or in expectation of death.' p. 1 13.
In the last agony^ hk sufTerings extorted the exclamation, * 0
the sufTerings of this body !' * But are you coipfortible in your
mind ?** asked Mrs. Hall. * Very comfortaUe, very comfOTtable,*
was his reply ; addiag, * Come, Lord Jesus, come ** — One of \m
daughters finished the imperfect sentence, by iuvoluntarily supply-
ing the word * Quickly ;** on which her dying fitthergave ner a
look expresave of the most couiplacent deKght To the last
moment, there was no failure of bis mental vigour or composure;
and almost his last articulate senteuce intimated, with his ac-
customed courteousnesSf the fear that he should fatigue by his
pressure the friend upon whom he leaned for support ia wrestling
with the last enemy. There was a terrible grandeur in the
conflict. What a moment was that which succeeded to the fina}
pang!*
We have not said a word about Mr. Fosters extremely in-
teresting Observations, because we fhMi we niust reserve them as
the subject of a distinct article, when we shall notice the sermons
contained in the present voluase.
Art. IL Sketches of Femvius, with Bhart Accounts xvf its Prindpai
Eruptiofis, from the Cammencemeat of the Christian Era to the
present Time. Bv Jc^n Auldjo, Esq., FjG.8., Corr. Member of
the Soc Real Borboii, and of the Soc. Pontauiana, Naples. 8vo.
pp. 93. 17 Plates. Lond. 1833.
jL/f R. AULDJO, in 1827, accomplished the e«ca//ide of Mont
Blanc ; and by means of his pencil, he turned his perilous
and otherwise unprofitable adventure to such good account, that
hifi Narrative f , illustrated by a skilfully executed series of litho-
graphic sketches of the scenery, enables the reader to perform
the asceni; with as much ease as Don Quixote performed his
aerial journey on the wooden iMurse, and with much more ad-
vantage. In the present volume, be transports us to the shores
* Mr. Hall expired^ Feb. 21, 1831, having not quite completed hi#
sixty -seventh year.
t See Eel. Rev. Vol XXX, p. 146.
Auldjo^s Sketches of Vesuvive. 213
of the Bay of Naples, or, (what is not quite the same thing, ^e
admit,) brings Naples and Vesuvius to us; so that the reader
has but to sit still, like a child in a coach, who fancies that the
trees and other objects are running past him, and he will find the
whole scenery of the route, firom Kesina to the burning cone,
gradually brought before him.
The volume before us will not, however, admit of advantageous
comparison with Mr. Auldjo'*s former publication, — with its lively
details and spirited sketches, descriptive of the ascent and scenery
of Mont Blanc. He was, then, fortunate in the aid of Harding^s
exquisite lithography, and in his own vivid recollections of sundry
storms and avalanches, and ^ hair-breadth ''scapes "* ; but in the
present instance, his excursions have all the insipidity of perfect
safety ; and his illustrations, though they are executed in an
artist-like style, have neither th^ decision of Haghe, nor the
expressive gracefulness of Harding^s handling. The signature
to the plates is ^ F. Wenzel ** ; and we mention the name, because
we have no doubt of his ultimate success in this branch : his
touch is free, and his line bold; he is sometimes defective in pre-
cision, but there are indications which induce us to refer this
to carelessness, rather than to want of skill. The view of the wall
of lava in the Fosso Grande is beautifully drawn.
Mr. Auldjo'^s repeated visits to the mountain seem to have
passed off without a single adventure. Not a singe occurred to
give vivacity to the promenade ; and we are almost tempted to
wonder that the admitted license of travellers was not exercised,
within discreet limits, on so urgent an occasion. A ten-feet leap
across a fiery lava-ralf, or an hour^s march along a six-inch ledge,
midway between sky and abyss, might have had ^ a fine effect "* ;
even the repetition of Brydone'^s sprained ancle would have shewn
some small anxiety for the amusement of his readers ; but all is
blank. Nor is the simplicity of truth relieved by any very
striking elasticity of style. A little further labour, and a more
judicious management of the extensive system of illustration,
would have made of this slight volume, a work of permanent
value. In its present form, it can claim no merit beyond such
as belongs to a respectably executed * Guide.** The earlier por-
tion describes the ascent, scenery, and general phenomena of the
mountain, assisted by a dozen sketches, several of which are on a
large scale, exhibiting the characteristic features and the pic-
turesque circumstances of the volcano. This part is followed by a
history of eruptions, illustrated by a very interesting map, dis-
playing, by the aid of different tints, the various streams of lava
that have been traced on the declivities of Vesuvius. An Ap-
pendix, with additional plates, contains interesting details of
recent convulsions.
This celebrated mountain has two summits, the present cone
TOL. IX. — K.l. c c
il4 AuUyo's Sketches of Veewriue.
of Vesavios and the Mnnie Sinnmm, which are sepaiaCed hj n
narrow Talley, called the Airio del Cavallo \ on the west, and
the Canaie deif Arena on the north. The lava which some-
times flows from the north side of the cone, with the ecoria and
ashes ejected or washed down from it into this valley, has raised
the level, and will, probably, some day fill it up ; and then that
side of the cone, united with the ridge of the Somma, will becoaie
part of the flank of the mountain. The cone itself, in wffee^
ance a mass of ashes, is truncated from n.r. to s.w., and rests,
on the K.W., upon the Atrio del Cacallo; on the n.e., opoa
the Canaie delt Arena; and towards the s., upon the Pedemem-
tina, extending its flank down to the hay, and forming an inclined
plane from its vertex to its base. The slope, from the PedemenHna
and the Airio del Cavallp^ is regular, and is covered with vine-
yards and gardens : it is broken only by the Vocalic (small cones,
formed during the eruption of 17^0,^ by the picturesque hill on
which the convent of the Camaldoli is built, and by prominences
raised on the lava of the eruption of 1794, near the Kane deHe
Ginestre. This plain, the ascent to which irom Resina oeca|iies
about an hour, (or an hour and a half by the moie convem^it
route of the Fosso Grande^ recommended by Mr. Auldjo,) was
once adorned with evergreen shrubs and bushes, and broom,
(from which it takes its name,) flowering throughout the year, and
wearing the semblance of eternal spring. It now presents * muly
' a desolate expanse, wherein nothing is to be seen but the scorious
' surfaces of vast streams of lava, which, in pouring down from
' the cone, have intersected and covered each other, have been
^ heaped up in confused masses and hillocks, or extended in broad .
^ and irregular masses.^ From this plain, the route ascends to
the Hermitage, through a winding cleft in the mass of lapUh^ d
which the ridge of the Canteroni^ upon which the Hermitage is
built, is principally composed. Before reaching the upper part,
a magnificent prospect opens, extending over the richly-wooded
plain of the Campo Felice^ terminating in the sea in one direc-
tion, and, in the other, bounded by the chain of the Apenninea
behind Caserta. Leaving the Hermitage on the left, the road
lies along the highest part of the verdant ridge, at the end of
which ^ the ashy cone rears itself aloft, the white smoke tiaing in
*' opaque masses from the centre, and curling high into the air.^
It then leads down, by a short descent, to the Atrio del CavcUhj
and winds among rude, unshapen masses, between two streams of
recent lava, towards a spot at the base of the cone, whence it is
necessary to climb on foot its steep, sandy side, by a sig-zag
* So called, because, formerly, persons always ascended thus far on
horseback. Up to 1631, it produced herbage and trees, bat is now a
iN^ea plain of lava.
AuIdjo'*8 Sketches of Vesuvius, 2\S
eb, leading, in rathar more than half an hour, to the top of the
e.
•:..•
'.^ * On the summit,' says Mr. Auldjo, ' a scene is presented, which al-
ntek baffles description. The field of lava in the interior of the crater,
PKtiosed within a lofty and irregular bank, might be likened to a lake,
**^ agitated waves had been suddenly petrified ; and, in many re-
it resembles the mers de glace, or level glaciers of Switzerland,
gh, in its origin and materials, so very different. It is inter-
by numberless crevices, some deep and wide, others long and
ow. Here, one sees masses curied and twisted like cables ; there,
slabs, piled up in various angles against each other ; in one part,
e table or platform ; in aootner, a narrow stream, the ripples of
I, in pushing eaeh other forward, have maintained their wavy
for a great distance. In the sea of ice, the white dazzling sur-
fs reheved by beautiful tints and various shades of blue and
in its simulachre of stone, the bright yellow and red of the
pounds of sulphur and the metals, intenpersed with the pure
^iMte of the muriate of soda, aflbrd a pleasing contrast to the brown
imd melancholy hue of the lava.
** A small b&ek oone, formed of scoria ejected from its mouth, rises
the kiTB a little to the north-«ea8t of the centre of the crater;
OTi from a cavity in it^ volumes of amoke roU up into the air, some-
^loes accompanied by a cloud of small, fine sand, and often, by showers
if red-hot molten lava, which, shot aloft, soon scatter and mil in all
dBiections ; a part in large masses like cannon-balls, a part in small
perfect spheroids, or in lumps that, striking on the lava, dash out into
ioDg strings of scoria.
' Two terraces of lava extend across the crater from the southern
Mo of the small oone ; and upon them several conical ytimaroZt, lately
thrown up, constantly ejected vapour, which gushed forth with a hiss-
falff noise. One of tnese had been rent asunder by some violent con-
vulsion in the crater. One half, which had fdlen down, presented a
flBnfused heap of lava in cubical blocks ; but the port that remained
ilanding, exhibited a structure like that of columnar basalt ; and the
whole was covered with beautiful crystallizations of the salts of copper
and iron, in various shades of green.' pp. 10, 11.
The view from the highest peak, Mr. Auldjo describes as one
of the most beautiful in the world, the height of the mountain
(4000 feet above the sea) not being so great that the features of
the landscape are lost or too much diminished.
' To the S.E., the island of Capri rises from the bosom of the ocean,
like a huge fortress protecting the entrance of the bay. On turning
to the left, one sees the Apennines, embosoming Massa and the orange-
covered platform of Sorrento, extend their dark line along the shore,
as far as Castell' amarc, over which towers St. Angelo, their highest
point. Thence, their lofty range, dividing the valley of the Sarno
nom the bay of Salerno, runs up into the country, until it makes a
bend to the left, and forms a distant semicircle round Vesuvius and
the plain of Nola, which spreads out between them* Behind Caserta,
216 Auldjo's Sketches of Vesum%M.
these picturesque mountains bide their heads in the clouds^ thuugh^
times> their gray and often snow-covered summits^ sparkling with t
rays of the sun, are beautifully defined through the clear atmosphe
Monte Circello> and the hills about Gaeta^ terminate the line> aga
lost in the sea^ but enclosing the luxuriant Campo Felice^ with t
numberless towns scattered over its surface. The whole tract fenc
in by this line of mountains^ and lying between it and the sea, is
volcanic origin, and to it the ancients gave the name of Cam
P/ilegrcei. The plain is perfectly level till it reaches the acclivity <
which the city of Naples rises, terrace above terrace, each built
palaces and churches, thickly crowded together, and crowned by t
massive walls of the castle of St. Elmo. Behind these is a semicirai]
hill, splendid and verdant, whereon villas, gardens, and orange-gror
stand, one above the other, in rich confusion. Further on, the Cami
doli, the promontory- of Posilippo, and the mountains behind the b
of Baia, raise their Leads, and form a fine back-£pround to the city. 1
the left of these, the high conical point of Ischia, frowning over tl
island of Procida, and a long line of blue sea^ close this extensive p
norama.' pp. 13, 14.
From the structure of the mountain, it is apparent, that tl
semi-circular ridge of the Monte Somma, now fadng the pr
sent cone, together with the Pedementinay were originally ii
eluded in the circumference of a much loftier cone. No r
cord informs us when that part of which the Pedementiti
formed the base, was carried away ; but it is generally thougl
to have been displaced during the great eruption of a.d. J!
Monte Somma being the only part of the original crat
which resisted the shock. Mr. Auldjo has given a very interes
ing description of the phenomena attending the last two eruption
That of 1831 was accompanied with tremendous earthquake
which were felt through part of Calabria ; and by one of thes
the beautiful town of Catanzaro, its capital, built on a hill eigl
miles from the sea, was laid in ruins, nearly at the same hour i
which the shock was felt at Naples. Calabria has for ages bee
peculiarly subject to frightful convulsions, which have rent i
mountains into the most wild and rugged forms, and separati
them by fearful chasms. As to Vesuvius, the great vent-hole <
the subterranean furnace, although not a century has passei
during which some part of the lands around its base has not bee
ruined by earthquakes, desolated by currents of lava, or coverc
with ashes, — the lower parts of the mountain are still studdc
with towns, villages, and palaces, rising amid vineyards and ga;
dens, * the property of men who forget their danger, while seel
* ing to derive wealth from the fertility of its soil !** A strikk
and aiTecting emblem of the moral blindness of the greater part (
mankind, and of their infatuated pursuit of transitory enjoyment
forgetful of the awful condition on which they occupy the suifii
that covers the grave.
( 217 )
Art. III. History of the Reformed Religion in France. 'By the Rev.
Edward Sxnedley, M.A., late Fellow of Sidney Sussex College^
Cambridge. Vol. I. (Theological Library, Vol. III.) pp. 399.
London, 1832.
T^HERE are many links which tend to preserve a degree of
connection between the departments of knowledge apparently
at the greatest remove from each other. The successful appli-
cation of the human faculties in one path, is something done to-
ward their more effective exercise in others. The circumstances
which give existence to a Chaucer, or a Petrarch, may be expected
to prepare the way for a Michel Angelo, or a Rafiael ; and the
state of things which ministers to the growth of such spirits, will
hardly fail to call forth a Columbus, a Galileo, or a Bacon. The
man who excels in any one liberal pursuit, will generally imbibe
a sympathy with more, and must impart the aid of that sympathy,
more or less, to his fellows. Mental power is constrained to
venerate its like, and must contribute to produce it, though the
objects to which it is applied in its different possessors, may have
little in common.
But, if this reflective influence belong, in some d^ree, to all
the matters of human culture, it must be more especially observable
in such as are less abstract in their character, and most of all in
religion, which connects itself more readily with the mass, and
takes the strongest hold on all the springs of action. If the re-
novation of one science, therefore, be the certain prelude to a
dmilar process elsewhere, the renovation of Christianity must be
Ae precursor to a similar change in regard to every path of
human improvement
What it would have been reasonable, in this respect, to an-
ticipate, has become history. The collateral benefits of the Pro-
testant Reformation may be estimated in some degree from the
present condition of the states by which its claims have been re-
jected. The rod of the oppressor, by which the nations had been
80 long afflicted, was much too powerful to admit of being broken'
by any force short of that which religion could supply. It re-
quirea the hopes and fears of the future, to undo the thraldom
of the present. But, these mighty influences once brought into
action, the eflect was wide, and deep, and permanent. Tne state
of Italy, Portugal, and Spain, improved or checked, as even they
have been, by their juxta-position with Protestant communities,
may suggest some notion ot what must have continued to be the
condition of Europe, apart from the agency of that momentous
revolution which armed the aristocracy and tne people, the prince
and the peasant, in defence of a common liberty. That great
dange consisted mainly, in what mainly distinguished it from
aU other changes-Hthe elevation of the people; and served,
VOL. IX, — K.». D D
218 Smedley's History of the Reformation in France.
necessarily, to humanize the spirit of all secular government, and
to give more equality and fairness to the working of the Bocial
system. In common with every great event, it had its incidental
evils ; but it had also its incidental good. While it conferred on
some states their first independent existence, it raised others
much above their former level. At the same time, it placed ail
the European powers in such new relations to each other, that a
sort of national confederation sprang up, such as at once put an
end to those tendencies toward a degrading universal monarchv,
which had been long at work. The struggle between the Old
and the New, forced the frame-work of European society into the
semblance of two grand republics, and rendered the maxims of a
more liberal policy imperative, as the means of self-preservation.
The light shed by the Reformation on all the objects which
come within the circle of our knowledge, is apparent in every
page of history, from the age of Luther to our own. On tbu
pomt, however, we shall allow a writer to speak, who will not be
Suspected of a disposition to overrate the good effects of the Chris-
tian religion. ^ The middle of the sixteenth century,* says
D'^Alembert, ^ saw a rapid change in the religion and the system
* of a great part of Europe. The new doctrines of the reformers,
* supported on the one hand, and opposed on the other, with that
* warmth which the interests of God, well or ill understood, can
* alone inspire, equally compelled their partisans and their adver-
spread
* objects also which seemed most foreign to those disputes*^
(Elemens de Philosophies 1.) To this it might with fairness have
been added, that these effects of reformed Christianity were naturally
followed by a kind of rc-action in its favour ; so that it has derived
the means of its still advancing purification, from that genend
Emulation which no strength inferior to its own could have pro-
duced.
Could the extent of the change which was to result from the
labours of the Ileformers have been foreseen, there were facta
which seemed to point towards France as a country that would be
aflected by the new order of things, almost beyond any other.
The very fickleness of the Gallic character, — a cniirge chronicled
against them since the days of Caesar, — seemed to favour this ooii-
clusion ; and still more their long boasted stand against the des-
potic pretensions of the papacy, and in behalf of, what' they were
pleased to call, * the liberties of the Gallican Church.' But these
circumstances, and others of the same description, were to be
counteracted ; and after a struggle, hardly less determined or
protracted than was maintained in our own country, the French
people were to find themselves thrown upon the mercies of a pure
Smedley^s HUtory of the Reformation in France. 219
despotism, and had to choose between embracing a Christianity
88 corrupt, upon the whole, as any tiling existing in the age be-
fore Luther, or an abandonment of religious faith altogether. It
18 well known, that the Author of the *' Decline and Fall,"'* re-
commended Dr. Robertson to give the story of the French Pro-
testants a place among his works. But if it be true, as Mr.
Hallam has somewhere said, that history is ^ the sworn slave of
success^ it was not with such a theme that even the genius of
Kobertson could have made any great impression. It is, indeed,
a remarkable fact in the history of the French people, that, as a
nation, they should always appear as though incapable of choosing
a middle course. The extremes of despotism or anarchy, of the
worst religion or no religion, are the connexions in which history
is generally presenting tnem ; — the minority, capable of wiser and
better things, being always borne down by an overwhelming ma-
jority, impelled as by the force of intoxication.
We would hope, however, that the time past may be sufRcient
for our neighbours to have wrought thus extravagantly. As to
the volume before us, though relating, as we have intimated, to a
theme which, both in its progress and its end, draws somewhat
too largely on our painful sympathies, we can readily bear our
testimony to the care, the candour, and the general ability with
which it is executed. It must be admitted, that its subject fur-
nishes some of the most valuable lessons to be derived from
modem history ; and to most of these the Author is capable of
doing ample justice. The work, if completed as begun, will be
the most interesting and valuable, on the subject, with which we
9ite acquainted. The present volume commences with the first
appearance of the Reformed Doctrine in France, and conducts
the reader through all the perils to which it was exposed, down
to the eve of the memorable St. Bartholomew. The persons
occurring most frequently in the narrative are, Francis I., Henry
II., Francis II., Charles IX., Catharine de Medicis, the Duke
of Guise, Admiral Coligny, the King of Navarre, the Prince of
Conde, the Cardinal Lorraine, De THopital, Calvin, Beza, and
some other names less familiar to general readers, but fitted to
awaken an eaual, and, in some instances, a stronger interest.
Mr. Smedley nas made a skilful use of his materials ; and has
prudently consulted the taste of some of his readers, by the in-
troduction of seasonable and illustrative anecdotes. The first
chapter describes a theatrical performance in the palace of Francis
I. ; shewing that the parties who were in the practice of commit-
ting the unhappy Lutherans to the flames with studied barbarity,
coold convert the excitement occasioned by their doctrine into a
source of amusement.
' In 1524, the king himself did not refuse to smile at a lisht in-
terlude^ represented in one of the saloons of his own palace, the plot
D d2
320 Smedley's History of the ^eformaikm in Framor.
of which^ as it has been banded down to us, oonld •cnrody be agree-
able to any very zealous Romanist. In this Tragedy^ as it is strangely
termed, when the curtain draws up> the Pope appeared seated on a
lofty throne, crowned with his tiara> and encircled with a tbning
of cardinals, bishops, and mendicant ^ars. In the middle of the
hall was a huge pile of charcoal smouldering, and scarcely betray-
ing any sign of the flame that lurked beneath, till it was approached
by a venerable grey-haired man with a mask imitating the mtares of
Reuchlin. At first he appeared as if alarmed at the unexpected sight
of the large and brilliant company of ecclesiastics ; but speedily raoo-
▼ering himself, he addressed them on church abuses, and the neceanty
of rerorm ; and then approaching the embers, he roused them with his
staff, and revealed the glowing charcoal underneath. As Reuchlin with-
drew, Erasmus entered, and was immediately recognized by the car-
dinals, with whom he seemed on terms of old acquaintance. In his
speech on the diseased condition of the Church, he did not probe the
wound to its core, but soothed and mitigated its virulence by mild and
lenitive applications, not declaring himself avowedly a roe to either
party, deprecating any sudden change in matters of so deep a moment^
and strenuously recommending time as the most able physician.
When he sat down behind the cardinals, they paid him distrngnished
attention, evidently dreading his opposition no less than they coveted
his support. Next appeared a true counterpart of the Talus of Spen-
cer, a man all iron, both in soul and body. He was intended for Hat-
ten, and bursting out into a furious declamation, Jhe taxed the conclave,
which he set at nought, as the authors of all corruptioii in religion,
and openly denounced the Pope as Antichrist, the ravager and destroyer
of Christendom. Seizing a pair of bellows, he hurried to the emborsy
and blew them violently into a flame, so fierce as to terrify the Holy
College. While, however, he was still blowing and fuming, he feu
down dead on the spot, and the cardinals, suppressing all marks either
of joy or grief, earned him away without any funeral service. Lastly
entered one in motley, whose monkish garb declared him to be Luther.
Like a second Isaac, he bore a pile of logs upon his riioolder, and
cried out, " I will make this little fire shine through the whole world,
so that Christ, who has well nigh perished by your devices^ shall be
restored to life in spite of you ! " Then, tossing the Iocs upon the
charcoal, he kindled them into a blaze, which illuminated the whole
chamber, and seemed to shine to the very uttermost ends of the earth.
Thereat the monster of a monk broke hastily away, and the Pope and
cardinals, quaking with fear, thronged together in close delibanation.
Then the Pope, with many tears, demanded assistance and advice in a
short and piteous speech. When he had concluded, up rose one of the
mendicants, a round big-bellied and sleek-headed little brother, who
proffered ready aid to the Pontiff. The holy father's diploma, hereto-
fore, he said, had constituted the members of his order defenders of the
true faith, and inquisitors into heretical pravity. If St. Peter would
a second time rely upon them, and place ml the burden on their
shoulders, they would pledge themselves to carry the matter throogh
to his entire satisfaction. Tlie cardinals hailed this proposal with ao«
damations, and urged upon his Holiness, that those men who had dealt
Smedley'*8 History of the Reformation in France. 221
90f wen with John Hubs at Constance^ were, of all other^ the most fit
Ments whom he could select for the present dangerous crisis. Bre-
thren^ said the Pope, addressing the mendicants, if indeed you will
repeat your great work as at Constance, boundless are the rewards
that you may expect. Your four>fold order shall no longer wear rags,
but be richly dressed, ride on horses and in litters, throw purple robes
on their shoulders, carry mitres on their brows, and be fed, moreover,
with the f&ttest bishopricks. Go and prosper ; stay our falling domi-
nion, and, for the safety of us all, first extinguish this fire, kindled the
Lord knows how. The friars at the word hurried to the flames, and
pouring on them a vast quantity of neat wine, raised them at once to
M> fearful a height, that the whole conclave was stupified, and the
mendicants themselves fled with terror.
' When the cardinals had recovered a little, they addressed a sup-
plication to the Pope. " Most Holy Father, to thee is given authority
DOth in heaven and on earth ; quench the fire with thy malediction,
that it may not overpower us. We know that there is not any ele-
ment in the creation which must not subside by thy word. Heaven
and earth obey thee ; at thy bidding, even purgatory absolves or retains
the souls of the departed. Wherefore, by thy saintly ofiice, attack
this fire with sound anathemas, lest we become a by-word and a re-
proach." " Cursed be he," was the Pope's apostrophe in consequence,
to the fire, ** who lighted thee ! Darknesss overcome thee, nieht sur-
round thee, that thou mayest no longer burn. May he who pued thee
^th fiiel be stricken witn the sores of Egypt, incurable, in his lower
bowels. May God strike him with darkness and blindness, and mad-
ness, so that ne mav fumble in noon day, even as a blind man fumbles
in the night !" When the hapless Pope discovered that the fire was
insensible to his curses, and that he was powerless against the ele-
ments, he expired in a paroxysm of rage ; and at the sight, the whole
a^mbly broke up, convulsed with laughter.' pp. 13— -17«
This characteristic scene is taken from a document attached to
the second volume of the Historia Reformationis^ by Gcrdcsius ;
•—an author, we may observe, whose valuable labours have not
been sufficiently attended to by our writers on ecclesiastical affairs.
Dr. M^Crie has shewn the use that may be made of his researches;
and we are pleased to see Mr. Smedley following his example.
In the original, the more racy and amusing points in the above
description are given in itaucs, which ada much to its force,
though hardly comporting with the gravity of history. The
following account of heroic suffering in the cause of truth, derived
from the testimony of the great Erasmus, is truly interesting.
It relates to a period before any reformed church existed in
France.
' Louis Berquin, a gentleman of Picardy, employed in the honour-
able ofiice of King's Advocate, had been conricted some time back of
having translated into French certain Mnritings of Luther ; and as he
obstinately declined to retract his adherence to the obnoxious doctrines,
he would even then have been led to the stake, but for the intercession
2SS Smedley*« History of the ReformaHon in France^-
of powerful friends. Arrested a second tinie> about the seoaon of the
disturbance at Meaux, it seemed as if he must encounter certain de-
struction. Nevertheless, so energetic were the representations offered
in his behalf by Queen IVIargaret of Navarre to her brother, Francis I.>
at that moment prisoner at Madrid, that the king exercised from his
distant confinement the length of arm for which royalty is proverbial,
and commanded a suspension of the process. It was not, however, till
the return of the monarch from confinement, and even then with a
sullen and reluctant obedience, that the parliament allowed Berquin
to be discharged from the Conciergerie. when Francis sent the pro-
vost of Paris to demand his release, and in case of refusal to force the
gates of his dungeon, the magistrate was denied all positive answer,
and coldly informed that he might execute his commission. A few
years later, when the king was closely occupied by the troubles of
Italy and the ambitious schemes projected in the League of Cambrai,
he forgot or abandoned his former client, and the long protracted and
persevering vengeance of the parliament was then fully eratified.
' Of the charges upon which Benquin was condemned, few particu-
lars have reached us ; for Erasmus, from whom we derive a minute
account of his behaviour at the stake, professes his own unacquaintanoe
with them, and on one point alone declares his confidence — that, what-
ever might be his imputed errors, Berquin was convinced in his heart
that he maintained tbe truth. The victim was above forty years of
age; so pure and blameless in his life, that scandal had never rested on
his name ; towards his friends, he exhibited singular gentleness of af-
fection, towards the poor and needy, unbounded charity. To the ex-
ternal ordinances of the Church he paid all due observance, attending
regularly to days of fcisting or of festival, to mass and sermons, and to
whatever else might contribute to edification. Free from guile, liberal
in disposition, upright in principles, he never inflicted or provoked in-
jury, neither was there any thing in his whole life unbecoming of true
Christian piety. His friends were probably mistaken, when they de-
clared him to be most alien from the doctrines of Luther ; thev were
right, doubtless, when they added, that his chief crime wbh the in-
genuous avowal of dislike to certain troublesome divines and monks,
not less savage than stupid. Some of the heterodox propositions noted
in one of his publications were, that the Scriptures ought to be read to
the people at large in the vernacular tongue ; a remonstrance against
the invocation of the Virgin Mary, often substituted in sermons in liea
of that of the Holy Ghost ; a denial that she was the fountain of all
grace ; and a wish that certain expressions, which, in the Vesper ser-
vice, contrary to the unvarying tenor of Scripture, designated her as our
life and hope, should be restricted to the Son, to whom they properly
appertainca.
' The process against Berquin was submitted to the decision of
twelve judges, who, as the day of sentence approached, committed him
to prison, an evil omen of their intended severity. He was condemned
in the first instance, after public abjuration of his heresy and the
burning of his books by the executioner, to be bored through the
tongue, and committed to perpetual imprisonment. Astonished at a
sentence thus harsh and unmerited, he spoke of an appeal to the king
Stned}ey'*8 Hisiary of the Refarmatum in France. 9C3
and to the pope; and liis persecutors; indignant at the menace, informed
him, that as he declined their original award, they would effectuall j
prevent his power of appeal by condemning him at once to the flames.
Six hundred armed men surrounded the Place de Gr^ve on the day of
his execution. A by-stander close to the stake, when Berquin ap*
proached it, perceived in him no change of countenance, no gesture
betraying agitation. '' You would have said ", are the strong words
employed, " that he was meditating in his library upon his studies, or
in the church upon his Ood." Not even when the executioner read in
a hoarse voice his accusation and sentence, did he shew one symptom
of diminished fortitude. When ordered to dismount from the cart, he
descended cheerfully without a moment's delay. His bearing, however,
by no means indicated that stony want of feeling which brutal hardi-
hood sometimes generates in atrocious criminals, but was rather the
effect of a tranquil spirit at peace with God and with itself. The few
words which he attempted to utter to the people, were rendered wholly
inaudible by the shouts of the soldiery instructed to drown his last
speech, if he should attempt to make one; and so effectually had the
representations of the priests steeled the hearts of the ignorant
spectators, that when he was strangled at the stake, (the only mercy
accorded to him,) not a single '' Jesu" was heard from the populace,
ready as they always were to bestow such aspirations on murderers
and parricides. " Thus much," says the bearer of that " great in-
jured name " from whom we have borrowed the above narrative, who
never failed in wisdom to detect folly and iniquity, or in honesty to
visit them with the ridicule which he thought their best corrective ;
" Thus much have I to relate to you concerning Berquin : if he died
with a sound conscience, as I venly hope he did die, tell me in return,
whose end could be happier." — Erasmus Epist. CLX/ pp. 18 — ^21. •
The effect of such proceedings was not the extinction of the
reformed doctrine. The martyrdom of Berquin took place in
1529. In 1555, the first Protestant church in France was formed.
Only four years later, a national synod of such churches was con->
vened ; and in 1562, they are said to have counted not fewer than
2140 congregations. So great were their numbers in Paris, that
between 30,0(30 and 40,000 persons had assembled on the same
spot for service. Many also of the nobility, and of the court,
were either openly or secretly with them. Did our limits permit,
we could wilUngly trace the varying condition of these confessors
and martyrs to the point at which the present volume closes ; but
a few remarks on the evidence that the massacre on the eve of
St. Bartholomew was preconcerted, must conclude the present
article.
Our readers will remember, that, a few years ago, a spirited
controversy on this point was carried on between Dr. Lingard
and Dr. Allen. The former maintained, on the authority of cer-»
tain statements made by the Duke of Anjou while in Poland,
before his accession to the throne as Henry III., that the mas-
sacre had resulted from the failure of an attempt contrived by the
324 Smedley's History of the Reformation in France*
queen-mother and the duke, vithout the knowledge of the king^
to assassinate the admiral Coligny; that it was not until the
failure of this attempt, that any thought was entertained of de-
stroying both the admiral and his adherents, but that, partly by
insinuations, and partly by threats, a mandate to that effect was
obtained from the monarch. Thus, the intent to kill is restricted
to one victim, and all that followed is made to be the effect of
accident, panic, and the moment. But Dr. Allen has shewn, on
the testimony of Cardinal D'^Ossat, that an arrangement em-
bracing the most ample ^ vengeance* on the Hugonot party, had
been long formed, and conducted with the most consummate arti-
fice, on the part of the king and others. The reason, however, of
our adverting to this matter at present, is to observe, that, since
the controversy between Dr. Allen and Dr. Lingard, a volume
has appeared m Paris, entitled ^^ Monumens Inedits de mis-^
toire de France: 1. Correspondence de Charles IX. et de Man^
dclot^ Gouverneur de Lyon^ pendant Fannie 1572. 2. Lettres
des Seize au Roi dTEspagne^ Philippe 117* This work exposes
the falsehood of Dr. Lingard^s account, in a manner which must
Imt an end to all further discussion relating to it From the
etters of the king, and of the queen-mother, contained in this
volume, and from the answer to them, it appears that, some days
before the attempt on the life of the admiral, and nearly a fort-
night before the massacre, expedients were adopted to prevent
the flight of the unhappy victims, whose sacrifice was to prove an
occasion of so much joy to the veteran cut-throat then filling the
chair of St. Peter *. We regret that Mr. Smedley does not ap-
pear to be acquainted with the publication we have noticed ; and
as his next volume will commence with an account of the proceed-
ings in Paris on the night of the 23d of August, 1572, we strongly
recommend it to his careful perusal.
* The question of premeditation is also examined at leneth in the
3d Vol. of Sir James Mackintosh's History of Ensland (Lardner's
Cyclop. XXX VII.)^ by his Continuator. Viscount Chateaubriand has
made a feeble attempt to disprove the premeditation^ on the authority
of the secret despatches of Salviati, the papal nuncio, discovered in the
Vatican. From these he made copies and extracts, which be commn-
nicated to the late Sir James Mackintosh ; and they are given in the
Appendix to this volume. The whole evidence of the Nuncio, however,
consists of bare and brief assertion, without a syllable of direct or dr-
cnmstantial proof ; and it is shewn, that Salviati actually refutes him-
self. Besides which, he was not in the confidence of Charles and Ca«
therine, who communicated with the Pope, not through the Nundo^
but through their ambassador Ferralz, or a special envoy.
( 225 )
Art. tV. Essaffs on Religious Subjects. By a Layman. Foolscap
8yo. pp. 460. London^ 1829.
A N involuntary feeling leads one to look for something imper-
"^ tinent or obtrusive, something slenderly filled out with ge-
nuine knowledge, something half-shapen, something untimely^
something out of joint and out of order, something, in a word,
which had better have been mused upon in private, or talked of
in a snug circle, than hung up on high for the public gaze, when
one opens a book, on a professional theme^ by one who avows
himself to be — ^not of the profession.
It is natural to ask, If a man be indeed competent to the sub-
ject he undertakes, why is it that he is not of the profession P
Has he been thrown out of it ? Has he been foiled again and
agun in his attempts to enter it ? Or does he belong to that in^
nominate class of shy invisibles, of impalpable and untenable
skulkers^ that lurk here and there, but are nowhere present to anjr
assignable purpose ; that are never to be held down to a definite
af&ir, and that, with perhaps many talents, and many endow-
ments, and much to say, actually do nothing and say nothing which
can be spoken of, looked at, or turned to any effective account in
the real business of life ? If so, then be sure there must be a
capital flaw or a jar in the mane's understanding ; and it is twenty
to one bis book will be like himself, too good to be treated with
sheer contempt, yet not good enough to stand in the place
which, had it been only a little better, it would certainly have oc-
cupied. Or is this same intruder, a taster, a dabbler, an ama-
teur ? Then away with him at once from the platform of serious
affairs and momentous interests, where his presence is an intoler-
able burden ! Hinder us, we will say, hinder us by open opposition, if
you will ; — wage war against our undertakings ; — slander us, arid
entreat us evil in every way which bold hostility thinks of; but
we pray do not come mincing on, where we have a combat to
achieve, with the simpering impertinences of volunteer bravery.—
Tread, if you please, with a manly step, the road we are treading ;
but do not advance tip^toe and with a measured step, like the
Aurora or the Flora or the Hebe of a fire screen !
Yes, it must be confessed that all this spontaneous prejudice
lies against the character and pretensions of a non-professional
meddler in professional matters. And other prejudices too, of a
more distinct sort, which we do not mean here to take account of,
set themselves in array to repel such intrusions. Nevertheless^
there are instances forthcoming, quite enough to warrant the brin^
ing in of a rule which shall serve to protect and even encoinr^re
lawless invasions of this sort ; and our authoritative and weU-
VOL. IX. — N.S. E E
326 Lay Theohgians.
pondered conclusion is — the grudging looks of certain personages
notwithstanding — that leave should be granted, henceforth, ss
heretofore, to men (and women too) though not licenced by the
college of physicians, to report what they may have chanced to
see and know of disease ana of methods of cure : — also, and in
like manner, to gentlemen, not of the Temple, to speculate, to
speak, and to write upon codes, statutes, and constitutions; — and
especially, to all erudite Laymen to compose and print — ^* Essays
on Religious Subjects ^\ or other lucubrations upon the sacred
matters of faith or practice.
We say, kspecially to Laymen ; and we have said it
wittingly, and for reasons we can assign : as for example.
1st, Monopolies, patents, and exclusive pretensions, of all sorts,
are just now melting away like ice-bergs that have drifted down
into lat. 55^ ; and it would be peculiarly inexpedient, at this
moment, so stiffly to insist upon clerical privilege, as should pro-
voke rude assault upon what, after all, we do not wish to see
broken down and trampled in the dust. Better to afford a litde
grace to well-mannered intruders, who, with civility, may be re-
tained as friends and coadjutors, than hunt them out of the
presence, vi et armis,
2dly, and to be quite serious. — It must surely be granted, that
the means of becoming well and truly informed on matters of
Theology, whether critical or abstruse, do actually lie within the
reach of well educated men, although they may never have
heard a divinity lecture, and never stood either in desk or pul-
])it. Theology, in this respect, differs materially from medicine
and law, of which no man can be thoroughly and practically
informed, who has not, in fact, passed through a process which,
whether or not he bears professional titles and a certain garb,
would qualify him to challenge any honours. Who will say
that a man of piety, leisure, and learning, may not have much
to say, that is worth the hearing, on theological subjects, even if
he would make a poor figure in front of a thousand faces, and
may be quite unfit to exercise ecclesiastical supremacies.
.'idly, and to be still more serious. Must it not be granted,
as a i)rerogative which a religious and well informed layman may
justly allege in defence of his intrusion upon sacred ground,
that there is a vividness of feeling in matters of religion, that
there is a freshness of the spirit, that there is as well an external
as an internal ikdkpkndknce, that there is a power of abstrac-
tion, and lastly, that there is a certain secular vigour of judgt*
ment; all of which may, with great advantage, be brought to bear
upon the treatment of sacred themes, and all of which are espe-
cially liable to be impaired, or curtailed, or quite excluded, oy
the intellectual habits, by the onerous duties, and by the profc
Lay Theologians. 2^
monal motives of. the preacher, the pastor, and the ecclesiastica'
dignitary?
We verily believe, that a decisive answer must be given in the
affinnative to this hypothetical statement. Nay, we might (care-
ful still to give no offence to those who should engage always the
highest esteem) go a little further, and affirm that, in those cri-
tical seasons, (perhaps the present is such a season,) when all men
feel that a revolution, or, shall we say, a general recension o
opinions is coming on, and when sensible men of all parties are
pretty well wearied of certain venerable modes of speaking ; — that,
at such a moment, a service of peculiar importance might be
rendered by some who, absolutely indifferent to the fate and in-
terests of parties, and having nothing to care for but the purifi-
cation and spread of God's holy truth, might take their course
over the ground with a calm courage and steady purpose, such as
is hardly to be expected in those who fill a locality, who wear a
garb they are mindful not to have rent or soiled, and who walk
hand in hand with colleagues.
But we will not rush, uncalled, upon difficult and hypothetical
matters ; and instead of doing so, will take a turn or two upon
the open ground of plain liistory. What are the facts then ?
Can it be affirmed that the Church — we would rather say Christ-
ianity— ^has, during the lapse of ages, to any measurable extent,
been well served and advanced in the world by the writings of
men, not of the sacred profession, and not engaged in the or-
dinary duties of popular instruction ? A large question this,
which to treat properly would fill a volume. Of course we can
but touch it here as wc run. But, as a preliminary, we must ask.
What is it makes the priest — what the layman ? Without at-
tempting the thorny question ' concerning orders % we assume a
rule of discrimination — a rule, we grant, not in every case deci-
aive, — That he is a clerical or sacerdotal person who actually bears
office in the church, has a certain responsibility to support, and is
ordinarily employed in the work of congregational teaching, or of
ecclesiastical government. On the other hand, whoever is found
to have devoted his time and service to religion, apart from office
and public labour, belongs to our list of Lay Theologians.
It is not every reader of the sacred canon who may be aware
how many of the inspired writers we might, by this rule, fairly
claim as laymen. Some of our instances may indeed be am-
biguous and disputable ; but the most illustrious of the names
which we place at the head of our Secular Catalogue, are
Uable to no question. Assuredly he who led the descendants of
Abraham through the howling wilderness, the king in Jeshurun,
and the author of the Pentateuch, was no priest. We challenge
then Moses, as the first of lay theologians. Shall we give him^
as a fit companion, Job; — or the writer of his history? Elihu,
£ K 2
328 Lay Theologians^
or some other P The king and poet, founder of the Jevioh- mo*
narchy, and the unrivalled lyrist of the Church in any a^, takm
the next place* Solomon then comes to sustain our plea in behalf
of secular service done to religion.
It would lead us too far, to settle the claims of those of the pro*
phets whose tribe and function are only obscurely mentioned.
But in the number, several were unquestionably laymen. Whether
doubtful or certain, we shall mention Isaiah, Jonah, Amos, Jod,
Hosea, Nahuro, Micah, Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Obadiah, Hag-
gai, Zechariah, Daniel, and Nehemiah. Does not this list, na«
merous and rich as it is, almost support the belief, that vhen
signal services are to be performed, the Divine appointment gives
a preference to those who are unshackled by sacerdotal duties and
motives ?
Turning off from the ground of canonical Scripture, ve meet in-
stances in abundance pertinent to our argument. The Author c^
the Wisdom of Solomon, we must not deei«ii?e/^ claim for our list; but
may without scruple lay hands upon Joshua, son of Sirach^^-Hio
mean contributor to the stores of practical, axiomatic wisdom, and
one too who, had he stood, either nearer to the fountain of true
light, so as to have had discharged from his disk the few spots that
sully his splendor, or much further from it, so as not to have suf-
fered by a comparison which he did not invite, and so as not to
have been gathered with pretenders, — must have commanded a
high reputation in that class of writers to which he belonffs. He
is not a Plato, not a Socrates, not a Seneca, not an Epictetus ;
but a Jew, who may be read with pleasure and advantage after
the flowers of those sages have been gathered.
We have hesitated a moment upon the question of taking or
leaving the name of the author of the Targum of Onkelos ; but
resign our pretensions, attracted by a bright reputation which,
as we just now catch a glimpse of it, illumines all the tranquil
bosom of the Nile. We speak of Philo; and in speaking of hun,
revert to our rule (as wc must do in another signal instance at
hand) which allows us to claim, as a layman, any one, though
of sacerdotal blood, who in fact did not discharge the functions of
the priestly ofHce ; but addicted himself to literature and sacred
philosophy from the impulse of independence, or taste. Quid loguar
de Philone ? asks Jerom, quern vel alteruniy vel secundum Pfa-
tonem^ critici pronunciant ! So great a celebrity, says Photiiis,
did Philo win for himself among the Greeks, as a powerful writer,
that it became a common ada^, i YlhaTuv fi^uviXeiy i ^Ixmv vxo.
ruvl^ei. ^ Either Plato philonizcs, or Philo platonizes.^ We are
content with this authentic commendation, and pass on. Who
will dispute our rightful possession of Flavins Josephus, or deny
us leave to vaunt the possession of him ? Although, * beyoiid
all contradiction, and in defiance of envy and detractions^ as him-
Lay Tkeologiana. 229
self affirms, he was son of Matthias, son of Joseph, and so on, in
direct ascent of the Aaronic stock ; nevertheless, by his own
shewing also, in early youth he launched upon the troubled waters
of civil and military life ; and it would be as strange and outrage-
ous a thing to class him among persons of the sacred order, as it
would be to do so with certain country gentlemen among ourselves,
who, whatever may be the actual colour of their cloth, conduct
themselves always as if they always wore the colour the con-
venience of which is, that it does not shew dirt. Yes, assuredly,
Josephus was a layman, and at the same time an invaluable con-
tributor to the stock of sacred literature. At what price would
the Biblical critic, or the student of history, consent to the pe-
rishing of the " Jewish antiquities,^^ and the " Wars of the Jews ^ ?
** KaQa^og tyiv ^fao-iv— conveying with grace and purity the
weighty matters which recommend his page.^ *
Our readers will think that we are intending nothing less than
to carry off and make a boast of the chiefest worthies of the
temple of ecclesiastical fame : for our next name is that of Justin
the Martyr, a philosopher, and better than a philosopher — ^a
Christian ; and a Christian (rare praise) who could not merely
fvriie in defence of the Gospel, but die for it We do but men-
tion some other names, either of less note, or concerning which
our claim is disputable ; such as Athenajzoras, Pantsenus, Apol-
lonius, Aristides, It would lead us too tar out of our path, to
inquire concerning Tertullian, whether, though denominated
* presbyter,' he ever actually performed Church duties. With-
out ambiguity, Marcus Minutius Felix comes over to our side ;
a lawyer and man of the world, but an elegant, a caustic, and,
we should not doubt, an efficient apologist of the rising, but then
calumniated and afflicted Church. — ' Quam idoneics veritatis as-
^ertor potuUset^ si se totum ad id studii contulisset!"* — Yes, but
it was as a man of other interests that he stood forward, with so
special an advantage as the assailant of idolatry, and the advocate
of the faith of Chnst.
The period we are passing over abounds with names that might
properly swell our list; — philosophers, grammarians, orators,
who, vanquished by the evidence that sustained the gospel-his-
tory, or smitten with the purity and beauty of its ethics, avowed
themselves Christians, and threw in contributions of more or less
value, to the literary ftinds of the Church. But we hasten on ;
and fix only upon the most signal instances. And how signal an
instance is Origen ! Yet, inasmuch as our reader s impressions,
doubtless, are all of a kind to which we should do violence, were
* Aquila shall neither stand in his place in our text ; nor be quite
mnitted. Shall we add to this note the names of Theodotion and
SymmachQs?
230 Lay Theologians.
we to challenge this " Father of the Church ^ as a laic, we re^
frain from making out the good case we easily might in favour of
such a claim. Churchman or layman, (and we tske him as the
latter,) he was a divine and a scholar, by the side of whom, could
they be brought into near comparison, some reputed such among
ourselves, must hide their diminished heads. Let Amobius just
serve as a means of transition from one illustrious name to another ;
— a link in our chain, connecting Origen with Lactantius, the
glory and the reproach of the Church of that ase, the * Ci-
cero of Christianity;^ a man erudite and accomplished, yet (as
some say, perhaps on uncertain grounds,) left by those who should
have cherished him, to endure the miseries of want !
Again we shall be called in question as audacious spoliators, or
as sacrilegious invaders of the goods of the Church, when we lay
hands upon so great a writer and ^ venerable a father '* as Jerom,
and stripping him of his presby tcr^s tunic, challenge him as a lay-
man. Yet our rule embraces even Jerom. Invested, as a merely
honorary title, with the name of presbyter, he led a life (and did
so by formal stipulation *) altogether unencumbered with eccle-
siastical duties. In taste, habit, and actual occupation, he was
precisely the man of letters, who chose Christianity as his party,
and sacred learning as his subject. Hear his encomiast and con-
temporary.— ' Totiia semper in lectione, totus in libris eat : turn
die, non nocte requiescit : aut legit a liquid semper, autscribUP
— Are we not borne out in our claim ? Moreover, unlike a man
who, in return for the deference paid him by his colleagues, ch^
rishcs and defends his order, Jerom was the incessant and mer-
ciless assailant, not of heretic only, but of monks, bishops ! pres-
byters ! ' Odcrunt eum hceretici, quia eos impugnare nan
desbiit : odcrunt clerici, quia vitia eorum insectatur et cri-
mina. — Immo vero^ nihil penitiks omisit, quod non carperet, la*
cerarety eaponeret : prcecipue avaritiam, nee mintis vanitatem
insectatus est.'' What is all this but the Layman, who, in his
privacy, frets at the disorders of a body with which he does not
feel himself to be connected, and which he scruples not to expose
to general contempt.
Some dozen names here meet us as meriting a place in our ca-
talogue. Victorinus, for example; Didymus of Alexandria;
Ephrem the Syrian, we are half resolved to claim ; certainly
Prudentius is ours ; and Nonnus (as we think), yet ask us not to
read his verses ; Mark the hermit ; Rufinus, friend and foe of
Jerom ; and Victor of Marseilles. But we advance to swell our
• We pay more regard to his own account of himself in this respect,
than to the casual expression used by au ecclesiastic of the western
Church, who says, ' Ecclesiam loci ilhus Hieronymus presbjrter r^'t.'
Lay Theologians. 231
Jiretensions in behalf of the laity, with the valuable names (at
ea^t one of them valuable) of the church historians, Socrates
and Solomon ; after whom might be mentioned, Nilus of Con-
stantinople, and if the reader pleases, though we do not please, Si-
meon Stylites.
Doubtless we shall place on a conspicuous pedestal (not so
dizzy a one perhaps, but of far better workmanship and material
than the pillar of Simeon) the classical author of the * Consola-
tions of Philosophy.' Boetius, the Consul, might well be chosen
to head a host of lay theologians, as he brings up the rear of ele-
gant latinity. Let him occupy alone this paragraph, and thence
look mournfully over the wide gulf of ignorance and folly which
lies between him and a brighter time.
From that dark quag, we might stay to rescue a few names,
which, however, must be left to some season of more leisure.
Yet the resplendent Photius, far greater before his desecration of
the priestly office than afterwards, must surely be called from his
monastery to grace our list; and does he not actually brighten all
the page that bears his name P But we will not attempt to add
a pun to the thousand with which the learned have already
graced the memory of this illustrious man *. It may be retorted
upon us, if Jerom is to be marshalled in this array of laymen,
wny not Bede, why not Alcuin, Scotus, and others hardly less
deserving of the bold attempt ? It might, we confess, be hard to
defend any ground of distinction we could advance. Perhaps the
only reason why the one was taken and the others are not, is that
ourselves are now impatiently pressing on to a close. Yet the
good king Alfred — king — philosopher — patriot — -warrior — legis-
itor — Christian, — Alfred — theologian and layman^ we will
loudly boast of.
Our rule would grant us Maimonides : — let learned casuists de-
cide the perplexing question, whether his title of courtesy,
* Rabbi,' is to be held equivalent to * orders ', and then, whe-
ther this Jew should be numbered with doctors of divinity !
Strange conjunction of names, to adduce that of Dant^, next to
the Rabbi Moses ! — and some may deem it still more strange
to enlist the poet among theologians. Nevertheless, we will do
so at all hazards ; and run an equal risk too, with the name of
Abelard.
Sir Thomas More, we deem an honour to our list, notwith-
standing his position on the wrong side of a great controversy ;
* It 80 happened that the writings of Photius, after resting long
in the dark, were brought to light, by Schottus — ^Sxotoj, a Jesuit of
Antwerp. Who, with a single sparkle of wit to spare, could resist
the temptation to pun wholesale, on so rare an occasion ?
232 Lay Theohgiana.
and would rather be companions with him, in the wrong, than
with that mighty theologian and staundi defender of the fiud^
his master, — in the right. And now must we tdce the shame of
numbering that other accomplished clerk and king, James, who
would have been almost as much vexed to find himself omitted
in a catalogue of the great divines of the day, as to baTe seen
his royal titles dropped out of the roll of sovereigns-
Great men, great men truly, now thicken upon us, who,
though not ecclesiastics, render^, in different modes, signal ser*
vices to the Christian faith. For the absolute parity of their
several creeds we are not responsible ; yet hesitate not to say of
most, that their talents and learning, sincerely demoted to
the cause of Christianity, entitle them to the gratefbl leod-
lection of all Christians. Who will refuse this tribute to the
memory of Hugo Grotius ? The immortal Author of * The
' Provincial Letters \ too, might perhaps measure merits, on the
ground of substantial service done to truth and piety, with any of
the divines his contemporaries. Our right to FcUh^ Malebranche
might be contested, nor are we much disposed to enter into strift
for his sake.
To number Lord Bacon among theologians, would seem only
like an eager endeavour to grasp at every good thing within our
reach, seeing that so very small a part of his writings bears upon
religion. Let it however be granted to us to reuin him, aa ifl^
anticipation of that extensive influence which, we are food Is
believe, the great principles of his philosophy are yet destined to
exert over the ground of theological science. That he himself
looked forward to some such distant influence, we could make
appear as at least probable *. In the same Inright series, the
reader expects to see Newton, Boyle, Locke, and Milton. Think
what we may of their particular opinions, we must not deny, that
the mere fact, that these great men were Christians, has,
during past seasons of doubt, sustained the wavering fidth of
* A copious theme we must not here enter upon. Let ns just say,
that aS; in reference to his natural philosophy. Bacon's prediction, if
we may so call it, has been verified^ — ' Certe objici mini reotiannit
posse existimo, quod verba mea Seculum desiderent. Seculam
forte integrum, ad probandum, complura autem secula ad perficitn'
dum ;* — ^so may it be that the high principles of reason whicn ha pi^
mulgatcd, after having been carried home through all departments of
physical science, are to be brought in and fully applied to the inter-
pretation of Scripture. Yes, and seeing that ^Tature and Seriptnrt
are the work of one and the same hand, can it be otherwise than fit,
that the ' Minister et Intcrprcs Scripture ', should proceed on the
very principles which have proved themselves to be the genuine rales
of the ' Minister et Interpres Naturae ' ?
United Slates of America. 233
uiultitodes of <mr countrymen. The Author of ' Religio Medici *
has a good right to a place in our list ; and perhaps there are those
who will think that David Hartley has as valid a claim to the
title of Theologian as Sir Thomas Browne. We have omitted in
their exact order, Des Cartes, and a greater than he, Leibnitz,
who, layman as he was, and deeply engaged in scientific and
secular pursuits, stood foremost among theologians, as among
philosophers.
We will not set a foot upon the stage of more recent literature;
much less pay the expected tribute to any of our contemporary
lay-divines, who may have been thinking, all along, that our
rambling lucubration was to reach its triumphant climax in their
names. Not so: — we cut them short (if such there be) with a
flat disappointment ! Let only our conclusion be received and
pondered, which is this : That the services rendered by men not
ecdesiastics, to Religion, have been enough, and more than enough,
to redeem from contempt the title I^ay Theologian ; and enough too,
to enhearten the secluded endeavours of any who, even now,
though not officially invested, may be desiring to lay their gift
upon the altar. Yes, and enough to warrant the hope that, in
-times that are coming, achievements of the most important kind
may be effected under this very condition of extra-sacerdotal
agency.
Art. V. 1. Three Years in North America. By James Stuart^ Esq.
2 vols. ^vo. Edinburgh, 1833.
2» America and the Americans. By a Citizen of the World. 8vo. pp.
xii. 430. London, 1833.
3. Moral and Political Sketch of the United States of North America.
By Achilla Murat, Ci-devant Prince Royal of the Two Sicilies^
and Citizen of the United States. With a Note on Negro Slavery.
By Junius Redivivus. 12nio. pp. xl. 402. London, 1833.
4. North American Review, No. LXXVIII. January, 1833. Art.
Prince Puckler Muscau and Mrs. TroUope.
TVl RS. Trollope^s trumpery work, we never thoi^ht it worth
^'^ while to notice. The innate vulgarity of mind, the pal-
pable invention, and the irreligious spirit which it betrayed,
worthy of Fanny Wright herself, led us no alternative but either
to occupy more time than we could spare in exposing the writer''s
misdemeanours, or to pass it by in silence. A certain Quarterly
Reviewer endeavoured to puff it into notice, pleased to have an
opportunity of saying spiteful things about the Americans, and
VOL. IX. N.8. F F
234 United States of America.
poflsiUy knowing more about the composition of the book than he
might care to avow. The North American Reviewer ia ' dis-
' posed to regard the work as to a certain extent pseudepigraphal,
' That this lady lived and travelled in America, and kept a
^ journal of what she saw and fancied she saw, there is no doubt.
' But/ adds our Transatlantic critic, ^ we hare heard some pretty
' distinct rumours that her papers have gone through the mill of
' a regular book-maker ; and tnere are some things in the volume
^ as it stands, which we cannot think that she or any other lady
' (not to say gentleman) could have written/ Whoever was the
book-maker, the reader must have had no small share of credulity,
who could receive its statements as authentic, and no very refined
taste, who could be pleased with its unfeminine pertness, flip-
pancy, and profaneness.
From the very title of Mrs. TroUope'^s work, however attractive
to minds of a certain class, it might have been anticipated, that
the contents would be found of the most trivial description. What
are to us the *' domestic manners^ of the people of the United
States, their style of dress, of conversation, of cookery P A few
passing observations on such topics might serve to enliven a chap-
ter of a travelling Journal ; but, except as furnishing hints to
persons about to visit the United States, that may put them on
their guard against inconveniences or mistakes, they must surely
be regarded as a sort of gossip alike undignified and unprofitable.
What we are anxious to know respecting the Americans, is, how
the magnificent experiment of their government and social consti-
tution works, as regards the happiness and wel&re of the people, —
the interests of religion, the state of morals, and the efficiency of
the public institutions. In America, there is clear ground for
the safe evolution of a series of experimental processes, by which
conflicting political theories may be brought to the test, and which,
in the more crowded countries of the old world, it would be folly
to attempt, from the certain cost and doubtful issue. We may,
in Europe, enjoy all the benefit, without the risk, provided we do
not sufler our self-love on the one hand, or our enthusiasm for
freedom on the other, to blind our judgement to the actual results.
We can say, for our own part, that we are anxious only to ascer-
tain facts ^ in respect to the state of things in the United States,
whether those facts make for or against any particular theories or
anticipations. And we wish to be on our guard more especially
against that hasty induction which makes a few detached facts the
stepping-stones by which to leap to distant conclusions. The
first point to be ascertained is, what is the moral condition of the
great mass of thfe people ? This being tolerably well understood,
the next inquiry would be, whether the people are what they are
found to be in such a political condition, in consequence of their
institutions, or in spite of them. And still a third question
United Slates of America. 236
would remain to be determined, supposing this second inquiry to
turn out in favour of the American system ; namely, whether
those institutions would be adapted to other countries, and could
be naturalized, with advantage, in the old world.
Mrs. Trollope'^s book * was hailed \ it has been remarked, by
* those who seem to imagine, that to speak favourably of America,
* is to speak disparagingly and factiously of Britain.^ * This
jealousy of the Americans is as mean as it is unintelligent. To
speak favourably of America, is to speak honourably of Britain,
the parent of all that is excellent in America, — her religion, her
laws, and the free spirit of her institutions. We are speaking,
of course, of the United States of the North, to compare which,
for a moment, with Mexico, Colombia, or Brazil, as to the degree
of civilization and of intelligence which characterizes them re-
spectively, would be an insult to the Anglo-Americans. And
whence has arisen the vast moral difference between the nations
sprung from the English and the Spanish colonies in the new
world? Admitting that climate has had some influence in modi-
fying the national character, the essential cause of the immense
aifterence between the North and the South, is undoubtedly the
intellectual capital with which the United States started in their
political adventure, — the moral wealth which they inherited as
Englishmen. If America is not merely a * land of promise %
but, in some respects, the favoured seat of liberty and religion,
which we rejoice to believe, it ought to endear to us the more our
common faith, our common laws, and those institutions which are
parent to the social constitution of the American Republic.
It is true, that an indiscriminate and credulous admiration of
every thing American, may put on a factious character ; may be
allied to a spirit of turbulent discontent or of rash speculation.
Or, originating in a more generous feeling, in the re- action pro-
duced by the mean and calumnious disparagement of our American
brethren, it may nevertheless lead to serious mistakes and erro-
neous, perhaps mischievous conclusions. The mild enthusiasm
of some excellent persons leads them to regard America as a
Utopia realised, and to mistake the crude experiment of yester-
day for the matured perfection of a model or the certain results
of science. We have also met with instances of an amiable hu-
mility which would offer incense to the inordinate vanity of the
Americans, by conceding and confessing the inferiority of Eng-
land to her well-grown daughter. We love brother Jonathan
sincerely, in spite of the serious flaws in his character ; but we
feel somewhat like Joseph's brethren, at the representation which
makes our sheaves stand round about to make obeisance to his
• Edinb. Rev. CXI I. p. 460.
F F 2
336 United States of America.
sheaf. If he has dreamed a dream, that the aim, and the iikkm«
and the stars of the social system, are to make obeisance to bha,
this shall not make us hate our brother, but we must at least dis-
tinguish between the prediction and the fact Whatever the fu-
ture may develop, we cannot at present bring ourselves to do
homage to the young Heir of the New World. What is more,
we must withstand him openly, when we think him to be blamed.
In our last Number, in advocating the Chums of the Blacks,
we had to bring under the immediate attention of our readers, a
startling and repulsive disclosure of the extent to which * the
^ plague-spot, slavery % has vitiated the moral feeling and dis-
ordered the social constitution of the Americans. We shall say
little more upon the subject at present, but cannot refrain from
citing from Mr. Stewart's very sensible and dispassionate journal,
some statements which but too strongly confirm and justify our
remarks in that article. We rejoice to find, at the same time,
that his details respecting the state of education, and of religion,
in the Northern States, are, upon the whole, verv favourable to
the character of their citizens ; furnishing a complete exposure of
the falsehood of Mrs. Trollope^s representations, who appears
never to have set her foot in New England, and who drew her
observations chiefly from the North-western States, the most
newly settled portion of the country. It ought always to be
borne in mind, by those who wish either to understand the real
condition of society in America, or to do justice to the Americans,
that the United States comprise countries differing from each
other, in their interior condition, scarcely less widely than Yoric-
shire, Devonshire, and Jamaica. Upon this point, the ci-devant
Prince Royal of the two Sicilies, now Citizen Achilles Murat,
has undertaken to set right the erroneous notions of travellers
We shall transcribe the passage as a specimen of his perform-
ance, which, tliough just such a work as might be expected from
the son of a soldier of fortune, cradled in European revolutions,
and thrown upon the republicanism of the Southern States,*—
contains, with much flippancy and some inaccuracies, a consider-
able portion of acceptable information. We need only premise,
that the Ex-prince never travelled in the north eastern portion of
the United States ; that he has only hearsay to guide him in his
gtiesaes reBjiecting the people and thestateof society in those states;
and that he is a warm advocate for the advantages of slavery;
like many other republicans who love freedom too well to wish to
see it cheapened and thrown away upon the blacks.
* Another great distinction observable in the character of the people,
is among the inhabitants of the Souths of the North-east, of the West,
and of the Centre. It is so strong, as to change entirely the aspect
of the country.
* The six New England states, Massachusets, Connecticut, New
United States of America. 237
HBmpshir^, Vermont, Maine> and Rhode Island^ form of themselves a
constellation extremely remarkable among the States of the Union.
Their interests^ their prejudices^ their laws, even their follies and
▼ory accent are the same. They are what in the rest of the Union we
call Yankees; .a name which the English have very erroneously ex-
tended to all the nation. These six republics are one fraternity.
Their industry and capital are immense ; they cover the ocean with
oar flae, and furnish our navy and merchantships with seamen ; they
have also given birth to many of our greatest men. Their character is
rerj remarkable, and admits of comparison with no other people on
the earth. The most gigantic enterprises do not Mghten them, nor
are they above engaging in those of small detail; all which they
oooduct with a spirit of order and minuteness quite peculiar to them-
selves. These men seem bom to calculate shillings and pence, but
they raise themselves thereby to count by millions, without losing any-
thing of their exactness, or of the littleness of their ordinary views.
They betray a shameless avidity after profit, and, like Petit-Jean,
candidly teU you,
" Que sans argent honneur n'est qu'une maladie."
This spirit of calculation and avarice is strangely blended with the
strict olMervance of the Sunday, which they call oabbath, and of all
the puritanical practices of the Presbyterian religion, which they have
generally adopted. They are in this respect so scrupulous, that a
brewer was reproved in church for having brewed on the Saturday,
by which the beer had been exposed to work on the Sabbath. They
call this morality, which, according to them, consists much more in
not swearing, singing, dancing, or walking, on Sunday, than in not
making a fraudulent bankruptcy. This species of religious hypocrisy
it so natural to them, that the greater number practise it as a thing of
course. They glory in calling themselves " the country of steady
habits," not because they are more virtuous than other people, but
because they assume a contrite air once a week, and eat nothing on
Saturdays but cod-fish and apple pies. Boston, their capital, abounds,
however, in men of literary eminence : it is the Athens of the Union ;
it was the cradle of liberty, and produced many of its most zealous
diampions in the council as well as in the field. Instruction is much
more generally diffused there, than in any other part of the world.
They possess, in fieict, all the elements of greatness, and evince enlarged
views, without foregoing anything of that petty spirit of detail which
mixes itself with all their proceedings. Everywhere, a Yankee may
be recognized by his adroitness in asking questions about what he
already knows, by the evasive manner in which he answers questions
addressed to himself without ever afiirming anything, and particularly
by the address with which he manages to eclipse himself when there
is something for him to pay. In politics, these six States are united :
they vote as one man. Here is tne seat of the commercial interest,
although since some years, they turn their attention to manufactures
also, with the success which accompanies all that they undertake. The
country is very populous, very well cultivated, and even in it, the
238 United States of America.
capital employed in agriculture is as considerable as that absorbed in
commerce.
' The central States are very far from being so united in interest,
or having so marked a physiognomy. The State of New York fbrnis
a nation of more than a million of souls. The city of New York
contains a hundred and twenty thousand inhabitants ; the houses built
there during the last year are not less than fifteen hundred, and it is
expected that three times that number will be built during the present.
Nothing can exceed the spirit of enterprise, activity, and industry of
the people. Here are no straitened views ; people speak of but miUions
of dollare ; business is done with unequalled rapidity, and yet in gf»
neral so as to escape any severe shocks: everything advances with
giant, but at the same time regular, steps. This state of things has
received a fresh impulse from the genius of the present governor, Mr.
de Witt Clinton, who originated the idea of the great canal which
unites Lake Erie to the sea. The internal activity of this State is so
great, and so entirely absorbed within itself, as to leave none for its
affairs with the Union. Accordingly, its influence is hardly felt there;
for, having everything within itself, it unites in its own deputation the
interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures : the commercial
interest, however, predominates. It is worthy of remark, that this
State has sent to the national councils very few men of superior mind.
The people are absorbed and annihilated in their internal politics,
which are extremely complicated, and are said to be full of very silly
intrigues. A stranger can comprehend nothing of all this, but may
perceive that parties are bitter and personal, two very bad signs.
' Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware, form a groupe more
resembling each other. The people are distinguished by their good-
nature, tranquillity, and industry. Except in Philadelphia, the
manufacturing and agricultural interests prevail. These States are in
great part peopled with peaceable Quakers and Germans. Everything
foes on quietly, without shock or anything to excite observation. If
Boston is the abode of literature, Philadelphia is that of science ; which
gives, perhaps, to its society a tinge of pedantry.
' A year or two ago. New Jersey attempted to leap forward in the
perilous career of great enterprises, and to imitate its northern neigh-
bour ; but, after committing some errors, it has now returned to wiser
principles. The legislature this year peremptorily refuses to incorpo*
rate new banks, and has even withdrawn the charters of some of the
old ones.
' Maryland is also divided in interest, like these other States ; for
while Baltimore is one of the most trading cities of the Union, the rest
of the country is agricultural and manufacturing. The character of
the people is a singular mixture of the simplicity and good nature of
the Pennsylvanian Quakers, and the pride of the Virginian planters.
It is the only State in which relisious intolerance exists, rather through
ancient habit than actual prejudice; the Jews cannot vote there.
This State finds itself, with respect to its Negroes, and perhaps in a
higher degree, in the same difliculty as Virginia.
' This latter State has, during a long period, played the chief part
United States of America. 239
in the Union> by means of its politics and its great men : it is the
birth-place of four of our presidents. But Virginia is much fallen in
fiplendour^ for which, indeed, it was principally indebted to party
irritation. Its interests are wholly agricultural and manu&cturing.
The people are noble, generous, and hospitable, but coarse, vain, and
haughty. They pride themselves, above everything, on their frank
konesty; and their laws, usages, and politics partake of this laudable
ostentation. They are very united as a people; and never is the
opinion of the State given unsupported by the suffrage of all Virginia,
Their politics, however, are apt to be personal, Actions, turbulent, and
noisy. It is, beyond comparison, the State most abundant in lawyers,
or at least in persons stuapng the law ; and who, although they boast
much of democracy, are the only real aristocrats of the Union : witness
the right of suffrage, from which the populace is excluded in this
State.
' Tobacco and corn are the staple cultivation of Virginia and Mary-
land: the first of these articles requires slave labour; the other is more
profitably cultivated by free hands. Tobacco exhausts the land very
rapidly, and only thrives in new and very fertile soils ; hence it follows
that, these lands being now nearly exhausted, at least comparatively,
-and the price of tobacco being diminished, owing to the quantity
grown in the west, the planters are reduced to cultivate corn, and are
obliged to rid themselves of their slaves, who are no longer profitable.
The day, therefore, is not distant, when we shall see these two States
unite uiemselves with those of the North against the slave-holding
States. However, since a year or two, they, particularly Virginia,
have successfully undertaken the culture of short cotton, which has
given fresh value to their negroes, and may perhaps restore Virginia
to its former splendour. But since then, short cotton, in common
with all other cottons, has undergone a great reduction in price, in
consequence of which all the southern States are in a declining con-
dition.
' North Carolina is a bad imitation of Virginia ; its interests and
politics are the same, and it navigates in its own waters. Notwith-
standing its gold mines, it is the poorest State of the Union, and the
one which supplies most emigrants to the new lands.
* South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiant^
constitute what is properly called the South. Their interest is purely
agricultural; their productions are cotton, long and short, sugar, rice,
and maize, all which require slave-labour, and yield a sufiliciently good
profit to deter them from any other employment of their funds. The
excellence of the land, together with the luxurious climate, so well
second the labour of the cultivator, that it is much more advantageous
to employ the negroes in the field than in the factory. Although
character necessarily varies considerably over so large an extent of
country, the features of a common race are discernible. Their frank-
ness, generosity, hospitality, and liberality of opinion, have become
proverbial, and form a perfect contrast to the Yankee character, much
to the disadvantage of the latter. In the midst of this groupe stands
South Carolina, conspicuous for a combination of talents unequalled
throughout the Union. The society of Charleston is the best I have
240 United States of America.
net with in my trayels^ whether on this or on yoor ude ai the At-
lantic. In respect to finish and el^;ance of mannen, it leaTw nothii^
to be desired, and, what is of more value with pec^e who, like yon
and me, attach little importance to mere politenen» it swarms with
real talent, and that without the alloy of pedantry. In all qoesdoas
of a common interest, this State always leads. The politics of the
other States, except Georgia, are not yet sufficiently of a decided cha-
racter to justify me in speaking of tnem. As to Oeorgiay with pain
I must declare to you, that nothing can equal the fury of its fWctWM!,
unless it be those of Kentucky : in the latter, however, the oontcntioo
is for principles ; whilst the disputes of Georgia are merely about men.
The present governor has pushed matters so &r, that the evil is in a
fair way of being cured by its very excess.
' The other States form the west. Incomparably the Im^geat and
richest part of the Union, it will be ere long, if it be not already, the
moiit populous ; power will follow shortly, as well as luxury, instmc-
tion, and the arts, which are its consequences* Their interesU are
manufacturing and agricultural ; the former bearing the chief sway.
The character of the people is strongly marked by a rude instinct of
robust liberty, degenerating often into licentiousness, a simplicity of
morals, and an uncouthness of manners, approaching occasionally to
coarseness and cynical independence. These States are too immatnre
to enable me to say much of their politics, which are, for the most
Iiart, sour and ignorant. Universities, established everywhere with
uxury, afford promise of a generation of better informed politicians,
who will have their fathers' faults under their eyes to assiat in their
own enlightenment.' Murat, pp. 6— >15.
AVe are not sure whether Citizen Murat^s moral and political
sketch, though a Kealous and fervent eulogy, almost througnont, of
his adopted country, will not, upon the wnole, leave an impression
upon many English readers, as unfavourable to the Ameneans as
the ill-natured caricatures fiimished by Mrs. TroUope.
The * Citizen of the World"*, who has favoured us with his
notions of the Americans, is of the same school in politics b$
Citizen Murat. His volume is dedicated to La Fayette ; and
his object is, to teach us to ^respect a people, from any individual
* of which, the immortal Byron was proud to confess, he valued a
' nod more highly than the gift of a s:iufF-box from an emperor.^
Our readers will know what to look for in the opinions of a ooa-
mopoiist of this school. In one respect, however, justice requires
us to remark, that this AVriter differs widely in sentiment jfrom
Mr. Achilles Murat. He is 720/ the apologist for slavery, or for
the American prejudices respecting the free coloured portion of
the population. As his slight and rapid sketch is, in all other
respects, complimentary to the people of the United States, bit
evidence upon this subject must be considered as impartial. We
shall therefore extract a paragraph or two, relating to thia sad
flaw in the social system.
Untied States of America, 841
' Tho African Cdonization Society must be looked upon as f^ well*
meant plan, and as one which^ in time^ may create a moral revolution
in the natives of the districts of Africa contiguous to Liberia, and even
of those in the interior provinces ; but^ as r^ards America, its opera-
tions seemed rather calculated to perpetuate than to extinguish slavery.
The scheme, as far as benefiting Afnca> and, perhaps, the individuala
removed thither, is a good one ; but, viewed as the means of getting
rid of the whole black population, — 'which idea is really entertained
by many, although not desired by the owners of slaves,^t is chi-
merical.' p. d49.
* As might be supposed, in a dlmmanity like that of New York,'
vhere but yesterday man might be bartered and sold by his brother
man, the general feeling towards the blacks is that of persons to a
proscribed caste ; and although these unfortunate people are no longer
accounted property, and are enabled to stipulate the price of their
ktboixr, they are subject to the most degrading treatment.
* No persons o( colour, whatever may be their characters, abilities,
or Gonaition of Efe, are allowed to sit in any public assembly, even-
should it be a court of justice, or the house of God itself, except in
the particular quarter set apart foi* them, and this is generally in the
Btost remote and worst situation ; and, as if the distinction were to be
perpetuated for ever, their very bodies are denied the rigbt of sepulture
la tne cemeteries of the white men.
' On the festival [National Jubilee^ I havie described^ the insulting
behaviour of manv of the coachmen and carters was unblushingly dis--
plajed in their oriving their vehicles so as to interrupt the progress
and order of the procession, although we did not witness a single pro«
vocation given by any of its members, whose conduct appeared^
throughout, quiet and praiseworthy.
' Such were the indignities offered bv men who are ready to sacri-
fice their lives to secure the blessings of liberty for their white brethren
—to those whose misfortune is, that Heaven nas thought fit to create
them of a darker hue; and so prevalent is the want of Christian feeling
in this respect in America, the legacy of the accursed system of sliivery,
that I but speak the truth when I state, that the majority of the
Americans, like the white inhabitants of every country where the evil
exkts, or has only latelv been extinguished, would ailr readily sit at
table or associate with a felon, as with a person of colour.
* It will be some consolation to the friends of humanity, however, to
be t<^d that, despite of the existing temper, exertions are making by
enlightened individuals to raise the character of the coloured popu-
lation, by the only legitimate means, whether as regards blacdcs or
whites, — the establishment of schools.
* The foremost in this work of religioil are the members of the sect
of Friends, who, in the New as well as in the Old World, whatever
may be their peculiarities, are always found in the steps of their Oreat
Ma^r, going about doing good.
' Already hundreds of black children in New York Are r^larly
instructed in the rudiments of knowledge ; and churches, in whicn
Maok ministers of the Episcopal, Independent, and Methodist perdua-
jSMOB officiate, are attended by crowaed congregations oi the same
VOL. IX.— N.S. G G
242 United States of Atneriea,
colour, whose attention and respectful behtiviour aflford abundant proof
that the lessons of wisdom are not preached in vain.
* "May we hope, that as this so long neglected family of man rises in
the scale of being, so will the antichristian treatment yield to that of
philanthropy ; and although physical distinction of race will naturallj
be a bar to a closer union, may the Americans, as well as others, cease
to look upon their darker fellow creatures otherwise than as brethren,
and children of the same Almighty Father/ pp. 310 — 313.
We now turn with pleasure to Mr. Stuarts volumes. This
gentleman is by far the most candid and intelligent observer of
American manners and customs, and institutions, that we have
fallen in with, since Mr. Hodgson and Mr. Duncan, whose works
on America are honourably distinguished by their spirit and in-
telligence from the mass of letters and tours which have been put
forth respecting the United States by superficial or prejudiced
writers. Without Captain Basil Hall's ^ patrician horror of de-
* mocrasy% or his egotism, Mr. Stuart has quite as much shrewd-
ness ; and though he has not eked out his volumes by lengthy
dissertations, he has enhanced their value by availing himseUT of
information drawn from native sources ; acknowledging his obliga-
tions in particular to Darby'^s View of the United States, and
Flint'^s Geography of the Western States, as well as Count Mar-
bois's instructive History of Louisiana.
Mr. Stuart sailed from Liverpool for New York in July 1828,
and arrived there after a voyage of five weeks. The first twelve
letters are occu})ied with a descri])tion of the city and state of
New York, including a voyage up the Hudson, a visit to Niagara
and Lake Ontario, and an excursion to Saratoga Springs. He
thence proceeded to Boston, where he passed the winter of
1828-9; and in April, returned to New York, by way of Provi-
dence, Hartford, Newjiavcn, and Long Island Sound. In May,
he made an excursion to Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washing-
ton, which occupies a chapter. The last two chapters of the
first volume, as well as the first two of the second volume, are
devoted to further details relating to the State of New York,
which, in point of commercial wealth and importance, is the lead-
ing State, and comprises within its territory some of the most
nicturesque scenery in the Union. As it happens to be that part,
however, which has been the most frequently and fully described,
there is less novelty in this part of Mr. Stuart'^s work, than in his
description of the Southern and Western States, which occupies
the remainder of the work.
Our Traveller visited of course the Auburn Penitentiary, and
he has given (as Captain Hall had done before him) some inter-
esting details respecting the system adopted there, which is mak-
ing rapid progress in the United States. We pass over the sub-
ject at present, intending to advert to our Author's statemente
Ihiited States of America. 243
and remarks, in noticing some recent publications, now on our
table, upon the important topic of Secondary Punishments.
Mr. Stuart was much struck with the general liberality of the Ame-
rican clergy, and their freedom from sectarian prejudice.
' During my residence in the United States subsequent to this
period^ I was frequently witness to the good understanding which
generally, though, doubtless, not universally, prevails among clergymen
professing different opinions on church forms, and doctrinal points, in
this country ; and I occasionally observed notices in the newspapers to
the same purpose. The two following I have preserved: — "The
<Mimer-stone of a new Baptist Church was laid at Savannah in Georgia,
and the ceremonial services were performed by the clergymen of the
Methodist, German, Lutheran, Presbyterian, Episcopal, and Baptist
Churches. The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was administered in
the Reverend Mr. Post's church, (Presbyterian Church at Washing-
ton,) and, as usual, all members of other churches in regular standing
were invited to unite with the members of that church, in testifying
their fiiith in, and love to, their Lord and Saviour. The invited guests
assembled around the table ; and it so happened, that Mr. Grundy, a
senator from Tenessee, and two Cherokee Indians, were seated side by
aide."
* Nothing is more astounding in the stage-coach intercourse with the
people of this country, as well as in the bar-rooms, where travellers
meet, than the freedom, and apparent sincerity of their remarks, and
the perfect feeling of equality with which the conversation is main-
tained, especially on religious matters. I have heard the most
opposite creeds maintained without any thing like acrimonious dis-
cussion, or sarcastic remark, by persons in the same stage, professine
themselves undisguisedly Calvinists, Episcopalians, IVIethoaists, and
Unitarians. On one occasion, I recollect the father of a feimily un-
hesitatingly avow in a considerable party of people in his own house,
that he was a free-thinker, and never went to a church ; while at the
same time his daughters, who were young women, had brought my
wife for perusal Calvinistical religious tracts, of which she understood
them to express their approval. It would perhaps be quite as well, if
hypocrisy in religious matters were an unfashionable vice in other
countries as well as this. Lord Byron would have found, if he had
been there, that it does not always require to be chanted by a '' forty
parson power." ' Vol. I. pp. 130—132.
It would appear from this statement, that the red men are ad-
mitted to Chnstian fellowship, at least in New York, although
the blacks and the mulattoes are excluded. In the steam-boat,
in which Mr. Stuart ascended the magnificent Hudson, the
waiters at the dinner-table were men of colour, * clean-looking,
* clever, and active, — evidently picked men in point of appear-
* ance.^
' We had observed on deck ', adds Mr. S., ' a very handsome
woman of colour, as well dressed and as like a female of education as
G G 2
214 rnited States of America,
any of thfAO OQ buarrl. Mj wife, who had «Nnc cmivaaaciwa vuii
her, rMki:fl her, ;vht:n she fuond that she had not dined Triia tu, vij
fiho haul not be«n in trie cabin. She replied Terr miidi»<ilT, tint the
people of thiit OjUDtry did nut eat with the people of cuLmr. Tbe
in^iiinerH and appearance of this lady were interafing:, azad wvsid hare
digtingui^ed her any where.' VoL I. p. 43.
!\f r. Stuart speaks in high tenns of the hotels on the road from
Albany to B^jston. * AVe were not shewn into a parlour', he
8ay», ' in any of the stagc-hoiues where we ftopped, in which
^ there waft not a very tolerable library in histfjTy, philoaopfay. re-
*• li^on, and novels. Paley, RoIIin, Sir Walter Scott, Dr. Ro^
^ l>ert4on, and Cooper *, are almost always on the shdret of a
* lK>ok-case, and there is a piano in the room much oftener ihin
* in Kritain/ The following description of a country town in
New Kngland, tempts citation.
^ The next place of note where wc stopped was Xarthamptoo, ia
the wciitern part of the .•ktate of Majisachusetts, and between nfty aad
sixty miles from Albany^ and which^ whether taking it alone, or ia
conjunction with the neighbouring country, Li decidedly the moit
l>eautifiil village that I have seen in this country. The only plaot at
all X«f \te comjKured with it is Canandaigua. The riUagei of New
Kn^Iand are proverbial for their neatness and cleanness. Cooper, the
wetl-knowu Amr:rican writer, says truly : *' New England may jostlj
glory in lier villages, — in space, freshness, and an air of neatness and
of comfort, they far exceed any thing I have ever seen even in the
Mother o>untry. I have ])assed in one day six or seven of theie
Ix^autiful hamlets, for not one of which I have been able to reooUect
an criual in the aiurse of all my European travelling." It is^ in £Mt,
hardly |KiSHible to figure a hanclsumer country to^'n than Nortkamptoo,
or a more charming country than that in its neighbourhood ; bat the
t4m'n is not more remarkable for neatness and cleanness, and lor haad-
some and suitable buUdinin, and houses and gardens, than &r beauty
of situation and the delightful scenery in its vicinity. No m(*re trsb*
velier who comes to this country will do justice to it, if he does not
vJHit Northampton. If a traveller in Britain were to stumble upon
such a place aH thin, he would not fail to inquire whose great estate
was* in the nei^lilHiurhtKMl, and attribute the decorations of shrubs,
Howirrs, &c. wliicli adorn even the smallest habitations here, to the
taKt4! of a wealthy neighbour, or to his being obliged to make them to
promote electioneering views. Here, every thins is done by the people
sfH»ntan«'ouslv, and if any authority is exerted, it ia by officers ap-
|N»inLcd by themKcIvcH.
* The iHiiiidation of Northampton amounts to between 3000 or
40(K^ ana there i.s only one great broad street, with a few fine trees»
in which nn; situated the churches and court-house — buildings ded«
deflly ornHmentuI, and of C'jn.siderable size. But the beauty of the
• Query, (Jow|H:r=' or the American Cooper?
Untied States of America. 245
plaoe» apart from the situation, arises from the great width of the
iitreetf and the light, clean appearance of the white, plain houses, ^vith
their verandas, porticoes, and green Venetian blinds, enclosed with
handsome white railings in large pieces of dressed garden-ground, or-
namented with large old trees. Northampton consists, in truth, of a
numb^ of villas of various sizes, but very pleasing, though irregular,
architecture, seeming to vie with each other in the taste and elegance
of their external decorations. There is primitive white limestone in
the ueighbourhood, and much of the pavement and steps are of white
iBarble« The trees in the neighbourhood of the town are single spread-
ing trees* principally elms, and of considerable age ; — the roads are
wide, and the foot*paths are excellent every where. We were shewn
the old elms that shaded the house of the celebrated President fid-
wards. At the hotel where we lodged, kept by Mr. Warner, the din-
ner set down to us alone was as good and as well dressed as at anj
London hotel. A very handsome female i^miter attended us, and took
her seat by us, very much as our equal.
' Northampton is surrounded by rising grounds, on one of which 19
placed a flourishing academy, from which there is one of the best views
of the tower ; but Mount Halyoke, situated on the opposite side of
the Coanectieut river, and about 800 feet high, is the hill which all
ttiangers ascend, for the sake of the very extensive and glorious pros-
pect firom its summit. There is not much difficulty in getting to the
tap ; and the labour is fully repaid by the splendour of the view of
the river Connecticut and its windings, and of a very rich and fertile
ralley. This valley contains the most extensive and beautiful plain in
New England, weu*ctiltivated and populous. About thirty churches,
all with spires, are seen from the t<^ of Mount of Halyoke, from which
too, in a clear day, the hills of Newhaven, on Long Island Sound, are
distinctly visible.
* The whole of the viUagea from NorthamptDn to Worcester^ are
handsomely laid out and comfortable place6> and every thing about
them so neat and so much in order that it is delightful to see them.
If we had not been at Northampton in the Arst place, we should have
been more loud in their praise ; but about Northampton, there is se
much more appearance of real comfort, and of beautiful vilh^ scen-
ery, than I have seen any where else, that it is absohitely necessary
to moderate the language employed in eulogizing the other villages of
New Engkad through which we passed.' V<d. I. pp. 295—298.
Mr. Stuart was present at a camp-meeting held at Musquita
Cove, in Long Island Sound ; and his description of the assem-
bly, together with the reflections which are sub).oined, will begcs-
tifying to our readers.
* The meeting vras held within a forest or wood, where a sufficient
nimber of trees had been cut to make soch an opening as was required.
The morning service was concluded some time before we arrived.
From the high grounds, the view of the bav, of the shipping, and of
the assembled multitudes, with their carnages and horses, was very
striking. A great many of the people were straggling in the adjoining
fields during the interval of the service. The shipping, all of which
246 United States of America.
liad been employed in bringing persons from a considerable distance to
join the meeting, consisted of five steam-boats, about sixty sloops nnd
schooners, besides open boats. The number of horses and carriages
Mus proportionably great. It was calculated that there were about
12^000 persons on the ground^ — certainly not less than 9000 or 10,000.
' There seemed to be about a dozen of clergymen, all belonging to
the Methodist persuasion, in a large covered and elevated platform.
* Benches were provided for the congregation, placed on the vacant
or open space in front of the platform. The males were on the one
side of the benches and the females on the other. There were benches
fur a great part of the assembled multitude, and the benches Were
surrounded on all sides by a close body of those who had only standing
room. When the afternoon service commenced, the eflTect of this pnn
digious assemblage of T)eople, all standing, lifting up their voices, and
joining in praise to their Creator, was more sublime than those who
have not witnessed such a scene can well imagine. The sermon,
which was afterwards delivered, lasted for an hour, and was distinctly
heard all over the ground, for the most perfect order and silence pre-
vailed. The clergyman preached from the 29th verse of the lOth
chapter of the book of Numbers : " We are journeying unto the place
of which the Lord said, I will give it you : come thou with us, and we
will do thee good ; for the Lord hath spoken good concerning Israel."
The discourse seemed to me altogether ^ultless, and the address at the
end was most remarkably impressive. The speaker, in the conduaion,
alluded to the sect of Christians to which he belonged, the Methodists ;
but he meant, he added, to say " nought against other denominations
of Christians who did good." After sermon, prayer, all kneeling,
succeeded. Then a hymn was sung, and another clerg3rman, a very
old man, coming to the edge of the platform, said that a friend whom
they had never heard before was about to address them. Another
clergyman, an aged person, then stepped forward, to enforce, as he
said, the invitation in the text, whicn he did very shortly, and veiy
skilfully, particularly, and with great earnestness, exhorting those
members who had lately been added to their churdi, to oommnnicate
to their brothers, sisters, and friends, some idea of the happiness which
they now enjoyed, that they might be induced to follow tneir example,
and accept the invitation, by joining the church, even before the
meeting was over.
' The afternoon service was concluded as usual, with singing and
prayer, and the most perfect decorum prevailed. The service con-
tinued for about two hours and a half.
' I understood that this meeting was to last for about fonr days.
IMany people came from a distance of one hundred miles and upwards.
The great objects of holding such meetings in this part of the country,
are to afford opportunities to persons whose situation, such as that of
servants, prevents them from attending worship on Sunday, of beinff
present on the occasion, when they are almost always indulged, ana
allowed to avail themselves of it ; and to keep people who have not yet
turned their minds to religious subjects, together for such a time, that
their attention must be arrested. It is conceived that extraordinary
efforts ought fre<^uently to be made by all those ministers of Christ
United States of America, 247
who are faithfal, and do not neglect their duty. Such of the clergy as
approve of the observance of numerous days for prayer meetings, and
of such assemblages as this, ascribe the want of revivals, by which I
merely understand the addition of any considerable number of converts
at one time to any churchy to the languor of the minister^ and to his
making no further exertion than custom has established as a standard.
They maintain, that where the minister contents himself with preach-
ing once or twice on the Sabbath^ performing the professional duties
required of him, and nothing more, without questioning himself
whether any thing more be required of him by the precepts of the
religion he professes, the church becomes relaxed in discipline^ — and
that the absence of any thing like a revival in such circumstances,
ahows that those who believe in the Gospel of Christ must perform
more ministerial and Christian duties, and must shew more earnestness.
I bad a very different notion of what was meant by a revival of religion
in the United States, both from what I had previously heard, and
from what I had been told since I was in this country, by persons who
consider every clergvman to be weak, and eccentric, and an enthusiast,
who deviates from the ordinary routine of ministerial operation, or who
shows the sincerity of his belief by using all the means in his power to
obtain converts to that religion which he professes to believe.
The United Slates being free from any religious establishment^ every
one is not only tolerated in the exercise of the religion he believes, but
is at full liberty, without the fear, except in very few and very pecu-
liar cases, of his temporal concerns being at all affected by his religious
profession^ (whatever it may be,) to embrace those reL'gious doctrines
which he conceives on due consideration are true. It follows from
this state of things, that there is much less hypocrisy in the professors
of religion in this than in other countries. Those in this country,
who v^untarily go to a Protestant church, and who voluntarily pay
for the ministration of a Christian clergyman, may be generally, (I do
not mean to say universally,) held to have made the necessary ex-
amination, and to be real believers of the doctrines of the Christian
religion ; — whereas those from other countries, who have travelled in
the United States, and who have put forth sneering aud ill founded
statements on the subject of revivals, camp-meetings, &c. are generally
Christians professing that religion, merely because their parents did so,
or because Christianity is the religion of their country, and not because
they ever investigated its truth. I found at Northampton a short
narrative of a revival in a Presbyterian church at Baltimore, written
in a plain unsophisticated style by Mr. Walton, the clergyman of that
church, which I would recommend to the attention of some late
English writers, who, in perfect ignorance, as it appears to me, treat
the religious meetings and the revivals in the United States in a con-
temptuous manner, and as if they were approved and attended by no
one of sane mind. Mr. Walton describes himself as having been for
many years a clergyman, who thought that, by preaching the gospel at
the usual times, he was doing all that was required of him, and that he
ought to leave the rest to the Divine influence ; adding, that, upon
being called to a different sphere of labour, he had an increasing desire
to be useful. He redoubled his exertions; he appointed prayer
248 United States of America.
mcctingR^ not only publicj but private, from hoiuc to house, ind
engaged the assistance of all who were members of the charch, to ibh
press upon the young people the necessity of their examining the
doctrines of the Christian religion, and, professins them, if they
believed them to be true. The result was the addition of between
eighty and ninety communicants to his church in the spaoe of a few
months. And this is precisely what is called a reTival in the Um'ted
States, and what was formerly, and what very probably now it, amntf
certain classes of Christians, called a revinil in Greet Britain. A
revival then happens as often as any clergyman is led to make grtafeer
exertions than are usual, either by himseu, or by exciting his flock, or
by tlicir united exertions ; and when the oonseqtienoe of their hiboiir
iH, that a greater number of persons than usual is added to the churdi.
Is there anything irrational in this ? Quite the contrary. This is not
the place ror attempting to prove or to disprove the truth of the
Christian religion. What I maintain is this, and nothing more than
this, that all persons, whether clergymen or Laymen, shonul show tlicir
belief in the religion, whether Mahometan, Roman Catholic, or Pro-
testant, which they profess, by obeying its precepts and doctrines ; aod
more especially, that clergymen, wtio set themselves apart to the woA
of the ministry, should be zealous in promoting the doctrines of the
religion they have embraced. Those who do not so act diow thcsm-
selves the vilest of all hypocrites. If they are clergymen^ professing
the Christian religion, it is well known to all those acqnaintea with the
doctrines of the Bible, that no duty is more strictly enjoined than thst
the teachers of the word should preach it to the worlds — should be in-
strumental in saving all the souls they can. They are bound to make
tlie utmost exertions that it is possible for them to make, in order to
produce in others the same belief which they entertain. We have
teachers of philosophy, and of every branch of scienoe, atid applaud
and honour those who show the greatest earnestness and taknt ia
explaining and enforcing those doctrines which they themsdvea beliete.
Wny should equal earnestness and sincerity not be expected fron
those who undertake to teach and explain the doctrines of tne Christisii
religion?' pp. 413-419.
As we ho]>c, before long, to devote a distinct article to the sub-
ject of what are termed * Ilevivals,' we offer no comments upon
these sensible remarks. Mr. Stuart proceeds to cite the opinions
of Dr. John Erskinc and Sir Henry Moncricff as to the nature
of the ^ revivals "* at Cambusleng, and other places in the West
of Scotland, in the last century. He concluacs with the follow-
ing very sensible remarks.
' All human institutions arc liable to abuse ; and there is no greater
reason to maintain, that, liecause immoralities may have taken place
among the multitudes assembled at camp- meetings in the United States,
that such meetings should be discontinued, than that the saenunental
meetings in Scidland, at which instances of impn^riety of conduct
have bet*n said to occur, should be put down.
' I lM:lievc many of the clergy of the United States also conceive,
froBi the experience of tlie past, that more converts are to be expected
United States of America. 240
from a great meeting lasting geveral days^ when the people are as much
as possible abstracted from secular business, than from the ordinary
services of the church. They refer, in order to prove the propriety of
this sort of meeting, to the 15th chapter of St. Matthew, verses 30 and
#f^. where the multitude, consisting of 4000, besides women and
children, remained with Christ three days, — to the 8th chapter of St.
Mark, verses 4 and ^e^.— and to the sermon from the Mount, (in St.
Matthew, chapters 5, 6, 7») preached by Christ from the mountain to
the multitudes.
' " It is to be recollected," says Lord Byron, (perhaps a singular
authority to refer to on such a subject,) '' that the most beautiful and
impressive doctrines of the Divine Founder of Christianity were de-
livered, not in the Temple, but on the Mount ; and that, waiving the
question of devotion, and turning to human eloquence, the most
effectual and splendid specimens were not pronounced within walls.
Demosthenes addressed the public and popular assemblies. Cicero
spoke in the forum. That this added to their effect, on the mind of
both orator and hearer, may be conceived, from the difference between
what we read of the emotions then and there produced, and those we
ourselves experience in the perusal in the closet."
' Lord Bvron adds, '' that, were the early and rapid progress of what
is called Methodism to be attributed to any cause beyond the en-
tinisiasm excited by vehement flEiith and doctrines, (the truth or error
of which he presumed neither to canvass nor to question,) he should
venture to ascribe it to the practice of preaching in the fields, and the
unstudied and extemporaneous effusions of its teachers." '
Vol. I. pp. 424—426.
Passing over much interesting matter, and some that would
tempt animadversion*, we must now turn to the darker side of
the picture. While Mr. Stuart was at New York,
' A strange incident, as it appeared to us, happened at the begin-
ning of one of Mr. Denny s' Lectures. A man of colour, perfectly
well apparelled, entered the room, and was coming forward with a
▼iew to hear the lecture, which had commenced. Mr. Dennys, address-
ing him, told him to go out, saying, '' We want no people of colour
here ; they are very well in their own way, but we don't mean to make
them astronomers." The poor fellow was obliged to comply. After
the lecture, I ventured to remonstrate with Mr. Dennys upon the gross
impropriety of his conduct ; but his answer was quite satisfactory, as
fiur as he was concerned, — the fact being, as he stated, that he had no
alternative. The people connected with the schools, and his audience
generally, would have left the room if he had allowed a man of colour
to remain. Nothing can be more disgraceful to the people of the
United States, nor more inconsistent with their professed principles of
* We ri^ret that Mr. Stuart has given insertion at pp. 50 — 62, to
the official report on Sunday Mails, without noticing the counter-re-
port, and without any expression of disapprobation of Col. Johnson's
flippant, declamatory, and discreditable production.
VOL. IX. — N.S. H H
250 United States of America.
equality, than their treatment of the free people of oolonr. They coo-
Btantly suhject them to indignities of every kind, and reluae altogether
to cat or drink vnxh. them. If you have black aerranta and white
ser^'ants in the same house, they never upon any oocaaion eat together,
and this circumstance very often obliges people to have aerranta of to*
lour t<^ther.' Vol. II. pp. 16, 17-
One of the first circumstances that struck Mr. Stuart, on ap-
proaching the slave-states, was the profane language which there
became familiar.
' The habit of lording it over the black population, and sweuingat
them, seems to have induced a eeneral habit of swearing among tht
whites as well as the blacks ; which is the more remarkable, becante
an oath is scarcely ever heard in the northern states of thia conntry.'
voL II. p. m
While sitting in the portico at Halifax (N. Carolina), where
they stopped to change horses, Mr. Stuart was accosted by a
gentleman, who inquired of him what was the number of slaves
tor sale at the court-house that day ; as here a person would ask
the price of com or of stocks. Mr. Stuart says : —
* I explained his mistake to him, and I then asked him some ques-
tions with respect to the slave-market here. He said, the price gene-
rally given for a young man, was 375 dollars, though, ror the best
hands, 400 dollars are sometimes given ; that 250 dollus was the price
for a fine young woman, until after she had her first child ; af^ mich
she became more ^'aluable, as she was then more to be depended on for
increasing the stock. He never, he said, separated husband and wife,
but some people did separate them, as well as children, and then ihq
had a crying scene ; thai was alL' Vol. II. pp. 113, 114.
A few stages further, Mr. Stuart^s stopping place was a rice-
plantation, where he obtained some further insight into die treat-
ment of slaves in America.
' The slaves were numerous, and were, I had reason to believe from
what I afterwards heard, as well treated as they generally are in this
country ; but it did not seem to me that their want of education, and
the want of ordinary comforts, place them in a situation much re-
moved from the brutes. They had little clothing, all of <me drab co-
lour ; and not one of them had bed-clothes. I had full leisure to tnllr
with them, but of course I was bound to do so with prudence. Every
one of them, however, with whom I had an opportunity of conversing,
declared themselves unhappy and miserable in their situation. A cer«
tain task is allotted to each of them, and if this is not done, they are
subjected to one of three punishments, whipping, wearing irons, or
putting in the stocks. They detest nothing so much as to be poaished
Dy a black overseer — by one of their own race ; they view the degra-
dation to be comparatively trifling when the punishment is inflictedby
the master himself. I was told here, on authority which seemed to be
United States of America. 251
qnite unquestionable^ that of a wealthy planter who lived in this
neighbourhood^ that a planter^ whose estate is at no ^eat distance
from the high road which I was travelling, was in the habit of punish-
ing his slaves, when he thought that they required severe discipline,
by putting them in coffins, which were partly nailed down, ana that
this punishment had again and again resulted in the death of the
slaves. The gentleman who communicated this information to me^
spoke of it with horror ; but, upon my asking why such conduct was
not punished, since it was known in the neighbourhood, by virtue of
the law which declared the killing of a slave to be murder, ne replied,
that his neighbour took very good care of himself. The punishment
tiras inflicted only in the presence of slaves, whose evidence was inad-
missible. He added, however, that the coffins had been seen, and that
the slaves, who it was said had lost their lives, had disappeared^ and
that no doubt was entertained that their deaths had been occasioned by
their being shut up in coffins. The same person who has recourse to
this savage punishment, works his slaves on Sunday, though contrary
to law, taking care that no white man sees them.'
Vol. II. pp. 118, 119.
Marriage among the slaves is generally allowed ; but the most
revolting polygamy is forced upon the married slaves of both
sexes, at the pleasure of the owner. Anecdotes which we can-
not detail, are given by Mr. Stuart, in illustration of the state
o£ morals induced by slaveiy in both the whites and the blacks.
In one conversation at which he was present, ^ it turned out, that
* the planter was frequently waited upon at table by his own
^ children J and had actually sent some of them to the public
* market J to be sold as slaves,'' This was in South Carolina.
At Charleston, the capital of this state, there is a regulation,
which prohibits any of the coloured people, who form about one
half of the population, from being out of their residences after
nine oVlock in the evening. On returning to his hotel, Mr.
Stewart found the male servants of the house ^ already laid down
* for the night in the passages, with their clothes on. They nei-
* ther get beds nor bedding here, and you may kick them or tread
* upon them with impunity.'* Mr. S. was so fortunate as to ar-
rive at Charleston the week of the races. They were very well
attended, he says, by gentlemen and by the nobility ; (an expres-
sion which we do not precisely understand ;) but the number of
ladies was comparatively smaU.
' Although there are constables at the starting-post, to prevent the
people from coming on the course, one of the stewards appeared very
much to envy them their calling ; for no sooner did a man of colour
appear on the course, and within his reach, than he struck him with
his horsewhip. No rvonder that these people thirst for vengeance.
Here, on the race-course, there were at least two men of colour for
every white person ; yet they were obliged to submit to treatment
H H 2
252 United States of America.
which the white man dared not even to have threatened to a peraon of
his own colour.' Vol. II. p. 134.
What then must be, in such a state of society, the treatment
of the slaves ? Let Mr. Stuart supply the answer.
' I was placed in a situation at Charleston, which gave me too fire-
quent opportunities to witness the effects of slavery in its moat asgra«
vated state. Mrs. Street (the mistress of the hotel) treated aUtlie
servants in the house in the most barbarous manner ; and thia« althoo^
she knew that Stewart^ the hotel-keeper here, had lately neariy kit
his life by maltreating a slave. He b^t his cook, who was a atout fel-
low, until he could no longer support it. He rose upon his master*
and in his turn gave him such a beating that it had nearly coat him
his life ; the cook immediately left the house, ran off", and was never
afterwards heard of, — it was supposed that he had drowned himself.
Not a day, however, passed without my hearing of Mrs. Street whip-
ping and ill using her unfortunate slaves. On one occasion, when one
of the female slaves had disobliged her, she beat her until her own
strength was exhausted, and then insisted on the bar-keeper, Mr. Fer-
guson, (a Scotchman,) proceeding to inflict the remainder of the pa-
nishment. Mrs. Street in the mean time took her place in the bar-
room. She instructed him to lay on the whip severely in an adjoining
room. His nature was repugnant to the execution of the doty whim
was imposed on him. He gave a wink to the girl, who understood it
and bellowed lustily, while he made the whip crack on the walls of the
room. Mrs. Street expressed herself to be quite satisfied with the way
in which Ferguson had executed her instructions ; but, unfbrtumitely
for him, his lenity to the girl became known in the house, and the anb-
ject of merriment, and was one of the reasons for his dismissal befm
I left the house ; — but I did not know of the most atrocious of all the
proceedings of this cruel woman until the very day that I qnaitted the
house. I had put up my clothes in my portmanteau, when I was
about to set out ; but, finding it \vas rather too full, I had difficulty in
getting it closed to allow me to lock it ; I therefore told one of the boys
to send me one of the stoutest of the men to assist me. A great robnst
fellow soon afterwards appeared, whom I found to be the oook, with
tears in his eves;— I asked him what was the matter? He told me
that, just at the time when the boy called for him, he had got so sharp
a blow on the cheek-bone, from this devil in petticoats, as had un-
manned, him for the moment. Upon my expressing oommiaeiatioa
for him, he said, he viewed this as nothing, but that be was leading a
life of terrible suffering ; — that about two years had elanaed since he
and his wife, with his two children, had been exposed in the public
market at Charleston for sale, — that he had been purchased by Mr.
Street, — that his wife and children had been purchased by a different
person, and that, though he was living in the same town with them,
ne never was allowed to see them ; — he would be beaten within an aoe
of his life if he ventured to go to the comer of the street.
' Wherever the least symptom of rebellion or insubordination ap-
United States of America. 953
pears at Charleston on the part of a slave^ the master sends the slave
to the gaol> where he is whipped or beaten as the master desires. The
Duke of Saxe Weimar, in nis travels, mentions that he visited this
gaol in December 1825 ; that the " black overseers go about every^
where armed with cow hides ; that in the basement story there is an
apparatus upon which the Negroes, by order of the police, or at the re-
quest of the masters, are flogged ; that the machine consists of a sort
m crane, on which a cord with two nooses runs over pulleys ; the
nooses are made fast to the hands of the slave and drawn up, while the
feet are bound tight to a plank ; that the body is stretched out as much
as possible, and thus the miserable creature receives the exact num-
ber of lashes as counted off." — The public sale of slaves in the market-
place at Charleston occurs frequently. I was present at two sales
where, especially at one of them, the miserable creatures were in tears
on account of their being separated from their relations and friends.
At one of them, a young woman of sixteen or seventeen was separated
from her father and mother, and all her relations, and every one she had
formerlv known. This not unfrequently happens, although I was told
and bebeve that there is a general wish to keep relations together where
it can be done.
* The following extract of a letter from a gentleman at Charleston,
to a friend of his at New York, published in the New York news-
papers while I was there, contains even a more shocking account of
the public sale of slaves here :-— '' Curiosity sometimes leads me to the
auction sales of the Negroes. A few days since I attended one which
exhibited the beauties of slavery in all their sickening deformity. The
bodies of these wretched beings were placed upright on a table, — their
j^ysical proportions examined, — their defects and beauties noted. ' A
prime lot, here they go ! ' There I saw the father looking with sullen
contempt on the crowd, and expressing an indignation in his counte-
nance that he dare not speak ; — and the mother, pressing her infEuits
closer to her bosom with an involuntary grasp, and exclaiming, in
wild and simple earnestness, while the tears chased down her cheeks
in quick succession, ' I can't lefF my children ! I won't leff my child-
ren ! ' But on the hammer went, reckless alike whether it united or
sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a man apparently as
white as myself exposed for sale. I turned away from the humiliating
spectacle.
' "At another time, I saw the concluding scene of this infernal drama.
It was on the wharf. A slave ship for New Orleans was lying in the
stream, and the poor Negroes, handcuffed, and pinioned, were hurried
off in boats, eight at a time. Here I witnessed the last farewell, —
the heart-rending separation of every earthly tie. The mute and
Jnizing embrace of the husband and wife, and the convulsive grasp
the mother and the child, who were alike torn asunder — for ever !
It was a living death, — they never see or hear of each other more.
Tears flowed fast, and mine with the rest."
' Charleston has long been celebrated for the severity of its laws
against the blacks, and the mildness of its punishments towards the
whites for maltreating them. Until the late law, there were about
seventy-one crimes for which slaves were capitally punished, and for
264 United States of
which the highest punishment for whites was imprisoament in ths
penitentiary.
' A dreadful case of murder occurred at Charleston in 1806. A
planter, called John Slater^ made an unoffending, unresisting^ slare,
be bound hand and foot, and compelled his companion to chop off hit
head with an axe, and to cast his bodvy convulsine with the agonies of
death, into the water. Judge Wild, who tried him, on awarding a
sentence of imprisonment against this wretch, expressed his regret
that the punishment provided for the offence ^vas insufficient to make
the law respected, — that the delinquent too well knew that the ana
which he had stretched out for the destruction of his slave was that
to which he alone could look for protection, disarmed as he was of
the right of self-defence.
' But the most horrible butchery of slaves which has ever takes
place in America, was the execution of thirty-five of them on the lines
near Charleston, in the month of Julv 1822, on account of an alleged
conspiracy against their masters. The whole proceedings are mm^
strous. sixty-seven persons were convicted befx>re a court, oonsistiiw
of a justice of the peace, and freeholders, without a jury. The evi£
ence of slaves not upon oath was admitted against them, and, after all,
the proof was extremely scanty. Perrault, a slave, who had himself
been brought from Africa, was the chief witness. He had been toni
from his mther, who was very wealthy, and a considerable trader in
tobacco and salt on the coast of Africa. He was taken prisoner, and
was sold, and his purchaser would not give him up, although three
slaves were offerca in his stead. The judge's address, on pronoondng
sentence of death on this occasion, on persons sold to slavery and ser-
vitude, and who, if they were guilty, were only endeavouring to get
rid of it in the only way in their power, seems monstrous, lie told
them that the servant who was false to his master would be fidse to
his God, — that the precept of St. Paul was, ' to obey thdr masters in
all things,' and of St. Peter, ' to be subject to their masters with all
fear,' — and that, had they listened to such doctrines, they wonld not
have been arrested by an ignominious death.' Vol. II. pp. I4I-~147.
The following are specimens of American legislation in the
state of Georgia.
' In case any slave or free person of colour teach any other slave or
free person of colour to read or to write cither written or printed cha-
racters, the free person of colour or slave is punished by fine or whip-
ping ; and a white person so offending is punished witn a fine not ex-
ceeding 500 dollars, and imprisonment m the common gaoL Any
slave or free person of colour, or ani^ other perwn, circulating papery
or bringing into this State, or aiding in any manner in bringing into
the State, papers exciting to insurrection, conspiracy, or resistance,
any of the slaves or free persons of colour, against their owners or the
citizens, is to be punished with death.
' Cutting off the ears, and the pillory, arc punishments for slaves
sanctioned liy the lesislaturc of Greorgia ; but the universal punish-
ment is whipping. The infliction of this punishment, to the extent
United States of America. 265
«if tWent J lashes (in the bare back^ is deemed^ in a great variety of
cases, of insufficient moment to claim the intervention even of a single
magistrate. Any white person, a drunken patrole> an absconding felon,
or a vagabond mendicant, is supposed to possess discretion enough to
interpret the laws, and to wield the cow-skin or cart-whip for their
infraction ; and ^ould death ensue by accident, while the slave is
thus receiving moderate correction, the Constitution of Georgia kindly
denominates the offence justifiable homicide.* Vol. II. pp. 163, 164.
At New Orleans, during Mr. Stuarlr's residence there, about
1000 slaves were exposed to sale. Of the Blaek laws of Loui»-
iaxia, the following are specimens.
'The State Legislature,' says Mr. Stuart, 'have now, on the
16th and i7th days of March (1830), passed two Acts, not many
days before I reached New Orleans, containing [most objectionable
provisions. The first Act provides : — *' I. That whosoever shall write,
print, publish, or distribute any thing having a tendency to create dift-
oontent among the free coloured population of this State, or insubop-
dination among the slaves therein, shall, at the discretion of the Court,
snfiTer death, or imprisonment at hard labour for life. — 2. That who-
soever shall use language in any public discourse, firom the bar, the
bench, the stage, the pulpit, or in any place, or in private discourse or
conversation, or shall make use of signs or actions having a tendency
to produce discontent among the free coloured population in this State;,
or to excite insubordination among the slaves tnerein, or whoever shall
knowingly be instrumental in bringing into this State any paper,
pamphlet, or book, having such tendency as aforesaid, shall, at the dis-
cretion of the Court, suffer at hard labour not less than three years,
nor more than twenty years, or death. — 3. That all persons who shall
teach, or permit or cause to be taught, any slave in this State to read
or write, shall be imprisoned not less than one nor more than twelve
months."
' The second Act provides 1. for the expulsion from the State of all
free people of colour who came into it subsequently to the year 1807 ;
and then confirms a former law prohibiting all free persons of colour
whatever from entering the state of Louisiana. 2a. It sentences to
imprisonment or hard labour for life, all free persons of colour, who,
having come into the State, disobey an order for their departure.
dd. It enacts, that if any white person shall be convicted of being the
author, printer, or publisher of any written or printed paper within the
State, or shall use any language with the intent to disturb the peace
or security of the same, in relation to the slaves or the people ot this
State, or to diminish that respect which is commanded to free people of
coUmrfor the whites ; such person shall be fined in a sum not less
than 300 dollars, nor exceeding 1000 dollars, and imprisoned for a
term not less than six months, nor exceeding three years : and that
if any free person of colour shall be convicted of such offence, he shall
be sentenced to pay a fine not exceeding 1000 dollars, and imprisoned
at hard labour for a time not less than three years and not exceeding
^\% years, and afterwards banished for life.
266 United Statet of America.
' And 4th^ It enacts, that in all caiet it shall be the dntjr of Ae
attomey-eeneral and the several district attonues, umder the pemo^ tf
removal fiom office, to prosecute the said free peraona of coloiir it
violations of the act, or, whenever they shall be required to proaeaU
the said free persons of colour by any citizen of this siaie,
' These acts are sip:ned by^ Mr. Roman* speaker of the House of
Representatives ; by Mr. Smith, president of the Senate ; and by Mr.
Dupre, governor of the State of Louisiana, all in Mardi, 1832.
'Nothing can be more clear than that neither the liberty oi the praSi
nor the liberty of speech, exist in a state or country where audi kwi
are to be found on the statute-book. The following occurrence pnfo^
pretty convincingly, the truth of this observation. It took puoe m
one of the last days of March, while I was at New Orleans : — A skff
was hung there for some trifling offence, but none of the newapapcn
took the slightest notice of the execution ; the editors being natunDf
afraid that their doing so might be construed into an oiienee agunt
the laws passed only a few days previously. I only aoddeatdy
heard of the execution some days after it happened, and was told then
were not thirty persons present at it.
' What makes the severity of those laws even more galling is, thit
their retrospective effect forces into banishment many dtisena of Nev
Orleans, — A-ee men of colour, — who were among the most conspieiiODi
defenders of the state during the invasion of the British in 1814.
' The enactment asainst writings was intended to be enfimed
against the only liberal paper at New Orleans, " Le Liberal,** whidi
occasionally inserted articles favourable to the black population.'
VoL II. pp. 24S-^.
In ^ the despotic States of the Union,^ the liberty of the pie«
has no existence. It is, at least, denied altogether to the colmiTed
population, and ^ in a very considerable degree to the white
* population \* which comes as near to its non-existence as posaibl^
The publication of newspapers in those States, is, consequently,
* not a thriving,^ nor a very safe speculation. The Americans of
the slave-holding States, Mr. Stuart says,
' Conceive that the increasing numbers of their slaves require moie
coercive laws and greater severity of treatment ; and are proceeding sa
this principle, every year increasing the hardships of their almost ia*
tolerable situation, and adding new fetters to those which are alissdy
too heavy for them to wear.' Vol. II. p. 251.
The treatment of the free coloured persons is governed by the
same base and pusillanimous policy. By an act passed a fev
! rears ago by the State of S. Carolina, no free person of colour
eaving the State, though merely crossing its boundary, is allowed
to return ; and the same law declares it unlawful for nee persons
of colour to come from another State into Carolina. It is now
contrary to lawj in this State, that even free persona of eobur
should be educated ; they are incompetent witnesses in any case
where the rights of white persons are concerned ; and th«r trials
United States of America, 2fi7
are conducted by a justice of the peace and the freeholders,
without the benefit of a jury ! A recent law imposes a tax of 100
dollars on any free person of colour coming to Savannah in
Georgia, however urgent his business.
' Can there be/ exclaims ISIr. Stuart> ' a more atrocious violation of
the principles of liberty^ than is contained in such a regulation as this,
which may render it iuipossible for a free man even to visit his futher
or mother at the point of death ? But the prohibition is positive iu
Louisiana and South Carolina?' Vol. II. p. 155.
These are the States, our readers will recollect, which, accord-
ing to Mr. Achilles Murat, are so advantageously distinguished
from the Northern, by the * frankness, generosity, hospitality,'
* liberality of opinion,** ^ unequalled combination of talents,^ and
^ finish and elegance of manners,^ which characterize the white in-
habitants. And ' the leading State ^ of the South is the one which
at the present moment is setting at defiance the Federal Govem-
inent.'' Of this State, it is remarked in the Number of the North
American Review now before us, that * however distinguished,
' in other times, for intelligence, patriotism, and generosity, it is
* physically and politically one of the least effective in the IJnion.
* With a white population of less than 250,000 souls, of whom at
* least a third are opposed to the project ; with a dangerous in-
* ternal enemy in her bosom ; — unsupported by the co operation
* of any other State *, her nearest neighbours being among the
* most determined opponents of her views; — it is apparent that
* Carolina takes the field against the Union under every dis-
* advantage.** The result of a civil war to such a State, it is not
difficult to anticipate. Fearful would be the punishment which
it would entail on the haughty oppressor, without, it is to be
feared, benefiting the slave- The Carolinians are, however, living
on the very crust of a volcano, and the day of vengeance must'
come.
With regard to the impending conflict, we will not venture to
offer either prediction or speculation of our own ; but shall
conclude with extracting from an eloquent article on Nulliji^
catian^ in the Number of the North American Review which
now lies before us, the following reflections upon the present
crisis of the Federal Union ; reserving all comment for another
opportunity.
* This remains to be seen. ' The duration and results of this
' conflict/ it is subsequently remarked^ ' will depend upon the degree of
* countenance which Carolina may receive from other States^ par-
' ticularly at the South. We look with some apprehension to the pro-
* ceedings of Firginia, where the first movements are less sati;»factory
' than we could have wished.'
VOL. IX. — N.S. 1 I
258 United States of America.
' Still, the crisis^ •> though as little dangprous as any one of the sane
description that could well be imagined, — is yet one of fearful import-
ance, and the friends of the country cannot but look forward with deep
and p«iinful anxiety to its termination. The question of the contimi-
nncc of our present form of Government, — of the existence on this sfr*
count of republican institutions of any description, — is now to be de-
cided. The precise problem^ as we understand it> is not whether the
Union shall be preserved, but whether the Union shall be presenrrd
under our present mild and beneficent system of polity* or whether,
after a temporary dissolution of the bonds that now unite us, — we shall
be brought together again into a new body politic, consolidated by the
iron bands of military power. That the States composing this Unioa
can ever remain for any length of time politically separate from each
(»ther, is in the nature of things impossible. The experiment was tried
in the short interval between the Declaration of Independence and the
adoption of the Constitution, and was found impracticable. If re-
peated, under whatever circumstances, the result would be the same.
We have shown in a preceding part of this article that* by the present
Constitution, the States formed themselves into one body politic under
a common Government, and that they are now, in form, one people-
If the Constitution were in this respect a false representation w their
actual and substantial political condition; — if they were really se*
parated from each other by important substantial difTerenoes, whether
of geographical position, origin, language, physical conformation, or sny
others, there would then be a constant tendency to a dissolution of the
Union ; and separation, being the natural state of the parties, would
probably, ^hen it had once taken effect, become the permanent one.
Thus the attempt of the British Government to combine their Eu-
ropean possessions and the colonies now composing the United States
under one system of civil polity, was obviously at variance with the
law of nature, and could only terminate sooner or later in the way in
which it did. The same may be said of their present attempt to com-
bine under the same political system with their European poasenifmi,
the northern part of this continent, — the vast peninsula of Hindostsn
with its hundred million inhabitants, — the southern termination of
Africa, and half the islands on the face of the globe,— including the
Australian Continent, with its dependencies, which, of themselves,
may be said to constitute another new world. All these scattered
limbs, — membra disjecta, — of the mighty Queen of the Ocean,— are
destined to fall off succcvssively from the parent body, and fivm them-
selves into independent States. With the members of this Union, the
case is different. Descended from the same original stock ; united by
community of language, literature, manners, laws, religion, and go-
vernment ; enclosed, notwithstanding the vast extent of their territory.
present flourishing and gh
mily ; — bound together by the million various indissoluble ties of per-
sonal relationship, that have been created by a ctmstaut intercourse of
more than two centuries,— the States composing this Union not only
are, according to the form of the Constitution, but they are, in fact an^
United States of America. 259
in feeling, (me people. They were united^ before they framed the Con-
stitution, by the high and paraniount decree of the great Lawgiver of
the universe : and whom God hath joined, man cannot put asunder.
It is not enough to say, that the Union ought not to be dissolved, —
that the States have no right to dissolve it, — that it is better that it
should not be dissolved : — the truth is, that it cannot permanently be
dissolved. Its members cannot exist for any length of time in a state
of separation from each other. The present form of Union may, —
should Providence intend to visit us with his severest judgements, —
be temporarily broken up. What would be the consequence ? The
very act of its destruction would in all probability be attended by a
development of military power and a series of military movements,
which would end in the recombination of the States into another Union,
tinder a military Government. Should we even suppose, — what- is
next to impossible, — a peaceful temporary separation, what would still
be the consequence? The continual relations between twenty-four
neighbouring States of kindred origin and civilization, would neces-
sarily lead to collisions, which would grow into wars, and these would
continue until conquest had again consolidated the whole country into
a new Union, not as at present, under the quiet reign of constitutional
liberty, but under the sway, in some of its various forms, of a lawless
and sanguinary despotism.
' The necessity of these results is apparent on the slightest reflec-
tion, and is confirmed by the examples of all the nations of which we
know the history. To look only to the mother country : — a thousand
years ago, the British islands were occupied by hundreds of inde-
pendent communities, essentially different in their origin, languages,
manners, laws, every thing that constitutes civilization. Continued
wars gradually brought them under common Governments^ until, at
the close of the last century, the union of Great Britain and Ireland
finally completed the consolidation of the whole into one political body.
So it has been in France, in Holland, in Spain, in Germany, in Italy,
in Russia. So it has been in ancient times and other regions; — in
Egypt, China, Greece, Home. So it has always been and always must
be every where. The European nations have all arrived, through cen-
turies of carnage and confusion, at their present condition ; they are
still tending violently to a more complete union, which, after other
centuries of carnage and confusion, they will ultimately reach. It has
been our blessed fortune to begin where they have ended, or are likely
to end ; to grow up from the hour of our political birth, in those happy
bonds of fraternal kindness, which have been forced upon all other
great nations by a long experience of the sorest evils. If, in an hour
of wild delusion, — of mad insensibility to the causes of our present
prosperity, — of criminal ingratitude to the Giver of all good, — we
should burst these flowery fetters, the only possible result would be,
that after a period, more or less protracted, of that confusion and carn-
age which we have thus far escaped, we should exchange them for the
chains, that are now clanking round the limbs of every other people
on the globe, and from which the enlightened and civilized nations of
Europe are at this moment straining in agony to set themselves free.'
pp. 268-271.
1 I 2
( 260 )
Art. VI. Elijah, By the Author of " Balaam " and ** Modern
Fanaticism unveiled." J 2mo. pp. xii. 235. Price 5 j. Lioudun,
1833.
"jV/f R. IRVING, the tongues, and the miracles, are no longer
the common topics of conversation. The popular belief in
them, being unsupported either by fact or by principle, or indeed
by any thing but the enthusiasm of the moment, was not likely to
be of long duration ; and there seems no longer reason to appre-
hend much from that quarter, unless the same spirit of wild spe-
culation should adopt a more fascinating and a more dangerous
form. Perhaps the chief ground for fear is, that those who have
found themselves deceived and misled, will be apt to fall into the
other extreme, and that enthusiasm will give place to scepticisni.
The followers of Mr. Irving have been too decidedly a class by
themselves, to have brought much scandal upon the religious world
generally. Their numbers do not appear to be on the increase.
Some we believe have returned to the good old paths ; others we
know to be so holy, so devoted, so prayerful, so anxious to know
and do the will of their Heavenly Father, that we cannot think
that they will be suffered to continue under so gross delusion.
We could wish that their case excited more sympathy among
their fellow Christians, — that our dissenting friends would re-
member them in their intercessory supplications, and that our
friends in the Establishment would think of them when they re-
peat the petition, ' That it may please thee to bring into the way
^ of truth all such as have erred or are deceived ; to comfort and
^ help the weak hearted ; to raise up them that fall ; and, finally,
* to beat down Satan under our feet.''
We have said thus much, because it is to such individuals that
the Author of the work before us principally alludes, though they
are not specifically named. The object of the volume is excel*
lent, and not less so the plan by which the Writer proposes to
attain it. The delineation of a Scripture character can be unin-
teresting to no reader of the Scriptures : it can rouse no angry
feelings, and with many may have more force than a thousand
arguments. This work is less interwoven with the controverual
topics of the day than the two preceding ones by the same pen,
and is therefore likely, perhaps, to be more permanently and
more generally useful.
Yet, it is not without faults. The first part, in particular, is
rather spun out, and seems to partake in some measure of the sin
of book-making. This gives, here and there, a weakness to the
style, which is peculiarly unsuitable to the forcible character of
wnich it treats. For instance, before we are told so simple a
thing, as that Ahab informed Jezebel of the transactions of Mount
Cannel, we have a long preface, beginning, ^ Mankind are natu-
Elijah. 261
^ rally communicative. The imparting of intelligence and the
^ interchange of ideas, rank among the sweetest and highest en-
* joyments of our social nature,** &c. &c. The Author has made
various little additions to the Scripture account, which are cer-
tainly not improvements ; nor does he ever say, ' We may ima-
^ gine so and so,** but positively asserts that so it was. Thus, in
describing the meeting between Elijah and the widow of Zare-
\ phath, he says :
^ ' On being thus accosted^ the poor woman turned aside^ for a mo-
i mentt the coarse and sable veil which half concealed her care-worn
i: face and figure ; and perceiving from the physiognomy of the person
1 who addressed her, and from his dust-covered sandals^ that he was a
Hebrew and on a journey^ the kindness of her heart prompted an im-
' mediate attention to his request. With haste, therefore, she let fall
from her sun-burnt arms the scanty supply of fuel which she had just
gathered^ and seizing her water jug, was on the point of repairing to a
neighbouring well^ for a draught of water to slake the stranger's
thirst.'
This is more fanciful than pleasing.
Again : is it likely that Elijah entered into a long dissertation
on the doctrine of forgiveness of sins through the promised
Saviour, while the son of the widow lay dead in her arms, and
she was distractedly reproaching the prophet, or that he waited
all this time before he carried the child to his chamber. Yet
this is implied, if not actually asserted, in the account before us.
Then, at ])age 101, we have Obadiah recognizing ' the well-
^ known countenance, manly air and negligent costume of
* Elijah r at p. 112, Elijah speaking to Ahab ' with all the
* energy and power he could command, and looking steadily at
* the king with an expression of piercing significance;'* at p.
119, Elijah placing 'himself on a stone, or nodular elevation ;**
and at p. 138, seating ' himself on the flowery turf;** &c. &c. &c.
Such artifices of expression as these fail of effect, because obviously
intended for effect; while they offend us as liberties, scarcely
comporting with the dignity of Elijah's character, and of the
sacredness of Scripture history.
The account of the assembly on Mount Carmel is rather tame.
The critical remarks are interesting, and the topographical de-
scriptions are so vivid that one can scarcely help fancying that
the Writer must have seen the places to which he refers. But the
majesty of the Scripture record resents all embellishment : nothing
can improve it. As a pleasing specimen of the Writer's talent for
illustration, we shall select the following extract. After speaking
of the prophet's feelings of disappointment and exhaustion, when
fleeing from the rage of Jezebel, the Writer continues :
< In this fran^ of mind^ Elijah requested for himself, that he might
262 Elijah.
die^ and said, '^ It is enough ; now, O Lord, take awav my life, for I
am not better than my fathers." We have here an instance of the
infirmity of the man, prevailing over the faith of the believer. The
ivords unquestionably contain a hasty petition, and an ungracious com-
plaint: yet who does not spontaneously admit, that the prophet's
situation and conduct, at this crisis, have a much stronger claim on
our sympathies than on our censures ? Perhaps the most remarkable
feature in this disconsolate address, is the degree of querulousness prt^
duced in the mind of Elijah, by the disturbance of his latent seJf-
satisfaction. This is obvious in the concluding expression, " I am not
better than my fathers;" a conviction often forced in upon an en-
lightened and ingenuous mind ; but painful alike, though on different
grounds, to the man who legitimately aspires after eminence, and to
him who fancies that he has already attained to comparative su-
periority* Such distinguished honours as had lately been conferred
upon £lijah, were likely to feed the native self-importance of the
human heart ; but small as was the injury which his humility sus-
tained, by these temptations to rise in his own esteem, it is probable
that he would have been quite unconscious of the incipient mischief,
had it not been for the singular reverse which brought him low, and
wrung from his afflicted bosom, the expression of its most secret and
unsuspected emotions. It is thus that our all-wise and beneficeDt
Father in heaven, carries on the divine education and discipline uf his
children ; now affording them a system of means the most palatable
and enlivening, and anon dealing with them in such a method, as to
humble them, to prove them, and to know (or make manifest) what is
in their hearts." pp. 155 — 157*
After describing the journey to Mount Horeb, the Writer
proceeds :
' Elijah had now reached his destination. Horeb, *' the mount of
God," was his desired resting place ; if not by anticination^ his last
earthly home ; " and he came thither unto a cave and lodged there,"
The aspirings of his zeal had l>een checked, and its ardour sublimated.
He had learned to cease from man, to feel his own impotence and in-
firmity, and to resign the cause of God and the interests of Israel into
the hands of Him, ** without whom nothing is strong, nothing is holy."
His own purposes had been broken off, even the thoughts of his heart;
but if his heavenly Father saw it good to withdraw him from a public,
active life, and to appoint him a sequestered dwelling in the wilderness
-»what was he that he should presume to object ? His daily manual
taught him to say, '* My times are in thy hands;" and the Holy
Spirit wrought in his soul that grace which instructed him to be still,
and to comfort himself with the assurance, that however great and
long-continued might be his personal privations, there would ultimately
be to the church, a fulfilment of that which was spoken to David in a
prophetic vision, " Yet have I set my king upon my holy hill of
Zion."
' It is obvious, however, that Elijah's submission to the Divine will
was not without alloy. There was blended with it a species of apathy,
Navigation of the Euphrates. 263
quite contrary to the natural element of his soul. The phantom of
future eminence no longer flitted before his fancy ; and when that was
dissipated, the very idea of a possibility of future usefulness vanished
also. This ought not to have been ; and it was to rouse him from that
growing recklessness of spirit, and to prepare him to receive some im-
portant symbolical instructions, that " the word of the Lord came to
him^ ana he said unto him. What doest thou here, Elijah?'
pp. 166, 7-
A great deal of what follows is extremely interesting. Indeed,
we think the latter part of the book decidedly superior to the
former: it is more simple and more animated. The spirit
that pervades the work is admirable. We do not know how long
the Writer intends to maintain his or her incognito. Although
we have heard a name confidently assigned as that of the Author
of these productions, we do not feel ourselves at liberty to raise
the veil.
Art. VII. — ReporU of the Navigation of the Euphrates, Submitted
to Government by Captain Chesney, of the Royal Artillery. Fo-
lio, pp. 68. Plates.
"^^/^E should have felt scarcely authorized to take public no-
tice of an unpublished Report, had not certain con-
temporary journals already referred to Captain Chesney's highly
interesting papers. The feasibility of opening the Euphrates
for steam navigation^ which this gentleman has satisfacto-
rily established, is a circumstance replete with interest, inde-
pendently of its importance in connexion with an overland com-
munication with India. This venerable river, so long lost to
civilization, and scarcely better known to Europeans than the
Niger itself, is found to be free from impediments to steam navi-
gation throughout the year, up to El Oos, a distance of 900 miles,
and for nine months of the year is without any serious obstruc-
tion as high up as Bir (or Beer), only twenty -five hours k.b. of
Aleppo.
' Anxious to use some means to restore Aleppo to its former import-
ance, Ali Pacha, now at Bagdad, and then its governor, submitted a
plan to the Sultan some ten or twelve months ago, the outline of which
was to open the navigation of the Euphrates and clear out Seleucia :
both were countenanced by the Porte, and something was about to be
done, when the Egyptian business put all on one side for the present.
Ali Pacha, who is a liberal and enlightened Turk, fond of Europeans
and their customs, knew, that so late as the time of Saladdin, the port
of Bir contained 300 or 400 small vessels, and without any further
knowledge of the state of the river, he built on this circumstance
alone the hope> that by restoring the ancient port of Souedia> he would
264 Navigation of the Euphrates,
attract a great, commerce to Aleppo^ not only from tbe East but aho
from the West. The engineer's estimate of the necessary expense in
restoring the whole of Seleucia was 5000 purses of 500 piastres eadi,
or abont 31^000/.; bat as the whole space could not be required^ at
least for many years, it was only intended to clear out a part at firsts
expending in this way about 10,000/. : and as the officer who Earned
those estimates is botn skilful and much accustomed to carry on works
in Turkey, it is more than probable that both of his calculations are
very close to the truth ; nor can there be any reasonable doubt as to
the success, if ever the day should arrive for putting them to tbe test
of experience. It is true that the project was entertained solely vnth
the view of increasing the Sultan's revenue ; and although no more
enlightened idea is entertained, it is a great matter to know that the
Porte, even from selfish motives, would be induced to undertake a work
likely to be most advantageous to the commercial world, by renmening
a port sufficiently capacious to accommodate quite a fleet of moaerate-
sized merchant vessels, and that, at the short distance of twenty-two
or twenty-four caravan hours (through Antioch) to Aleppo; whidi
project, under such circumstances, must realize more than all the pre-
sent expectations of the Porte.*
Captain Chesney ascended the Euphrates from Bir to beyond
Samsat ; and during this considerable distance, found the river,
in its lowest state, deep, broad, and free from impediments for
a long way towards IVIalatieh, in the very heart of the country.
Malatieh (or Malatea) is situated on the Melas (or Kara-su),
which joins the Euphrates on its right bank in about lat.
38** lO' N., afibrding an inlet into the interior of Asia Minor.
Another line of route, however, has been suggested, with a
view to facilitate the direct communication with Bombay ; viz. by
Rosetta, Kennc, Kosseir, and Aden. Captain Chesney has in-
stituted a very minute and careful comparison between the two
lines of navigation, from which it appears that, in travelling from
Bombay to the Mediterranean, the time is shorter, by Egypt,
nine hours and a half, although the distance is shorter, by the
Euphrates, I70 miles. But, from the Mediterranean to Bombay,
the time, by Egypt and the Euphrates, would be equal, and the
distance by the Persian Gulf, shorter by I70 miles.
The Report is full of interesting matter, which we have not
room to analyse. Aware that either route can serve only for the
conveyance of packets or light goods. Captain Chesney warmly
advocates the revival of the ancient project of connecting the
Red Sea with the Mediterranean.
' Any of these routes, however, which may be adopted, will probably
only pave the way to the realization of the grand idea, so long in-
dulged in England, and other parts of Europe, of connecting the
Mediterranean with the Red Sea ; a little time will probably remove
the ill-fbunded apprehension^ of increasing the height of the former.
Navigation of the Euphrates. 265
tyjr the influx of the latter ; iot, whateyer natural causes can be sup«
poeed to exist> likely to maintain the Red Sea at a higher level, can
nardlj lail to influence, equally* the Mediterranean at the distance of
little more than one degree. The land, it is true, shelves gradually
from the Red Sea to the western shore of the Isthmus, at a mean di£>
£erenoe of eighteen feet, accordii^ to the French engineers j but it is
Yerj questionable whether the sea itself is really higher, communica-
id^g as it does already, with the Mediterranean, round Africa. But
iCfven if it could prove so^ an additional inlet will no more izKsrease the
lidght of the latter sea, than do the unceasing, and infinitely more vo-
huninous ones, pouring in from the Atknlac on one side, and Black
Sea on the other ; for the surplus is, and equally would be, disposed
of by evaporation, when seemtnglif greater, because the influx must be
imilated by the quantity of water exhaled ; and, I apprehend, cam
neither be more nor less, whether supplied through one or eim inlets i
^n wliidi principle, the Mediterranean, (w^n it shall communioate,)
would as readily eive to, as receive from, t^e Red Sea ; were not the
tcmporatme of the latter, uid its exhalation, lessened by the oooi
Borni winds prevailing during the heat of the year ; for wiuck reami#
only a noderate current may be expected to ran into the Mediterra*
neaa ; and it is, in fact, ratner to be feared, that such an inlet wvnld
BoC give a sufficient body of water, to open a nobde passage for riiiai
ti moderate bnrthen, than that any prejudicial increase should be toe
ocmsequence, to the shores of the Meoiterranean.
' As to the executive part, there is but one opinion ; there are no
jerious natural diflibcidties, not a single mountain intervenes, scarcely
what deserves to be called a hillock ; and in a country where labour
can be had without limit, and at a rate infinitely belew that of any
other pait of the world, the expense would be a moderate one for a
sinde nation, and scarcely worth dividing between the great kingdoms
of Europe, who would be all benefited by the measure.
' W^e the Pacha and Sultan to consent heartily, the former could
employ 500,000 Arabs on this work, as he did on the Mahmoudieh ca-
nal ; feeding them out of his stores, so as to put nearly the whole of
the contracted sum into his pocket. Mahomed AH is nmd of necu-
kitions, and this would be a grand and beoefidai one for the world, as
wdl as a paying one f<Mr his eoffNrs.'
The greatest credit is due to the ingenious and active officer, to
whose enterprise and intrepidity we are indebted for this valuable
addition to our topographical knowledge of the most interesting
tegLOfi of the East.
VOL. IX. — N.I. K X
Navigation of the Kupkrate*. 265
>>f the influx of the latter ; fi>r> wbatevar natural causes can be sup-
P««i to eiist, likely to maintain the Red Sea at a higher level, can
hartly fcil to Influence, equally, the Mediterratieaii at the distance of
mtle more than one degree. The land, it ib true, shelves gradually
from the Red Sea te the western Bhore af the IirtJimus, at a mean dif-
ference of eighteen feet, according to the French engineers; but it is
Wry questionable whether the sea itaelf is really higher, communica-
"^ " j' *'°«'' already, with the Mediterranewi, round Africa. But
even if it could prove so, an additional inlet will no more increase the
Aeight of the latter sea, than do the unceasing, and iafinitely nutre vo-
«wiinouB ones, pouring in from the Atlantu: on one side, and Black
^« on the other ; for the suiplus iu, and equally would be, disposed
« by evaporation, when seetmngly greater, because the influx must be
'^k I ^ ^ quantity of water exhaled ; and, I apprehend, caa
neither be mora nor leas, wh«ther supplied through one or tiw inleta i
^^which principle, the MeditLrranean, (wfaen it shall coniniumoate,)
■"*•—'•' as readily give to, as n-oeive from, lie Red Sea : were not the
retute of the latter, and its exhalation, leMenai bjr the cool
0 windt prevailing during the heat of Aie year ; far trianA itmwaa,
a ««!—.» -.jrrent may be expected to ran iato the Mediteraa.
n fact, rntlier to be feat«d, that such aa inlet w*nld
. Jut body of water, to open • nnUe paaaage for dipt
rate burthen, than thu* anv prqudicial inoreaae ahauhl be the
""" ►.. .v_ .L _«^. diterranean.
u one opinion ; there are no
f mountain intervenes, icarcely
; and in a conntry where laboui
. f infinitely bel*w that of any
vould be ■ moderate one for a
luing between the great kingdoms
ed by the measure.
cooaeut heartily, the former could
as he did on tne Mahmoudieh ea-
BO as to put nearly the whole of
Mahomed All ia fend of mecu-
ind beneficial one for the worUj m
'e to the ingenioua mi aCftTe cfficer, to
{lii Ity we are indebted for this valuable
icH knowledge of tlie most interetting
( 266 )
Art. VIII. CORRESPONDENCE.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ECLECTIC REVIEW.
Sir,
On taking up the Number for last November, the other day, I per-
ceived that the Reviewer, in noticing the Winter's Wreath, observes,
after mentioning a Poem 'revoltinsly opposed in its sentiments to
the declarations of Scripture,' &c., 'Yet, m this same volume, we find
introduced into a very sad and melancholy tale by Captain Sherer, the
following exquisite hymn, which, if not a gennine antique, is a very
skilful imitation of our English poets :
' " My life's a shade," ' &c
In a note is added : ' As we cannot suppose the transcriber to be the
author, wc wish he had stated how he came by the hymn.'
I beg, Sir, to say how he mighi have come by the hymn, as it is to
be found in a book before me, with the following title : ' The Young
Man's Calling ; or, the Whole Duty of Youth. In a serious and
compassionate Address to all young persons to remember their
Creator in the days of their youth ; together with remarks upon the
lives of several excellent young persons of both sexes, as well ancient
as modem, noble and others, who have been fietmous for piety and
virtue in their generations. With twelve curious pictures, illustrating
the several histories. Also,
' DIVINE POEMS.
( «( Ulierewith shall a young man cleanse his way ? by taking heed thereto ac-
cording to thy word.** Ps- cxix. 9.
' Verecando adolescente quid amabilius ? Ber,
* Imprimatur^ Tho. Grigg, R.P.D. Episc Lond. a Sac Dom.
'THE NINTH EDITION.
^ London : Printed for A. Bettesworth, by C. Hitch, at the Red
Lyon in Paternoster Row ; and J. Hodges, at the Looking-Glass, on
London Bridge. 1737- Price 1*. 6rf.'
I had marked the hymn, ^ ]\Iy life's a dream ', with one or two
more, from ' The Young Man's Divine Meditations ; in some Sacred
Poems upon Select Subjects and Scriptures ', for a small collection of
devotional poetrv> or fur private worship, at the end of my Appendix
to Dr. Watts's Psalms and Hymns.
You may deem the following worthy insertion, if you have a blank
page in a coming Number.
The title to 'My life's a shade', is, 'The ResunectiMi/ from
Job xix. 29. It is followed by ' Heaven '. But I will first give a pre-
ceding one.
» THE PILGRIM'S FAREWELL TO THE WORLD.
^ ^* For we have no continuing city, but we seek one to come.** Heb. xiiL 14.
' 1. Farewell, poor world, I must be gone :
Thou art no home, no rest for me.
I '11 take my stalf and travel on,
'Till I a better world may see.
Correspondence. 267
*2. Why art thou loth, my heart ? Oh why
Do'st thus recoil within my breast ?
Grieve not^ but say fieurewell, and fly
Unto the ark, my dove ! there*s rest.
* 3. I come^ my Lord> a pilgrim's pace;
Weary, and weak, I slowly move ;
Longing, but yet can't reach the place.
The gladsome place of rest above.
'4. I come, my Lord; the floods here rise;
These troubled seas foam nought but mire ;
My dove back to my bosom flies :
Farewell, poor world, heav'n 's my desire.
* 5. Stay, stay, said Earth ; whither, fond one ?
Here 's a fair world, what would'st thou have ?
Fair world ? Oh ! no, thy beauty 's gone.
An heav'nly Canaan, Lord, I crave.
' 6. Thus ancient travellers, thus they
Weary of earth, sigh'd after thee.
They 're gone before, I may not stay,
'Till I both thee and them may see.
' 7- Fut on, my soul, put on with speed ;
Though th' way be long, the end is sweet.
Once more, poor world, farewell indeed ;
In leaving thee, my Lord I meet.
' HEAVEN.
* ^' When shall I oome and appear before Ood ? *' Ps. zlii. 3.
'FIBST PART«
' I. Sweet place ; sweet place alone !
The court of God most high.
The heav'n of heaven's throne.
Of spotless majesty !
Oh happy place !
When shall I be
My God, with Thee,
To see Thy face ?
' 2. The stranger homeward bends.
And flghteth for his rest ;
Heav'n is my home; mv friends
Lodge there in Abraham's breast.
Oh happy place, &c.
K K 2
208 CbF)wpo#Mim<if.
'3. Earth '8 bnt a iDrry ttnt,
Pitoh'd for fl few frail days ;
A short-leased tenflmant.
Heav'n 'a gtill my tonff, my praiaa*
Oh happy place, &c
' 4. No tears from any eyea
Drop in that holy Qoiie ;
But Death itself there die^
And sighs themselves expire.
Oh happy plao^ &c.
' 5. There should temptation cease;
My frailties there should end ;
There should I rest in peace.
In the anna <vf my heat Friend.
Oh happy plac^ &&
aBCOND FABT.
' 1. Jerusalem on high
My song and city is :
My home whene'er I die ;
The centre of my bliss.
Oh happy place, &e.
' 2. Thy walls^ sweet city I thine
With pearls arc garnished ;
Thy gates with praises shine.
Thy streets with gold arc spread.
Oh happy place, &c.
' 3. No sun by day shines there :
No moon by silent night.
Oh, no^ these needless are ;
The Lamb 's the City's Light.
Oh happy place, &c.
' 4. There dwells my Lord, my King,
Judg'd here unfit to live ;
There angels to him sing
And lovely^ homage give.
Oh happy place, &c
* 5. The patriarchs of old
There from their travels cease :
The prophets there behold
Their long'd for Prince of Paace.
Oh happy place, &c.
' 6. The Lamb's apostles there
I might with joy behold ;
The harpers I might hear
Harping on harps of eold.
Oh happy place, &c.
Literary InieUigence, 9Sfi
' 7- The bleeding martyrs they
Within these courts are found ;
Clothed in pure array.
Their scars with glory crown'd.
Oh happy place>. &e»
' 8. Ah me ! ah me ! that I
In Kedar's tents here stay :
Noplace like this on high,
Tnitdier, Lord, guicke my way.
Ofa happy place, &e.'
T. RUSSBLL.
fValfvorth, 12/A February, 1833.
Art. IX. LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.
In a few days, with Engravings, Tables of the Weight of sqnare,
round, and flat Wrougki'Iron, from the smallest to the largest size
ever used ; with a Series of Valuable Experiments on the strensth of
Cast-Iron, and a number of useful Rules and Tables. By J. O. xork^
Civil Engineer.
In a few days will be published, a new edition of The Genuine
Epistles of the Apostolic Fathers, translated by Arehbishop Wake.
On the 10th of March will be published, a miniature edition of
Cruden's Concordance, the size 4 bv 2 inches, to correspond to the
Polymicrian editions of the New Testament, and Schmidt's Ghreek
Concordance.
The Life and Travels of the Apostle Paul, illustrated by a Map^
will appear in the course of next month ; and judging ^m the superior
talent of the Author, must prove a valuable accession to the library of
the Christian.
The Fifth Part of the Byron Gallery is now ready> and contains fiv*
splendid plates from Childe Harold, Lara, Do» Juan, and Marino
IraHero ; beautifiilly engraved by Wn. Finden, Chas. Rolls, Staines*
Chevalier, and Bacon, ftxxn original Pamtings by Westall, Riehter^
Jones, and E. T. Parris. The Sixth Part, whidi completes thia
elegisnt Series of Illustrations to Byron's Works, will be published
next month.
Dr. Dymock, ef the Grammar School o£ Glasgow, Editor of Ceesar,
Ovid, ana Sallust, with Notes and Indices, Historical, Geographical,
and IV^thoIogical, is about to publish a work, entitled Bibliotheca,
Classica, or a Classical Dictionary for the use of Schools.
This work has been the labour of many years ; and if ^e Author has
exteuted hi» intention^ it will be fiNnd; to lessen the labeur both o^
teacher and scholar.
270 Literary InieUigence^
The promised Series of Illustrations to Prinaep'i Journal of a Vojage
from Calcutta to Van Diemen's Land, are now m preparation, and will
appear next month : the whole will be beautifally nnished after the
original drawings.
The Third Volume of the New Monthly Series of Original Works of
Fiction, the Library of Romance, entitlea, Waltham, a Norel, is now
ready. The next Volume of the Series will be ftom the pen of Mr.
Gait.
The Tropical Agriculturist, illustrated with botanical Plates, will
be ready in a few days, and will contain a Practical Treatiae on the
Cultivation and Management of Productions suitable to Tropical
Climates, including Products of the East and West Indies^ by G. R.
Porter, Esq.
This work will be of the greatest importance to all connected with
our various colonies.
The Sixth Number of the Parent's Cabinet of Amusement and In-
struction is now ready, and contains — Casimir and Julia ; — Unde John
in Canada ;— Carrier and Wild Pigeons.
A valuable work is just completed, in one volume, 12mo., entitled.
The Christian's Manual, or the Bible its own Interpreter ; to whidi
are added, a Brief Account of the several Books and Writers of the
Old and New Testament, and remarks upon the Apocrypha.
Capt. Head's Overland Journey from India is now ready for pub-
lication, in large folio, with elegant Plates illustrative of Indian,
Arabian, and Egyptian Scenery, and accompanied with aocnrate Plans
and Maps. This work will not only form a complete and hiehly in-
teresting Guide-Book to the traveller from Bombay to Alexanaria^ but
will gratify the Merchant and the Politician by sho^'ing the practica-
bility and expediency of having, by the Red Sea, a steam communica-
tion with our Eastern possessions, and the consequent means of defend-
ing them from Russian Invasion, to which they are at present exposed*
There is a New Edition now ready, of the singular Pamphlet which
appeared some time ago, entitled, A Call to Women on the Subject of
tne National Debt. We find that the plan there proposed for the
Ladies to pay oif our Debt is now patronised by Government, books
having been opened at the .National Debt Office to receive Donations,
&C., under the title of — " The Ladies' Contribution for the Gbradual
Reduction of a part of the National Debt."
On the 20th of l^Iarch ^^dll be published, in one volume. The
Americans. By an American in London.
In a few days %vill be published. Memoirs of the Life and Corre-
spondence of the Rev. William Lavcrs, late of Honiton. By J. S,
£lliott, with Portrait.
In the press. Lives of English Female Worthies. By Mrs. John
Sandford. 12mo. Vol. I. Containing Lady Jaue Grey, Mrs. Colonel
Hutchinson, and Lady Rachacl RusscU.
Literary Intelligence. 2fjl
In the press^ History of the Reformation. By J. A. Roebuck,
Esq. M.P.
In the press. Dictionary of Practical Medicine. By James Cop-
land, M.D., &c. 8vo. Part II. Just ready.
Elements of Materia Medica and Therapeutics. By A. T. Thom-
son, M.D., &c. 8vo. Vol. II. Just ready.
In the press. Introduction to Geology, By Robert Bakewell. 8vo.
4th Edition, greatly enlarged, with numerous Plates and Cuts.
In the press. Geology of the South-East of England. By G. Man-
tell, Esq. F.R.S. L.S. G.S., &c. 8vo. With Plates.
Preparing for publication, by the Editors of the Congregational
Magazine, a work on CouCTCgationalism ; to contain a sketch of its
history ; an exposition and analysis of its principles : a comparative
view of its advantages and disadvantages ; a candid discussion of the
modifications of which it may be thought susceptible ; a full account
of the ecclesiastical usages of the Congregationalists ; with an Ap-
pendix, containing statistical and financial tables in illustration of the
former part of the work, and a careful reprint of all the most valuable
but scarce documents connected with the history of the Congre-
gationalists.
In the press, Mary of Burmindy; or, the Revolt of Ghent. By the
Author or " Richelieu ", " Henry Masterton ", &c. 3 Vols, post 8vo.
In the press. Lyrics of the Heart : with other Poems. Bv Alaric
A. Watts. Post 8vo. With Thirty-five highly finished Line En-
gravings.
In a few days, A Letter of Reply to Johnes' Essay on the Causes
which have produced Dissent in the Principality of Wales, which ob-
tained the Koyal Medal in 1831.
( 872 )
Art. X. WORKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED.
iGTAinr.
An Introduction to the Studjr of "RigTiA
Botany, with a Glossary of Tenns. By
George Bancks, F.L.S. 8ro. Thirty-
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bis Dbciplei, and a Demonstrmtion of kti
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of •'The Age of In6delity*% Editor of
•« The Coitafle Bible *.fte.&e. !».
The Sound Bdierer, aTrwtisr OB £v«.
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lege. The number of addidonal aitidM le
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We have to intreat the indulgence of our subscribers. Our present Nnnher is
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pleting his task. Tlic deficient sheet, and the Title, Contents, and Index to VoL VIII«
will be given in the next Number.
THE
ECLECTIC REVIEW,
For APRIL, 1833.
Alt. I. An Inquify into the State of Slavery amongst the Romans ;
frem the earliest Period till the Establishment of the Lombards in
Italy. By William Blair, Esq. 12mo. pp. xii. 301. Price 6#.
Edinburgh, 1833.
'T^HIS * ouUii^e of the most important chapter in the great his-
-^ tory of servitude \ is from the pen of a gentleman who has
had an opportunity of personaUy observing the condition of the
slaves in two of our colonies ; the Cape of Good Hope and the
Mauritius. He is the son of the late Lord President Blair of
the Court of Session, and was sent out as a Commissioner, in
I83S — 9» to inquire into the state of those colonies. In this vo-
lume) he does, hot, however, attempt to institute any comparison
between modem colonial and ancient slavery. Wherever the
* Utter draught ^ is mingled, ^ many of the ingredients % he re«
marks^ * myst ever be the same ; but, on somi^ points, the two
* systems differ so widely, that they could serve but little to illus-
* trate each other.'* The work has no direct reference, therefore^
to the 9ul»^ect which is at present agitating the public mind. It
is purely an hi^tcnrical inquiry, relating to ^ a people who, above
* all others, have furnished employment to the studious and
* amusement to the idle ; who have scarcely left behind them a
' coin or a stone which has not been examined and explained a
* thousand times, and whose dress, food^ and household-stuff, it
' has been the pride of learning to understand.*^ Nevertheless,
the state of slavery among the Romans, has hitherto received;
little attention from literary men in this coiuitry. Mr. Stephen,
in his invaluable work, ^^ The Slavery of the British West India
Colonies delineated'*'*, has occasionally, for the purpose of iUustra*
tioB, referred to the ancient system ; and the advocates of Negro
Slavery have not been ashamed to plead the example of the pagan
Romans as a sanction, claiming for it the tacit countenance or per-
VOL. IX. — N.S. L L
274 Blair on the Roman Slavery.
mission of Christianity itself. On this account, in addition to
the historic interest attaching to the inquiry, it is important that
the nature of that system of servitude should be fully understood,
to which, in the New Testament, there is repeated reference.
The inquiry may be rendered subservient to the purpose of Bib-
lical illustration ; and an examination of the details will enable
the reader to judge, how far a system which was undoubtedly co-
existent with primitive Christianity, can be regarded as compati-
ble with its dictates, and sanctioned by its tacit recognition.
Slavery, of some kind or other, has existed as Uie condition
of a certain class of the population, in almost every country, from
the remotest antiquity. No great nation of the ancient world, of
which any accounts have come down to us, seems to have been
wholly without a servile class. From the records of the Old
Testament, a condition of absolute bondage appears to have been
established as a regular institution in Asia and in Egypt. The
Patriarchs had slaves, as well as the Canaanites and the AraUans.
It existed in every part of Greece, and may be traced in the re-
mains of all those States into which Italy was divided anterior to
the foundation of Rome. Instead of being confined to any race,
it prevailed in every branch of the human family. The black
races held in bondage the less civilized whites; the descendants of
Ham made captives and bondsmen of those of Shem and Japhet,
who indiscriminately held in slavery the descendants of their
respective progenitors, and those of tne supposed parent of the
sable children of the Sun, upon whom some authors have ab-
surdly represented slavery to be peculiarly entailed. Britain, down
to a late period, supplied slaves to the Roman market ; and *' his-
' torians have often repeated the singular anecdote told bv Bede^
' of Gregory the Great having been moved to suggest the oon-
' version of our ancestors, by the sight of many fine English
' youths exposed to sale in the market of Rome/ According to
Strabo, Bntish slaves were prized for their stature, on which
account they were assigned by Augustus to the service of the
theatre. England was disgraced by the exportation of her
natives long after the age of St. Gregory ; and the nractice of
kidnapping, not Africans, but Britisn and Irish chudren, was
long carried on, not by Algerines, but by English corsairs and
Bristolian slave-traders.
Such is the high antiquity, such the universal prevalence in
former times, of Slavery. Whence could such a state of things
have originated ? There can be little doubt that it had its first
origin, as Michaelis remarks, in war. The claim of the master
was founded upon the supposed right of conquest, or rather,
upon the clemency or humane policy which spared the lives of
the conquered. Captivity was a commutation of the bloody law
of war. Slavery was, therefore, in its origin and essential cha-
• Blair an the Raman Slavery. S76
racter, a penal condition. Those who were taken in war, were
dealed witn as rebels, or persons obnoxious to vengeance. All wars
have been levied apon some pretext which might throw the blame
upon the weaker party, and give to the vindictive or predatory
incursion the semblance of retribution or penal justice. How
tunustly soever the innocent victims might be reduced to bondage,
it 18 clear, that they were regarded as having forfeited life, before
they were deprived of liberty. The right to enslave another, is
founded on tne right to take away his iSe. Hence, the difference
in the estimated value of a slaveys life and that of a freeman. The
former is an imperfect life, part of which has been taken by the
eword of vengeance, and part is lef);. National enemies and
domestic criminals were viewed in the same light, and placed
alike beyond the pale of humanity. The apology for massacre
in war, and for the milder punishment, slavery, is substantially
the same. Thus we find Michaelis palliating the cruelties of the
ancient warfare by asking, ^ whether a magistrate has a right to
* proceed more severely against a band of robbers, than one nation
* against another that has behaved with as much hostility and
* cruelty as robbers can do."* * His argument is, that if it is not
deemed unjust to inflict capital punishments, and even torture,
an banditti, who are subjects, it cannot be absolutely unjust to
treat foreign enemies with equal severity. It is due to the learned
Writer to remark, that his object is, to vindicate from the objec-
tions of sceptics, the cruelties practised in the wars of the Israel-
ites, which he shews to have been strictly conformable to the
Asiatic law of nations at that period. According to the same
law which doomed the males to massacre, the women and children
were carried into captivity. If any who had borne arms were
spared to become slaves, that was considered as an act of cle-
mency, an exercise of compassion. Such was undoubtedly the
origin of a servile class among most ancient nations ; and the
slave was either a captive or the child of one. ^ The Romans %
Mr. Blair remarks :
' seem to have usually acted upon the rule of granting life and liberty
to enemies who surrendered without a contest ; but of carrying away>
as priscmers^ those who had made resistance. The most of such cap-
tives, often after the humiliation of being led in triumph, were sold
into slavery, or sent to fight in the amphitheatre, as gladiators or
combatants with wild beasts ; but some were usually retained by the
state, as public slaves. Romulus, after his first successes over his
neighbours, directed, that not all the vanquished of the age of puberty
should be put to death or sold, but that some of them should be al-
lowed to become citizens of Rome ; and the exception made by him,
shews us what was the prevailing custom in that early age.
• Michaelis's Laws of Moses, Vol. I. p. 330.
L l2
276 Blair an the Roman Slatery.
* In general^ pritioners of war were sold, as soon aa poasible, aftir
their capture ; and if a subsequent treaty provided lor tneir leloKy it
would appear^ that a special law ^vas passed, ordering the buyers of
such slaves to give them up^ on receiving (from the treasury) repay-
ment of the onginal purchase money. At least, we have one instance
of this proceeding, with regard to a body of Ligurians, who had snr-
rcndercd, and were sold by the consul Popilins, while the senate was
deliberating about their treatment. It was feared, that no other
enemies would ever yield themselves, if these were kept ill slavery;
and a decree was issued, annulling the previous tales, ud compeUiBg
the respective purchasers to set free the Ligurians ; but with rastkop
tion, by the public, of the prices whidi had been paid. Piisuneit
belonging to a revolted nation were, without exoeption in fiivter of
voluntary surrender, sold into servitude; and sometiines, asamoK
severe punishment, or greater precaution, it was stipulated, at their
sale, that they should be carried to distant places, ana ahould not be
manumitted within twenty or thirty years. The most ocHnmon terms
for slaves are generally thought to be derived from words expressive oF
capturing, or of preserving ; and a few escamples will suffice to shew,
how abundant a supply of bondsmen was obtained, by the Romans, ia
their wars. After the fall of the Samnites at Aqmlonia, 2,553,000
(or 2,033,000) pieces of brass were realized by the sale of prisotra,
who amounted to about 36^000. Lucretins brought from the Vnlsriis
war, 1250 captives: and, by the capture of one inconsiderable towa,
no less than 4000 slaves were obtained. The number of the people of
Epirus taken, and sold, for behoof of the army, under Panlna ./&nilius,
was 150,000. On the Romans' descent upon Afirica, in the first Punic
war, they took 20,000 prisoners. Gelon, praetor of Syiacosej haviitf
routed a Carthaginian army, took so many captives, that he save 509
of them to each of several citizens of Agngentum. On the great
victory of iMarius and Catulus over the Cimbri, 60,000 were captured.
When Pindenissus was taken by Cicero, the inhabitants were sold Hw
more than 100,000/. Augustus, having overcome the Salassi, sold, ss
slaves, 36,000, of whom 8,000 ^vere capable of bearing arms. Julius
Ceesar is said, by Plutarch and Appian, to have taken, in. his Gallic
wars alone, no fewer than a million of prisoners ; a statement which
is, no doubt, much exaggerated, but wnich shews, that the number
was considered to be great : perhaps, we may adopt the estimate of
Vellcius Paterculus, who says, merely, that they exceeded 400^000.
' Both law and custom forbade prisoners, taken in civil wars, to be
dealt with as slaves ; )t;t the rule was sometimes disr^arded. Brutus
proposed to sell his Lycian captives, within sight of the town of Pktra ;
but finding, that the spectacle did not produce the effect he expected
on the inhabitants, he quickly put an end to the sale. On the takii^
of Cremona, by the forces of Vitellius, his general Antoiiius ordered
that none of the captives should be detained ; and the soldiers could
find no purchasers nir them. The latter fact shews the general feeling
on the subject, and is not weakened, as a proof, by the apparent anti-
cipations of the tror^ps ; for the spirit of ])arties was, at that time,
peculiarly acrimonious, and Cremona had made so obstinate a defence,
that some signal vengeance might be thought due Prisoners often
Blair an the Roman Slavery. 277
•affered, by their being thus of no value. In the instance iust men-
tioned, the soldiers began to kill them^ if not privately bought off by
their friends; and. in the eaiiier dvil commotions, captives wete openly
Masaocred by Sylla and the Triumviri ; which, perhaps, would not
have been done, to the same extent, had those prisoners been saleaUe*'
pp- 17—21.
• This people, of whose war-laws we are apt to think so highly',
remarks Michaelis, ^ for a long time, even to the days of Caesar,
* massacred their prisoners in cold blood, whenever toey survived
*' the disgrace of the triumph.' * Slavery was the bitter alter-
Bative ; a. striking illustration of the fact, that '^ the tender mer-
dea of the wicked are cruel.'' f
' When a property in man was thus eetabltfthed, cmginating in
▼ioience^ the trade in men speedily commenced. Prisoners df
iwr were first sold ; a:nd then, to supply the market dttce opened,
tti^ harmless and unoffending were kidnapped, or hunted down,
and carried off from their country by the pirates of the ancient
world* The chief emporium of the Roman slave-trade was
Delus.
' The slave trade which they encouraged was so brisk, that the port
became proverbial for such traffic, and was capable of importing and
re-exporting lOjOOO slaves in a single day. Tne Cilician pirates made
Delos the gteat staple for sale of their captives, which was a very
gaiiiftil part of their occupation. Sida, a city of Pamphylia, was
aaotihef market of these robbers, for the disposal of their prisoners,
wImiii tAiey mAd there, avowing them to be free men. The pirates of
Cilkna were pnt down by Pompey, who burned 1,300 of th^r ships ;
bttt the eastern part of the Mediterranean was never free from piratical
adventm^rs, by whom captives, for sale or ransom, were considered
valaable booty. Delos ceased to be a great mart after the Mithridatic
war; and it seems probable, that, afterwards, the slave-trade was
transferred to the various ports nearest those countries whence the
slaves came.
' The most r^ular supply of valuable slaves to the Italian market,
was orieinally procured through trade. Other nations, no doubt, sold
to the Roman dealers, slaves taken in wars with which Rome had not
been concerned. In most countries, too, it was common for parents to
sell their children into slavery* When the privileges of Roman dti-
senship were highly esteemea, and rarely obtained, it was not unusual
for the allies to give their children as slaves to masters in Rome, on
condition of their being ultimately manumitted, and so made to par-
ticipate, as freedmen, in the envied advantages of citizens ; until the
practice was chocked by a special enactment, in a. u. c. 573. Doubts
have been thrown upon the extent of the slave-trade carried on by the
Romans, from the vastness of its cost; but the value of ordinary ^ves
was not such as to give much weight to this objection. In trafficking
* Laws of Moses, Vol. I. p. 331. + Prov. xii. 10.
2} 8 Blair on the Raman Slavery,
with comparatively barbarous natioosy dealers procured slaTes bf
barter^ at a very cneap rate. Salt, for example, was sndently mncn
taken by the Thracians, in exchange fiur human beinga. £ven had
the cost of slaves been higher than we have good authonty far estimat-
ing it> the wealth of the Romans was certainly so immense, that great
capital might be supposed to have been engaged in a trade which had
become absolutely necessary ; besides, we have many poaitiTe testiBO-
nies to the fact, of great numbers of foreign slaves being imported into
Italy. Man-stealing appears to have been, at all times, a very preva-
lent'crime amongst the ancients ; there is every reason to thuuk thst
Terence was kidnapped from Carthage ; the Fersa and Psennlns of
Plautus shew that such practices were not unusual in the East, when
they, or their originals, were written ; and St. Paul, in denoondng
man-stealers as sinners of the worst class, impresses ns with the belief
that these offences were very frequent. The number of Roman laws
passed, at various periods, against man-stealing, ^plagium^ evinces at
once the sense which the Legislature entertained of its enormity^ and
the difficulty experienced in its suppression.' pp. 29—31.
' Free-bom Romans might be reduced to slavery by the operatiQa of
law. Criminals doomed to certain ignominious punishments were, by
effect of their sentence, deprived of citizenship, and snnk into a state
of servitude. They were then termed '^ slaves of punishmenty" T*em
pcencB,] and belonged to the fisc, in later times, whence we may jndflB
them to have been the property of the public during the commonwealtL
This severe consequence was inferred by condemnation to death, or to
the arena, or to labour for life, in the mines or the pnblic works ; and s
pardon, or a remission of the penalty, left the convict still a slav^
unless he was restored to his former rank by a special act of giaoe.
But the condition of penal slaves was entirely abolished by Jostiniaa.
We must not omit here to mention, that during the early persecatioH
of Christianity, reduction to slavery in a very horrid nmn, waa em^
ployed as a punishment for the embracing of our £uth.' pp. 38—90.
Michaelis, in his Commentaries on the Laws of Mooea, is
disposed to defend the legislative policy which would perpetnate
slavery, on this ground ; that, where it does not subaiat, * many
' crimes which might otherwise be more advantageously, and per-
haps more effectually, and at the same time ^so more mildly
punished by condemnation to slavery, must be made cajntal
offences ; such as theft and wilfiil bankruptcy ! Nor ia diere\
he adds, ^ any proper means of preventing the idleness of
beggars ; for work-houses, which, after all, form almost a spedet
of slavery, cost the public more than they bring in. Nor, agam,
can the settlement of debts be in any way so summarily and
securely effected, as when the creditor has it in his power to edl
the debtor for his slave ! * Upon the whole, the establishment
of slavery under certain limitations \ the learned German cod-
* Michaelis, Laws of Moses, Vol. II. p. 157*
Blair on the Soman Slavery. 279
tends, * would prove a profitable plan,'* When we meet with
such sentiments as these m the pages of a philosophical and
Christian jurist of the eighteenth century, we cease to wonder at
the injustice and cruelty of the penal laws of other days. But
this very defence of slavery includes the important admission,
that it is a penal condition,— one which might be deemed a suffi-
cient punishment of crimes of the deepest dye, — a substitute for
capital punishments, milder only than tne extreme sanction of the
law, ana, for the purpose of terror, not less effectual. Without
entering upon the argument relating to the expediency of such a
mode of punishment, we put it to our readers, What is the cha-
racter of that system which inflicts the punishment of guilt upon
the innocent ? which, without the pretext of national hostility,
wages perpetual war against human nature in the persons of those
who have never sinned, nor their fathers, against society ? The
same relation which this severest of secondary punishments bears
to capital punishments, the crime of inflicting it upon the innocent
must bear to murder. The difference is merely one of degree ;
and as to colonial slavery, the nature of the bondage makes it
little better than slow murder. Negro life is constantly melting
sway, and the race is diminishing imder the dreadful penalty of
slavery ; a penalty inflicted not for the crimes of its victims, but
for the gains of their masters : a system of gratuitous and arbi-
trary punishment of the unoffending, for the pure advantage and
convenience of a handful of white tyrants ! The marked dis-
tinction between the ancient and the modem slavery, as to its
origin and principle, is forcibly put in an eloquent sermon, just
published, on *• The Sinfulness of Colonial Slavery % by Mr.
Halley, the Classical Tutor at Highbury College.
' In those early times, the claim of the master was founded in the
acknowledged laws of war. These might have been unjast and im-
moral^ inhuman and cruel. It is neither my business nor nfy inclina-
tion to justify war; but, still, it is essentially distinct from the practice
^ man-stealmg. In the patriarchal age war was unquestionably to-
lerated, and slavery was the unavoidable result. But then each party
was exposed to the danger. Every man, in hope of the spoils, put his
life in jeopardy. He ventured, if he survived the day, his limbs and
liber^ upon the fortune of war. The understood condition of every
combat was, in the words of the champion of Gath, '^ If ye be able to
fieht with me, then will we be your servants ; but, if I prevail against
hnn, then shfdl ye be our servants, and serve us."
* When a property in man was thus established, the practice of
seising and seUing the harmless and peaceable very soon commenced.
The one facilitated the introduction of the other ; but who cannot dis-
tinguish between the two ? Is there no difference between the claim
to a prisoner of war, who had attempted your life, and the title of the
Midianite merchants, when they purchased Joseph, an inoffensive
youths from his brethren ? Retaliation is the principle of the former ;
S80 Blair on the RiimaH Slavery.
the latlir U the unprtnroked inflfetkm of iiuary. The pare liriit of
the go^el WM neeeaaury to ditooiver the evil or the Ibrtoer, whidi, in
the timet of ignomnce^ Gtod winked at, in those who had no cenadeaet
of the guilt ; the iniquity of the latter^ oondemned evea by hfathm
moralist!, must have been detected by the fteble and obeeure gUmncr-
ing of the light of nature. For the firmer might have been pleaded
the reason of self-defence, the right of renrisala, and even the humanity
of sparing the life of a captive ; for the latter nothing whatever omla
have been offered in extenuation. The mighty man of valour in that
age mieht lead home his captives with the conqueror's song, *' Blessed
be the Lord, my strength, which teacheth my hands to war, and mj
fingers to fi^t ; ** but the refiections of the man-stealer, unless his
heart were iron, must have been like those of the patriarchs, '* We are
verily ffuilty concerning our brother, in that we saw the ai^ish of
his soul, when he besought us, and we would not hear.** There is ai
essential a difference betu'een the two acts of enslaving, though the
slavery were the same, as there is between the slaughter of a soldier
on the field of battle, and the murder of a traveller for the sake of
Sold. Joshua was a man of war from his youth ; but you can sll
istinffuish him from the murderous assassin.
' Cmonial Slavery is the bondage, not of the warrioi;, bat of the
kidnapper and man-stealer. Were we to go back to the infimcy and
earliest rudiments of the world, we could not vindicate it, even by the
license of that imperfect state of morals and religion. It is not re-
taliation, which was then permitted, but the original and unprovoked
infliction of wrong. Were we Jews, it is forbidden by Moeea ; were
we heathens, it is oondemned by the light of nature. When did the
negro race attempt to enslave us or oiir ancestors P When did their
venels visit our shoees, and their armed men bum our villages, break
up our families, carry away our children, and doom them to cruel,
hopeless, exhausting, interminable bondage? Do you resien youx
Christianity to justify slavery, by an appeal to the law of Aloses, or
the license of the patriarchs ? Where is even that un-Christian pre-
text ? Had we seized an Algerine corsair, and sold his crew to work
the plantations, wc might have appealed for our precedent to patri-
archal times. But that one race — ^the most inofTensivc, and, from its
situation and character, altogether indisposed, and utterly unable even
if disposed, ever to interfere with the politics of Europe, should have
become the common prey of every plunderer, — should, for ages, have
its several tribes bribeii and stimulated to mutual wars by a traffic
with professed Christians, in order to supply the slave-markets of the
world; should, though it had never liftea an arm against its c^pressor,
have seen its vills^cs in ruins, its rivers and creeks infested with
slave-boats, its fields stained with the blood of the wounded ayid
defenceless, its shores watered with the salt tears of its children, torn
for ever from the land of their birth and the love of their friends, and
transported across the Atlantic to become an oppressed and degraded
population, from Virginia to La Plata : this is tuc burden of Britain,
the scarlet and crimson stain of Christendom, the opprobrium of our
religion, the blaspheming of our God among the Gentiles. It is pure,
gratuitous, unprovoked injury. What to be compared with this was
Blair on the Raman Slavery* 281
ever conceded to the hardness of Jewish hearts? What equal injustice
was ever tolerated in the ignorance and rudeness of the patriarchal
aces ? Go out of your place from Jerusalem above, the mother of ut
all, to Mount Sinai in Arabia, in bondage with her children ; as sons
of the bondwoman more than the free, consult the schoolmaster of the
infiant world, in preference to Christ, the teacher of its maturer age ;
and, from its weak and beg^rly elements learn, if you choose, your
lessons of morality. Ask Moses, or even the fathers, why the negro
may be excommunicated from the fiamily of man ? — why his unpro*
▼oked wrongs should remain unredressed? — why his wife and children
are not his own ? — why you may claim, what ttie conscience and laws
of a Christian people dare claim in no other child of Adam, a property
and freehold in his flesh and sinews, his life and his limbs ?
' I have alluded to the Mosaic, in connexion with the patriarchal
dispensation ; but, as the servitude among the Israelites is often ad-*
duced in defence of Colonial Slavery, it may require a distinct examin-
ation. Slavery was, as we have^ already seen, not of Moses, but of the
finthers. It was a more ancient institute, which we acknowledge he
permitted, but did not establish. It had become, at that time, pre-
valent among many nations ; but, as their languages shew, the general
idea was, still, the service of prisoners of war, rendered to the con-
querors to whose clemency, or cupidity, they owed the preservation of
life. As Moses permitted war, I see not how he could consistently
have prohibited slavery, in an age when the exchange of prisoners was
utterly unknown. The Israelites, indeed, were >varriors by a divine
oommission. The result of their battles must have been either bondage
or death, Moses tolerated the smaller evil, slavery, to prevent the
greater, indiscriminate massacre. He legislated for a people intrusted
to execute the commination of Noah upon the posterity of Canaan, in
which some would now unwarrantably involve all the tribes of Africa.'
Halley, pp. 4— 7«
That the Canaanites were negroes, has not, so far as we recol-
lect, been gravely maintained by any writer ; but it is strange to
find biblical commentators, down to the present day, speaking of
the descendants, not of Canaan merely, but of Ham, as con-
demned to degradation and servitude. From the race of Ham
sprang the most famous conquerors of the old world; and we
have sometimes thought, that the very best pretext that could
have been devised by the whites, for reducing the black races to
bondage, would have been the plea of retaliation, since the an-
cestors of the whites were held in subjection by sable lords, when
a fair skin was no patent of nature^s nobility. The ancient
slavery was, however, very impartial in this respect, and, like
Mohammed^s law of polygamy *, allowed a community of all
* We do not vouch for the fsjcX, that Mohammed sanctioned poly-
gamy with the view of allowing every roan who could afford it, to have
n>ur wives of different colours, white, black, mah(^any^ and olive ; but
VOL. IX. — N.s. M M
282 Blair on the Roman Slavery.
colours. Had the commination of Nosh been intended to fall
only upon Africans, it must be admitted to have been wholly
frustrated, for the supposed curse has taken effect most indis-
criminately ; nor can the truth of the prediction be supported on
such an hypothesis. Phrygia, Syria, Thrace, lUyria, and the
hyperborean region of £urope, as well as Spain and Britain,
supplied Greece and Italy with slaves; aa the market of Con-
stantinople is still supplied with Mamlooks from the rqpon of
Caucasus and the coasts of the Mediterranean. If the West
India planter wishes to shield himself under classic precedents,
he must not speak of the colour of his slaves as making the
slightest difference in the matter. If it be right to hold negroes
in predial servitude, it must be equallv fair and just to sell
Christian children in the Turkish market, and to work white
slaves at Algiers. But wc should greatly wrong the West
Indians, did we suppose for a moment, that they found their right
over their slaves upon the dark complexion, ana crisped hair, and
African blood of their property. To be white in fact, and white
by laWy are very different things in countries where to be a slave
is to be a negro. The following statement occurs in the evidence
given by the Rev. W. Knibb before the Select Committee of the
House of Lords : ^ I dare say it is consistent with your Lord-
^ ships^ knowledge, that many of the present slaves (in Jamaica)
^ are the children of Englishmen and Scotchmen, some of them
^ the sons of the daughters of such persons, and some of them as
* white as ourselves: they get English feelings, and they long for
^ English knowledge, and I think they have an influence on the
^ mass.^* This is not peculiar to Jamaica. In the slave States of
America and in Brazil, the slaves are of all mixtures of race and
all shades of colour. Slavery is everywhere without the slightest
foundation in nature. The only line of demarcation between the
slave and the free, is the arbitrary though impassable barrier id
caste. The chief distinction between the Oriental and the Occi-
dental slavery is this ; the Ottoman does not disdain to adopt a
slave as his son, while the Jamaica planter has no scruple in
selling his own child as a slave! For this, however, the Christian
may plead pagan precedents.
' It was quite legal for parents within the Roman territories to sell
their children irredeemably as slaves ; and it was very common among
such is the policy ascribed to him by a French writer, who contends
that it is the only method of preventing the several races from perse-
cuting each other, by placing them all on the same footing. Yet, what
better is that common footing than domestic slavery ?
* Minutes of Evidence, p. 805. See also p. 251 of our last
Number.
Blair on the Roman Slavery. 983
those people who had not the freedom of Rome. Greece, however, and
especially Arcadia, formed an honourable exception to this disgraceful
system .... How far the sale of children went originally, it is diffi-
cult to determine ; but, at a very early date, it had the effect of making
them slaves as completely as if they had been captives, and not born
within the walls of Rome.' Blair,' ^^. 32—3.
Among the Romans, as in our own Colonies, slavery by birth
depended upon the condition of the mother alone ; and her master
became owner of her offspring, not the less so when he was the
father also. In early times, a Roman father was entitled to put
even his frec-bom children to death, as well as to expose or to sell
them. A law ascribed to Romulus recognises this extensive
power, which is sanctioned also by the Twelve Tables, and re-
mained part of the written law till the reign of Alexander Severus.
The sale of children by their parents, under the pressure of want,
was legalised by Theodosius tne Great ; ^ but those sold into ser-
* vitude were to be returned to their original ingenuous con-
* dition, whenever claimed, and without any compensation to their
* purchaser.' Justinian, however, re-established the rule of Con-
stantine, which required the parent to give the buyer the value of
the child or mother slave. These enactments were obviously in-
tended to check infanticide. The power of the father over his in-
genuous offspring would seem, indeed, to have been nearly as great
as over his bond children.
Upon the whole, slavery, among the Romans, was a condition
admitting of many gradations, and it was confined to no distinct
caste. As the freeman might be reduced to slavery, or might
voluntarily descend into it, so, the slave might hope to emerge
from it. Slavery, under any modification, cannot be dissociated
from degradation and liability to cruel oppression ; but the Ro-
man slavery was an institution which admitted of far greater
mitigation, and more readily yielded to the meliorating influence
of Christianity, than the colonial slavery of modem times.
It has been questioned, whether the Greek or the Roman ser-
vitude was the more favourable to the slave. As to the actual
condition, Mr. Blair remarks, between the conquest of Corinth
and the reign of Antoninus Pius, the slave at Rome was much
less protected by law and public feeling, and had, probably, less
indulgence, than the slave at Athens.
' Before the earlier of those eras, indeed, simnlicity of maimers
rendered the treatment of slaves, in Italy, generally good : yet that
could not be implicitly relied upon. But, after the adoption, by An-
toninus, of one of the best Athenian laws, the servile classes in the
Roman territories came to be on a level with those in the Grecian
states. There appear to be strong reasons for believing, that the
Helots in Lacediemonia, being the property of the State, and not of in-
M M 2
284 Blair on the Eoman Slaverff.
dividual8> were permitted to live, remored ham tha oontrol of then
masters, in a condition very similar to that of the Ser&, or adseripiUut
under the declining Roman empire. Bat the temporary relaxatioa
from their bonds which the Helots enjoyed, was as nothing in the
scale, when there was thrown in against it, their liability to snfler
from the inhuman policy which dictated to the Spartans periodicsl
massacres, as the means of removing their apprehensions at the increaie
of the slave population/ p. 194.
As it respected the prospect of a cbange of condition, the Bo-
man bondsman had a decided advantage over the Greek.
' At Sparta, slaves seem to have had hardly any hopes of ever being
admitted among freemen. At Athens, emancipation from the domi-
nion of the master was frequent; but the privileges of citiaenship
rarely followed, even to a limited extent, and were conferred by pnUie
authority alone Ai Rome, the lowest slave could always look
forward to manumission, and to obtaining the rank ^ a ciiizem through
the sole will of his master. Between the reigns of Aug^tua and Jii*«
tinian, it is true, that there existed restrictions, in point of number,
upon the master's powers of freeing his bondsmen, and raiaing them
to the station of Roman citizens ; yet, during that interval, many
might hope for an opportunity of r^u:hine a better condition. And
at all times, previous to the limitations ot Augustus, and asain afker
the ample encouragement of Justinian, no slave needed to despair of
becoming both a citizen and a freeman/ p. 195.
Unlike the Greeks, who, in the pride of intellect and the true
spirit of republicanism *, considered slavery as derivable from
the laws of nature and the permanent diversities in the races of
man, regarding themselves as an aristocrasy among the nations ;
the Romans, who partook more of the military spirit, and to whom
law stood instead of philosophy, recognized the national equality
of the human species, and confessed the dominion of masters over
slaves to flow entirely from the will of society. While the Re-
public lasted, however, the legal character of the Roman alaveiy
remained uniform and unmitigated ; and the slave had no pro-
tection against the avarice, rage, or lust of his master. All the
changes which had the authority of law, were introduced under
the Empire. The master'^s power of life and death over his
slaves, was first sought to be legally abolished by Hadrian and
Antoninus Pius. The mutilation of slaves had been forbidden
by Domitian. Hadrian suppressed the ergastula^ or slave-pri-
sons, which seem to have answered to the Jamaica work-houses.
They were originally intended for convict or fugitive slaves.
• * That the condition of a slave is better under an arbitrary than
under a free government, is,' Adam Smith remarks, ' supported by
the history of all ages and nations.'
BUir an ike Roman Slavery. 285
but were abused for the nefarious purpose of imprisoning and
working in chains kidnapped freemen *. The same enlightened
heathen emperor introduced some other important restrictions on
the sale and ill treatment of slaves. He even banished a lady of
rank, because she was notoriously cruel to her slaves. Constan-
tine prohibited the punishment of branding a slave, which is now
practised in the West Indies, not on convict slaves only, but often
without the imputation of a crime ! He also passed an edict
which placed the wilful murder of a slave on a level with that of
a freeman, and expressly included the case of a slave who died
under punishment, unless that was inflicted with the usual in-
struments of correction. But this law was afterwards modified.
The effect of Christianity in meliorating the usage of slaves, was
oonsiderable, even prior to its political establishment -|*.
' Christianity inculcated a salutary care for the spiritual welfare of
slaves. The church invited or allowed them to partake of all the or-
dinances of religion : and their birth was no impediment to their
rising to the highest dignities of the priesthood. In early times, it
would appear, that slaves, holding the true faith, were taken into the
service of the church; like the two slave-girls, mentioned by Pliny, in
his celebrated letter to Trajan, respecting the Christians ot Bithynia.
At first, indeed, it was required, that a slave should be enfranchised,
before ordination ; but Justinian declared the simple consent of the
master to be sufficient. If a slave had been ordained without his
owner's knowledge, the latter might demand him within a year ; and
the slave fell back into his master's power. Nay, if a slave, after
ordination with his master's consent, chose to renounce the ecdesias*
tical state, and returned to a secular life, he was given back, as a slave,
to his master. Similar rules applied, originally, to the assumption
and abandonment of the monastic habit, by slaves ; but subsequently,
they were directed to remain three years in a state of probation, after
which, their admission into a religious order made them free. We
are told, that it was very common, for both ecclesiastic and lay patrons
of churches and chapels, to encourage their slaves to become clergy-
men, that they, in preference to strangers, might receive their bene-
fices : till the practice was condemned, in the fifth century, by the
council of Chalcedon. The canon law must, always, have recognised
* Mr. Stephen has shewn that the ergasiuli were penal slaves, or
those on whom that character was fraudulently imposed. See Slavery of
the W. I. Colonies, vol. i. pp. 338 — 358. It is doubted whether,
among the agricultural slaves, there were any females. There are no
allusions to their being so employed ; and there would seem to have
been none at least among the ergastulu Liberty, according to the
testimony of Columella, was generally conferred upon female slaves
who had borne four or more children. See Blair, p. 104.
t Mr. Blair cites at p. 127» the apocryphal Apostolic Constitutions
as the work of Clemens Alexandrinus, and a production of the second
century. Lardner will set him right on this point.
286 Blair on the Roman Slaoerjf.
the indisflolubility of marriaees contracted by alaFCS ; bat it was Ml
published^ as a nue for practice^ till a late period ; probaU j> fran fear
of injury to slave-owners, by open infringement of their wriating
rights. Slaves were fully protected in the exercise of worahip, andy
to a certain extent, in the observance of religious festivals. Tbe li-
berty and gambols of the Saturnalia were transferred to Christmas ;
and it is not unlikely, that some of those ceremonies at Eaater, by
which Princes used to denote their Christian humilitv, were orimially
derived from those representations of equality, exhibited in the j?^igaa
feasts of March and December.* pp. 70 — 72.
' Slaves were, at all times, competent to avail themselvea of the
temporary protection of sanctuaries. Those were, of old, the taDiples
and altars of the gods, to which the palace and images of the Em*
peror were, afterwards, added ; and on the change of religion, Christ*
lan churches and shrines received the same privileges as those whidi
had belonged to edifices dedicated to Heathen worship. A slave who,
dreading the resentment of his lord, fled to an asylum, was safe while
he remained there ; and it would have been sacrilegious to drag him
away : but, whenever he quitted the sacred spot, he might be lawfully
seized by his master. The law of Theodosius the Great, introduced a
further security, by authorizing the slave, while in the asylum, to in-
voke the aid of the judge, and to proceed unmolested to the tribunal,
where the merits of his case were to be duly investigated, and the
threatened vengeance of his master properly controlled. A Christian
church afforded very great safety from the wrath of unmerdfnl owners :
for when a slave took refuge there, it became the duty of the eccle-
siastics to intercede for him, with his master ; and if the latter re-
fused to pardon the slave, they were bound not to give him up, but to
let him live within the precincts of the sanctuary, till he chose to
depart, or his owner granted him forgiveness.' pp. 8o, 89.
But to Justinian belongs the merit of having removed most of
the impediments to manumission created by bis predecessors;
and the spirit of his laws powerfully contributed both to improve
the condition of bondsmen, and to promote the extinction of
domestic servitude. * The reformation of the servile code of
* Rome,' remarks Mr. Stephen, * was attended with no civil dis-
^ orders ; because manumissions, through the benign influence of
* Christianity, became so copious, soon afler that manumission
^ commenced, that the slaves speedily ceased to bear a dangerous
^ proportion in number to the free citizens and libertines of the
* empire/ *
Thus, it appears that Christianity, if it did not violently over-
turn, gradually dissolved the institution of slavery. * The heavy
* chains of personal slavery,' in the language of Bp. Forteus,
^ were gradually broken in most parts of the Christian world ; and
^ they that had been, for so many ages, bruised by the cruel and
* oppressive hand of pagan masters, were at length set free.^
* Slavery of the W. I. Colonies, vol. i. p. 377-
Sprague on Revivals of Religion, 287
It is admitted, that no passage in the Christian Scriptures
)( ictually prohibits slavery ; for Christianity, as Paley remarks on
it this subject, ^ soliciting admission into all nations of the world,
7 '^abstained, as behoved it, from intermeddling with the civil in-
I *• atitutions of any.' Nor did it denounce the tyranny of Nero.
'^ But it expressly forbade the Christian freeman to become a slave
^ by Yoluntary contract ; it authoritatively enjoined the Christian
I 'flave to aspire to become a freedman, as well as to glory in his
I spiritual liberty * ; it raised the bond to the same level, in moral
dugnity, with the free ; it immediately multiplied manumissions,
f and * operated as an alterative ' upon the social system ; and, had
i not its influence been counteracted by those causes which
[ paralysed its own native energy, by deteriorating its purity, it
[ would still more rapidly have produced the extinction of an evil
inyolving the most enormous injustice and the most fatal
impolicy.
The influence of slavery upon the social character of the
Romans, Mr. Blair shews to have been, in various respects, pre-
judicial and degrading ; and the State was directly exposed, at
diflerent periods, to serious dangers from the slaves. He con-
cludes his erudite Inquiry with remarking, that ^ on the whole, if
* we consider that several of those corruptions by which Rome
^ was undermined had their chief source in the institution of
* Slavery, we must necessarily look upon it as one of the main
^ causes of the decay of her empire.'
* Nature created man free,' says Bishop Warburton, * and
* Grace invites him to assert his freedom.' A golden sentence !
Christianity has extinguished the Roman slavery and the feudal
servitude. Wherever it has had free course, it has vindicated its
heaven-bom character, by proclaiming liberty to the captive and
redemption to the slave. Ic shall yet triumpn over West Indian
heathenism and American prejudice ; over the strength of avarice
and the pride of caste. It will redress the wrongs of the slaves,
and compel a recognition of the equal claims of the blacks. If
it could loosen the bonds of pagan slaveiy, shall we doubt the
issue of its conflict with the injustice and inratuation of Christian
slave-holders ?
Art. II. Lectures on Revivals of Religion. By William B. Sprague^
D.D.^ Pastor of the second Presbyterian Church in Albany. With
an Introductory £ssay, by the Rev. George Bedford, A.M., and
the Rev. John Angell James. 12mo. pp. xxiv. 456. Price 5s. 6d.
Glasgow. 1832.
"VTOTHING that the world has ever witnessed, equals the
rapid growth of America. There, in a temporal, as well as
a spiritual sense, a nation is ^ born in a day."* The changes which
♦ Gal. iu. 28. 1 Cor. vii. 22, 23. ,
288 Sprague on Revivata of ReKgionm
men have undergone during the slow lapse of aeveral thouand
years, are there seen co-existing, in the same place, and at the
same moment. The savage hunter pursaes hia rode and primitiTe
occupation in the vicinity of the civiliiation of the nineteenth
century. Towns rise up as if by enchantment in the midat of the
sylvan wilderness ; and rivers that were crossed only by the canoe,
are traversed by vessels more wonderful than the self-impelled
galleys of llhadamanthus, that reached their destined haven in
spite of the op])osition of the winds and the waves*
With a population so rapidly increasing, and so eztenavelj
scattered, over boundless tracts of fertility, which are ever luiing
the wanderers to plunge still deeper into their solitudes, it it
difficult to frame institutions, whether civil or religious, that can
keep up with a growth so sudden and so imrestricted.
The religious instruction of Europe is stationary, like its
population. America, to remain even nominally Christian, re-
quires an advancement of religion, like its victorious pn^ress
during the first centuries of primitive Christianity. In Revivals
of Religion, the Americans have found a supply adequate to their
peculiar wants. And if, with them, the progress of population is
wonderful, the multiplication of vital Christians is more wonderfiil
still.
The nature of American Revivals is well described within a
short compass, in a passage which occurs in the interesting life of
Mr. Brucn ; a publication which, in this country, contained soiae
of the earliest notices of Revivals.
'Mr. Whelpley's Church/ Mr. Bruen writes, 'is now greatlj
revived^ and many arc under powerful exercises of conriction, and
some rejoicing in hope. Vou will understand the whole matter, if
you read what Edwards has written. The occasion of this change ia
the Wall Street church, has been a day of fasting and prayer, which
was appointed in view of the desolations of Zion. They sent tbeir
ChriHtian salutatiuns and invitations to other churches, that they m^t
join with them in this obser^'ance and free«will offering unto the Lord.
On the day appointed, the church was filled to overflow, for aiz sue-
cessive hours without intermission. The greater part who were theie*
we may hope the grace of conversion had taught to pray. The
ministi^rs, in succession, gave a brief view of the state ox religion in
their respective churches, and prayed for an effusion of the Holy
Spirit. Such breathless, solemn attention I can scarcely hope again to
see in my life among so vast a multitude. When Mr. Wnelpley
arose to address this assembly, in that unpremeditated manner to
which he wns not used in the pulpit, there was in his whole aspeet a
bearing and significance, like that of a man consciously in the presence
of €rod. His look was that of one worn out by earlv laboor ; the
beamings of his countenance were those of a Christian wno beheld the
throbbings of many Christian hearts. The very tones of his viace, if
he had spoken in an unknown tongue, would have been inteUisible.
He presented to the audience the desolations of that portion of the
Sprague on Revivals of Religion. 289
field of Zion which he cultivated. He besought them to regard the
condition of that church, which^ as a fruitful bough, had sent its
branches over the wall, which were now bearing fruit all around, while
at the root there was decay of moistness and verdure. The appeal was
ao instinct with energy and pathos, that aged men lifted up their voice
and wept. This was one of the most solemn seasons I ever witnessed.
A blessing has manifestly and immediately followed.'
Mr. Bruen, in the above quotation, refers to Mr. Jonathan
Edwards, and with justice, as the standard authority on the sub-
ject of Revivals. AH works on this subject, written in America,
f*e-suppose an acquaintance with his writings. Indeed, when
rovidence was preparing a new opening for the spread of genuine
religion, that admirable divine appeared raised up on purpose to
separate the precious from the vile, by applying tne test of Scrip-
ture to the various appearances of conversions. Proceeding on
the principles of inductive philosophy, he formed his judgement
of causes by the fullest examination of their effects, and has thus
bequeathed the most valuable legacy to after times ; since the later
revivals differ from those witnessed by Edwards, only in having
a wider range and more frequent recuriience.
The later American Revivals have hitherto been known in Bri-
tain chiefly by detached and broken accounts of them, occasionally
extracted from newspapers and magazines. Though received by
some persons with the interest due to the importance of the subject,
these distant and imperfect rumours were treated by others with a
mixture of indifference and incredulity. What all seemed to
require, were facts. At this time, ' the History and Character
* of American Revivals'* by Mr. Col ton, appeared: * a work,' as
has been remarked, ' of which the most objectionable part is the
* title-page,^ which was probably ' conferred upon it by some
* bookseller,^ not much to the advantage of the publication itself,
as it led to the disappointment of many readers, and very unfairly
to the Author, who avows in the preface, that, for * a general
* historical narrative,' he was ' altogether unfurnished with the
* necessary documents.' Mr. Colton's is, in truth, an able and
spirited work, fiill of original thought and of heart stirring views
of the approaching glories of the kingdom of heaven. It may be
80 far considered as historical, that it traces the influence of Re-
ligious Revivals in America, at the present day, to the noble
and devoted spirit of the ' Pilgrim Fathers' of New England,
who followed the call of duty and of Providence to a land un-
known, and who accounted the promises of God a sufficient
portion for themselves and their posterity.
* Indeed,' observes Mr. Colton, ' when I have looked at the flight of the
Puritans, as they have been ignominiously termed, — or of our Pilgrim
Fathers, as we have reverently called them, — from these shores to that
far-off, uninviting, inhospitable continent, as then it was, — I have at
VOL. IX. — N.s. N K
390 Sprague on Revivab of Religwfim
the same time been reminded of the woman in the Apocalypse, xfho,
her child being caught up to God and Hia throncj herself fled into the
wilderness, where she haid a place prepared for her of God^ that thej
should feed her there. God nas indeed brought a rine out of Egypt,
and cast out the heathen, and planted it. He has prepared rocnn before
it, and caused it to take deep root. And lo ! it nas filled the land.
The hills are covered with tne shadow of it, and the boughs thereof
are like the goodly cedars. She hath sent out her boughs unto the
sea, and her branches unto the river.' Am, Revivals, 2d. ed., pp. 42—
43.
One thing may be remarked of Mr. CoIton''s book, that it is
evidently the work of one who has seen religion under more
favourable circumstances than we have had the opportunity to do.
His views are too glowing for our colder climate, as yet ; but Mr.
Colton is on the progressive and victorious side. What is an
over-estimate now, will become the sober truth in the lapse of
twenty or thirty fleeting years. In the prophetic writing the
present and the future are blended, for the commandment is gone
forth, and the corresponding event must follow. The following
observations on Public Opinion are as eloquent as they are just.
The conclusion is not altogether applicable to our country : we
wish it may be so to America.
' If there be anything in this lower creation with which men hare
to do, and which has to do with men, and yet too ghostly to be made
the subject of a definition, it is Public Opinion* Though we cannot
tell what it is, no one doubts its existence : though it does not present
itself in palpable forms, all men feel it. Its secret and invisible in-
fluence operates on every mind, and modifies every one's conduct. It
has ubiquity, and a species of omniscience ; and there is no power on
earth so stern in its character, so steady, so energetic, so irresistible in
its sway. £vcry other power must do homage at its altar, and ask
leave to be. The thrones of kings stand by its permission, and faXL at
its beck. It is a power thut lives, while men die,— and builds and
fortifies its entrenchments on the graves of the generations of this
world. With every substantial improvement of society, itself improves;
with every advancement of society, itself plants its station there, and
builds upon it, and never yichls. Time and the revolutions of this
world are alike and equally its auxiliaries, and contribute by their in-
fluence to its maturity and increasing ^ngour. And this is the power
which has adopted Christianity, and sets itself up its advocate and
defender, in the hands of an Almighty Providence !' Am, Revicah,
2d. ed., p. 143—144.
In Dr. Sprague'^s " Lectures on Revivals,"*^ we possess a work
of the highest authority. Dr. Woods may be considered as
speaking not only his own sentiments, but the opinion of the
American divines in general, when he writes : * I regard it as a
* circumstance highly auspicious to the cause of revivals, and to
' all the interests of religion, tha
- — - — — — _ ^
that the Author has, through the
Spragne on Revivals of Religion. 291
* ffrace of God, been enabled to write and preach a series of
* lectures so judicious, candid, and impressive, and what is still
* more important, so scriptural ; and that he has consented to give
* them to the public' The only fault we have to find with Dr.
Sprague, is, that he has no faults. It is the business of a critic
to find fault, but, as far as Dr. Sprague is concerned, our occu-
pation is gone. As this work is likely to become classical upon the
subject, and, both from its own merits and from the attractive form
in which it is here presented to the British public, with two ad-
mirable essays prefixed by Mr. James and Mr. Redford, promises
to have as general a circulation in this country, as it has obtained
in America, there is the less need that we should make many ex-
tracts from it ; but a few portions we cannot resist the pleasure of
citing. The summary of former revivals is excellent for its brevity
and clearness.
' You have already seen, that, instead of being of recent origin, they
go back to an early period in the Jewish dispensation ; and, passing
from the records of inspiration, we find that revivals have existed, with
a greater or less degree of power, especially in the later periods of the
Christian Church. This was emphatically true during the period of
the reformation in the sixteenth century. Germany^ France, Switzer-
land, Holland, Denmark, the Low Countries and Britain, were severally
visited by copious showers of Divine influence. During the season of
the plague in London in 1665, there was a very general awakening ; in
which many thousands are said to have been hopefully born of the
Spirit. In the early part of the seventeenth century, various parts of
Scotland and the north of Ireland were blessed, at different periods,
with signal effusions of Divine grace, in which great multitudes gave
evidence of being brought out of darkness into marvellous light.
During the first half of the last century, under the ministrations of
Whitfield, Brainerd, Edwards, Davies, the Tennanti, and many other
of the hoh'est and greatest men whose labours have blessed the church,
there was a succession of revivals in this country, which caused the
wilderness to blossom as the rose, and the desert to put on the appear-
ance of the garden ef the Lord. And when these revivals declined, and
the church settled back into the sluggish state from which she had
been raised, then commenced her decline in purity, in discipline, in
doctrine, in all with which her prosperity is intimately connected.
And this state of things continued, only becoming worse and worse,
until, a little before the beginning of the present century, the spirit of
revivals again burst forth, and has since that period richly blessed,
especially, our American Church.' Sprague on Revivals, pp. 66, 67.
The following is a conclusive answer to objections which pre-
vail still more in Britain, than in America.
' But let us enquire a little further, why the old and quick way, as
it is often represented, of becoming religious, is the best. If you mean
that you prefer that state of religion in which the dews of Divine
N n2
292 Sprague on Rerieah of
grace continually descend, and Christians are alwa^ consistent and
active, and there is a constant succession of ooQTeraions from amosg
the impenitent, to the more sudden and rapid operation of God's Spirit
— be it so ; there is as truly a revival in tne one case as in the other.
But the state of things wKich this objection contemplates, is that is
which religion is kept in the back-ground, and only here and there one,
at distant periods, comes forward to confess Christ, and the chnrcfa ii
habitually in a languishing state. And is such a state of things to be
preferred above that in which the salvation of the soul becomes the sU-
engrossing object, and even hundreds, within a little period, come snl
own themselves on the Lord's side ?' pp. 57, 58.
There arc so many passages that would tempt citation, that the
difRculty lies in selection. In turning over the pages, the
following useful caution respecting accounts of lleviTals meet our
eye.
' They are \iTittcn in the midst of strong excitementj when the mind
is most m danger of mistaking shadows for substances ; when itsstroog
hopes that much is about to be done, are easily exchanged for a con-
viction that much has been actually accomplished. Hence, all who are
8U])poscd to appear more serious than usuiil, are reckoned as sabjecti
of conviction ; and all who profess the slightest change of feeling, are
set down as converts.' p. 243.
We need not add, that the very reverse is the character of Dr.
Spraguc^s own volume, and that if he errs on any side, it is on
that of over-caution ; a tendency which will not be displeasing to
many British readers. Their caution, however, and Dr. Sprague^s,
may, jKjrhaps, be of an entirely different nature. While they may
have a secret and ill-dcfincd distrust of the work of revival itself,
he only distrusts some of its too florid appearances. He knows
that while the servants of their Divine Master are employed in
sowing the good seed, the enemy will be equally busy in spread-
ing far and wide his tares. But, if Dr. Sprague is full of caution,
he is also fiill of hope, as appears by the following quotation.
' If you read the prophetical parts of Scripture attentivelv* yoa
cannot, I think, but be struck with the evidence that, as the Millennial
day approaches, the operations of Divine grace are to be increasingly
rapid and powerful. Many of these predictions resiiectine the state of
religion under the Christian dispensation, it is manifest, nave not yet
had their complete fulfilment; and they not only justify the belief that
these glorious scenes which we see passing, really are of Divine oriffin, as
they claim to be, but that similar scenes, still more glorious, still more
wonderful, are to be expected, as the Messiah travels in the greatness
of His strength, towards a universal triumph. I cannot but think
that many of the ius])ircd predictions in respect to the progress of re-
ligioji must appear overstrained, unless we admit that the church is to see
greater things than she has yet seen, and that they fairly warrant the
conclusion, that succeeding generations, rejoicing in the brighter light
Sprague on Revivals of Ueligioru 298
of God's trutb, and the richer manifestations of his grace, may look
back even upon this blessed era of revivals^ as a period of comparative
darkness.' p. 54 — 55.
Cr. Sprague bears abundant testimony to the benignant influ-
ence exerted by Revivals both on the body and the mind. He
speaks of them as renovating, not only the moral, but the physi-
cal aspect of a community. The mind is at once awakened and
invigorated ; and the soul first rendered alive to the concerns of
Religion, becomes afterwards earnest in the general pivsuit of
truth. * We find', he says, *that, in our own country at least,
* many of the most active promoters of useful knowledge at the
* present day, are to be found amongst those who have been prac-
^tically taught the great lesson of human responsibility in a
•revival of Religion \ Nor can it be otherwise. When the
principle of Religion is feeble in the soul, it may, indeed, impede,
rather than further the exercise of the intellectual faculties. It is
sufficient to cheat the usual motives of exertion, vanity, pride,
ambition ; but it supplies no new and predominating power to oc-
cupy their place. It is merely sufficient to maintain a struggle,
but not to acquire a victory. But when the soul, by a strong
faith, dwells in near and frequent communion with the Father of
Spirits, such loftier intercourse and higher exercise of its facul-
ties, must needs be sustained by an infusion of new life from
above ; and the healthftd power thus acquired, cannot be restrict-
ed to heavenly objects alone, but will manifest its increase of
energy in the pursuit of Truth, whether secular or divine.
It IS satisfactory to observe the harmony that prevails between
Dr. Sprague, Dr. Woods, and the twenty other divines who, in
this volume, have united their contributions in the support of
genuine Revivals. All of them appear convinced that a new and
mighty energy is at work on the face of society. All are aware,
likewise, of the deep corruption and exceeding deceitfulness of
the human heart, which so often changes a blessing into a curse.
All are deeply persuaded, that the only way to preserve the power
of Revivals, is sedulously to maintain their purity. With many
such watchmen on the walls of Zion, we may hope that the de-
vices of the enemy will be frustrated ; and we heartily participate
in the expectations of Dr. Sprague.
' Brethren^ I anticipate for the cause of revivals a glorious triumph ;
and one ground of this expectation is, that the friends of revivals will
labour diligentlv for the promotion of their purity. I cast my eye
towards the Millennial age, and I witness these scenes of Divine love
and mercy going forward with such beauty and power, that the eyes of
angels are tiumed towards them with constantly mcreasing delight. I
see the pure gold shining forth in its brightness, and the dross thrown
aside, and estimated as nothing. I see the chaff burnt up in the fire^
or flying off on the winds, while the wheat is pure, and ripe, and ready
3^ Spngne rm, Rericals of Reiigknu
f.jr t£« eiTz^^. I «e C=.r»C2ans cmerT vliere aKoperating with Gud
f'^" ti« Ml-Ti.:: .n '.-f s»2. is the rcrr wmrs ke ftas hiniaelf marked out;
azi •»*-:-■= ic r- -.r- ■>-: U> rlca ttle&siifs oo the diarchy the draith
srr. :• ''-i^JL. L.T 'JLj^'x^-^Mtlz^ and praises to hhn in the highest. Mar
Gi«i :- i.-.<^rcT bi«*ea t^:t blessed eoosammstioii. And may yon and I,
'ariivir. r.-e y-^rmit.^ to libc'cr in his canw, coant it an honour that irr
at^ 7*r.r.>rrd t'> direct c^ar everts tovruds this high end, and to inti-
czzAie 'vr.ii conf denct a jk-nocs result.* p. 259.
In :;;e prtyinr.inir} c<-3T5 of Mr. Redfbrd and 3Ir. James, the
sur j:-c: * f Dr. Sprajre"* work is examined in its bearing upon tbe
stare cf thing-; ic this (x-iinny.
' Tr.« fact,' iAnerres Mr. Redtord. 'nov reDdered unqnestionaUe, thit
the Cr.nstian cii>e i». l.: the present moment, ad\'anciiu; w^ith a mudi
moTK rapid ;.:jTch in the great Western continent, requires of os it
hor::e, d r«:vi>:*. n A uur resource^, and a comparison of our methods
wi:h thuQse « hich hjiVc beva elaetrhere fbond more saocessfuL'
In prosecuiinff tlii? revision. ^Ir. Redford enters into some
Ter\' valuiiMe ecclesiastica: statistics, according to which he reckons,
that the churches of England are doubling their numbers in the
course of twenty years. Such computations must vary very much
in different parts of the countrj'. We fear that we could pdnt
out di>t7icts where the numbers arc stationary ; some where they
are even diminishing. At best, it is obvious to the most super-
ficial observer, that the result in no vise corresponds to the mesni
empl^'ved. This fact is very powerfully stated in the £ssay by
Mr. James.
' I may be in errur, Lut it is nir opinion, that, compared with the
prodiptjiib amount of iu:itrumentality employed in this age, the quantity
of spiritual effect wa» never so small. Means must now be counted
on no lower a scale than that of Millions; the gospel sermons preached,
the bibles circulated, the tracts d«':>tnbnted, the lessons taught, mnst
all be reckoned by millions. Does the work of conversion then, I ask,
keep pace with such means employed to effect it ? Upon a moderate
computation, fifteen (»r twenty thousand men of truly pious minds and
evangelical sentiments are every sabbath day publishing the glad tidings
of salvation in the united kingdom, seconded by myriads of devoted
Sunday -school teachers, and thousands of holy men an4 women, who
visit the cottages of the poor with religious tracts, and for the purpose
power
attended the sermons of Beveridgc and Romainc and Grimshaw, within
the pale of the Establishment, and those of Wesley and Whitfield with-
out It.'
How is this to be accounted for? Is there anything in the
character of American preaching, that will explain its more suc-
cessful results ? Mr. Kcdford says :
Sprague on Revivals of Religion. 296
: ' We have had opportunities of judging of the effects of American
prcachiug upon English hearers ; and it is now, J believe^ universally ad-
mitted, that it is neither so efficient nor so acceptable as that of our
own ministers. I mention this without the slightest wish to depreciate
the one class, or to exalt the other. It is here stated simply as a fact.
Men whose preaching in America is never without effect, and who can
ftttract the largest assemblies, here, are all but powerless, and leave
oar audiences wondering what it is that makes such preaching so much
more powerful in America than in England.'
One obvious reason is, that the American sermons are too in-
tellectual for the majority of an English audience. In America,
ms in Scotland, the hearers are all educated, and the preacher
trusts that he can carry his point, if he convinces the understand-
iDg. In England, a preacher, to make an impression, must reach
the heart, if he can ; at least, he must touch the feelings. The
intellect of numbers is dormant, from the want of a better system
of national education. A more important reason is, that an Ame-
rican audience is prepared for the preacher. Their Revivals
have rendered their congregations prayerful. Give an American
preacher praying hearers, and we doubt not he would produce
abundant effect. We are acauainted with an instance in proof.
A congregation in the west of Scotland, struck with the few ac-
cessions to their numbers, and fearing that the Spirit of God was
withdrawing his influence, commenced a series of prayer meetings
for a Revival in their church, and especially in the hearts of the
young. Their circumstances, in many respects, did not seem
prosperous ; their minister was laid aside by a severe, and ulti-
mately fatal stroke. An American clergyman who had arrived
in Scotland, simply to urge some legal claims, hearing of the ill-
ness of the minister and the distress of the church, though of a
different denomination, offered his services, and was accepted.
His preaching was not considered as peculiar, but the result was
unexampled for many years in that part of the country. A Re-
vival took place ; the prayers of the congregation were fully
answered, and the young became the especial subjects of this
work of the Divine Spirit. The fruits of these conversions are
as yet (several years having elapsed) considered as permanent.
More were added to the church in a few weeks, than had been
joined to it in several years. But the country around was not
sufficiently sensible of the blessing. Few turned aside to ^ behold
the great sight \ The monuments of Divine Grace remain, but
they remain singular instances of the prevalence of prayer.
Men look upon Revivals as some strange and questionable
work. We are so much accustomed to a round of ineffectual
preaching, that, when Christianity comes in her true shape, open-
ing the eyes of the blind, and giving life to the dead, we are
ready to suspect her as an impostor, and conclude that this is not
296 Sprague on Bevivak of Religion.
the religion to which we have been accustomed. But the truth
is, we are acquainted with Christianity in a mutilated form. We
recognise it as a system of Truths, but we do not experience it u
the energy of Immortality. But if Christianity is *' the power of
God unto salvation"^, there roust be some great omission, when
this power is no longer manifested. That omission, we need not
doubt, is the restraining of prayer. To nreach the Gospel alone,
is but half the Gospel. Tne Truth itself informs us, that men
will neither hear nor see, till God unstops their ears, and open
their eyes. But, though nothing can be done without a Divine
Power, that Infinite Energy is set in motion by prayer. AD
things in Scripture are matters of duty. The aoctrine of the
moral inability, or, in other words, of the unwUUngnesa of man
to think either a good thought or to perform a right action, does
not leave him, in any case, in helpless inactivity. The remedy is
pointed out at the same moment as the disease. *^ Lord, if Tnoa
wilt. Thou canst make me clean "", is the cure for the disease of the
mind, as, in the Saviouf s time, it was the remedy for the diseases
of the body. ^^ Be thou whole'*', is still the perpetual answer of
prayer. We have cited Mr. James's remark, that the result is
becoming less and less, in proportion to the means employedL
Surely there is something deserving of deep attention in God's
thus seeming to withdraw his efficient concurrence from the ase
of means. He will be ^' inquired of concerning this of the Hooae
of IsracP. We do not doubt that this solemn pause is prepara-
tory to a great awakening of prayer. The power of Jehovsh
seems to slumber for a season, that from every part of the earth a
cry from his believing people may incessantly arise: *' Awake,
awake, put on strength, () arm of the Lord ; awake, as in the
ancient days, in the generations of old.*^ God is now teaching
his people a lesson which, it may be hoped, will last them while
the world endures. It is, that prayer is the key of all things,
and that, in proportion as we ask, so shall we receive. The pro-
mises belong to faith in all the immensity of their magnitude,
and we enter not into their fulness, only from the fiiilure of £uth
and of prayer. God "cannot deny Himself.** We are not
straitened in Him : we are straitened in ourselves. Christ-
ianity was founded upon prayer. Before the disciples were sent
out on their mission, the Divine Founder of our religion passed
the night in prayer. The prayer of agony preceded the Cruci-
fixion, the all-finished work upon the Cross.
IVayer for the descent of the Spirit, preceded the general pub-
lication of the Gospel. Prayer without ceasing animated and
rendered effectual the ceaseless labours of Paul. Far, then, from
considering it as a dark mystery, or evil omen, that the result
is not proportioned to the means, we would consider it as only an
incentive to constant, fervent, confident intercession and supplica-
Spraguc on Revivals of Religion. 297'
tion on the part of the Church. The Promises have long lain
dormant through our unbelief; yet they are sufficiently ample to
warrant our expectation of the moral subjugation of the world,
——the difiusion of the light of Christianity as wide as the light of
day, — the removal of the veil that is spread over the face of all
nations. The secret of success consists in expecting great things.
*Tho8e who expect little, receive little : those who expect much,
must receive much, if they expect in faith, for their prayers will
be in proportion to their expectations. In the worst times of
Spiritual coldness and decay, men obtain what they pray for ; for
we roust recollect, that the meaning of men'*s prayers is inter-
preted by their views. If they ask for an enlargement, or a Re-
▼iyal in the Church, they must interpret their own words ; and
in general, according to their sentiments of what they conceive
to be the fitting progress of M essiah^s kingdom, will be the answer to
their petitions. Some persons wish that kingdom to be advanced with-
out observation, with silent and almost imperceptible accession of
new members from time to time, without noise or opposition ; and
they have in general what they desire. We have heard of others
who have fixed their wishes at fifteen or twenty converts a year ;
and it has been done unto them, apparently, according to their
wish. The American ministers, in many instances, pray for
Revivals, understanding by that term, periodical awakenings to
religion ; and their petitions are answered beyond their expecta-
tion. There are a few whose minds are beginning to aspire after
still higher blessings; who would seek, by pfayer without ceasing,
for one long, uninterrupted, and never-ending Revival ; and they,
when many become like-minded with them, will doubtless obtain
their request, if they faint not, but continue instant in prayer.
With respect to Revivals, then, we consider prayer as the
great means to be used. Prayer of itself, where the means are
prepared, would perform all that is wanting. Prayer will open
the mouths of ministers, and the ears and hearts of congregations.
Still, with respect to instrumental means, something may be effect-
ed by novelty. Not so much through the more vivid impression pro-
duced upon the mind of the hearer, as that, by its unexpectedness,
it forces those who have long sat careless and sermon-proof, to
make anew their choice between death and life, and to make that
choice under more favourable circumstances, when many prayers
are abroad, and the Spirit of God is moving upon the hearts of
men. And for the same reason that the appeal to the consci-
ence, to be effective, must be unusual, it must also be prolonged,
that the doubtful preference may be fixed into an unalterable
choice. As to what has been termed the machinery of Revivals,
we set small value upon it ; and in this we appear to have the
authority of the most judicious of the American divines upon
our side. The Scriptures themselves contain all the measures
VOL. IX. — N.s. o o
296 Sprague on Revivah of Religkm.
which are desirable for their own poUication. There are, ia
effect, but two measures necessary for the converrion of the world;
the universal publication of the word, and jyrayer, without eev-
ing, that the word should be accompanied with the Spirit.
It would not be easy to ascertain to what extent the neoeHity
of a Revival among ourselves is recogniied and felt. We have
found that the taught, in many instances, are more aenmUe of
existing deficiencies than the teachers. Too many good xwi
seem sufficiently resigned to the unproductiveness of their owa
exertions. Others are discontented with themselves and their
situation : they have an uneasy conviction that all is not right,
but never pursue their inquiries to any assured and final concb-
sion. A few have done their utmost to revive the work of the
Lord in the midst of our land. We may refer for an instance to
the successful labours of Mr. James, of Birmingham, the writer
of one of these introductory essays, and who, in the pcsent
volume, is ably supported by his friend, Mr. Redfbrd. May He
who *^ has the residue of the spirit,^ raise up many such fiuthfbl
heralds to proclaim the glad tidings of the redemption of the
church, and of the restoration of Zion !
We have spoken of America as needing extraordinary met-
sures of religious instruction, so as to overtake the wants of an
ever-advancing population. Britain, if reli^on is not to dedine
among us, will soon, on her part, require a new infusicm of spit-
tual life. A rapid change is taking place in the mind of^the
country. Other objects and pursuits are presong with a ten-
fold force upon the thoughts of men. If religious truths are not
presented with a new vigour and interest, they are likdy to en-
gage but a diminished share of the attention which they hare
even hitherto experienced from the indifferent From the cnaiurei
in politics and tne diffusion of science, the interests of diis Sfe
are assuming higher attractions, and exerting a deeper sway over
the ima^nation and the heart. With respect to multttodes,
religion is thus silently rqtiring to the back ground. The fidnt
impression which it has ever made, becomes still fainter ; and its
voice, imperfectly heard before, is altogether drowned amid the
bustle and agitation of life. Unless the Spirit from cm h^ be
poured out upon us, unless more vigorous means are use^ and
far more vehement supplications offered up, the Churdi of
Christ, divided as it already is into factions, and earnest aboot
things which profit not, will soon become stationary, and then
rapidly decline.
Our hope is, that there are still many watchmen on the walb
of our Zion, who are not silent cither by night or by day. They
know from what quarter help must come. Their cry is like that
of the prophet, " Awake ! Awake! O arm of the Lord;** fer
they know that, in the first instance, it is in vain to awaken the
(
1
I
i GreswelPs Harm&ny and Disaertations. 299
i ndombering inhabitants of Jerusalem. But when the arm of the
f Lord has ** put on strength,^ then their second watch-cry shall
I iesound over the city of the Lord : ^' Awake ! awake ! stand
up^ O Jerusalem ^^ knowing that an Almighty arm is about to
\^f raise her from the dust."^ And the third and final appeal is for
Jerusalem to take the throne that has been prepared for her,
-^▼en the throne of the world. '^ Awake ! awake ! put on thy
Mcength, O Zion ; put on thy beautiful garments, O Jerusalem,
the Holy City!''
Art* III. 1. Harmoma Evangelica. Edidit Edvardus Greswellj
AM., &C. 8vo. Oxon.
3. Dissertalions upon the Principles and Arrangement of a Harmony
o/* the Gospels. By the Rev. Edw. Greswell^ M.A.^ &c. 3 vols,
ova Oxford.
3. J Harmony of the Four Gospels, in the English authorized
Version^ arranged according to Greswell's " Harmonia Evangelica"
in Greek ; with References to his Dissertations on the Same. By
Permission of the Author. Intended principally as an Accompani«
mcnt to a Pictorial and Geographical Chart (by R. Mimpriss) of
of Oar Lord Jesus Christ. 8vo. pp. 352.
the History of the Life of Oar Lord Jesus Christ. 8vo. pp.
London, 1833.
{Continued from page 22.)
'^^^E proceed, in the present article, to exhibit some specimens
of the application of the principles laid down by Mr. Gres-
well, to the Harmony itself; and in so doing, we shall avail our-
selves of the English Harmony which, with his permission, has
been constructed upon the model of his arrangement of the Greek
text,
Mr. Greswell divides the harmonized evangelical narrative into
five parts, as follows :
Part I. Matt. i. ii; Luke i — ^iii. 38. Comprehending the
space of 31 years; viz. from a.u.c. 7^9 answering to b.c. 6, to
A.U.C. 779> ^^ ^'^' ^6*
Part II. Matt. iii. — ^viii. 4; 14— 17- ix- 2 — 9. Mark i.— ii.
22. Luke iii. 1 — 23; iv. v. John i. — iv. Comprehending one
year and six months; viz,, from the commencement of the
preaching of John the Baptist, a.d. 26 medio^ to the end of the
first year of the ministry of Jesus Christ, a.d. 28 ineuniem.
Part III. Matt. viii. 5—13; 18—34. ix. 1. ; 10—38. x.— xiv.
Mark ii. 23 — 28. iii. — vi. Luke vi. — ^ix. I7. John v. — vi. Com-
prehending the space of twelve months, from the end of the first
year of the ministry of Jesus Christ, a.d. 28, ineunte, to the end
of the second year of the same, a.d. 29, ineuntem.
Part IV. Matt. xv. — xxvii. Mark vii. — xv. Luke ix. 18 — xxiii.
o o2
300 Greswell^s Harmony and Dissertations.
John vii. — xix. Comprehending the space of twelve months
from the end of the second year of Our Lord's ministry, to th
end of the third year, a.d. 30, ineuntem.
Part V. Matt, xxviii. Mark xvi. Luke xxiv. John xx. xxi
Comprehending the forty days from the morning of Our Lord'
Resurrection, April 7? to the day of his Ascension, May 16, a.o
30. ,
This division, our readers will perceive, is purely chronolo
gical, and not founded upon any natural divisions of the sul
ject matter of the Gospels. Part I., which comprehends 31 yean
occupies only 13 pages of the Harmony, consisting of the firs
two chapters of Matthew, and the first three chapters of Lub
Within the compass of this brief introductory portion, howevei
there occur one or two points of considerable difficulty, as regard
the exact arrangement and chronology. Mr. Greswell commence
his Harmony with the exordium of Luke's Gospel, as Calvi
has done ; and, with that commentator, he proceeds regularly a
&r as ver. 55 of the first chapter ; but he then introduces, a
parallel to ver. 56, Matt. i. 18 — 25. He then resumes Luke
narrative to ver. 21 of chap, ii., where he inserts the double gc
nealogy given by the two evangelists ; and then continues Luk
ii. to ver. 38. The visit of the Magi and the events dependcn
upon it, Matt. ii. 1 — 23, are next given ; and the part conclude
with Luke ii. 40 — 52. Calvin pursues Luke's narrative t
the end of his first chapter, where he introduces the genealogies
He then continues Matthew's Gospel to the end of chap. i. ; fol
lows this with Luke ii. 1 — 21; then gives the visit of the Mag
Matt. ii. 1 — 12; but interposes Luke ii. 22 — 39 between thj
verse and vss. 13 — 23; and lastly, gives Luke ii. 40—62.
The placing of the genealogies is a point of small moment
but their respective position in the two Gospels is deserving c
notice. It would have been unnatural and inappropriate fc
Luke to commence his history with the genealogy of Cnrist, th
circumstances of whose birth are not adverted to before ver. 2(
No good opportunity occurs for introducing it, till, on mentioi
ing the age of Our Lord on entering upon his public ministr]
this Evangelist appositely connects with that circumstance, his d<
Bcent by blood from the royal house of David ; tracing his genei
logy still upward to Adam, as if to represent him as tne promise
seed of the Woman, in whom all nations of the earth were alii
interested. St. Matthew, on the contrary, could not but affix hi
transcript of Our Lord's legal genealogy as the heir of Davie
through the line of Solomon, and the descendant of Abraham, i
the very beginning of his Gospel, as one indispensable proof <
that which it was his main object to establish, the Messianship <
Jesus ; and he connects it immediately with the miraculous cii
cumstances of his birth. It stands there in its appropriate an
Greswell^s Harmony and Dissertation*. 901
only suitabre place, in a work written with a specific reference to
that object, as a legal document attesting the validity of Our
Lord'^s pretensions as the predicted Son of David, one of the
prophetic marks by which he was to be recognized, and a sine
qud nony therefore, in the estimation of the Jewish people. In
each Gospel, then, the genealogy occupies its proper place ; and
the transposition required in a narmony, is the first instance of
that disadvanti^eous sacrifice of the natural arrangement to the
artificial, which meets us at almost every step. The legal
genealogy might, it is true, have been connected by St Luke,
with his account of the reasons which led to Joseph''s repairing to
Bethlehem, or with the circumcision of Our Lord ; instead of
which, the fact, that Joseph was of the lineage of David, as
proved by St. Matthew, is merely mentioned Luke ii. 4. But
the descent of Our Lord from Adam^ as given by St. Luke,
would have been irrelevant in that connexion, as well as an inter-
ruption of the narrative, and is therefore reserved for the place in
which it occurs in the text of that Evangelist.
A dissertation is devoted to the apparent discrepancy between
the two genealogies, and to some minor critical difficulties, which
the reader will consult with advantage. As it was not the custom
of the Jews to exhibit the genealogy of females as such, the gene-
alo^ of Christ, Mr. Greswell remarks, would not be formally
exhibited as his genealogy through Mary, but through her hus-
band, who stood in the same relation to the father of Mary, as
Mary herself.
'As the natural genealogy of Joseph^ distinct from Mary's^ was
exhibited by St. Mattliew as the legal genealogy of Jesus, so, the ita/u-
ra/ genealogy of Jesus^ distinct from Joseph's, is exhibited by St. Luke
as toe /f^g^ai genealogy of Joseph. The language of this Evangelist is
as much adapted to the support of this conclusion^ as the language of
St. Matthew to the support of the former. For, first, the words iv uq
tfop/^iTo^ premised to the account, by setting forth Our Lord as the
reputed, and not as the actual son of Joseph^ do clearly imply that the
genealogy which follows, apparently through Joseph, could not be the
natural genealogy of both ; and, if it was real in respect to either, it
eould be only imputed in respect to the other. Secondly, his mode of
expressing the relation between the successive links, seems purposely
chosen to describe an acquired, as well as a natural relation ; for it is
soch as to apply to both. We have but to suppose that Mary was the
daughter of Eli, and we assign a reason why the descent of Our Lord,
though in reality through ]\Iary, might yet be set forth as apparently
through Joseph.... It is certain that, as both descended fromDavid, Joseph
and Mary were of kin ; and, as both standing at analogous points in the
lines of this descent, it is probable that they were the next of kin. If
the Jewish records did not recognize INlary, though the daughter of
Eli^ except as the wife of Joseph, her son, who would ap])car to be his
son, must be described accordingly '. Vol. II. pp. 103, 100.
303 GreswelPs Harmony and Dis9ertaikm$.
At the same time, as the political claim to the throne of DaTid
and Solomon was vested in the line which terminated in Joseph,
it was as his heir, though not his son, that the Son of David
through Mary, united in himself every legal right to the tempo-
ral kingdom of Israel ; so that, when the rulers of the nation de-
livered up the legitimate ^ King of the Jews'" to the Roman
power, declaring that they had no other kins than Caesar, theVf
m that very act, broke the sceptre of Judan, extinguished ^e
last temporal hope of Israel, and unconciously afforded a demon-
stration that the Shiloh had come. It may be alleged, perhaps,
that if Joseph and Mary had children, (a point examined in tnis
same dissertation, and Mr. Greswell inclines to the aflBrmative,)
the eldest would succeed to the legal claims vested in the first-
born of Mary. But, in the first place, the act of the rulers of the
nation, supported by the people, renouncing their king, could not
be reversed; and secondly, his claims can never terminate or
devolve upon a successor, of whom, to adopt the argument and
language of an apostolic writer, it is testified that he uves, a per-
petual pontiff and a king for ever.
The time of the visit of the Magi is the subject of another
erudite dissertation. With regard to its place in the harmonised
narrative, it will be seen, that Mr. Greswell introduces that event
between ver. 38 and 39 of Luke ii., or after the Presentation ;
while Calvin supposes it to have taken place before the for^ days
were accomplished, arguing, that Joseph and Mary could have
no motive for returning from Jerusalem to Bethlehem. They
had come to the latter city for a specific object, viz. to be regis-
tered there, but apparently without any design of making it dieir
abode*. It was so ordered, that the birth of Our Lord should
take place there ; but, when Mary was able to ffo up to Jerusalem,
there was no obvious reason for their returning to Bethlehem,
supposing them to have been registered.
Mr. Greswell infers from the limitation of the massacre to children
airo iuToviy i. e. as he interprets it, not exceeding thirteen months,
that the star ^ could not have appeared more than thirteen months
^ before the arrival of the Magi, though it miffht have appeared /e^^.**
We find him, however, afterwards contending, (forgetftd of this
last admission,) that, if it first appeared at or after the Nativity,
the age of Our Lord, at the time of their arrival, ^ could not have
^ been less than thirteen months ; a conclusion,^ he adds, * which
^ would involve the Gospel chronology in insuperable difficulties.^
He therefore concludes that the star must have appeared many
months before Our Lord'^s birth. He shews that, according to
the rate of travelling in those times, the Magi, if they came nom
• ' SluU^ enim itna^nanlurfuisse illic domicUium Joseph, ubi adco
ignolus erat ut hogpUtum nullum invenire poiuerit,' Calv. in loco*
ChresweirB Harmony and Dissertatumi. 908
nrdiia or Bactris, would be four months on the road ; and he in-
dges the conjecture, that the star had appeared nine months before
ej set out, at the period of the Annunciation. The order of
:md, however, by no means proves that the star had appeared so
ng as thirteen months before. On the contrary, his sweeping and
itnless edict would doubtless be framed so as to make all sure,
f providing against the difficulty of ascertaining the precise age
' an infant under a year old ; and we may therefore take the
fe of thirteen months as the extreme. Besides, the order would
It be issued till some time had elapsed. Herod would doubtless
mchide, at first, that the Magi were prosecuting their search at
ethlehem and in its vicinity ; he would expect them not readily
» abandon their object ; and it would not be till he had actually
loertained their departure out of his dominions, that he would
include th^ had found the object of their search, but not re-
imed to inrorm him of their success. On being convinced of
lis, his vindictive rage burst forth ; a rage not unmixed with
slous mi^vings and alarm. But, by that time, days and even
eeks might have elapsed, and Joseph and Mary, as well as the
[agi, had escaped out of his territories. The Presentation in
le Temple might take place in the interval.* Supposing, then,
le star to have first appeared at the time of the Nativity, (which
sems to us the more natural supposition,) if the Magi set out
nmediately, and were not quite six weeks on their journey, they
light arrive just before or about the time of the Presentation.
iQt if, as Mr. Greswell supposes, their journey would occupy four
lonths, and some delay took place in preparing for it, they could
H have reached Jerusalem till Our Lord was five or six months
d* In that case, Joseph and Mary must have returned to
ethlehem after the Presentation in the Temple.
' If/ says Mr. Greswell, ' the birth of Our Lord took place at the
iginniog of April A. .U. 7^0, (B. C. 4,) then it may be rendered pre-
imptivdy certain' (a strange expression !) ^ that the Magi arrived in
snualem at the banning of the following Aagust ; and con-
qnently, in all probability, that the flight into £gypt could not have
!en delayed much beyondf the middle of the same month. The pass-
^er was celebrated the next year on Mar. 31, about a fortnight after
le death of Herod ; and that Herod was dead before the holy family
ere instructed to return, is indisputably clear. It is a singular fact,
lat, in the year after his birth, when Christ the True Passover was
Ment in Egypt, there was, strictly speaking, no passover celebrated
* Dr. Benson supposes it to have taken place between the arrival
" the Magi at Jerusalem and their arrival at Bethlehem ; and he un-
iasonably assumes, that Herod sent forth his emissaries the very next
loming after the Magi had left him, on not finding them return imme-
iatdv.
304 GreswclFs Harmony and Diaseriaiions.
08 usual in Judea ; a circumstance almost unexampled in the previous
history of the Jews. The cause of this anomaly was, the disturbances
which ensued upon the death of Herod, and which, by the time of the
arrival of the paschal day, had reached to such a height, that Arche-
laus was obli^d to disperse the people, by force of arms, in the midst
of their sacrifices.' Vol. I. p. 338, note.
Dr. Benson, in his " Chronology of Our Saviour'^s Life***, fixes
the death of Herod in the spring of j.p. 4711 (b.c. 3.), which
answers to the date adopted by Mr. Greswell. Lardner fixes it
a year earlier. The arrival of the Magi, Dr. B. assigns, on veiy
precarious data, to the middle of Februair, j.p. 4710; and he
fixes the time of Our Lord"*8 birth in April or May of j.p. 4709,
answering to a.d.c. 749 or b.c. 5., which is a year earlier than
Mr. Gresweirs date. All that the narrative requires for its con-
sistency is, that the birth of Christ took place not less than about
a year before the death of Herod ; it may have been two years ;
but Mr. GreswelPs learned and ingenious calculations will pro-
bably be thought to establish with tolerable certainty the date
which he has adopted, four years prior to the vulgar era, or j.p.
4710.
Part the Second of the Harmony opens with the sublime ex-
ordium of St. John'^s Gospel, ch. i. 1 — 18, which forms an intro-
duction not less appropriate to the character and design of his
Gospel, than the Genealogy does to St. Matthew'^s ; but there is
the same difficulty in placing it in a harmony. By making it
commence a new part, this difficulty is concealed, rather than ob>
viated. The reader must be sensible, however, of the violoioe
committed in separating verses 15 — 18 from ver. 19 et aeq. of the
same chapter, in order to interpose, in parallel columns, the ac-
counts furnished by the other evangelists, of the Ministry of the
Baptist, the baptism of Our Lord, and the Temptation. The
chronology requires this, unless sect. 1. had been postponed till
after sect. 7* The fact is, that, although the whole of St. John^s
Gospel is clearly of a supplemental character, it is the least sus-
ceptible of being blended with the other narratives ; and Calvin,
we cannot but think, decided wisely in excluding it firom his
Harmony, and reserving it for distinct commentary in an unbroken
form.f
• See Eclec. Rev. Vol. xvi. p. 336,
t Doddridge introduces the exordium to St. John's Grospel in hii
2ud section^ immediately after Luke i. 4, and as a sort of pa-
renthesis between that brief preface and the commencement of l«uke*s
history. This is, j)orhaps, the best place it could occupy in a haxmonT*
The gcnoal»>gics, he inserts in sect. 1)., immediately after Matt. i. 2»
-The visit of the 3Iagi, he places after the purification, but, in hia notes,
treats the true order as doubtful.
Greswell'^s Harmony and DUeertations. 90t»
In the mHHmtit -of the Temptation, Mr. Greswell adotots the
tnrder of St. Matthew as the true one. Yet, it does not follow, he
remarks, that St. Luke'^s account contains a trajecHon ; that is,
an undesigned and inaccurate transposition. The moral end pro-
posed by the narrative in either, though it must have been partly
the same, might have been partly distinct, so far as to require St.
Matthew to observe the actual order of the event, and to induct
St. Luke to make a corresponding change in it.
* The o(der of the temptations is the order of their strength ; that is,
they begin with the weakest^ and proceed to the strongest ; for any
other order would manifestly have been preposterous. And the end
of the whole transaction is^ to represent Our tdord tempted in all points,
like onto ourselves^ yet without sin ; attacked in each vulnerable part
of his human nature^ yet superior to every act, and to all the subtlety
of the Devil.' Vol. II. p. 186.
Now which of the last two temptations was apparently
stronger, would afford room for a difference of opinion. We
agree with our Author, that the third, according to St. Matthew'^a
arrangement, besides being actually the strongest temptation, and
one which only the true Christ could have withstood, would also
appear the strongest in the eyes of a Jew. But St. Luke might
have reason to think that, to a Gentile reader, the second would
appear the strongest, as the force of the last would not be appre^
ciated, except by those who were looking for a temporal Messiah.
To the Gentiles, it might appear in the light of a temptation ad-
dressed simply to the desire of honour, wealth, or power, and
therefore of inferior strength to the second, which was addressed
more directly to the principle of intellectual pride.
* For the history of their own philosophers could furnish instances of
persons whom their natural strength had enabled to surmount the
rorrner ; but few or none of such as, unassisted by the grace of Qod,
had not hllen victims to the latter. Hence, if St. Luke wrote for thd
Gkntile Christians, as St. Matthew had written for the Jewish, he
would as naturally place the second temptation last, as St. Matthew,
on the other supposition, had placed the third.' Vol. II. p. 187*
This explanation is not only ingenious, but, we think, carries
with it high probability. At all events, it is much more reason-
able to suppose that St. Luke had some design in deviating from
die order of St. Matthew, than that he transposed the order
through error or negligence, or considered it as of no conseqiience.
If we suppose his order to be the true one, and that St. Matthew^g
was the deviation from historic precision, we may in like manner
cxmclude, that the arrangement nad relation to the specific design
of that Evangelist. But we think that the internal evidence is m
figivour of the former opinion. In order to estimate the strength
of the third Temptation, it should be considered, that it was ad-
VOL. IX. — N.S. P p
306 Gresweirs Harmony and Dissertaiwn9.
dressed to him who was by right king of the Jews, in his regsl
character ; and that the offer was made by the Tempter in die
semblance of an angel of light; who might lay claim to this
power, not as independent of the Almighty, but as the delegated
ruler over the kingdoms, agreeably to the received ouinions of the
Jews respecting the subordinate government of tne world by
angels, which were supposed to be countenanced by the language
of the prophet Daniel.* The words of the Tempter, ** For
that is delivered to me,^^ imply no higher pretensions than to a
derived and delegated authority. And when we add to this, that
the very homage which the Tempter cUiimed as an acknowledge-
ment for the splendid donation, was no more than an Apostle was
about to pay involuntarily to a true angel of light, when he was
prevented by the heavenly messenger-f; we may well conceive
that the temptation was one which even a good man, to say
nothing of an impostor or an enthusiast, if no more than man,
would have found irresistible.
Between the Temptation and the commencement of Our Lord^s
ministry in Galilee, there occurs a hiatus in the first three
gospels, which is supplied by John i. 19 — iv. 54- Mr. Greswell
has devoted several dissertations to the illustration of this supple-
mental relation, and of the notes of time which St. John^s Gospel
affords with regard to the duration of Our Lord's ministry. In
his Harmony, between the fourth and fifth chapters of John, he
introduces the events recorded, Luke iv. 14 — v. 39, and the cor-
responding portions of Matthew'*s and Mark^s Gospels, which
bring down the narrative, according to his hypothesis, to the close
of the first year of the ministry of Our Lord. Accordingly, Part
the third of his Harmony commences with John v. 1., which he
supposes to refer to a Passover. As this is a controverted, and
certainly a doubtful point, and one which has employed much
learned discussion, we must transcribe the Author^s reasons for
adopting a conclusion in which he differs from Dr. Benson and
some other eminent critics, although the greater number of com-
mentators take it for granted that the Passover is meant One
reason for the contrary supposition is, that the indefinite mention
of a feast would not seem likely to designate the principal Jewish
festival. Mr. Greswell thus meets this objection.
' I. The absence of the Greek article in speaking of this feasts unless
its presence would infallibly have denoted the Passover, proves nothing
at all; but leaves the question as open as before. The truth is, that,
as the Jewish calendar contained at least three feasts, all of eqnal an«
tiquity, and of equal authority, the article could not stand kot Ijo;^
before one, any more than before the rest, unless that one had come, in
• Sec Dan. x. 13, 20. t See Rev. xix. 10. xxii. 9.
Greswell'^s Harmony and Dissertations. SKfJ
be librae of time, to be placed, for some reason or other^ at the head of
be rest ; a circumstance of distinction which, as I have shewn else-
rbere, from Josephus and from other authorities, (and which St.
ohn'a expression, directly after — 5» ^i tyyiii ii w^ri tUv 'lot^a «>, n
limvovtiyia^-contributes critically to confirm,) might have held good
f the feast of Tabernacles, but could not of the feast of Passover.
* II. If the feast, John v. ]. was not the next Passover to ii. 13,
he Passover, vi. 4. must have been so; and the feast, v. 1. must have
een some feast between the two, and, consequently, some feast in the
nt year of our Saviour's ministry ; q/ler the Passover belonging to
hat year, but before the Passover at the beginning of the next : that
ly It must have been either the Pentecost, or the rcast of Tabernacles,
r the En^cenia, within the first twelve months of his ministry. It
onld not have been the Pentecost, for, as I have shewn in the last
iwertation, our Lord's return into Galilee out of Judaea was just be-
ne the arrival of this feast. Nor could it have been the Enccenia,
jr the Encomia fell out in the depth of winter, at which time no such
Bsemblage of sick and infirm persons, as was supposed at the time of
his feast, could have been found about the pool of Bethcsda. Nor
oold it have been the feast of Tabernacles ; because at that feast of
!*abemacles, and in the first year of his ministry, our Lord was en-
aged upon the circuit of Galilee. And it is a general argument why
; could nave been no feast in the first year of our Lord's ministry
rhatever, that the strain of the reflections, from v. 1 7 to the end,
rhich were then delivered, would be incompatible with such a sup-
osition. The ministry of our Saviour, and, consequently, the trial of
be Jews, must have been going on at least for one year, before the
itarity of his rejection, and the consequent fact of tlieir infidelity, —
Dold be 80 fiEur certain, as to admit of their being argued with, as we
nd them argued with ou this occasion.' Vol. II. pp. 237> 8.
The remarkable expression which occurs Luke vi. 1, and
hich has given rise to such numerous conjectures, Mr. Greswell
laewhere snews, agreeably to Scaliger'^s conjecture, was intended
> denote * the ^rst regular sabbath after the sixteenth of the
Jewish Nisan, and conseauently, either in, or directly after, the
Paschal week.'* If so, ne contends, wc have in that passage
Q indication of Our Lord's attendance at a passover which the
arrative of Luke (as well as the parallel narrations of Matthew
ad Mark) proves to have been at least a year before the Passover
^erred to John vi. 4. He therefore concludes that John v. 1.
ecidedly points to a previous Passover, the second in our Lord's
linistry. In a note, the following additional considerations are
• * Rendered according to the genius of the Greek language in its
impound phraseology, it denotes, Jirst after the second, and not se^
ma after the Jirst; primo-secundus, not secundo-primus* That is, the
rst sabbath after the second day of unleavened bread, from which the
fty days were reckoned to the Pentecost.'
See Vol. IL pp. 2R6— 2<)3. So, Doddridge.
p p 2
308 Greewell's Harmony and DUwriatUma.
adduced in support of this view of the chronology^ «nd in ansi
to objections.
* Amonz the argmnents intended toprore that the feast indefinite
mentioned^ John v. 1 ., coald not be a Fassover, none, perhaps, is mt
confidently put forward, and none is in reality more weak and inco
dusive, than the following : — that the erents which are reoordad
the lifth chapter of St. John, are not sufficient to hare occupied
year, and another Passorer is mentioned directly after at ti. 4.
would have been strange, indeed, if they had been intended to oocn
a year, since it must be self-evident, that very possibly they did i
occupy a single day. But this argument proceeds upon the sup]
sition, that St. John's Gospel is entire and complete in itself; a
that it neither has, nor was intended to have, any supplemental relati
to the rest : a supposition which is purely precarious, and not um
precarious than contrary to the matter of met. The truth of t
supplemental relation of this one Gospel in particular, it among t
few positions which, happily, do not admit of a question ;— -and wh
this is the case, it is not to be considered whether St. John's Gosp
per se, between v. 1 . and vi. 4., supplies matter sufficient to have (
cupied a year, but whether St. Matthew's, St. Mark's^ and St. Luke
in that portion of their gospels respectively, the true place of whi
is between these extremes in St. John's, can presumptively be shei
to have done so. And upon this point, there is so little room i
doubt, that the affirmative may be confidently asserted. The inten
in question between John v. 1. and John vi. 4. is, in fact, our Lon
second year ; and with respect to that year, as it was the fullest of i
cident itself, so its incidents have been the most fiiUy related of az
From its beginning, by the attendance at this Passover, to its endii
by the miracle of the five thousand, there is no part of it which vt
unemployed, nor the mode of whose employment it is not
dearly to ascertain.' — Vol. II. pp. 240, 1.
Doddridge adopts a similar view of Luke vi. 1. and John v. 1
as both referring to the same Passover ; and he remarks, th
this arrangement has at least the advantage over Manners si
gular hypothesis, who, supposing the feast of Pentecost to be i
tended at John v. 1., gratuitously infers, that the whole fif
chapter is transposed, and should come in at the end of the sixt
Calvin inclines to the conjecture that the feast of Pentecost
intended, as agreeing best with St. John^s narration, but treats
as uncertain. Dr. Benson thinks, there is very little reason
suppose that the feast referred to was a passover ; and he recc
nises only three during Our Lord's ministry ; adopting, as tl
most probable opinion, that which limits its duration to two yea
and a half. It is obviously only in relation to this point, th
the determination of the question is important. As a mark
time, some stress has been laid upon John iv. 35, which ArchI
shop Newcome, Sir Isaac Newton, and Doddridge understand
intimating the season of year at the time of Our Lord's joume
Gieswell^a Harmony and Dissertaiums. 36B
1^ if it vaated four months to harvest;, must hare been ia
Diddle of winter. Whitby, Grotius, Lightfoot^ and tb»
Dt Writer understand Our Lord as citing a proTerbial ex-
uon; and its connection is thus explained.
Hien the seed is first sown, is it not a common saying, there are
for months^ and the harvest or reaping- time will come ? Lift up
eyes, survey the country round about, and be convinced by the
ness of the fields, that the four months are drawing to a close,
be season of the reaping is at hand. The end which is proposed
e reference to tiiis natural phenomenon, may also be explained as
rs> The ripeness of the visible and the natural harvest, now
Jie period requisite to the maturity of the seed is accomplished,
be an earnest to you of the ripeness of that as yet unseen and
ual harvest, to bring which to maturity will be the object of my
oal labours, but to reap which will be the object of yours ; a
ess, consequently, which will then be complete, when my ministry
T, and yourt is about to begin.' — Vol. I L p. 21 1.
Ilia exposition makes the journey into Samaria coincident
harvest ; either the barley harvest, the first fruits of which
consecrated at the Passover, or the wheat harvest, the first
> of which were presented at Pentecost. If the former, the
at which our Lord waa present (John v. 1.) might well be,
dvin supposes, the feast of Pentecost ; but this would still
jne a passover to have intervened between the one men-
d in John ii. 13, and that referred to in John vi. 4, at which
Lord appears not to have been present,
is observable that, in our Lord^s discourse with the Jews,
I ▼. 35, he employs language which denotes that the ministry
is Forerunner was now terminated by his being cast into
n. This event, therefore, in all probability, occurred be-
; Our Lord'^s leaving Judea and his return to the feast men-
id in verse 1. Mr. Greswell supposes it to have taken place
ediately after Our Lord'^s return into Galilee, as recorded in
I iv. A specific reason is assigned for Our Lord^s withdraw-
limself on that occasion, the jealousy of the Pharisees, and
€i John'^s disciples, having been excited by his growing po-
rity. The time of that return, Mr. Greswell thinks, was
ibly not earlier, though it might have been somewhat later,
the 14th day before the Pentecost, a.u. 7^9 ^^y ^6 ; to
h day he assigns the imprisonment of John. And he sup-
) that event to have taken place while Our Lord was on his
ley through Samaria ; inferring from the language of the
r Evangelists, that, by the time he arrived in Galilee, on this
return, John was already in prison. The language of St.
thew, however, in ch. iv. 1., seems rather to indicate a sub-
Mi departure out of Judea into Galilee, in consequence of
310 Gresweirs Harmony and DuaertationB.
learning the fate of his precursor. He would hear of it on ffoing
up to Jerusalem at the feast mentioned John v. 1. ; on which oc-
casion he bore that remarkable testimony to his character, as ** a
burning and shining light.^ After that, not deeming it proper
to expose himself unnecessarily to the malice of the Jews, or the
jealousy of Herod, till his time was come, he again *^ departed
into Galilee,^ (Matt. iv. 12.) and, removing from Nazareth to
Capernaum, entered more openly upon his public ministry. It
was not till after this period, that St. Matthew^s personal acquaint-
ance with Our Lord commenced ; and as his testimony as an
e^e-witness could not have been given to any of the previous
circumstances of his Master^s public life, this seems to present
the most natural reason for his beginning his account of Our
Lord'^s ministry at this period, from which time it assumed a new
character, in consequence of his choosing the Twelve Apostles as
his constant attendants, and his preaching more opemy in the
Synagogues in his circuits through the country.
Mr. Greswell, however, taking a different view, makes Matt
iv. 12, &c., and Luke iv. 14, &c., follow John iv. ; bringing down
the narrative, in his second Part^ to the end of Luke v., and in-
cluding in it Matt. viii. 1 — 4; 14— 17» and ix. 2 — 9- In his
third Part, § 1. comprises John v. 1 — 47* § 2. consists of the pa-
rallel narrations, Matt. xii. 9 — 14, Mark iii. 1 — 6, and Luke vi.
6 — 11. The next two sections proceed regularly ; but, in § 5,
the ordination of the twelve apostles, Matt, x., Mark iii., Luke
vi., is introduced with questionable accuracy. In the subsequent
sections, St. Matthew'^s narrative undergoes very unceremonious
treatment, the chapters occurring in the following transposed
order; viii. 5—13; xi. 2—30; xii. 22—50; xiii. 1—17; 24—
30; 18—23; 36-52; viii. 18—34; ix. 1.10— 34; xiii. 54—
58; ix. 35 — 38; x. 1 — 42; xi. 1 ; xiv. As parallel with verses
13 — 21 of this last chapter, in Sect. 28, the Author introduces
John vi. 1 — 13; continuing that chapter in the subsequent sec-
tions, as the conclusion of Part the third. The transpositions
above specified are the result of much patient investigation;
some are obviously required in order to bring together the
correspondent narratives, others may admit of question ; but to
examine the arrangement in detail, with the reasons assigned for
it, would occupy more space than we can afford. Upon examina-
tion it will be found, that the transpositions are, for the most part,
confined to the didactic portions of St. Matthew'^s Gospel ; that
they do not relate to events^ unless the delivery of a discourse be
so called ; and that more than half the difficulties of the Harmon-
ist arise from the very unnecessary and (as it seems to us) unpro-
fitable attempt to fix the precise date and locality of all the sne-
cimens that are given of Our Lord^s sayings and miraculous worxs.
Gresweirs Harmony and Dissertations. 311
For instance, Mr. Greswell attempts to determine ^ the era ^ in
^ar Lord^s ministry, when he is supposed to have adopted a re-
larkable change in his manner of teaching, by speaking to the
eople in parables ; inferring from the words of the Evangelists,
f atthew and Mark, that he had never delivered a parable before*
?his era Mr. G. finds intimated at Matt. xiii. 1 — 17 « ^^^ ^ ^^^
ertation is devoted to an elucidation of the subject. Of any such
ra in Our Lord'^s ministry, however, we must profess ourselves
> be absolutely incredulous. Upon that particular occasion, as
oabtless upon some others, he delivered his instructions to the
lultitude only in that enigmatic form ; and upon being asked his
saaon for speaking in parables, he condescended to vindicate his
onduct, by shewing its accordance with a general rule of the
Hvine proceedings, which makes religious knowledge to depend
pon teachableness and obedience. But it is certain, that, on other
nd subsequent occasions, he employed the plainest and most
teral language in teaching the multitude ; and it is equally cer-
lin, that the scope of many of Our Lord^s parables was suf-
ciently obvious to be understood by both the Pharisees and the
eople ; while many of his axiomatic instructions were far more
lysterious, and some of those which were deemed the hardest
lyings, were addressed to his disciples. The declaration in this
hapter can by no means be extended to all the parables, but, as
Loaenmuller explains it, seems rather to point to the subject mat-
nr of the parables in question, which concerned the future pro-
ress and diffusion of the Gospel, — the ^^ secrets of the kingdom
r heaven." If this view be correct, it is a matter of no import-
nce, on what occasion, or at what precise stage of his ministry,
>ur Lord delivered those parables ; nor can we perceive any
iffident reason for disturbing the arrangement of St. Matthew,
Y placing the greater part of the xith, xiith, and xiiith chapters
etween the dismembered portions of the viiith. If the order of
latter observed by St. Matthew be not the real order of time,
lere must be some principle of arrangement governing the order,
hich it would be desirable to ascertain. But, while we readily
Imit that the Gospel of Luke bears marks of greater historical
recision and chronological accuracy, as regards the leading facts
r the Gospel history, we cannot but retain the opinion, that less
ress is to be laid upon the order in which he introduces the
tnecdotal^ illustrations of the Saviour^s teaching and public life.
'he manner in which these are introduced, are, witn very few
cceptions, in striking contrast to the precision with which the
iatorical events are noted : e. g. *^ It came to pass, when he
as in a certain city ^ — " On a certain day when he was teach-
ig "— " Now it came to pass on a certain day ^ — " And it came
» pass, that as he was praying in a certain place.'*^ These vague
813 GreswelVs Harmony and Dusertatione.
intimations preclude tlie idea of any other order than that sug-
gested by some ^ principle of association ^ or selection.
Mr. Greswell, however, is of an entirely different opinion. So
far as ch. ix. 50, the Gospel of St. Luke, he conceives, accompa-
nies the Gospels of St. Matthew and Mark ; but from ch. ix. 51
to ch. xviii. 14, it goes along by itself, and the intermediate mat-
ter is peculiar to this Evangelist.
' The point of time at which St. Luke ceases to accompany St. Mat-
thew ana St. Mark, is the return to Capernaum, prior to the last Feast
of Tabernacles ; and the point of time at which he rejoins them, is
with the close of the last journey up to Jerusalem, when Our Lord
either had already passed, or was just on the eve of passing out of
Persea, into Judaea. On the same supposition, therefore, of St. Luke's
regularity, as before, it follows, that the whole intermediate matter,
peculiar to his Gospel, belongs to the interval of time between that
return to Capernaum, and that passage from Persa to Judea ; — an
interval whicn, as we have had reason to conclude already, could not
comprise less than the last six months of Our Saviour's ministry, and
possibly might comprise even more.
' Throughout the whole of these details which we suppose to be thus
comprehended, there are numerous historical notices, — some express,
others implicit, — which demonstrate that Our Lord, all the time, was
travelling and teaching, — and travelling and teaching upon his way
to Jerusalem. There are evidences, therefore, that a journey to Jeru-
salem, all this time, was still going on, and going on with the utmost
publicity ; a journey expressly undertaken in order to arrive at Jeru-
salem ; — and wheresoever it might have begun, and whatsoever course
it might take meanwhile, yet known and understood to be tending to
that one point, and ultimately to be concluded by arriving there at
last. There are, consequently, evidences of a circuit, as such ; and, if
it is a circuit belonging to one and the same (kscasion, of a circuit be-
gun and conducted on a very general scale ; — ^the fourth of the kind
which the Gospel-history has yet supplied.
' All these indications are of manifest importance, in fixing the pe«
riod to which the whole of Luke ix. 51 — xviii. 14. incluaively iato
be referred.* VoL II. pp. 457 — 9.
The regularity of Luke^s Gospel, up to ch. ix. 51, being, in the
Author'^s opinion, fuUy established, he feels warranted in assum-
ing its regularity for the remainder ; and the twelfth chapter con-
tains, he thinks, numerous decisive indications of belonging to
the concluding portion of Our Lord^s ministry.
* If the proof of this position can be made out, the error committed
by such schemes as place it before even the beginning to teach in
parables, which was the middle of Our Saviour's ministry, mnst be
apparent without any further comment. They introduce an anachro-
nism of nearly eighteen months in extent.' VoL II. p. 534.
Gresweirs Harmony arid Dissertations. 313
In attempting to substantiate this novel view of the regularity
of St. Luke^s Gospel, Mr. Greswell displays abundant ingenuity
and learning; but we are compelled to say, that his reasonings some-
times involve too large a portion of assum])tion to Ix) entirely
satisfactory. The hold which his theory has upon his imagin-
ation, is apparent in his easy reliance upon proofs of a very slen-
dor character. But we must waive further criticism, and hasten
to a conclusion.
Part the Fourth of the Harmony, which comprises the larger
portion of the Gospel narrative, commences with Matt. xv. and
Mark vii, and proceeds regularly to Matt, xviii. 35, where it
takes up the supplemental relation contained in John vii. xi.
It then proceeds with Luke ix. 51 — xix. The four narratives
then begin to run parallel, till, at § 87—91, we reach the
exquisite and precious supplementary relation of the Convers-
ation in the Supper Chamber, supplied by St. John. The ac-
counts then re-unite, and are brought down to the eve of the
Resurrection.
Part the Fifth contains the accounts of the Resurrection and
Ascension in the final chapters of the Gospels.
In order to form a harmonized chronology of the four Gospels,
the plan which would involve the least violence to the inspired
documents, would be, to select simply those portions which
record the facts relating to Our Lord's birth, life, suflTering,
resurrection, and ascension, leaving all the discourses and minor
incidents as they stand. So far as regards the credibility of the
Gospel history, the agreement of the witnesses as to these facts,
is all that it can be necessary to establish. For the purposes of
exposition and annotation, we are persuaded that the original
form of the^/veral documents is every way preferable.
The valijfof Mr. GreswelFs erudite and multifarious researches,
however, depends but little upon the ideal perfection of his hy-
pothesis for harmonizing the evangelical documents. His Har«
mony forms but a portion of the valuable critical apparatus which
he has constructed, for the benefit of the Biblical student ; and
taken together with the Dissertations, it will enable the reader to
make himself master of the whole range of inquiry relating to the
chronology of the New Testament, and the structure and com-
position of the Gospels. We are conscious of having given but
an inadequate account of the contents of these volumes ; but we
have said enough to commend them to the attention of every
scholar. Of Mr. Mimpriss'^s Harmony, wc shall take another
opportunity of speaking, in noticing his admirable Pictorial
Chart.
VOL. IX. — K.S. Q U
( 314 )
Art. IV. Hints for an Improved Translation of the New Testament,
By the Rev. James Scholefield, A.M., Regius Professor of Greek
in the University of Cambridge. 8vo., pp. 98. London, 1882.
< 1 F we will be sonnes of the Truetb, we must consider what it
' speaketh, and trample upon our owne credit, yea, and ujwn
^ other mens too, if either bee any way an hinderance to it.^
So say the Translators of the common English Bible in their
preface ; and in this avowal they have furnished, not only for
themselves, but for all other persons who seriously and diligently
address themselves to a similar employment, a substantial and
ample ground of apology. But the manner in which they speak
of their predecessors, is a sufficient proof that the circumstances
in which they found the impulse to their own labours, had no
tendency to impair the veneration which they felt to be due to
those who had * traveiled in this kinde ' before them. * We
* acknowledge them,** they say, * to have been raised up of God,
* for the building and furnishing of his church, and that they
' deserve to bee had of us, and of posteritie, in everlasting re-
* membrance.** — ' Therefore blessed be they, and most honoured
' be their name.'' The extreme deference with which the Author
of these ' Hints'' regards the memories and the services of the
Translators whose errors he would correct, and whose deficiencies
he would supply, is strongly expressed in the following passage
of his * Preface.'
' Nor let it for a moment be supposed, that such an attempt implies
a shadow of reproach upon the original Translators. For myself, I
would mther blot out from the catalogue of my country's worthies the
names of Bacon and Newton, than those of the venerable men, who
were raised up by the providence of God, and endowed by bis Spirit,
to achieve for England her greatest blessing in the Authorized
Translation of the Scriptures. If in the following pages, the professed
object of which is to express opinions on minor points differing from
theirs, I have dropped any expressions in speaking of them, which even
an unkind criticism can charge with any thing like flippancy, or the
want of the most grateful veneration for them, I would gladly, if it
were possible, wash out with my tears the obnoxious passages, and
rather leave their glorious work soiled with its few human blemishes,
than attempt to beautify it at the expense of their well-earned renown.
But I have thought that, in entire consistency with the honest sin-
cerity of this feeling, something might be attempted towards carrying
a little nearer to perfection, a work which is already so near it.'
Neither in the spirit which pervades these * Hints,'* nor in any
of the emendations suggested by the Author, will any thing be
found to shew that he has for a moment forgotten this profession
of reverential respect. 'J'hc ' Authorized Translation of the Scrip-
Translation of the New Testament. 315
* tures' is certainly not a faultless work ; but many errors have,
without foundation or reason, been attributed to it; many
blemishes, too, have been incorporated with it in the modern
editions, for which the Translators are not answerable. In the
strictures which some zealous critics have put forth on the
Common Version, there is, to say the least, a very imnecessary
severity. We are not acquainted, for instance, with any Pro-
testant translation of the Bible which could ftimish occasion to
question, * whether it would not be safer to take the Bible out of
^ the hands of the common people, than to expose them to the
^ danger of drawing false conclusions from erroneous translations/
Still less are we able to perceive^ how such a doubt should be raised
from the most intimate acquaintance with the text accessible to
the people of this country, and so abundantly distributed among
them. Justice ought to be rendered to King James'*s Translators ;
and we would much rather unite with Professor Scholefield in
applauding them, than give our suffrages in favour of those
cmendators who, by ostentatious displays of minute and question-
able criticism, would injuriously depreciate the excellence of the
work which we possess, as the result of their combined learning
and judgement, and the fruit of their industry and perseverance.
But, without disparaging the services or derogating from the
honours of the Authors or Editors of the Common Version, we
feel that neither should they engross our praises, nor hold in our
remembrance an exclusive place. Nor, if we should claim for
other names which are indelibly associated with the English
translations of the Scriptures, a warmer and more elevated com-
mendation than we bestow upon the memories of the former,
should we be violating the demands of equity, or offending against
the law of Christian charity. If the Translators of the Common
Version be entitled to honour, the names of Tyndal and Cover-
dale are worthy of more abundant honour. The work which they
respectively performed, and the circumstances in which they exe-
cuted it, have only to be brought before us, that we may see the
justice of the decision which, in assigning their respective honours,
awards the superiority to Tyndal. The Common Version was pro-
duced by the united labours of fifty-four divines, who engaged in
this service under the smiles and fostering patronage of James I.
They were furnished with the royal mandate as the means of
procuring them all necessary assistance and support ; — were to be
entertained in such colleges as they might make choice of, with-
out any charge unto them, and to be freed from all lectures and
exercises ; and care was taken for their subsequent preferment.
But in TyndaFs case, the wall was built in troublous times. He
had to count the cost of his enterprise, and put his life in peril
by the undertaking which he projected. Obliged by the neces-
sities to which he was reduced, to leave his country, he sought a
Q Q 2
316 Scholcfield's Hints for an Improved
foreign asylum, and prosecuted the work of translating and print-
ing the New Testament, not only without either royal or epis-
copal countenance, but with the civil and ecclesiastical authori-
ties in hostility to his design, and not less his personal enemies.
His good was evil spoken of. His laying the Scriptures before
the eyes of the people ' in their mother tongue, that they might
^ see the processe, order, and meaning of the text,"* was denounced
as an iniquity; and the book, when published, was prohibited as
pernicious, pestilent, and scandalous. He himself was perse-
cuted as a heretic ; endured an imprisonment of eighteen
months ; and then, ten years after the first publication of his
New Testament in English, was strangled, and his body con-
sumed to ashes ! Such services and such sufferings are never to
be forgotten.
A revision of the Common Version of the Bible has been fre-
quently called for by writers who have animadverted on its de-
fects and errors. Translations of detached portions of the Scrip-
tures, including almost every book, have successively appeared,
the authors of which express a decided opinion in favour of an
improved version of the whole sacred Volume. Whether evei
such a work shall be attempted, and completed, ^ by his Majesty'^s
* special command,^ may, we think, be doubted. The present Au-
thorized Version will probably maintain its designation and its form
for a long time to come. One means, however, of its improve-
ment is both desirable and practicable : the variations which the
different editions of it exhibit, may be corrected; and the text
amended in such mannq( as to restore it to its original state.
The curators and printers to whom the monopoly of the Englisli
Bible has been granted, seem to have had but little of a common
understanding and communication with each other in respect tc
the preservation of its integrity. The Syndics of the Cambridge
University press are, wc believe, employed in revising the text o1
their editions ; an example which will probably be followed a(
Oxford and London ; and from these collations we may expect the
removal of many discrepancies from the Common Version, which
now disfigure the several impressions of its text.
Professor Schalefield'^s Hints for an Improved Translation ol
the New Testament are entitled to attention ; but they are, or
the whole, of less value than, in the present state of Biblical criti-
cism, might have been anticipated, and cannot have assigned tc
them a very distinguishetl place among the productions by which
we are assisted in our study of the New Testament. But few oi
the corrections proposed in these pages, are essentially original ;
and a very considerable number of them may be seen in the
amendments adopted by modern translators. Not a few passages
on which we should have been desirous of learning the opinions
of the Professor, are passed by without notice. In every part,
Translation of the New Testament. 317
however, of these notes, we observe a judicious treatment of the
subjects brought under discussion ; and there is scarcely an
emendation proposed, to which we should be prepared to hazard
an objection.
Many of the alterations proposed in these * Hints,** particu-
larly in the Gospels, respect the insertion of the definite article ;
and most of the instances adduced, are to be found in the correc-
tions introduced by modem translators, " In the ship,'^ Matt. iv.
21. *4nto the mountain,'"* v. 1. '' Thebushel,'' the " candlestick,^
V. 15. " Upon the rock,*" vii. 24, 25, &c. The propriety of such
corrections is quite obvious. Nothing can be more careless or
capricious than the practice of the Translators in the Common
Version. In Matt. i. 20, we have " the angel of the Lord." So
they read in chap. ii. 13 ; but in vs. 19, we find '*an angel of the
" LorA*^ The noun is anarthrous in all the three passages, and
the rendering should therefore be " an angel of the Lord.'** In his
' Doctrine of the Greek Article,' Middleton remarks on Matt,
xiii. 2, that in this, and in some other places of the Evangelists,
we have Tr'Koiov with the article. The fact is, that, with but two
exceptions, the noun has the article uniformly prefixed. In Matt.
xiv. 13, irxoiov occurs, which is correctly rendered, " by ship C
and the other instance is Luke viii. 22, in reference to which, by
a remarkable oversight, Middleton says, p. 219 : ' In one Evan-
* gelist, Luke v. 3, we find a ship used hy our Saviour for the
' very purpose here mentioned (to be in waiting for him), declared
^ expressly to be Simon's : and afterwards, in the same Evangelist,
* viii. 22, we have to irxoiov definitely, as if it were intended that
* the reader should understand it of the ship already spoken of.'
The absence of the article in this passage, is somewhat of a diffi-
culty, as we might, indeed, presume from Middleton's confident
assumption of its presence. Compare Matt. viii. 18, &c. Mark
iv. 35, &c.
At Matt. iv. 1, Middleton, in his work on the Greek Article,
reads biro rou Hviu/jiarog by the Holy Spirit, observing that so all
Commentators now understand it ; and on the parallel passage in
Luke iv. 1, he remarks : ' As the reading now stands, I am in-
* clined to interpret TrviUfMa of the Person called the Holy Spirit,
* and to make iv equivalent to w^ro, signifying through the agency
' o/i a common Hebraism.' In what sense the Translators of the
Common Version understood the words of the Evangelists, it may
be difficult to determine. The editions of this Version accessi-
ble to us at the present moment, exhibit very remarkable dif-
ferences. In all the first three Gospels (John omits the history
of the temptation) the term wvev/ua has the article prefixed. The
Bishop's Bible determines the meaning in Luke iv. 1 : ' Jesus
* being full of the Holy Ghost ^ returned from Jordane, and was
* ledde by the same spirit into the wildcmesse.'' The earliest date
318 Scliolcfield'*s Hints for an Improved
of our first copy of King Jameses Version, is I«ondon, 1620,
which reads in Matt. iv. 1, " spirit,'" in Mark i. 12, " Spirit,''
and in Luke iv. 1, "spirit.*" Another copy of a later edi-
tion, 1639, has in Matt. " Spirit,'' but " spirit ^ in the parallel
passages. In one Cambridge edition, 1805, we have ** Spirit," in
all the three places; and so reads the edition of 1819 ; but that
of 1831 has in Matt, and Mark, "spirit,'' while in Luke the read-
ing is " Spirit." In most of the Oxford editions which we have
collated, the reading in Matt, and Mark is ^* spirit," but in Luke
" Spirit." In the same manner the term appears in the recent
London editions. In the Oxford Bible of 1765, we have ** spirit"
in all the three passages. Rom. i. 4, is in this same manner
varied in sense in different copies of the Common Version, some
reading " Spirft of holiness," and others " spirit of holiness."
Vs. 23. Here the Common Version reads : — " all manner of
sickness and all manner of disease." In Chap. ix. 35, the same
words are renctered, " every sickness and every disease." A uni-
form rendering is desirable: — " every kind of sickness, and every
kind of disease."
Vs. 24. " Possessed with devils," and so throughout: — '* vexed
with a devil," — " an unclean devil," — " casting out a devil."
Passages of this kind are passed by without notice in the ^ Hints.'
We find, however, in the Author's remarks on 1 Tim. iv. 1, 2,
" Doctrines of daemons," substituted for " Doctrines of devils;"
from which we should infer his readiness to correct the Com-
mon Version in the other instances in which they use the dis-
carded expression. The distinction of the original should be pre-
served in the Version : ita&o\og and iai/Aovtov are never confounded.
Ch. V. 17. *' I am not come to destroy, but to ftdfil." There
is a considerable number of passages in the Common Version, in
which the transposition of the negative adverb would be an im-
provement of the English text. " I am come, not to destroy, but
to fulfil." " I am come to call, not the righteous, but sinners to
repcntiincc' ix. 13. " 1 am come to send, not jK'ace, but a sword."
X. 34. " The Son of man is come, not to destroy men's lives, but
to save them." Luke ix. 36. Ilie reading in this verse, in some
editions of the Common Version, is, "the Law or the Prophets;"
in others, " the law or the prophets."
Ch. vi. 13. The doxology is not found in the parallel passage
of I^uke's Gospel, and is rejected by Hiblical critics, who regani
it as an interpolation introduced from the liturgies of the Greek
Church. We take this notice of it for the jnirpose of remarking
on the entire absence, in these " Hints," of all reference to the
subject of the various readings of tlie New Testament. This
.seems to us an omission of some consequence in the work of a
Regius Professor of Greek in an Knglish UniyerHity, written for
the purpose of suggesting improvemeuts in the translation of the
Translation of the New Testament, 319
most ini|>ortant portion of the sacred Scriptures. No opinion is
anywhere in these pages delivered by the Author on the claims
of words and sentences to a place in the sacred text. Even
1 John V. 7- is passed by without a single observation. A
translation of the New Testament could not be satisfactorily un-
dertaken or offered to the public, but by competent persons who
must necessarily conduct their work with a constant reference to
the original text ; and the received Greek text, adopted from the
Elzevir impression of 1624, would not be allowed as the standard
to which the New Version should be made conformable. Since
that date, more than two centuries have elapsed, in the course of
which an immense expenditure of everything most valuable to
men of learning has been devoted to the criticism, of the Bible.
Those labours would not, indeed, be altogether lost, if the results
of them should never be seen in a Common Version : they are
available to the Christian scholar, who, however, is not entitled
to a monopoly of the advantages to be derived from them. Un-
til, therefore, they shall be rendered generally serviceable, in
fiimishing a corrected vernacular text, there will be wanting the
grateful and proper return which is answerable to such labours
and such sacrifices. From a Greek Professor in an English uni-
versity, we might surely expect to receive, in such a work as the
present, the means of assisting us to appreciate the value of the
most important various readings in VVetstein and Griesbach.
Hints for an Improved Translation of the New Testament, should
not be limited to the manner of rendering the Te^vtus Receptus.
Matt. xiv. 20. " fragments ;'' but, in Chap. xv. 37? ** broken
meat/^ This is the reading in Mark viii. 0 : but in I^uke ix. 17,
we again have *' fragments.*" " Fragments'' should be the ren-
dering in every place.
Ch. xix. 28. The editions of the Common Version exhibit a
variety in the construction and sense of this verse. In some copies
we find : " That ye who have followed me, in the regeneration
when the Son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory.'*' In
others : ** that ye who have followed me in the regeneration,
when the Son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory."" And
in a third class : ** that ye who have followed me, in the rege-
neration, when the Son of man shall sit in the throne of his
glory.''
* Ch. XX. 11. The good man of the hoiise, rod oIko^o^tov. " The
householder." So translated v. 1 . in the introduction of the parable ;
and the variation is not only needless^ but has a quaintness in it not
calculated to recommend it.'
This is the only place in the gospels where this correction is
required ; but there arc some passages in which the rendering,
*' master of the house", should be inserted, instead of the quaint
320 SchofieWs Hints for an Improved
expression employed by the translators. Chap. xxiv. 43. Mark
xiv. 14. Luke xii. 39* xxii. 11. Campbell has, ^ landlord/
Matt. xxi. 33. Wakefield, occasionally, * master of the family ."•
lb, 23. ' Bui it shall be given to themycw whom^aXK* ol . * Ex-
cept to those for whom * — By foisting in the supernumerary words, wo
make the passage contain a doctrine directly contrary to other placca
of Scripture: ex. gr. John xvii. 2. Revelation iii. 21.'
Both Campbell and Wakefield, as well as some other modem
translators, read, ^ unless to them for whom."* This is the reading
of the authors of the first English New Testament. * Is not
' myne to give, but to them for whom it is prepared of my father."*
Tyndal. ' Is not myne to gyve to you but to which it is roaad
* redy of my father.** Wicklif.
' Mark x. 14 (zz Matt. xix. 14.) For of such is Uie Kingdom of
God, ruv ya.^ roioinu* IcrrJv ^ ffa<T^\'noL rov Stov, ' For to SUch belougcth
tlie kingdom of God.* The common translation is at best ambiguous ;
but probably no onc> who should first become acquainted with the
sentiment from the Greeks would hesitate to aflix to the words the
sense expressed by the proposed rendering.'
In both passages, the reading of the Bishop^s Bible is, ^ For to
' such belougcth the kingdome of God."*
XII I. 0. ' For they shall deliver you up to councils ; and in the
synagogues ye shall be beaten, r. apalua-ova^ yap Vf4,ec^ eU ovvii^ia xal fl^
avtayvya^ la^ricria^i, ' For they shall deliver you up to councils and to
synagogues ; and ye shall be beaten.' It is most unlikely that f«; avpii^ia,
and Hq (Tvtctyutuq should be thus connected together both by juxta-
position and the use of the same preposition^ only to be disjoined and
brought into di/Ferent forms of expression as in our translation. The
mrallel place in Luke xxi. 12. is Ta^a^t^oyrf? iU avfayuya^ xai ^t/Xaxa;.
Dr. Doddridge's paraphrase of lU <rvfotyiuya>q is, " the inferior courts in
the synagogues." The want of the copula before Jo^^trM-di seems to
have misled our translators as well as many editors, and Griesbach
among them : but though I have inserted it in the proposed version,
any one, upon consulting the original, will perhaps consider the omission
of it there not only allowable but emphatic'
The grounds of this correction, and the propriety of the re-
mark on the absence of the copula, are very clear. 'The Bishop^s
Bible reads : " For they shall deliver you up to councils, and to
synagogues, and ye shall be whipped.'*'
' Luke i. 48. Shall call me blessed, f4,aKapiov<ri fit, ' Shall call me
happy.* Let us hear the unseasonable vaunt of the Roman Catholic
Church ui)on this pious declaration of the Virgin. " These words are
a prediction of that honour which the church in all ages should pay to
the blessed Virgin. Let ProtesUuits examine whether thoy are in any
way concerned in this prophecy.'* Note in the Douuv Bible. — Now,
Translation of the New Testame^it. 321
will it be believed, that this simple word upon which these learned an-
notators ground the claim of the Virgin to divine honours, occurs in
James v. 11. in a sense too plain to be mistaken ? Behold, we count
them happy (or, call them blessed) which endure. In both places, it
predicates not honour^ but happiness. — There is not a shadow of ob-
jection to the received translation in the passage of Luke^ but that
which arises from its awful abuse by the Pajnsts.'
The Rhemish Translators are less courteous than their Douay
brethren : — * Sluill call me blessed. This prophesie is fulfilled,
* when the Church keepeth her Festival daies, and when the
^ faithful in al generations say the Ave Mauik, and other holy
^ antems of our Lady. And therefore the Calvinistes are not
^ among those generations which call our Lady blessed.** There
can be no doubt about the meaning of the word. The adoration
of the Jews would be quite as proper as the adoration of the Vir-
gin : fAOHa^ioyciv i/fjLa^ Tra/ra ra tOvn. *' All the nations shall call
you blessed.^ Malachi iii. 12. ' Will call me happy ,^ is Wake-
field^s rendering, Luke i. 4?y, Campbell reads, ' will pronounce
' me happy/
ii. 38. * Coming in.* t-rrta-reij'ot. ' Standing near.' The common
translation, besides being incorrect, apparently contradicts the state-
ment of the preceding verse, that she departed not from the temple'
The proposed alteration is questionable. In Chap. x. 40,
B'X'tcrTaa'a seems to denote coming to^ rather than standing near,
and there can be no doubt of the verb being used of motion to-
wards. There is no contradiction between the sense of the pas-
sage in the common version, and the statement in vs. 37th.
Anna might not de])art from the temple, and yet might go from
one division or apartment of it to another. The disciples after
Chrisfs ascension, chap. xxiv. 53, were " continually in the
temple*^; which, however, is not to be so construed or explained
as it they never at any time left it. In both cases, the expression
is probably used to signify regular attendance on the temple
worship.
iv. 26, 27. ' Save, saving, d /ui. " But." The mistake in the
authorized translation is not an unnatural one, but the effect of it is
most unfortunate. It introduces a direct blunder, by making the pas-
sage state, that Elias was sent to none of the Israelitisli widows, except
to a Sidonian widow. And so of the lepers. — But the fact is, that
though the natural and common sense of 1* /xi, is except^ it is also not
uncommonly used, as here proposed, in a sense not of limitation, but
exclusion. So, Gal. ii. i(S, A man is not juslijied bt/ the works of the
law, but («ay ^^ri) by the faith tf Jesus Christ ; where the learned Bishop
of Salisbury has mistaken the sense of the particles *. So in Aristo-
phanes, Equit. 185, 6.
• Primary Charge, 1828. p. 70.
VOL. IX. N.S. K 11
322 Scholefield's Hmts for an Improved
As the reading is admirably restored by Professor Bekker. — I will not
enter further into this criticism here, having more fully investigated it
in my remarks on Bishop Burgess's translation of the passage in Gula-
tians ; but will only stop to remark, that this use of U /a*} appears to be
elliptical. Are you born of good parents ? — No, (I am not bom of any)
except base ones' *
xxii. 31. '^ And the Lord said, Simon, Simon, behold, Satan
hath desired to have you, that he may sift you as wheat : But I
have prayed for thee, that thy faith fail not.*" The emphatic
repetition of the Apostle'*s name in this monitory address, and the
modern usage in respect to the pronoun, by which the singular
and the plural are confounded, may here mislead readers, as wc
have known some to be misled. * You,** S/xa^, refers to the whole
of the disciples, and both Campbell and Wakefield convey the
sense by the supplementary addition, * to sift you all as wheat.**
xxiii. 32. This verse a])pears in different forms in the Com-
mon Version, some editions presenting a punctuation which others
do not exhibit. We have, " And there were also two other male-
factors led with him to be put to death,*^ — and, — * two others,
malefactors, led.**
50. A good man, and a just. avY\^ ayaOhi *«* iUaiog, A good and
just man.
54. The preparation. Tra^aa-KEvri, In John xix. 31, the Pre-
paration ; — vs. 42. preparation day.
Acts i. 20. ' Bishoprick.'* rhv sTna-HOTrriv,
In Chap. xii. 4., Professor Scholefield very properly expunges
' after Easter,"" and adopts the correct reading, * after the Pass-
* over.' We rather wonder that he has passed by the present
passage, the error of which is so obvious and strange. A reader
would weary himself in his perusal of the * Book of Psalms % without
finding ' liishoprick ' in any part of it. The authority of King
James prevailed here above the judgement of the Translators ;
else, in so very plain a case, the reading which they have thrown
into the margin had been the only one sanctioned by them. One
of his Majesty's rules directs, that the old ecclesiastical words shall
be kept, and so antiquity and prejudice were honoured more than
truth.
On the Epistle to the Romans, the Hints are very few. Many
passages in this epistle are so intricate, and so difficult of explica-
tion, that every intelligent reader who seeks to understand them
* Preface to Two Sermons on Justification by Faith, pp. 30,
35—7.
Translation of the New Testament, 323
clearly, will be glad to receive as much philological and critical
light as the most accomplished annotator may be able to reflect
upon them.
' Chap. V. 20. Moreover the law entered, tofMoq ^i 7ra^?i:i5x0fv. ' And
the law entered incidentally.' I am aware that this expression will
hardly suit the general simplicity of style which so admirably charac-
terizes our authorized translation ; but it is better than another, which
is perhaps still more correct, entered by the by. Our Translators seem
to have intended to express the ^ra^a by moreover. Bishop Middleton
objects to n-apcta^xdsy being applied to the Law of Moses, because that,
instead of entering privilj/, came in with much pomp and notoriety.
But I consider the sense of it to be, that when sin had entered, the
direct and obvious method would have been, to introduce the gospel as
its great counteraction and remedy ; instead of which, the law came
first to answer a collateral end, viz. to aggravate the evil and make it
more manifest and desperate, that men might be most effectually pre-
pared to welcome the blessing. Thus it was an indirect step towards
the accomplishment of God's ultimate purpose.*
* 1 Tim, ii. 6. To be testijied in due titne, to fxa^Tvp^ov xaipoTi
ilioK- ' Which is the testimony for his times.' The difficulty of this
passage is confessed by all, and is not a little increased by the presence
of the article. I understand it to mean, that the great fact of Christ's
having given himself a ransom for all, is that which is to be testified
by his servants in his times, i. e. in the times of the gospel : it is to be
the great subject of their preaching. Compare Titus i. 3. The words
xtttpoV^ 2^iot; occur in a semse a little different from this in Chap. vi.
15. of this Epistle.'
'iv. 1, 2. Doctrines of devils ; speaking lies in hypocrisy : having
their conscience seared with a hot iron. J»^a(7xax/aK Jat^ovt^F, h
viroxp*V» ^tvio>\oyui> KSKOcvrripioto'iJLevcisv n^f l^lav cvnl^rio-if. Doctrines of
dsemons, through the hypocrisy of liars, who have their own conscience
seared with a hot iron. If the construction followed by our Translators
be admitted, of course -^^iv^oXoy^nv must agree with ^a^^juonuv ; whereas
their translation unquestionably conveys to an English reader the idea
that it agrees with t**??, the persons who depart: even on this
ground, some correction is absolutely necessary. And few, I think>
will doubt, after a full consideration of the passage, that nothing less
will do than that which I have adopted, which clears up the whole
construction by introducing a term to which the following genitives
may be referred ; whereas otherwise they must have belonged somehow
or other to ^uhfj^oAm, the subject of the heresy, when the sense of the
whole shews that they belong to the heretics themselves. — I have given
the strong sense, their own, to \^la.f, as intimating that, their own con-
science being seared, they have no compunction in destroying the souls
of others
Almost all modern translators have seen the erroneous con-
struction of the Common Version, and render in a different
manner. ^ Doctrines of demons, through the hypocrisy of liars,
R R 2
324 Scholefield's Hints, Src.
* whose own conscience is seared.'' Doddridge. * Doctrines con-
' cerning demons, tlirougli the hypocrisy of liars, who are seared
' in their own conscience.' Macknight. * Doctrines about dead
* men, through the hypocrisy of liars with a seared conscience.^
Wakefield.
Heb. iv. 2. '* For unto us was the gospel preached as well as
unto them.'*' Kal yap ko-/xev EiffiyyeXia-fAivoi, naOa'Tref xoKilvot, This
passage describes the gospel as being preached to the ancient
Israelites, and the persons whom the writer of the Epistle
associates with himself, as admitted to a participation of the same
privilege. It seems here to be supposed, as Campbell remarks,
that we all know that the gospel was preached to tnem, but need
to be informed that it has ever been preached to ourselves. With
the proper rendering of the verb, and the guidance of the context,
no attentive reader can fail of perceiving the sense of the writer.
^' For unto us glad tidings have been published as well as unto
them.'*"*
' 8. Jesus, 'iricrov^. Joshua. Whether sucli a rendering as that
prop<»sed would be consistent with the duty of a fkithful translator,
may perhaps be questioned. But it is to be considered, that our
translation after all is made for English readers, the great bulk of
whom never enter into the l)earing8 of the question about the different
languages in which the different parts were written ; and consequently
arc hopelessly perplexed about the assertion here made of Jesus. The
Son of Nun is known to them only by the name of Joshua : it is really
a bard lesson for them to learn and reduce to practical use, that
Joshua is the same name with Jesus ; the difference between Jehoram
and Joram, and other similar instances, is nothing to it. As a practical
question, therefore, in which the spiritual welfare of millions is more
or less concerned, it may be worth while to consider whether the
change would not be justifiable ; especially as it would occasion no
perplexity to those who understand the principles of the respective
formations of the two words from different languages/
That many readers are perplexed or misled by the reading of
the Common Version, there can be no doubt. As perspicuity is
the first of all qualities in a translation, we should not hesitate to
substitute the proposed term, which is adopted by almost all
modern translators. On the subject of proper names, much
might, indeed, be said, by a fastidious critic ; but it is of more
importance, in such a book as the New Testament, to presenre
common readers from mistaking its meaning in any case, than to
contend for philological niceties, which can only be appreciated
by scholars, to whom a translation is not an indispensable acquisi-
tion. We have heard it asked. Who is the Simeon mentioned
Acts, XV. 14 ? and of whom no previous notice appears in the
chapter. The reference is plainly to Peter, whose speech is
rjeported in the preceding verses : but every one does not perceive
Martin 07i Poar Lairs for Ireland. 325
this. If the text had exhibited the name Simon, every one would
see the reference, as no reader of the New Testament can be
Ignorant that Simon and Peter denote the same person. Why
the Translators did not insert the name here, as they have done
in other places, it may be difficult to discover. It may indeed be
suggested, that they have in this instance followed the original,
which is here not I.lf^uv but I^u/jleuv ; but in 2 Pet. i. 1, where the
latter form appears, they render Simon. We should recommend
a uniform mode of designation, and to follow the example of those
translators who adopt the usage by which the persons are best
known and most easily recognized ; — Elijah rather than Elias,
Elisha instead of Eliseus Hoshea, and not Osee.
Art. V. Poor Laws for Ireland, a Measure of Justice to England;
(^ Humanity to the People of both Islands ; and of Self-preservation
jor the Empire. With a practical Development of an improved
System of Settlement, Assessment, and Relief. By R. Montgo-
mery Martin, Author of " Ireland as it Was, Is, and Oiiglit to
Be," &c. 8vo. pp. 49. Price 2s, London, 1^33.
T REL AND, without poor laws, has doubled her ragged, half-
famished population in thirty- three years : England, with poor
laws, has not doubled its population in less than a century.
In Ireland, where there is no poor'*s rate to depress the rate of
wages, or to eke out the labourer's pittance with parish relief,
labour is worse paid than in any other country under a northern
clime : in England, labour is better paid than m any other old and
well peopled country. In Ireland, where there is no provision
for the poor, to operate as a premium upon marriage and an in-
demnity for improvidence, the lower classes marry before they are
twenty years of age; and their reckless indifference to the future,
aggravated by their extreme poverty, is fast converting them into
a nation of lazzaroni and brigands. In England, under the poor
law system, as it existed for more than two hundred years, the
labouring classes acquired and maintained a character for fore-
thought, decency, and economy, which raised them above the
corresponding classes in any other nation. And still, notwith-
standing the abuses that have vitiated the whole operation of that sys-
tem, to compare the English with the Irish poor, would be to offer
an insult to the former, as it would be a cruel mockery of the latter.
And yet, we are sometimes told, that the redundance of popu-
lation, the depression of wages, the spread of immorality in this
country, are all owing to the poor laws ! And Ireland, poor Ire-
land, were this horrible provision for the poor to be introduced
there, would soon be in as bad a condition as England itself !
But the truth is, that the absence of a poor law in Ireland, is
one very principal cause of the increase of pauperism in England ;
32G Martin on Poor Laws for Ireland.
and one of two results seems to be inevitable, if a remedy is not
applied : either the Irish population must be raised towards the
standard of the average condition of the English, or the wheat-
fed English labourers will be depressed to a level with the po-
tatoe-fed population of Ireland. The periodical immigration of
myriads of pauper labourers from the sister island, is admitted to
have had the effect of lowering the wages of labour in England,
and consequently of lowering the character, as well as condition
of the labouring classes, by depriving them of any benefit arising
from their superior prudence. The evidence brought before the
Select Committee of the House of Commons in July, 1828,
proves the number of persons coming from Ireland to this country
in search of employment, to have annually increased immensely
during the preceding nine years ; and to have been even system-
atically encouraged by the Irish landlords ; and the Committee
express their decided conviction, that, if the present system is to
continue unchecked, the effects of its operation will inevitably be,
^ to throw upon England, and that at no distant period, the ex-
' pense of maintaining the paupers of both countries.'
Mr. Montgomery Martin deserves the thanks of his country
for this well timed and well reasoned appeal on behalf of ^ the
^ few and scanty rights of the poor."* He. has condensed into a
few pages the results of various and extended investigation; prov-
ing beyond all reasonable question, that justice and mercy, policy
and humanity, alike imperatively demand the prompt extension
of the law of relief to the paupers of Ireland ; otherwise England
herself may have reason to join in the cry of the Arch-Agitator
for a repeal of the Union. We are tempted to transcribe the
following citation from a speech of the O^'Connell.
* " Who in Scotland lowered the condition of her people by working
almost for nothing ? The wretch flying from Ireland ! — Who filled
the factories all over England^ and reduced the already too low rate
of wages ? The outcast of Ireland ! — Who made the English poor
rates so burdensome ? The Irish ! — Who brought such misery and
ruin on the agricultural labourer? The forlorn Irishman coming from
the wilds of Connaught, aud slaving for that which an English la-
bourer would turn from with disgust ! — What gentleman would sug-
gest a plan for this growing curse ? There is no remedy but a Repeal
of the Union, or, as some think, the enactment of Poor Laws for Ire-
land." * p. 11.
As some think ! Yes, and Mr. OX'onnell knows^ that this
would be, not indeed in itself a sovereign or sufficient remedy for
the complicated disorders of his faction-torn, church-ridden
country, but a far more salutary and beneficent measure, one that
would conduce more to its present tranquillity and the eventual
melioration of its condition, than any other legislative measure
that could be adopted.
Martin on Poor Laws for Ireland. 38fJ
The equitable right of the poor to a legislative provision for
their protection and relief, has been called in question by one-
aided theorists and cold-blooded utilitarians, who consider that
starvation is a just punishment of those individuals who obtrude
themselves into existence without being called for by the capi-
talist. Mr. Martin has shewn, in a few words, that this right is
created by the very nature of civil society, being but an equivalent
for the restrictions under which the poor man is laid by the laws
created for the protection of the property of the rich. * By what
* right,' asks the Bishop of Cloyne, (Woodward), * did the rich
* take upon them to enact certain laws which compel the poor
* man to become a member of their society, — which preclude him
* from any share of the land where he was bom, any use of its
^ spontaneous fruits, or any dominion over the beasts of the field,
* on pain of stripes, imprisonment, or death ; — ^how can they
* justify their exclusive property in the common heritage of man-
* kind, unless they consent in return to provide for the subsistence
* of the poor, who are excluded from those common rights, by
* laws of the rich to which the poor were never parties ?'' — Lan-
guage like this becomes a Christian bishop. To shew that he is
not singular in the opinion, tliat nothing but such a provision for
the poor will improve the condition of Ireland, Mr. Martin cites
the forcible declaration of the Roman Catholic prelate, Dr. Doyle,
before the Select Committee on the state of the Irish Poor in
* When asked whether there was any other measure necessary for
the purpose of facilitating and encouraging the application of capital
in Ireland, this exemplary pastor says : *' I think that measure (Poor
Laws) alone in its operation would produce that result in as great a
-d^ree as would be consistent with the preservation of the moral pro-
gress of society in Ireland, indepeiidentfy of all other measures, I have
beard of an act of parliament for the purpose of encouraging the drain-
ing of bogs, sinking the beds of rivers, fixing the limits of estates, and
enabling people under settlements to make leases of lands. I know
that these measures would be subsidiary to, and greatly assist, the
other ; bot the other I consider the main measure, so much so, that
without it every other act of the legislature that may be passed for the
improvement of Ireland will, in my opinion, ^fliV to produce the effects
that are hoped from them."
* But methinks I hear it said, '' Laws should not be made exclusively
either for the benefit of the poor or for the benefit of the rich."
Granted : — can it however be said, that a law which provides for the
comfort of the sick, maimed, and aged, and aflfords hard labour and
bare subsistence to the unemployed, and at the same time secures the
peace of the country, the stability of the government, and the security
of the wealthy — can such a law be said to be enacted merely for the
benefit of the poor ? Certainly not. Ireland possesses in a pre-eminent
degree the main ingredients of wealth and social happiness, namely, an
exuberantly fertile soil, uiid a superabundance of active and intelligent
328 Martin on Poor Laws for Ireland.
labourers^ which only requires for its extensive development the appli-
cation of capital. Dr. Doyle (and no man knows the condition of Ire-
land better) says : '' I have no doubt that a compulsory rate would
have the effect of increasing the capital to be usefully employed in
Ireland. I have no doubt whatever that a legal assessment, whidi
would take a certain quantity of money from those who now spend it
in luxuries or in distant countries, and which would employ that
money in the application of labour to land in Ireland, would be pro-
ductive of the utmost benefit to the country at large ; and I think
that benefit; so far from being confined to the poor themselves, or to |
the class of labourers immediately above the destitute, would ulti-
mately, and at no distant day, redound to the advantage of those pro-
prieiors out of whose present income I would suppose the chief portion
of that income to be taken. The reason of my opinion is, that when the
proprietors of the soil of Ireland would be assessed for the relief of the
poor, they would be impelled « by a consideration of self-interest, to watdi
over the levies to be made of their property, and over the application of
those levies ; and that the necessity of doing so would induce many of
them now absent, and more particularly those of moderate income, to re-
side in Ireland. Then with regard to the money thus levied, and with
which the committee would be enabled to give employment to able
bodies in times of want and distress, if that money were employed,
whether in public works or by the owners of land in useful improve-
ments, I have uo doubt but lands which are now enclosed would rise
very mucH in value, the quality of the tillage be considerably im-
proved, and that of agricultural produce greatly altered for the better;
so that, in fact, every thing which constitutes property in Ireland
would gradually become better and more valuable than it now is, or
than it ever will be under the present system." Here we see in a few
words the vast advantages which would accrue to the rich as well as
to the poor, from the establishment of a legislative provision for the
latter. There are 17^190,726 acres of land in Ireland, which, yield-
ing on an average so low as ci 5 worth of produce per acre, would yield
an annual income of landed produce to the amount of one hundred mil'
lion sterling, whereas the total value of landed produce in Ireland at
present is but c£ 45,000,000.
^ To ascribe, therefore, the periodical or general distress in Ireland
merely to a redundant population, is a monstrous fallacy. £very one
cries out for the employment of capital in Ireland, in order to relieve
the poor, or fur a tax u|)on absentees. Dr. Doyle shows clearly, that
both these measures will be accomplished by the int^position of the
Legislature in attending to the interests of the poor. Tnis politic, and
at the same time comprehensively benevolent man, says : " Capital is
not employed in Ireland, because there are many causes which deter
men from eml>arking capital in a country, which could bo employed
with more safety, if not with more profit, in another. The chief ol>-
stacle to the employment of capital in the improvement of lands, or the
establishment of manufactures in Ireland, is the unsettled state ^ the
population in that country, the nightly outrages which result from that
state, as well as the want of character in the common people them-
selves. All those things tend very much to prevent the iuvcstmcnt of
Martin on Poor Laws for Ireland. 329
cspital in land in Ireland^ by men who, if society were better arranged,
would not hesitate so to vest it. I think, therefore, it would be the
duty of the Legislature to open wider the prospect of usefully employ*
ing capital in Ireland; to give greater facilities and encouragements to
the investments of capital ; to hold out inducements to men to settle in
that country, by preparing for them a quiet and well-ordered popula-
tion.
' " But these preparations cannot be made by the natural force of
things, but to produce them it is necessary that the Legislature should
interpose. Again, there are a great many persons, some of whom I
know personally, and many by character, who are at present absent
from Ireland ; men of limited fortunes, who are invited by the luxuries
and ease and the improved state of society in foreign countries to be
absent. If those persons were threatened with an assessment upon
their property, such threat would urge them upon one side, whilst a
better system of society existing at home would invite them upon the
other ; and those two causes thus operating, would, no doubt, produce
the effect of leading those men both to dwell at home, and to invest
capital in that country which they now desert."
' There is another benefit, no less important, to be derived from the
introduction of poor laws in Ireland, which the politician and the
Christian are equally interested in obtaining for my unfortunate
country, and that is, the associating tc^ether of Protestants and
Catholics in the holy offices of charity, and in fulfilling the commands
of our Blessed Redeemer by administering to the necessities of our
fellow-creatures, no matter tne form of religion which they have been
taught. The instance detailed at questions 4500 and 4501 of the
evidence shews the value of such spiritual communion.
* There is one more view of the question as to the necessity of imme-
diately introducing poor laws, which, however desirous I may be to
compress these pages, I cannot avoid adverting to ; it is the rapid, the
frightful, the appalling— -physical as well as moral — degeneration of
the poor of Ireland. Dr. Doyle stated to the Committee (and thousands
can corroborate his assertion), that " at a period within his recollection
the labouring men in Ireland were much more manly — much more
strong — much more animated, and altogether a better race of people
than they now are. I recollect, when a boy, to see them assemble at
public sports in thousands, and to witness on such occasions, exhibitions
of strength and activity which I have not witnessed for some years
past, for at present they have not either the power or the disposition to
practise those athletic sports and games which were frequent in our
country when I was a youth. Moreover, I now see persons who get
married between twenty and thirty years of age ; they become poor,
weakly, and emaciated in their appearance ; and vcrv often, if you
question a man and ask him what age he is, you will ^nd he has not
passed fifty. We have, in short, a disorganized population, becoming
by their poverty more and more immoral, and less and less capable of
providing for themselves ; and we have, besides that, the frightful, and
awful, and terrific exhibition of human life wasted with a rapidity, and
to a degree, such as is not witnessed in any civilized country upon the
fiace of the earth.
VOL. IX. — N.s. s $
330 Martin on Poor Laws fitr Ireland.
C i€
4529. If human life be wasting with that rapiditj» how do yon
account for the circumstance of the population being augmenting with
a greater rapidity than that of Great Britain ?— I do not think that the
wasting of population in the manner described is a very considerable
check to the multiplication of the species ; because, when a child is
taken away> or an old or a young man dies^ there is room, as it were,
made for another ; and as we Hud that in countries sending their chil-
dren to found colonies, that such drain fur the purpose of ooloaiaation,
if there be no other check, instead of diminishing augments the popu-
lation of the mother-country^ so in like manner that ni'aste of human
life, in the manner that it talces place in Ireland, does not retard the
multiplication of the people. However, the children begotten by the
poor in that state of society to which the question refers, become of an
inferior caste ; the whole character of the people becomes gradually
worse and worse ; they diminish in stature ; they are enervated in mind $
the whole energy and character of the population is gradually deierio'
rated; till at Tensth you have the inhabitants of one of the finest coun-
tries in the world reauced to a state of effeminacy which makes them
little better than the Lazzaroni of Naples, or the Hindoos on the coast
of Malabar." ! ! ! ♦ '
Mr. Martin admits, (and the admission is an important one in
all its bearings,) that, since the Union, a progressive improve-
ment has taken place in Ireland, as regards the landed gentry, the
farmers, the merchants, and the traders and shopkeepers. In
fact, the wealth of the church and of the landed proprietors has
been prodigiously increased by the extension of tUlage ; but the
mass of the peasantry have meanwhile been only ainking the
lower into abject and helpless poverty. From this, Mr. Martin
remarks, no suppression bill, no coercive measures, no cutting
down of the over-grown church, no amendment of the grand jury
laws, no modification of the law of tenant and landlord, no ab-
sentee tax, no repeal of the Union will relieve them ; — altfaoc^,
with the exception of the last, and of the temporary measutes for
repressing brigandage and predial agitation, each of these mea-
sures woudd be of important benefit. But that which alone will
draw together the bonds of civil society in Ireland, and make the
property of the absentee effectually tributary to the general pros-
perity of the country he has deserted, is a legislative ptroviaion
for the relief and employment of the labouring dasaea.
After disposing of the objections against such a measure, Mr.
Martin, in his finirth chapter, briefly explains the modificatioMS
in the system of settlement, assessment, aTNl relief, which he
deems desirable, in application to Ireland. He proposes, in the
first place, to make birth the sole ground of settlement ; and, to
carry the law into effect, suggests that a general registration
should take place throughout the island. Secondly, the rate or
■ ■ ■ ■ . . » ■ ' ■
* Evidence before the Select Committee, 4th June ItSSfk
Martin on Poor Laws for Ireland. 331
assessment should be levied, not, as in England, upon industry,
but upon real property, and be kept distinct from county, high-
way, or church rates. Thirdly, to guard against abuses in the
administration of relief, no money should be paid to the pauper.
' Ireland contains 5,000,000 acres of reclaimable bog land, is in want
of roads and canals, &c., and by having large houses of industry built
in every city, corporate town, or barony, abundance of labour can be
Provided for those who must merely receive in return bare subsistence,
'he plan of the house of industry at Liverpool, which is capable of
contaming 1,500 paupers, is well worthy of adoption; taking care to
have a large piece of land with each establishment, and dividing the
house into an asylum for the aged and maimed, and a temporary
shelter for the houseless and destitute.
' In cases where a large family are thrown out to die in the ditch,
or to beg their way through the land, if the parents can 6nd daily
work, but are unable to support their children, let the children be
taken in to the school house ; if the husband be unable to support the
wife, or the wife unable to support herself, let her be taken into the
workhouse ; and if the father be still unable to get employment, let
him also be provided with fpork and food, but on no account let there
be an addition to wages while the pauper can get employment ; he
mast either enter the house of industry fit iolo or not at all.* The effi*-
cacy of this plan has been tried in various parts of England, and
abundant testimony can readily be had as to its good effects.'
pp. 47, 48.
These suggestions are highly deserving of attention, not merely
in reference to Ireland, but as respects tne administration of the
English poor laws.
Mr. Martin has, with commendable discretion, forborne to
touch upon the delicate point, how far a portion of the church
property may be made available as a fiind for the employment
and relief of the poor. This was, unquestionably, one of the
purposes to which the tithe was originally consecrated ; and the
Church and the Poor were for many centuries co partners in the
proceeds. The existence of an Ecclesiastical Establishment,
without either a civil or an ecclesiastical provision for the poor,
is not merelv an anomaly, such as no civilized or semi'civili^ed
country exhibits ; but carries, on the face of it, the proof of a
breach of trust, — ^involving an unjust and anti-Christian robbery
of those who were the wards of the Church, and whose rights
were reserved in the original grant upon which her own tenure
is founded. It is no excuse to allege, that the aristocrasy has
plundered the Church, which has plundered the poor ; that the
spoiler has been herself spoiled. Wherever an Ecclesiastical
Establishment exists, the Church will be found either the anta-
gonist and counterbalance of the aristocrasy, or its creature and
tributary. A church established means, in effect, a clergy jjj
bondage. The robbery committed on thi Irish poor may p^^.
S 8 ^
332 Clarke^^s View of Sacred Literature*
haps, fairly lie at the door of the aristocrasy, thooffh done under
cover of the Establishment ; but the fact of the roboery, whereTer
the guilt may lie, is palpable; and wherever the property is
found, it ought to be made to yield up something by way of re-
stitution, in spite of the interested and hypocritical cry of Spo-
liation.
Art. VI. A Concise View of the Succession of Sacred Liieraittre, io
a Chronological Arrangement of Authors and their Works^ fnm
the Invention of Alphabetical Characters^ to the Year of our Lord
1300. Vol. II. By J. B. B. Clarke, M.A. 8vo. pp. 770.
London, 1832.
^T^HE original design of the Authors of this work was, to con-
-'' tinue the Succession of Ecclesiastical and Theological writers
to the period when printing was invented, about the middle of the
fifteenth century. In the Volume before us, the work is con-
cluded, and terminates with the year 1299* For this deviation,
the present Author assigns reasons which his readers will scarcely
fail to regard as valid ones, when they shall have accompanied him
in his progress through the catalogue of Writers who hved in the
thirteenth and the preceding century, in which but few names
worthy of being noticed are to be found. William of Sandwich,
Radulfus Bockingus, and Elias of Trickyngham, cum multis
aliisy were writers from whom neither instruction nor pleasure
could be obtained ; and Mr. Clarke may well be excused nrom the
unprofitable labour of transcribing their names, and marshalling
their valueless productions. We should not, indeed, have found
fault with him, if he had continued the succession, through the
later periods, by a selection of principal writers, without durawing
from the obscurity in which they have so long reposed, so many
neglected and forgotten Authors. The principal writers of whom
and their works an account is given in the present volume, are
Augustine, Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, and Theodoret.
To these fathers, one himdred and forty pages are appropriated ;
and over the remaining pages, amounting to six hundred and
thirty, are spread the names of about thirteen hundred authors.
From such a catalogue, but little of instruction or of interest can
be expected by a general reader, whose obligations to the Author
will therefore arise from the value of the information conveyed in
respect to the more celebrated writers. IVIany have heaitl and
read of Augustine and Chrysostom, who are scarcely acquainted
with the subjects of their works, and to whom the sketcnes and
analyses contained in these pages will supply a sufficiency of in-
struction, to enable them to understand the nature] of those pro-
ductions to which they are indebted for their celebrity. Mr.
darkey's work is rendered less inviting by the catalogue form in
Clarke^s View of Sacred Literature. 383
which so much of this part of it appears ; but, as a useftil guide
to the student, it could not be superseded by any other extant
book in English Literature.
We much doubt, however, whether this or any other work will
excite to the study of the Fathers, in such manner as to revive
any thing like a general attention to them, even among divines
themselves. For the neglect into which they are fallen, many
reasons may be assigned. They are no longer the only, or the
principal sources from which the materials of theological learning
can be drawn ; and other and better guides to direct the studies
of the inquisitive, are now every where at hand. The disuse of
the Fathers was a natural consequence of the freedom acquired at
the Reformation from the despotism of the Romish Church, the
usurpations of which were, in many instances, and to a great ex-
tent, associated with the authority of their names. To that proud
elevation, they can no more be raised. Questions of the last im-
portance to mankind, will never again be settled by a quotation
from Jerome, or an appeal to Cyprian. Every error, every delu-
sion, every corruption of Christian doctrine, may be traced to the
Fathers. And it was on account of the corruptions and the de-
ceptions which they originated and extended, that their authority
was maintained. Their real excellences were never of primary
consideration in the times when they were most venerated. By
their depression, much has been gained to the cause of truth and
liberty. An acquaintance with them, however, may now be of
great advantage to those who possess the leisure and the means of
using them. Among them, unquestionably, are to be found some
of the noblest monuments of zeal and knowledge, eloquence and
holiness; and of such of them as may be most profitably employed
as affording excitements to devotion and religious duties, so pure
and elevated, the notices before us are of much value.
It is well observed by Mr. Clarke, that the Greek writers are
on every account to be generally preferred, being more free from
doctrinal errors, and less pledged to the support of ecclesiastical
dominion, than the Latin. A Dissertation on the Use of the
Fathers, was designed as an Introduction to the Work before us ;
but the size of the book has induced the Author to reserve it*
Several works of this kind have already appeared. That of Daille
is well known, though now but little read. But, as Mr. Clarke
would necessarily adapt his Dissertation to the present state of
theological literature, and to readers in these times, its publication
might be a real service to the cause of sound learning. The use
of the Fathers to which Mr. Clarke would excite, would certainly
be a cautious one. ^ It is well,^ he remarks, ^ that we are emanci-
* pated on points of doctrine from the authority of even the pure
* Fathers.'* p. 68. And, again, p. 81, ^ Those Protestants who
* still stidde for the authority of the Fathers upon points of doc-
334 Clarke's View of Sacred Liieraiure.
^ trine, can scarcely know the snares among which they art
* walking.'
From the account of Chrysostom, pp. 60 — 104, we shall extract
the sketch of his character.
' There is no ecclesiastical writer from whom so much general inform-
ation can be obtained as from Chrysostom : the manners and cusiamt
of the day are frequently introduasd into his orations ; the supersH'
tions and elegtiut Jollies of the times are made subjects of his reproba-
tion ; he enters into domestic society, and shews us how it was rormed
and regulated ; the sports of the low, and the amusements of the hiefaj
are made fruitful themes for instruction ; contemporaneous history m-
quently receives light, and there are few events of even a trifling na-
ture^ from which he does not shew instruction can be derived. His
morality is not of that ascetic cast which renders the manners rough,
and the religion revolting, of too many of the holy men of those times ;
so long as there was a pure heart and an upright life, Chrysostom did
not teach that the soul would perish because sackcloth was not worn,
that it could not grow in grace because the body was not emaciated,
and that it could not hold communion with its Ood, unless amid the
bleak air of a mountain- top, or the burning desolation of an arid desert:
self-denial he considers as an exalted virtue, but total abstemiousness
from the use of allowed pleasures, he did not regard as absolutely ne-
cessary. He is a strenuous supporter of strict ecclesiastical disdpUme,
and though a high favorer of monkish establishments, he does not
represent them as entirely essential to the prosperity of Christianity:
most things referring to discipline, or doctrine, or occurrences in the
Church, are in some place noticed, from the decrees of eonncils and
words of an established Liturgy, to the oft-repeated intermptions oc-
casioned by the noisy plaudits of a delighted audience.
' As a Commentator, Chrysostom is peculiarly valuable ; he has no
allegorical flights nor petty conceits, but he confines himself to literal
interpretation and practical advice ; important passages are proved to
have a foil signification, by strong reasoning enforced by powerful elo-
quence, and portions of apparently less moment are made advisers of
hish and holy things ; a word will sometimes be shewn to add nnspeak-
able force, and a common event will evidently contain matter for asto-
nishing and deep consideration.
* The style or this Father is exactly characteristic of his manner of
thinking, — clear, and full, and ornate : the diction never shodcs the ear
by rugged progress, nor by abrupt nor harsh conclnsions of sentences :
it is flowingly majestic and singuhu*ly suited to the majesty of his
thoughts ; the sentences do not fatigue the ear by length, nor pnasle
the mind by involution, and great vividness and interest is (are) given
to the subject in discussion, by frequent and unexpected interrogato-
ries, which some of his clumsy imitators afl^ecting, tney have discovered
themselves by their overloaded disguise : the chief imperfection may
perhaps be a sameness of language upon all subjects, — the torrent still
sweeps along, whether a mountain or a mole-hill have opposed its
course. The fertib'ty of his imagination is one of the commanding
excellences of Chrysostom's writings ; he abounds in imagery^ and none
Clarke^s View of Sacred Literature, 936
of it is too ^werful for the control of the summoning Enchanter^ nor
does it overstep the circle which should keep it from breaking in upon
the knowledge that is to guide it. His pathos is too much expanded
to be effective^ nor is there the forcible simplicity of unstudied language
which Nature acknowledges as her own by involuntary approbation
and heart-felt pleasure ; the Orator is apt to appear where art should
be entirely shrouded : hence the secret source of tears seems to have
been hidden from Chrysostom, nor is he frequently successful in excit-
ing the gentle^ or pleasing, or mournful emotions of the soul ; his march
18 that of a victonous monarch, splendid in retinue and gorgeous in at-
tire, but lunid the whole of the pomp are to be discovered the instru-
ments of power and conquest, — under the gold and purple of the robe
are seen the panoply of polished proof, — and his dominion is the result
of £»rce and not of persuasion.' pp. 99 — 102.
Of the merits of a Divine whose worth will not be known till
an answer be given to the question, ' Whether a Platonic idea,
' hovering to the right on the orifice of Chaos, might drive away
* the squadrons of democratical atoms F* our readers must, we
apprehend, remain ignorant ; but such a question may serve to
anew them the miserable obscurities and the mystic jargon which
have been mixed up with Christian theology, and may satisfy
them in respect to the character of Synesius as a Platonic divine.
Of the turbulent Cyril of Alexandria, to whom the Romish
Church is so much indebted for asserting the appropriation of the
title, * Mother of God,^ to the Virgin Mary, a very just account
is given by Mr. Clarke (pp. 136 — 146) ; and few of those who
read it, will be anxious to study the works of a writer * who shrouds
^ with blackness what was before obscure, and inextricably en-
^ tangles what was perplexed.^ In the account of Theodoret^
* one of the most eminent of even the most valuable Fathers,**
(pp. 164—185,) we find some remarks which every reader of the
Fathers and early ecclesiastical historians should understand^
and the spirit of which will induce him to reverse many of
the jnd^ents pronounced by them. We agree with Mr. Clarke,
that ^ It wiHild not be difficult to prove, that some of those termed
* heresiarchs were maintainors of pure doctrine, and restorers o£
* the ancient faith.^
We Aall extract the two following articles.
' BOETIUS, A.D. 510.
' Sprung from one of the most illustrious families of Rome^ An.
Man. Torq. Severing Boetius was educated according to his rank :
for eighteen years he studied at Athens, the unirersity of the Roman
world. A. U. 487; he was created consul ; he was afterwards raised
by Theodoric to be Magister Palatii ; in 510 he again bore the consular
office; and in 522 he was constituted consul for the third time.
Shortly after this, he fell into suspicion with Theodoric, and there were
not wanting accusers to hasten the down&l of a favorite : Gaudentius,
Opilio, and Basiliua charged him with endeavouring to restore Rome
336 Clarke's Vieih of Sacred Literature.
to its original republican government ; the accusation was beliered> or
at any rate acted on^ and Boetius was sent by the king to expiate his
virtues in a prison at Pavia, where> after some time had elapaedj he
was beheaded by the king's order. Boetius was author of several
works on Theology^ Philosophy^ Science^ Loeic, with some contro-
versial Works : those only will be here noticed that have reference to
the object of this work.
' Against Eutyches and Nestorius* — A Treatise on the two Natures
of Christ contained in one Person ; it is addressed to John^ a deacon
of Rome. He enters into deep and subtle distinctions^ and calls in
the Aristotelian philosophy to help him in his theological distinctions
and difficulties.
' On the Trinity, — addressed to Symmachus the ConsuL A sub-
ject too high for human comprehension is here treated in such a way
as to render it even more obscure : metaphysical subtleties and nice
distinctions perplex a point which ultimately we must credit, not be-
cause we can prove it by reasoning, but because it is clearly revealed
in the word of Him who cannot lie.
' On the Trinity, — addressed to John the Deacon of Rome, upon
this Question, '^ Whether each Person of the Trinity may be affirmed
to be substantially the Divinity."
* The Consolation of Philosophy, — A Treatise written while Boetius
was in prison, to console himself under his reverse of fortune : it is
^vritten in the form of a Dialogue between him and Philosophy, con-
sisting of prose and different kinds of verse intermingled ; there are
Jive books. The first book contains the complaint and lamentation of
Boetius, comparing his former with his present state : — the second re«
presents the assuasions Philosophy affords to a dejected mind, and how
wrong it is to blame fortune for the events of life : — ^the third enters
deeper into the cure of a wounded spirit, and, to the overthrow of false
happiness, shews that which is true: — X\ie fourth proves that the
wicked are always wretched, and the good happy ; speaks of Fate and
the superintendence of Divine Providence, arguing that nothing hap-
pens casually, and that the pains of the righteous and the joys of the
unholy are not really such to either: — ^e fifth speaks of Chance,
Free-will, and the agreement of God's Omniscience with the Free-
a^ncy of man. — It is upon this treatise that Boetius's fame most croe-
cially rests : here are none of those perplexing distinctions and scho-
lastic niceties which bewilder the reader by argument, and make him
blind with excess of light. Boetius led the way to the introduction of
the Aristotelian method of reasoning in controversial Divinity, and
few even of his own scholars, the schoolmen, have exceeded or excelled
him in the use of it : but in this work there is nothing of the sort ; the
style of the prose is perspicuous and good, and that of the poetry is
abundant in beauty : it is a work which has stood firmly balanced upon
its own excellence till the present time, and will sink in estimation
only when taste is extinct, and the perception of philosophic beauty is
destroyed.
' BoBTUii Opera, Venet, 1491.
Basil, 1546.
Cum Com. Var., Basil, 1570.
Clarke's View of Sacred Literature. 887
* BoKCius, ConsoL of Philosoph., translated by Geoff. Chaucer, and
printed by Caxton.
' The boke of Com/br/>— called in Laten^ Boeliue de Consol. Phi'
iowph* ; translated into Englesse Tonge : in Verse by John Walt-
wnem : Enprented in the exempt Monastery of Tavestockj in Den-
shyre ; by me, "Dan Thomas Rychard, Monke of the said Monastery,
4to. 152^. '' Perhaps the scarcest work in the English language."
by Richard, Lord Viscount Preston, 8vo.
Lond. 1G95, Sec. Edit. 8vo. Lond. 1712.
by the Rev. Pful Ridpath, with Notes and
Illostr. Syo. Lond. 1785.'
The Consolation of Philosophy is an Eclectic Treatise, in
which the doctrines of the Academics and the Stoics are incorpo-
rated ; and, in strict accordance with its title, the topics are with-
out reference to the truths of Christianity. Boetius is the last of
the writers to whom the appellation of ancient is given. The
following article should have had a place in the enumeration of
editions. Boethii Consolationis Philosophise Lib. V. Anglo-
Saxonice redditi ab Alfredo Anglo-Saxonum Rege, edidit Raw-
linson, Bvo. Oxon. 1698.
'ALDHELMUS, a.d. 680.
' After visiting Italy, where he cultivated his taste for literature,
Aldhelmus returned to England, and was made Abbot of Malmsbury,
and afterwards Bishop of Salisbury : he died a.d. 702, with a high
character among his contemporaries for theological and human learn-
ing. Of his writings there are extant, a book —
' In Praise of Virginity, — ^in prose, consisting of thirty chapters :
the state of Virginity is praised in general, and very many examples
given of celebrated men and women who lived in a state of celibacy ;
their praises are recorded, and some particulars of their lives men-
tioned.— The style of this work is afiectedly ornamented, and, from
the use of barbarous terms and words in forced meanings, it is at once
known as the production of an age when the old models were indeed
known, but the taste was so vitiated as either to neglect or to strive to
excel them ! From the 29th chapter we find that this prose work
preceded the following one in verse, for he there says, that he shall, if
life be spared, treat upon the same subject in poetry ; which intenticm
afterwards produced toe following. — Jaibtioth. Patr. vol. iii. p. 275.
' The Praise of Virgins. — There is a singular poetical Preface, ad-
dressed to the Abbess Maxima, in hexameter verse ; the initial and
terminal letters of the lines of the Preface are each an acrostic of the
first line, and the last line is the first repeated backward, so that the
four sides of the Poem, as they are read backward or forward, or up or
down, still present the commencing line of the Preface, which is,
' Metrica tirones nunc promant carmina castos.
* The two following lines are instances of the same words being pre-
sented, whether read forward or backward,
VOL. IX. — N,S. T T
33& Th§ Canadas.
Roma tibi tubito motibut ibii amor. .
Sok medere pede, ede, perede meios.
And the following three-fold Acrostic en the word Jesiu is sn inalance
of a similar &cility of conceit,
I-nter cuncta micans I-gniti sidera coel-I,
E-xpclUt tenebras £-toto Phoebus ut orb~£ :
S-ic cscas removit le-S -us caliginis umbra— S,
V-ivicansque simul V~ero prieccHrdia mot-U
S-olem justitiflB se-S-e prooat esse beati-49.
J-oj beaming Phoebus, mid the orbs on high,
E-xpels the shades of night, aiid gilds the sky ;
S-o Jesus bids our mental gloum retire,
U-nites and clothes us with his heavenly fire,
S-hining the Sun of Truth to all the blessed chmr.
H. 8. BOYD.
' The Poem in praise of Virgins is the same as the prose work ; it
partakes of the same defects, with the addition of metrical errors :
' Oh ike Eight principal Vices. — Of the evils that they are authors of,
he gives instances, and in four hexameters represents the calamities
they produce. — These two works are given by Canisius, LecC; Antiq.
vol. i. p. 713.
' Problems, — in verse, amounting to about 1000 lines.'
Aldhelmus was bishop of Sherborne, in Dorsetshire, not
of Salisbury, which was not erected into a see till many ages
afk;er his death.
Art. VII. — 1. The Canadas as they now art. Comprehending a
View of their Climate, Rivers, Lakes, Canals, Gkyvemment, Laws,
Taxes, Towns, Trade, &c. ; with a Description of the Soil and
Advantages or Disadvantages of every Township in each Pro-
vince : derived from the Reports of the Inspectors made to the
Justices at Quarter Sessions, and from other authentic Sources,
assisted by local knowledge. With a Map, shewing the Posi-
tion of each Township. By a late Resident. 12mo. pp. zr. 116.
Price 4*. 6</. London, 183*3.
2. Statistical Sketches of Upner Canada, for the Use of
By a Backwoodsman. 12mo. pp. 120. Price Is. 6d. I^uidon,
1832.
3. Practical Notes made durtner a Tour in Canada, and a Partum of
the United States, in MDCCCXXXL By Adam Fergusson, of
Woodhill, Advocate. Dedicated, by Permission, to the Hiriiland
Society of Scotland. 12mo. pp. xvi. 380. Edinburgh, IB&.
4. Manual for Emigrants. By Calvin Col ton, A.M., of America.
18mo. pp. 203. Price 2*. 6^/. I^ndon, 18:i2.
\^ NEW Scotland is fast growing up at the back of New Eng-
land and New York. The gulf-Ktream of emigration, run-
The Canadas, 3d§
ning strong from the Frith of Clyde towards the shores of Lake
Huron and Lake Erie, is bearing on its current the ^ failing far-
mers and webless weavers ^ of the old country, to turn forests into
corn-fields, and plant towns in the wilderness, and spread the
English language and the British race, in the heart oi the Red
man'^s country, far, far away. And yet, thanks to that wonderful
and wonder-working thing which our grand&thers and grand-
mothers, like their ancestors^ were in the habit of seeing escape
from their tea-kettles without dreaming that it could be of any
earthly use, — thanks to the triumphs of steam, the great ma-^
^cian, of whom, when we were young, we read in the Arabian
Nights, how he was shut up in a little casket, from which when
he escaped, he towered up to the heavens, little imagining that
the legend prefigured or predicted a discovery which converts it
into fact, — thanks to steam, Canada is not so very far off and out
of the world as we have been accustomed to consider it Half the
distance between the two continents has been annihilated. For so
admirably provided by nature is North America with the means
of internal navigation, so marvellously intersected with water-ways
which seem made on purpose for steamers, that a backwoodsman
may step on board off his own estate at Goderich on the banks of
Lake Huron, 1500 miles from the ocean, and, without setting his
foot on land, run across the great water to take a peep at old
friends at Greenock. And the very idea that he can accomplish
this, tends to reconcile him to the distant separation.
' If any man % says the lively Writer of the Statistical Sketches^
* will only take the trouble to cast his eye over a map of the province,
he will perceive that no country under heaven was ever so completely
adapted for internal navigation. He will then see the line of the St.
liawrence and the lakes ; the line from the bay of Quinte to Lake
Simcoe^ and that from the foot of Lake Ontario to the Ottawa, by the
Cataraqui and Rideau Canal ; from the Lake of the Thousand Islands
to the Ottawa by the Petite Nation ; from Lake Huron to the Ottawa
by the double line of Lake Simcoe and Lake Nippissing ; and the nu*
merous tributaries of aU these, which very little expense would render
navigable ; — so that were Mr. Brindley to rise from the dead, he would
Imidly pronounce that Nature intended all these as feeders to canals,
to intersect the country in every possible direction.'
Slat, Sketches, p. 58.
Speaking of the Canada Company ""s Huron tract, which appears
Co be at presen tthe favourite part of the province, and is even
aittracting some of the steady Dutch settlers from their old farms
in other quarters, — Mr. Dunlop says :
' It has been objected by some, that this tract of country is oui of the
fvorld* But no .place can be considered in this light, to wnich a steam-
boat can come ; and on this continent, if you tind a tract of good land^
and open it for sale^ the world will very soon come to you. Sixteen
T T 2
340 Tk€ Canadat.
years ago, the town of Rochester consisted of a taTem and a Uadt*
smith's shop : it is now a town containing upwards of 16,000 inhab-
itants. The first time the Huron tract was ever trod by the foot of a
white man, was in the summer of 1827 ; next summer a road was oom-
menced ; and that winter and in the ensuing spring of 1829, a few indi-
viduals made a lodgement. Now it contains upwards of 000 inhabi-
tants, with taverns, shops, stores, grist and saw-mills, and every kind
of convenience that a new settler can require. And if the tide of emi-
gration continues to set in as strongly as it has done, in ten years from
this date, it may be as thickly settled as any part of America ; for
Goderich has water-powers quite equal to Rochester; and the aurroond-
ing country possesses much superiw sdl.' Stat. Sketches, pp^ 25, 26^
Who should go to Canada ?— -Not the man who can aSbrd to
live in Great Britain, however he may fret against taxes and
poor^s rates, and quarrel with a Whig government* A man some^
times quarrels with those he loves, and when they are away, is
miserable at having only himself to quarrel with. No man of
fortune, our Backwoodsman honestly says, ought to go to Canada.
* It is emphatically the poor man's country^ but it would be dif-
* ficult to make it the country of the rich.''
' It is a good country for a poor man to acquire a living in, or for a
man of small fortune to economise and provide for his family ; but I
can conceive no possibillity of its becoming for centuries to eome a fit-
tine stage for the heroes or heroines of the fiuhionable novels of Mr.
BuTwer or young D'Israeli.' lb, p. 10.
Not persons addicted to the romantic The most romantic
thing in the ncw^leared wilderness is the fire-fly ; but who, ex-
cept a fire-fly, can feel romantic in the midst of rooskitoes ? To
a person leaviAg the old country, it might be tendered as a whole-
some piece of advice, to be sure to leave one thing behind him, —
imi^nation. To all emigrants tinctured with romance, Mr. Col-
ton addresses the following wholesome admonition, intended pri-
marily for those who contemplate settling in the United States,
but applicable as well to those who wish to prosper any where.
' And, first, he would earnestly advise all person^, who think of eoing
to America, to eject thoroughly frbm their minds and hearts afi ro^
mantic expectations. The motives which induce emigration to
America, are various with different individuals ; but in all, there are
strong tendencies to the indulgence of extravagant hopes. Some, who
have felt oppressed with the unequal conditions of European 80Giety>
and who, perhaps, have been dissatisfied with the Groveninient of their
native country, go to the United States, under the impression, that
what is called Kepublican liberty and equality will elevate them at
once to rank and maportance— or to a common level and fellowship
with the best men in the community. And some, perhaps, imagine,
that Republican liberty is — that every man may do as he pleaaea ; in
The Canadas. 841
otiier words, that it is licentiousness. It is due to all such persons,
and to American society, that thejr should be informed— that law is as
necessary in the United States, as in any other country^ and that it is
emphatically the guardian of right ; — and that every citizen must be
contented with that place in society, which his personal merits and
qualifications naturally award to him. I F a man is not willing to be an
nonest and sober member of community on these terms, and if he is
not resolved to consecrate his energies to some useful and honourable
Sarauit, such as he is fit for, he can neither be welcomed in the United
tates, nor can he have any warrant, that his condition there will be
comfortable to himself. All such characters may better conceal them-
selves in the dark retreats of a dense and crowded population of an
European city. Let them by all means stay where their unlawful de-
sires have been b^otten. They will only throw themselves into the
light of day, and the sooner meet with their deserved doom, by going
to America.
' Some expect^ by going to America, to live without care and without
laboar, — that riches will come pouring into their lap and be forced upon
them> without any pains of their own. But the primitive infliction
for human apostacy : — '' In the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat thy
bread " — is not so easily avoided. Until the garden of Eden, with all
its innocence and virtue, can be recovered, exemption from this curse
must not be expected. America is a good country — good enough to
satisfy any reasonable expectations — but it is not a Paradise. American
society has a good d^ree of simplicity and purity. But it wants no
importation of worse materials. Patient industry is the source of all its
prosperity^ and virtue the crowning glory of the community. And he
who is not willing to be sober and industrious, must not expect to rise,
— he is doomed to sink in the United States.
^ Many arc the worthy and respectable men\ says Mr. Fergus-
son, * who may certainly better their condition by a removal to
< Canada.^
' At the same time, it is a serious step, not to be lightly adopted'
and whichy above all, they should remember, cannot, with safety, con-
sistency, or credit, be retraced. In Canada, the settler will become
{>roprietor in^e simple of lands, at a rate per acre which would scarce-
y pay half of his yearly rent at home ; but this is only to be effected
at a sacrifice of early ties and connexions, and by a dieerfiil submis8|sii
to many privations and botherations, which will require a steady and
cheerfol temper to surmount.' Fergusson, p. 1^.
Who then are to go to Canada ? * In the first place \ says
Mr. Dunlop, * all who cannot comfortably support themselves by
^ their labour at home.
' Because, let a man be ever so poor in this country, his wages as a
labourer will more than support his family ; — and if he be prudent and
sober, he may in a short time save money enough to purchase for him-
self a fiurm ;— and if he has a family, so much the better, as children
are the best stock a farmer can possess, the labour of a child seven years'
342 The Canadnn,
old being considered worth his maintenance and education^ and the
^vages of a boy of twelve or fourteen years of age being higher than
those of a stout and skilful ploughmnn in most parts of Great Britain,
generally from three to four dollars a months with bed, board, and
washini/ besides. At home they talk of <' a poor man with a large fa-
mily ; " but such a phrase in Canada would be a contradiction of terms;
for a man here who has a large family must^ under ordna'j circum-
stances, soon cease to be a poor man.
' ]\lechanics and artizans of almost all descriptions, — millwrights,
blacksmiths, cnq)cnters, masons, bricklayers, tailors, shoemakers, tan-
ners, millers, and all the ordinary trades that are required in an agri-
cultural and partially ship owning and commercial country, yxiW do u*ell
to come to Canada. \\ c\*v(*rs have but little to expect in the way of
their trade, though such of them as are employed in customer-work
can make from ten to twelve shillings a day ; but they soon make good
farmers. A friend of mine asserts, that they make oeiler fanners for
this country than ai'^riculcund laliourers ; alleging as a cause, that ai
they have no prejudices to overcome, they get at once into the customs
of the country as copied from their neighbours, and being in the habit
of thinking, improve on them. But my friend is from P&idej, and,
consequently, prejudiced in favour of weavers. However, there is no
denying that the weavers from Renfrew and Lanark shires in the
Bathurst district, are very good and very prosperous settlers, and tlut
the linen weavers from the north of Ireland make the best choppers,
native or imported, in the pronnce, as they, to a man, can chop with
either hand forward, and by changing their hand they relieve them-
selves and obtain a rest. This ambi-dexterousness is ascribed by their
countrymen, how justly I know not, to their habit of using both hands
equally in throwing the shuttle.
' Of these trades, the blacksmith, tailor, shoemaker, and tanner, are
the best. If there were in nature (which is doubtful) such a being as
a sober blacksmith, he might make a fortune.
' One exception there is, however, in the case of mechanics. Firtt-
rate London workmen will not receive such high wages, either posi-
tively or relatively, as they would at home, — for this reason, that Uiere
are few on this continent who either require or can afford work of the
very first order, and those that do, send to London for it.
' Farmers and tradesmen of small capital will find in Canada a good
investment. A farmer who commences with some money, say WOL,
ought, in the course of five or six years, to have all his capiud in money,
and a good well-cleared and well-stocked farm into the bargain, with
the requisite dwelling-house and out-buildings on it, besides having
supported his family in the meantime.
' Unless a man of large capital, by which term in this conntiy I
mean about 5000/., has a large family, he had better lend the sarplai
on mortgage at six per cent., than invest it in business, except he
means to become a wholesale storekeeper in one of the towns. If ht
attempts to set up a mill, a distillery, a tannery, a fulling and saw miU,
and a store, as is often found to be profitable from the one trade play-
ing into the hands of the other, ana if he has not sons capable of iook*
ing after the different branches, he must entrust the care of them to
The Canadas. 34?
clerks and semmts. But these are not to be had ready-made : — ^he
most, therefore, take a set*of unlicked cubs, and teach them their busi-
xiess ; and when that is fairly done, it is ten to one but, having become
acquainted with his business and his customers, they find means to set
up an opposition, and take effectually the wind out of their former pa-
tron's sails. Where, however, a man has a large family of sons, he can
wield a large capital in business, and to very good purpose too.' pp. 6-9.
Supposing a man to have made up his mind to emigrate to
America, tne question will arise, whether to go to Canada or the
United States. Mr. Dunlop thinks Canada preferable, for the
following reasons.
' It is to many who happen to have consciences, no light matter, to
. forswear their aUegiance to their king, and declare that they are wil-
ling to take up arms against their native country at the call of the
country of their adoption ; and unless they do so, they must remain
aliens for ever ; nay, even if they do manage to swallow such an oath,
it is seven years before their apostacy is rewarded by the right of citi-
zenship. In landing in his Majesty s dominions, they carry with them
their rights of subjects, and immediately on becoming 40^. freeholders,
have the right of voting for a representative.
' The markets of Canada for iiirm produce are and must be better
than those of the United States ; for Canadian corn is admitted into
both British and West Indian ports on much more advantageous terms
than foreign grain, and the taxes on articles required for the consumpt
of the inhabitants are not one-twelfth so great in Canada as in tne
United States. Thus, all British goods pay at Quebec only 2J per
cent, ad valorem, whilst at any American port they pay from 33^ to
60 per cent.
' V ery erroneous notions are current in England, with regard to the
taxation of the United States. The truth is, that though America is
lightly taxed in comparison with England, it is by no means to be
oonsioered so when compared to most of the continental nations. The
account usually rendered of American taxation is fallacious. It is
stated, that something under six millions sterling, or about lOs. per
head on an average, pays the whole army, navy, civil list, and interest
of debt of the United States, while we require fifty millions, or nearly
21. lOi. each, for the same purpose. But the fact is, that that sum is
only about half what the Americans pay in reality ; for each indi-
vidual state has its own civil list, 'and all the machinery of a govern-
ment to support ; and insignificant as the expenses of that government
appear in aetail, yet the aggregate is of very serious importance. For
instance, there are five times as many judges in the state of New York
alone as in Great Britain and Ireland ; and though each individual of
these were to receive no more than we would pay a macer of the court,
yet when there comes to be two or three hundred of them, it becomes
a serious matter ; nor does it make any difference, in fact, whether
they are paid out of the exchequer of the state, or by the fees of the
suitors in their courts ; they are equally paid by a tax on the people
in either case.
344 The Canadas.
' Although the necessaries of life are cheap in AmetioL, and eqnalTj
cheap in Canada, the luxuries of life are "jj^^ by aerera] hundred
per cent, in the one country than the other. 'DiaB^ wine in the United
States is so highly taxed, that in a tavern at New York yoa pay nuyre
for a bottle of Madeira than in one at London, vis. five doUan, — and
fifteen shillings for port.
' In Canada, we nave stumbled by accident, or had thmst upon as
by some means or other, what may be considered the great desideratum
in financial science, viz. the means of creating a large revenue with a
light taxation. This arises from three causes : first, that we derive
a very large sum annually from lands the property of the crown, which
are sold to the Canada company, and from timber cut on crown lands,
&c. ; second, that we derive a revenue from public works, which have
been constructed at the expense of the province, and which are in s
fair way of yielding a much greater return than the interest of the
money expended on them, and from shares in the bank of Upper Ca-
nada, of which the government took a fourth of the stock ; and,
thirdly, because we make our neighbours, the good people of the
United States, pay a little of our taxes, and shi£, with the blessing
of God, if they Keep on their tariff, make them pay a pretty penny
more.* pp. 113 — 115.
Mr. Dunlop'^s little Tract will be found highly amusioff aa well
as full of information. His remarks upon the Lumber Tndei (a
subject which we cannot here enter upon,) will, we hope, obtain
due attention in influential quarters. We have been so much
delighted with his strong sense and banhommie^ that we regret to
be obliged to reprobate some of his remarks in the chapter ' on
religious sects,'* as alike injurious and uncalled for. Of Mr. Ryer-
8on, whom he has dragged before the British public as a preacher
of sedition, a hypocrite, and a knave, we personally know nothing;
but, judging from the uncandid and ungentlemanly manner m
which Peter Jones is spoken of, we should not be led to attach
much credit or weight to the representation given of the fiinner
indi\idual; and the spirit of the whole attack upon the Methodists,
savours too much of either personal resentment or party hosdlity*
The fact is, we believe, that Peter Jones came to tnis country
charged with some political mission from the Indian tribe to
which, through his mother, he belongs ; and that he had com-
munication with his Majesty's Government in this capacity. His
personal respectability is, therefore, as unquestionable aa his
piety. To the British and Foreign Bible Society, he rendered
important service, by assisting in the revision of a version of part
of the Scriptures into the Algonquin or Chippewa language.
During his stay in this country, he preached repeatedly, and
attended many of the meetings of our religious societies,
where, possibly, by the vulgar, he might be regarded as a mere
raree-shew, like the Emperors, or Riho Riho, or any other lion of
the day. But this was not the light in which he would be le-
The Canadas. 345
'garded bv any intelligent man who has heard him speak or con-
versed with him. No man could be more free from pretence, and
&r deception there was no room. Mr. Dunlop has been imposed
upon by misinformation of, we suspect, a malignant character.
* The Canadas as they are,^ is a less amusing or readable book,
but contains a very careful digest of that minute matter of fact
information, topographical and statistical, of which an emigrant
stands in more especial need ; distinctly arranged, and apparently
without any colouring. We transcribe the following cautionary
liint from the Advertisement.
' Not that it is intended to deny to the Canada Land Company or
their servants their due meed of praise ; — and they are entitled to a
considerable share ; — but if a personal friend^ with 200/. or 300/. or
more, were to ask the Author^ if he would advise him to settle at
Gnelph or Goderich^ he would reply : Certainly not at the latter, nor at
the former, unless you are too indolent to look for a more eligible spot,
plenty of which are to be found with a little trouble and the exercise
cf discrimination.'
Mr. Fergusson'^s Practical Notes comprise the narrative of a
Tour through part of the State of New York, and the Canadas,
together with a Statistical Report addressed to the Directors of
the Highland Society. In an Appendix is given, with other
miscellaneous matter, an American puffo{ the Michigan territory,
which is at present ^ quite the rage '* among the land speculators
of Yankee-land, having, in a great degree, supplanted Ohio,
Illinois, and Indiana. Michigan, which is better watered than
any other part of the United States, resembles in its general cha-
racter the peninsular portion of Upper Canada, upon which it
borders. The influx of emigrants to this territory from the
western part of New York, New England, and even Ohio, is said
to be remarkable. Seven steam-vessels ply from Buffalo to Detroit,
the decks of which swarm every day with volunteer settlers and
speculators. * With all their love of country,' Mr. Fergusson re-
marks, *it appears somewhat anomalous, that wheresoever the
* bump of adhesiveness may be found, in vain will the disciples
^ of Spurzheim search for it upon the cranium of an American.'
' However valuable, however beautiful may be his estate, however
endeared as the scene of youthful enjoyment, or of the more sober avo-
cations of maturer years, let but a tempting offer present itself, and he
yields it without a sigh/ p. 225.
Mr. Fergusson finds it difficult to analyze this peculiarity, and
is disposed to think it may in some measure be ascribed to the
absence of the rights of primogeniture, which bind us to our pa-
ternal acres ! What is it that binds the hardy mountaineer to
his bleak homestead, who knows nothing of any such rights ? It
VOL. IX, — N.s. u u
346 Colonial Slavery,
would be more reasonable to look for its source in the spirit of
commercial enterprise, the wide range of mercantile adventure,
the constant familiarity with the map, the national passion for
geographical extension, and, perhaps, a dash of the Indian blood,
or an Indian spirit caught from the natural features of the country.
The American delights in locomotion, and the steam-boat is
adapted to gratify this propensity to the utmost perfection. But
where every thing is in motion and in transition, the home-feeling
cannot take root. All is diffusion, and nothing is concentrated.
Mr. Colton's Manual may be recommended as containing much
sound advice to those for whom the valley of the Mississippi has
sufficiently strong attractions to induce them to plunge so far into
the site of the future.
Art. VIII. The Sinfulness of Colonial Slavery, A Lecture delivered
at the Monthlv Meeting of Congregational Ministers and Churches,
Feb. 7, 1833. By Robert Ilalley. 8vo. pp. 28. London,
1033.
"VVTE rejoice to believe that the time is very near at hand, when
England, in purifying herself from the national crime, shall
deliver her colonies from the political evil, — the cost, and burden,
and moral blight, and judicial curse of slavery. The impolicy of
the present system may be proved, and has been proved again and
again, by facts and figures, by calculations of profit and loss, by
the past and present state of the colonies, and by the etemid
complaints of the ever-iryured planters. But there is one short
way of proving the same thing, which, if not the most convincing
line of argument to merchants and politicians, comes most di-
rectly home to the bosoms of all who acknowledge the paramount
obligations of Christian morality. If it be criminal, it must be
impolitic. Under the moral government of the Righteous Judge,
it cannot be, that what is sinful should idtimately be advantageous
or even profitable to communities. The laws of national morality
are guarded by penal sanctions consisting in temporal conse-
quences. Nations are punished as nations in this world, for to
them there is no future state. The recognition of this mo-
mentous practical truth, we deem not less important than the ac-
knowledgment that slavery in a national crime. We are anxious,
not merely that slavery should be abolished, through the slowly
formed conviction that it is frau^^ht with political danger, or that
it has ceased to be profitable, but that it should be abolished in
the character of a crime and a wrong. We could almost have
wished that it might have had the merit of a national sacrifice,
instead of being the riddance of a national burden. To no tax or
Colofiial Slavery. 347
ftssessmcnt could we have more cheerfully submitted, than to one
which should have laid upon all classes of the nation, an equitable
share of the necessary cost of so glorious an act of faith. The
abolition of slavery will cost this country nothing. The planter
may be amply compensated, without entailing any fiscal burden
upon this country ; as Mr. Cropper has shewn, most satisfactorily,
in his Review of the Select Committee''s Report. * What com-
* pensation indeed \ he asks, ' could be due, where there is con-
* fessedly now no profit, though the system is at this time main-
^ tained at an unwarrantable expense to the country ? ** But were
it otherwise, we trust that the Christian public would cheerfully
submit to bear their part in whatever loss might accrue from the
sacrifice of blood-stained profits. Grant slavery to be a crime,
and we will admit that it does not belong to the Government or
people of England to convert its abolition into a punishment of
those who are but sharers in the sin. But let those who deny it
to be a crime, and wrap the curse only the closer around them,
take the consequences.
We have adverted to Mr. Halley'^s highly impressive sermon
in a former article ; but we cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of
bringing it more distinctly under the notice of our readers. ' If,'
he remarks, * as we are told by those more immediately interested,
* slavery is the sin, not so much of themselves, as of the whole
* nation, then a louder emphasis is given to every word"* of the
Divine denunciations, ^ as addressed, not only to the negligent,
* but to the participants of crime: "If thou forbear to deliver
* them that are drawn unto death, and those that are ready to be
* slain ; if thou sayest. Behold, we knew it not ; doth not He who
* pondereth the heart consider it ? and he that keepeth thy soul,
* doth not he know it ? and shall not he render to every man
* according to his works .^'' ' Such is the striking text which the
Preacher has taken as his motto. In proceeding to shew the sin-
fiilness of Colonial Slavery, Mr- Halley first examines the origin,
principle, and nature of the ancient servitude ; next shews the
working of the moral law, as regards that slavery which it tole-
rated ; and then carries forward his appeal to the letter and spirit
of the Christian religion. Having ttius cleared his ground, by
shewing that slavery is incapable of vindication on the ground
of Jewish precedent or the tacit sanction of scripture, he proceeds
to depict the murderous effects and * exceeding sinfulness ' of
British Colonial Slavery. He then launches into the following
animated strain of indignant eloquence.
* And for what do we thus sacrifice the lives of the blacks and the
morals of the whites } Is it for commercial purposes only ? Is it our
costly immolation before the shrine of avarice ? Is gain our godliness ?
There seems hardly that pitiful pretext. The gains of slave-labour
are daily diminishing. ** \ our gold and silver is cdnkcred, and i&e
u u 2
318 Colonial Slat>ery.
rust of them shall be a witness against vou, and shall eat ycmr flesh ai
it were fire. Behold, the hire of your labourers, which is of yoa kept
back by fraud, crieth, and the cries of them which hare reapejl are oi*
tered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth."
' This murderous diminution is, I readily admit, not so much charge-
able upon individuals, as it is the crime of'^ us all, for it is undoaot-
edly mdispensable to the continuance of the system. Increaae is de-
structive of slavery. Did slaves multiply in any thing like the natunl
proportion of a race of men who, without any prudence or fbretbought
of their own, receive their daily food in exchange for their daily Umir,
there would soon be an excess of labourers above all demand, and no
price beyond his ordinary food could be afforded for the hire of a aer*
vant. oy this easy process, I apprehend, villanage was terminated in
England, and most of Europe ; and we have with us the testimony of
all history, ancient and modem, when we assert that, wherever alavery
is perpetuated, this great and benevolent law of Providence has been,
and must have been, though always with harsh measures and intense
misery, reversed and abrogated.
* Ine multiplication of the Israelites in Egypt was nothing con-
trary to the course of nature, when a politic, though cruel king, saw
the necessity of checking its progress. His first scheme was to make
their lives bitter with hard bondage ; but bondage must be hard, and
life must be bitter indeed, to secure the diminution of a servile race ;
though, demonstrably, had there been the sugar- works of Jamaica in-
stead of the brick-making of Goshen, this project of severe labour
would have proved successful. The tampering with the midwivea was
not more cruel than are the secrets of slavery in every age.
' Who does not know, that slavery was perpetuated throughout
Greece by various modes of destroying the servile race ? Who has
not heard of the infamous institute of the Crypteia, by which the
youthful Spartans were bound at certain seasons to engage for the as-
sassination of the Helots, as their sacrifice on the altar of patriotism ?
Who is at any loss to account for the servile wars of the Romans and
other western nations ? Who does not see that even now, in North
America, through the facility of procuring food and comparatively
easier toil in cultivating cotton and tobacco, the increase of the slaves
is so augmenting the amount of labour as silently, but certainly, to
diminish the money value of each : and though the timidity or avarice
of the American is attempting every scheme to convert humanity into
brutal nature — though he holds two millions of human beings, among
whom marriage is unknown, the protection of law denied, schools prohi-
bitedj and, I am ashamed to add, in some States, by recent enactments
unparelleled in Moscovy or Spain, religious instruction forbidden ; jret
the fecundity of the negro is working out the emancipation of his race ;
every child from its birth is melting some link in the monstrous chain ;
and though the scheme of colonizing Liberia, by abstracting slave-
labour from the market, may faintly oppose this formidable influence,
and the thousands transported yearly to die in the cultivation of sugar
amidst the swamps of Louisiana may defer the doom of this hatdFiil
system, yet even now the mass is growing too heavy for its foundation ;
and those dissonant murmurings of bondage in the temple of freedom.
Colonial Slavery. 349
and of penal laws worthy of the inquisition in the land of religions
liberty, and of awful impiety in the country of revivals, will issue in
an exploeion, the reverberation of which over the Mexican Oulph, un«
leas anticipated by wise and Christian legislation, may shake society
into atoms through all our islands, and involve in the ruins of slavery
tbe property and lives of the whole white population. America to be
safe must be virtuous enough to emancipate her slaves, or wicked
enough to introduce the midwives of £gypt, the Crypteia of Lace-
demon, or the night-work of Jamaica.
' But I check myself. Who are we to reprove the Americans ? We
must wash our own hands of the blood-stain before we dare hold them
np as witnesses against them. We. may not be so bad as they are ;
yet we are hx too deeply involved to reprove, rebuke, and exhort with
all authority. We, therefore, entreat you, we conjure you, by every
principle, both of humanity and religion, in the crisis of approaching
discossion, to circulate information, and, personally merging all poli-
tical considerations, to aid those who are determined promptly and
conscientiously to do this great work of justice and mercy. Let us be
determined to dash to shivers this frightful likeness of " Molock, hor-
rid kingv besmeared with blood," which avarice, the besetting sin of a
commercial community, has raised in everv sugar-plantation through-
out the British dominions. Very much will depend upon the attitude
assumed by the religious public. It is known to be our cause. In the
recent elections, the efforts which were so eminently successfiil in pro-
curing attention and support for this cause, were made, I believe, ex-
clusively by religious people. The ark of the Lord has, once more,
amidst the strife and conflict of parties, become the depository of jus-
tice, mercy, and freedom.' — pp. 21 — 24.
The demand, Mr. Halley goes on to remark, must be for
' entire emancipation.^ He does not explain in what sense he
uses these words, which are susceptible of a strength of import
which he did not probably intend. Emancipation must be so far
* entire^ as to produce an entire change in the condition of the
slave, raising him at once from a thing to a person, from a chattel
to a man ; and this is all that we understand him to mean. But
entire in the sense of unconditional, prudence and humanity
would forbid it to be ; since the relation between the master and
the slave must still be continued, for the sake of both parties,
under the altered terms and conditions of employer and labourer,
land-proprietor and cultivator ; and the restrictions of law and
police must be substituted for the irresponsible tyranny of the
slave-driver. Into these considerations, however, we do not deem
it requisite, on the present occasion, more distinctly to enter. Mr.
Halley concludes his discourse with the following striking and
energetic appeal.
* Freemen, patriots, philanthropists. Christians, lovers of the Sab-
bath, friends of missions, our appeal is made to you. For the sake of
our country, what a weight of guilt does she bear !— for the sake of
350 Colonicd Slavery.
our brotlier missionttrics, whose chapels are in ruius, and whose flodu
are scattered without a shepherd — fbr the sake of our religion, bow
reproached through the cruelties of its professors ! — for the sake of our
brethren and sisters in hard bondage^ and their and our common Sa-
viour, who will accept the act of kindness done for them^ as though it
were done unto himself, — promptly and iirmly unite, in the benevoleit
spirit of your religion, to procure a l^islative enactment, commensu-
rate with the demands of justice and mercy; abandon the gain of op-
pression and hire of the labourers now in your storehouses. Wash yoo*
make you clean, put away the evils of your doings ; cease to do efil ;
learn to do well. So shall the blessing of him that was ready to peridb
come upon you. The great national reproach will be rolled away, and
Britain become an example to the world, of the strength of reiigioui
principle nobly triumphing over the avarice and heartlcssness of oihd-
mercial speculation. The slavery of France and Holland would soon
fall ; and even America, with her mass of wretched bondsmen, oould
hardly fail to wasli her hands in innocence, did she feel the execratioiis
of a liberated world fall up6n her crimes.
' But if we forbear to deliver them that are drawn unto death, and
those that are ready to be slain : doth not he that pondereth the heart
consider it?— and ne that keepeth thy soul, doth not he know it.^—
and shall not he render to every man according to his works ? Shall
not he, who drowned the Egyptian slave-masters in the Red Sea, and
doomed their house of bondage to become the basest of kingdoms, —
shall not he, who condemned his people Israel to exile and silent an-
guish by the river of Babylon, for just so many years as they and their
fathers liad neglected the merciful provision of releasing their servants
on the Sabbatical year,— shall not he, who called up the fierceness of
the iVIedes against great Babylon, and brought down to the grave her
king from the midst of his revels, because '' he opened not the houae
of his prisoners," — shall not he, whose providence in every age is t
perpetual commentary upon that text, " Woe unto him that uaeth \m
neighbour's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work,"—
shall not he, who in our own times humbled the eagles of Buonapsrtt
before ill-disciplined negroes, when they made all Christendom tron-
ble, — who, amidst the tears of us all, blotted out Poland firom the map
of £uropc, when her serfs were slaves, and her nobles claimed to be
their proud proprietors, — who has bruken the bastions of Algiers, and
quenched her fiery crescent in the blood of her sons, that she can never
any more make gainful traffic by the man-stealing of her corsairs and
the flesh of her captives ;— shall not he, — but I dare not anticipate hit
judgements, when he cometh out of his place to make inquisiti<m for
blood, which I hope our rulers and people are preparing, not to en-
counter, but to avert, by timely repentance, and listening to his v<aat,
while it gives an awful sanction and emphasis of thunder to the piere*
ing cry of the negro from across the Atlantic, *' Am I not a man and t
brother !" " Yet now your flesh is as the flesh of our brethren, our
children as your children, and lo ! you liring into bondage our sons and
our daughters, and our daughters are brought into bondage already,
neither is it in our power to redeem them."
Colonial Slavery. 351
Art. IX. Address on Slavery, Sabbath Protection, and Church Re-
Jorm, By James Douglas, Esq., of Cavers. 8vo. pp. QQ. Edin-
burgh. 1833.
'T^HE preceding article was already in the printer'*s hands, when
this pamphlet reached us, containing an Address to the
Christian public, from one whose voice will command and reward
attention, upon the three great topics which at the present mo-
ment share without dividing the general interest. The substance
of this address, with some variations, ^ was delivered at several
* meetings for the purpose of recommending signatures to petition
* for the Abolition of Slavery, — ^for Sabbath Protection, — and for
^ Church Reform. It is now published, partly from notes taken
* down at one of those meetings, that it may reach in a printed
* form, those whom the Writer had it not in his power to address
* in person.** Without further preface, and with little comment,
we shall proceed to lay before our readers some extracts from this
spirit-stirring appeal.
' The West Indies are an example that the laws of God arc never
neglected with impunity, and that no lasting prosperity can be based
upon injustice and human misery. Whether we look to the wretched
Slaves ; the bankrupt planters ; or their creditors, the merchants, who
lend out their money upon usury, in vain sought to be wrung out of the
tears and blood of wretched men ; or to that portion of the British
army, which, to the disgrace of this country, forms the only solid sup-
port of a system as impolitic as it is unjust, — we every where behold
the curse of an avenging God pressing heavily upon the abettors of this
slavish tyranny, which is without its equal in atrocity, either in ancient
or modem times. The command of God to the parents of the human
race, to replenish the earth and possess it, which has overcome all other
preventive checks to population, disease, misery, and vice, is yet found
too weak to resist the overwhelming evils of Colonial Slavery. The
ill-gotten treasure of the planter is his gang of slaves, and these slaves
are perishing under the lash of their shortsighted oppressors. While
the West Indies arc dispeopling of their inhabitants, their fertile soil
itself is stricken with an increasing barrenness,— the necessary effect
of slave cultivation. Britain, in addition to a new load of guilt, has a
new load of taxes, in the shape of bounties and preferences, to the in-
humanity and folly of employing slave instead of free labour ; and its
C4immerce is restricted, and its workmen unemployed, in order that the
planters may continue to extort labour by the cart-whip, instead of
paying the laboorer his justly merited wages. If there is a spot in ex-
istence (except the regions of eternal punishment) where all things are
contrary to the mind and laws of God, we must certainly find it in tlie
West Indies, where property is robbery ; labour, tyrannous exaction ;
law, merciless oppression ; governors, murderers and mcn-stoalers ; and
where all things are conducted, not according to the maxims of a wise
and holy Being, but acct^ding to the devices of the enemy of human
352 CoUmial Slavery.
happiness^ — the envier, in his own abyss of misery^ of all prosperitr,
and whOj in the triumph of evil over good in the West Indies, gloriei
that he has still unlimited power in one corner of the world* uoo^
even there, while one well-wisher to humanity remains on earth, nei-
ther he nor his adherents can hope any longer to keep " his goods ii
peace." '
^ Tlie slaves are claimed as the property of their owners. " Mu
can have no property in man." The very claim to such a propertj
strikes at the root of all property whatsoever. Grod is the proprietor
of all things, because he is tne Creator of all things. Labour stampi
a right of propertv upon the objects on which it is exercised, beetiue
it creates their value. God havinc only given the raw elements^ and
having appointed that the art and labour of man should H'ork them
into their useful applications, has thus given to man a right of pro-
prietorship, by making him a fellow- worker with himself. God
creates, and man forms. But no man can assert a right of prapeftr
in the involuntary labour of other men, without vitiating the title on
which all his own property rests. By such a claim be shakes the
foundation upon which civil society is built, and introduces a uniTeml
system of robbery and wrong. Man can have no property in mUL
The slave-holders are therefore men-stealers, for wrong by repetition
can never become right, but, by continuance^ is only a more intole-
rable and excessive wrong.'
• •••••
' It is argued from the Bible by the slave-owners — ^who, alas ! sel-
dom quote the Bible to a better purpose — that slavery is permitted, if
not sanctioned, in Scripture, not only by the example of the Pa-
triarchs, but by the Mosaic precepts.
* The truth, however, is, that the Bible does not sanction slavery ;
it only sanctions its mitigations and restrictions. The legislatioo of
Moses on this head, goes to this one point — ^not to establish slavery.
but to temper it, and, in n*any instances, to terminate it. Grod, iv
the hands of IVIoses, gave such a constitution to the Israelites^ thtt
even the most mitigated form of slavery could exist to no extent
amongst them. By this constitution, after having once settled in Ck-
naan, they were disqualified from carrying on offensive wars, till the
changes in their government that occurred about the time of Dtevid,
and had, consequent! v, no prisoners of war to dispose of as bondmen;
and, by the agrarian law of Israel, slavery was rendered altogether nn-
profitable ; for who in his own hereditary garden would employ the
wasteful labour of the slave, when with ease he could cultivate his
own estate by his own free, intelligent, and productive efforts ^ SlavcfT
can only be profitable in an ill-peopled country, and in a new soil';
but Canaan, before the Isnielites entered it, was already fertile by srti-
iicial means, and, both before and after its conquest by Joshua, wai
crowded with population. The slave-owners app^ to the Bible when
it suits their pur|)06e so to do ; but they would not, we presume, wish
the laws of Israel revived, by which it was decreed, that " he thtt
stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shiU
ColofHal Sfld^y. 353
,Barelj ht put to death." A'hd if ReVdiftibn hsi$ not a^Ush'ed sSaveiy
pontirely m direct temis^ it has ddife so in e^ect^ cpmmandfng every
man to loVe his neighbour as htms):}!/.
' The injustice^ then, of the Weiit Indian system is manifest from
€tkh, — ^that man, by right, can have no property in man : but the
whote West Indian system is founded on a property in man ; hence,
whh them, wrong must be right, and right wrong. The order of na-
ture is perpetually reversed— the rule of eternal justice for ever vio-
lated. What is praised in Britain is execrated in the West Indies ;~-^
whAt is here the object of reward, is there the subje^ of punishment.
• The very laws themselves are the wdrst part of the system, being, a
Eolation of all law. There the innocent become the victims, and the
erimtnBls are the judges and itte le^'slators. Tyrants alone talk of
liberty and independen'cb, hhd ^hose who have the hearts of Tell and
of Bruce, must either live branded as slaves, or be massacred like d(^.
"In Britain all preisti nipt ions arb in iRftvdur 'df libei'tv, — in the West In-
diea of slavery. Whoever touches the soil of Britain is free ; what-
ever Bkck, withodt thb Required certificates, touches the soil of ihe
West Indian Islands, "is, acc<^rding to the proper form, seized, piil: into
" thte cag^," adV^Med ten days, and, "if no owner or claimant ap-
pear," is sold to pay the expenses ; so that, if he has no master upon
nis arrival^ he is sure by this admirable process to find one sooner or
iAter.'— pp. 13 -15.
Mr. Douglas proceeds to answer the inquiry. For ;^li6^ pVit
fit does this miniature of hell exist ? Not, accdming Ip their own
shewing, for that of the planters. As far i)ack as Xlik twenty
years horn 177^ ^^ ^19'2^ the Committee o£ tjie Jainajpa w^
setnbly reported, ttiat there had been in the course, of. that time
1^7 estates sold for debt, and 55 thrown, up; wbile4 at the end
of tliat period, 92 estates remained in the hands of creditors.
Their present bankrupt conditio*!! is, then, 6f too long standing to
be ascribed to anti-slavery agitation with the slightest shadow of
truth. Not Sat the profit of the Bristol tricrchants. The fner-
chant, fer the mm part^ prefer^ the risk df losir/g hi^ money, to
the gretfte^ risk it Ikithmiti^ the p/k-oprietor of the riiortgaged
plantation.
' If, th^n,' Mitixnies Mr. Douglas, ' neither the plantef^ ribr the
merchants ar^ ^nenr by the colonial system, is Britain a gained f If
squaiidering hn and rhdii^y be a gain to her,— if adding to her taxes^
and providing grarves for her soldiers, — if becoming a party to wrongs
whim are crying to Heaven for vengeance, be gain to Britain, then
has she fitted in the West Indies an inexhaustible treasure. If it be
fbr her advantage to uphold a body of men ready to plead for every
abiMe> so that their own enormities may remain untouched, such a
corps she has had during many a sitting of Parliament. It is to be
hoped, under a reformed Parliament, the case is different; but it' was
formerly calculated that the West India interest alone supplied fifty-
~^^> members of the House of Commons, the well-discipHned phalanx,
VOL. IX. — N.S. X X
354 Cohnial Slavery.
the constant advocates^ of corraption^ ready to sapport any ministrj
that would connive at their violation of all laws divue and human.
' While things continued in this state, little could be hoped fraa
the British Legislature ; but now that public opinion is aluiwed to
bear upon the election of members of Parliament — now that the poUie
voice possesses the means of commanding attention — ^we may hope that
a speedy end will be put to this most absurd and cruel waste of Britiih
blood and treasure in the West Indies.
' No folly could be equal to the folly of Britain, to say nothing rf
inhumanity, if the present ruinous system is continued even dnnng
the course of another year ; — it is the supineness of the British natioB
alone that can permit to slavery a longer existence, and can suffer her
own burdens to be increased, in order to enable the planters to eontimw
to extort a prolongation of their present ruinous misgovernmentj out rf
the aggravated wrongs of the wretched Africans.
' The most extravagant individuals find their vices the most costly
of their luxuries, and nations are most impoverished by their politied
crimes. The West Indies have proved one great source of ddit and
expenditure to Britain. We may depend upon it, that nothing bat
the bounties and protections granted year after year upon West Indian
produce, could have enabled the slave-holder to compete with the la-
bour of free men in the East Indies, and on the African coasts. It if
out of the pockets of this nation, heavily as we are taxed, and griev-
ously as we complain of our burdens, that the money comes, whidi en-
ables the West Indian planter, with his monopoly and bounties, to re-
sist the natural effects of that universal law which dooms to unpro-
ductiveness the labour of slaves, and curses with barrenness, the soil,
however fertile, where the labourer is deprived of his just share of the
produce. Had slave-labour in the West Indies been left to the un-
troubled laws of nature, slavery would by this time have died a na-
tural death throughout the British colonies. But Britain intercepts
this benevolent provision of the Author of Nature for the emancipa-
tion of slaves ; and, by bounties and taxes, wrung out of the produc-
tive labour of free men, prevents the unproductiveness of oompulsory
labour from telling to its full extent in favour of the slaves ; wfaib
two- elevenths of her whole military force go to the maintenance of that
unjust and inhuman tyranny, usurped by a handful of white men over
thousands of their fellow creatures.
* By an elaborate and moderate computation, the military and navsl
expenses of maintaining the West India Islands in a state of slaveryt
especially if the Mauritius and the Cape are added, cannot fall ahort of
two millions sterling annually. The duties and drawbacks on sugar
have been estimated, with equal care, at one million two hundred
thousand pounds sterling ; and, if we add the loss that we suffer Iraa
excluding the productions of the richest countries of the east, the toCsl
amount of Britain's loss cannot possibly be much overstated at four
millions a-year. When England is so anxious about economy, that
even the reduction of a few thousands a-ycar is esteemed a matter of
great moment, and members are forced to make all sorts of excuses to
their constituents for not voting in favour of any measure which would
produce a saving of even an uconsiderable sum^ shall four milljimt
Colonial Slavery. 855
s-yctr be qniedy suffered to be wasted, and wasted upon a system alike
dcatfuctive of witish property and British life ?
' The loss of money, however, be it erer so great, cannot compare
with the cruel waste of life occasioned by sending our soldiers to tnose
pestilential regions, whose very atmosphere is, in many cases, death to
the uninured whites, and certain loss of health to all. In 1826, of
the eighty-three regiments then in the British service, twenty were
placed in the West Indies, being only three less than the number of
diose which were then stationed in distracted Ireland, (excluding the
reserve corps,) and only six less than are in Ireland at this present
eventful crisis. While twenty regiments were required for the West
Indies, nine were deemed sufficient for Britain. If we inquire, against
what enemy so large a force was accumulated, we find the West In-
dies threatened with no danger from without ; their only danger was
from within. The British fleet had possession of the sea ; Britain
was at peace with the world ; but slavery could not be maintained
witboat the presence of a force, which misht have spread the influence
of Britain over the farthest east, but i^ich, without a battle or an
enemy^ was wasting away under the influence of a West Indian cli-
mate.
' In June 1829, when Parliament ordered the returns to be laid be-
fore them of the mortality of our army in the West Indies, thoise re-
turns were withheld ; and Parliament acquiesced in the non*produc-
tion of them, on the implied understanding that they containea details
too horrible to meet the public eye.
' The then Secretary of War, Sir Henry Hardinge, was reported to
have said, that the inspection of these returns would '' be too horri-
fying for the public." W hat, then, are we to think of the iron nerves
of those rulers who can calmly surrender their fellow-citizens to evils
too horrible to be contemplated ?
' Will the Secretary of War exult in having nerves to execute that,
which the body of the nation are not supposed to have nerves to bear
the recital of? But has Britain much cause to rejoice in rulers who
possess so extraordinary a pre-eminence above their fellow citizens, in
the intrepidity with wnich they can contemplate human life unprofit*
aUy squandered away ? Anxiously, however, as they were concealed,
a part of those horrors have transpired. The then Secretary of War
is understood to have allowed that, out of three regiments, consisting
of 2700 men, sent to one of the islands, one-third had perished in one
season ! If the choice had been offered to those unfortunate regiments
to decline the duty, on the condition of having every third man of
them shot upon the spot, they would have been gainers, had they pre-
itOTed the horrible alternative. They would have been spared the
previous pangs of wasting sickness, they would have died in their own
land, and in the sight of their friends, bedewed with their tears, and
buried by their hands. Nor let us suppose that the loss of these regi-
ments was limited to a third. Death did not cease his work the fol-
lowing years, though his havock may be most dreadful on the first.
Who more might have perished, or what feeble remnants of these de-
voted regiments might have returned to their country, is known
only to the Secretary of War, and tliose of his colleagues who
X X 2
3^6, Colonial, Slavery.
have, nerves to iace tbe greatness of the disaster, Na doubt, if the
present colonial system Wiere abpliriiedy we misht still be obliged to,
keep up some military force in the W est Indies, out a much less might
suffice, and the regiments might mainly consist of blacksj upon whoa
the climate does not produce such baleful effects, and who might re-
lieve, the. white tfoops of the most wasting part of their duty; bat,
while slavery exists^ so large a white force is absolutely necessary to
maintain the system. uf compulsory labour and the lash.
' The planter's, indeed, jn-their rag^ against our legislature^ for the
very moderate restrictions it has attemptedFfrom time to time toimpoM
upon their cruelties, talk loudly of asserting their independence. How
capable they are of doing so, is abundantly evident from the fact^ that
wnen, upon an alarm of insurrection, they flew to arms, their bolleti
were found not to have been adapted to the bore of thejr Runs ;.aod,
upon another occasion, they were forced to . entreat a Bntisb Vessel
accidentally lying off* the coast, to come near to the shore, that the
terror of her cannon might awe into obedience the slaves, whom they
had it no^ in their power to reduce to submission by their own eftuts.
These are the men who threaten to shake off the British yoke, and
are enraged at the mention of any interference between them and th«r
property ! When they talk of .rising against Britain over their san-
garee, no wonder their slaves talk oi rising against them. Without,
the arm of power which Britain has stretched over .them, it stands to
reason that a handful of white men could not have, restrained thou-
sands of blacks from asserting the natural, rights of humanity ; and,
but for her ill-judged bounties and protections, they must Iqng: since
have thrown up t^ieir plantations in qes^mir.. Theirs are ii,ot,twathon-
sand sugar plunt<*rs, and they receive one million .two .huni^^recl 'thou-
sand pounds of, British njoney, to enable th^m to set tne laws both of
nattirc and humanity at defiance. These magnificent pauper8».by the
help of Britain, can at once evade :the benevolent provision^ ot Na-
ture, and blaspheme the hand that feeds them ;' for a part (^ their
pensions are allotted to a secret fund, which rewai^s toe hired in-
vective, calumnv, and falsehood, of the advocates or slavery in Bri-
tain/— pp. 17-24.
We will not offend our rcadet^ by ofTcring any apology. for the
length of these citations. Should the language be thought by
any person too strong, Mr. Douglas is able to atlswer for himself.
W« must transcribe one more paragrapl) from this part of the
address. ^ '
^ We pray for immediate abolition, because gradual emancipation is
now ont of the question. The planters .themselves have solved the
difficulty ; they have left us no alternative between immediate eman-
cipation, or certain insurrection. Gradual, means step by st<^, but
the planters will not take the first step towards emancipating the
Negroes. *
' liklncation and religion arc the preparatory measures which have
long been pbinte<l out as the safest and surest mode of fitting the slaves
for the blessing of freedom. Education/ however, (except teaching
Colonial Sh^ery- 357
bem to repeat the CHmrch Catechism by rote), the planters deny to
^cir slaves, and the teachers of religion they every where persecute
r forcibly expel; The planters are, indeed, preparing a gradual
btjlition of their own, but it is one not to our British tastes. They
rc^ gradually abolishing slavery, because they are gradually extermin-
Atig thedaves. They have proclaimed but one liberty for them, and
bat 18, to the death. The grave has been the only door of emanci-
Ation opened, to tfai^ wretch^ beings by their masters, and jt has
pened its mouth without measure. The time for gradual emancipa-
im is past-; to attempt any such process now, would be only to irri-
mte both the planters and the slaves, and hasten the dreaded crisis of
iifiPnrqfctiAVi r 1$ . is safer tp grant all than to grant a part ; to make
*he slave completely free, than to give him merely such a portion of
Freedom, as should make him more impatient of the remaining restric-
• p. 29.
The second part of the address includes a beautiful argument
finr tbe Sabbath, in its twofold character of a religious dtity and a
civil privUege : —
''The greatest privilege which' the majority of our nation possess ; —
a pntH^' without vhich^ all -other privileges would be vain; — for, at
thiif m9m*(^nt, it is the great barrier against the d^radation of the
race ; a^reserve in spite of themselves, of the liberty of the commu-
nity, which, if left unbcfriended by the Legislature, pressed as they
are by the approach of famine, and beset by every form of misery,
tl^sy would be too, apt tp barter away; though they would, not obtain
for it even the biriVetl^. wrought upou. Esau^-^n additional mess of
pot^tage; siape the, more.labour. th^it is brought intg the .madcet, the
narder are the conditions on which it will be purchased. .
' It js from the want of attending to this aistinction, that the Sab-
bath is both a religious duty and a civil privilege,' thMmost of the ob-
jections against Sabbath protection proceed. As far as it is a rdidoos
duty^ itrm^at .be enlQnci^ ,by the. Pnlp^t and not by , the. Laws.- Reli-
ffVOB ja^a volpnt^ry and!i r^asoi^able seryiqe; ,men cannot be compelled
by human enactments to give their hearts unto God, and to live to the
great ends of their being ; all that can be done, is to propose right
motives for this voluntary surrender of their homage to the King of
Kings. When the State interferes in* matters of religion, its interpo-
sition js both;, awkward "and ineifoctual. In such matters^ we neither
desire norrequii^ its aid. But the Sabbath is a civiLinriTUege^ andse
£EHr is t^e pr6per -object -of * state pvotectaon.' pp. 41 y 42.
f «
Tp JVlip..Xk^lHs?B j^miirJ^B on Church Reform, we shall advert
in our next Number, in :noticing. a> few of thq pamphlets that
htLve accumulated on our table sinpe we laet .adverted to this pro-
lific subject.,
( 368 )
Art. X. LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.
In the pre8s> Facts^ not Fables: with nomenms Engravingt. Bj
Chas. Williams.
In the pres8> The Proilignl. By the Rev. I. Thornton. 92mo.
In the press^ Spirituality of Mind. By Rev. Jos. Fletcher^ D.D.
32xno.
In the press> Conversations on Christian Polity. By a Lady. 1 Vol
12mo.
In the press^ and shortly will be published^ A Volume of Sennom.
By the late Rev. W. Howels.
In the press^ Fancy Fair ; to which is added> Starlight ; or, a Soent
at Tweeddale.
In the press, Bibliotheca Classica; or^ a new Classical Dictionarr:
containing an authentic and minute Account of the proper names whick
occur in Latin and Greek Authors, relating to History, Biography,
Mythology, Geography, and Antiquities. By John Dymock, LL.1).
and Thomas Dymuck> JM.A. In one large volume. 8vo. Neariy
ready*
The Entomology of Australia, in a Series of Monographs. Bj
George Robert Gray. Part I. containing the genus Phasma. In 4Ka
With Eight Plates and Descriptive Letterpress, plain and ooloored,
will appear June 1 .
In the press. Lectures on Poetry and General Literature. By Ji
Montgomery. 1 Vol. post 8vo.
Directions for the Analysis of Inorganic Substances. By J. J.
zelius, translated from the French. By G. O. Rees. Will sbortly be
published, in 1 Vol. 12mo.
In the press, and shortly will be published. The Life, Timeii» md
Correspondence of Isaac Watts, D.D. with Notices of many of his
Contemporaries, and a Critical Examination of his Writings. By the
Rev. Thos. Milner, A.M. Author of the '' History of the Seven Chnrdwi
of Asia." I thick Volume. 8vo. This Work will contain many par-
ticulars of this eminent Divine and Poet, hitherto but little known — a
full inquiry into his opinions upon the Trinity, with a view to asoertaia
his last sentiments upon this important subject.
The Rev. Ebenezer Miller has issued a Prospectus of a Series of
Gk<^;raphical Tables, designed for Youth, and intended to simplify
the work of Tuition, by presenting the leading features of every
country, both natural ana artificial, in a condensed, yet comprehensive
form. The names of those towns only will be inserted in toe Tabksy
which are worthy of the learner's attention, either on account of their
I
\ Literary Intelligence* 369
' general notoriety^ their Extent> Population, Commerce^ Manufetcturej
or Antiquities, &c It is not expected that the Work will exceed
r Twelve or Fifteen Numbers : and these will embrace the substance of
• '" most of the ordinary Works on Gec^raphy ; besides containing much
useful Information, which can only be found by consulting the best
wL Gazetteers, at the expence of much time and labour. As an Intro-
duction to the Series, a General Outline or Summary of the Four
Quarters of the World, on the same plan, and on the race of a single
^ theet, will shortly be published. The price of each No. will be 4d. or
J Sf. 6d, per dozen.
Preparing for the press, and to be speedily published. The Nar-
^ rative of two Expeditions into the Interior of Australia, undertaken
; hy Captain Charles Sturt, of the 39th Regiment, by order of the
Colonial Government, to ascertain the nature of the Country to the
^ west and north-west of the Colony of New South Wales. This work
will contain a correct Chart of the Rivers that were discovered ; a
minute Description of the Country, its Geology, Productions, the
K Character of its Rivers, Plains, and Inhabitants, together with much
I vaeftil information. It will give a distinct account of Captain Barker's
Survey of St. Vincent's Gulf, the nature of the Soil in the Pro-
montory of Cape Jervis, its Streams, Anchorage, &c. ; and will be
illustrated by numerous Drawings of the Scenery, Ornithology, and
Foasil Formation of the Country traversed, interspersed with nu-
merous Anecdotes of the Natives, their Manners, Weapons, and other
Peculiarities. This work is dedicated, by permission, to Lord Gbde-
Tich, and will throw a new light on the whole of the Country that was
explored.
In the course of this month will appear. An Historical Sketch of
the Princes of India, Stipendiary, Subsidiary, Protected, Tributary,
and Feudatory ; prefiaced by a Sketch of the origin and progress of
British power in India. With a brief account of the Civil, Military,
and Judicial Establishments of the East India Company. By an
Officer in the Service of the East India Company.
The Second Edition is nearly ready, of Prinsep's Journal of a
Voyaee from Calcutta to Van Diemen's Land ; comprising a De-
scription of that Colony during a Six ]\Ionths' Residence, llie First
Number of the Series of Illustrations to Prinsep's Journal, will be
published in a few days.
The Fourth Volume of the Library of Romance, edited by Leitch
Ritchie, is from the pen of Mr. Gait, Author of the Ayrshire Le-
gatees, Laurie Todd, &c., and is entitled " The Stolen Child, a Tale
of the Town ;" founded on a highly interesting fact.
In a few days will be published. Memoirs of the Life and Corres-
pondence of the Rev. William Lavers, late of Honiton. By I. S. Elliott.
With a portrait.
On May I, 1833, will be published, demy 8yo. Vol. II. (The con-
tiniiation) of The Life of the late Dr. Adam Clarke ; (from Original
Papers^) by a Metbber of his family.
S0O
Woffat recently pubKshed,
On the Ut. of May will be published, nml 8<rew Pent I. «f An Ei-
position of the Gospels of 8t. Matthew ana St. Mark» ao^ <»tlKT de-
tached parts of Holy Scripture. By the lat-e Rev. Richard Watson,
Author of "A Biblical ana Theological Dictionary,** &c. &:e.
Preparing for publication, A unifbrtn edition ef the Works of ^
late Kev. Richard Watson, ill dc^^en ▼olumes, 8vo. : inclndiif
Memoirs of the Authors Life and Writings> by the Rev. Thomss
Jackson.
In a short time will be published. Poetic Vigils ; containing a Mo-
nody on the Death of Adam Clarke, LL.D. F.A.S. &c» &c. Sec, and
other Poems. By Willian Bennct Baker.
In the press, Tlie Second Vol. of Sermons which have been preacbed
on Public Subjects and Solemn occasions, with Especial tlefeience to
the Si^s of the Times, by Francis Scurray, B D.
In the press. An Israelite Indeed : or, a Tribute of SFOipathy^ to
ihe Memory of a Beloved Father ; with characteristic sJcetches uf s
Life of unusual interest. By Juhn Morison, D.D. 16mo.
In the press. Sermons for Christian Families, on the moat import
tant Relative Duties, by the late Rev. Edward Payson^ i)j}, Pastsr
of the second Church in Portland.
Art. XL WORKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED.
M1SCXLLANBOU8.
Whychcotie of St John*i ; or the Court,
the Camp, the Quarter Deck, and the
Cloister. 8 Tola. ISs.
A Letter to Thomas Wilton, Esq.
Treasurer of the London Missionary So-
ciety. By William Alex. Hankey, Esq.
occasioned by the ** Analysis*' of bis Evi-
dence on the Subject of Slavery, before
the Committee of the House of Com-
mons, contained in the Anti- Slavery Re^
porter. With Notes by its Editor. 8vo.
Ttie Spirit of Sectarianism ; with 0U>
fervatioos on the Duty and Means of de^*
stroyinff Prejudice, and restoring the pri-
mitive Unity of the Church. 8vo. Si. 6<i.
oamrrAL litxbatvbx.
The Mahivansi, the R4j&-ratnicari, and
the im&-Vali, formina; the Sacred and
Historical Books of (>ylon ; also a Col.
lection of Tracts illustradve of the Doc-
trinei and Literature of Buddhism ; trans-
lated from the Singhalese. Edited by Ed-
wardUpham, M.R.A.S. and F.R.S., Author
or«*tbe Hiitoryand DoetriiMs of BudiU
hum,** •« the Hiatoiy of the Ottomea En.
pire,** &c. &C. S vols. 8vo. 2L 2b
roLmcAL.
A Cry to Ireland and the Empire. Bj
an Irishman, formerly Member of tfaie
Royal College. 12mo. Half cloA bound.
4s. 6d.
TBSOLOOr.
Scriptural Researches. By the Right
Hon. Sir George Henry Roae^ Bart.
12mo. 7s. 6d, bound.
The Sinfulness of Colonial SUverv. A
Lecture delivered at the Monthly Meeting
of Congregational Ministers add Churches*
in the Meeting-house of Dr. Pye Smith,
Hackney, on February 7, 18SS. By R^
bert Halley. Is.
T&AVBLS.
North AmeHea; a Moral' an J Politicil
Sketch By Aditlle Murat, Son of the
late King of Niples* With » Note on
Negro Slavery, by Junius Redivivus.
1 vol with a Map. IDs. 6(/.
TO OUR SUBSCRIBERS.
We must cast ourselves on the lenity and kindness of our Subscribers. The present
Number must appear without the Index, &c., so long unavoidably delayed. It was found
iinpossible to pass it through the Press in time. Arrangements have been made, whkh
wiU, it ia.confidently hoped, prevent the recurrence of similar irregulantiea. The Editor
b^s to acknowledge the valuable contributions by which the present Number is exiricbedf
and to solicit, under the heavy pressure of his engagements, the help of his corretpondenta
in bringing up his arrears.
THE
ECLECTIC REVIEW,
For may, 1833.
Art. I. 1. The Causes of the French Revolution. 8vo. pp. 274.
London. 1832.
2. Quarterly Review, No. XCVII. Art. Lord John Russell on the
Causes of the French Revolution,
^''HIS lively, amusing, and not uninstnictive brochure is from
the pen of Lord John Russell. It has been stigmatised in
the Quarterly Review, with that gentlemanly and impartial feel-
ing which characterises the pages of that Journal, as ^ an impudent
* catchpenny.' We believe that we must call it an indiscretion.
When a cabinet minister becomes an author, he may expect to
find political critics, in whom the rancour of party, if not of per-
sonal animosity, shall be superinduced upon the spirit of detrac-
tion which too much pervades modern criticism. We think that
the noble Writer should have refrained from thus putting himself
into the power of a clever, malignant, unscrupulous, personal
adversary. The volume can add little to his literary reputa-
tion, even with those who estimate it the most favourably ; and
unless some very obvious purpose could be answered by the pub-
lication, we must think that it would have been discreet to with-
hold it.
We believe it is Lord John Russell himself who has made
the remark, that ' the French Revolution is ascribed to every
* thing, and every thing is ascribed to the French Revolution.'
Upon no subject has so large a portion of shallow philoso-
phizing and mppant declamation been vented by littSrateurSf
great and petty. What is meant by ' Causes of the French
Revolution'*.'* Are we to understand by the phrase, the
causes which necessitated some revolution in France, or the
causes which led to such a revolution, and which determined
its character? The originating causes were mainly politi-
VOL. IX. — N.S. Y Y
362 Causes of the French RevoltUion.
cal : they are matter of history. The govemiDg causes were
moral, and these are not so much the matter of history as
the key to it. The real causes seem to the Quarterly Reviewer
* very obvious ** ; and first, * the feeble character of Louis XVI.'
Can any thing be more absurd ? Could the feeble character of
Louis XVI. have caused a revolution, if he had not been the
successor of Louis XV. ? His indecision, his weakness, his
half-measures, led to his own ruin, and to the downfall of the
monarchy, because it rendered all timely compromise impossible,
and, in the conflict of the new opinions with the old, which con-
stituted the revolution, prevented what Necker forcibly styled,
the * august mediation ' of the crown. The benign but incom-
petent character of Louis XVI., which precluded the efficient
intervention of the monarch, may be said to have ruined the
Revolution, rather than to have caused it. There was a time in
France, when the monarch was every thing. Although that time
was past, ^ there was no period during the whole first assembly \
M. Dumont remarks, ' when the king, could he have changed
^ his character, might not have re-established his authority, and
^ formed a mixed constitution.** But would not the formation oft
mixed constitution have been a revolution, a decided and a happy
one ? If this is all that the king could have done, this is but to
make him the negative cause of what was not effected. He
caused a bad revolution, merely by hindering a good one ; but a
revolution was confessedly inevitable.
The Quarterly Reviewer, after having exhibited the feeble
character of Louis as the chief cause and mainspring of the
Revolution, proceeds to express his persuasion, under the sanction
of M . Dumont, ^ that the king might, if a firmer man, have
* stayed the revolution in its course. We believe, in fact,^ they
say, ^ that there never was a revolution which might not have
* been arrested by a proper policy on the part of the government,
* — ^by a sufficiently steady resistance or sufficiently liberal con-
* cession.' This is, indeed, oracular wisdom. Every revolution
might, it seems, have been stayed, if the policy of the government
had been just the opposite to what it was : if it was the policy of
concession, it ought to have been resistance; if that of resistance,
it ought to have been concession. Can any thing be more in-
genious and satisfactory ? In a word, there never was a revo-
lution which might not have issued differently, had the causes
been different ! But the question before us is, not whether
Louis XVI. might have stayed the Revolution, but whether he
can be said, by his feeble character or temporizing conduct, to
have caused it. His ill-timed concessions were but the last steps
of that fatal series of political blunders by which the misguided
monarch * ruined every thing.^ At the proper time he had refused
to accede to the reasonable wishes of France. By nothing did he
Causes of the French Revolution. 363
o much contribute to produce the Revolution, as by his selection
^his ministers. His choice of the frivolous, selfish, and incom-
letent Maurepas, was his own act. That intriguing courtier
t>mmenced the work of disorganization, which Necker, when
ecalled too late, vainly attempted to remedy, and which Calonne,
vy his desperate charlatanism, consummated.*
In the judgement of an acute witness of the initial movements
f the Revolution, who was personally acquainted with the leading
nembers of the National Assembly, the character of the king
tad less to do in causing the overthrow of the monarchy, than the
baracter of the queen. ^ The king**, says Jefferson, in his auto-
liographical memoir, 'now become a passive machine in the hands
of the National Assembly, had he been left; to himself, would
have willingly acquiesced in whatever they should devise as
best for the nation. A wise constitution would have been
formed, hereditary in his line, himself placed at its head, with
powers so large as to enable him to do all the good of his station,
and so limited as to restrain him from its abuse. This he would
have faithfully administered ; and more than this, I do not be-
lieve he ever wished. But he had a queen of absolute sway
over his weak mind and timid virtue, and of a character the
reverse of his in all points. This angel, as gaudily painted in
the rhapsodies of Burke, with some smartness of fancy, but no
sound sense, was proud, disdainful of restraint, indignant at all
obstacles to her will, eager in the pursuit of pleasure, and firm
enough to hold to her desires, or to perish in the wreck. Her
inordinate gambling and her dissipations, with those of the
Count d^ Artois, and others of her clique^ had been a sensible
item in the exhaustion of the treasury, which called into action
the reforming hand of the nation ; and her opposition to it, her
inflexible perverseness, and dauntless spirit, led herself to the
guillotine, drew the king on with her, and plunged the world
into crimes and calamities which will for ever stain the pages of
modem history. I have ever believed, that had there been na
queen, there would have been 710 revolution. No force would
have been provoked nor exercised. The king would have gone
hand in hand with the wisdom of his sounder counsellors, who,
guided by the increased lights of the age, wished only, with the
same pace, to advance the principles of their social constitu-
tion.' f
* ' I repeat/ remarks Madame de Stael> ' that no individual can be
xused as the author of the Hevolution ; but, if an individual is to be
imed, it is upon the misconduct of M. de Calonne that the charge
lUst be fixed.'
t Jefferson's Memoirs, Vol. I., p. 86.
Y Y 2
364 Causes of the French Revolution.
Another of the ^ real causes ^ of the French Revolution, tlie
Quarterly Reviewer thinks, was the previous exertions of tlie
philosophers. Upon this point, we shall transcribe the following
sensible remarks from the volume before us.
' It is not necessary to dwell longer among the so-styled philoto-
phers. Lay aside their pretensions^ and we shall see them to be
merely a club of authors^ living in a vicious age^ and joining the sini
of a corrupt society to the errors^ and weaknesses^ and vanities of the
literary profession. Yet all the time^ because they professed deism or
atheism^ they femcied themselves superior to the just, and the wiie,
and the good. They were swine running down a precipieey and
thought themselves eagles mounting above the clouds.
' Much has been said and written of the conspiracy formed by the
philosuphers to overturn religion and monarchy. If by conspiracy is
meant a plan which was to end in action, it is clear, from the private
correspondence of the leaders, that no conspiracy of that kind existed.
But it is equally clear, that the design of changing the religious faith
of France was digested into a system, and carried on by regular stepi.
Voltaire considered himself, and was duly acknowledged, as the nh
triarch of the philosophers ; and although uis authority was scoflTed at
by a large number, on account of his superstitious belief in the exist-
ence of a God, the two parties combined joined their forces against the
national religion; and whatever their form of doubt might be, all
agreed in rejecting Christianity. Voltaire was earnest in promoting
the union. " Let us march under the same standard," he wrote to the
Abbe iMorcllet, " without drum or trumpet : encourage your allies,
and let our treaties be secret." Writing to D'Alembert conoemii^
his Ejcamen de Lord Bolhisbroke, he says, " Women and children will
read this work, which is sold cheap. Tliere are now more than thirty
tracts which have l)ecn circulated in Europe during the two last years :
it is impossible that in the end this should not produce some change
in the administration of public affairs."
' It appimrs that these tracts were printed at the expense of a dub
or committee in Paris ; that they were furnished at a low price, or
gratis, to the hawkers, who sold them in the country for ten sous a
volume. The secretary of the club, Le Roi, declared, in 1789, that
these works were all composed either by members or under the orders
of the society ; that when brought to the committee they were abridged,
enlarged, made more discreet or more bold as they thought fit. The
work then a])peared under a title chosen by the society, and was often
attributed to an author lately dead. '* When we had approved of these
books," continues the secretary, " we printed on fine or ordinary paper
a sufficient number to pay the expense of printing, and afterwaras an
immense number of copies on the cheapest paper : we sent these last
to booksellers or hawkers, who had them for nothing or almost
nothing ; but they were enjoined to sell them to the people at the
lowest price."
' It was impossible, as Voltaire said, that this practice should not
in the end produce some change in the administration of public affairs;
but what that change was to be, he seems to have been utterly unable
Causes of the French Revolution, 365
to foresee. For while he looked only to the downfall of Christianity,
Rousseau on bis side predicted the speedy destruction of monarchy :
the nation took their lessons from both, and overthrew monarchy as
well as religion.
' The doctrines of Diderot and Holbach, although they were never
adopted either by the nation or by any governing party, even in the
maadest moments of the mad Revolution, contributed to shake the
ancient fabric, increasing the tumult, distracting the attention, and
promoting the general confusion.' pp. 266 — 269.
Pernicious, however, as was the influence of the infidel writers
of France, we cannot regard it as, properly speaking, a direct
cause of the Revolution, but only as a cause of its miscarriage
and of the excesses which attended it. There is no reason to
suppose that any degree of wisdom or virtue on the part of the
French Encyclopedists, could have arrested the march of events,
or have averted the social conflict. Had nol the clergy lost
their hold upon the public mind by their secularity and their
intolerance, the influence of the infldel writers would have been
inconsiderable. The Church had herself created the moral
darkness which emboldened the birds of night and the ravening
wolves to come forth from their obscene holes and dens ; for the
foul fiend Infidelity always lurks in the dark shadow of Super-
stition. We may date from the repeal of the edict of Nantes,
which extinguished Protestantism in France, the birth of that
monster which was to avenge the crime. * The last light glim-
' mered from the cells of Port Royal.' To use the beautiful
language of Mr. Hall, the Gallican Church, ^ amidst the silence
* and darkness she had created around her, drew the curtains and
* retired to rest. The accession of numbers she gained by sup-
* pressing her opponents, was like the small extension of length
* a body acquires by death : the feeble remains of life were ex-
^ tinguished, and she lay a putrid corpse, a public nuisance,
* filling the air with pestilential exhalations.' * In those exhala^
tions, the spawn of Atheism was gendered.
The Quarterly Reviewer talks of in'eligion having become the
filishion among men of talent in France, suppressing all reference
to the causes which had brought up the fashion, as not suitable to
his purpose.. The Encyclopedists, adds the Tory Writer, * had
' discovered' that important secret, — so well known to our own
* revolutionary party at this time,"* (here peeps out the sinister
purpose of the article,) * that one of the best quarters from
* whence to assail and overthrow a State, is through its Church
* establishment.'* If so, it must be because a Church establish-
ment is the weakest part of a State. And if it is the weakest
part, it must cither be so through original defect of constitution.
• Works, Vol. IV. p. 72.
366 Causes of the French RewduHon.
or must have been rendered so by corruption. Wben wm
ever an establishment overthrown, that had not first been mored
from its only sure basis, the respect and homage of the people?
The Church of the people is the bulwark and buttress of tlv
State. Not so, the Feudal Church, when the reign of Feudalin
is past. In France, the Establishment had crushed relij^
before it became itself exposed to the dangers arising from aa
anti-Christian conspiracy. ^ When Voltaire appeared/ laji
Lord John Kussell, ' this religion (Christianity) was not, inded,
^ the creed of the Regent and his mistresses, or of the Cardinal
^ Dubois and his followers ; but it was the faith of all that wai
^ really worthy, high-minded, and respectable in France/ But
that ' air was fast contracting itself within narrower dimensiom.
The religion of Fenelon had never been that of the French
Church ; yet, a few such men might have been as the salt thit
should have stayed its corruption. No Fenelons, no Massillons,
no Bourdaloues, however, were left to adorn and uphold that
tottering fabric which the first storms of the Revolution over*
threw. But then, says the Quarterly Reviewer, there was *the
* kind-hearted and only too liberal Bishop of Chartres!^ We
admit that liberality is the next best thing to piety ; but it is a
miserable substitute for it.
The only remaining 'efficient cause ^ mentioned bv the Re-
viewer, is the example of the United States of America. And
this had certainly a more direct influence in producing the
revolution in France, than either of the other two, ' The old
French Government," it is remarked, * in assisting the North
American insurgents, imagined that they should strike a heavy
blow against England. They did so, but it recoiled still more
heavily against themselves. A vague idea of republican
equality spread among the French officers on that service. They
were most of them young men, giddy, ignorant, and enthu-
siastic. They did not consider the diffisrent situation of
America . . . On returning to France, these new converts to
the democratical doctrine did not, at first, indeed, carry these
views beyond abstract speculation. But, by the long and per-
severing exertions of the Philosophers, the ground had been
already prepared for the evil seed, and the progress of events
soon turned these theorists into conspirators.' *
* Quart. Rev. No. xcvii. p. 106. Lord John Russell, speaking of
tlie state (»f literature and public opinion in the reigns of liouis AV.
and George II., remarks, that 'the eighteenth century had no pre-
dominant interest to contend for. Whether Maria Theresa should
have a province the less, or (ieorgc II. a colony the more, was not a
question to excite enthusiasm or absorb attention.' Although this
Causes of the French Revolution. 3IStJ
Still, although the American Revolution, misunderstood^ had
loubtless a powerful influence in kindling an enthusiasm for
iberty, and in creating the strong bias towards republican institu-
toD8, it was neither one of the first causes in order of time, nor
me of the main springs of the revolutionary change in society
hat was already in progress, and of which itself was but an
ndication. Montesquieu and Voltaire had preceded Jefferson
ind Paine, and the influence of America upon France was a
'^-action. The Causes of the French Revolution illustrated in
lie present volume, are such as were in operation before the
iccession of Louis XVI. in 177^ i (^^^ very year in which the
American revolution may be said to have commenced ;) the his-
Knrical sketch being brought down no further than the death of
bis predecessor. On this account, the noble Author must stand
Bxcused for not having adverted to it among the causes of the
republican movement in France ; but his view of those causes,
thus narrowed to an antecedent period, must of course be con-
udered as imperfect and defective. Long before republicanism
had been imported from America, however, it had found a cham-
pion and panegyrist in Montesquieu, whom Lord John character-
lies as the writer * who threw the first stone at the monarchy of
France.' Anti-monarchical principles had also found a royal
Eatron in Frederick II., in whose reign Berlin became to the
terary men of France, what Versailles had been in the age of
Louis Quartorze ; and to his example and encouragement, the
Quarterly Reviewer thinks, we may certainly ascribe no small
share of the fatal success of the soi-disant philosophers. How
ridiculous, then, is it to speak of a mere link in the chain of
events, as originating all that ensued ! Europe had long exhibited
at various points, indications of that moral commotion which was
at work beneath the surface, and which modified, but not caused,
by the different circumstances of the social system, was in
America merely an earthquake, in France a volcano.
Among * the concurring causes "* of the Revolution, the Quar-
terly Reviewer admits, was ' the disorder in the finances, to which
• almost every popular convulsion may in some degree be traced.'
The keen remark is cited from Rousseau, that * the people are
• never alive to any attempt upon their liberty, except when it is
• an attempt upon their pockets.' * ' But this,' adds the Writer,
' can only be looked upon as the spark which fired the train.
sentence so obviously limits the Author s remark to the first half of
the century, the Quarterly Reviewer sneers at ' the philosophical
historian/ for forgetting ' that the American war of independence and
the Revolution of France, were the produce of that century.' A fine
specimen this of critical fairness and acumen.
♦ * Dans tout pays, le peuple ne s^apercoit qtCon attente h sa liberty,
que lorsqu'on aiiente ^ sa bourse.'
368 Causes of the French Revoluiion.
* The more closely we examine the historical records of thos
' times, the more evident it becomes to us, that the Frenc
^ Revolution was mainly owing, not to the distress suffered h
^ the people, but to the false doctrines spread among them.* Bi
what occasioned the success of those doctrines ? Strange, thi
the immediate cause of an explosion should be regarded as onl
a concurring cause ! The disorder in the finances unquestionaU
broke down the power of the monarchy ; but the popular distrea
which was a terrible clement of the general confusion, was aggn
vated by other circumstances. The continued scarcity of hrei
amid an abundance of com, in the capital, during the first mond
of the Revolution, is ascribed by Jefferson, who was then residiii
at Paris, to the mismanagement of the municipality ; and thi
undoubtedly was a powerftil cause of discontent. In descrifaiii
the four distinct parties which divided the Assembly, the Ahm
rican minister characterizes the faction of Orleans as compose
of only the Catilines of the Assembly and some of the Iowa
descriptions of the mob, and that mob as ^ a class which ran
* accept its bread from him who will give it.** M. Mignet, i
his spirited " History of the French Revolution,'* + describes tl
events connected with the storming of the Bastille in July I7BS
as the insurrection of the middle class of society against the p
vilcged orders; while the assault of the Tuileries, with tli
massacre of the Swiss on the 10th of August, 1792, he considei
as the insurgency of the multitude against the middle class. Tl
Revolution was, in fact, a series of convulsions, produced b
agencies coming into successive operation, and crossing the or
ginal movement, which had not been calculated upon by tli
primary actors. Could those agencies have been excluded, a
might have been well. The movement, violent as it was, wool
not have been anarchical, had the machinery of the state main
taincd its integrity; — had the monarchy, by which the whol
cohered, been preserved. But when this controlling principl
was abstracted, the whole machine ran down with acceleratiD]
violence, and those who in vain attempted to arrest the unei
pcctcd consequences of their rashness, were entangled in tb
wheels.
The Causes of the French Revolution, then, were, first, thoe
antecedent circumstances which rendered some reformation nc
only necessary, but inevitable ; secondly, those which supplie
the immediate impetus, and occasioned the activity of those pw
disposing causes ; and thirdly, those which governed the move
ment, and determined the character and issue o{ the awful an
abortive political experiment.
* Jefferson's Memoirs, Vol. III. p. 40.
t Sec Ec. Rev. 2d Scries, Vol. XXVI. p. 231.
Causes of the French Resolution. 369
With regard to the predisposing causes, if they have been
fMnrrectly defined as the conflict of the new opinions with the old,
we must carry back our inquiry higher than the days of Montes-
quieu, in order to obtain a just view of the rise and progress of
tnat conflict, which had been going forward ever since the
Reformation. In reference to this point, we are tempted to
introduce the sagacious remarks of a French writer of dis-
tinguished ability, M. Aug. le Comte, which, though somewhat
disfigured and obscured by a technical phraseology, contain much
that is deserving of attention.
* The numerous and prolonged efforts made by nations and by mo-
aarchs, to re-organize society^ prove that the need of this re-organiza-
tion 18 universally felt. But it has been only attempted^ on either
hand, in a vague and imperfect manner. These two species of
attempts, (national or popular and monarchical^) though opposed, are
usually prejudicial in their different bearings. They hitherto never
have nad, and they never can have> any truly constructive result
(rittdtai organique). Far from tending to terminate the crisis, they
only contribute to prolong it. Such is the true cause which, in spite
cf 80 many efforts, while it retains society in the critical direction
(direction critique), leaves it a prey to revolution. To establish this
tundamental assertion, it will be sumcient to cast a general glance over
the attempts at re-organization which have been made by kings and
by nations.
' The error committed by monarchs is the most easy of detection.
Their idea of re-organization is, the pure and simple re-establishment
the feudal and hierarchal system (i. e. Church and State system) in
1(8 fiill power. There is not, in their opinion, any other way to subdue
the anarchy which results from the downfall of this system. There
would be httle philosophy in considering this opinion as principally
dictated by the private interests of Governors. However chimerical,
it is one which naturally presents itself to minds which sincerely seek
a remedy for the actual crisis, and feel in all its extent the need of a
re-organization, but which have not considered the general march of
civilization, and, viewing the present state of affairs under only one
aspect, have not perceived the tendency of society towards the esta-
blishment of a new system, more perfect and not less consistent than
the old one. In a word, it is natural that this should be the view of
things taken by rulers ; for, from the position which they occupy, they
must necessarily see more clearly the anarchical state of society, and^
in consequence, be more forcibly impressed with the necessity of its
being remedied.
' This is not the place to insist on the manifest absurdity of such an
opinion : it is now universally recognized by the mass of enlightened
men. Monarchs, without doubt, in seeking to restore the ancient
system, do not comprehend the nature of the actual crisis, and are far
from having estimated the whole extent of their enterprise. The
fiedl of the feudal and sacerdotal system is not, as they imagine,
owing to recent causes, which are isolated and in some measure
VOL. IX. — N.s. z z
370 Causes of the French Ret^aluHort.
liccidental. Instead of being the effect of the crisis^ it is; inxetEtf,
its cause. The downfall of the system has been effected by inrwi
continued through preceding ages, by a chain of modificationsy inde^
pendent of all human Tolition, in which all classes of society hiff
concurred, and of which monarchs themselves hare ofiten been tht
primary agents or the most ardent promoters. It has been^ in a word,
the necessary consequence of the march of Civilization.
^ It would not> then, be sufficient, in order to re-establish the andent
system, that society should retrograde as ftir as to the epoch of the
commencement of the general crisis. For, supposing that we could
arrive at it, which is absolutely impossible, we should only have
replaced the social body in the situation which necessitated that crisis.
It would be necessary, in retracing the past ages, to repair sacoessively
all the losses which the ancient system has sustained during six oen*
turies, and in relation to which, what the last thirty years have ab-
ducted from it, is of no importance. The only methoa of attaioiiig
their object, would be, to annihilate, one by one, all the developmentl
of civilization which have caused those losses.
• ••••••
' Thus monarchs, at the very time that they are planning the re*
construction of the church and state system, involve themaelves in
perpetual contradictions, in contributing by their own acts, rather to
render more complete the disorganization of this system, or to acoelenite
the formation of that which must replace it. Numerous instances of
this &ct, present themselves to the observer. To notice only what is
most remarkable, we see, that monarchs deem it an honour to en-
courage the cultivation and diffusion of the sciences and the fine
arts, and to excite the development of industry. We see them, ta
this end, institute numerous useful establishments; a circnimtance
which, while ultimately relating to the progress of science^ of the line
arts, and of industry, must be regarded as tending to the downfall of
the ancient system.
* Thus, again, by the treaty of the Holy Alliance, the Sovereigns
have degraded, as far as they were able, the Sacerdotal Power, the
principal basis of the ancient system, by forming a supreme European
council in which that power had not even a consulting voice. • • •
' This radical inconsistency illustrates in the most striking manner
the absurdity of a plan which those who pursue it with the greatest
ardour do not themselves comprehend. It clearly shews, how complete
and irrevocable is the ruin of the ancient system.
* The manner in which the people have hitherto attempted the
re -organization of society is, though in another way, not less prejudicial,
than that adopted by sovereigns. This error is, however, more excusable,
because they perplex themselves in search of the new system towards
which the march of civilization is leading them, but the nature of
which has not yet been determined with sufficient clearness : whereas
the sovereigns are prosecuting an enterprise, the absurdity of which,
the slightest attention to the past abundantly demonstrates. In a
word, the monarchs are opposed to facts, and the people to principles,
which it is ah\'ays more difficult to avoid losing sight of. But this
error of the people, it is of much more importance to eradicate, than
t . Causes of the French Revolution. 3^
I tfttt^'^^ which monarchs fall ; since it alone forms an essential ob-
l. litiMde to the march of civilization.
f ^, '* The predominant notion in the popular mind as to the manner in
; irluch Society ought to be organized^ has for its characteristic feature^
-A profound ignorance of the fundamental conditions upon which the
•ocial system ought to rest in order to its true stability. People have
been led to mistake for organic principles^ those which have served
to subvert the feudal and hierarchal system ; or^ in other words^ to
tftke the mere modifications of this system for the basis of that which
.it 18 sought to establish.'
. That the genius of the present afj^e is more analytical than con-
Mroctiye, more critical than scientific, more acute in detecting
fidlacdesy than comprehensive of truths, must, we think, be ad-
mitted. Happily, howeyer, in our own country, the practical
80 predominates over the speculative iii the national character,
that there is small danger of proceeding too fast in the work of
^ re-organi£ation.^ Our legislation still halts a little behind the
inarch of society, and follows, rather than anticipates the Great
Innovator. This is as it should be. If,, again, few of our
lawyers are jurists, still fewer are theorists ; and those who are
ignorant of principles, retain a conservative reverence for pre-
cedents* If few of our politicians are statesmen, at least they do
not set up for philosophers. The boldest projects of innovation
snd reform that are brought forward, the most exceptionable or
dangerous, have still nothing of a visionary character. It is not
S' a parade of general principles that it is sought to recommend
em to adoption, but by the promise of beneBcial results. The
greatest changes that the present generation has witnessed, have
been slowly produced and tardily recognized ; and reform has been
but an accommodation of the law to the fact. In short, in this
country, the old and the new opinions seem to blend and mutually
re-act, rather than to come into conflict ; and re-oreanization pro-
ceeds, as in the operations of nature, so as only to Keep pace with
the perpetual changes of absorption and decay.
Among the causes of the French Revolution, it is strange
that so much stress should be laid upon the character of the
king, and so little on the national character. It is not a mere
truism, that the French Revolution could have occurred only
in France, and in France as it was. That such a revolution
could not have taken place in England, is proved by the different
character of what our Tory writers are fond of calling the Great
Rebellion under the first Charies, in which the apparent simi-
larity of the principal events serves but to make more conspi-
cuous the moral contrast. It has been justly remarked by an
acute observer of human nature, that * a period of insurrection
* deserves peculiar study, as the true touchstone of national cha-
* racter, — the season when all the qualities of men may be the
372 Causes of the French RewdiUiofu
* most fairly judged. It is the interr^um of law and the m-
^ turnalia of passion.'' * In England, nowever, during the soi-
pension of the power of the executive, there was scarcdy an in-
terregnum of law ; for that which George Withers describes ai
^ — a yet augoster thing,
Veiled though it be^ than Parliament or King,'
still maintained its supremacy in the public mind. ' Independ-
ently of the murder of the king,^ remarks Mr. Chevenix, 'n»
very great crimes stained this Revolution. It was not aooom-
Eanied by any such atrocious measures as occurred in ibe po-
tical disturbances of other countries. Although Cromwri>
himself was a profound dissembler, no g^at act of national
perfidy had taken place. Religion was not rooted out of the
hearts of the people, to make room for impiety ; and fiinaticisn,
not atheism, caused the abuses of the time ; still leaving a hope
that, when the frenzy was calmed, the name of God might be
again respected. Morality, instead of being openly rdaaed,
affected austerity ; and they who despised it, were compelled to
use hypocrisy. In short, none of tne tremendous vices which
threaten the very foundations of society, broke out amonff the
people, to destroy the hope of ever re-establishing good order.^
Apart from the merits of the quarrel, in no stage of its histoit
does the English nation present a grander attitude, or exhibit
more the character of moral energy, than during the long contest
between the Parliament and the King. It is a period which ne
Englishman needs blush to remember ; and he must cease to feel
as an Englishman, before he can lose his sympathy with Hamp-
den, and Pym, and Hutchinson, his veneration for Milton and Sd-
den, Owen and Baxter ; while of Cromwell himself, it must be
said, that even if his sincere patriotism be doubted, he was die
most blameless of usurpers. The occasion of the revolution was
no idle pretext ; it was real and substantial, and the cause of die
Parliament was at least in its origin a just one. It was after a
long and intelligent struggle for civil liberty, and in consequence
of a sudden check being given to its progress, that the insurrec-
tion broke out. The nation had gradually been becoming not
only more determined upon obtaining its rights, but more capable
and more worthy of freedom. In every respect, the state of
France before the Revolution exhibits an entire contrast. Its
pretexts, as Mr. Chenevix remarks, were wholly different from its
causes. ^ The cause,'' he adds, ^ was simply this, the moral state
* of the entire nation. France had long been undergoing a pro-
* Chcuevix on National Character, Vol. I. p. 315.
t Ihid. Vol. I. p. 331.
Causes of the French Revolution. 3fJ3
'* cess of corruption in all its parts, and had become unfit even
^ for the government which it possessed in 1788.^* The contrast
'between the two revolutions is pursued in some subsequent para-
:gniphs, which we cannot refrain from transcribing.
' The French revolution began by the most atrocious crimes ; but
those crimes were not new ; and they were accompanied by all the
minutias of horror which had characterized them in every period.
There is not a single act of blood or treachery^ not a single day of
massacre or outrage^ but has its melancholy precedent^ often repeated^
in the former history of France. The language, indeed, was changed ;
and an unusual term, liberty, was introduced, to be the excuse for all.
Old crimes were committed under new names and new pretences, to
make the world suppose them virtues; — a species of hypocrisy not
jdemanded by the nation itself, but practised in deference to those who
lieard of them from afar.
' Nothing can be more ^se than to assert, that the revolution was
onclertaken in the cause of freedom. The whole system of reform was
m aeries of untruth and cunning, and all was earned on by treachery.
The nearest ties of blood or friendship were allowed no confidence.
Servants were bribed to betray their mastera; and in every province,
men and women were brought to the scaffold by fathers, friends, or
brothers. The most eloquent apostle of French revolutionary liberty
exclaimed, in his fervour : " Delation, a shame and a vice in despotic
"^ states, is a virtue among free men." And the principle was conse-
crated by the holiest practice.
' But the cruelty of this revolution surpassed even its perfidy. The
number of persons massacred, not in Imttle, during the reign of the
best assembly, the Constituent, was 3,7^3, or nearly Sve per day during
about two years. The legislative body had the effrontery to counte-
nance these massacres ; and JVIirabeau declared, that Liberty was a
prostitute .who delighted to revel among heaps of carcases. These
•were the virtuous days of French regeneration. The second assembly
flat about 355 days, and encouraged the perpetration of 8044 massa-
cres, or about twenty-five per dav. The Convention lasted about
three years, and at its instigation 1,026,606 massacres were committed,
making about 1000 per day. But, besides this, 800,000 perished in
civil war, 20,000 by fiunine, and 3,400 women died in premature
diild-birth, brought on by terror. The destruction of property was
everywhere in the like proportion. After the reign of the Convention,
.cruelty began to yield its place to cunning, and the most perfidious of
^governments succeeded to the most sanguinary ....
'The manner in which the English and the French conducted
themselves towards their sovereigns, though both events terminated in
death, is characteristic. The provocation which the former had borne
was ffreat, and it was wonderful that the father did not suffer in the
.stead of the son. The demands of the English, just and reasonable as
they were, had been constantly refused ; and whenever any point was
♦ Chenevix, Vol. I. p. 336.
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 A
Sfjt Causes of the French Reeohdhm.
gained, ft was withdrawn again as aoon as possible. Charles bad even
waged war upon the Parliament that murdered him, and no man relied
upon his word. But Louis XVI. was sincere end gentle> opright in
his intentions^ had not violated anj promise, and siaoerely desired s
true reform. He complied with every wish of his subjects^ however
unreasonable ; and the only reproach which can be made to him is his
weakness. When pushed to extremities, he did, indeed, attempt to
save himself and mmily bv flight ; but the French were not wise or
generous enough to allow him to escape. The Enelish bove the mis>
conduct of the Stuarts for near half a century, whfle the gentleness of
Louis could not preserve him one-tenth part of the time from the
scaffold.
' Charles was ill treated during his captivity, and his death ins
ignominious ; but the sufferings of Louis were inmiitely more agonisiiig.
Given in charge to the lowest of wretches, he was oonmellea to ben
their insults, as well to himself as to his wife, his children, imd hii
sister : and his keepers spared him no afltiction which oould render
his situation more bitter.
' XVlien Charles was dead, the malice of the British was appeased.
When the French king was no more, his femily was persecuted ; hit
wife, his son, his sister, three princes of his blood, were mnrdered,
and the rest were pursued by imprecations. But it may be said, the
English monarch nad the precaution to send his &nily oat of the
kingdom. He did so, and how ^vas his queen, Henrietta, the daughter
of uie most beloved monarch whom that nation ever knew — of Henri
IV. — treated by her own nearest royal relations, in her own oountrr ?
The French monarch was a better man than the British, and for this
reason the murder of Louis XVI. is less excusable.
' Anotlicr cliaracteristic which distinguishes the two rerohitions, is^
the fate of religion. Ever since the time of Wickliffe, the tendoicj
in England was to simplify the forms of worship, even more than wis
consonant with a monarchical government. 8ncn a system nmst lead
to atheism, if not sincere ; — to enthusiasm, if the heart be really Strang
enough to maintain its belief by spiritual feeling alone. FortnnatelT
the latter prevailed ; and though, no doubt, many may have perverted
the practice, the principle which became prevalent was refagiona ex-
aggeration. Even admitting an assertion which is not true, that
enthusiasm is capable of producing as much evil as irreligion, still, the
effects which each leaves oehind are completely opposite. Fanaticism
is a fever, but atheism is death. From the one, men may recorer:
from the other, they cannot. Irreligion leaves no limit to vice ; while
enthusiasm, not daring to commit any act but in the name of dcrotiaa,
has a boundary which it must not pass. It was in the name of the
Lord that Cromwell condemned his sovereign to the block ; bnt he
never could have used such pretexts coolly to murder one tiionsand
persons per day during one thousand days. Nothing but atheism
could, in the present age, have tolerated such scenes of blood as were
hourly committed in France.' Chencvix, Vol. I. pp. 390—343. •
* See, for a review of this work. Eel. Rev. vol. vii. (3d Series), p.
324. We deem it unnecessary, in using the above paragraphs for our
Cmme9 of the Fr^u^ RevokUimiM 9JS
^ It would be ma injustice,^ thia intelligent Writer subseqciently
wanuxksy ' to tifae memory of the worst abettor of Cromwell, to
^ oora]iave him to the least atrocious member of the Conventioii.'*
It would be not merely injustice, but imbecility, to compare the
characters of Hampden and Mirabeau, Fairfax and Robespierre,
Cromwdi and Bonaparte. Mirabeau, in particular, * the genius
* of disoiiganintioa,^ the Catiline of the ReYolution, was such a
{KTsonification of all the vices of the social system out of whidi
lie rote, as France alone could have given birth to. In no other
country could Mirabeau have been Mirabeau, or Robeq)ierre
&obeqnerre.
As a ftirtfaer proof that such a Revolution as the French could
net hare taken place in England, we might advert to the happy
wad almost bloodless revolution of 1688; nay, to the American
Revolution itself, which might equidly be cited as a noble illus-
tration of the English national character, — the character produced
bv the laws, the liberties, and the religion of England, and by
toe national habit of deference to those mutually conservative
elements of her government and polity. But, if neither in the
seventeenth nor in the eighteoith century, such a Revolution
<oould by possibility have occurred in this country ; the notion
that sudi a catastrophe is now to be apprehended as the result of
popular concessions, the ultimate consequence of reform in church
and state, is surely as absurd as ever haunted a mind not
deprived of sanity. Yet, the French Revolution is still held up
by certain writers as a bug-bear ; and the Quarterly Reviewer
would fain have us look upon Lord Althorp as the Turgot (who
will be the Calonne ?) of * the revolution now in progress here.'
* We, let it be observed,^ is their oracular language, ^ are but
* now in the second month of our States General : we are ap-
' proaching the Night of Sacrifices, and by just the same steps
* which the French trod before us."" There can be no delusion
in this assertion : it is pure audacity.
We should deem it an insult to the understandings of oar
readers to enter into a grave refutation of this absurd comparison.
But we are tempted to pursue the contrast between the two coun-
tries a little further, in reference to the actual condition, moral
and political, of the French people in the reign of Louis XVI.,
and of the English in that of William IV.
The state of France previous to the first movements of the
revolutionary spirit, is thus forcibly described by the writer in the
Quarterly. * Exhausted with civil strife and bloodshed, the
present purpose^ to advert to those points of opinion or religions sen-
timent upon which our own views differ from those of the learned
Author.
3a2
- . ■ • t • <
«I76 Cause$ of the French Bevoimiiom,
* peo[#ie gladly icmgfat repose under the quiet shade tti
* Fur from dreaming of resistanoe, the leaden of die pnhtie umid
* nerer even dream«l of murmurs.'' This repose of ezhanstioD,
tbiw ominous passiyeness, b the very state of feeling which niriil
lie crxj>ccted to precede and forebode a frightfid dBsplay of popolsr
violence, when the tiger should be waked from his dniDber. The
gimeral condition of the people has been described as a state of fesr,
suspicion, and wretchedness. If that wretdiedness was not pro-
grcHifive, (for between the beginning of the century and the
acccMfion of I^uis XVI., the social condition of the peopkin
some i)artH of J'Vancc appears to have improved,) they were made
but tiie more sensible of the fiscal burdens and ariatocradcsl
opprcMsion under which they groaned. Lord John Russell thus
sumH up IiiH account of the state of the kingdom, which cannot
be cliarged with exaggeration.
' A nobility, dinfigurcd by every vice, and possessing scarcely any
virtiK* but ccHirui^cs were privileged to insult and maltreat the people,
whcNM* btirdeiiH tncy did not sbare. The tribunals-were filled wi&i per-
MiiiN wh» lM>ught tiie |N>wcr of administering justice, and very genersllj
Mild it to the clients who appeared at their bar. The most oatrsgeons
violiiticHm of all the rules ot equity, the most barbarous methods of in^
(piiry luid of ]>uui«hment, were revered and hallowed by the govsnw
nietit UN U)f eHtubliKhed forms of law. A small portion of the nation,
divided fnuu tha rest, oiijoyed all the patronage of the courts held the
i^oninmnd t»f armies aud the richest benefices in the chnrdi, and were
mddoni puniidieil for any crime they committed. At the same time,
tiieir exenuttion from taxes did not prevent them from involving them*
M'lveM in tlolit : and they exhibited to their countrymen the want of
prinoiplo which i8 the caiise* the recklessness which is the oompanioo,
and the ondmmuwmcnt and poverty which are the consequences, of
viiv. On the other hand, the people were rendered thoroughly wretdi«
eil by tlie r««xiition!i to which tliey were subject finom the government
and their UntUonU Their misen* proceeded from the arbitraiy natore
of ever) ]Hk\\er in the state : the taxes were arbitrary | the administia-
their fnUitival otxiuliti^ui rvmaimxl jLtationanr. They
Uu\|; inerl. and ;iptvkreutlr lilVIct» : but the ** matter of seditiaii'' was
alnuuUnt Auuvt); tlteut. aud n(x;[u:n^d i«Ir stirring lo make it falaae st
^^a\V iut\* A i*i;:;:o.* pjv iXK 81.
Yet thv^ !Vuohiuan« while ho hated the noble, still
hx* j^nNitnets^ aiwl ):t%^r%' «ith that i4* his kiiu:. ie Grmmd Mo-
'it^'\'4ir>.^ Iav\1 i*h<«ctTne!d. a ice:i ohKmer« and one of the frv
* «hx\ at a Us<T ivrtvxL tv^:vTjsft« a:u1 Rvrvti^Id the Revohitionf
^ rettMr)k^. thas a Kreusrh M\;:er «ill vvcnirt' hb Hfr with alacrirv
* ov*r "i/A'<«^'- i* n.'*, be: ib^:, \x yvu w«v t» rhiwgr the
Causes of the French Revolutum, 377
*'bably run away.' This remark is cited by the Quarterly
Reviewer for his purpose : it will serve ours better, and we have
only to contrast with it the nature of British patriotism as illus-
trated by Mr. Chenevix. * The object of its veneration, unlike
^ that wiiich the people of other monarchies adore, is the country,
^ not the sovereign. Although the prince or dynasty who go-
* vemed England, has always been much less its idol than uie
* nation itsetf ; yet, when once the English have professed a
' regard and esteem for a sovereign, they are capable of greater
* sacrifices for his welfare, than the vain nations, whose only
^patriotism is their monarch.'*
In England, the words king and country compose not merely
one phrase, but one idea. On the other hand, the Court and
the Government are ideas perfectly distinct, and never con-
founded. The Court may be the object either of popular affec-
tion or of contempt, without its affecting the sentiments of loyalty
to the Government. It is felt, if not understood, that, in this
country, the King does not rule, but the Law, of which the King
is a part ; and the constable's staff is respected as much as a
direct mandate from the highest authority, in virtue of what it
represents. A steady attachment to their Government, under
every change of administration, discriminating the office from
the person, pervades all classes of the community, and is dis-
covered in the very anxiety to perfect those institutions through
and by which alone the nation seeks to express its will.
In France, before the Revolution, there were but two classes,
the privileged orders who were above the law, and the people to
whom the law afforded no efficient protection. In England, the
highest nobleman is controlled by the same law that protects the
peasant. The difference between the two social conditions can-
not be more strikingly illustrated than by the fact, that well
educated Frenchmen have confessed themselves unable, even now,
to conceive of an hereditary aristocracy such as exists in England,
the members of which should not have it in their power to oppress
a poor man in violation of the law with impunity. The political
condition of the people of England is so totally different from that
of their neighbours, that the latter cannot eyen understand it. To
our American brethren, who ought to know us better, it presents a
scarcely less baffling paradox. ^ We find,' says an American
writer, ^ institutions existing together which suppose the truth of
* directly opposite principles, — equality of rights and hereditary
^ privileges, with a thousand other incongruities.' But that which
harmonizes all these apparent incongruities, is, that they have
their common foundation in law, their common sanction from that
which is, in England, an element of law, — ^history. It is not the
* Chenevix, Vol. II. p. 523.
376 CauaeB of the French Bevoluiim.
mete title and privil^e of the peer that is hereditary : lh«
ditary feeling pervades all classes, enters into the compoairion of
the national character, and mocks the wisdom of philosophy.
But that which more peculiarly distinguishes the oompontifla
of English society is, the character and importance of what is
denominated the middle class. Our readers will recollect the
remark cited from M. Mignet ; that the first events of the Fmch
Revolution were an insurrection of the middle claas against the
privileged orders; the second act, an insuigency c^ the nob
against the middle class. Assuming this to be correet, we mig)it
be warranted in saying, that the cause of the miscarriage of the
Revolution was the numerical insignificance and relative weakness
of the middle class in France. Wo awaits that nation in which,
in time of foreign or domestic peril, there exists no mediatoij
class at once connecting and keepmg apart the privileged orders
and the mob. But not only was the middle claas of society
relatively inconsiderable : the absence of virtue, wisdom, «nd true
piety, the sources of moral ascendancy, rendered it intrinsicaUy
weaL The exile of the Protestants, the persecuti<m of the Jan-
scnists, had exhausted society of its conservative w<»tli, and
enfeebled the nation at its heart. The consequences were not
felt till, when the seeds of disease long latent in the body politic
developed themselves, it was found that there was no strength
left to struggle with the excitement, which passed almost at once
into frenzy.
In this country, an intelligent foreigner. Count Peeehio, has
remarked, that ^ that class of society which is the best infimned,
^ the most hospitable, the most beneficent, and the most virtuoos
^ of all,^ is ^ immeasurably more numerous than in any other
^ country, and forms, so to speak, the heart of the nation.* We
think it was Voltaire who compared the English nation to their
own porter, the froth at the top, the dregs at the bottom, and all
between excellent. But the distinction between the diflSstent
classes of society in England, is not marked by intervals, but by
gradations. There are a variety of castes in the aristocracy itself;
but there is no impassable barrier to prevent the child of poverty
from attaining the highest political or ecclesiastical dignity.
There is no one definable middle class, but rather a series of
middle classes ; and the lowest orders of England would, in any
other country, be a middle order, in point of comfort and intdh-
gencc. That a frightful amount of popular ignorance, irreligion,
crime, and distress exists in this country, cannot be denied.
liow should it be otherwise, when, in less than a century, our
population has more than doubled upon us, without any adequate
correspondent extension of the means of instruction? How
should it be otherwise, when, till very recently, the higher orders
have discouraiged, and even opposed the education of the people;
Caums of the French Revolution. 379
i««-vlnle ihe Teiy criminal institutions of the countiy hare oon«
tribatcd to the encoaragement of crime. * The increase of vice
and delinquency under these circumstances, however apipalKng',
besrs a smaller proportion to the increase of the population, than
■light have been anticipated, and than must inevitably hare
TCsnlted from such positive and negative causes of demorahzation,
luid not other causes of mighty efficiency come into operatum,
cf which, till of late, small account has been taken by our states-
men and legislators.
The march of intellect is a hackneyed phrase, which has
•flbrded occasion for much tsar satire, as well as unfirir and vulgar
xidiciile. But it means something. It describes a fact which,
even if exaggerated, is not the less worthy of beii^ rightly esti-
mated. The ridicule is not unmixed with jealousy and fear on
tkt part of many who are constrained to admit the progress of
iatetUgence in the lower orders of society. What is the true
iBcatiing of the spirit of reform which has assumed so command-
ing an attitude ? To Quarterly Reviewers and the faction they
represent, it may seem to presage revolution ; whereas it is the
emct of one. A revolution has taken place ; and that which, in
their blindness, they wish to prevent, has become history. And
what is the character of that pacific revolution, which nas been
goinff on almost unperceived among us ? It differs from that
which took place in France forty years ago, much as the revo-
lution produced by the vernal sun in the face of nature, differs
from tne effects of a physical convulsion, or a conflict of the
elements* The Frencn revolution was a conflict of the new
opinions with the old. The English revolution of the nineteenth
century is the development of the moral energies of the nation.
Among the unequivocal signs of that development, we may in
the first place refin* to the astonishing display of the principles of
qwntaneous exertion and voluntary combination, in our relisious
and patriotic institutions. Other countries have their munificent
pnUic establishments and endowed institutions : but where shall
we find any thing like the immense amount of beneficence that is
sustained by popular contributions in this country P The pecu-
niary amount that is annually raised for such objects, though a
striking evidence of the wealth and reproductive energy of the
nation, is not the most important feature of these institutions.
To estimate them aright, we must take into account the moral
sympathy which is generated and transmitted throughout the
social system by this reticular apparatus, spread over the surface,
and Mending with the veins and arteries of the body politic, as the
media of thought and voluntary motion. All this additional
* See^ on the Increase and Causes of Crime^ £cl. Rev., 3d Series^
vol. vii. p. 319.
3K' CeMfg» r/ The FnrnA
■■■!!"" '■^"'"^ innekc of «i ietl ttroetan,
;izJT rnmers z: 'Stt id.tt 3 . « . id < ^ * the figure* vc
3&CT r.noisiiier :2ieie Ti [rtunr laoBt at so many new condnili
£zi£ '■'?:i~TTTif'i» rixsifc csTu 'mg inftamce of intdligaMe,
szc w i^: iLiic^ a; i ms lor extending the monl
njri £=1:0: a: »:oaT. m at dicae insdtntionay it would be
g-*.r-> i^ SIT. vbnLer tJ r anect or their indirect cffinti be
tbe zif »3 beaeDsal The Kble : $odenr, with ita innomoahk
rciif:ai^.-c». 2« fcanelj nxne nscAiI in oistribatiii^ the iofpind
TC'hnr-e. ihia br prosDociE^ die umon aoKMig Chriatianay fianided
on tLtdr cc'Iejsod rcle of &idi. by n calling uem to that atuidfld,
acd bTexc:nn«r an interest in die liTernl difiiiaioa of thennBg
knovledge it imparts.
The spirit of the French ReToludon was purely diaoiganiBUioB:
it oould destroy, but not create. It demolished e^ery thing, faot
substituted nothing better in iu place. The sprit of the Eag^
revolution is a plastic energy, producii^ spontaneooalyy to meel
the new wants of society, a constitution of thinga diat aeems li
reproach with inefficiency the worn-out machinery of older tinei.
Tne spirit that lives in our institutions, and which originated
them, has outgrown the forms which it is gradually putting off;
but, in the new formations to which it is giving biith, diere ii
nothing but what is in harmon]^ with the old. The nririt of
reform wars with nothing in our institutions, but their deo^ or
corruption.
To a dispassionate and impartial observer, the numbers nd
the spontaneous exertions of the English Protestant IXnenteii
must appear one of the most striking proofs of the enerey innate
in the liritish nation. To the churchman who viewa aU that is
done without his church, as so much done against it, the activity
and influence of the sectaries present only a subject of jealoosj
and alarm. Southcy has said, that those who are diacontented
with the Church of England are but *half Englishmen*; to
wliich it may well be retorted, that those who quarrel widi Dissent
arc but half Christians. Two-flfths of the public proTtnon &r
the religious instruction of the nation are supplied hy the Yoliiii-
tary ixmtributions of the Dissenters, in adlidition to .all that is
raisiHl among them for public institutions, which cannot he lesi
than a quarter of a million sterling. In what a state ahonld we
have Innni as a nation, with sixteen millions of people, and a
stationar)', slumlK^ring, unpopular Church, but for the free and
fH^pular crtortsof the IMsscnting communions, — theSunday..adiools,
tho villai^t^ pivaohin^« the tract societies, the BiUe asBoeiadons,
^hwh they have originatixl. the evangelical instmcdon whidi
thr\ h.'l^c im]vir(c\U and the ^nlutar}- re-action of their lahoors
U|VM) tho VscalUiNhiuouc iun^If : Con a man be more than half an
Fui^IisLhuun, >»lu\ vio«int: ^ith utter dissatis&ction all this
Causes of the French Revolution. 381
movement of moral life and energy as a revolutionary agitation,
sickens at the name of Methodism, and curses Dissent. The
spirit of Dissent, which Burke styled the Protestantism of the
Protestant religion, the spirit of religious liberty, the spirit of
voluntary zeal and combination, the missionary and aggressive
X'rit which an Establishment restrains and discourages, but which
i Gospel both sanctions and produces,— call it a revolutionary
spirit, (as the Apostles were stigmatized as the men who turned
the world upside down,) — this spirit has made our country
what it is, and, by the moral revolution it has produced, and is
producing, has saved us from the horrors of a political convulsion,
such as tne increase of the population, and the unrestrained growth
of pauperism and vice, must otherwise have brought on.
Dissent has saved the country, but it has brought the tithe into
danger ! Hinc illi lachrymce. This turbulent spirit of reform-
ation, not contenting itself with planting chapels and Sunday-
schools all over the coimtry, and Bible societies all over the
world, is beginning to measure its strength against long-standing
corruptions in Church and State. The slave-trade has fallen
before it, and slavery itself is in its death-struggle. The test-
laws have given way. Old Sarum and Gatton have been anni-
hilated. And matters are brought to such a pass, that the
Church Establishment, in order to stand, must submit to reform,
must part with its cherished pluralities, must become less secular
and more popular. Is not all this extremely like the first move-
ments of the French Revolution ? If the following picture of
the progress of public opinion, drawn by Lord John Russell,
describe the previous state of France, some resemblance might
be detected between it and the present state of England ; but to
the former it is wholly inapplicable.
'There is a principle of life in modern governments/ says the noble
author^ * which antiquity never knew. In Greece and Rome, all the
citizens, alike poor, were at first the virtuous supports of free institu-
tions ; but, as wealth and luxury advanced, all grew alike corrupt, and
the needy multitude were swayed by the opulent few. In modem
monarchies, the progress has been very different. The wretched depend-
ants of feudal times were converted, with the increase of wealth, into
the substantial yeomanry and tradesmen. Into these powerful but
inert masses were thrown, from the printing press, the animating
sparks of historical instruction and political intelligence. Where works
pf genius, on the subjects of law and liberty, are generally diffused,
there arises a new spirit of virtue, which corrects the rancid corruption
of a decaying government. In proportion as the middle and lower
classes rise in knowledge, they rise in importance, and judge of their
masters by the test of their own worth. Not having been corrupted by
power, their standard of what is right in government is much higher
than that of the ruling classes. A new people come to the surface, and
obtain an influence over the destiny of their country. An awful tribu-
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 B
SyB9 Causes of th$ French MevoluHon.
nal is erected even in the midit of a corrupted society ; and the meoN
hers of the most yicioua order hegin to bend before public <^inioa«.
The minds of men are cleared ; public character is submitted to the
ordeal of shame or approbation ; and that lethargy of a state which is
the sure forerunner of dissolution^ is effectually prevented.' pp. 84 — 86.
Lord John must have been thinking of his own country only,
when be penned this paragraph. There is, however, a principle
of life in nations, unknown to Greece and Rome, with which the
philosophic historian rarely concerns himself, which eludes his
qbservation, and scarcely comes into his creed. That vital prin-
ciple is the secret of England'^s strength and greatness, — her reli-
gious faith. ^' God is in the midst of her: she shall not be
moved.**
Whatever were the secondary causes of the French Revolu-
tions no one who believes that the affairs of nations are under the
moral government of the Judge of the whole earth, can look upcm
that catastrophe in any other ii^ht than as a national punishment.
If it was the offspring of infidebty, it was the avenger of the per*
aecuted faith. The iniquities ^ the court and the nation were
full, and retribution for all the innocent blood that had been shed
in former reigns, was fearfulW exacted from that generation. The
Quarterly Reviewer would fain exculpate altogether the nobles,
and clergy, and court of France from having had any share in
causing the Revolution. Oh, no; — the heartless profligacy of
X»ouis XV., the tyranny and oppression under which the nation
groaned, the abominations of Popery, the hypocrisy and immo^
rality of a corrupt priesthood, had nothing to do in causing the
displeasure of Heaven or the madness of the people. No, the
chief cause was the feeble character and the concessions of Louis
XVI.! This is worse than absurd, because it is irreligious. It
not only falsiBes history, but would blot out the salutary lesson
which the handwriting of God has inscribed upon its records, that
Sin alone is the cause of the ruin of nations.
Our confidence that no such dire and fatal overthrow awaits
]3ritain, mainly rests, after all, upon the animating and consolsr-
tory assurance, that, with all our national guilt, the characteristict
pf the times are not such as mark ^ a people prepared for de?
^ struction\ The righteous are not few ; their numbers are not
diminishing. The signs of the times are, in many respects, full
of promise. The standard literature of England dioes not consist
pf the obscene efRisions of deism. Never was icligious know-
ledge so widely diffiiscd. Compare the state of France before
the Revolution with that of England now, in this one respect,
and the difference is infinite. In the one country, the word of
God was less read than Voltaire by the higher classes, and was a
sealed book to the lower orders. In the oUier, the Bible is found
in ev^ry cottage. Need we pursue the contrast ? The tn^Ui is^
Eliot on ChrUtianity and Slavery. 383
we feel in dancer of glorying in out country, as we dwell upon all
that distinguisnes it from M the nations of the 6arth. But we
check oufselves. ** Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto
Thy name giro glory .^
m*»JU^^mi^mmmdt^t,^,m^m^^.^^^t^^
Art. II. Christianity and Slavery ; in a Course of Lectures preached
at the Cathedral and Parish Church of St. Michael^ Barbados.
By Kdward Eliot^ B.D.^ Archdeacon of Barbados^ and late Fel-
low and Tutor of Exeter Hall^ Oxford. 12mo. pp. xx. 232.
Priee 4i. Qd. London, 1B32.
^T^HIS is in all respects an interesting, and, considering the
•*■ circumstances under which these Lectures were delivered, a
remarkable volume. In Archdeacon Eliot, a spirit of fervent
and enlightened piety is happily blended with no ordinary moral
courage, and at the same time with sound discretion and conciliatory
manners. His character was well known to us before ; and these
Lectures have but confirmed our previous estimate. Barbados
has been highly favoured in having so faithful an instructor and
reprover amonz her residents ; and well would it be for that co-
lony, if at such preaching her slave-oWners could be brought to
repent. In these Lectures, however, there is nothing of a de^
clamatory, nothing of a directly criminating character : it is only
indirectly that the Preacher becomes a witness, a most valuable
and unimpeachable one, as to the present state of Slatety in the
Colonies.
We are sometimes met by jpro-slavery advocates with the re-
mark, that there is evidence on both sides. To rebut the de*
cisive testimony afforded by men of the highest character, such
as Vice-Admiral Fleming, Mr. Jeremie, the Rev. Mr. Thorp,
the Rev. Mr. Trew, Mr. Whiteley, the Baptist and Wesleyan
Missionaries, and others, — we have the strong affirmations of Sir
Michael Clare, who had never heard of the whip being used to
stimulate labour, or of any waste of life by over-working ; — of Mr.
Baillie, who professed equal ignorance about the cart-whip, and
yet declared that the negro, unless compelled, would not work,
and who did not consider that any licentious intercourse pre-
vailed among the slaves ; — of Major General Sir John Keane,
who, during the eight years he was in Jamaica, never heard of a
complaint or a cause or complaint, who affirms that no cruel pro-
prietor or manager would be tolerated in Jamaica, and describes
the negroes as always singing, and most happy at the heaviest
Woit *; — of Admiral Barrington, who, in 1790, thought that the
i^ves seemed so happy, that ' he had wished himself a negro ;^
♦ Report of Lords' Committee, pp. 279—287; 41—45 ; 170^172-
3b2
384 Eliot an CkristianUy and Slavtry.
ind of GrovernoT Payne (afterwards Lord Lavington), and
Governor Parry, who respectively affirmed, that the connnon
labour of the negro would be play to any peasant in this country !t
Here is counter-evidence with a vengeance, such as, were it ngC,
fortunately, so self-contradictory as to carry its own refutatimi,
would render it difficult to determine what we are to believe.
But although this difficulty is obviated, there is another em-
barrassing question arising out of this opposite evidence. How,
' without charging fiat perjury on the pro-slavery witnesses, shall
we account for their very different use of their senses of seeing
and hearing, to say nothing of their moral perceptions ? The
following remarks may serve, perhaps, as a partial explanation of
the phenomenon.
* The evils of slavery are strikingly perceptible to the European ot
his Jirst arrival, I have often remarked, that a protracted resideoM
has the effect either of confirming unalterably his first impressions, or
of almost entirely removing them. There is rarely a middle states
Most generally, the feelings of dissatisfaction cease, when the mind k
familiarized to the objects which at first shocked it. If, then, such be
the effect frequently produced on the disinterested spectator, we ought
not to wonder that tne proprietor, who regards his all at stake in tht
continuance of the present system, and whose associations in its fayoor
have grown with his erowtb, should be adverse to a change. I bdiew
experience has proved, that in no part of England, and among no dan
of Its inhabitants, are unreasonable prejudices so prevalent, and so diffi-
cult to be subdued, as in our agricultural districts, and among the
people who are directly interested in the productive cultivation of the
soU.' Prc/ace, pp. ix, X.
We are willing that the more respectable among the apologists
for slavery should have the full benefit of this charitable way of
accounting for their unhappy prejudices ; but the fact referred to
may serve to put the reader on his guard against the deceptive
statements of those individuals in whom familiarity with all that
is disgusting and cruel in the system, has deadened the feelings
of dissatisfaction, if not obliterated all sense of its enormity.
Archdeacon Eliot has happily preserved the integrity of his
feelings, and, if not the vividness, the correctness of his first im-
pressions. At the same time, it is evidently his wish as much as
possible to avoid giving offence to the parties to whom these
Lectures are addressed. They were originally preached, with
the exception of the last, before large congregations of the white
inhabitants of Barbados ; and are now published, * with a view to
* disseminate more widely the suggestions they contain, as well to
* Cited in Stephen's Slavery of the West India Colonies Delineated.
Vol. II.
Eliot on Christianity and Slavery. 385
non-resident proprietors in England, as to their agents and sub-
ordinate officers on estates in these colonies/ The subjects of
lie Lectures are : I. The Duty of preaching the Gospel to the
Slaves in the West Indies. Mark xvi. 15. — II. The Progress of
he Gospel in the West Indies. 2 Thess. iii. 1.— III. The Ob-
lervance of the Lord''s Day in the West Indies. Mark xi. 27. —
[V. Causes of the Infrequency of Marriage among the Slaves.
3eb. xiii. 4. — V. Giving unto Servants that which is just and
»qual. Col. iv. 1. — VI. Souls not Saleable. Mark viii. 37-
In the 6rst lecture, Mr. Eliot takes a brief review of the
progress of Christianity in the colonies, or rather of the system-
atic attempts of the colonists, from the very earliest period, to
exclude the Gospel, so far as regards the African population.
Prohibitory laws, some possessing the ^ harshest features of per-
secution % were enacted to prevent the pious endeavours made,
n the first instance, by the Society of Friends, to Christianize
;he imported Africans. * Theirs is the praise of having first
attempted, amidst obloquy and suffering, to preach the Gospel
in Barbados to the heathen African slave.^ Nearly about the
tame time, a clergyman of the Church of England, Rev. Morgan
jrodwyn, student of Christ Church, arrived in this colony, ^ and
earnestly endeavoured to obtain the acknowledgement, that the
African was one of the human species, and tnerefore, as de-
scended from Adam, entitled to be admitted into the blessings
of the Gospel covenant which was ratified by the blood of the
' Second Adam, the Lord from heaven.
' His efforts were openly opposed by the lay proprietors in Barbados ;
lor have we reason to believe that he received much active cooperation
^rom his brethren in the ministry. His individual and unaided exer-
{ions were consequently almost entirely fruitless ; and he has recorded
lis fiulure in a work which may still be read with a melancholy in-
;ere8t.' p. 13.
In a note, Mr. Eliot cites from a contemporary French writer,
Labat, a corroboration of the account given by Morgan Godwyn,
>f the neglected state of the English slaves about this period ;
Rrhich shews that even Roman Catholics will rise up in the
judgement against British, Protestant slave-owners.
' " The English take little care of their negroes . . . Their minis-
ters neither instruct nor baptize them. They look upon them almost
IS cattle, to whom every thing is allowed, provided that they punc-
tually discharge their task. They suffer them to have several wives,
lad to leave them at pleasure : provided that they have many children,
work hard, and are never ill, their masters are satisfied, and ask nothing
ftirther."
'Labat proceeds to inform us, that insurrections were very com-
mon at this time in the English islands, notwithstanding the insurgent
386 Eliot on Christianiip and Slaoery.
slaves were alwmjs punished with the utmost severity. Tliere iru do
drnposition to deal mercifully with them. ** Those who are taken and
led to prison, are condemnea to be crushed in the mill, bamed alive,
or exposed in iron cages which confine them so that thej are nnaUe to
movc^ and in this state, they are hung to a branch of a tree, where
they ure left to perish with hunger and rage. They call thia putting
a man out to dry {inellre un homme au sec)." The French colonioB
were much less liable to these insurrectionary movements ; and one
reason assigned by Labat is, the attention which was paid by the French
proj?rielors of that daif to the moral and religious imntooement q/* ikek
slaves . . . After relating that the French slaves oi St. Christopher's
fled to the mountains, when the English seized on the island!, aiid
afterwards, as opportunities offered, voluntarily returned to their
former masters, he adds : — " These instances of fidelity can be attri-
buted only to the instruction in the faith which these poor people had
received from their masters, and to the fear they had of losing it, in
living under musters who gave themselves so little trouble about the
salvation of their servants." ' pp. 189-*-191«
It would seem that both the English and the Dutcby either
from a ^ mistaken interpretation of the laws relating to colonial
* slavery \ or more prol)ably from motives of Christian delicacy,
and a regard to the honour of Jesus Christ, opposed making their
slaves Christians, because they could not hold Christians as
slaves ! The Mohammedan chieftains of Central Africa are ac-
tuated by a similar delicacy in confining their grazziesj or slaying
incursions, to the pagan tribes ; since, as Major Denham tdls us,
they may not make slaves of the Moslem. * Not a few Christian
* masters \ says Archbishop Seeker, in a sermon preached before
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, * hare openly
* opposed the instruction of their slaves, from an imag^natioii, now
* indeed proved and acknowledged to be groundless, that baptism
* would entitle them to freedom; and some, it may be£eared, have
* been averse to their becoming Christians, because^ after ihaif
* wo prctctu^' will remain for not teaching them like mefiS" Dr.
Collins of St. Vincent''8, a sensible and bciievolent planter, faints
at another reason. There were some, in his day, who ridiculed
attempt^ to impress the slaves with religious ideas, ' not wishing
* their negroefi to l>e better Christians than themselves !^ Those
time$« however, Mr. Eliot $ays« are happily passed ; — not alto-
S}i]\cT indeed, whatever may be the case in Barbadoa; — fam
icre,
* The assertion is no loncer openly made, that the African is de-
graded below the lorel of hnroan nature, and is therefore ncsdMr
onalifird nor dosignctl fvr the enjoyment of the blessings of the Gq^kL
The advtwates f»r his admission to' the Church are no ronger wrthstoed
on the ground that he is not of the same descent with the Eoropean ;
nor are arcuments now brought forward to invalidate the dedantioB
of St. PtftiU, that ** God hath made of one blood all natioos of men fir
Eliot on Christianity and Slavery. 887
to dwell on aU the face of the earth." The moet superficial examin-
ation of our coloured schools will enable us to repel the insinuation of
an inferiority of intellect in the negro. I can assert^ with the con-
fidence arising from long and attentive observation^ that, with equal
advantages, he shews a capacity equal in every respect to that of his
white hrethenfor mental improvement, and for all the moral excellencies
which distinguish man from the beasts of the field.' pp. 22, 3.
It is an affecting fact, that the earliest attempt to give gra-
tuitous school instruction to the coloured children in Barbados,
was made by a layman, Lieut. Lugger, Royal Artillery, as
recently as 1818. Since then, schools in connexion with the
Church have been, we are assured, very generally instituted
throughout the colony, by the authority of the present Bishop of
Barbados. * There is now scarcely a town, I believe I may say,^
adds Mr. Eliot, ^ scarcely a village throughout the diocese, where
* a knowledge of the Christian duties, accompanied with instruct
* tion in reading and writing, is not brought within reach both of
* the free coloured and of the slave population.^ This is cheering
intelligence, and very creditable to the bishop ; but we fear that
the Jield'slaves are not likely to derive much benefit from the
provision.
Again, in Barbados, a beneficial change is stated to have taken
place, of late^ in respect to the observance of the Sabbath.
' The inhabitants of our West India Colonies have long had to con-
tend against the reproach, that, notwithstanding their outward pro-
fession of the religion of Christ, and their boasted adherence to the
established churches of the mother country, the breach of the enjoined
sanctity of the sabbath, which these churches recognize as a divine
ordinance^ has been encouraged among the greater part of their popu-
lation. I rejoice to be able to say that the evil which, but a few years
zap, notoriouslv existed in this island, and which by every sincere
Christian was justly regarded as an offence both to God and to man«
has been in a great measure redressed by a recent legislative enact-
ment; and I express my conviction when f declare, that the compulsory
violation of the Lord's day is now almost unknown among us. I con*
aider that the present pronibitorv laws, if duly enforced by the magis*
tracy, are sufficient to prevent any very flagrant interruption to itfr
sanctity. The marketing and huckstenng which still partially exists
are rather connived at than publicly allowed ; and from a mistaken
kindness, or perhaps from some remaining prejudices in favour of a
long-established usage, the evil is tolerated even in defiance of the
law. The instances of offence are, however, less common than for-
merly; and we may hope that with the increase of religious knowledge
among us, our people will assemble on the sabbath, not to traffic and
barter their goods, but to hear the word of God, and to join in congre-
gational prayer.' pp. 82 — 84.
' I wish not, by instituting a comparison between this and the
neighbouring colonies with which I am officially connected, to express
388 Eliot on Christianity and Slavery.
any harsh or uncharitable censure of abuses which^ though in a great
measure discontinued here, are still tolerated in some of them with a
demoralizing effect on the great body of the people. In this island,
the cultivation of the garden or provision grounds of the negro on the
sabbath is not required for his support, and it therefore is no blame-
able severity to enforce the laws which prohibit it. In the colonies
alluded to, the necessity imposed on him of providing by extra labour
for his maintenance, often compels him to work on the Sunday. Bat
in this^ and in every other case^ in which the violation of the Lord's
day is unavoidable, the guilt devolves on the master.
'The Sunday market has been abolished by law in this island,
though, in the excepting clauses of the prohibitory act, a licence is
allowed for the sale of perishable articles, which, I am afraid, is open
to great abuse. The duty of putting an end to the unchristian usage of
marketing on the Lord's day, is now generally acknowledged through-
out the British West Indies. The desire, however, still remains in
some of the colonies, to compromise the duty by legalizing the partial
breach of the sabbath, and authorizing by a specific enactment, public
trafficking in the markets until ten or eleven o'clock. There is in this
palliative of the evil something more injurious to religion and good
morals, than the practice which existed before, of devoting the entire
day to secular occupations. The offence, though connived at^ and
even sanctioned by custom, was, then, always r^arded as an offence.
It has now the solemn sanction of law. The statutes and ordinances
of man are presumptuously arrayed against the positive and known
command of God.
' It has been urged in this colony — and possibly in other parts of
the West Indies we may hear the same excuse — that the master is
unwilling to abridge the comforts of his slaves, by depriving them of
the little gains which the privilege of a Sunday market affords them,
or by forbidding the recreation of the Sunday revel or dance. There
is something selfish in this boasted kindness. The master is fayouring
himself at the expense of God. He refuses to grant any portion S
the time which is his own, while he gives away, with an ostentatious
liberality, the time which is not his, but his Lord's. His own work is
rigidly exacted, while the neglect of God's work is tolerated and some-
times encouraged on the day which He claims as his.' pp. 86 — 89.
Our readers will judge whether the improvement that has taken
place in this respect, even in Barbados, one of the best regulated
colonies, be of a satisfactory character. We pass on to the
subject of the fourth lecture, ^ the causes of the infrequency of
^ marriage among the slaves.^ Those which the Author adyerts
to are : 1 . ^ The indifference^ and, in some cases, even the oppo-
* sition of the master to the marriage of his slaves^ and * the
^ ridicule with which the marriages of slaves arc oflen treated by
* those who exercise authority over them, either direct or subor-
* dinate.'* 2. * The bad example which prevails in our colonies,
^ by the licentious and unhallowed connexions which are openly
* formed between the superior and his dependent^ — between the
"IBliot an Chrhtianity and Slavery, 389
** white man and his black or coloured concubine." 3. ^ The
^ opposition of the drivers and other influential n^roes on the
* estates,^ who ^ are accustomed to regard a plurality of connexioiM
^ as among the chief perquisites of office/ 4l The heathen
ignorance in which the slave population are retained. 5. The
want of legal encouragement to the marriage of slaves *. Upon
diis last cause, Mr. Eliot remarks :
' I attribute to this defect in our laws many of the hinderances whidi
obetmct the discontinuance of their present licentiousness^ and with-
hold them from the salutary restraints of the marriaffe bond. There
la no legal distinction between the children of parents hwfully married^
and those who are the ofl^pring of an unhallowed and transient con-
nexion. The parents themselves are in no way distinguished by
superior respectability in the eyes of the public. They have none oi
the encouragements which exist among almost every other people^ to
Induce a preference in favour of the marriage state. They are left
without any security against a forcible separation by sale^ or by the
removal of the owners to a distant residence^ or into ^another colony.
Whether the men have one or more wives — ^for strange as it may
•appear^ the term wife is in general use among them, whether they are
constant in their attachments, or change with the caprice of the
-moment — whether they desert, or deny, or foster their offspring, is a
matter of entire indifference as far as the laws of the land, or the in-
fluence of public opinion, affect them. Their habits, in every thing
hearing on the moral decencies of life, are as little noticed as those of
beings irrational and without responsibility.
' *' Marriage" (we learn from a high legal authority) '' is a contract
of natural law; in civil society it becomes a civil contract, regulated
and prescribed by law, and endowed with civil consequences." 1
believe I may say that, with verj few exceptions, and these often of a
restrictive t character, marriage is not regulated and presoribed by law
in the case of the slave inhabitants of our West India colonies ; nor am
I aware that it is in any instance efidamed with civil consequences.
Being defective in what is iustly considered essential to it as a civil
contract, we cannot wonder that the slaves themscHves r^;ard it with
indifference, and even prefer the d^^rading licentiousness in which
they are allowed to revel at present, to a restraint which is attended
vita no obvious and practical good to themselves or to their children.'
pp. 112—115.
* Three other causes are adverted to; a supposed uffwiDingness
on the part of the slaves to enter into an indissoluble contract, ti^ichj
Mr. Eliot believes, has no existence ; the remains of African prejudice
in favour of polygamy ; and, the serious dereliction qf duty on the pari
qf the clergy in the nest Indies, in not having insisted on the duty of
respecting tne marriage bond.
t By the law in Barbados, slave marriages are restricted to persons
'' being the property of the same owner." In Antigua^ those who are
of free condition are not allowed to intermarry with slaves.
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 c
390 Eliot 071 Christianity a?id Slavery.
Although, by the law in Barbados, slave marriages are restricted
to persons ' being the property of the same owner,** there is no
law which secures those who, being the property of the same
owner, have married, against being forcibly separated. Yet, one
of the objections urged against compulsory manumission, is, that
it would * open the door to illicit concubinage!' * Is lawful mar-
riage then,'* asks Mr. Eliot, ' common among the slaves in our
colonies, or has it ever been so ?'
' Is there any check from public opinion or public law^ to open and
notorious ])rofligacy arising from connexions between slaves and white
men ? The circumvStance of a freeman bestowing on a female slave
the means of purchasing her manumission^ is a strong presumption in
favour of the permanency of his attachment, and of his securing the
slave's well-being afterwards. The immorality^ taking the worst
possible view of the case, would not be greater than at present.' p. 224.
The plain and faithful admonition with which this lecture closes,
does honour to the Preach er''s integrity.
In the next lecture, Mr. EHot adverts to a practice, as having
prevailed, although he ^ would hope that, in Barbados, it is now
' comparaticely rare^'* which is immediately destructive of the
domestic ties and relations ; viz. ' the compulsory disunion of fa-
' iniUes by either public or private sale, the withdrawing of
* parents by violence from the natural care of their children, and
* the coerced and unauthnrized separation (unauthorized with
* reference to the laws of God, not to the laws of man) of the
* hKshand from his acknowledged ajid attached wife.^ Let
every Englishman hear this. Let the British peasant, who is
told by the abettor of Colonial slavery, that his lot is far harder
than that of the happy negro labourer, learn this condition of the
felicity of the slave ; that the laws of the colonics tolerate this
shameful abuse, and that, under the shelter of those laws, a
husband may have his wife forcibly taken from him, and sold to
another master ; a mother may have her child snatched from her
for ever. Or should the wife or the child be sold to the pro-
prietor of an adjacent estate, and the strength of affection lead
either party to stray in search of the other, fearful is the penalty
which awaits discovery. Not long ago, an advertisement ap-
peared in a colonial newspa])er,* olfering a reward of ten dollars
for the recovery of a runaway negro, and containing this clause : —
* He is supposed to he harhound hy hi^i wife.''
Another distinguishing feature of the state of society in the
Colonies, is adverted to in the following passage. It is often
pleaded in palliation of the atrocious cases of cruelty that are
brought to light, that they are mere exceptions of rare occurrence,
♦Antigua Register, IMay 21), UVS2. Compare this advertisement
with Deut. xxiii. 15.
Eliot on Christianity and Slavery, 391
and that even in this country, cases of barbarity and atrocious
wickedness disgrace the columns of our daily newspapers. True.
* In England, acts of cruelty are often perpetrated. It is the same
in other parts of the world. But in England, and generally in
civilized Europe, crueltj/ is punished by the law. The offender is
dragged forth to public notice, and to public abhorrence. We must
allow that it is not always thus in our West Indian settlements. There
is an unworthy timidity in the merciful in exposing and in reprobating
the offences of the unmerciful. Deeds of inhumanity are allowed to
pass not only unpunished, but, from the veil which is studiously
thrown over them, often even uncensured. The evil rests not witn
the individual case of oppression. The connivers at cruelty share in
the guilt of it ; and the guilt will inevitably draw down the displeasure
of an avenging God.' p. 142.
In the Appendix, this subject is again explicitly adverted to.
The Author states, that he would gladly have abstained from
noticing it at all, could he have observed silence without participa-
ting in the guilt of connivance. He bears willing testimony to
the kindness of many proprietors towards their dependants, but is
' forced to declare, that, at times, acts of cruelty are committed
^ in the colonies, without either punishment or public censure
' falling on the offender.'
' The excuse,' he adds, ' that the notice of these crimes will give a
handle to those who oppose the colonial interests, is worse than frivo-
lous. The real charge against the West Indian societies is, not that
cruelties are committed among them, (for to this charge every society
is more or less obnoxious,) but that the man who revels in violence and
oppression, has no mark set upon him, and that he is allowed to vaunt
himself in the land, without control and without reproach. I am
aware of the extreme difficulty of bringing to justice the perpetrators
of cruel deeds in the West Indies. The laws are in most cases de-
fective in affording protection to the bondsman ; and even where the
laws might be enforced to check or punish an act of oppression, we have
incurred the reproach, that the fear of becoming unpopular in the com-
munity deters many a person from prosecuting the offender, or from
appearing as a voluntary witness against him. These things ought
not to lie. I am sure that I am a friend to our colonies in thus pub-
licly noticing and reprobating the evil.' pp. 231, 232.
Another abuse slightly and incidentally adverted to, is the
difficulty thrown in the way of the slave's procuring his own
manumission. The apologists for slavery sometimes appeal to
Old Testament precedents. Now one of the provisions of the
Levitical law is, that in case of a person^s selling himself into
bondage, * any that is nigh of kin to him of his family may re-
* deem him, or, if he be able, he may redeem himself."* (Levit.
XXV. 48, 49.) 'It was no part of the religion of Christ,' Mr. Eliot
remarks, * to interfere with the existing institutions of society.'
3c2
392 Eliot an CkrUiianiiy and Sliwerjf.
Still, St. Paul has distinctly intimated his views of the subject,
in forbidding the Christian freeman to become a slave, and in
teaching the Christian slave to obtain, if possible, hia own manu-
mission. ^ If thou mayst be free, use it rather.** 1 Cor. viL 21.
Connecting this passage with the one above dted from Levidcui,
where freedom is unreservedly granted to the Jewish slave when-
ever he could purchase himself; and subjoining the great Chris-
tian obli^tion which requires us to do to another, that which we
should wish to be done to ourselves under similar circumstances ;
tHe inference, the Preacher maintains, may fairly be deduced,
Hfiat the possessor of slaves is bound, on Christian principlef, to-
* grant, unhesitatingly, freedom to his dependents, wnenever thcj
* or their friends are able to purchase it.** ^ The detention ofanjf
* one in slavery who is willing and able to redeem himael/9 how-
^ ever it may be sanctioned by the usage of earlier Umes^ is pro-
nounced to be ^ religiously and morally ut^fusf* A ' Aope* is
expressed that few masters professsing the Christian fidtfa would
now refuse to admit this conclusion. But what say existing law
and existing usage on the subject of manumission ?. This ques-
tion receives an indirect answer from a note, in which Mr. EUot
combats the leading objections still urged against what is termed
compulsory manumission. One of these noUow objections bss
already been noticed^ vis. that it ^ would open the door to illicit
^ concubinage ;■ others equallv fiitile are briefly referred to, which
we need not mention ; but the following remarks are highly im-
portant in their bearing upon general emancipation..
' It is assumed, that the slaves will become idle on obtaining their
freedom; but this is mere assumption. The reixut of the privr coondl
(1 788) speaks, on the authority of witnesses from the oritiah Wert
India islands, of the '^ invincible repugnance of the free negroes to tSX
sorts of labour." Messrs. Fuller, Long, and Chisholm declare, that
*' free negroes are never known to work for hire, and that they ha^
all the vices of the slaves." IVIr. Brathwaite states, that ** if the alavn
in Barbados were all offered their freedom on condition of wwrldag for
themselves, not one tenth of them would accept it." Gkivenior Any
reports, that '^ free negroes are utterly destitute of industry ;** and tliie
council of the island add, that " from their confirmed hamta of idle-
ness they are the pests of society." — Report, 1788, part 3.
' Strange, that in the face of these dedarationsy r"^w«>H»pg fxtmk
persons in high otficial trust and authority, the free blades hav^ bf
their superior industry, driven the lower order of whites from almoit
every trade requiring skill and continued exertion. I believe that not
one in twenty of the working shoemakers in Barbados ia a white man.
The working carpenters, masons, tailors, smiths, &c. are for the most
part men of colour ; and this at a time when a large white population
are in the lowest state of poverty and wretchedness. In the appli-
cation for casual charity the number of white persons solidting relief
is far greater than that of the free coloured. The free black and ok
Eliot on Christianity and Slavery, 393
kmred inhabitants have always contributed in their full proportion to
the parochial taxes, for the support of the poor whites ; while their
own poor receire no parochial relief, but are supported by private con-
tributions among the more wealthy of their own colour. Do these
fticts indicate habits of irreclaimable idleness ? ' pp. 225, 6.
* It may be said, that in these isolated cases of manumission the
person enfranchised will pass at once from the field to some domestic
or handicraft employment ; and that if the practice be widely extended,
it will subtract immediately from the required cultivation of the soil.
* I must allow that agricultural labour is in great disrepute in the
West Indies. It is not so in other countries, for we often find even
tiie well educated and the affluent delighting in the cultivation of a
garden or in the ruder employmentsof a farm. In the West Indies,
field labour is always associated with the whip aud the driver, and
other tokens of personal degradation ; we therefore cannot wonder that
it 18 generally snunned.
' The first step towards the removal of the existing dislike to this
species of employment is, to engage the great mass of our population in
a kind of voluntary field labour, of which the profits may to a certain
extent perceptibly accrue to themselves. To work spontaneously, and
£or our own immediate benefit, is the distinctive character of free-
dom Would they be likely, after having earned so many and
great advantages by field labour, to regard it with dissatisfaction, and
to consider themselves de<^raded by following their former occupation ?
Would they not rather, if the permission were allowed them, continue
to work for their masters as tenants on the estate, receiving either
wages in money for their labour, or a portion of the produce of the
land ! / believe the present condition qjf the sugar-plantations in those
States of South America which have granted entire freedom to their
Miaves, mill furnish a satisfactory answer to these questions.'
pp. 229, 230.
We must not conceal, that Archdeacon Eliot, notwithstanding
' the enlightened view which he takes of the injustice and inhu-
manity of slavery, is an advocate for a bit by bit emancipation,
such as the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts would dole out to the slaves on their estates ; (Shame on
the slave-holding Society which bears the scandalous misnomer !)
and we regret to add, pleads also for the most unjustifiable species
of compensation,— compensation from the injured party, the slave,
to his unjust possessor. He proposes that tne slave should have
the power of buying off his servitude by degrees at a fair remu-
nerating price ; a plan which would serve only to perpetuate the-
slavery of the mass. In another part of the note, he represents ■
the sanction so long afforded by Great Britain to the slave-trade,
and the recognition by law of this species of property, as ^ for-
bidding the withdrawal of the services of the slave from the
master by a compulsory enactment, without some adequate com-
pensation.^ Whatever force there may be in this consideration,
it cannot affect the claim of the slave : he was no party to those
394? Eliot on Christianity and Slavery.
infamous statutes, legalizing piracy and murder ; he can owe no
compensation. But let it be considered, that if the recognition
by law of the fact of slave- property could legitimate it, the slave-
trade, which is now declared to be piracy, was equally recognized
and sanctioned by law. On the legislative abolition of that ne-
farious traffic, a similar claim to compensation was set up, on
similar grounds, but was never substantiated. The abolition of
slavery would not necessarily withdraw the services of the slave
from the master ; and therefore, the claim for compensation rests
upon a false pretence. The only loss the owner would sustain,
would be a loss of power, not of property ; and for a loss of power,
he is entitled to no compensation. It is true, that the slave is now
saleable, and that, if emancipated, his price would be annihilated.
But this effect would equally result from a law forbidding the sale
of slaves : would that afford any ground for a claim to compens-
ation ? Fairly considered, emancipation carries compensation
with it to a certain extent ; since, while it annihilates a certain
portion of capital, it relieves, to an equivalent extent, irom a
burden. The only benefit of capital is derived from its repro-
ductive power. Now when the slave ceases to be capital to his
owner, he does not cease to be productive to his employer ; on
the contrary, his labour proves more productive than before. Is
not this compensation ?
The notion on which this fallacious claim to compensation is
founded, is simply this ; that a man cannot justly be deprived of
what he has purchased, or inherited as a purchase, without being
remunerated in money. But how frequently is the value of fixed
capital, in which large sums have been sunk, deteriorated or de-
stroyed by the changes to which all branches of productive in-
dustry are liable, without the possibility of compensation ! In
such cases, the hardship is often very great, and the loss ruinous.
In the case of the West India planter, the loss would eventually
be a gain ; for, in the services of the free labourer, he would have
more than an equivalent.
But we cannot consent to argue the question as one of property.
The answer which Mr. Eliot gives to the objection supposed to
be urged against the faithful admonitions of the preacher, that
' it becomes not the minister of the Gospel to interfere with the
* rights of private property **, is a sufficient reply when those rights
are |)lcade(i as a bar to legislative interference. * In all ordinaij
' cases \ remarks Mr. Eliot, * this would be true; but ii applies
' not to the subject under onr present consideration^ for the
' property here is Man.**
I would meet, however,' conlinues the Preacher, 'the arguments of
even the most mercenary of proprietors ; of those among us whose
thoughts are ever buried in the sordid computation of prolit and loss;
and I could shcw^ that whenever the slaves under our treatment are
Eliot on Christianity and Slavery. 395
enfeebled in constitution, dissatisfied in temper^ and deficient in the
natural increase of population — whenever they are debarred from the
legitimate comforts and privileges of social life, and the right is denied
them of obtaining freedom through their own industry, or that of their
relations and friends — whenever their minds are debased by ignorance,
and they are brought to a level with the beasts that perish — untaught
in their religious duties, and excluded from all knowledge of the sal-
vation offered in the gospel through Jesus Christ — then will our inter-
ests proportionably decline. Distress, and poverty, and perhaps in
the end entire and absolute ruin, will be dealt out to us as a just retri-
bution in this life ; and in the life to come, what answer can we make^
when called on to give an account of our stewardship ? * p. 1 47-
Our readers will judge whether these remarks, intended to ap-
ply only to the present treatment of the slaves in the West India
Colonies, will not with equal appropriateness and force apply to
the holding men in slavery, of which such treatment is found to
be the invariable accompaniment, as it is the natural conse-
quence.
The last lecture, * Souls not Saleable,** is the most striking and
impressive of the series. It places in the strongest light, the im-
piety of the slave-owner''s claim and the atrocious guilt of the
prevailing practice. Whatever property the law may give the
owner in the sinews and muscles of the slaves, he has not bought
their souls ; and yet, over these, he claims to exercise the most
infernal tyranny.
' That the laws tolerate the bodily subjection of man to man,* says
Mr. Eliot, * I readily admit ; but the enactments which have been
made by human authority with a view to secure the proprietary right
of a master to the services of his slave, could never have contemplated
the surrender of the soul of man into the hands of his fellow-man.
They may have given absolute and uncontrolled power over the body,
— even to the deprivation of life ; but they can never sanction the
right to seize on the soul for a possession, and to barter the eternal
interests of the bondsman for money.' — pp. 154, 5.
But * is the slave a free agent in the services required from the
* creature to the Creator ? Is there no constraint on the soul,
* arising out of the mistaken views of the extent to which the
' recognized bondage of the body gives authority to the pro-
' prietor over his servants ? "* The following is Mr. Eliot''8 reply
to these pertinent and significant questions.
* When services are required which involve an unavoidable violation
of the sabbath — whether it be directly for the benefit of the master,
or for the more immediate and necessary support of the slave,— or
when encouragement is given to the sale and barter of goods, or to the
public dance on the Lord's day, on the plea that no other time can be
spared for these purposes, it may with truth be affirmed, that the
396 TJmk ca Ctrvf/ifun^ mmd Slsrefj,
yfr/r^^x t.^ r»Liz 'nidi 'zjvA TpAC r23i» vaick trcadb «■ tlicir tniritBil
v*iVarT. A.-ui ><^a. -vbea ia« ordznaaee of ■■rriii^ is dnoH»»
t^^r.r^: r^ci-^%^ tM 4«x^r off ^larnei k afiaid tlvt hii worMlj n-
vt«^,% rr-a-: ^7-.if<r b^ :t4 Twoeixfriaii ; aad all tlw crDs of an anU-
' ' — *
Jr,rr*fi tyx-jrr^>\zjifpt tr^ ttactiooed. bfcanie it is decHMd to be a itite
iryir<t ;n c/>r.f'MT&itr vitr. ibvxate Mrritnde tbaa the tolami and iadi^
vm'>«> W.d -xr.icA <:nitei thote vho are of fiice eoodition; I cauMt
but vim it th^t tr.« ^lare U dinctlr predoded finan «ibeTii^ the
rr.^nH^ of th^ Alrr.ijrhtj, and that the master is eaeicisiiig
and I mna add, if I am to regiJate mj i HiifsiMMH hr the laws rf
Grid, rkth*tT than br the opiniooA of man, an onanthanaed^ a siafnl
rjfjttrh] uvfiT the s/mis of KU dependents.
' J% he called rm by the authorized minister of God's ward, to iDov
the youn^ and i<rncif ant fm his plantation to be instnicted, ao that tbe
darkne%ii '^ heathenism may give place to the light of the gospd?...
If '-ar the rejily which the master who claims an absolute right totheaoob
fif hift Klaven will confidently rnake^ nur triii his practice vary from iii
" J f*an afford neither the time nor the money for tbe instmction cf
fny ]n:o]Ae, nor am 1 scnHible that a knowledge of tbe goapel traths
Tvdl add io Iheir value. I object to their being taught to read, be-
catike tliey will acquire a knowledge which is calculated to raise tbem
uUivc tliirir preHcnt condition, and to inspire them with hopes of ad-
vancirrncnt in Hr>ciety> I object to it also^ because they may readbooki
of an injuriouH tf^ndency, and may learn to be dissatisfied with tbe erih
alnumt inH4*p»rabh* from servitude" Would he thus think andaeti
if )h; were brought to regard the dependent as maHer ^ kis ova
MONi, and as under an obligation to provide for its everlasting welfare?'
pp. 1&— 173.
VV(* heard it adduced, tlie other day, in proof that slave-hdd-
ing M'UH not forbidden by ('hristianity, that St Paul, in writing
to IMiilenioii on Indialf of Oncsimus, a runaway slaTe, styles Ui
inantor, thotigh a Hlavo-owncr, his beloved brother and mlow la-
bourer. We could not but admire the specious ingenuity of die
argument ; it reuiinded un of the dexterity of the Tempter in his
nppeal to the Old Testament Scriptures — ^^ it is writienJ^ But
what else in written in tbe E])i8tle to Philemon ? ^* Receive him
(bat in i\s my own nou ; ^ (such is the obvious import of the
phniNe, ^i ruti (T'-TXayx^'^v referring to his having been converted
l«) the ClirlNtian faith, or regenerated, by the preaching of St
Paul ;) — '' n«t longer h» a servant (or slave), but above a servant,
a brother ludtned. If thou consider me as a companion, receive
liiu) as unself/* Our modeni Pbilemons of Barbados or Ja-
\\\s\wA nouVl consider this as strange language to be held respect-
ing t»ne of tlieir slaves. If one of their runaways, having
Uvome lui]Uisixl and eonvertixl to the faith, were sent badi to his
iua>ter» by a rhristian minister, with tbe exhortation, ^ Foqpve
liiuK riHvivo him now as no longer a slave, but a brother,'*— it is
not difficult to anuci)>Ato the manner in which both the
Whychcotte of St John's, 89?
and its bearer would be treated. Of all parts of the New Tes-
tament, a joro-slavery advocate would do well to keep clear of the
Epistle to Philemon, which teaches such monstrous doctrine as
that the Christian slave is to be viewed by his master as a bro-
ther, a brother beloved. Let the Christian planters so regard
and so treat their Onesimuses, and we will own them to be Phi-
lemons indeed.
We have recently shewn •, however, that the Roman servitude
differed so essentially from the colonial slavery of our own times,
that to confound them under a common names and then to reason
from the presumed lawfulness of the one to the lawfulness of the
other, is a mere artifice ; an attempt to build an argument upon
a pure fallacy. Onesimus was a bond servant (Joi/Xof, servus)^
but not an ergastulus^ a field-slave. Had Christianity directly
prohibited the domestic bondage of the Romans, it would vir-
tually have forbidden the Christians of those days to have any
servants at all. But while it abstained from interfering with
either the political or the domestic institutions of any nation, it
classed the man-stealer with the murderer, the parricide, the most
flagitious criminal "f* ; and addressed the oppressor of the la-
bourer in language which might well make the Christian tyrants
of the colonies tremble : " Behold, the hire of the labourers who
have reaped down your fields, which is unjustly kept back by you,
crieth out ; and the cries of the reapers have entered into the
ears of the Lord of Hosts."§
Art. IIL Whychcotte of St. John's; or the Court, the Camp, the
Qoarter-deck^ and the Cloister. Two Volumes, 12mo. London,
1833.
TTNDER a title which looks too much like a bookseller^s puff
to lead us to expect much that is substantial in the work it-
self, these volumes contain a collection of very clever and enter-
taining original papers. In the getting up of the volumes, there
18^ indeed, a palpable air of book -making ; and the publication
lias altogedier the appearance of a catch-penny. We must say
too, that we cannot entirely applaud the taste displayed in the
concoction of the materials. Tiie liberty that is taKcn with living
characters, is scarcely allowable ; although the writer may plead
m exteauatioD, that his portraits are generally those of the pa-
negyrist, not of the satirist. We know not what Profewer
* Eclectic for April. Art. Blair rni the Roman Slavery.
f 1 Tim. L 10. § James v. 4*
TOL. IX. — K.s. 3 D
398 Whychcotte of St. John'g.
Smythe will say at having his lectures and conversations surrep-
titiously reported. We wish that it might provoke him to puD-
lish in self-defence. Whatever fault, however, we may find with
the author or supposed redacteur of these Whychcotte papers,
on these or other grounds, we cannot refuse to do him the justice
of admitting, that we have been much amused with his biogra-
phical sketches, not a little interested by his stories and anecdotes,
and often well })lcascd with the good sense of his graver observa-
tions. Wc should suspect him to be an indolent man of talent,
capable of producing far better things. He has evidently (not-
withstanding his choice of a pubUsher) received his education and
formed his opinions in the Tory school ; and his partialities be-
speak him to be a real Cantab. We honour tiis counigeoiu
frankness in lauding Bishops Marsh and Phillpotts, the two least
popular prelates on the bench, although we cannot sympathise in
his admiration either of the Author of the Seventy-three Ques-
tions, or of ' the active and acute political bishop,^ *the Clerical
* Chesterfield'* — and Proteus. As we do not share in the Wri-
ter's partialities and opinions, he will consider himself, we hope,
the more honoured by our good opinion.
An ^ introductory memoir,'' by no means the least engaging
part of the work, but very slenderly related to the subsequent
papers, describes the character of Aylmer Whychcotte, of whom
his tutor argued but too prophetically : ^ he has talent enough for
^ any thing ; he will attain nothing.^ The portrait is evidently
from the life, and conveys an instructive lesson. But alas!
wronghcadedness is, in most instances, incurable. The next pa-
per introduces us to the Cambridge Professor of Modem History.
' Whether it be the peculiar beauty of his style, or the noble, and
generous, and elevated sentiments which his Lectures embody,— or the
feeling with which they are uttered, — or the singular felicity with
which he sustains the unflagging interest and attention of his youthful
auditory, — or to all these circumstances combined,— certain it is, that
no professor ever conciliated or retained, in a higher d^pree, the aflee-
tionate regard of those who, year after year, have attended his Lec-
tures.
' For him, even the idle will rise an hour earlier, rather than line
the lecture. For him, the gay, rather than fbreso ^e fund of inform-
ation that awaits them, will desert their late breiuc£ut party, or decline
it altogether.
' He is precisely the sort of lecturer to influence the auditory he
addresses. His object is, invariably and unweariedly, to inspire uiCBi
with elevated sentiments and enlarged vie^v8 — to lead them to regard
with distrust, men of sweeping measures and daring experiments — to
teach them to look for the securitv of a country in the lenity and jusdoe
of its administration — to think all vain but affection and hononr —the
simplest and cheapest pleasures, the truest and most precious — to im-
press on them, that virtue herself is becoming, and the pursuit of troth
Whychcotte of St. John's. 399
rational — and that generosity of sentiment is the only mental acquire-
nent which is either to be wished for or admired.
* Rarely does a lecture close without containing in it some reference
to man's higher destiny and the magnificent visions of Christian hope;
Bpart from which his existence is a riddle, and his trials unmeaning.
* One is at this instant present to me. — He had been lecturing on
the Flight to Varennes : and, in alluding to the various accounts
which had been given of that unfortunate enterprise, took occasion to
notice the difficulties and distrust which certain sceptics have at-
tempted to throw over the mission of our Lord, from certain discre-
pancies, omissions, and apparent inconsistencies, in the accounts of the
four Evangelists. " Paley, that most sensible writer, has noticed these
attempts, and has most completely and triumphantly refuted them.
If the argument which Paine and Hume have applied to the writers
of the four Gospels — which are strictly and properly Memoirs of the
Life and Sufferings of our Saviour — be applied to the narratives of
writers on the French Revolution, we are bound to infer, upon their
principle, that no such event as the French Revolution has ever oc-
curred!
' " Discrepancies, contradictions, omissions, inconsistencies, present
themselves, which it is impossible to reconcile or overlook. Take, for
an instance, the fact of the Flight to Varennes. The queen is repre-
sented, in one account, as leaving the palace leaning on the arm of
Monsieur de Moulins : in another, as leaning on the arm of M. de
Mallery : by a third writer it is asserted positively, that she quitted it
alone. Yet from this, are we to imagine that the queen did not leave
it at all ?
' *' Again : one account states confidently, that M. de Bouille was
wounded in the side and in the shoulder. Monsieur de Damas says,
that he was wounded only in the breast. A third writer affirms, that
his sole injury was that of a slight contusion on the head. The fact of
his ill-treatment and butchery is beyond dispute.
* " Again : one writer of considerable authority says, that the queen
was recognized, at St. Menehould, by Drouet's son : another, that she
was observed by Drouet himself. In detailing the several features of
this disastrous undertaking, one historian afhrms, that Drouet entered
the town of Clermont ; another^ that he passed by it ; a third, that he
rode into Varennes alone ; a fourth, that his son was with him ; a
fifth— and this is the true account — that he was accompanied by a
friend. Yet, of his detection of the royal party — of his journey to
and arrival at Varennes — there can exist no doubt. All these are
matters of indisputable truth. Yet is it on points slight and imma-
terial as these, tnat the veracity of the Gospel narratives has been at-
tempted to be overthrown, and the reality of our Saviour's existence
impugned I ' " pp. 2 — 7»
' You would like to see him ? We are late : it wants but one
minute to ten. Away to the anatomical schools. Here, in this dark,
dingy lecture-room, nis little black mahogany stand placed straight
before him, his right arm a little extended, the left resting on the
3 D 2
400 WhychcQtte of St John's,
gxnall portfolio which contains his lectaret-— hb whole •ppcaraiice in*
dicating the gentleman of the old school^ but strongly characteristie ol
extreme honhommie and kindness of disposition— stands the pt^mlsr
Professor. Hark ! he has just finished some brilliant passage^e part
of his well known lecture on Maria Theresa: — Who that has heard it
can ever forget it ?— or has summed up his elaborate analysis of Fre-
derick the Great — or has closed his exquisite portraiture oH the ibUiss
and sorrows of the unfortunate Antoinette, and a murmur of applaoM
which they cared not or could not control^ has burst from his delighted
auditory.
' Take another view. You see that tall and some^vhat gaunt figure
in a green coat and black velvet collar^ bright buff waistcoat, Imes
breeches, and white cotton stockings, powdered, with round shonlden^
and rather a stoop in his gait — yes, he that is stridine away before as
on the Truuipington Walk, witn his hands behind him — bia master's
gown curiously tucked up into a roll, and most unceremooiously dis-
posed of, as if it fettered the motions of the wearer^ and was aa
appendage he would gladly dispense with — there goes the boast of
Feterhouse, totally abstracted from the present, and revelling in recol-
lections of the past.
' His voice is peculiar. Your first impressions of it aie unfaToorw
able ; that it is harsh, wiry, thin, and inharmonions. Yet, ao ooai«
pletely does he identify himself with his subjectj that those paimpi
which' require irony or pathos; lofty indignation, or winning intrcaty;
cutting rebuke, or generous pity, are delivered with a truui, a firej a
force, and feeling, which set criticism at defiance*' pp. 11— -13.
We are then favoured with a few specimens of the Profesaor^s
style of lecturing, taken down in a note-book in the lectore-
room. They are ^ not hazarded with the intention of giving an
^ adequate and complete idea ^ of the force and eloquence of the
original; and the charm of delivery is wanting. Still, our
readers will agree with us, that these stolen morceaux are aamples
of no ordinary compositions. We must make room for a few
passages.
' Louis XIV.— lie was in some respects unfortunate* He became a
ruler of the earth when quite an infant. His education was neglected.
His ruling passion was vanity — the mere love of praise. He was an
actor. lie was eternally uneasy and anxious for an audience. He
was incessantly desirous to exhibit. At his levees — in his drawing-
room — on his terrace — at his meals — he was ever acting the grand
Eosture-mukcr of Europe. Throughout the whole of the rojral day he
ad his exits and his entrances. It was for ever a drama, and the nero
of the piece was Louis. Even at the chapel it was the ** grand mo-
narque " at his devotions. No ideas, however overwhelming, no ap-
prehension (»f the sanctity of the Being he was addressing, seems wt
one instant to have banished from his view, the tinsel trumpery of hu-
man grandeur. Yet his age was very famous. Several master ajnrits
lived in it ; and the splendour of their ivorks has been reflected bad[
upon the age and history of Louis. Turcnnc, Villcroy, Vendom^ aod
Whychcotte of St. JohnV 401
the great Cond^^ were his generals : Richelieu and Mazarine were his
statesmen : Le Notre laid out his grounds : he had Perreau for the
architect of his palaces^ and Le Poussin to decorate them : CorneiUe
and Racine wrote his tragedies : Moliere his comedies : Bourda1oue>
Bossuet^ and Massillon, were his ministers. What could he desire
more ? I have already alluded to his appetite for praise. Out of
forty-nine years, — these hounded his reign, — ^he had twenty-nine years
of war. One million of men were sacrificed. A succession of battles
was to be fought, attended with the most frightful carnage ; the ten-
der were to mourn, and the brave were to die ; that Louis might be
called " Great ! "
' At the close of his life, when the pageantry of power was about to
oease for ever, he seems to have been first sensible that he had mis-
taken the first duties of a sovereign. " My son," said he on his death-
bed to the Dauphin, '' cultivate peace as the source of the greatest
flood. Avoid war as the source of the greatest evil. My example in
Siis respect has not been a good one. Do not imitate it. It is this
part of my reign that I most regret." '
' Louis XV. — You will be disappointed that there is no good his-
tory of this reign to which I can refer you. It has not yet been writ-
ten as a portion of French history. Duclos deserts us just about the
period at which we have arrived. / have announced and must con*
tinue io annouHce to ye the reign of Louis XV. a prelude to the French
revolution. The chief points in the foreign politics of this reign are,
the acquisitions of the Dutchies of Lorraine and Barr ; and the inter-
ference of the Due de Choiseul in the afifairs of Genoa, by which the
island of Corsica was annexed to the French monarchy.
* Disputes had arisen between the Corsicans and the republic of
Genoa. The Genoese wished to know what they were to pay the
French Government for the hire of troops to reduce that island. The
Sue de Choiseul proposed higher and higher terms — ^at length the pos-
aesaion of the island itself. He then announced himself as a mediator
— afiirmed that it was a dependence far too uncertain and burdensome
for a republic like theirs, and that it would be for their advantage to be
relieved from it.
' The negotiation was carried on so secretly that the jealousy of
England was never awakened, and he succeeded— succeeded by slay-
inc the brave with his bayonets, and bribing the irresolute with his
gcud. But there is a righteous retribution which awaits nations as well
as individuals. Who could conceive that from this island, so betrayed
and trampled on, from its inhabitants, so cruelly enslaved and re-
morselessly butchered, one should arise who should crush the Bourbons
under foot — one to whom thrones were footstools — one who should
become the bitterest scourge of monarchs, and of France in parti-
cular! '
' Louis XVI. ascends the throne. He is extremely disquieted
about the finances. Gives his confidence to Maurepas : who is suc-
ceeded first by Turgot, and then by Neckar. Maurepas's plan was
bold enough : — no new loans, and no new taxes. This was sufficiently
daring, when the annual deficit was twenty-five millions: — but
Neckmr'a was bolder still*— nen; loansy and no new taxes / How did
403 Whychcotie of St. JohrCg.
Neckar propose to cover the deficiency ? By aboIiBhiiig useleas places,
by economy in the state^ and retrendiment about the coart. JNeckar
was the Minister of Retrenchment and Reform. He fails in bis ex-
pectations and plans — at least with the coart — and retires. Monaiear
dc Calonne succeeds.
' Monsieur de Calonne.— Did a minister want a sinecare for a fol-
lower ? — it was ready. Did the queen want a place or a pension for a
favourite ? — it was ready. Did a prince of the blood want a tempo-
rary supply, to defray a debt at the gaming-table ? — it was ready.
The minister was always smiling — always cheerful — quite at ease and
contented— at every body's call — ready to listen to and oblige all the
world. In this eolden age, as it must have appeared to the court, the
minister (De Calonne) discovered, that the revenue bore a firightfid
disproportion to the expenditure.
' " Because I have not spoken in the most measured terms of the
privileged orders, I have been sacrificed." These may be considered
the last words of De Calonne. He was disgraced and uismissed. Bot,
strange retribution ! he lived to see that very aristocracy which had
prepared and achieved his ruin, flying from before the senseless de-
magogues that too soon succeeded him.'
* It is melancholy to reflect on the conduct of the noUesse at this
critical juncture — the interval between forming the two houses ; their
miserable jealousy, their selfish policy, their narrow views. They for-
got that early reformation is an amicable arrangement with a friend in
power. Their conduct resembled that of the savage in his canoe, wbo
sleeps upon the stream till the stream becomes a torrent, and he is pre-
cipitated to his destruction.' pp. 18 — 29.
A few detached sentences are given as specimens of the pithy,
axiomatic, and philosophical observations which the Professor oc-
casionally introduces. The following arc excellent.
' Men who in early life are accustomed to the petty details of office,
never get beyond them. They become familiarized with oormption ;
their understandings become narrow ; their feelings are blunted ; and
towards the close of life, they become the secret or avowed friends of
servility, the enemies of all public sentiment^ and of all advisers the
worst that a king or a country can listen to.'
' Wo to the country where the ministers do not respect popular
opinion ; but wo to the kingdom — the monarchy at least — ^whe^ they
have no other muster.'
' The great problem of government is, to make the executive power
suflliciently strong to maintain and preserve peace and good order^ and
yet not so strong as to overthrow the liberties of the people.'
* To provide for events, is in some measure to control them.'
Great must be the merit of the Lecturer, if these fragments do
him injustice.
Passing over Denton Hall and the Ghost Stories, we come to
Ifhychcotte of St John's. 408
chapter headed, ' The Controversialists \ containing the por-
uts (already adverted to) of the political bishops ; also of the
Prince Bishop,^ Barrington, and his accomplished chaplain,
ownsend of Durham, whose conversational powers are repre-
Dted to be of the highest order * ; of Bp. Burgess, and Dr.
iber ; the series being closed, singularly enough, with the full
Dgth of a female controvertist.
' And now, place aux dames ! Enter, fair antagonist of Andrew
bomson, and caustic author of '' Anglicanus " — Mrs. Henry Grey,
rs. Henry Grey is an abstruse mathematician, and an acute contro-
rnalist. She looks made of ** sterner stuff" than we usually assign
the softer sex. Her hard, cold, blue eye — ^the rigid contour of her
untenance — the ashy, changeless hue of her complexion — the harsh,
dl tones of an inflexible voice — are all fitting appendages to a po-
DUC And a polemic she is of first-rate powers, as Andrew Thomson
and to his cost. Heaven aid those — for they need it — who have to
»po6e her, either in conversation or on paper. I would not wish even
— himself worse than a castigation from that ruthless " Female
entley," the only literary antagonist, in the whole of Dr. Thomson's
jry career, who made him wince, and cry, " Hold, enough !"
* The Letters of Anglicanus, which delighted one half of Edinburgh,
id enraged, almost to madness, the other, were written during Mr.
rey's absence in England. On his return from Monkwearmouth,
here he had been engaged in opening a new chapel, ** the gifted
Oman " submitted to the gaze of her admiring husband, the manu-
ript of the Letters of Anglicanus. Struck, as he could not fail to
\, with their point, their force, truth, and sarcasm, he consented to
eir appearance. The storms that followed defy description. The
•nius, nowever, that raised them, bore her husband triumphantly
rough their vehemence ; and holding up the reverend doctor in one
ind, and the cause of the Bible Society m the other, she dashed into
e bitter billows of controversy, as if she had Noah himself for a
lot.
' She is a singular woman to look at, and awful indeed to converse
ith — ^being plenished with arguments on every probable and every
iprobable subject —every possible and impossible topic. Yet, not-
ithatanding her knowledge of- Locke and Des Cartes— her perfect
mprehension of abstract ideas — her familiarity with Kant — and the
lartness with which she '' recals you to common sense" if you fail
express yourself with mathematical preciseness, — notwithstanding
L these gifts and graces, let me ever be content to admire her at a
stance, and to crave permission to consider her like snow in Italy, a
lenomenon more surprising than agreeable.' pp. 125 — 128.
* The present Lord Chancellor, when a barrister on the Northern
trcuit, was frequently a guest at the Prince Bishop's table, where he
sold seat himself between Townsend and Phillpotts, whom he ac*
lowledged to be the most powerful conversational antagonists of his
yiafntance.
404 Whych^ie of Si. John's.
The papers seem purposely shuffled, so as to separate those
which are of the same suit. We skip some intermediate ones of
slighter structure, to notice the solid observations entitled, ^ The
Cause of the Church.'* That the Church ^ has, till within a very
* recent period, yearly lost ground in the estimation of the people,
^ cannot,^ the Writer remarks, * be with any show of truth datiied."
The causes to which this has been ascribed are, 1. the tithe sys-
tem ; 2. ^ the Utile deference shewn to the wishes of the people^
* and the systematic and determined manner in which their re*
* presentations cmd entreaties with respect to the distribution of
* preferment have been discountenanced and defied;'* and 3.
pluralities, which last are affirmed to be emphatically the curse of
the Church. With regard to the tithe, the Writer sealoosly de-
fends the right of the clergy, as not less valid than that of the
landlord ; Imt he has not taken pains to understand the subject.
He affirms for instance, that ^ where the tithes are held as at pre-
* sent, the parson does not get a third of his legal due. In many
* cases, it does not amount to a fourth of the real value of the
* tithe.* Now this assertion, by attempting to prove too much,
is fatal to the validity of the claim. ^Nothing can more clearly
shew that the modem claim goes far beyond the original grant,
and that the latter has been prodigiously misconstrued, than the
fact, tliat the hypothetical cLum is incapable of being enforeed.
Archdeacon Coxe, in his * Three Letters'* to Mr. Benett, deng*
nates tithe as a ^ property amounting to the value of nearly one-
* fourth of the rental of the whole kingdom.^ Now, assuming this
to be correct, and adopting also the assertion of the present Wri«
ter, we arrive at the pleasant conclusion, that the tithe, if enforced
to the extent of its fiiU value, would be equal to three-fourths, if
not to the total amount of the rental of the kingdom !
The title to tithe involves an arithmetical blunder as well as a
practical grievance. To represent it as only so much additional
rent, is a dishonest subterfuge. Rent is paid out of the culti-
vator''s profits ; tithe is levied upon the produce, irrespective of
profits. It is a tax upon improvements ; for, the more highly the
occupier cultivates his farm, the more oppressive the tithe ; and it
falls the heaviest upon those who are least able to bear it, the oc-
cupiers of inferior land. The tithe is not complained of, becanse
it is a burthen upon the land, but because it is a burthen upon
the expenditure of the cultivator, and a burthen unjust in prin*
ciple, as well as vexatious from its arbitrary character, inasmuch
as it is not regulated by the profits of that expenditure. It is un-
just also, because, being variable and arbitraiy, it cannot be made
the subject of certain calculation in taking a nirm or in projecting
improvements. And it is unjust, in reference to the coramanity
at large, because it is a property increasing in value, in modern
times, in an undue degree compared with other property, and
Whychcotte of St John's. 406
irithout any corresponding increase in the labours of those who
hold this property in trust for the public benefit. These are the
grounds upon which, the more the subject is examined into, the
more manifest it becomes^ that the tithe is both a burthen and a
g^evance, inequitable in itself, and injurious alike to the interests
of agriculture and of religion.
With regard to the second point, the present Writer speaks
out honestly.
' Nothing has alienated the affections of the people from the existing
estabh'shment so silently and irreparably as the pertinacity with whicb^
in limes past, they have been denied a voice in the preferment of their
ministers, and tne sturdiness with which any representation on their
party in behalf of a valued curate, has been silenced or set at nought.
' I will here mention a fkct which fell under my own personal ob-
servation. It shews how the system worked, and of what bitter fruits
it was productive. A living became vacant on which a curate of the
most blameless life and benevolent habits had been stationed eleven
years. It was a *' peculiar/' and formed part of the patronage of the
dean of the diocese. A memorial was drawn up, addressed to that
dignitary, and signed by all the principal landowners and landholders
in the parish, praying that he would take the services and character
of their curate into consideration in disposing of the vacant vicarage*
It was deemed most respectful that a deputation should wait on him ;
and three of the wealthiest and most respectable landed proprietors
were fixed upon. The dean was apprised of their intention— a day
was named — and an interview granted. He never asked them to sit
down— never offered them (they had ridden thirty miles) any refresh-
ment— never expressed any pleasure at such a compliment being paid
to a brother clergyman. He contented himself with putting two
questions — ''Are these signatures genuine?" He was assured they
were. " Is the wish this petition expresses, the unanimous wish of the
whole parish ? " — " Unquestionably so." " Then I must tell you that
I oonsider this a most improper interference. It is an attempt to
wrest from me my right of presentation, and I shall treat it accord-
ingly* Mr. C se has no chance of success in the present
instance." He bowed and retired.
' Now this was the conduct, on a point of patrona^, of an acute
and clever man — of one who had raised himself to ecclesiastical rank^
by his own industry and exertions — and had exhibited, on many occa-
sions, a nice sense of honour, and an ardent love of justice.
' Alas ! how much easier is it to feel than to think !
' To the Vicarage a middle-aged gentleman was presented, of highly
agreeable manners, and very convivial habits. He was what is called
" a dead shot : " and many a keenly contested pigeon-match took place
on the vicar's glebe ; and many a jovial carouse followed it. He
hunted, too, occasionally with the Quorn hounds ; and was so tender
of the prejudices of his parishioners, that he always wore a pepper-
and-salt coat till he got to cover. He was fond, too, of Cheltenham ;
and had no dislike to Bath : but his attachment to his parish prevented
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 E
406 Whf/chcatte of St. JnhfC:
him, in any one year, remaining more than t¥ro months at the imtj and
three at the other.
* But what became of the parish of R in the interim ? That
parish, in which, during the curate's ministry, not a dissenting chapel
of any denomination was to be found, became a hot-bed of Sectarianism.
In a few years it was deluged with dissent. And if at this moment I
wished to name a place more renowned than any other, for bitter
feeling against the church, a deep-rooted dislike to her institntions,
and a thorough contempt for her clergy — I should point to that hamlet
Who is to bkme for this ? the patron, the people, or the pasiar f '
pp. 19a— 7.
We say, neither, but the system. It is a mistake to represent
this as an abuse : it is the very principle of the ecclesiAstical po-
lity of the Establishment to exclude the voice of the people.
Some years ago, when Bishop Randolph (if we recollect rigiit)
filled the see of London, a most respectable deputation of the pa-
rishioners of one of the metropolitan parishes, an eminent banser
at their head, solicited his lordship to bestow the vacant living,
which was in the Bishop^s eift, upon the curate who had exem-
plarily discharged the parochial duties during the non-remdence
of the deceased incumbent. The right rev. prelate received the
deputation with courtesy, but told them, that he could noi bestow
the living on the curate, because it would recognise the principle
of popular nomination ; he must therefore give it to another m-
dividual, although he pledged his word that it should be to a
person who would reside ^nd do the duty. We do not know
what the present Writer means by speaking of such things as be-
longing to ' times past.** We have never heard that this prin-
ciple has been abandoned. The Church, on every occasion, has
prided herself on defying the people ; emulating the spirit of diose
who presided over the Jewish establishment, of whom we read,
John vii. 49. But the time has at length come, when this policy
will no longer answer. The people toill have a voice in choosing
their own pastors, either within the pale or without it
In reference to the third grievance, pluralities, the Writer re-
marks, that ' never will the Church thrive, till this indefensible
* abuse of patronage is redressed.'* We admit that non-residence
is a great aggravation of the hardship of the tithe system ; but
if non-residence is always an evil, it does not follow, unfortu-
nately, that residence is always a benefit. We know of instances
in which the non-residence of the incumbent would be hailed as
a great advantage, if a working curate of the right stamp were smt
in his place. Uow the present system works, the following is
given as an instance.
' There is a living in the north of England, the receipts of which,
during the period of high prices, fell little short of .S,000/. per annum :
— they at present amount, at the lowest computation, to 1,800/. The
Whychcotte of St. John's. 407
liTiiig 18 held by a gentleman^ in addition to iivo others, and a iraluable
prebendal stall.
' Notwithstanding his yarious preferments, he does not possess
ubiquity ; and therefore neither of his cures can receive a large portion
of his personal attention. On the living to which I refer, he resides
three months, and preaches, while in residence, every Sunday morning.
His sermons may be summed up at thirteen, — the amount of duty
the parish receives from him in exchange for the 1,800/. he draws
from it.
' To supply his lack of service, — for the place is populous, and the
duty heavy, — two curates are engaged. To the senior is allotted 150/.
per annum as his stipend ; to the junior, 100/. There were some in
the parish to whom these arrangements were anything but satis-
fBCtoTV. Many remembered when the rectory was inhabited ; — when
their incumbent resided regularly and constantly among them. They
were entitled, they said, to have a resident rector. The population—
the value — the importance of the rectory — all demanded it. It was
an abuse of no tnfling nature, that such a living should be bestowed
on one that would not reside upon it ; that so large a sum should be
abstracted from the parish, and so small a part of it spent in it.
' A year or two since, after the rector's last sermon for the season,
the following dialogue was overheard between two of the oldest of his
hearers, as they slowly descended the little hill on which the parish
church is situated.
' " Well, this is number thirteen. I suppose, our worthy rector
leaves us to-morrow, for London. He 's a noble preacher ! "
< ** Humph ! I wonder which of his preferments stands next in ro-
tation for the favour of one of his angel visits."
' '* What have his livings, pluralist as he is, to do with his preach-
ing? I maintain, his discourses abound in sound, good doctrines.
They are valuable sermons."
* " Granted : nay, I '11 go further, friend. I will affirm of thetn that
they are precious sermons ; and, of our pastor himself, that to his
flocK there cannot be a dearer man."
* " That 's a sneer : explain it."
' '* Why," remarked the other, with unruffled calmness, " can there
be a dearer man to the parish, when we pay him upwards of 1,500/,
for condescending to remain three months amongst us ? And his thir-
teen sermons, I assert them to be ' precious,' What other epithet do
they merit, when he receives exactly 120/. a-piecejbr each of them i" *
pp. 205—208.
From the Church, we turn to the Court. A very interesting
paper describes an interview with the son of Napoleon, which
cannot be altogether a fancy sketch, whatever colouring the ima-
gination may have lent to it
' At ten, we were again under the walls of Shoenbrunn. After a
long and most painful interval, our guide came up, hurried us through
some damp, dreary, dirty, ill-lighted passages, and finally ushered us
3e2
408 WhyehcoHe of Si. JohvCa.
into a loftv^ but ill-proportioned and nuBoaUy fiimiihed amrtaient,
where he left us, with an assurance that there the duke would give ni
audience.
' After a few minutes the door of a little cabinet at the higher end
of the room was slowly unclosed ; a youthful figure elided through the
opening, and we stooa in the presence of the young Napoleon.
' His appearance is peculiarly prepossessing. The delicate and
chiselled beauty of his features — ^their air of moilmful intelligence and
serene command — ^the deep, sad, settled composure of his eye— the
thoughtful paleness of his cheek— and the lofty, noble, but intense ab-
straction which characterized all his movements — form too remarkabk
a portrait to be speedily forgotten.
' It is difficult to describe a countenance so peculiar in its expres-
sion ; so deeply sad when in repose, so captivating when animated bf
the exertion of speaking. Something, however, must be attempted.
He inherits the mir complexion and light hair of his mother ; his eyes
are blue, deep, sad, and thoughtfiiL To him have descended the
finely formed lips of his father, and the small, beautiful hand ; and
he boasts the same soft, winnine, attractive smile. There is some-
thing of the Austrian in his forehead ; it is high, but narrow, and nol
finely developed : all else is noble and commanding. But the un-
wonted paleness of his features, the settled thoughtfulness of his brow,
the look of deep, and habitual, and unutterable sadness, betoken one
who has brooded over the secrets of his own heart, and found them
unmingled bitterness.
' He advanced quickly down the room towards the doctor, and thffl
gave a rapid glance of inquiry at his companion. It was understood
and answered. " An intimate and most particular friend."
' " Your name is ? "
' " It is."
' '' And the papers you are in possession of, and have with vaA
difficulty preserved "
' " Are with me."
' During these short and rapid interrogatories, the duke had so
adroitly shifted his position, as to throw the light fiill upon my com-
panion's countenance, which he scanned with tne most searching ob-
servation : then, as if he were satisfied with the result, he saidj with
a faint smile, <' I am ready, sir, to receive the documents."
' " The papers I am charged with," the doctor b^an, with an air
of considerable importance—
' " They will si)eak for themselves," said the prince calmly. " The
few moments I can spare to you are sensibly diminishing : excuse me '
—and he extended his hand.
' He opened the pacquet — examined its contents eagerly and mi-
nutely, and, as he closed his inspection, uttered in a tone of deep fed-
ing — •* These are valuable : the Emperor's family will not forget the
obligation of receiving them, or the hazard of the attempt to place
them where they will be most precious."
At this moment the man of medicine made some observation — I
•cely heard it, so intentl;
prisoner — to the effi^ct that
scarcely heard it, so intently was my attention riveted on the prinoelr
at he was pained or surprised — I forget whioi
Whychcotte of St, John's. 409
— at obfierving no vestige, no relic of the late ruler of France in the
apartment of his son, to prove that he was not forgotten.
' " Forgotten ! Behold the cabinet where the Emperor, when at
Shoenbronn, was wont to read and write for hours alone, and where
he first saw mj mother's portrait." '' Forgotten ! " and he touched the
spring of a small inlaid writing-stand, and there appeared a beau-
tifully finished miniature on enamel, of Napoleon on the heights of
Areola. *' Forgotten ! " and he turned a full-length engraving of his
grandfather Francis, which hung near him. Its reverse exhibited a
proof impression of the splendid print of Bonaparte in his coronation
robes. '* No " — said the prince, as he earnestly, yet sadly gazed upon
it—'' he is never ", (he spoke in French, with the deepest emotion,)
'* no, he is never — never for one instant — ^forgotten ! " He paused for
an instant, recovered his composure, and proceeded in calmer tones.
' " Farewell, sir. You will hear from me : from othbrs. Form
no opinion on the state mockery with which you see me surrounded,
or the indifference with which I endure it. At present I bow to cir-
cmmstances — their creature, not their victim. I)eath must shortly
produce great changes. I am aware I have ^ends — many, firm, de-
voted— my father's ! " — ^his voice trembled — " let them be assured I
live but to avenge his memory and — his murder ! "
' He bowed, as a sign the interview was ended, and quitted by the
mne door as he entered the apartment.
' Our guide re-appeared, and we hastily retraced our steps. But
before we had cleared the precincts of the palace, a voice whispered in
my ear, as we hurried through the dark, dismal passage already no-
ticed— " Quit Vienna without delay: your proceedings are watched,
and your design detected." ' pp. 268—274.
Some of the anecdotes interspersed through these volumes, re-
late to distinguished personages of our own court circle, and ap«
pFoach the character of a scandalous chronicle. For example : —
' " Which is Mrs. Arbnthnot ? " said an elderly of the old school,
whose bent form and silver locks told a tale of years gone by, to a
young aspirant in diplomacy, during an entertainment at Ladv Strong's,
at Putney. ''Which is the confidant of Princess Lieven, ana the coun-
sellor of the Duke of Wellington ? Do I see her in that lovely wo-
man, sitting near our host, with that singularly sweet expression and
bright laughing eye ? "
' " No, that is the celebrated beauty, Rosamond Croker, the niece
of the sarcastic secretary. The object of your enquiry is nearer home
— hnsh ! speak lower — ^look to the right of Mr. Holmes : see, she is
listening with evident satisfaction to the badinage of the great cap«
tain. With his grizzled hair, hooked nose, and piercing eye, how like
an old eagle ! Now, now, she looks this way."
* " And that is Mrs. Arbuthnot," said the old gentleman, musing.
" Those faultless feminine features and clear pale countenance — "
* '' Which," interrupted his youthful mentor, " are invariably of the
aame delicate hue, and at no time, rare instance in a woman of
410 Whychcotte of St JohfC^.
fiiishion ! masked with rougje : look at her well : fiw she^s a woman thai
has served her country J*
' " Her country — ^how ? when ? where ? "
' " Those are questions more easily asked than answered : bat as
nothing ostensible appears, we must suppose it to be in the way of «r-
cret service. Aid/' continued the yodng diplomatist^ *' she must hate
rendered, and of no comnfon description. Otherwise there would nerer
have been granted, under an administration on principle hostile to all
extravagance — to unmerited pensions — to every species of expenditore
unsanctioned by necessity ; under a Premier who pared down the
Custom House clerks ^vithout mercy; whose watchword wms "eoh
nomy *' and general order " retrenchment ; " who spared no salary, and
respected no services—a pension of no less than nine hundbsd and
TIIIKTY-EIGHT POUNDS PER ANNUM TO HARBIBT ARBUTHNOT. — Ns,
no ; rely upon it, her claims upon her country are weighty, and her
services in its behalf unimpeachable."
' *' She is fair/' said the old gentleman, " but her predecessor wh
fiiirer."
' " Her predecessor ? "
' '^ Yes : the first Mrs. Arbuthnot was one of the most inteUectnil,
elegant, fascinating women that ever lived. Her daughter. Lady Hcmy
Cholmondely^ in manner resembles her. She accompanied Mr. Ar«
buthnot in his embassy to Ccmatantinople, and many oJF his despstdiei
are indebted for their precision, force, and clearness to the oorrectioni
of her severer taste. Long Wellesley — then an indefatigable stndnt
and accomplished man of business, heu I quantum mutaius ah iilo — wm
secretary to the embassy ; and could bear willing testimony to her
delight at the opportunity of enriching her mind with associatioBS s^
quired from personal observation of a country full of interest, and bat
little known.
' The last letters that flowed from her polished pen— and those win
knew her best will be the first to do justice to the brilliancy of her
style, the fidelity and the variety of her descriptive powers — 'Dreathei
the language of youth and hope ; spoke of post pleasures, and anti-
cipated future gratification: the next accounts stated die was w
more.
' She died at Pera — died when the sad event was utterly um-
pected— died under the hands of '' native talent:'* in other words*
Turkish quack undertook her cure, was credited, and confided in :-
mourned by the whole embassy, and be^vailed by her agonised mother:
— died, except as far as Air. Arbuthnot was concerned, in the gfti'M ff
strangers and alone !' Vol. II. pp. 180 — 184.
We are tempted to select one more specimen of the Whychootle
anecdotes, although the reader may naturally require some betts
confirmation than anonymous authority.
' " You have called," said the young diplomatist, *' the late Qnwa
unfortunate — ^how is this?"'
' *' 1 have," said the old man sternly ; " and will not recall the epi-
thet. Without passing any opinion on her guilt or her innocence, I
fVhychcotte of Si. JohiCs. 411
term her an unfortunate PrinoesSy because I tbmk few will deny her
just claim to that appellation ; and that still fewer will assert that she
ivas not, during the greater part of her life> and particularly the clos-
ing scenes of it^ an object of the sincerest pity. 1 am old^ and^j^
circumstances and situation, know much of the earlier passages of
her married life. I was at Brighton during the first visit of the Prin-
eegg • — ^the only period at which she was an inmate of the Pavilion. I
was at table on one particular occasion^ when Lady Jersey — she has
sinoe gone to her account — may she have found mercy with her God !
— was sitting at the right hand of the Prince^ monopolizing^ as usual^
his entire and undivided attention. The Princess, who knew little of
JBSnsb'sh manners, and was unguarded in her own, was guilty of some
trivial violation of etiquette, which drew down upon her a hasty cen-
sure from the Prince, somewhat harshly expressed. The Princess
rose and withdrew in tears. The Prince, who, left to himself, was
ever generous and kind-hearted, and who had not calculated that his
remark would produce such painful results, rose to follow her. Lady
Jersey — what a retrospect a dying hour must have unrolled to the view
of that fearful woman ! — exclaimed, " Oo, go by all means. Follow
her. Soothe her by your submission, and then sue for pardon. Let
her see her own power. She fvill never abuse it" The Prince, hesi-
tated— advanced — returned — and, with a smile, resumed his seat.
I^dy Jersey had triumphed.
* The circumstance was canvassed at Brighton, and commented on.
It was mentioned in my hearing, and I called it '' unmanly conduct."
My observation was repeated, and I was dismissed. I was told,
^THAT IN CERTAIN CIRCUMSTANCES NO MAN WAS ALLOWED TO
HAVE AN OPINION OF HIS OWN."
' The Princess was unfortunate in other respects. Dr. Randolph,
the Prebendary of Bristol, was appointed to an embassy of a private
^ satare to Germany. Among other commissions, he was charged with
letters from the Princess of Wales, which he was directed to deliver
iM^sonally to the Dutchess of Brunswick, and other members of her
p.nmily. For some reason or other, the Doctor received counter orders,
l^and another gentleman was despatched to Germany in his stead. In-
^ Stead of surrendering the Princess's packet to herself in person, he
^ transmitted it to her lady-in-waiting, Lady Jersey, to be by her deli-
H^ irered to her royal mistress. The packet was opened — found to con-
^ tain letters commenting, in ludicrous terms, on various members of her
if- hnsband's fieimily, and his mother in particular — these letters were
1^ handed over to the parties — and never rorgiven. That such commu-
nications were highly censurable, indiscreet, and improper, I admit :
hut what epithet sufficiently strong can be applied to the treachery
1^ which could thus way-lay and appropriate them ?
^ ' The end of the Countess was singular. During the Queen's trial,
and for some years previous to it, she resided at Cheltenham. On
the withdrawal of the Bill of Pains and Penalties, she received a
1^ found-robin, numerously signed, telling her that her presence was not
desired at Cheltenham, and that she would consult both her quiet and
. z her safety, by a speedy retreat. Considerably chagrined at this docu-
41S WhycheMe of Si. /oAft>.
ment, which wM powerfullf and oonvinciiiglT written, the nked t
leadine personage at Cheltenhaniy whether poiuic opinion there ran »
strongly against her as her letter averred. 8ho was told^ it did; uid
that the advice given in the roand-roMn was, in the opinion of bcr
counsellor, judicious and sound/
' " Then I will quit Cheltenham without dehiy."
' Whether she did so, and only reached the lint stage of her joomef
— or whether, when all her hasty preparatioBB were oomplefee, she wh
suddenly taken ill, I am unable to state positively. This I can affim,
that the vexation and annoyance oonseqnent on the ronnd-nbin,
bnmght on the illness which rapidly terminated her existenoe. She
died in the same week as the Queen ; and their funeral proccsriom
passed on the road. Strange that they should thus meet, both nlent
in death — the injurer and the injured— the oppressor and the victim!'
V<d. II. pp. 100—195.
The poor Queen ! Hard was the measure denied out to her.
The subject recalls to us some stanias on ber death, which have
never appeared amon^ Lord Byron^s remains ; yet, to what other
pen may they be ascnbed ?
' Daughter of Brunswick, Britain's injured C2neen,
Mother of Britain's Heiress, o'er whose tomb
Thou and the Nation wept ; thine, thine haa been
A boisterous day, shut up in sudden gloom.
Betrayed to feiithless nuptials ; all thy bloom
Of life consumed in worse than widowhood ;
No child to soothe thine age ; it was thy doom.
To have thy every step throuffh life pursued
By mean vindictive Hate, and Slander's venal brood.
< In England's cause thy sire, thy brother Ued,
And Europe trembled when the Brunswick fell.
Wrongs heaped upon thy unprotected head
That debt have nobly paid. Was it not well
To goad thee into exile, there to dwell
'Mid household spies ; and, when thy Daughter died.
Add insult to the loss, seeking to quell
By coward threats, all spark of prinoely pride.
Spurning thee uncondemned, condemning thee untried?
' When driven at length to turn upon thy foe.
And brave his malice in the form of law.
With courdgc that the guiltless only know.
With firmness that might well the guilty awe.
Oh, what a scene the astonished nation saw !
The injurer plaintiff, while were foremost seen.
Counsel, on Virtue's side, to prove thy flaw.
The adulterer foul, the venal, and the mean,
" All hunoumble men ", to judge their culprit Queen.
IJinton's Harmony of RfiligiQw Truth* 413
' And there they sate, drinkii^ in> day by di^.
The nauseous tale of hireaand perjured spy.
And lewder fictions, which, for ampler pay,
Wwc sworn to by the dregs of Italy,
The well- drilled tools of dark conspiracy.
Meantime, the deep intrigue, the brutal jeer.
The Treasury mandate, and £9ul calumny.
Were busy, to teeure from Ipyal peer.
The cool, impartial vote, in case so daylight clear !
' Oh, had that '^ good old King ", thy friend and sire.
Then filled the throne, how would the servile throng
Wko think by proxy, and who vote by hire.
Cringing at levees all the season long.
Have feared to do thee and their conscience wrong I
How would the Churchmen, then, with honours due.
Have chaunted forlji thy virtues in their song,
Hifitinff that some things Princes may not do,
And tfilked of Moral Law in language sage and true !
* But thou art gone ! And what imports it now.
Buried alike thy pleasures and thy cares.
That earthly crow^ ne*er pressed thy princely brow.
And courtly prelates grudged their scanty prayers ?
While prayers availed thee> better far than theirs.
Rose warm /rom simple hearts. But thou art gone,
— Where peers are not the judges. — Malice dar^f
Not there pursue thee. — Justice fills the throng ;
But Merc^ pleads beside, and Ood is Judge alone.'
'IB21.-
Art. IV. The Harmony of Religious Truth and Human Reason aS"
serted, in a Series of Essays ; by John Howard Hinton, A.M.
12mo. pp. xxxiii.^ 336. London. 1832.
f^HE appearance of this little work exhibits strikingly the
-^ dbaracter of the age. Within the compass of 336 pages of a
imcdedmoj the Author professes to illustrate and establish the
* HarmoBy of Religious Truth \ that is, of the revealed truths
of religion, * and human reason.'* A century or two ago, almost
any one of the numerous topics discussed, would have ftimisbed
ample matter for a full-sized quarto ; and, in the hands of Ba^er,
moBt of them would have been logica% conducted to the noble
oaagnitude of a folio. Nor would the quarto or the folio have
been long a load upon the shelves of the publisher, or a pressure
on the funds of the author. Howe'^s, Baxter's, Goodwin's, Owen's
massy {productions were not profitless, either to their booksellers
or to themselves. Prodi^ous readers, as well as incessant thinkers^
wjere not infrequent in those days.
VOL. IX. — N.S. 3 F
41 4 Hinton^s Harmony of Religious TnUhL
That peculiar faculty of the human mind, so sensitive in these'
improved times, which enables us at once to detect the qiulity of
books to which we give the expressive name of dryness^ was then
for the most part undeveloped ; — a quality from which it is of
indispensable importance that authors should preserve their pro-
ductions, on whatever subjects,, as free as possible. To the
operation of this principle in- the present advanced state of in-
tellectual improvement, we are chiefly ind^Hed for the facility
and despatch with which we clear away difficulties, and' disen-
cumber ourselves of an immense expenditure of mental toil.
Mankind, it is said, vainly wearied themselves in the pursuit of
impalpable distinctions, of metaphysical differences of ideas; in
superfluous attention to the minute inequalities, the mere shades
of diversity in objects of thought; while we, with a manly n^Iect
of such busy triHing, by the sound, robust, instantaneous grasp
of a healthy mind, lay hold at once of the master prindpks m
things, and traverse the regions of knowledge with ease and
satisfaction. In judicious conformity with the demands of this
masculine age, therefore,. Mr. Hinton has, in fourteen short and
popular essays, disposed of the profound questions connected with
the following subjects: —
' The Existence of God — The nature and capacity ofma&^^DiviDC
Revelation — The revealed character of God — Uod's moral sovemment
of man — The eflfccts of the fall — A future state — The dements of
future happiness and' misery — The eternity of future punishments—
The accusatory aspect of the Gospel — Hereditary Depravity— Whe-
ther Christ died for all men? — The nature and practicability of repent-
ance— and the na Lure and crimiualitv of unbelief.'
The discussion of these several topics, within the limit pre-
scribed to himself, is certainly characterised by considerable
ability, and by quite as much of thought and closeness of reason-
ing, as will in general be deemed sufficient, if not somewhat
beyond the due boundar)'. But what chiefly distinguishes this volume
is the temerity with which the author ventures out of the ragulsr
track, and rather heretically assumes the right to think over again
upon matters which have been long since thought out to petftcnon,
as well as to publish the results of such unlicensed independency
of mental exercise.
As bclonginijr to a definite section of christian ministers, the
Author cannot but be regarded as a little too. bold, to be esteemed
a ])rudent man. It is marvellous that he should not have known
the })recisc phrascolo^' in wiiich he ought to have delivered him-
self on most of these sulyects. Yet, notwithstanding this cnor,
notwithstanding the acknowledged evil of it, and its unknown
consequences, and moreover, notwithstanding the tone of anta-
gonist dictatorship, not unfrequently assumed in opposition to
fixed standards of religious belief, wq confess that we have fcU
'Hinton^s Harmeny of Religious Truth, 415
• the refreshing influence of this novelty. We are ready to admit,
that there may be points in popular and established belief, which
"will allow of reconsideration ; and though we m^y not be willing
to yield the ground entirely to this aggressive champion, we will
not complain that he obliges us to repair or reconstruct some of
our fences.
To harmonize scriptural truth with reason, will be thought by
some to be an ominous announcement in the very title. The
language of not a few is, What has faith to do with reason, ex-
cept to abase it, to oppose its presumptuous dictates, and to eject
it from its usurped dominion ? Many a professed admirer of
Doddridge venerates maxims, and holds discourse, which seem to
represent him as having been but ill employed, when professedly
confuting the work entitled " Christianity not founded in argu-
ment.*" Nevertheless we cannot help thinking with the present
Writer, that Christian faith, in its sublimest exercises, should
not be irrational faith ; and that to discard our reason under any
pretext whatever, were an act in which it would be difficult to
j)rove that we were not insane. But if it may not be easy to de-
'termine'how far a man can renounce his reason, vilify and con-
temn its dictates, and yet be of sound mind ; much less is it to
define, how far it may be deemed a religious effort, to unmake
ourselves, to disclaim the main distinction of humanity, to put
out the mental eye, take darkness for the purest light, or con-
tradictions for the tests of truth. The impugners of our reason
must certainly be still in the school of subtilties ; their meaning
is not to be understood : they cannot intend to say that religion is
delirium, however impossible, on their principle, it may be to dis-
tinguish them.
Many there are, who venture to assign a province to human
reason, even in religion, but who limit its range within but scanty
boundaries. They suppose that there exists an undefinable pecu-
liarity in these exalted themes, such that while, on other subjects
of inquiry, reason must be wide awake, the constant guide of
lower faculties, there are departments here, from which it must
be quite excluded, — awful recesses which we must enter without
this leading faculty ; sacred abodes of thoughts in which, by vo-
luntarily becoming less, we may imagine ourselves to be more
than reasonable beings. Yet may we not ask, what can we know
in theology, more than in any other science, without reason ?
When the eye is closed, how can we distinguish day from night ?
On no subject is the confusion of men''s thoughts more perversely
inextricable than on this. They mistake the office of human
reason, and deny her claims in matters of religion, only because
they attribute to her, prerogatives beyond her rights on other
subjects. Reason is not less at fault in other sciences than in
theology, when she presumes beyond her province ; nor, when re-
416 Hintdn's Bamtmy of Religious Truth.
stricted td her office, is she more our guide. lo other objects of
thought, she knovs as little of the essences, the intimite modes
of subsistence, as of the nature of God, the mysteries of his
being, or the manners of his operation. To explain the nature
of existence, of ponvers^ of operation, even in things with which
we are most familiar, is quite beyond her range ; nor haTe ve
any other faculty competent to the task. Why then the distinc-
tion so often made, between the sphere of reason on other subjects,
and on those to which religion directs our contemplation } Do
we renounce that faculty because we admit the nu:t of living
plants, of living animals, of the electrical phenomena, or those i
gravity, though wholly ignorant of the nature of their operating
principles, or the manner in which they work the ends assigned
to them by their Creator? Why then should we allow a charge
of irrationality so far as to imagine ourselves called upon in some
long and laboured efforts to apologise, because we believe in
modes of being, and in energies connected with the moral order
of the universe, of the precise nature and action of which we can
give no account ? Craft, presumption, folly, have brought thb
accusation, and we inconsiderately have allowed it to have it
least something of force and seeming justness. Yet the charge
itself is destitute even of colourable pretence, and we ought to
repel it with a merited rebuke. Reason, and the admission of i
mysterious fact, have not the slightest mutual repugnance, nor
even the semblance of incongruity. They who insinuate the con-
trary, do but betray their ignorance or guile.
To sec clearly the truth of this remark, it is only necessary to
consider what wc mean by reason. Some vaguely imagine it to
be a power of directly exploring, or of intuitively discerning the
very essence of the objects of its judgement ; — a fallacy which the
slightest reflection must at once dispel. Some, again, take for its
rule, their own narrow experiences, the shreds of disorderly know-
ledge which they have casually thrown together in their progress
through life and intercourse with its affairs ; whence they mm
a moral statement to be reasonable or the contrary, as it accords
or disagrees with this internal standard. One or other of these
notions, or perhaps a mixture of both, must certainly lie at the
foundation of conceited rejections of mystery in reliffion, under
the pretence of being rational. Why else not shew the inconsis*
tency of mystery witn reason, the incongruity with it of belief in
unexplained occurrences.^ or rather, why do not the rationalists at
once profess to disbelieve that they tnemselves live, think, will,
and act t
The reason of things is cither the necessary, or the appointed
order of their existence ; their essen tial or their determined connexion
irith each other ; and the faculty of reason in us, is the mental
power by which we ascertain this existing order, the limits of such
HintotCi Harmony of ReVgtous Truth, 417
connexions, and the conseauences which must result from them.
The deductions of reason, tnerefore, if not founded in immutable
connexions, such as the demonstrations of geometry, must have
their basis in experience, observation, or testimony worthy of
credit. In matters of fact, the sphere of possibles is immense ;
and as reason teaches us to believe nothing with respect to what
may be or the contrary, without appropriate evidence, so it alike
restricts us to seek no other, and obliges us to admit its force.
These principles obviously apply in religion, as well as in history
or politics, and shew that faith rightly founded and reason cannot
be opposed ; or that faith without reason is but fancy ; they shew
also tnat there is no similarity between an unintelligible propo-
sition and a mysterioiis fact, to confound the ideas of which is
the business of the sceptic. The marvellousness of the fact itself
involves no necessary ambiguity in the proposition which asserts
it, nor in the least impairs the energy of its proof It does not do
so, because belief must be proportioned to the evidence ; while the
evidence of a fact has nothing to do with the nature of the fact
Itself.
All facts which have their origin in the Divine appointment,
are in themselves beyond our understanding, are equally inscrut-
able ; and of things alike above the limits of the human mind to
apprehend, what is it but an abuse of langitege, to apply the
epithets great or little to their mysteriousness ? To be above our
reason, (as the common though fallacious style of speaking is, —
fallacious, because the sense in which they are above it, or their
inscrutableness, has no relation to reason at all,) is no pecu-
liarity of any class of physical existences, but belongs without
distinction, to them all. The affected gibberish of the unitarian
Ota this subject, and the mystical nonsense of the impugner of our
reason, ought to be classed together as alike irrational.
Sometimes, however, the term reason is besides employed to
designate that power of the mind by which, when faithfully ap-
pealed to, we discern the moral good or evil of actions. Viewed
in the Ught of what some have called a moral sense, or a direct
Krception of right and wrong, it is improperly called reason ;
t, if intended to denote the recognition of a certain harmony
irith the character of God, or tlie relations in which we stand to-
wards him or towards each other, there is no impropriety in the
application.
The absurdity of supposing any contradiction between religion
and reason in this sense, is forcibly put by the Author.
^ Let it for the sake of argument be supposed, that the doctrines of
religion do not accord with the common sense of mankind, — that what-
ever truth or justioe, goodness or wisdom, there may be in the Gospel
of our Lord Jesus Christ, is of a kind which the understanding of man
418 Hinton's Harmony of Religious Truth.
IS not fitted to discern or appreciate, — and let us see to wbat it lead&
It follows immediately, that in calling upon us to obey the Qoipel, our
Maker requires us to act, not by our rational powers, but withont
them, and even contrary to them, since to act under the influence of
motives which wc do not understand, is evidently contrary to tbe
clearest dictates of common sense. We represent our Maker then ai
commanding reasonable creatures to act unreasonably. Is this poni-
ble? To have been created with rational powers is the peculiar dis-
tinction and glory of mankind, and to bring our rational powers into
exercise is the tendency of all Ood's natural and providential arruige-
ments. Can it then be supposed, that in our most important oonoem^
he means to degrade us from the elevation he has given us ; and thii
although we are to make use of our understanding in every thing da^i
in reference to our highest capacity and our eternal d<»tiny, we are tB
act the part of irrational creatures ? To imagine that he who gan
men reason for their guide, should thus call upon them to act in
violation of it, must be deemed surely nothing less than absurd f
pp. XT.'XTi.
The common source of error on the subject, arises from a nii^
understanding of the doctrine of Divine influence, or the office
and work of the Holy Spirit The all important declarations of
the Scriptures, so often repeated, respecting the necessity of Di-
vine instruction, are misinterpreted as if that supernatural assist-
ance must in some way suspend the exercise of our natural
powers. Instead of the real humiliation which the Scripture
statement suggests, and ought to produce, even the shame of our
pronencss to abuse the gifts of God, the attempt is unhappily
made to disparage those gifts themselves. Indignation is di-
rected, not against the disorders induced by sin, but against that
for which, whatever may be our pretence, we certainly cannot
blame ourselves, even the very constitution of our nature. This
error is thus exposed in the work before us: —
' It would be a very strange and unwarrantable view of his woik
(that of the Holy Spirit), however, if it were to be affirmed that,
whereas God had made us with rational powers, he had sent his Spirit
to supersede them. In truth the whole aim of the Spirit's operation
is to induce a right employment of our rational faculties. His office is
to open the heart, that we may attend to the things which concern our
peace ; to give an effectual impulse to consideration ; in a word, to en-
gage the exercise of common sense on religious subjects— an effort
from which men are otherwise withheld by passion and prejudice in
a thousand forms. The work thus allotted to the Divine Spirit is a
vast and all-important one ; and the condition that the whole system
of divine truth shall in itself be fitted to the common sense of mankind,
far from being out of keeping with it, is indispensable to the congniity
and success of his operations.' — pp. xiv. xv.
Let it then but be understood what reason is, — that it is not
feeling, prejudice, the chain of judgements true or false, already
Hinton'*8 Harmoinj of Religious Truth, 419-
in the mind, — not even the limited demonstrations of the meta-
physician, nor the deductions of natural science, but that all-
commanding attribute of mind, by which, from whatever source,
or of whatever kind may be the evidence, we judge of the truth
of facts, or the harmony of moral relations ; — and there can be no
danger in its application to any part of religious doctrine or of
revealed requirement ; the peril is in the contrary assumption.
To employ the term with a vulgar vagueness, and then to admit
its incompatibility with faith, is but to arm the enemy, and to
betray the noblest cause which ever claimed the homage of man-
Kind.
But we must leave this ably written preface, pervadingly ex-
tensive and important as is the prineiple which it successfully
defends ; — not, however, without recommending its salutary warn-*
ings to the attention of those readers who may have been beguiled
by an affectedly spiritual, but fatally erroneous mode of speaking
on the subject-; entreating them at the same time, not to suffer
a sentence or two of the Author'*s rather dashing condemnation of
his fellow ministers, to rouse their prejudice, or to impair their
judgement on the general question.
The first Essay is on the fundamental principle of religion,
the basis of all we have to hope or fear,- the existence of God..
Momentous as is this subject, and just as every man must feel to
be the Psalmisfs censure, that it is ^^ the fool who says in his
heart, no God ; '*'' yet it is a melancholy fact, that Tneists, in
their manner of treating this great question, seem to have done
all that can be done to furnish at least a plausible excuse for that
folly. So little harmony and consistency exist in their writings,
that, considering them as a body, they seem to have endeavoured
to the utmost to demolish every kind of evidence. Scarcely has
a single champion of late entered the field of argument, who
might not be supposed to have felt it to be his first duty, to
destroy the credit of his coadjutors. He must himself be the
only trusty guide, and his favourite kind of proof must be without
a rival.
One class of Theologians affirm, that all our knowledge of the
being of God must be derived immediately from Revelation:
another, among whom is the Author before us, asserts, that no
such fact is revealed in the Scriptures.
' It is,' he says, * with the most perfect propriety and with the most
admirable wisdom, that God has no where in his word asserted his own
existence. Aware that, in order to speak with effect, he should be
known before he speaks, he spreads his works before us, as a sufficient
and a complete demonstration of his existence, entirely apart from his
word. To vindicate his claim to be, he leaves to the heavens which
declare his glory, and to the firmament which shcweth forth his handv
work, to the days which utter knowledge^ and to the nights which
proclaim wisdom.*
490 Hintou's Harmtmy of Religious Truth.
The Rev. Alexander Crombie, D.D., attacks the metaphysical
arguments of Clarke ; and the Rev. A. Norman, B. A., with simihur
zeal, denies the relevancy of any part of the principles on which
Dr. Crombie builds the fabric of his reasoning. When will Rev.
Gentlemen cease thus unwittingly to play the cards of the Athe-
ist ? Is it in them a worthy ambition, to shew with how much
superior skill and energy they can perform the work of the
enemy ? Is there any department of nature or science in which
the proofs of the Divine existence do not press around us ? Are
they not as diversified in kind, as there are classes of mental
structure, habit, or taste amongst our species ? The argument
which works with mighty energy in the bosom of this man, may
be but feebly discerned by thdt, while yet it may be quite as just
and forcible as the favoured one by which his neighbour is im-
pressed. One, however, thinks he honours his intellect, md
forwards his cause, by exploding Des Cartes ; another by repu-
diating Clarke. This writer will have no a pnori proof : that rejects
entirely the d posteriori argument, as built, he tells us, only upon
an unsupported analogy between the works of nature and those
of man. A fifth will have it, that when we even examine other
evidence, wc dishonour Revelation ; and the sixth declares that
Revelation, from the first, assumes this fundamental fkct. It is
with pain that we make these observations ; but surely the time is
come, when those who would not betray the happiness and hope
of man, must look beyond their personal fame, must suspend
their skirmishing with each other, and honourably combine their
efforts in the common cause. Comparing the evidences, as they
now stand in the works even of Divines, for the all-momentous
truth of the Being of God, they are absolutely neutralised ; —
each one class of those Reverend advocates denying the premises
of the other classes, until the sum of all is mere nihility. What a
humiliating proof of human weakness !
Yet, after all the misdirected efforts of our public writers
against each other, and the hazy obscurity which, in consequence,
tliey have succeeded in throwing round this fundamental truth,
it will at last be found, that our glorious Maker has not left him-
self without witness; — that he has taken ample care, in our veiy
constitution, to prevent the end of man, which is to know, to
honour, and to enjoy him, from being finally frustrated, without
laborious efforts on our parts to undo ourselves. On the leading
points, the being of God, his government, and our accountability,
no more is necessary than simply to trust, that convictions the
most spontaneous, intimate, and primary, are not fallacious ; and
so trusting, whatever the medium of contemplation, we shall fed
and know the truth. Call these convictions, the dictates of
common sense, or give them any other appellation, they are nuni-
festly too powerful and peremptory to be rejected, without un-
humanizing our whole nature, and leaving us to be the pitiable
HiDton''s Harmony of Religious Truth. 421
sport of every vain surmise. Short and unelaborate, therefore,
as is the first essay in this volume, and notwithstanding he has
selected as its basis, the very argument which Crombie has re-
pudiated,— repudiated, in fact, for want of logical form, rather
than for deficiency of solid strength ; — yet, the Author has so
lodged in the bosom of the reader, the conclusion at which he
aims, that no unsophisticated understanding can resist its
force.
The second essay is on the Capacity of Man ; — a most im-
portant subject, involving essentially the principles of moral ac-
countability. Every man feels the difficulty of escaping from
the sentiment that he is accountable, and in the affairs of life in-
fallibly experiences the fact; but the '* darkeners of counsel'*
have here also been most mischievously active in their efforts to
weaken its power in relation to God, and to the claims of re-
ligion.
The least observant of mankind cannot but perceive the in-
fluence of external things upon his thoughts, feelings, and cha-
racter ; nor less does every man discover a strong reluctance in
his heart, to be controlled by considerations of what is holy, just,
and good. These perceptions are in very lively and frequent
exercise, and therefore ..trongly operate on our opinions respect-
ing the constitution of our mental nature. For the artful cor-
rupter of his fellow-men, to seize on these advantages of attack
on the moral principle, is according to the common course of hu-
man depravity ; and for the indolent, the superficial, and the
wiUing victim to become his dupe, an almost necessary conse-
quence. Hence the welcome error, that man is altogether the
creature of circumstances, not unfrequently propounded with
much complacency of seeming wisdom ; and hence the unguarded
dogmas of the vulgar theologians on the incapacity of man to
perform the requirements of his Maker. Admit, however, these
facile maxims, and it is plain that our ideas of guilt and virtue
become uselessly indistinct ; moral obligation, not only a mys-
tery but a contradiction ; religion itself, where it exists, a happy
accident, and the want of it, at most, a pitiable misfortune.
The Scriptures, in their exhortations, warnings, threatenings,
denounce these strange conclusions ; but, amidst the din of spu-
rious metaphysicians and conceited theologues, the voice of Scrip-
ture is inaudible. The religionists, indeed, some from dulness of
the apprehensive faculty, and some, even from simple, but un-
instructed piety, imagine that they have Scripture on their side.
The former, quoting a few figurative passages as if they were
plain descriptive representations, with confidence main tarn that
man is really but a moving corpse, is actually dead, though
seemingly alive ; and the latter adopt the cheat, because they
have formed the notion, that, in depriving man of his capa-
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 o
429 Hlnton'^ Harmomf of Religwm Truth.
cities, they humble him, and honour Grace. Theae cagar
blcrs of mankind do not discern the fact, that, howerer ]»DDd d
intellect, men arc but little wont to be proud ct accountabilitjii
The more you make them irresponsible, the more you minutarla
pride ; nor can you so effectually accomplish thia result, as bj
allowing them the fond delusion, that, possessitig what they miy
beside, they arc incapacitated to ol>ey the will of God. They
feel at once the irrefragable consequence, that their not 6xiag
what they literally cannot do, can never press their oonacieiioei
with guilt. Morally to humble us, we must feel the defect to h^
where in truth it is, not in power, but in will; in inclinatifNi,
not in incapacity. The difference, often overlooked, is dearly
between want of power for merely mental, and for moral acts:
to be made conscious of the former, is naturally humiliating; to
imagine the latter, is the very relief to which depravity will {^adb
run. Level but moral distinctions, and every passion, pim
Hmongst the rest, will wanton in its license. Power for nonl
acts, of which we speak, is not to be confounded, however, with
inclination, or a disposition to obey ; it obviously means, ability
of every kind the case requires, except that disposition; power
such, that, were we so disposed, nothing would obstruct our ac-
tual obedience. Of this, we are always m the Scriptures regarded
as in full possession ; and nothing can be more demonstrable,
than that, without it, we cannot be the subjects of accounta^
bility.
But the fallacies above described, the pseudo-philosophic in-
ference that man is but the creature of circumstances ; and the
dictum of mongrel theology, that, through the sin of Adam, hu-
man nature has lost the capacity as well as the disposition to obey
and honour God, are, in this Essay, exposed and condemned.
Nor can we omit to state that, in the judicious omission of the
epithets moral and natural, added to ability, employed by most
of our Divines, the discussion has an advantage in perspicuity
and therefore in effect. While awarding this praise, however,
we must remark, that there is one omission, in our view important,
to which we shall have occasion, in a future part of this article,
particularly to advert.
The third Essay, on Divine Revelation, calls for no further
remark, than that, with conciseness and perspicuity, the Author
has given in it, a selection from the proofs of the sacred origin and
authority of the Scriptures, with some general observations on
nbjections against its claims, and on the diflficulties with which it
stands connected. To enter at large upon this subject would
have been inconsistent with the principal design, while enough is
stated to satisfy a candid inquirer, and more than enough for an
unbeliever ever to be able to refute.
In the succeeding Essay, on the Revealed Character of God,
Hinton''s Harmony of Religious Truth. 423
we cannot but discern the inconveniences which must arise from
an attempt to compress within the narrowest ^its, those subjects
which, by their complication, their remoteness from ordinary
trains of thought, and their stupendous majesty, require the mind
to be led forward step by step, to the gradual attainment of a
congruous and becoming apprehension of them. The view here
presented is not only of necessity a mere outline of those parts of
the Divine character which have the most practical bearing on the
condition and prospects of man ; but even that outline is obliged
to be presented to us in language so popularly figurative, that,
while it produces a feeling of repugnance in the bosom of the
more reflective reader, tends to generate even in the less tutored
mind a confusion of ideas, and a sentiment, not indeed that God
is *^ altogether such an one as we are,'*'* but that such is the resem-
blance as greatly to depreciate the awe of Majesty. It must in-
deed be allowed, that we cannot conceive of the Almighty as he
18 in himself; that our knowledge of him must be relative ; and
that how inadequate soever may be the analogical conceptions to
which our nature is restricted, yet there must be truth, and truth
sufficient for our guidance, in our ideas when properly modified by
the exclusion of those imperfections, of which we must be certain
that they cannot appertain to him. Yet we cannot but think that
this last process is essential to the entertainment of that reverence
which it becomes us habitually to cherish, as well as to disen-
cumber our minds of every approach to the feeling of contradic-
tion. In ordinary discourses, we cannot indeed be expected al-
ways to measure and guard our language according to this rule;
but in an essay expressly on the subject, and that in a work on
fthe * Harmony of Religious Truth and Human Reason,^ more of
this accuracy may seem to be required.
Now in this essay, while enforcing the doctrine of the Spiri-
tuality of God, we have a distribution of the objects of our
thought, according to their properties, into matter and spirit ; and
we are cautioned against confounding these diversities, so as to
apply the peculiarities of the one to the nature of the other.
Yet, we are told, that a ^ Spirit, like matter, is capable of having
^ limits \ — as well as, that a ^ Spirit may be without limits, of a
^ magnitude and extent altogether boundless.^ Who does not
feel from ^is announcement, axid especially when connected with
a representation of the Divine presence as * filling Heaven and
* earth \ that he is altogether conversant with a bodily or mate-
rial idea? We are indeed told, that * limit \ while essential to
matter, is not so to spirit ; but we have no hint whereby to free
our minds from the application of that same notion of limit which
matter suggests, — the boundary of a line or surface. Now when,
in Scripture, God is said to fill heaven and earth, it is manifestly
a figure, and refers to a mental filling of knowledge, power, and
3 G 2
434 Hintoii*s Harmony of ReKgions Truth,
operation : but here it is introdaced into a disccssion of the St
ferences between the properties of matter and spirit ; and yet ii
such a manner as to confound, rather than separate the notioni
vhich we are wont to form of them respectiTely.
Again we are told of the Supreme Being, that He ' percciTei^
* thinks, feels, resolves, and acts.^ When we perceive, we lie
passively affected by objects without us, through the medium of
our senses ; when we think, it is a laborious process by which we
collect scattered ideas ; when we resolve, we weigh opposing Tet>
tons, deliberate, and judge of their respective forces ; and these
are circumstances which plainly indicate an imperiection which
Divines, in the age of thought, were ctieful to exclude from the
notion entertained of God ; considered as a purely spiritual Beinff.
We are aware that these abstractions are not in harmony widi
modem habits ; but how far the customary approach to a MQ-
tonic anthropomorphism may be an improvement, or conducive to
the healthy exercise of a profound adoration, we submit to oar
readers.
On the distinction which, according to Revelation, subsists in
the Godhead, or *' the United Trinity though not a separate Three\
we are sorry that our Author should have quoted as proof the dis-
puted text ; because, being contested not less by friends than 1^
foes to the important doctrine, it ceases to be convincing evi-
dence, and its production unnecessarily suggests the thought of a
paucity in proof of this fundamenul article of Christian belief
^Vhcn God is said to cause unhappiness, even when the term
is limited to punishment for sin, we doubt its strict propriety.
The cause, we think, is rather that which causes punishment,
than either the punishment itself or the punisher. Af oreover, is
it not somewhat doubtful, whether wc should say explicitly,
that
* Though innumerable and aggravated offences have been committed
against God, he resents none, he retaliates none, he punishes none ; on
the contrary, he overlooks all, and makes his sun to shine on the evil
and on the good. When he is spoken of in the Scripture, as punish-
ing iniquity, it is not as a matter of his own inclination, or as induced
by aiitf bearing of the offence against himself, but these declarations
always relate to iniquity as a crime against his government, and to his
conduct in the punishment of it as a governor and judge '?
We find here no fault with the distinction introduced, but think
it on the contrary to be of the first importance, and too frequently
overlooked. Still we maj' justly question, whether the language
is constructed with sufficient care to avoid injurious error. We
certainly ought to deem the virus of our sin to consist in its being
committed against the existence and authority of God^ himself;
though, such may be his clemency, (as in fact we find it is by the
Hinton^s Harmoiiy of Religious Truth. 425
admisaion of atonement,) that his punishments are not vindictive,
but judicial.
The remarks on sovereignty and supremacy, we recommend to
serious consideration, since on these subjects, important as they
are, the popular judgements, and even those frequently inculcated
from the pulpit, are not only conftised, but unworthy of the glo-
rious Being to whom they are applied. Still, even here, when
the Author describes the exercise of Divine supremacy as m-
ducing voluntary agents to choose what he intends they should
do by a direct influence, we apprehend he speaks inaccurately.
To induce, is to incite by motive, which cannot be done by the
direct influence of supremacy.
The observations on election and predestination, though but
thrown out in passing onward, are clear and judicious, — a gleam
athwart the palpable obscure of those so often agitated subjects.
The £ssay on God^s moral government of man, and that
which follows, on the effects of the fall, imbodying as they do
important distinctions and elucidations, must yet be characterised
as giving a rapid, loose, and general survey, rather than a close
and accurate discussion of the subjects ; nor are they without a
spice of rash assertion, as well as incorrectness in their state-
ments.
We are, indeed, informed that * it is not by obedience to thelaws,
* that God now requires or expects us as transgressors to seek
* eternal life ; ^ but it is throughout implied, that even since the
&D, coming into the world as we do in infancy, acquiring as we
do by slow gradations the use of reason, yet that eternal life
might have been so attained by us, had it been the pleasure of
God to have left us under that predicament. We certainly un-
derstand the Apostle to teach the contrary, when he assures us,
that " if there had been a law given which could have given life,
verily righteousness had come by law : ^ that is, as we conceive,
did any law which God has given, admit of our becoming righ-
teous by it, that righteousness would certainly have been without
remedy demanded. Nor do we see the need of supposing what
has never been the fact, or of defending what we assume the Su-
preme Governor in that case might have done, since it is quite
sufficient for us to vindicate the justice and elucidate the goodness
of what he actually has done. God never did place the posterity
of Adam so under the law, as to require its fulfilments in order
to final happiness ; and what he has omitted to do, he has so
omitted wisely and righteously. A dispensation of law, as the
rule of God'^s dealing with man, has never been in force since the
fall ; for, before the birth of the first child of man, a dispensation
of grace and favour, not of law, was instituted, and only such a
dispensation. Those, indeed, in all ages, who have cither tacitly
or explicitly rejected this system of favour, have had, and they
426 Hinton's Harmony of RMgious Truth.
could have, but one alternatiTe, — that of being bound to xi^
perfection, a condition in which they voluntarily placed tbcm-
selves. Claiming to be independent of favour, and resting on
our own sufficiency, we must of course fiiU back upon the rak <if
perfect humanity, and that alone must be the law by which ov
vain pretensions must be tried and judged. In no other can ne
we, or have any been, ^* under law, but under grace ; ^ whih^
both to repress the folly of this assumption, and to meaiore it,
the law so far must ever be in force. If, disdaining mediatioB,
and neglecting proftered aid, we claim to stand acquitted at the
bar of God, what less can he require of us, than to have been
exactly what a being perfect in its kind would be ? The law thn
measures failure, convicts the self-suflBcient, and becomes our
rigid schoolmaster to bring us to Christ This in reality has ever
been its office ; for in every age, not only in fact, righteonsnesi
has not come by law, but, under the circumstances, it never could
have been so attained. This defect arises, not beoiiue if indeed
perfectly fulfilled, the law would fail to secure immortal life, nor
yet because we have not the executive capacity to keep ixif we
v'illy nor that we have not the power to cminge our will by intn^
ducing trains of thought adapted to that end, as, on supposition of
such defect, the reasoning of this book implies it must ; but in
reality because the idea is inconsistent with the very condition in
which the law first finds us. The difference must necessarily be
essential, between a system of recovery to a state already lost,
and one of which the trial must hinge upon a perseverance in the
state in which we already are. Is there any moment of our
being, in which the law of God docs not ijufanfer claim that we
should really love him ; and admitting the act to be within our
power, would the avquiaition of that love be such a fulfilment of
required obedience as to entitle us to life ? This is a question
which Mr. Hinton has not answered, though of vital moment to
his argument.
Without particularizing more at length, we may observe, that
the vagueness we complain of in these Essays, may be shewn to
have its origin in the following sources.
1. God'*s moral government is sometimes so described as plainly
to be limited to law, the law of perfect love to God and man ;
and yet is sometimes confounded with a different system ; as when,
amongst the motives to obedience which are connected with its
sanctions, are enumerated the " mercies of God.*"
2. God is represented as having, since the fall, really insti-
tuted this dispensation of law ; whereas at no time has He ac-
tually held fallen man to a fulfilment of it, but in every age has
presupposed a failure, and placed him under a mediatorial system
of recovery. An appeal to mercy, place for repentance, has been
always exhibited in God's revealed will ; a tact inconsistent with
Hinton^'s Harmony of Religious Truth. 427
fA law. Then and then only are we really under law, it is im-
fftant to repeat, when we place ourselves in that situation, either
^ oitirely rejecting deliverance, or by refusing to accept it in the
ty in which alone it is exhibited for our acceptance. If we will
wiify ourselves, then must the law become the standard, the just
kd only standard by which such pretensions can be tried. Cor-
etly does it then apply to the condition, not in which we ac-
«lly are, but in which we contumaciously assume to be.
3. The Author does not distinguish between the case of one
ho, firom the first, should be in the full exercise of reason, with
I his mental powers in their maturity ; and that condition in
bidi we are actually introduced to being and probation ; — the
dmal first prevailing, while the mental, and especially the ra-
mal fitculties, with whatever furniture may be requisite for their
■derly exercise, are in the rear, and come up slowly to their
KBgth and bearing.
4. While we have the process of a change of mind described,
id, through the use of means, its practicability strongly asserted ;
•eems to be assumed that, should such a change at any time,
KNXgfa slowly, be efFeeted, it would satisfy the requisitions of
rod^s law ; whereas it must at once be seen, that such a capa-
lity of change, how much soever it may be granted, can never
leet the case. This change implies aversion before love, and
m provides no remedy for this preceding breach of its require-
lent. It measures precisely what we ought to be, from first to
tat, in order to be perfect beings ; but this is not what God insists
pon that we should meet or perish. The process of his dealing
iA lapsed men is curative : from first to last, he calls upon them
I take the remedy which he himself provides against the conse-
imiees of the fall, while, in case of their presumptive disregard
f idiis provision, he cannot change the rule. He cannot give an
Bperiect measure of what we ought to be, or lower the standard
> meet the case of superinduced aversion from his holy nature.
(och a law were inconsistent with his attributes, and is no-
•liere found in Scripture.
The essay on ' a Future State,^ is, in general, a clear and
Dvcible, a condensed and convincing argument; though not en-
irely fVee from ill-judged because ill-weighed assertions of a start-
ing nature, to surprise by which appears a predilection of the
Vriter.
That on * the Elements of Future Happiness and Misery,^
lao, iaa well written, powerful exposure of prevailing errors,
bar in its elucidation of Scriptural figures, and both convincing
nd impressive in its reasoning and appeals. Correct conceptions
n diis subject are of high importance, whether viewed in eon-
ection with the character of God, or with our own motives and
428 Hinton^s Harmony of Rdigiaus Truth.
feelings, with indeed all the blended prinriples of mental or a*
temal action which together constitute religion.
That most awful of considerations, * the Eternity of Futm
Punishment/ is treated in the next essay, .and with the taids
calmness of inquiry which its solemnity, combined with the m-
jesty of that authority on which alone the doctrine rests, mot
necessarily produce on every regulated mind. The argomcB^
indeed, is extended through the following essay, though, rrom ill
title, ^ the Accusatory Spirit of the Gospel,** this might anl
have been anticipated. In both, the usual objections and eva-
sions arc considered, and opposed with much appropriate remtfti
and well directed addresses to the judgement, rather than any ts^
ritic appeals to the imagination or the passions.
Few things are, indeed, more marvellous, than that anypfr
sons who profess to build their hopes and fiears upon the w<na i
God, can have attained to any settled confidence in the temponij
duration of future suffering; not only against the absolute silcDif
of the Scriptures respecting the supposed deliverance on wUck
they calculate, but against so many urgent representatioDS ni
implications to the contrary. Yet, with how much rash pcfeop'
toriness and bold endeavour to propagate the same convictiaiii
do men speak and write upon this most momentous subject ! It
notwithstanding the statements made to us, we might suppose il
to be possible that some ftiture rescue may be granted, yet, evtf
in that case, it is plain that the Author of the Scriptures has bbK
intended such a hope to interfere with his present administiatioOi
The hope itself too, if indulged, is always found to be injuriooii
for, strange as is the folly, it is manifest in general, that he win
entertains it, though admitting punishment to come^a pomib-
ment too dreadful and protracted for us to bear a steady realia-
tiou of it in our thoughts, feels his energies relaxed, andceiM
to rank amongst those who give every diligence to make their
calling and election sure. AVhence is this, but from that samed^
ccption of the heart, to which, we fear, the hope itself, and all the
laboured ingenuity by which it is defended, must owe its origin?
Painful as is the task, therefore, the faithfbl Minister must not
only lifl the voice of warning, but seek to dispassess theflatteriof
delusion.
Ably our Author has attempted this, while yet, we thiak, t
^eater prominence might have advantageously been given, to the
important facts, first, that the eternity of future punishment doei
not really spring from temporary crime alone, but from the etcrnel
propagation of sin itself, and is the consequence of having finalif
neglected the day of profllred interposition, to deliver from iti
power ; — and next, that whatever its duration, its intensity wiB
be proportioned to an unerring and a just award.
Hmton''s Harmony of Religious Truth. 439
. In the first part of the essty on " Hezcdiur}- Dcprarityr ho*
Ucib soever at variance with a great deal of pjpuUr declamation,
f0 conceive that the Author has veil >upported a distinaion as
jBiportant as it is just The fact itself oi herediLanr depravity,
tnot only admits, but proves, and compares it vitb a &iV]« .- but
lies that this depravity, or the bias itself, while undeveloped
p Jtn infant, can be justly represented, as ^de«erving GikI's
rrach and damnation/ Such a representation may perplex and
Minify, but never can convince our reason, nor actUi&Uy produce
Hie emotion springing out of crime.
' If however/ says the Autfior, sirartly, ' anv one should ^t:Il in-
kt that a bias to evil is an evil bias, and must deserve ponishment, I
mkj sayj then let the evil bias suffer the punishment it deserves ; bet
■C the punishment be confined to the hiat, which does deserve it. and
■a not an atom of it fall upon the poor unfortunate innocent in whom
k ia» not only involuntarily, but unconsciously lodged. ' p. 255.
. We acknowledge the sound sense of this remark, and of the
fiacussion generally of this part of the subject; but in the subse-
qpieot portion of the Essay, the same contusion prevails as in the
jiVBsideration of God'^s moral government, to which we have be-
■fare adverted. The Author maintains the equity of our ' trial/
.notwithstanding the bias, and yet does not with any distinctness
I fo&mn us what the trial is. The whole implication is, that we
j^fn actually under a trial constituted according to the full measure
^tl£ law, while yet the argument perpetually implies re]X'ated
Culnre, and urges only the possibility of ukiuiately corning up to
its demands. But unless the Go.spel remedy be included in the
definition, is there any law which does admit this previous evil
Coexist, and yet can justify.^ Is it true that fallen men were
mfer placed by God under the single operation of law, considered
0M a measure of perfection, so that the ' trial" could be said to
Jbe, whether he would i'lilHl that law or otherwise.^ In our
judgement, we must say decidedly, never : such trial, considered
MM instituted by God, is but imaginary. Men in their pride may
4daim to be so tried; they may claim a sort of independent being
and excellence ; and, by neglecting the restoration provided and
pniclaimed, they actually do so, and must take the consequence,
while in fact, now they will act in this particular, is the very
* triar under which they live. He that justifies himself will
be proved to have been pcr\'erse. Too haughty to admit him-
self to be what he is^ he judges falsely, and this false judgement
proves to be his ruin. Humility is not confined to the ac-
knowledgement of acts of crime, but has its primary and most
efficient exercise in judging of ourselves as we really are, strongly
VOL. IX. — N.S, 3 H
430 Hinton's Harmony of Rdigious Truth.
disposed to evil, and requiring the relief and aid which goodness
proffers. Humility, indeed, is not so much a sense of guilt, with
which sometimes it is confounded, as a sober judgment of our-
selves and of our exigences.
The illustration of his position, given by our Author, from the
possibility of learning skilful and successful play at bowls, not-
withstanding the bias in them, is beneath his usual acuteness. To
be bound from the first effort to hit the mark, or suffer punish-
ment, would, we presume, be reckoned somewhat hard by the
young player at bowls; and more unreasonable would be the
terms of trial, had no one ever in any case succeeded with such
bowls. Arguments so constructed certainly must fiiil in bringing
to th& conscience any sense of guilt.
In the essay upon the question, * Whether Christ died for all
^ men?^ we have at length a satisfactory representation of the
^ triar to which mankind are actually subjected, but such as at
the same time confutes the argument in the preceding essays, of
whose faultiness the reader is already advertised. That argu-
ment, if indeed we are able to understand it, was strenuously
directed to prove the justice and the reasonablenes of a supposed
dispensation of God towards fallen man, founded solely upon the
rule of perfect rectitude; — the rule, " Thou shalt love the Lord
thy God with all thy heart and strength, and thy neighbour as
thyself;'' — a dispensation which tolerated no failure, and which
was supported by the sanction of tremendous threatenings. After
all the labour employed to establish that proposition, he here un-
weaves the web, and virtually informs us, that he must necessarily
have failed in his attempt. He asks, ^ Can it indeed be sup-
posed, that by virtue of so wonderful an interposition as the
death of Christ, we should be introduced into a state of being
which would afford us an opportunity of sinning, but deny us an
opportunity of repentance ? Existence in that case would be a
direct and inevitable curse, not a gifl of benevolence, but a com-
pulsory and unmitigable calamity.**
To understand ^lly the application of this passage to the con*
futation of the previous argument, it must be remarked, that the
Author maintains, that no posterity of Adam could have existed,
but in consequence of the interposition of Christ. The fiict that
there has been perpetuated a race of lapsed creatures, is founded
solely on that interposition. Now it is this perpetuated raoe,
who arc described as having actually been placed under the law
of moral perfection before described, and of which supposed fiuit,
the justice and propriety have been laboriously pressea upoD at-
tention ; while here we are assured, that * existence in such a case
' would be a direct and inevitable curse.** How to escape from
Hinton's Harmony of Religious Truth. 431
the dilemma into which the Author has brought us, we cannot
divine; since to imagine, on the one hand, that we are really
brought into a state of existence such as above described is im-
possible, and equally so, that a law of perfection, actually in force
as law, cafl admit of any rescue from its penalty merely upon the
ground of repentance. The only inference to which therefore we
can come, is, that the Author, and with him multitudes of grave
divines, are under a manifest error, when they suppose that the
SupremU Governor has, in fact, since the fall, established such a
la^. Such a rule indeed he has unquestionably given, and with
it his own sovereign remedy for failure in observing it ; but as a
law which could give life, or be designed for that end, it never
has been in force. The sanctions of that rule, and therefore the
rule itself considered strictly under the notion of law, have never
been in operation, except when men themselves determine to be
tried by it through arrogant presumption. Often it has been
stated, that unbelievers in the Gospel, whether before or since its
fullest administration, are primarily condemned as violators of the
law, but only in a subsidiary and intensive sense, for not embrac-
ing the deliverance. The contrary may perhaps be shewn to be
the fact : '^ This is the condemnation^ that light has come into
the world, but men love darkness rather than light "", — they re-
ject deliverance, and assume a posture of professed perfection, or
else determined trust in what they call repentance, and by this
assiunption, justly come within the unbending requisition. The
voice of law, however, used lawfully, is : ' This is what you ought
* to be in order to be personally and truly good ; and if, failing to
* accept my aid as I propose it, you claim to have that character,
' this shall be the rule and law by which you shall be judged.''
On the question itself which forms the title of this Essay, it is
with unmingled pleasure that we recommend the Author**s rea-
sonings and illustrations to the notice of the reader. They are
well displayed, and cannot but command assent, except where
prejudice and system are in fortified possession of the mind.
The thirteenth Essay, on the * Nature and Practicability of
Repentance \ contains much that will startle many a reader, but
much also that calls for prompt attention. It drives furiously,
some will perhaps say recklessly, against the false but favoured
refuges of the impenitent, threatening to turn them from their
soothing, soft, but dreadfully insecure retreats. Were we dis-
posed to suggest dissatisfaction, it would not be with the main
positions, but with the omission of what might, we think, in full
consistency have been supplied. Without admitting an excuse
from any supposed incapacity to repent, we may with much pro-
priety forewarn the sinner, how little he can with safety rely upon
3h2
48ft Hinton^g Hamumy of Beligums Truth.
eontinued willingness to exert the ability he has ; and without
impairing any motive to the strenuous and consistent application
to the means, however sufficient also those means if properly em-
ployed, we may enforce besides the great importance of that gift
which, by Christ himself we are informed, our Heavenly Father
will bestow on those who ask, — even his Holy Spirit.
The last Essay is ' Of Unbelief-/ in which the Author meets,
and ably meets, the objection of the sceptic, — that belief is not
a voluntary exercise of mind. The ingenuity of an objector is of
course displayed, not in advancing what is nakedly absurd, but
in that modicum of admixture of truth with the error he insinuates,
which is necessary to give it plausibility. The mind'^s assent to
a proposition, on the view of the case actually before it, must
certainly follow that conclusion which the preponderating weight
of evidence suggests. It were strange indeed if the mental con-
stitution were so formed as to be swayed by the weaker, rather
than by the stronger proof. That were equivalent doubtless to
the supposition, that we are made not rational, but, in our own
▼ery nature, irrational beings. But the Question of our respon-
sibility is not implicated in this merely physical adaptation: be-
lief, in this part of it, is no doubt an involimtary exercise of mental
law. On quite other considerations therefore must our account-
ability be rested. Do we, or do we not choose to estimate im-
partially the evidence before us, to present it to our minds, and
attentively to consider and weigh its fierce? Is the Christian
faith, simply, an assent to a proposition ? If the unbeliever
maintains the honesty and industry of his inquiries into the truth
of Scripture, he moots a controversy to be determined on a fu-
ture day, and before a tribunal infinitely higher and more tre-
mendous than that of man. The general conduct of the sceptic
in this controversy, would never warrant us to place much con-
fidence in his professions. For the rest, we leave it to the deci-
sion of Him from whom the volume comes.
On the i^ature of the faith itself which is required of us for
our salvation, the Author^s conviction is decided, that it embraces
more than simple assent, and he describes it as ^ a moulding of
our feelings into harmony with the truth perceived,^ as, * not an
act of the understanding, but a state of the heart.^ Much has been
written on both sides of this subject, but not often with greater
clearness, accuracy, and force, than in this short discussion. The
Author, in our view, has fully proved his point, and by that
proof completely unnerved the grasp of the adversary. A pal-
pable truism has been misapplied; and nothing more is necessaiy
than to expose the sophistical dexterity by which it has been con-
verted, from an acknowledgement that we cannot blame our
making, into a noxious principle of hostility against our Maker.
Hinton's Harmony of ReligUms Truth. 433
On the whole, we thank our Author for this volume, and
would urge its claim upon attentive consideration. It is not free
from oversights, — as when we are told that Antiochus Epiphanes
was one of Alexander'^s Generals ; nor without paradoxes, — as
when with equal terseness and decision we are informed, that
* Judaism was not religion/ Many assertions are as startling as
peremptory; but the work, notwithstanding, imbodies much
•ound thought, good and well expessed argument, and powerful
appeals both to the conscience and to the heart. No one can
doubt our Author's claim to independency of judgement^ or his
fearlessness in expressing his convictions.
In the practical parts, we certainly have felt throughout a
deridercUum. Mr. H. believes ftiUy the doctrine of the indis-
pensable necessity of an influence of the Holy Spirit to regenerate
the heart, and thus to give effect to means, while still maintaining
the sufficiency of means, and of man'^s capacities for all that is
required of him. His views upon the nature of the Spirit's work
are likewise just and clearly stated ; but we cannot but express a
wish, that in his practical appeals there had been greater reference
to this glorious Agent. The Author seems to us to have been
somewhat nervous on the abuses of the doctrine, and in con-
sequence, to have lost a favourable opportunity to present an
example of its use. As a prominent part of Revelation, that use
must doubtless be important, and we should like to have seen it
forcibly applied. Perhaps, the nature of the discussion might
be pleaded as the reason of this omission; yet we do not exactly
see the grounds on which that reason, in many parts of it, could
well be rested. The work, however, is a valuable accession to
the public store of modem theological writing; and especially so,
as tending to break up old associations, formed perhaps incauti-
ously, and to induce the reader to think over again at least some,
perhaps not a few, of the thoughts which may have snugly rested
in their niches for many a revolving year.
( 434 )
Art. V. Abbreviated Discourses on Varioui Subjeeis. By John
Leifchild. 8vo. pp. 371. Price 9s. dd. London. 183a
IV/IR. LEIFCHILD does not often trouble the press; and
this, in one who can speak so well, bespeaks a conviction,
which is intimated, indeed, in the pre&ce to these discourses,
that preparing for the pulpit and composing for the press are
very different processes, requiring very different halnts. These
' plain and familiar discourses \ we are told, * are printed nearly
* as delivered from the pulpit ; the difference consisting chi^y in
' the omission of that verbal repetition and amplitude of illus-
* tration which are necessary for the ear, over wnich the truths
* delivered rapidly pass, while in print they remain before tbe
' eye.** This distinction, obvious as it may seem, is by no means
generally attended to. It is one advantage of extemporaneous
delivery, that it allows of the introduction of that varied iteration
and familiar illustration which would be unpleasing in a written
discourse, but which, if not carried to excess, or beyond tbe
limits of good taste, add much to the animation and efiectiveness
of living oratory. Mr. Leifchild is aware of this ; he well under-
stands his business as a public speaker; and he discovers a degree
of timidity in submitting these Discourses to the cold eye of
criticism, which we are sure is unaffected, and which, we are
bound to add, is at the same time unnecessary. That a bold
preacher should be a diffident author, — that one who can 6tce and
overawe an assembly of hundreds or thousands, when behind the
breast-work of the pulpit, should thus seem, veteran as he is, to
shrink from coming to close quarters with the enemy in the open
field of criticism, — shews how much we are all the creatures of
habit ; but it indicates too, that the Author s popularity has not
betrayed him into the littleness of self-complacency, that he does
not apprehend himself to have attained * his own beau ideal of
* perfection **, and that usefulness, and not literary fame, is the
object which he has had in view in committing his productions to
the press.
Mr. Leifchild confesses, indeed, that his immediate object is,
* to furnish the attendants on his ministry with a memorial of
* some of those discourses which they profess to have listened to
* with spiritual profit \ and ^ to secure, by this means, an interest
' in the remembrance of not a few, between whom and himself an
^ attachment exists of a most sacred nature.^ Beyond this ciide
of the Author^s connexions, the volume cannot &il, however, to
prove both interesting and instructive. The topics are of primaiv
importance and of a popular character ; and they are treated witn
a forcible perspicuity and judiciousness which will recommend
them strongly to general perusal. The phraseology is at once
Leifchild^s Discourses. 435
unaffected and chaste, and very free from the technicalities of the
theological dialect.
The discourses are fifteen in number. Our attention was ar-
rested by the subject of the last but one, ^ Deliverance from
^ Slavery \ the exordium of which we shall transcribe, as an ad-
mirable exposure of the fallacious apology for slavery, founded on
its not being formally abolished by the Christian religion. The
text of this Discourse is 1 Cor. vii. 42., ** The Lord''s free man.*"
* The object of the apostle in the context^ is to distinguish between
spiritual and natural freedom^ and to shew that the latter, though not
indispensably necessary to the participation of spiritual liberty and the
enjoyment of its prerogatives, and not therefore to be violently and
impatiently sought after, is greatly promoted by it. Christianity, at
its first appearance, found mankina in a disordered state, with respect
to the civil condition of society. Many of the governments of the earth
were despotic and tyrannical, and a large portion of human beings
were in the degraded condition of civil and domestic bondage. Most
of the servants of the Jews, and nearly all of the Greeks and Romans,
were slaves; so from their birth, as the result of the former fortunes of
war, or of original purchase, with or without the consent of the in-
dividuals concerned. For the religion of Jesus to have declared against
this, in the first instance, as a flagrant violation of human rights, and a
base infringement of the law of equal justice, would have been
manifestly injudicious. It would have been to throw the whole state
of society into a ferment, and to plant barriers, on the part of the
masters of slaves, against the introduction of Christian principles, and
the admission of their advocates, in all directions. Thus its noblest
and most beneficent design^ which had a far higher end to accomplish,
and one reaching into another world, would have been frustrated, and
itself have worn the aspect of an enemy to the human race ; as the in-
strument into which it would have been speedily converted, of pro-
moting rebellion, anarchy, and confusion.
' Not so does Infinite Wisdom propose to accomplish the work of
rectifying disorders ; but in a much more efi&cient, because milder and
more gradual method of operation. Christianity, therefore, began with
remedying the greatest evil, as preparing the way for the removal of
all other enormities. It set forth first and most prominently the re-
presentation of a spiritual bondage, equally participated in by all man-
Kind ; and proposed to effect a deliverance out of it on behalf of all in
every station, who paid a due attention to its objects, and embraced its
principles. This being achieved, it conferred its advantages upon all
such alike, thus making them spiritually one, amidst all possible
diversity in their civil relations. Here was the remedy, while such a
state of things lasted, against the pride of oppression on the one hand,
on account of civil authority ; and against the impatient murmur of
discontent on the other, on account of civil degradation. But besides
this meliorating influence, there was a corrective process, in reference
to such a state, resulting from its principles. While it softened to
their dissolution the chains of slavery, on the part of masters, by the
gentleness and kindness it infused into them, it taught slaves to value
436 Leifchild'8 Diacaurses.
their persons^ to embrace every fair opportunity of becomiiig firee* and
to scorn the baseness of surrendering to man, for any pecuniary con-
sideration, the entire disposal of a body and soul ennobled by divine
redemption. " Art thou called, being a servant ? care not for it : but
if thou mayest be made free, use it rather. For he that it called in
the Lord, being a servant, is the Lord's free-man ; likewise, also, he
that is called, being free, is Christ's servant. Ye are bought with a
price ; be not ye the servants of men." ' pp. 322 — 324.
The Preacher proceeds to direct attention, first, to ' the bond-
^ age supposed by the Gospel, and which calls fiir its inter-
ference^; secondly, to the nature of the freedom which the Gos-
pel confisrs on all its converts. Having illustrated the doctrinal
part of his subject, the practical oba^ations which he founds
upon it, respect, 1. the noble character of Christianity : its intro-
duction was the * establishment of a spiritual jubilee ^ ; — ^S. the
appropriate duties allotted to those who are partakers of the spi-
ritual freedom of the Gospel. Under this last hc^ occurs the
following energetic enforcement of the duty of Christiana at the
present crisis, m respect to Colonial Slavery. They are bound,
U is remarked, ' to promote the natural and civil freraom of men,
< according to the dictates of the Gospel, and in its spirit.
' The genius of the GU)spel is opposed to bondage and vassalage of
every kind. It protects the power of kings, magistrates* and masters,
but only their right and proper power. It opposes every species of
tyranny ; and that in two ways : by raising men whose lot is cast in
the lowest grade of society to a sense of their own worth, as eaual to
all others in the possession of immortality, and equally the objects of
the favour and protection of God. Thus the mean, crouching, abject
spirit that can be reconciled to tyranny, is effectually destroyed.
And, secondly, by teaching men in the highest ranks to be just, nuing
in the fear of God ; to be the ministers of God for good to others; to
condescend to men of low estate, and to be kind and merciful to all :
being so, they can hold none of their fellow creatures in slavish and
ignominious subjection. The reign of Christianity, therefine, must be
productive of liberty. Wherever it reigns, liberty prevails^ tyranny is
crushed, and the slave rises to the dignity of a rational, aoooantahle,
and immortal creature.
* This is the answer to the frivolous objection, that, because Christi-
anity no where denounces slavery in plain terms, it is not directly op-
posed to such a state of society. Men who look only on the surfiice of
the New Testament, may hold such an opinion, and, if announced from
high authority, may quote it as a golden sentence , but lie who surveys
the principles of the Book, and watches the natural course of their
operation, must see that their prevalence involves tne death-blow of
tnat coercion necessary to the perpetuation of slavery, and of that
detestable meanness of soul that lies prostrate under it. Let facts cor-
roborate this reasoning. Wherever Christianity went, wars, the fruit-
ful source of perpetuating such a state, ceased, and the infernal market
for human flesh, drained of supply, declined. Christians set free their
LdfchiltTs Discourses. 487
0Wn honadioldsy and ibimd a happy exchange in the voluntaiyand
afFectionate service rendered them by those in inferior stations^ once
their vassals. Others purchased the freedom of converts in such a con-
dition ; and Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, whose circular for that object
MM yet extant, raised large sums from the churchesybr the reden^tion of
capUves. Even in the corrupt form of Popery, these principles pre-
▼ailed in the sister island at an early period of her history ; and Britain
owes a debt of gratitude yet to Ireland, as the first to set her an ex-
ample of true magnanimity by sending back to their isiwn happy shores
some inhabitants of this land tound there in the galling state of bondage.
In ever? sense of the words, the Founder of our religion deserves tne
title ar— '^ l%e Anointed of God, to bind up the broken-hearted, to
proclaim liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison to tbem
that are bound : to proclaim the acceptable year 4)f the Lord." Fetters,
imposed iot no crime, and the liberal genius of the Gospel, can never
eombiae, — can never dwell together. You must stop Christianity, or
adulterate and disguise it, to preserve such fetters. To do it with the
name of Christian upon us, is only to prove that he who has not a
principle in common with another, may yet assume for the basest of
{mrposes the name of his friend. Away with such pretended subjection
to tne Gk)spel : if men ^vill delight in cruelty, if they will revel in the
music of groans and lashes and wailings of fellow-immortak ; if they
will thus outrage reason, insult humanity, and contemn the image of
Gad in his creatures, let them do it under their proper appellation-^
not of Christians, not of human . beings, but of monsters, furies, and
fiends. Let them wear the badges, and assume the profession of their
proper master. Would that the remedy were first applied to them :
•that their own tyrannous passions were subdued by the efficacy of
divine truth, and their hearts melted to kindness ana love, by a sense
and discovery of the great love of God to them in redemption ! Then
would they see their former selves in a far more odious light than I am
willing to place them in, and be foremost in compensating the injuries
they have milicted on their fellow-immortals by diffusing every where,
to the extent of their ability, the benefits of civilization, knowledge,
and religion. You that are thus benefited, act in this manner. Abhor
tyranny in yourselves ; remonstrate against it in others ; resist it, not
^Udenlay, not by brute force, but by the testimony of reason, the
appeals of religion, remonstrances addressed to canscience, and an ex-
ample of meekness, love, and purity. Never cease to remonstrate till
J4m ppe««ii, and every chain upon earth is broken.' pp. 339 — 342.
The first discourse in the volume is, perhaps, the most com-
mon place of all. The second, * Religious impressions not to be
• checked % founded on Matt. viii. 22, is a striking admonitory
address, closely appealing to the conscience, and detecting the
aecret excuses which fatally hinder decision in religion. The
fourth, on * St. Paul's rapture and thorn in the flesh \ is in a. very
elevated strain, which seems at once to harmonize with the cha-
racter of the theme, and to be inspired by it We must tran-
acribe the concluding paragraph.
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 I
438 Leifchild's DUcaur9e$.
* 3. Paul's rapture persuades us of the existenoe of Pandise as the
receptacle of the souls of believers.
— ' Let us not undervalue what is partial only. The Uiss of the
intermediate state is not impaired, but enlivened by expectation. It
appears imperfect only when compared with the future ; but« when
compared with the past — how bright ; how transcendent ! Think of
the vivid representations of Paradise afforded in scripture, its radiant
thrones, its amaranthine crowns, its golden harps, its white robes, its
day without night, its bliss without alloy, its enraptured and entranced
society ; think of its rivers of pleasure, its trees of life, its immortal
songs and ravishing melodies, perpetually floating throogh the whole
r^on. Does it now excite surprise that Paul once admitted within
its precincts, longed to be there again? Whither do his writings
bespeak his mind to be continually soaring, but to those happy scenes
he nad once briefly witnessed,— that immortal and celestial region in
which he had once been momentarily blessed. Thither his soul was
frequently borne by a strong tide of rapturous affection, counteracted
only by a sense of duty, a wish to augment the multitude of the blessed,
and a desire to glorify Christ by swelling the triumphs and trophies of
his cross. Happy strife of holv motives ! envialue '* strait betwixt
two," to stay or to depart, in which he was so often placed ! Seraphk
love said, "Desire to depart and be with Christ ;" but Christian aeal
said. To remain in the flesh is more profitable to the church and the
souls of men.
' You see in him nothing of that clinging to this life which cha-
racterized former saints. No prayer like Heaekiah's for the retrograde
movement of the shadow on the dial ; no piteous cry like David's, ** O
spare me a little ; — remember how short my time is." You mark in
him none of those timid shrinkings from death that have sometimes
seized individuals of eminent piety under the same dispensation of
religion as himself— -no " shivering on the brink, afraia to laundi
away." No ; his difliculty was to be reconciled to the self-denial whkh
duty and zeal im])osed, — to keep under proper restraint the desire tor
departure. " O that blest world, that I have seen ! " he was ready to
say, " when shall I again hail it as bursting on my ravished sight !
In comparison of it, what is there here to enhance or fix my affections?
Thrones of princes, crowns of honours, applauses of nations,— could I
enjoy them all, free from the alloys of bodily pain, of unsrateful friends,
of reproaching scofling enemies ! — how insignificant to the prize I grasp
at, and have actually seen !" And mark, when he saw himself on the
point of obtaining it, though a bloody death intervened and spread
Itself before his eyes, how he exulted and held himself forward ! *' I
am ready to be offered up, and the time of my departure is at hand."
No stranger quitting a foreign shore, ever beheld with greater ecstacy
the vessel in which he was embarked weighing anchor, and the favour-
able breeze beginning to fill her sails, than Paul did the signs of his
approaching dissolution.
' My brethren, did this paradise remain for Paul alone ? Does not
the Apocalypse, that affords such transporting glimpses of ita blesMd-
Leifchild^s Du/courses. 439
xiess; warrant all dying believers in Jesus to expect an instantaneous
admission to its bowers ? '' They have a right to the tree of life, and
to enter through the gates into the city." We familiarize ourselves too
little with even the indistinct glimpses of it which we are permitted
here to enjoy. We weigh too little the proofs of the immediate
entrance upon it of all who die in the Lora, whosoever they may be,
whenever, or in whatever bodily circumstances, they make their exit
from this world. Hence our fond attachment to life, our reluctance to
quit this world. It cannot be otherwise, while death bounds our
prospect, and his deep shades, settling upon our visions of the future,
are unrelieved by the scenes beyond, so divinely grand, so surpassingly
rapturous ! O the immortal temple of my God — the exalted throne of
the Eternal and the Lamb ! O ye blessed spirits, angels, and company
of the saints! O the immortal joys and ennobling visions of the
divine glory. Father, Son, and Spirit ! Why am I so backward to
attain such benedictions, to enter on the fruition of such delights !
Does the summons come ? What shall detain me ! Not the polluted
and short-lived pleasures of this world — their attractions have long
since become powerless to my heart. Not innocent delights ; not duty ;
not religious ordinances, heavenly and heaven-like though they be ;
not dear friends and tender relatives — they are all shadows here, but
death conducts me to the substance : they may be drops of joy, but I
desire the fountain ; they may be streams, but I seek the ocean. I go
to the third heaven ; I depart to be with Christ in paradise which is
fer better.' pp. 93—96.
Discourse VIII., on the Divine Superintendence of Human
Affairs \ deserves to be pointed out to especial notice, as of a
▼ery instructive character ; as also the following one, on a kin-
dred subject, admirably treated, which may serve as a sequel to
the former. We pass them by, to notice more particularly a very
judicious discourse on ^ the Unpardonable Sin.'' After endeavour-
ing to remove some mistakes respecting this subject, the Author
proceeds to define the peculiar character of the irremissible blas-
phemy, and to guard against the remotest approaches to every
sin of the same awful species. He then very properly adverts to
the unwarrantable and fanatical pretensions to miraculous gifts
made in modem times, and renewed in the present day, and
which he shews to bear four characteristics disagreeing with
Christianity. The remarks which follow, are peculiarly deserv-
ing of serious attention.
' 2. As Christians, the subject calls upon us to use all our efforts in
the promotion of that religion, which is the offspring of the blessed
Spirit. The times which are rolling over us, call more than ordinarily
for such exertions. If some are burlesquing religion by extravagant
fiuicies, others are labouring to supersede it, and to form society, and
improve mankind, without it. They designedly overlook it, and wish
to persuade us that the seeds of melioration are in ourselves.
* Of the two perversions, the latter perhaps is more dangerous, as
being more insidious : the miner is always to be dreaded more than th«
3i 2
440 Leifchild^s DUcounes.
open assailant. Of the extraordinary efforts made in this day for the
^vidc diffusion of knowledge, all are aware. Publications issue forth
from the press, respectable for the topics on which they treat as well ss
the ability with which they are executed, and surprisingly cheap.
They arc marked, however, by a studied avoidance of religion. Not,
it is supposed, with any sinister designs against itj on the part of their
supporters, but rather, perhaps, with the mere intention of avoiding
debateabic |2;round, and of making their productions polateable to all
The effect, however, if not guarded against must be moat extensively
deleterious. It is liable to displace religion by a side wind — ^it is sup-
plying, in science and general knowledge, a succcdaneum for it. Too
ground becomes thus pre-occupicd, the cravings of the mental appetite
are met in every direction, and all the brief spacea of leisurej can-
manded by thousands, filled up.
' Let Christians beware of this aspect of the times^ and beooBM
assiduous in counteracting, by diligence in their appropriate province,
the tendency of this temper of the age. What is Knowledge or cdn-
cation, if religion be not grafted upon it? A mighty instnunent,
capable of being; turned to as much mischief, as it is to good in con-
nexion with religion. And who arc to produce this connexion bat
Christians, — ^by supporting Sabbath schools. Christian inatmctioa
societies, the distribution of religious tracts, and the circulation of the
scriptures, as well as other religious publications ? Let them unite
also in maintaining the public ministry of the Word^ in multiplying
the places for its exercise, and in supporting the *' Schools of the
Prophets." Thus religion and literature, going hand in band^ both
will he mutually advantaged and increased.
' In the advances of knowledge wc can see nothing to Hear^ nothing
but what is exhilarating and encouraging, provided the efforis to spread
religion be made with corresponding ardour. It will be the reproach
of Christians, if the advocates of any other knowledge outstrip them in
their career for its advancement. All classes of Christians should be
here associated, as those of society in the other department. Then,
while *' many run to and fro, and knowledge is multiplied/' piely snd
the fear of the Lord will share in the progression. Learning and
knoA\']edge, of the best kind, will soon be the stability of the times.
To have contributed to the prevention of what would oppose it* and
the promotion of tliis good will present a rescue of our oest energies
and abilities from the influence of sloth, the cravings of self-indulgence,
and the calls of the world, th<it will be most refreshing to the con-
templati(m at the close of life, endure after life, and flonrish in its
effects in the eternal worhl.
' But O ! that the effiirts thus to dispense the forms of relieious
knowledge, — the materials of Christian i)iety., may be accompanied and
followed by earnest su]) plications for the necessary influence of that
Divine Agent to give them effect, whose offices and character have
been brought before us ! It is fruitless to pray for his working where
the materials ur it have not l;ct>n supplied, and equally fruitless to
supply them, if his agency be not implored, and obtained. The
husbandman sows his seed, he repeats his efforts, he renews his labours
again and again. How docs he now watch the appearance of the &ky
Leifchild'^s Discourses. 441
-^how does he hail the sunny ray^ the circulating breeze^ the refreshing
moisture ! Ah, Spirit of the living God ! the influences analogous to
these on the spiritual seed in the moral soil, thou alone canst impart.
Withhold them not. Be not driven from our world, by the basi^ess
of some, the indifference of others, the supineness of thine own re-
cipients ; and suspend no longer the energy that, by quickening our
prayers, shall draw down upon the earth, in all directions, the refresh-
ing showers of grace. None shall then despise thee ; none shall then
question thy divine agency. The blossoms of spring, the fruits of
summer, will not more sensibly attest the presence and power of the
great luminary, than thy presence will be attested in the prevailing
•piritnality, tlie budding virtues, and blooming graces, of a regenerated
world.' pp. 230 -234.
We must here close our extracts, but would recommend to the
reader the discourse on ^ the worshipping service required of
* Christians,'* as containing much valuable and seasonable adrao-
Dition in reference to the observance of the Sabbath and the true
spirit of worship. Nor can we forbear to notice the last in the
volume, as at once eharacteristic and striking. It is entitled,
* The five points of Christian Charity.' These five points, not of
controversy, but of agreement, this auinquarticular bond of peace,
the Preacher finds in Eph. iv. 4. — o.
' What,' he asks, ' has the celebrated controversy upon the " five
points ;" — " predestination, original sin, particular reaemption, ef-
fectual calling, and final perseverance," — ever done for the church ?
There is not one of them on which the whole church is yet agreed*
What a waste of time have they occasioned, and to what unguarded
expressions have they led ? What unguarded expressions for instance
on Predestination ? Seen in the Scripture, surrounded with motives
to holiness, it is a doctrine full of comfort to the godly ; seen in the
writings of controversialists, surrounded with metaphysical difficulties,
and accompanied with the human appendage of neprohation, what a
atumbling-blook has it been, both to the sincere and the perverse !
' But, here are the Jive poinU that should absorb us. We should fix
all the energy of the soul upon these ; we should steep the thoughts in
them ; and the result would be increasing conformity to the Almighty.
It is probably by the predominance of these things in human regard,
that that state of things will be chiefiy brought about, which is de-
scribed by *' holiness to the Lord" being written upon the " vessels of
the sanctuary, and upon the bells of the horses." ' pp. 364, 305.
We wish that Mr. Leifchild had cancelled one expression,
* cursed be the spirit of controversy.'* He should leave imprecation
to Mr. Irving, and ' bless, but curse not/ Besides, if to contend
earnestly for the faith be a duty, controversy is not to be depre-
cated, nor the spirit of controversy, if it be the spirit in which it
ought to be conducted. It is not by controversy, but by intole-
rance and imposition, that charity is outraged. ' For there is to
^ be considered, as to the Church,^ says a Roman Catholic, who
442 Stickney's Pictures of Private
was yet a true Catholic*, ' the Head and the Body* From the
* Head, there is no departure, but by doctrine disagreeable to
' Christ the head* From the Body, there is no departore by
* diversity of rites and opinions, but only by the defect of
* charity.
Art. VI. Pictures of Private Life. By Sarah Stickney. 12iimi.
pp. 34a London, 1833.
A VOLUME of tales from the pen of a fair Quaker wonldi
some years ago, have been a curiosity ; but the followen of
Penn arc no longer penned within the rigid rules which once
divided them from the rich fields of literature. A Quaker poet
is no longer a phenomenon. Instead of a rare meteor, we have seen
an ^ aurora borealis^ illuminating this quarter of society. Never-
theless, fiction is so decidedly at variance with the sentiments of
this truth-loving and literal people* that Sarah Stickney has felt
it incumbent upon her, as a member of the religious Society of
Friends, to prefix an Apology to these tales. * I would not,^ she
says, ^ willingly oppose the peculiarities of many whom I regard
^ with gratitude, esteem, and admiration, without offering in my
* own vindication, some remarks upon the nature of fiction in
* general.^
Here apology is briefly, that fiction may be subservient to the |
purposes of moral instruction ; a position which is certainly in-
controvertible. Parables are fictions; the Pilgrim^s Progress is a
fiction ; Robinson Crusoe, though founded on fact, is a romance.
A production may be fictitious, which is not false. There is no
falsehood in fiction, except when it misrepresents nature and fact.
All this must be admitted ; and it supplies a satisfactory answer
to the conscientious objection against fiction, founded on the
erroneous notion of its intrinsic unlawfulness as involving untruth.
Still, the main objections against what are called moral tales, are
not met by this apology. The question is not, whether fiction
in the abstract is a legitimate vehicle of moral instruction, but
whether such fictions are, or are not, of a beneficial tendency.
We have felt it right to say thus much ; not that we think the
present volume stands in need of an apology, but because the
apology confounds, under the denomination of fiction, works of a
very diverse character and tendency. Miss Stickney has pro-
fessedly composed these tales for those who would reject instruc-
tion in a weightier form, whose * pursuit is pleasure, their food
* excitement.'
• Cassander, cited by Howe.
Stickney's Pictures of Private Life. 443
' And since^' she adds, * books of fiction are a kind which thousands
will continue to write and tens of thousands to read^ I have en-
deavoured to do my little part towards blending with amusement some
of those serious reflections which^ in the often shifting scenes of a
restless life> have occupied my own mind ; not without earnest longings
that I myself were among those who are already prepared to receive
truth without fiction^ light without clouds^ good without alloy/
The sentiment and feeling here expressed, will at once procure
for the Author the esteem and commendation of the reader. Her
purpose is excellent ; and in reference and with limitation to that
purpose, we are prep»red to bestow very high commendation upon
net performance. To the class of readers for whom they are
Bpecificallydesigned, these tales are well adapted to convey much
salutary instruction, without injuring the love of the intellectual
appetite, already accustomed to stimulants. All that we fear,
and feel it needful to make the subject of caution, is, that such
works as the present should be inconsiderately put into the hands
of individuals for whom they are not indended, and to whom
they are likely to do more harm than they can possibly do ^ood ;
those whose simplicity of mind has not been vitiated by eating of
the tree of knowledge of good and evil, and to whom the pre-
mature knowledge of evil, which the lessons of the moralist some-
times impart, is at once a surprise and an injury.
We need not guard ourselves against being supposed to enter-
tain the notion, that the minds of young persons who have been
the most carefiilly guarded against contamination, will be found
guileless and pure. In the native innocence of the human heart
we are no believers. But we do know that there is such a thing
as purity of imagination, — that this may be long preserved, —
that it is one of the most precious prerogatives of youth, — that
when lost, it is never to be restored, — and that knowledge of the
world is but a poor compensation for that loss. Further, we
know that the evil knowledige imparted by the fictions of the mo-
ralist has, in many cases, been the first means of disturbing that
purity of imagination, by suggesting thoughts which are met, in-
deed, by abhorrence, such as tne writer might wish to awaken, but
which survive the salutary emotion, and leave a stain behind.
We are not speaking of works the direct tendency of which is
doubtful as to the lessons they convey. Our remark is meant to
apply to moral and religious tales of the highest character ; to
many of the admirable stories of Mrs. Sherwood, to Miss Tay-
lor'^s Display, to many productions of similar merit and excellence.
We do not condemn either the works or their writers. We
think they have done much good ; but we are convinced that they
have also done some harm, owing to their being indiscriminately
recommended.
It is a familiar saying, what is food to one, is poison to another.
444 Stickney'^s Pictures of PHvaie Life.
This is quite as true in respect to mental, aa to bodily nomish-
ment. The tendency of a work very much depends upon its
adaptation to the reader. The same work that scarcely stirs a
sluggish imagination, ministers dangerous excitement to an active
one. Those who have been fed with * the sincere milk of the
^ word/ may be poisoned with the stimulants which to others are
medicine. Miss Stickney'^s views on this subject are not, we are
persuaded, very different from our own. She is * willing to allow
^ that fictitious writing is the most humble means of moral in-
' struction C though ' earnest in maintaining its utility, especi^y
* on the ground that it finds its way to the dense multitude who
' close their eyes upon the introduction of purer light.^ Upon
this ground, we also freely admit its utility. We wish only that
its restricted purpose should be borne in mind. Nothing can be
more admirable than the motto which the Author has uacribed
upon her title-page, and which, applied as a caveat to such wo^,
expresses all that we would convey by these observations.
' Would you judge of the lawfulness or unlawfulness of pleasure,
take tliis rule : Whatever weakens your reason, impairs the tendemen
of your conscience, obscures your sense of God, or takes off your reliah
of spiritual things ; — in short, whatever increases the strength and au-
thority of your body over your mind ; — that thing ia sin to you, how-
ever innocent it may be in itself.'
It may have been remarked, that, in the discharge of oar critical
vocation, we have sometimes bestowed a passing notice upon
works of light reading, of a far more equivocal deacription ; such
as tales and novels, the writers of which scarcely aim at a higher
pur])ose than amusement, yet which have obtained our teatinKmy
to their literary merits. But in these cases, we have felt that no
one could be misled ; the character of such producttona, and the
class of readers they were intended for, cannot be miataken ; and
it would be out of place to insist upon such considerationa as the
apology of the present Writer has suggested. Of aoch pubHe-
ations, we speak simply as literature : of works like the present,
we must judge as means of education and vehicles of nord in-
struction ; entitled, indeed, to far higher commendation, bat yet,
with that warmer praise, it is the more necesaary to Uend'the
language of caution. In the former case, we simply lender onr
homage to talent, without always yielding our approval. In the
latter case, where our praise involves recommendation, it seems
necessary to qualify the opinions we give, less as critics than ai
guardians.
The present volume contains four tales : The Hall and the
Cottage. Ellen Eskdale. The Curators Widow. Moniage ai
it may be. They are skilfully imagined, and beautifully wnttcn,
displaying an acquaintance with the human heart and with aodeqr
that must be the fruit of much self-knowledge, comlnned with ex-
Stickney's THctures cf Private ti/fe. 446
tensive observation. We presume that the Authoress cannot be
a very young person, for the knowledge is that of maturity. We
ahall ^ve a few extracts, which will at once exhibit the skilful de-
lineation of character and the admirable sentiment with which
the volume abounds, and at the same time, without any further
comment, illustrate some of our preceding observations.
' From this time she never spc^e again of Frederick Lahgley, nor
'made the least alluRion to any circumstances connected with him.
She was qiii^t and peaceful, ana resigned to die ; —to die, but not to
live.
' It appears an easy and a pleasant thing, to the soul that is weary
of the toils of mortality, to lay down the burden of the flesh, and soar
away into a higher realm of purer and more etherial existence ; and
thus, no sooner is the future shrouded in darkness, than to die becomes
the choice of the sentimentalist, in preference to a patient endurance
of the ills of life.
' Anna Clare had felt for a long time that she was gently and gra-
dually passing away from the world, or rather that the world was
losing its importance, and even its place in her visions of futurity;
and, therefore, she concluded that oeath must be at hand : yet, had
she fondly pictured to herself one scene before the last, and dwelt
tipon it witn a childish intensity of interest ; a scene, in which her
lover should return, and beholding her altered form so wasted by sick-
ness and sorrow, should listen to her parting prayers, and let her last
■admonitions sink deep into his heart. For this she had made frequent
and earnest supplications, and for this she had felt ^villing to die ; and,
perhaps, if the truth were fully known, she bad appropriated to her-
self some little merit for the generosity of the sacrifice, and had been
aomewhat charmed by her own disinterestedness of feeling, — a disin-
terestedness that was sorely put to the test, when she found that he.
On whom she had bestowed so much concern, had chosen for himself
anOtfaeir companion through the pilgrimage of life; and that, if its
rough passages were to be smoothed for him by a female hand* that
hand must hot be hers. Night and day, this humbling truth, with all
its heartiiess and dreary accompaniments, was present to the mind,
until death became no longer h^r choice, for to her it seemed impossible
to live.
' To go forth again into the wilderness, after having pinbd in the
desert ; — to set sail again upon the stormy ocean, with frail bark, and
doubtful pilot, with trembling compass, and shattered mast ; — to meet
again the Crosses, and disappointments, and vexations of life ; with
hopes that have been blighted in the bud, and desires that have failed,
and patience that has hcJt had its perfect work, requires more true for-
titttde, and resignation to the divine will, than to draw back from the
lightest earthly prospects, and sink into an early grave : and yet so
it was with the miserable invalid, that her disease made no progress^
and she found herself, after the expiration of the winter months> not
only alive, but evidently gaining strength ; and painful duties, which
in n«r weakness she had set aside as utterly impracticable, no\V came
crawding upon her in terrible magnitude and hated reality; And then
VOL. IX. — 14.8. 3 K
446 Stickney'^s Pictures of Private Life.
the indescribable gloom^ and darkness of that little chamber^ in which
she first arose from her sick bed, aud looked out a^in upon a world,
which presented nothing to her perverted eye but an interminable
waste of barrenness.
' How little do we know ourselves ! Anna Clare had imagined,
that in the calmness with which she had welcomed the approach of
death, there was mingled no inconsiderable share of willing submission
to the will of a gracious and overniling Providence ; bat where was
that submission now; Alas! it had only been conditional; for no
sooner was the decree gone forth, that she must live, and not die, than
her heart was turn with repining, and her cup of wretchedness was full.
' There is nothing more selHsh than melancholy ; and lamentable it
is to find, that the sentimental world have invested this absorbing ma-
lady with a kind of interest which makes it rather sought than
shunned by vast multitudes of young ladies who, too indolent to exert
themselves, hang their heads for weariness ; grow sallow for want of
exercise, and sigh for want of fresh air ; who read novels for want of
rational excitement ; fall in love for waut of something else to do ;
fancy themselves heroines because they are, in fact, nothing ; and drawl
out, to troops of confidential friends, long histories of ima^nary
troubles, because they know no real ones. The victims of this dis-
ease may be known by their perpetually bal>bling about paina and pal-
pitations. Nerves occupy their attention when they wake, night-mare
when they sleep, and self always. Their dearest friends may sicken
and die, they are too languid to nurse them : a miserable peculation
may l>e starving around, they are too delicate to feed them ; afflictions,
privations, and crosses, may be sent amongst the circle in which they
exist —they '' have a silent sorrow," so deep-seated and overwhelming,
that they can neither pity nor relieve them ; and they would rather
give a lecture on their own distresses, than listen to the rejoicing of a
multitude. If they escape the temptation of a sinful world, to which
their minds are peculiarly open, from having had raised up in them a
false appetite, a craving for unwholesome food, it is but to drag on a
neglected, weary, and loathed existence, and to arrive at the confines
of the grave without having gathered one flower to sweeten it ; and to
lo<»k forward into eternity without having insured one rational ground
of hope to glimmer in the gulf of darkness.
' Such is the history uf the last stage of the existence of many a
melancholy young lady ; who, while she was young, might very beau-
tifully have hung her harp upon the willows, and the world at first
might liave sighed over its silent chords, and pitied the mute minstrel:
but neither a silent harp, nor a mute minstrel, will long engage the
sympathy of the world. We must either play for its pastime, or
lal)our in its service. Its stirring communities extend not their pa-
tronage to any quiescent member, and if we will sit down by the way
side, while our more energetic companions pass on, the inevitable con-
sequence ^vill be, that we shall be left behind, if not actually trampled
under their feet.'
• •••••
' Anna nished into the house, and finding Mary alone, threw her
arms around her neck, and playfully kissing her farehead* " There,"
Stickncy^s Pictures of Private Life, 447
taiid she, " I have borne it well ! For once in your life, Mary, give
me one word of unqualified praise, for I have been walking in the
garden with Sir Frederick Langley, and never did tjie sainted mother
of a convent carry herself more distant, or more erect.
* " Then I will say you are a good girl," replied her friend ; " or
rather, a wise and prudent woman."
' " So wise and prudent, Mary, that if you were not married, we
would establish a community of holy sisters, and I would be the lady
abbess."
' The rigid moralist may probably be astonished that any credit
should be due to Anna, for having resisted the temptation of flirting
with a married man ; but let us pause a moment, to consider what
flirtation is.
' Flirtation may be the idle frolic of an innocent girl ; but it too
frequently is a game deeply played by a designing and self-interested
woman. It may be carried on at all ages, and by all classes of society,
in all scenes and circumstances of life : in the court, and the cottage ;
the crowded theatre, and the house of prayer : by the miss, and the
matron ; the flaunting belle, and the fanatical devotee, who casts up
her clear eyes with the solemn asseveration that she knows no sin.
Deformity does not preclude the possibility of its existence, nor beauty
divest it of its hideous reality. Flirtation may raise or depress the
snowy eye-lid, and distort the wrinkled cheek with smiles; aad sweet-
ness to the melody of song, and soften the harsh tones of discord ;
flutter in the ball-room in its own unblushing character, and steal
under the mask of friendsliip upon the private peace of domestic life,
like the serpent when it coils its vile and venomous folds within a
bower of roses. And for what great purpose does flirtatioh thus work
its way as a pest upon society ? Its sole object is to appropriate to
itself, that which it has no power of returning ; too frequently robbing
the faithful and devoted heart of the rich treasure of its best affections^
and offering in repayment the distorted animation of a jaded coun-
tenance, the blushes of mimic modesty, the forced flashes of a faded
eye, and the hollow smiles that simper on a weary lip.
' Had Anna Clare been possessed with the demon of flirtation, she
would have raised her eyes to those of Sir Frederick, with exactly the
expression which she knew (and what woman with fine eyies does not
know?) would have gone nearest to the source of long buried feeling.
She would have sung that silly ballad again, perhaps with trembling
and hesitation, but still she would have sung it, or have tried to sin^
it ; and then towards the close of the performance, her eyes would
have been cast down, and a tear might have stolen from beneath their
long dark lashes, and her voice grown gradually more plaintive, until
at last it died away in a kind of distant melody, leaving her quondam
lover and herself in the most exquisite reverie imaginable ; from which
she would most probably, at last, have started with a pretended effort
at self-mastery ; and then, as she rose to leave the arbour, and while
Sir Frederick stooped for her guitar, she would have pointed to the
blue riblwn, by which it was wont to be supported on her fair shoulder^^
saying, it was the same which he gave her when in Scotland, and that
she cherished such memorials of past pleasure, as all that her existence
3k2
448 Siickiiey^s Plciurea rf PHwie la^
liad now to make it worth enduring : and then tears again, bat not turn-
many, lest her countenance should be disfigured. By this time they
would have had the choice of two paths ; the one leading directly to
the house, and the other round by a melancholy walk, shaded with
trees, and dark with evergreens. Without any appearance of design,
she would have chosen this walk in preference to the other ; first
stooping down to gather a little sprig of forget-me-not, and placing it
■ear her heart. The conversation might then have been led by deli-
cate and ingenious management to former scenes, conveying the most
touching allusions to sentiments and feelings cherished in vain, and
mourned over in secret bitterness of soul. And thus, by the time
they had reached the door of Andrew Miller, they might both have-
been at so high a pitch of excitement, that Anna might have forgotten
her friend, her poverty^ and her pupils, and Sir Frederick might have
paid the same compliment to nis lady. And after all this, Anna
might have laid her hand upon her heart, as thousands have done on-
similar occasions, and said that she meant no harm.
' She might, it is true, have done nothing, and said nothing, which,
singly examined and considered, bore the stamp of evil : but what a
fiurce, what a folly, is this self-exculpation : for by these secret move-
ments from the side of virtue, of which no earthly judge can convict
us, we place ourselves immediately on the side of vice ; and to the
early practice of this system of mauceuvreing, though apparently inno-
^nt, and too often pleasing in itself, how many have to look back with
sorrow and r^ret from the gloomy close of a despised and ^endless
old age ; it may be, from the miserable abodes of folly, and wretched-
ness, and crime. The weight of culpability rests not upon any indi-
vidual circumstance ; it is the manner, it is the motive, it is the feel-
ing by which every act and word is accompanied, which constitutes the
sin : and a deep and deadly sin it will be to many in the great day of
account, when their secret thoughts are laid open.
' Oh ! that women would be faithful to themselves ! It makes the
heart bleed to think that these high-souled beings, who stand forth in
the hour of severe and dreadful trial, armed with a magnanimijby that
knows no fear ; with enthusiasm that has no sordid ailoy ; with pa-
tience that would support a martyr : with generosity that a patriot
might be proud to borrow ; and feeling that might shine as a wreath
of beauty, over the temples of a dying saint : — it makes the heart
bleed to think, that the noble virtues of woman's character should be
veiled, and obscured, by the taint of weak vanity, and lost in the base
love of flirtation : making herself the mockery of the multitude, in-
stead of acting the simple and dignified part of the friend, the wife, or
the mother ; degrading her own nature, by flaunting in the public eye
the semblance of afl\;ction, when its sweet soul is wanting ; — ^polluting
the altar of love by oflTcring up the ashes of a wasted heart. Oh !
woman, woman ! thousands have been beguiled by this thy folly, but
thou hast ever been the deepest sufferer ! Thine is a self-imposed and
irrevocable exile from all, for which the heart of woman pines in se-
cret; over which it broods in her best hours of tenderness and love.
Talk not of domestic happiness — it can be thine no more. The plague-
spot is upon thy bosom, and its health, and purity, and peace.
Stickney's Pictures of Private Life. 449
gone for ever. Thou hast fluttered forth upon the giddy
winds, like the leaf that wantons from the bough ; the same uncertain
blast may lay thee at the root of the parent stem, but it will only be
to fade, and wither, and die. Oh ! dream not of returning, when tired
of idle wanderings ; for thy return can only be that of the weary dove
to her forsaken nest, cold, and cheerless, and desolate ! ' pp. 1 43— 147*
We must make room for two detached paragraphs for the ex-
cellent sentiment they embody.
' Tliose who would devote themselves to the service of their fellow-
ereatures, must be prepared for many an ungrateful return, — for many
a heart-rending repulse ; to which, nothing but the consciousness of
being about their Master's business, can reconcile the sensitive mind.
Those who would save a sufferer from death, must often present an un-
welcome draught to lips that loathe its bitterness ; and those who
would save a soul from sin, must bear with that rebellious soul in aU
its struggles to return ; for it is not by one tremendous effort that the
bonds of earthly passion can be broken. The work in which they are
engaged is a work of patience, not of triumph ; and there must be
lonff seasons of painful endurance, of watchfulness, and prayer, which
nothing but a deep and devoted love to the Heavenly Father whose
service they are engaged in, can possibly enable them to sustain.'—
pp. 100, 101.
' " Haw interesting / " exclaims the enthusiast ; and immediately
her beau ideal is clothed in a mantle of imaginary beauty. Within
may be an empty void, it matters not. Vanity or vice may lurk be-
low, they are alike unheeded. Misery and disappointment may be
shrouded beneath, they are endured with the patience of a martyr.
And why ? Because the object is interesting, and consequently it be-
comes an idol.
* Again : when any thing earthly or unearthly has received the
fatal condemnation of being pronounced uninteresting, how utterly
hopeless and vain is every attempt to force it upon the attention of
those who. have been accustomed to look only through the false medium
of sickly sentiment ! Unheeded, unnoticed, by them, uninteresting
philosophy may labour in secret over the investigation of truth ; un-
interesting charity may go forth upon her errands of mercy ; uninter-^
esting resignation may watch beside the lowly bed of sickness, and'
offer up from unfeigned lips her last soul- felt prayer ; and what to-
them is the incense of uninteresting piety, though it should burn upon
the altar of the heart, consuming all that is gross and perishabloi
and purifying the immortal spirit for a new existence in the r^ons of
eternal light.'— pp. 169, 170.
Some pleasing poetry is interspersed in these tales: we shall
make room for the following.
' How shall I build an altar.
To the Author of my days ;
With lips so prone to faulter.
How shall I sound his praise ?
450 Notice.
' Thy temples were too lowly,
Ob ! great Jerusalem ;
The Lord of hosts too holy>
Too pure> to dwell in tnem !
' Then how shall I, the weakest.
His servant hope to be?
ril listen when tnou speakest.
Spirit of love to me I
' ril do thy holy bidding.
With unrepming heart :
ril bear thy gentle chiding,
For merci^ thou art.
' rU bring eacb angry feeling,
A sacrifice to thee ;
rU ask thy heavenly healing.
Even for mine enemy.
' So shall I build an altar.
To the Author of my days ;
With lips though prone to faulter.
So shall I sound his praise. '
NOTICE.
Art. VII. The Eulomohgical Magazine, Nos. I. to III. 8va. Price
3s. 6d. each. Sept. 1832. Jan. and April, 1833.
We have been much pleased with the perusal of the first three num-
bers of this interesting periodical. The study of insects is one which
has not a great number of followers ; a circumstance attributable to
the paucity of suitable works to be met with in this country relating
to it. Some wc have sccn^ so full of technicalities as to be completely
sealed l)o<)ks to a student^ and others, nominally popular, so tinged by
evident fiction as to be unworthy of credit. Ine present work avoi£
these extremes, and delights us with the account of real wonders, to
ourselves far more amusing than imaginary ones. In this particular
department the letters of ' Rusticus ' on Blight, stand pre-eminent.
There is a quiet truth of description, an untiring observance of nature,
an easy and appropriate style of narration, which we have seldom seen
equalled. The scientific articles are contributed by some of our first
naturalists. Wc need only mention the names of Swainson, New-
man, Curtis, Walker, and Iluliday, to shew that the Entomological
ISIagazine is supported by first-rate ability.
( 451 )
Art. VIII. LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.
In the press. Evidences of Christianity, by Charles P. M'llvaine,
D.D. Bishop of Ohio: forming Vol. IX. of the Seleqt Library: and re-
commended to the Publishers of that Series by Olinthus Gregory,
LL.D.
In the pr(;ss. Dr. Adam Clarke's Family Bible, in folio. Part I.,
containing Six Sheets, to be continued fortnightly, or ofitener.
Just ready. School and Family INIanual : a Series of Conyers^'pns
between a Father and his Children, explaining t^he mo^t i)q[1ppr.ta^t
subjects of £arly Instruction in a familiar style, adapted for Pre-
paratory Schools. Ladies' Schools, and Domestic Teaching. Vol. I.
Geometry; Vol. II. Arithmetic (in Two Parts), Part I. To be con-
tipue<il occasionally.
Just ready. Principles of Astronomy. By William Brett, M.A.
Fellow of Corpus-Christi College, Cambridge. Part II. containing
Physical Astronomy.
Mr. Morris's long-expected Memoirs of the late Rev. Robert Hall,
will be published (o. v.) on the 1st of June 1833. In one volume
octavo.
Preparing for pi^bli caption, A History of Madagascar, in connexion
vith the Protestant Mission^ from its commencement in 1818 to th^
present time ; with an account of the Country, the Religion, Man^,ers,
and Customs of the Inhabitants, principally in the interior. By the
Missionaries on the I^and. Edited by the Rev. William Ellis,
Author of '' Polynesian Researches." In 2 vols. 8vo. with Maps and
PJates.
In May will be published, A Memoir of Felix Neff. By Thomas
Scales Ellerby. In one volume.
In the press and speedily will be published, the Life and Diary of
the Rev. Halph Frskine, A.M. Dunfermline, one pf the Founders of
the Secession Church. Qy the Rev. D. Fraser Kennpway. The materials
c^ this work have been derived from a great variety of Original Sources,
including Mr. Brskine's Diary, Note Books and Letters. It wiU be
found calculated, it is hoped, to promote vital piety among ministers
and private christians of every name, and to advance the interests of
*' truth and peace " in the church.
( 453 )
Art. IX. WORKS RECENTLY PUfeLlSHED.
BXOOKAPHT.
Memoir of the Life and Writings of the
late Rev. George Burder, Author of " Vil-
lage Sermons'*, and Secretary to the Lon-
don Missionary Society. By Henry Foster
Burder, D.D. 1 vol. 8vo.
The Life of the late Dr. Adam Clarke;
(from Original Papers). By a Member of
bis Family. Vol. 11. 8vo.
HISTORT.
History of the Dissenters. By David
Bofpie, D.D.) and James Bennett, D.D.
A New Edition, in 2 vols. 8vo. Revised
and corrected by the surviving Author.
MISCKLLAKKOU8.
The Church of Kngfand indefensible by
Holy Scripture : being a reply to several
recent defences of the Establishment, and
especially to two discourses by the Rev.
J. Garbett, M.A., of Birmingham. By
George Redford, M.A. 8vo. 2s.
A Course of Lectures un the Coinage
of the Greeks and Romans, delivered in
the University of Oxford. By Edward
Cardwell, D.Dn Principal of St. Alban*8
Hall, and Camden Professor of Ancient
History. 8vo. 8j. 6d.
POLITICAL.
An Examination of the Bank Charter
Question, with an Inquiry into the Nature
of a Just Standard of Value, and Sugges-
tions for the Improvement of our Monetary
Svstem. By G. Poulett Scrupe, Esq.,
F.R.S., &c. 8vo.
THlOLOOr.
The Estential Divinity of Christ, in
connexion with his Human Nature^ the
Necessarv Basis of his Mediatorial Cha-
racter. By B. Quaife, Antborof **A Me-
mento for the AflUctedL" 8s. ctoth printed.
l$.6d wrappers.
The Scripture Teadier'c Aaaistant: —
Fifty-two Subjects from the Goxpd Hit-
tory of our Lord and Sariour Jesus Christ;
with Explanations, Lettoas, and a Pbn of
Teaching : the whole arranged as a Yearly
Course of Religious Instruction lor Sanday
Schools, Bible Classes, and Families. By
Henry Alihans. IBmo. is. 6d,
The Difficulties of Infidelity ; or the
Obstacles. Intellectual and Moral, to an
Infidel State of Mind. A Sermon, de^
livered at a Lecture, Instituted by the
Christian Instruction Society for the bene-
fit of Mechanics and others, in Tonbridge
Chapel, New Road, Somen Totm, oa
Tuesday, Feb. 26th, 1833. By John
Hoppus, A.M., Professor of the Phitoso*
phy of the Mind and Logic In the Uni?er-
sity of London.
Abbreviated Diseoutses. By John
Leifchild. 8vo. Os. 6d.
Outlines of Lectures on the Book of
Daniel By the Rev. F. A. Coi, LUD.
Second Edition. ISmo. Sf.
The Prodigal, or Youth admooisbed*
By the Rev. J. Thornton. Is. 6ii. doth.
TKATKLS.
A Tour on the Great Lakes of Aine>
rioa. and through the North-west Terri-
tory, &C., with Notices of the Indinis. Bf
Calvin Colton, M.A.
THE
ECLECTIC REVIEW,
For JUNE, 1833.
Art. I. 1. Report from the Select Committee on Secondary Punishments.
Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed ; June, 1832.
With Notes and Appendix by the Committee of the Society for
the Improvement of Prison Discipline. 8vo. pp. 80. London,
1832.
2. Thoughts on Secondary Punishments, in a Letter to Earl Grey.
By Richard Whately, D.D., Archbishop of Dublin. To which
are appended. Two Articles on Transportation to New South
Wales, and on Secondary Punishments ; and some Observations on
Colonization. 8vo. pp. 204. Price 7s. London, 1C32.
T T would seem to be the dictate of sound policy, as well as of
"^ justice, — a principle of common sense, that the criminal and
the unoffending victim of misfortune should not be subjected to
the same treatment. Yet, in more cases than one, we ^nd this
rule practically violated by our social institutions. To instance
the punishment of temporary imprisonment. Of the numbers
committed to gaol on different charges, varying from the smallest
to the most atrocious offence, the proportion of those against
whom no bills are found, is about one tenth ; of those who are
acquitted, nearly a fifth ; so that, of those who suffer a degrading
and demoralizing imprisonment for a longer or shorter term,
about three in ten, or not quite a third, are legally innocent; and
of these, a large proportion actually blameless. This is exclusive
of vagrants summarily committed, and debtors, whose only crime,
in a large proportion of instances, is poverty. Again : there is
the heavier punishment of penal bondage. A convict is sentenced
to be deprived of his freedom, and to be kept to hard labour, for
some aggravated offence against society. But what is the crime
of the Creole offspring of a negress in one of our West India
colonies, for which he is doomed to the perpetual loss of liberty,
and to toil in the plantations under the fear of the task-master^s
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 L
454 On Secondary PMrnUhmenis.
lash ? Would it not be more coiuoiunit with justice, to give the
unoffending slave his freedom, and send the inmates of our hulks
to work out their time in the sugar colonies ? Once more, there
is appointed for crimes of the deepest dye, the punishment of
transportation. For this, the capital sentence is often commuted.
Yet, call it colonization, and the self^ime punishment is continu-
ally being inflicted upon scarcely less reluctant, but unofiending
exiles, with this only difference ; that the conrict is sent to run
out his bold career under the fine climate of Australia, the emi-
grant to shiver in Canada.
Of all secondary punishments, what is called transportation
would seem to be the least efficient and the most objectionable,
since its effect depends altogether upon the previous habits and
situation of the convict ; and in proportion as he deserves punish-
ment, it ceases to be of penal efficacy. * Agricultural laix>urers
^ with families \ it is remarked in the Report before us, * dread it
^ extremely ; while, to single men, to mechanics who are sure of
* receiving high wages, and generally to all those who feel a desire
* of change, and a vague expectation of pushing their fortunes, it
* appears to hold out no terrors whatever.^ To the great bulk,
therefore, of those who are actually transported, the punishment
amounts to this; that * they are carried to a country wnoaeelimate
* is delightful, producing in profusion all the necessaries and most
* of the luxuries of life ; — that they have a certainty of mainte-
* nance, instead of an uncertainty ; are better fed, clothed, and
* lodged than (by honest means) they ever were before ; and if
* their conduct is not intolerably bad, are permitted, even befbn
* the expiration of their term, to become settlers on a fertile fimn,
■ * which with very moderate industry they may transmit aa a sore
' * and plentiful provision to their children.^ Archbishop Wbaldy
' may be thought to have here painted transportatioD in rtrj
^ glowing colours ; but the correctness of the statement is borne
: out by the evidence brought before the Select Committee. The
accounts sent home from New South Wales and Van Dtemen^s
Land are stated, in the Report, to be so favourable, as to prodnoe
a strong impression, that transportation may be considered aa aa
advantage rather than a punishment.
' From the structure of society there, these objections can with diC-
culty be overcome. The labourers are so scarce, that on the arrival of
a convict-ship, every convict not retained in the sendee of the Govern*
ment, is eagerly engaged by the settlers, who are always ready to tafcs
more than can be furnished to them. As the object of a settler, in
taking a convict into his service, is to improve his own property, and
benefit himself, without reference to any considerations <n a pnblie
nature, instead of inflicting any punishment on him, he naturally
endeavours to render his situation as little irksome as possible. Aupw
proof will be foand in the former part of the Minutes of EvidsBoe ti
On Secondary PunUhments. 455
shew, that> the aeoae of d^;radatio2i once overcome, the situation of the
convict assigned to a settler is in many respects preferable to that of
the agricultural labourer in this country ; that his food is more abun-
dant, his clothing better, and that, to add to his enjoyments, he has
the advantage of a fine climate, with the certainty, if he conducts
himself with propriety, of becoming virtually free in a few years, by
obtaining a Ticket of Leave. If the condition of agricultural labourers
is improved by transportation, mechanics find themselves still more
advantageously situated ,* the demand fur their labour is so great, and
its remuneration so high, as to render it easy for many who are in the
service of Government to purchase the connivance of the overseers
giemselves convicts), by which they find means of sleeping out of the
nvict Barracks, and of working after-hours at their respective
trades ; and many others are allowed to do so as a reward for good
behaviour. Those mechanics who are assigned to settlers have still
greater fiusilities for indulgence, as their masters find it to their interest
to offer them very advantageous terms and privileges wholly incon-
sistent with a state of punishment, with a view to obtain, in return,
the full value of their labour. They are consequently enabled to lead
a life of comparative ease, with few of the restraints befitting a state
of punishment, and quite inconsistent with moral improvement.
* Such is, generally speaking, the condition or the labourer or
mechanic, while undergoing the severe part of his sentence ; but if he
so conduct himself as to remain in tne service of one master, he is
allowed, if transported for seven years, a Ticket of Leave at the end
of four years ; if for fourteen years, at the end of six years ; and if for
life, at the end of eight years. The acquisition of a Ticket of Leave
may be considered as one step towards emancipation ; the possessor of
it, though oonfined to a particular district, ana liable to be deprived
of it for misconduct, is allowed to work on his own account ; and the
high rate of wages furnishes him with the means of acquiring capital,
with which he is enabled, at the expiration of his sentence, to set up
in business ; and it is stated, that instances are not unfrequent of
persons sent out originally as convicts having become possessed of con-
siderable wealth.' Report, pp. 26, 27.
There is this further evil in transportation, noticed by Arch-
bishop Wkately as peculiar to this equivocal punishment, that
when a convict is transported, (the execution of the sentence
being itself uncertain,) there is an immense variety of lots that
may befall him.
' He may live either in the town or in the country ; may serve the
government or a settler ; have a good or a bad master ; remain poor or
grow rich ; be well or ill treated ; be a tutor or a shepherd ; a govern-
ment clerk or a tavern waiter : whence it arises, that every one selects
the condition which is most agreeable to himself, and expects to meet
with that particular destination : any case of hardship which may come
to his ears, he sets down as a lamentable accident for the unhappy
sufferer, who is much to be pitied for his misfortune ; but he never
thinks of applying it to his own case. The banker's clerk, or the
3l2
456 On ^Secondary Punishments,
London thief, expects to be a tutor, or to be employed in a pnUic
office : the mechanic expects to cheat the government and work tor his
own profit : the agricultural labourer to have little latigae, and be weD
fed, clothed, and lodged. And the truth is, that they are generallj
right in their respective calculations, as the government is forced to
employ them in the way which best suits their former habits; in other
words, in the vrviy most agreeable to themselves. Transportation may,
indeed, be said to unite in itself all the attributes of a baa punishment;
to furnish a model for a penal system which should be imitated by
contraries. Even if it were rendered certain by making it the omm
secondary punishment, this change would rather aggravate the evil
For its chief defect is its extreme mildness and want of terrors, and
the happy facilitv with which it adapts its various pleasures to the
case of each individual. Hence, by persons under sentence in Eng-
land, it is coveted rather than dreaded, and is an object of ambition
rather than aversion. While of the convicts, some are tormented with
the fear of death ; some depressed with the dismcc of a conviction in
their native country ; some with the dread of the hulks, others of the
penitentiary ; and while most are intent on the prospect of wealth and
importance in a new home, the tickets of the lottery are drawn, and
happy they who get the prize of transportation.
' '' Alii patidunlur inanes
Suspengi ad ventos ; aliis sub gurgiie vasto
Jnfectum eluiiur scelus, aut exnritur igni,
QuUque suos palimur manes : exinde per amplum
Mititmur Elysium, et pauci la:ta arva tenemus" '
' The pain inflicted by this punishment is insufficient in amount,
irregular in its operation, often unknown on account of the distance at
which it is endured, and if known, so uncertain as not to be reckoned
on : its disgrace is not felt, because the sufferers are out of the sight
of those whom they respect : it injures the mother country by substi-
tuting the semblance for the reality of punishment : it injures the
colony by forming a society of the most worthless and abandoned
wretches drafted from the prisons of a large community. By annually
pouring in fresh supplies of this moral poison ; by concentrating, mul-
tiplying, and perpetuating the scatterea and transitory forms of vice,
it has made this new and wealthy settlement a storehouse of depravity,
one vast heap of moral corruption. It is a system from which nothing
is to be hoped, and everything to be feared ; a system of elaborate mis-
chief and consistent impolicy, originating in helplessness, continued in
ignorance, and tolerated only by supine and culpable indifference.'
Whately, pp. 161—164.
This 18 very strongly put ; but really, the more the system is
examined in all its bearings, in its costliness, its inefficiency, its
irregular and unequal operation, and its prejudicial consequences,
the more astonishing it will appear that it should so long have
been persisted in. The only recommendations of this punish-
ment are wholly foreign from its penal efficiency. They are, so
far as we can discover, simply these two ; that it provides the
On Secondary Punishments. 467
Australian provinces with bond-servants, and that it gets rid of
the individuals, as regards the country which sends them out)
but which pays dearly for the riddance. As to the first point, it
seems, that ^ all proposals to discontinue the annual shipments of
* convicts to the Australian provinces, meet with great opposition
* from the free inhabitants of those colonies, who consider that
* they have a vested right to be provided with bond-slaves at the
* public expense ; and that the system, which might have been
' less objectionable in the early state of the colony, is to be main-
' tained for their benefit, however injurious it may prove to the
'lasting interests both of the mother country and the colony
* itself.' Of all imaginary * vested rights', (the phrase is an
absurd one,) this is, perhaps, the most extraordinary that was
ever made the subject of a claim with a view to resist an im-
portant melioration. The opposition of the Australian colonists
to the discontinuance of a system which o])erates as a bounty
upon crime, in order to qualify offenders to become their bonds-
men, will not, it may confidently be hoped, be allowed to weigh
much with the home Government.
But then, there is the recommendation which the system pre-
sents, not as a punishment, but as an expedient for getting rid of
the malefactor. Let us examine this ; for, if it be necessary to
get rid of him, and this be the cheapest and best way of accom-
plishing it, then, though in itself a bad punishment, it may be a
useful regulation for the interests of society.
The old plan of ridding society of malefactors was by hanging
tliem. Death, if not the most formidable of all punishments to
the offender, is perhaps ^ the most economical.' But capital
punishments not only lose their salutary effect in deterring from
the commission of crime, by their frequency and by the indis-
criminate application of the same extreme penalty to crimes of
different malignity: they also defeat their own purpose, by
multiplying the chances of impunity, arising from the general re-
luctance to prosecute and to convict where the life of the culprit
is at stake. And they have moreover an injurious effect on society
as tending to lessen the horror for crime, by converting minor
offenders into objects of pity, and sometimes dignifying even
greater criminals with a sort of heroism. Thus, as, with a
rapidly increasing population, the number of crimes is augmented,
at the same time that civilization advances, it becomes impossible
to enforce the capital penalty in that wholesale application which
the laws formerly authorized, or to keep down the population of
the prisons by this convenient but ruthless expedient. We do
not at present enter into the question of the lawfulness of capital
punishments, but confine ourselves to the fact, that they are found
to be, in the present state x)f society, inexpedient and, upon a
large scale, impracticable.
458 On Secondary PunUhmenis.
This plan of ridding Society not being found to antwer, the
next idea which seems to have presented itself to the Legislature
was, to send the culprit as far away as possible,— to inflict a
political death upon the offender by banishment. There are some
crimes which might, we think, be properly visited with simple
banishment. The culprit, in that case, is free to live where he
pleases, so long as he does not return to infest his own country.
This is certainly a cheaper method of getting rid of the bad folk,
inasmuch as it saves the charge of transportation across seas, and
all future expenses involved in the safeguard or control of the
convict. And if the object of the punishment be simply what
Jeremy Bentham calls disablement^ this end is answered as com-
pletely by expulsion as by penal colonization. The only thing to
be guarded against is, the clandestine return of the banished party,
which would require to be visited with heavier penalties.
But of what is it desirable that Society should get rid ? Of the
presence of the offender, of the cost of maintaining him, or of the
apprehension of his future misdeeds ? The culprit is as effectually
removed from society by being imprisoned in a penitentiary or a
convict ship, as by being sent to Botany Bay. As to the cost,
that is not got rid of by his transportation, which is the moat ex-
pensive mode of punishing him. As to the apprehension of his
doing future mischief, if it be merely a question, whether he shall
do mischief in this country or in another country, in the moral and
political welfare of which we are deeply implicated, and where his
evil example would be still more pernicious, surely the changing
the scene of his delinquency is not a valid reason for adopting
this compromise of punishment. Upon this point, we think there
is considerable force in the following remarks, which we transcribe
from an article on Secondary Punishments in No. XIX. of the Law
Magazine ; a Quarterly Journal conducted with much ability.
After citing from the Report of the Committee some observations
to which we shall presently advert, in favour of this mode of dis-
posing of criminals, the writer says :
< Now, in the first place, this argument assumes, that the mother
country is justified in sacrificing the interest of the colony to its own
interest ; that the English Government is not to regard toe welfiwe of
N. South Wales, but is free to use it as a receptacle for those persons
who are too dangerous to remain at home. Now this is a maxim of
colonial government, which, though unhappily it has been too pre-
valent in many states, we take the liberty of rejecting as both impolitic
and unjust. Colonies are subordinate political societies belonging to
the society which is their mother country ; subject with her to (me
sovereign power, and equally entitled to its protection and consider*
ation. To establish a colony, therefore, in oraer to serve as a drain fiar
the impurities of the mother country, is to do an act which no easnistry
can defend. Even if it were possible, by feonding a new society irim
th« worat outcasts of a large natjoQji to exterminate or gfe»tXj reduce
the body of persons who live by the commission of crime, nothing
could, in our opinion, justify such a measure. In a large nation, the
discharged convicts, whether criminals or not, could never, under a
tolerable penal system, make a large part of the whole population ; and
if criminals are mischievous when they form a small part of the com-*
munity, what must they be when they form the whole? But it is not
possible to reduce the number of criminals by drafting off conricts to a
place of reward ; and we may say of transportation without panish«
ment, what has been said of emigration without amendment of the
poor laws, that " to attempt to diminish crime by removing a portion
of criminals, and yet leaving in full force the most powerful machinery
ever applied to the increase of crime, is to attempt to exhaust by con*
tinual pumping the waters of a perpetual fountain." There is no
doubt that wicked men, intent on the commission of crime, whether
they have been convicted or not, are an evil to a country ; nevertheless
they are a less evil in the mother country than in a penal colony.
Poisons which are almost harmless when extenuated and diffused in a
large mass, work with a fatal vigour if taken in a concentrated and
separate form. Nor is it a simple question of numerical proportion,
whether a bad man is more mischievous with ninety-nine good men or
with ninety -nine bad men ; but the future increase of the one bad man
is likewise to be considered. In the midst of a large society, dis-
countenanced by the general opinion, neglected and shunned by their
relations and friends, outstripped by the industrious, oppressed with
the sense of disgrace, blighted in all their prospects by the knowledge
of their dishonesty, rarely marrying on account of their bad character
and irregular habits, criminals commonly terminate by an early death
their career of riot, dissipation, debauchery, wretchedness, and outrage,
and sank into the great ocean of society " without a grave, unknelleda
uncoffined, and unknown." Such is the way in which the propagation
of vice is hindered in the regular order of society. We, however, in
our wisdom, thinking to improve on this arrangement, and too im«
patient of the presence of the vicious to await their natural extinction,
save them from this moral shipwreck, and collect them into one spot,
where there is no example to deter, no virtuous public opinion to dis-
countenance, no honest industry to compete with them, no odious com-
parisons to be undergone ; and then, insuring always a regular supply
of additional recruits from the gaols of the mother country, like the
physical philosophers of antiquity, from this corruption we generate ft
new society.' Law Mag. No. xix. pp. 12, 13.
But it is alleged, (in the Report of the Select Committee,
p. 25,) that ^ unless there existed some such nuxle of disporing of
^ criminals whose offences do not merit the penalty of death, out
' whose morals are so depraved that their reformaticm can hardly
* he expected, no alternative wcmld remain between perpetual im-
* prisonment and the constant iofusion into society, of malefacton ^
* who, after the term of their punishment had arriTed, would
^ again be tlnrourn a^ outcaata on tne world, without character aad
460 On Secondary Punishments.
* without the means of gaining an honest livelihood/ In answer
to this plea for retaining transportation as a secondary punish-
ment, we would remark, first, ttiat this constant infusion into
society of malefactors, is going on at a rate which the existence of
the penal colonies may, in the first instance, mitigate ; but against
the proportion which they subtract, must be set the encouragement
which transportation holds out to desperate offenders. Of 12,800
persons convicted and sentenced in England and Wales in 1830,
It appears that there were
Sentenced to death 1397
Of whom were executed 46
Leaving for transportation 1351
Transported for Life 405
14 years and upwards 1661
3417
Transported for 7 years 217O
6587
In the same year, there arrived in New South Wales, 3225
convicts, and in V^an Diemen^s Land 2045 ; together, 5270. In
the previous year, the number was upwards of 5000. It does
not appear how these large numbers are produced, since those
sentenced to be transjiortcd for not more than seven years, are
rarely (if ever) sent across the seas ; and the numbers sentenced
to be transported for a longer period in Scotland and Ireland, were
only about 500, making with the English ctmvicts less than 3000.
However this may be, the number of those sentenced to be trans-
J>ortcd for seven years, or to be imprisoned for different terms,
rom six months to five years, in England and Wales, during the
last seven years, is 68,702, or, on an average, 9B20 per annum^
exclusive of about 5000 committed to gaol, but acquitted or dis-
charged. Here, then, is an infusion of nearly 15,000 tainted, if
not incorrigible persons every year into English society, exclusive
of discharged debtors and vagrants. To lessen this frightful
amount, becomes an object of vital importance ; but the question
before us is, whether the system of transportation is an efficient
alleviation of the evil, or whether it does not tamper with the dis-
ease, instead of acting with remedial virtue.
The argument assumes, that those selected for transportation
are criminals whose offences do not merit the penalty of death,
but whose depraved morals preclude the hope of their reforma-
tion. This assumption is erroneous in both respects. The con-
vict, in a large proportion of cases, is one who has been sentenced
On Secondary Punishments, 461
to Buffer death, and whose offence must therefore be considered
as * meriting death/ as much as any crime short of murder can be
said to merit that penalty. But the greatest crimes are not al-
ways committed by the most depraved offenders ; nor does the
crime for which the delinquent is sentenced to transportation, at
ford any criterion of the degree of depravity which he had at-
tained, when arrested in his career of crime. It might have been
his first offence, committed under the instigation of sudden pas-
sion, or the persuasion of more hardened accomplices. The most
depraved and incorrigible offenders are often found among those
who are continually violating the laws, but who keep clear of the
bolder crimes for which the laws have reserved tne penalty of
death or of permanent transportation. Thus, that very class of
malefactors which it is so desirable to prevent being thrown back
upon society, for the most part, escape the sentence which secures
their removal, and after the expiration of their term of imprison-
ment, are re-infused into the general mass. It is true, that some-
times old offenders are sentenced to transportation for life, on ac-
count of their notoriously bad character, rather than for the spe-
cific crime of which they are found guilty. Waiving the question
how far this can be considered as a sound principle of criminal
justice, we would simply remark, that such old ofienders form but
a certain proportion of the criminals actually sent out of the
country. Thus, some are transported on account of the particu-
lar crime committed ; some on the ground of bad character or
presumed moral depravity. But the latter are as unfit to be se-
lected as colonists, as the former may be undeserving of being con-
founded with the thoroughly depraved and incorrigible. It is,
however, those who are not so depraved as to preclude the hope
of their reformation^ who would be the most eligible subjects of
the experiment of penal colonization.
Transportation, if deprived of its penal character, if abolished
as a punishment, would answer well as an expedient for disposing
of discharged criminals who had behaved well during the period
of their imprisonment. The helpless predicament of sucn per-
sons on being thrown back as outcasts upon society, without cha-
racter and without the means of gaining a honest livelihood,
render them peculiar objects of compassion and of the wise bene-
ficence of Government. Hitherto, they have been most inconsi-
derately neglected, till a repetition of crime, under such circum-
stances almost inevitable, has procured for them the boon of a
second sentence followed by their removal. In many cases,
transportation, if held out as a refuge to the discharged and des-
titute delinquent, would be the preventive, instead of the conse-
quence of crime, at a manifest saving of expense to the commu-
jiity, as well as a diminution of guilt in the individual. Surely,
the interests of society are better secured by getting rid of those
468 On Seoondary PunUhmenU.
who, if they remamed in thia country, would almott infidlibly
commit crime, than by getting rid di actual offimders. But,
in proportion to the facility of getting rid of culprits, will be the
supineness that prevails as to the means of preventing or obviacmg
the temptation to the commission of crime. In this respect, as weu
as in its effect upon criminals who regard it as a desirable fiite,
transportation, in the present system, has tended to multiply crime.
Society ought to be made to feel the inconveniences resulting
from the crime which is the fruit of its own n^ect, or of unwitt
legislation. That the increase of delinquency in this country
is mainly owing to the neglect of the means of prevention, will
not be questioned by any persons who have competently ex-
amined the working of our criminal system. And if this be the
fiict, a facile mode of disposing of criminals, must serve only to
render our legislators and magistrates more indifferent to the de-
moralising eilects of ignorance and pauperism, of game-laws and
trespass-laws, of beer-shops and gin-shops, of sabbath-breaking,
of precipitate and unnecessary commitments, of crowded and ill
regulated gaols, and of those other defects in our criminal institu-
tions whicn contribute to the multiplication of offences and the
encouragement of crime*. It is not till the question becomes
embarrassing. What shall we do with our convicts ? that there is
any chance of obtaining due attention to what ought long ago to
have undergone more thorough inquiry, What are the best means
of preventing men from becoming criminals ?
One obvious means of prevention, too little considered hj oar
magistrates, is, not to treat a man as a criminal before he is proved
to be such, which is the direct way to make him one. The ex-
treme readiness of magistrates to commit, instead of acceptmg
bail, is not only a very principal cause of the increase in the
number of commitments^ but, in its ultimate consequences, a
cause of the actual increase of crime. No one comes out of gaol
as he went in, as respects either his character or his position in
society. Now we have already adverted to the large jnroportion
which the number of persons discharged by grand juries or ac-
quitted, bears to the total number of commitments. By the gene-
nil acceptance of bail, the number of untried prisoners might be
reduced at least one half, without any prejudice to the interests of
the community, and with great advantage to the discipline of
prisons. Few magistrates are disposed to accept of bail ; and
their anxiety to avoid responsibility, leads them to fill the gaols
with petty offenders who, formerly, would have been discharged
after personal chastisement Nothing is more easy than to get
an offender conunitted. The ultimate cost to the community of
■ ■■ ■»»— — PM^
* See, on the Increase and Causes of Crime, Eel. Rev. vol. vii. %d
Series, pp. 313—324.
071 Secondary Puniskmepits. 463
such commitment, from its certain effects upon the supposed cul-
prit, is a consideration that seldom troubles the worsnipful ad-
ministrators of our penal injustice.
For injustice it certainly must be deemed, to punish a man
who has not been tried or proved guilty of any offence. Now
imprisonment is punishment, if any thing is. Nor can any
improvement in our system of secondary punishments take place,
till a proper distinction is made between tne convict sentenced to
the forfeiture of his liberty, and the subject of an alleged but
unproved charge. Imprisonment may be necessary for the safe
keeping of the presumed culprit under charges of a serious nature;
but, in that case, it should wear as little as possible the character
of punishment, and be simple detention. On the other hand,
imprisonment, when inflicted in virtue of a judicial sentence,
requires to be rendered much more effective for the purposes of
punishment.
^ There are three, and only three objects,^ remarks Archbishop
Whately, * with a view to which punishments can be inflicted or
^ threatened : 1. Retribution ; 2. Correction ; 3. the Prevention
* of the offence, generally, by the terror of a punishment de-
* nounced.^ As for the first of these purposes, the infliction of
just vengeance on the guilty, the learned Prelate contends, that
' it is clearly out of marCa province.
' Setting aside the consideration^ that the circumstances on which
moral guilt depends^ the inward motives of the offender^ his tempta-
tions^ and the opportunities he may have had of learning his duty^ can
never be perfectly known but to the Searcher of hearts^ — setting aside
this, it does not appear that man, even if the degrees of moral turpi-
tude coold be ascertained by him, would have a rieht to inflict on ois
fellow-man any punishment whatever, whether heavy or light, of
which the ultimate object should be, the suffering of the offender.
Such a procedure, in indiriduals, is distinctly forbidden by the Founder
of our reiigioii, as a sinful revenge : and it does not appear how indi-
▼iduab combined into a community can impart to that community any
right which none of them individually possessed; — can bestow, in
short, on themselves what is not theirs to bestow. Our Saviour and
his apostles did not mean to deprive even an individual of the right of
ddPending (when there is no other defence to be had) his own person
and property ; and this right he is competent to transfer, and is con-
sidered as having transferred, to the community ; but they meant to
forbid the "rendering of evil for evil," for its own sake: and as no
man is authorized to do this, or can authorize others to exercise such a
right, even over himself, so neither can ten men or ten millions possess
any such rieht to inflict vengeance ; for '' vengeance is mine, saith the
Lord."' Whately, pp. 59, 60.
There ia, however, an important distinction, assuredly, between
judicial retribution and pnvate revenge. According to the ap*
gument in the above extncty murder being absolute^ fbrbiddai
464 On Secondary Puniahmenis.
by the law of God, the magistrate can have no better right than
an individual, to take away the life of a criminal, since * indiri-
^ duals combined into a community, cannot impart to that com-
* munity any right which none of them individually possess.^ The
same mode of argument would prove every species of punishment
to be at variance with Christianity, since individuals are enjoined
to sufler wrong patiently, and not to resist evil, to give to him
that asketli, to forgive their debtors. Taken literally, these
precepts would preclude the obtaining of civil compensation, as
much as they do the principle of vindictive retaliation. But the
fact is, they were never intended by Our Lord as maxims of
government or public justice. We arc forbidden to avenge our-
selves, or to act in the spirit of revenge or retaliation : if our
enemy hunger, we are to feed him ; if he thirst, to give him drink.
Can public laws be administered upon this principle ? If retribu-
tion belongs to God, is it not also said, that the magistrate is
*^ the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that
^^ doeth evir^ (Rom. xiii. 4.); and that he ^^beareth not the
sword in vain ?^ The * infliction of just vengeance on the guilty,'
is clearly, then, within the province of the magistrate ; aluiough
it by no means follows, that the suffering of the o£fender is * the
* ultimate object of retribution, whether Divine or human. To
represent this as the character of the Divine wrath, would be
impious. The principle and design of judicial retribution are
altogether incorrectly descrilicd by the learned Writer; and his
theory of punishment ])artakcs of the vicious ethics of King and
Paley, which would rest the eternal principles of justice upon
general expediency. They are doubtless ever in accordance with
expediency ; but, for the laws which govern human actions, there
are higher reasons.
Of the other two legitimate objects of punishment, the learned
Author remarks, * the prevention of a repetition of the ofience by
^ the same individual, whether by his reform or removal, is of
* incalculably less importance than the other, — the prevention <rf
* crime generally, by the terror of example or of threat^
' If we could ever so completely attain the other objects, by some
expedient which would yet fail of> or very inadequately accomph'sh,
this last, such a system must be at once pronounced inefficacioua.
Could we be sure of accomplishing the reformation of every convicted
criminal, at the same time making his services available to the public,
yet, if the method employed should be such as to deter no one fiom
committing the offence, society could not exist under such a system.
On the other hand, if the punishment denounced bad no other tenden^
whatever but to deter, and could be completely effectual in that, it is
plain that it would entirely supersede all other expedients, since U
ivoitld never even be inflicted. This truth, though self-evident, is fre-
quently overlooked in practice, from the necessary imperfiection of all
our expedients. Hardly any denunciation of punisoment ever was
On Secondary Punishments. 465
thus completely effectual ; and thence men are often led to look to the
actual inniction as the object contemplated. Whereas it is evident,
that every instance of the infliction of a punishment is an instance^ as
far as it goes, of the failure of the legislator's design. No axiom in
Euclid can be more evident, than that the object of the legislator, in
enacting that murderers shall be hanged and pilferers imprisoned or
transported, is, not to load the gallows, fill the gaol, and people New
Holland, but to prevent the commission of murder and theft ; and that
consequently every man who is hanged, or transported, or confined, is
an instance, pro lanto, of the inefiicacy, t. e. want of complete efficacy
of the law. The imprisonment may reform the offender; deatn
removes him from the possibility of again troubling society ; and the
example may in either case operate to deter others in future; but the
very necessity of inflicting the punishment, proves that the dread of
that punishment has, so far at least, failed of producing the desired
effect. This absolute perfection indeed — the entire prevention of
crime — is a point unattainable ; but it is a point to which we may
approach indefinitely ;— it is the point towards which our measures
must be always tending, and we must estimate their wisdom by the
d^rees of their approach to it/ Whately, pp. 60, 61.
That it forms no part of the legitimate object of penal laws, to
promote the reformation of the offender, must, we apprehend, be
admitted. The simple object of penal sanctions is to deter, by
the influence of fear, from the violation of the law; and the design
of the law is the protection of society. * The law worketh wrath,'
i. e. penal vengeance ; and moral discipline or paternal chastise-
ment seems to be wholly foreign from the stem operation of
criminal statutes. It is strange, that the learned Prelate should
explain * correction,'' as * the prevention of a repetition of oiFence
* by the same individual, whether by his reformation or his re-
* moval.' His removal, it is true, whether by death or by trans-
portation, is designed to secure society against a repetition of the
crime by the same individual ; but how can this mode of preven-
tion be termed correction ? Correction is punishment, which
may or may not lead to reform ; but its design is to prevent a
repetition of the offence, by producing fear of a repetition of the
punishment, as well as to strike terror into others by the example
of the culprit. In short, the three-fold object of punishment
resolves itself into one; namely, to restrain from crime by the
operation of the principle of fear. Human laws, in this respect,
strike in with the general law of the Divine Government, which
indissolubly connects vice and suffering, crime and penalty, in
the ultimate issue. But, although necessary, this connexion is
not obvious, tangible, or immediate, the consequence being remote
and indefinite; whereas the efficacy of punishment upon the
ignorant and sensual, upon all in whom the moral principle is en-
abled, as well as upon children and animals, depends upon the
speediness and certainty with which it follows transgression.
406 Oh Secondary FunMmenis.
Henoe, the fear inspired by penal laws is found to operate upon
those who are not restrained by religious fear, bacanse in them
the principle of faith is absent
The prevention of crime by fear of suffering is, then, we should
say, the only object of penal sanctions. But other means of prs«
▼enting crime than those contemplated by the criminal law, fall
within the province, and demand the attention of an enlightened
Government. A wise economy, not less than the dictates of
philanthropy, recommends the adoption of any plan that may
Gemote the reformation of the delinquent, although that moral
nefit is neither comprehended in the theory of punishment, nor
is the natural effect of suffering. The two objects may be pur-
sued together, and both may be attained by a judicious system of
prison cUscipline and punishment ; but they are distinct objects, —
equally claiming the concern of the rulers of a State, but still as
distinct as education and criminal law. We agree, therefiire,
with Dr. Whately, that the reformation of the convict, desifabfo
as it is in itself, is, as regards the penal laws, a secondarf object, or
rather an incidental advantage not belonging to punishments as
such. We admit it to be ^ an indispensable object of prison dis-
* cipline,^ but not of penal enactments. ^ The design of punish-
^ ment,^ it is said, * is not merely to inflict pain and deprivation.^
The infliction of suffering is allowable only as it may * deter,
* correct, and reclaim.** (Report, note 15.) But to deter and to
reclaim are two very different things. Men are deterred from
crime by fear of suffering, but they are never reclaimed by sufier-
ing, nor is this the use of punishment. To reclaim the vicious,
whether criminals or not, is both the interest and the duty of a
Christian community ; but the law deals with the vicious, not
as such, but simply as criminals. ^ Unjustifiable as are vindictive
^ penalties, the offender must be made to feel that punishment
^ attends the violation of the law."* And others must be made
sensible of this by his example. Here, the end of punishment
and its efficacy terminate. Yet, that ^ the prevention of crime
* will never be effected by the influence of fear alone,^ that is by
punishment alone, we are fully sensible. Nay, we contend that
the best mode of preventing crime does not fUl within the pro-
vince of penal legislation, but consists in the impartation of
religious instruction, which is the duty not so much of the ma-
gistrate as of the minister. ^ Religious instruction forms, in fact,^
say the Committee of the Prison Discipline Society, ^ an indis-
^ pensable branch of prison regulation : it is a component part of
* the system. Without such reformation, the object of prison
^ discipline cannot be attained. Without religious impressions,
^ reformation is hopeless.^ (p. 64.) We ne^ not say how en-
tirely we concur in these sentiments. Advocates as we have ever
been of a reformatory discipline, we cauiot be so far mismukr-
On Secandaty PunuhmenU* 467
•lood 08 to be suspected of underratiiig its importance or of doubtii^
its efficacy. We wish only to place in a clear light the essential
distinction between the proper design of punishment, and the
proper design of discipline, and their diverse operation. In the
punishment of the criminal, the benefit of society is the immediate
and primary object, not the moral benefit of the sufferer, which
may be the accidental result. In attempting his reformation, the
good of the individual is the primary object, and the benefit of
society is only contemplated as the remote consequence. It is
the interest of the community that the vicious should be reclaimed.
It is still more desirable that men should be prevented, by the
influence of education and religious instruction, from becoming
vicious.
We have been led to insist upon this distinction, perhaps
somewhat tediously, by finding both in the publication of toe
Prison Discipline Committee, and in that of Archbishop Whately,
views upon the subject of Punishment which we must regard tA
obscure and unsound ; and though the error which pervades those
views is on the side of humane sentiment, even amiable errors
are not always harmless. ^ La veriU vaut mieua: ahaolument^
The whole system of our secondary punishments demands re-
vision ; and it is of the highest importance, that that revision
should be based upon sound principles ; that it should be clearly
understood, what punishment can do, and what it cannot do.
There can be no doubt that punishment might be rendered much
more effective as a means of deterring from crime by inspiring
dread, even without increasing its severity, were it more certain
and more speedy. The chances of escape have far more influence
upon the calculations of the delinquent, than the degree of suffer^
ii^ which awaits his conviction. Punishment, however, must
inspire dread, or it is altogether deprived of its efficiency. This
is the case, to a great extent, with capital punishments, which
carry little terror to the hardened and desperate offender, and
with transportation. The dread of hard labour, of seclusion, and
of restraint, is adapted to operate still more powerfully upon a
Unve class of offenders ; and this species of punishment has the
additional advantage, that it may be converted into a powerfoi
instrument of moral correction, hy reforming the habits of the
criminal. The American system of p^iitentiary discipline is
Btrongly recommended to the attention of the Legislature in the
publications before us.
' This system combines all the advantages which transportation has
not ; it begins immediately after sentence ; it is painful in the extreme,
by enforcing strict silence and hard work by day^ and solitude by
night ; it is -eoastaat and uniform ; in cheapness, it fax exceeds every
HtSer iMUMshment axesipt dsath; and it affords the best chance of
vrformaitiea whidh aay niode of redaimiag depraved penmu can vfiMl,
4A8 On Secondary Punishments.
inasmach as it connects labour and instruction with their most agree-
able associations, as silence is never broken except by the vmce ^ the
teacher ; and where conversation and amusement are forbidden, labour
itself is a relief.' Whately, p. 165.
Add to which, this discipline admits of a great variety of com-
bination, and is therefore adapted to the treatment of o&nders of
different classes of criminality.
' The beneficial effects which the penitentiary system, when fairl?
tried, has thus produced, prove that imprisonment may be rendered
efficacious for all the just purposes of penal legislation, without resort-
ing to extreme severity. The adoption of a similar discipline in this
country, under certain modifications, would prove a salutary substitate
for the penalty of Death ; and its principle has long been recognised by
the Legislature. The 19th Greo. III. c 7^* (^^ Act drawn by Sir
Wm. Blackstone assisted with the adrice of Mr. Howard,) has this
preamble : " Whereas if many offenders convicted of crimes for which
transportation has been usually inflicted, were ordered to solitary im-
prisonment, accompanied by well-regulated labour and reh'gious in-
struction, it might oe the means, under Providence, not only of deter-
ring others from the commission of the like crimes, but also of reform-
ing individuals and inuring them to habits of industry." ' Report, p. 43.
The whole subject will, we trust, before long undei^ a full
discussion preparatory to introducing those economical reforms
into the existing system, which enlightened policy and humanity
unite to recommend. We hope to see the system of penal trans-
portation wholly done away. Instead of employing it as an inef-
ficient engine of punishment, let it be held out as a relief and a
reward, and both ttie mother country and our Australian colonies
will derive advantage from the change.
The preceding remarks were in the hands of our Printer, when
a pamphlet reached us, entitled, ^ Hints on the Necessity of a
* Change of Principle in our Legislation, for the efficient protec-
* tion of Society from Crime '' : reprinted from the Edinbiugh
Law Journal. The ingenious and philanthropic Writer has
fallen into the common error of mistaking one side of a subject
for the whole truth. Because punishment is inefficacious for the
purpose of reform, he jumps to the conclusion, that it is useless,
and that, being inefficacious, it is cruel. He asserts, that ^ formid-
^ able punishment and reformation cannot be united ; ^ and he
would therefore abolish entirely the penal character of the treat-
ment of criminals, and attend exclusively to their reform. In a
word, he would convert all prisons into asylums. The following
remarks are intended to serve as the phDosophical basis of the
Writer'^s argument.
' The material to be worked upon is the will op man. In rela-
tion to the impulses and tendencies of this will, minute and attentive
observation has shewn^ and the parables of the Talents and the Sower
Oi* Secondary Punishments. 469
illustrate the observation, that human beings present three classes.
First, those whose animal appetites or propensities are so powerful as
to overbalance the restraining force of their moral and intellectual
faculties^ and, like thorns, choke any good seed sown in them. Beings
of this constitution of mind are under the dominion of strong lusts^
violent passions, and intense selfishness. Their impressions of moral
duty are so weak as to offer no restraint to the gratification of their
selfishness, at any cost of property, limb, or life, to those, no matter
how unoffending, who stand in their way ; while in most of them a
limited intellect has obscure views of the real nature of things, con-
fused perceptions of consequences, overweening confidence in their own
power of concealment, evasion, and escape, total blindness to the guilt
of their actions, a fixed rejection in their own case of all idea of retri-
bution,— on the contrary, a persuasion that all restraint imposed on
themselves is the unwarrantable act of the strongest ; and, finally, the
feeblest powers of controlling their passions, even when they do see
the fiatal consequences of yielding to their sway. Any better endow-
ment of intellect in this class is always perverted to the purposes of
crime ; hence expert plan-laying thieves, pickpockets, swindlers^ and
forgers.
< The second class of mankind are very numerous ; those whose
animalism is nearly as strong as in the first class, but whose moral and
intellectual powers of restraint are so much greater, as to bring the
tendencies to indulgence and forbearance almost to a balance. Ex-
ternal circumstances in such persons turn the scale. In low life, un-
educated, neglected, and destitute, they have often become criminals ;
in a more fevourable condition of education and society, they have con-
tinued respectable ; but, within the influence of bad example, they will
be found sensual and often profligate, and they are always selfish and
aelf-indulging. In them is the scriptural want of earth to preserve
the plant which springs up, from the withering action of the sun.
* The third class are the good ground, that produces in different
degrees^ but all plentifully. They are those who, the Apostle says,
are " a law unto themselves." In them the animal propensities are
sufficient for their legitimate ends ; but the decided predominance of
intellect and moral feeling, as faculties of their minds, renders it nearly
a moral impossibility, that the inferior tendencies should ever master
them so far as to impel them to commit a crime. It is physically
possible for such men to rob, or steal, or torture, or murder, but it is
morally impossible ; and they would attempt any physical difficulty in
preference. They enjoy strong moral and intellectual perceptions.
Their passions, sometimes vigorous, are reined by their higher feelings ;
they feel the law written in their hearts with the same Finger that
graved it on tables of stone ; instead of all their inspirations and aims
being selfish, they have time, and thought, and exertion, and money^
to spare for their fellow creatures ; and are made happy by the ex-
tension of the virtuous enjoyment of life throughout the world. They
cannot exist in a grovelling atmosphere, and tend upwards into a purer
moral medium, when by circumstances depressed into vicious contact.
These, lastly, are the men who are sincerely, conscientiously, ration-
ally, and practically religious, and whose morality is based in the
VOL. IX. — N.S. 3 M
470 On Secondary Punishments.
Divine will and the precepts of Christianitr. It is manifestly the
Creator's design^ that such men, from inteilectoal as well as moral
power, shall rise to the guidance of society ; and liberty, and light, and
national happiness, are in the direct ratio of their ascendancy. An
enlightened and effective criminal code will emanate from them alone.
' One grand error in criminal legislation has been, that the threefold
distinction now drawn has never been taken into account as true in
nature. There is no practical belief that it exists. We do not find
it adverted to in any of the thousand and one treatises already written,
and by the most talented of men, on criminal legislation. Yet wc
venture to predict that, till it shall be acted upon as a practical truth,
speculation after speculation, code after code, and institution after in-
stitution, for the protection of society from crime, will &11 to the eround.
The prevalent practical belief of the million, and of the law-midcers in
whom they confide, is, that in power to obey the laws there is among
men no difference of mental constitution ; that a good man has wilUd to
be virtuous, and a bad man has willed to be vicious, and that either might
have willed equally easily the opposite character ; — that it was a mere
voluntary choice that, on the one hand, filled the prisons with wretches
whom a Howard visited, and that determined Howard, on the other, to
visit them. Hence the indignation and resentment felt against the cri-
minal, and the tendency to visit upon him the retribution considered due
to a deliberate choiceof the wrong,inspite of a clear perception and feeling
of the right. Now, the truth will challenge the strictest investigation,
that the great majority of criminals in this country have minds so con-
stituted, and that independently of their own volition, as to rank them
in the Jirsi class above described. They are born with a greatly pre-
ponderating animalism, which grows with their growth, and strengthens
with their strength. Belonging to the lower, and often tiie lowest,
ranks of life, having neither morel nor religious training and exercise,
little or no intellectual education, no habit or practice of indastry, frn-
gality, sobriety, or self-denial ; strangen to au encouragement mun a
higher moral society to value character ; on the contrary, familiar from
infancy with the example of debauchery> profligacjr, and reckleMness,
and crime in their very parents and relations, trained often to early
mendicity, and always to thieving, habituated to hear debaachery and
successful villany lauded in the society with which they mix, and
morality and justice i idiculed or defied, they may be said to be indeed
born in iniquity, and bred in crime. Such are the beings whose acts
create resentment and retributive revenge in the minds of the unre-
flecting, the untemptcd, and, in regard to a sound philosophy of man,
the uninformed.
' Now, minds so constituted ought not to be judged of in the same
manner as those of a more moral and intellectuu constitution. Justice
demands a large allowance for their unfortunate constitution and not
less unhappy circumstances ; and, above all, observing that punish-
ment, however severe, docs not operate upon them as example, it
would consider whether there are not means, at once more just and
more effoctual, of protecting society from the acts of these its dangerous
and reckless members.'
That punishment has no exemplary force, even upon num-
On Secondary Punishments. 4fJ\
bers of this first class, is an assumption by no means warranted ;
and if it were true, its operation upon the second class would
justify its infliction upon individuals who might be referred to the
first. The classification, however, it must be recollected, is
purely theoretical. The Writer contends, indeed, that those
* decidedly predisposed to crime ^ are much more of a class than
is supposed ; that they are ^ a class nearly all of whom, at least in
* the lower ranks, come in contact with the law ; ^ and that ^ a
* proper penitentiary system is nearly certain of getting them all
* into its hands.'^ Were this the fact, it would surely be prac-
ticable to deal with them before they came in contact with the
law, by a preventive benevolence. Of this policy, it is but justice
to the Writer to say, that he is the zealous advocate ; and he
confidently relies upon Infant schools, conducted upon a religious
basis, as tne most rational and the only effectual preventive of
crime. Next to Infant Schools, in efliciency, he seems to rank
Prison Education.
* When, by an enlightened age> penitentiaries shall be held to be
hospitals for moral patients, and not engines to protect society, by
holding out the spectacle of the sufferings of perfectly free agents,
either paying back that loss which their actions have occasioned, or
deterring others from crimes by their example, the duration of the
convict's detention will depend, not upon the mere act which brought
him there, but upon the continuance of his disease. As long as peni«
tentiary discipline shall consist of severe and degrading compulsory
labour, of stripes, irons, insults, and brutality, without an attempt at
improvement mental or moral, beyond being herded into a chapel on
Sunday for an hour or two, — and this constituted the old idea of a
house of correction, — a prescribed and short duration of such irrational
usage is imperative. Na^r, it was and is the prominent problem of
criminal legislation, to proportion punishments to crimes, — to weigh
out, to an odd scruple, the quantum of suffering which shall counter-
poise the quantum of guilt in the act committed ; and certainly it
would be monstrous to detain the convict, on such a principle, one
moment longer in the place of mere suffering, than the exact time
necessary to permit society to take out, in his groans, the supposed
debt ex delicto contracted by him. But no one is ever sent to an hos-
pital for a previously prescribed period. Sixty days of the infirmary,
or the madhouse, as a medical prescription, would b« justly ridiculed,
in and out of the faculty ; and so it will come to be, when moral in-
firmaries, applying rational and effectual means of cure to those afilictcd
with that worst of diseases called a proclivity to crime, and being
withal mild, benevolent, and encouraging to the patient, are substituted
for the present irrational treatment. The unhappy criminal will then
be regarded more in relation to his moral constitution than his conduct ;
or, if the latter be estimated, it will be in the way of evidence of the
former. His sentence for an overt act of crime will be the restraint of
the penitentiary, till an authority^ beyond all question as to intelli-
gence, and all suspicion as to uprightness and benevolence, shall deem
3 M 2
472 On Secondary Punuihmenis.
it safe to venture him once more in society. It is evident that, for
such a process, the shortest time must be long. Ordinary education is
the work of years ; and a fortiori must moral training be, when working
against tlie wind and tide and current of criminal propensity. Nay,
as in lunatic asylums there may be cases of very long duration, there
may be cases for life in our asylum, cases of relapse after dismissal,
ana return to necessary restraint on fresh conviction. These last ought
to be held cases for life. If any one shall object, that this is any thing
but mild treatment of criminals, and that there is more justice in in-
flicting a month's confinement for a first and slight offence, and then
giving the criminal another chance for a good life ; we would answer,
that the latter course is but the first step of a series of penal inflictions,
alternating with intervals of the most wretched sensualities and pro-
fligacies called freedom, which necessarily bring the sufferer bacK to
punishment— and that, on the proportion principle, more severe than
the first — to be again dismissed to greater misery than he leaves^ and
more resolved upon, and better fitted for, crime. He returns a third
time, of course, to your bridewell, to be visited with yet increased in-
fliction, till at last the account of proportion has so much accumulated
to his debit, that a violent and ignommious death alone is held ade-
quate expiation. What is the restraint of a few — of a number of
years— of a lifetime — in a well constituted reformatory asylum, com-
pared to the cruelty, the injustice, the irrationality of this ? '
* Would you send a boy for years to your Penitentiary, who for
^ the first time steals a shilling ? ^ To this ^ natural question
* under the old impressions/ the Writer replies : * The theft of
^ the shilling is the symptom of a moral disease which requires
^ the boy'^s being put under treatment ; and it is mercy to him to
'seclude him, and subject him to the education and training
* which his unfortunate case requires-' We agree with the Wri-
ter, that such a young offender is a subject for reformatory treat-
ment, rather than for punishment; therefore, we would not
have him sent to either prison or penitentiary, but rescued by
benevolent interposition from the hand of criminal justice. But
justice is altogether excluded from the Writer's theory.
' We should have no right,' he says, * on the principle of either re-
tribution or example, to go beyond a nice apportionment of the penalty
to the act ; but, when the object in view is the moral cure of the indi-
vidual himself, there is no variance between moral feeling and expedi-
ency, even although that cure should require a long seclusion. We
never think the longest confinement to a sick bed unjust or dispro-
portionate.' p. 28.
What does this prove, but that the moral cure of the indi-
vidual is not that which justice contemplates, or which is the ob-
ject of penal enactments ? According to the theory, however,
the very principle of justice is to be banished from legislation, and
the judicial bench ought to be converted into a college of physi-
cians. The moral desert of crime is thus virtually denied ; and
Lewis on the Use of Political Terms, 473
the demerit of the criminal is entirely resolved into misfortune.
It is but a step further, if a step, to arraign the right of even the
Supreme Governor to punish, and to explode the idea of a day
of Retribution.
Art. II. Remarks on the Use and Abuse of' some Political Terms. By
George Cornewall Lewis, Esq., Student of Christ Church, Oxfora.
8vo. pp. xxxii. 264. • Price 9f. London, 1832.
^''O such of our readers as are anxious to cultivate the Art of
Thinking, and to understand either the opinions they hold
or those they disavow, we strongly recommend the present work,
with the confidence of obtaining their thanks for bringing it under
their notice. And such readers we may invite to a perusal of the
subsequent remarks ; — for we cannot venture to promise to others
a very entertaining article.
* There is, perhaps,' remarks Mr. Lewis, * no moral or political
* treatise of any length, certainly no considerable argumentative
* work, of which the conclusions are not in some degree affected
* by an incautious employment, or an unperceived ambiguity of
* language.** To so great an extent does this source of fallacious
reasoning mingle itself with the decisions and arguments of our
highest authorities, that Locke goes so far as to express a doubt,
*' whether language, as it has been employed, has contributed
* more to the improvement or to the hinderance of knowledge.'
This opinion, it is impossible to regard as any thing more than
anhyperbole; since language, whatever be its ambiguities, is the only
means of knowledge, as well as ^ the instrument by which we
* think and reason.' But the instances cited by the present Wri-
ter, of the liability of even the most acute reasoners to impose
upon themselves and mislead their readers by verbal fallacies,
will surprise those persons who have not considered the powerful
influence of equivocal language in deceiving the mind. The
speculative parts of Blackstone's Commentaries, the most elegant
production, perhaps, in our legal literature, Mr. Lewis charac-
terises as ' an epitome of popular fallacies and misconceptions on
* most of the fundamental doctrines of jurisprudence and govem-
' ment.' Paley, the most lucid of writers, occasionally falls into
similar error. We undertook, in our last volume, to shew that
Hooker's whole fabric of argument is built upon a fallacy of this
description.* In noticing the recent disputes about the consti-
tution, it was also shewn that the whole q^uestion hinged upon the
ambiguity of the term.-f- In metaphysical theology, the same
cause has given rise to tedious and angry logomachy.
• Ecleotic for October, 1832, p. 285. t Eclectic for June, 1832, p. 47L
474 Lewis on the Use of Political Terms.
The remedy usually proposed by logidans and philosophers
for this acknowledged source of misapprehension, is techni-
cal definition. When writers have precisely defined their terms,
they imagine that they have secured themselves against aU dan-
ger of using them rallaciously. Metaphysicians have pleased
themselves with the idea of thus reducing their terms to the sim-
plicity and unchangeable force of algebraic signs. Definitions,
nowever, are generally little better than assumptions, implying a
meaning that requires both to be explained and to be proved.
Besides, as Arcnbishop Whately remarks, * it is not the same
^ thing to be acquainted with the ambiguity of a term, and to be
^ practically aware of it, and watchful of the consequences con-
* nected with it.^ After giving the most precise definition of a
word, a writer may be found unconsciously passing from his own
defined signification of the term to another, and drawing an in-
ference from his own blunder. It is not enough to understand
the meaning of terms, whether conventionally agreed upon or
arbitrarily defined : unless we are careful to understand our own
meaning at the moment of using them, in the precise ccmnexion
in which they occur, they will often be found to slip their mean-
ing, and cheat us with a verbal faUacy. * It is impossible,^ Mr.
Lewis justly remarks, 'to legislate in matters of language: the
* evils arising from its imperfection may be eluded, but can never
' be removed.^ The best way to obviate the ambigui^ arising
from the variable meaning of words, is, not to attempt to stereo-
type the forms of thought, but to keep always in recollection the
essential imperfection of language as the instrument of thought,
so as to rely less upon the intrinsic power of words, than upon the
manner of using them.
An inquiry into the meaning of terms is, however, veiy dif-
ferent from an endeavour to define them, and far more usefiiL
The one is an attempt to ascertain a fiict ; the other, to lay down
a rule, or to frame an hypothesis. What words really mean, can
be determined only by their actual use: they mean what the
person employing them intends by them, and the meaning lies,
not in the words, but in the intention. Mr. Lewis'^s object in
this volume is, to illustrate the various uses of the principal terms
belonging to political science. His inquiry aspires to occupy ' a
'middle place between a technical dictionary and a scientific
* treatise.'*
' Even if the definitions which I have either borrowed or suggested
should be thought incorrect', he remarks, ' yet the investigation of the
various senses of each word as occurring in popular language, must, if
properly employed, furnish to others the means of detecting fallacy in
political discussion The following researches relate, not to the
truth of any particular propositions, but to the meaning of certain
terms used in political reasoning: which, being often employed in
Lewis on the Use of Political Terms. 476
different senses in the premises and conclusion, have given rise to
countless inconclusive arguments, and have thus caused fallacies of
argument, in the proper meaning of the word. The soundness of an
inference cannot depend on the truth of a proposition^ though it may
depend on the use of a term.* pp. v — vii.
In fact, unsound inferences very generally turn upon the double
sense of a word. A palpable example of this occurs in a sen-
tence cited from the Edinburgh Review, in which the word ^ right'
is used in two different senses, and the argument entirely hinges
upon the double sense.
"' " If it be right that the property of men should be protected, and
if this can only be done by means of Government, then it must be
rieht that some person or persons should possess political power.
That is to say, some person or persons must have a right to political
power." ' p. 14.
The apparent force of this argument, Mr. Lewis remarks, rests
on a mere verbal fallacy. Right and wrong are terms relating to
a standard of morality. It is right, in the sense otjusty that the
property of men should be protected ; and it is right, in the sense
o{ Jit and expedient ^ that some person or persons should be in-
vested with the powers of government for the purpose of aiFording
this protection. But the right, that is the lawful claim, of any
persons to exercise political power, cannot be deduced from the
abstract rectitude of the principle, that property should be so
protected. Had it been said, merely, that some person or per-
sons must have political power, the inference would have been
correct, though not very weighty. If it be right that property
should be protected, some persons must have political power for
that purpose ; but unless to possess power, and to have a right to
possess power, are the same thing, such power may happen
to be in the hands of those who have no right to it, and it may
consequently be very wrong that they should possess it. Or,
again, they may have even a right derived from law, which,
the law being itself unjust, it is morally wrong that they should
have. Blackstone'^s definition of municipal law, betrays a similar
confusion of ideas. According to him, Law is ^ a rule of civil
* conduct prescribed by the supreme power in a State, command-
* ing what is right, and prohibiting what is wrong.' Were this
the fact, there could be no bad laws ; or, that which commands
what is contrary to moral rectitude, would cease to be law. But
it is evident from the argument by which this incorrect definition
is supported, that the learned Writer confounded legal rights with
the morality of actions. * It is the business of the law \ he says,
* considered as a rule of civil conduct, to enforce (such) rights,
^ and to restrain or redress wrongs.' But how can the law be said
to command rights, and to prohibit wrongs ? Law creates rights,
and determines them ; it also defines and punishes wrongs ; but
476 Lewis on the Use of PoUHcal
it may command what is wrong, and prohibit what is right;
which is the case with all laws that violate liberty of consdcnce,
by commanding a hypocritical conformity to outward rites of
religion, and prohibiting the free performance of religious duties.
Dismissing from consideration the terms right and wrong, as
denoting the moral qualities of actions, let us examine the sub-
stantive rights which is itself used with a latitude that becomes a
source of ambiguity. The following is Mr. Lewis'^s definition of
the term.
' ^Vhen the sovereign power commands its subject to do or forbear
from certuin acts^ the claim for such performances or forbearances
which one person thereby has upon another, is calleJ a right ; the
liability to such performances or forbearances, is called a duty ; and the
omission of an act commanded to be done, or the doing of an act com-
manded to be forborne, is called a wrong.
' All rights, therefore, must be subsequent to the establishment of
government, and are the creatures of the sovereign power ; no claim
upon another, which may not be enforced by process of law, i. e. by
calling in the assistance of the sovereign, however recommended by
moral justice, can, without an abuse of language, be termed a right.
The existence of a moral claim may often be a matter of doubt when
the facts are ascertained, and one party may demand what the other
may not think himself bound in conscience to yield ; but, the facts
being given, the existence of a right, or a legal claim, can never admit
of dispute, as it is defined and conferred by a third party, who will, if
required, step in to enforce it.
' Properly, therefore, right signifies a claim conferred or sanctioned
by the sovereign power, i. e. a legal right. Sometimes, however, it is
used to mean a claim recommended by the practice, analogy, or
doctrines of the constitution, i. e. a constitutional right ; and, some-
times, a claim recommended by views of justice or public policy, i. e. a
moral rieht.
' By tne first and proper sense, is meant a claim which may be
enforced in a court of law, or by the proper authorities, and wnicb
actually exists : by the two last, a claim which cannot be enfbroed by
any public authonty, and which does not exist. Thus, in the first
sense, it is said that a man has a right to his own property, reputation,
Sec, meaning that he has an available claim which can be enforced by
process of law. It is also said tlmt, constitutionally, every British
subject who pays taxes, has a right to vote for a member of the House
of Commons ; meaning that such a claim is supported by the practice
or doctrines of our constitution. It is also said, that all the people have
a right to be represented ; that they have a right to choose their own
governors, to cashier their governors for misconduct, and to frame a
government for themselves ; that the poor have a right to be maintained
by the rich ; that the poor have a right to spoil the land-owners, and
divide their lands ; that the poor have a right to spoil the rich, and
divide their property. Sec, In the latter cases, the persons who use
these expressions mean that, in their opinion, there is a claim founded
in justice and expediency, which they call n right ; though, in truth.
Lewis on the Use of PoHtical Terms, 477
what they mean to express is, that it ought, by the sanction of the
l^slature, to be made a right.' pp. 7 — ^'
' We hear of original rights, natural rights, indefeasible rights,
inalienable rights, imprescriptible rights, hereditary rights, inde-
structible rights, inherent rights, &c., where there is no pretence of
legislati\re sanction : indeed, the only object of using these names is to
induce the l^slature to convert these supposed rights into real rights,
by giving them the sanction of law. The phrase, natural right, takes
its origin from the doctrine of a state of nature, which will be more
fiilly explained below. It appears to signify a claim recommended by
natural law, or by those rules which were recognised by common con-
sent, when mankind were in a state of nature. An indefeasible right
is a right which man enjoyed in a state of nature, and which he only
surrendered conditionally at the making of the social compact ; so that
nothing has since been able to defeat or destroy it, and it is ready to
be revived at any time. An imprescriptible right is a right which was
prior to the social compact, and which continues to exist without being
subject to prescription or feilure by lapse of time. An inalienable right
is a right which cannot be ah'enated from a man. Indestructible rights,
inherent rights, hereditary rights, birthrights of liberty, &c., appear to
have nearly the same meaning : viz. that they are dormant rights,
never exercised by the possessors, and not extinguishable by any law.
In fact, however, these imprescriptible, inalienable, indefeasible rights,
in most cases never have been rights, or, if they have, long since were
alienated and defeated by the sovereign power. These various expres-
sions have all taken their origin from the theory of the state of nature
and the social compact ; but they are frequently used by persons who
have never heard of this absurd and mischievous doctrine, and would
perhaps reject it if they knew it. All that those persons mean is, that,
in their opinion, the claims which they call rights ought, in sound
policy, to be sanctioned by law. It is the duty of such persons to
shew that sound policy requires what they require ; but as this would
require a process of reasoning, and as reasoning is often both hard to
invent and to understand, they prefer begging the question at issue by
employingsomeofthe high-sounding phrases just mentioned.* pp.23 — 24.
In a subsequent section, civil liberty is defined as signifying,
in its positive sense, ' those rights, the enjoyment of which is
* beneficial to the possessor of them \ or ' the possession of certain
* rights by one part over another part of the community.' * ii-
* hertiea^ in the plural number, when employed with a political
* reference, is always equivalent with rights." Liberty is also used
to denote immunity from burdensome duties, or exemption from
hurtful restraints. In a note, the unsatisfactory character of
Blackstone's definition is pointed out.
' Blackstone divides rights into absolute and negative ; and absolute
rights he defines to be " such as would belong to persons merely in a
state of nature, and which every man is entitled to enjoy, whether out
of society or in it." — 1 Com. 123. He then says, that "the absolute
rights of man are usually summed in one general appellation, and de-
VOL. IX. — N.S. 3 N
•
€ir-. : -r :.-iinu- i::*ri*a rr "sie aw g Tarrrff^' — diiL 1:25- T!iii* ar
r - -j.r- . ^r l-.- _i::^- •^•nn IT": :ziic yisscr^ Tur^fs^ ^zmaieExd br &
7-' J, '--"T- -^ -Loii^ n I. iMiincsi iniL -"TTVTwr:^ same, ace nauilT
■ir i: -rr^r? iiiii ii'M.s'Jsi Til -fsnianL 3uw
ih^r^r? ' -eij? j** ~r^i£ if ssraan. usa if ^wimn— n_ — IbU. 127-
XiLr-n^E III ^*nnirrun \'±a. sinntu -lue*! . ^mni*? ae sviy t&as *^ the
mmiiRT ff iiT''Toe TrrmnTnTus -voum irH loocar. rnat what ba been
iiTMniai*^. ~fci H! nue^L 3u lOrir "iwn •scsiar ^aac moiiEBB •£ sttsnl
ibrrr* Ti:i:n !is nic r'nnurq'L ir- liu* jrv^ 'if im wtj t» be aBciiAad to
aoiiiii: i'iii"'^!iii!3i». or ii^e Txyae ittu. TcrT-IIissps vsictL aooctr hath
■ffl'jncyx. "^i jiPfT-iLd. ji liifiL ic -liiif 3dC3ral iLw Jg> «• ciTCK vpW ia-
ii— iiiui^-v ' — I iiii. I Jl*. .^.T Je£uri3. "T? ±3i£ tsas cxiese ^' abaolnte
npiii * jia" :t» iiTiiii^ tut jzisxurj ^m. ceraia Lezal dfttiea. or the
p*t«sttscaiiia if r-nin 'irgn. r^riK ir ^ifina^ buca. ac toe naie time. It
3*. ^•!na::*. Liin_" ti :'inirK~-f maz$ir catsrsama and ubacuiiir tif
T'li* 2i:c':n T':;:.ji ▼■!cji zxke- pi-aakal cf ciril fibeity consist
zi "LT-i: -f:rz. f! :f r.i~jrL iibern- whka koman Isws bare spouied,
i* iLit 111 .n:'.*:!!:* izii rerrndx^s. It w.jcld, if correct, jiistif}'
PizzHr** -ztzfZ'iTL. iJLi" ill T'-'^sirc.Tii^i^z I* « nccessaTT cTiL PoKtical
^'■•Enj MCr-in? in :ce ii;**e*.?i:c ;>t those legal rights which are
cr»ri:.ei :t Lit. izd ie::ir«i K zorenment. Law, therefore,
—/•voi :: ^«'.Za la abrid^=:c2i cf iibertv. is the parent of it.
N. i:.ir. U frctr, •»'--> :* r-:: pro?«:x:t«i against wrongs ; and that
priccii^.r. U i5:-nieo by U». To have the fiill benefit of frank
rir'::i». since tbev alone can protect them. The weak are not
^re. l>=c:&*j*e unprotected: they possess no rights; for the absence
of a'i restraint i< to them the negation of all rights, being the
exp<>>ure to all wrongs. Hence, liberty is not only, as Sir James
Mackintosh remarks, ' the object of all government^ but it is the
creature of government. * Men ,* remarks the learned Author dT
the Discourse on the Law of Nature and Nations, * are more free
* under every government, even the most imperfect, than they
* would be, if it were possible for them to exist without any go-
* vemment : they are more secure from wrong, more undisturbed
* in the exercise of their natural powers, and therefore more free,
* than if they were alioffcther unprotected against injury from
' each other." But, while natural liberty, or the free exercise of
our natural powers, is secured by government, which protects
Lewis on the Use of Political Tertns, 479
against all but itself, civil liberty may more properly be said to
be derived from law, which is the protection against arbitrary
rule, against the abuses of governmept, and generally partakes of
the character of a concession to the governed. What are our
laws, but the title-deeds of our liberties, obtained by gradual
concessions, and devised as a remedy against specific* wrongs :?
The idea of natural liberty in a social state, as derived from an
imaginary social compact, is not merely a fiction, — 'the suppo-
' sition of a thing which never had any existence **; but, as ex-
plained by the advocates of the theory, involves a contradiction.
This theory teaches, that mankind, when in the state of nature,
made a compact by which the right of self-government was sur-
rendered by the whole community on condition of being well
governed. But this very compact supposes a state of civil society,
and the pre>existence pf social rights,* which are never found
existing in savage life. Blackstone, however, contends, that
sudi an original contract, though never formally expressed, must
be understood and implied in the very act of associating together.
In the language of the English law, implication has a meaning
nearly equivalent with fiction. Thus, in many cases, a contract
is implied, where no contract was made ; it being thereby meant,
that the legal consequences are the same as if such contract had
been really made, and that their existence may be assumed in
argument without proof. But, remarks Mr. Lewis,
* It IS evident, that neither on the comYnon nor on the legal expla-
nation of implicaiion, can the assumption of the social contract be sup-
ported. It cannot be inferred from the existence of government, or
all must admit that government mai/ exist without a previous conven«
tion. Nor can it be considered as a legal fiction ; for a legal fiction is
a supposition avowedly false, but treated as if it were true, for the
imagmed convenience of administering the law. A legal fiction with-
b,ut th^ sanction of law, is a mere absurdity ; and therefore it cannot
be pretended that the social compact, which serves as the foundation
of all law, derives its own force from the existence of law.*
pp.211, 212.
Yet, the popular notions respecting the natural liberty and
equality of mankind rest upon this baseless political theory ; al-
though not unfrequently entertained by persons * ignorant of the
* polluted source to which these expressions may be traced.**
But, while we agree with our Author in his general definition
of legal rights as conferred by law, and as implying correlative
social duties in others, (which are the only species of rights that
political or juridical science is concerned with,) we are not prepared
to admit that there is no such thing as natural rights, anterior to
government, independent of human laws and institutions, because
springing out of the original natural relations. Mr. Lewis re-
marks, that Filmer'^s argument, that men are bom in subjection
3n 2
460 Lewis on the Uu of Political Terma.
to their parents, and, being under their authority, are not by
nature free, ^ is founded on the customary confusion of law and
' morality ; for, though a child, in a savage state, owes a moral
*' duty to his parents, ne is bound to them by no legal obligation/
But, if he owes a moral duty to his parents, they must possess a
corrective moral right, because rights and duties imply each
other. And this right must be regarded as an actual and inher-
ent right, recognised, but not created by law, antecedent to all
social institutions, and of which no man can be justly deprived.
Granting that there can be no political rights, no legal obligations,
anterior to human laws and institutions, morality, as well as law,
has its rights, which are neither metaphysical nor supposititious,
nor dormant : they belong not to ^ a state of nature,** but to na-
ture in every state, and are never surrendered. The source of
these moral rights and obligations is the law of God and the divine
constitution of our nature.
Another term respecting which great confusion of ideas has
prevailed, is, sovereign and sovereignty. By many writers, sove-
reignty is confounded with royalty : by others, the word is used
in a vague and half metaphorical sense, as denoting the
will of the whole community, or the moral influence of the na-
tion, or a part of it, upon the acts of the sovereign. * In its pro-
* per sense,' says Mr. Lewis, * the word sovereignty means the
' supreme power of the person or persons who are sovereign in the
* state, and are legally uncontrolled both from within and with-
* out.' This definition is not very happy. That sovereignty
means the power of the sovereign, is obvious, but this throws
little light upon the precise import of either term. The truth is,
however, that sovereignty, that is irresponsible and uncontrolled
power, is an attribute rarely attaching, in fact, to those who are
styled sovereign. Absolute sovereignty, and absolute supremacy,
can be predicated of God alone. * The King of England is usu-
^ ally styled sovereign, and such is his legal and constitutional
* title, because he is in all things supreme.'
* Nevertheless/ Mr. Lewis remarks^ ' according to the scientific
definition of sovereignty, the King of England cannot be considered as
sovereign, i. e. as possessing the entire sovereign power ; as he is not
able to make laws by his sole authority, and it is necessary that the
advice and consent of two bodies, irresponsible in a corporate capacity
for such advice and consent, should previously be offered and obtained.
Hence it is that the King of England is termed a limited monarch,
and the government of England is called a limited monarchy ; because
the power of the King in enacting laws, is limited by the necessity of
obtaining the consent of two Houses of Parliament to their enactment.
And thus the King of England cannot properly be said to possess the
entire sovereign power, because all sovereign power is unlimited and
uncontrolled ; and a limited sovereign is a contradiction in terms. The
Lewis on the Uae of Political Terms* 4B1
difference between an absolute and a limited monarchy is^ that in one
the entire legislative sovereignty belongs to the prince, in the other it
is shared with several. It is indeed generally admitted, that all sove-
reign power is uncontrolled ; and it is expressly laid down by Black-
stone, that " the sovereignty of the British constitution is lodged in the
three branches of the Parliament ; " and in another place, he calls the
King " one of the constituent parts of the sovereign legislative power:"
80 that, although, according to our legal language and the written
doctrines of our constitution, the King is our sovereign lord, yet in a
general sense he cannot properly be called a sovereign, or be said to
possess the entire sovereign power : sovereignty, in this peculiar ac-
ceptation, being only equivalent to preeminence, or supremacy, and not
signifying unlimited and absolute authority.' pp. 50 — 52.
According to the theory of the constitution, the King has no
power of enacting laws. The legislative sovereignty, that is, the
uncontrollable power of making, repealing, or expounding laws,
is substantially vested in the Parliament ; and the King shares in
that sovereignty, according to the theory, only by his veto ; ac-
cording to fact, only by the influence of the Crown exerted through
his ministers. It is only a part therefore, ^ and that the least
* important part,' of the sovereign power, that is possessed by the
King. With regard to the administration of the laws and the
declaration of peace and war, he is sovereign. Blackstone lays
it down, that the whole executive power of the English nation is
vested in the King. This may be the constitutional theory; but
even the executive sovereignty is, in fact, shared with the Parlia-
ment, by whom, through the responsibility of those who adminis-
ter the government, the royal prerogative is effectively con-
trolled. It is true, that the oflicers intrusted with the administra-
tion of the laws or of the executive government, being responsible
for their acts, cannot be said to have any share of sovereignty
vested in them, because sovereign power is irresponsible. Still,
the responsibility of ministers, not to the Crown merely, but to
Parliament, proves that the executive, not less than the legisla-
tive sovereignty is, in practice, shared by the Crown with
the Parliament. The personal irresponsibility of the King, in-
tended to secure the inviolability of his prerogatives, does not
extend to his acts, which are under constitutional control.
Mr. Lewis correctly remarks, * that it is the royal, not the sovereign
^ power that is limited in a limited monarchy/ There may be a
divided sovereignty, or rather a joint sovereignty ; but ' a limited
* sovereign is a contradiction in terms/ In every government,
there is a supreme authority, in which the jura summi imperii
reside, a power from which the constitution has provided no
appeal. This unlimited, uncontrolled power certainly does not
reside in the King of England, who, though supreme, is not un-
controlled ; though invested with the royal jirerogatives, is not
482 Lewis on the Use of Political Terms*
absolutely or strictly a monarch *. The limitation of his pre-
rogatives extends to his executive as well as his legislative fiinc-
tions. Even the judicial sovereignty, which may with more
strict propriety be siaid to reside in the Crown, has been virtually
surrendered, since the Judges have been rendered independent
of the royal pleasure, and consequently, irresponsible. Or may we
not say that, in this country, the Crown itself, with its sovereign
prerogatives, is put in commission f — that while the majesty of
the State is lodged in the hands of a single person, who is the
fountain of all honours and dignities, the rights of sovereignty
are divided among the respective Commissions to whom the
judicial, military, legislative, and administrative powers have re-
spectively been assigned by the theory or the practice of the
Constitution ? All the powers of the Crown still exist, but they
are no longer vested in tne monarch. Of the monarchy, if we
may be allowed the expression, the Supreme magistrate is but
the co-trustee ; sovereign in his reserved prerogatives, but not in
his authority; the head, but not the possessor of the actual
sovereignty.
' In these as well as in some oth^ respects, the British Govern-
ment, though including monarchical institutions, resembles, Mr.
Lewis remarks, that of the United States of America, * barring
* the differences caused by the nature of a federal union ,^ far more
nearly than the monarchies of Russia, Austria, and Spain.
* ' If, at the Revolution, the name (title) of the King of England, as
well as his power, had been changed, but he had nevertheless exercised
precisely the same influence in the Constitution as the Crown has
exercised since that time, the Government would have been called
republican, instead of monarchical ; although the only difference would
have been, in the name of the first person in the State.' p. 68.
The English Government is, scientifically considered, though
not in popular language, a commonwealth or republic : it is so,
inasmuch as the sovereign power is divided, and not in the hands
of a single person. A limited monarchy must, in the very nature
of things, be a republic, and, in the spirit of the government, m
effect an aristocrasy.
The phrase, sovereignty of the people^ is one to which, our
Author remarks, it is not very easy to give any determinate
meaning, but, as generally employed, it seems intended to express
* the moral control and influence exercised by the community at
* large upon the acts of the legislature.'' Sometimes, however,
* ' It is perhaps unfortunate,' Mr. Lewis remarks, ' that usage has
sanctioned the extension of the term monarchy to all states in which a
King is chief; in other words, has identified monarchic with royalltf*
Lewis 071 the Use of Political Terms. 483
the phrase means, ' the admission of all the members of the com-
* munity,orallthefree adult males to the election of representatives
^ or magistrates.
' In this sense, it appears to be applied to the government of the
United States of America : but this usage is not less improper and
figurative than the other just mentioned ; as the right of votmg for the
election of one who is to possess a share of the sovereisnty, is itself no
more a share of the sovereignty, than the right of publishing a political
treatise or a political newspaper. The exercise of the one right may
influence the decision, as the exercise of the other may influence the
formation, of the sovereign body.
* When the difference between the literal and metaphorical meanings
of the sovereignty,— between legal power and moral influence, — is
clearly perceived, there is no danger in speaking of the sovereignty of
the people in states where the people is not sovereign : we may indeed
avoid it, as a clumsy and inaccurate mode of expressing an idea which
may be conveyed by precise and convenient terms, but not from any
fefar of its producing a worse result than obscurity. This phrase, how-
ever, is often presented to persons little acquainted with political reasoning,
who may easily confound real with figurative sovereignty, and thus be
led to suppose that the people truly possess the sovereign power, and
therefore are not subject to it. On tne mischievous tendency of such
iiotions, which are incompatible with the existence of government, it
is unnecessary to make any comment.' pp. 43, 44.
The origin of the phrase, Mr. Lewis derives from Rousseau'*s
theory of a social contract and the opinions connected with it.
' The origin of Rousseau's error,* he remarks, ' appears to have been,
that he saw the whole community so far virtually possesses the so^
Vereign power, that if all, or a large part of the members of it agree
to destroy the existing government, and to substitute another, they
can carry their agreement into effect, as all government is ultimately a
question of superior force. But, because the community holds in its
hands the issues of sovereignty, it is not to be called sovereign ; any
inore than the Earl of Warwick is to be called King, because he was
called King-maker* pp. 47, 8.
The power of resistance or rebellion is assuredly not a legal—r
we question whether it can be termed a virtual sovereignty.
Something beyond this, indeed, would seem, according to Mr.
CoIeridge^s Idea of the Constitution, to reside in the nation at
large ; — a latent, reserved power in the people, which under a
free constitution, is never alienated nor delegated, and which,
under extraordinary circumstances, becomes as it were constituent
and sovereign*. When this metaphysical notion, however, is
analysed, it comes to this; that the moral energy of a nation will,
where political liberty is enjoyed, operate as an efficient check
* Eclectic Rev. 3d Series, Vol. VI. p. 8.
4B4 Levis an the Use of Political Terms.
upon the Gorerament ; a truth which cannot be doubted. There
sre moral limits to legal sovereignty, wherever it resides. Ab-
solute despots have found their powers limited in this respect ;
but we do not attribute sovereignty to either the press or the
bowstring.
Rousseau pushes his notion, that sovereignty essentially con-
sists in the general will, to the absurd conclusion, that, as will
cannot be represented, the deputies of the people cannot be its
representatives, but are only its delegates. * The English people
' imagines,** he says, * that it is free, but it is much mistaken : it
* is free only during the election of members of parliament : as
* soon as they are elected, it is enslaved ; it is nothing.** This
ridiculous statement proceeds on the supposition, that the electors
are, between the sessions of Parliament, possessed of the sovereign
power, which they surrender to their representatives. The fact
IS, that except during the session of Parliament, the legislative
sovereignty in this country is in abeyance ; and as to the executive
sovereignty, that at no time vests m the representatives of the
people, as such.
' In all cases of delegation, one party puts another in his place ;
transferring to the delegate an authority which he is either unwilling
or unable to exercise for himself. Thus a man delegates to his steward
the management of his estate, to a tutor the education of his children ;
arming them with certain powers, which, for specific purposes, he
possesses in his capacities of proprietor and father. But no one can
delegate a power which he does not possess. If an elector does not
himself, under any circumstances, possess the power of making laws,
he cannot properly be said to delegate to another the power of making
laws. A representative exercises this power by virtue of the votes ^
his constituents, but not by a delegation from them.' pp. 140, 141.
' The right of voting is properly a political right ; nor does it bear
any resemblance to the exercise of sovereignty. The possession of this
right enables a voter to influence the formation of the sovereign body ;
but a voter never has any part of the governing power, nor does he
wield a power which in any way resembles the authority of govern-
ment, except that the decision of those who really wield that authority
may be influenced by his vote. The moral duty incumbent on an
elector is to vote for that candidate whose services as a member of the
legislature are, in his judgement, most likely to prove beneficial to the
state. His power, conferred by this right, is strictly limited, and is
confined to one point, namely, the contributing to the choice of the
supreme legislative body. There is no question of public policy, no
matter of legislation, m the decision of which he has oirectly any
voice. At the times when the mass of electors are called on to exer-
cise their franchises, (for example, after a dissolution of Parliament in
this kingdom, ) the legislative sovereignty is in abeyance, and no law
can be made. But the power of a member of the legislature is by law
unlimited, and may extend to any matter feJling within tJie compass
of legislation.
Lewis on the Use of Political Terms. 485
' Indeed, no two things can be more clearly distinguished, than the
powers of a member of a sovereign representative assembly, and the
right of voting for his election. Yet they are perpetually confounded
in popular discourse ; as when a state is called a democracy, because a
majority of its freemen have a vote for the election of representatives;
for instance, the United States of America, the government of which,
as has been already observed, is in strictness an aristocracy ; and when
the same term of universal suffrage is applied to the votes of the citi-
zens in the ancient democracies, who were members of the supreme
legislature, and to the votes of electors in modern states, who are not.
Nor is this confusion always confined to popular usage, but it occurs
even in the most recent works of political philosophers/ pp. 131, 2.
But is it not an erroneous notion which confounds the repre-
sentative and the legislator as one character, because the two
characters are, in certain cases, united in the same person ? That
they are really distinct, a moment'^s consideration will be sufficient
to render palpable. The Peer is no representative, although a
legislator ; whereas, originally, the burgess attended parliament,
not as a legislator, but simply as a delegate, appointed to protect
the interests of his constituents, but having little or no snare in
the affairs of Government. By slow degrees, legislative powers
were conceded to compliant parliaments; and at length, the
whole business of legislation and government has come to be
carried on by the instrumentality of the House of Commons.
Yet, in its constitutional forms, and its exclusive right to originate
money bills, its primary character is still to be traced, as the
representative and guardian of the municipal, mercantile, and
agricultural interests of the people.
The Aindamental principle of the Constitution is, that the
people shall tax themselves by their representatives. Upon this,
some would graft the claim to govern themselves by their repre-
sentatives. But this supposed right of self-government, (so
favourite a notion with the democratic politicians of America,) is
a mere theory, involving something very nearly approaching to a
contradiction; since self-government must imply, in such a refer-
ence, the not being governed by others, or the non-existence of
that sovereign power which is essential to government. The care
of public interests may be delegated to representatives as trustees;
but the governing power cannot be delegated by the people, who
never possessed it. In choosing the person by whom that power
shall be exercised, they do not convey the power which the Con-
stitution vests in the office. A constable, for instance, though
elected by the parish, derives his powers, not from the people,
but from the Crown. All government is a control upon the will
of the community, and cannot therefore emanate from that will.
As law and arbitrary rule are opposed, so are law and arbitrary
conduct in civil intercourse ; and the freedom and security derived
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 o
466 Lewis an ike Use of Political Terms.
from the protection of the laws against despotism on the one
hand, are not less dependent upon the restraining force of the
laws upon the popular will and the conduct of individuals on the
other. A community in a capacity to govern itself, through the
universal prevalence of virtue, intelligence, political wisdom, and
self-restraint, and standing in need of no otner protection than a
mutual good understanding, — such a community might safely
exist and cohere without any sovereign, without any government.
In such a state of society, laws would need no sanctions ; there
would be no wrongs to redress ; there would be no occasion for
superiors to command ; there would be no sul^ects, for all would
rule ; and the public will, the homogeneous aggregate of the will
of each individual, would be the supreme law. There are prin-
ciples which, if fidly developed and ascendant, would produce a
condition of things answering to this supposition ; but they are
not political principles ; they have but slender relation to the
elements of human polities. To realize their triumphant operation,
and the felicitous results, is reserved for the economy of heaven.
To return, however, to the subject of representation. Mr.
Lewis remarks, that ^ the distinction between real and virtual
* representation appears to be founded on the erroneous notion,
* that a representative is merely the delegate of his constituents.^
But so far as he is their representative, we should say, he is
merely a delegate. The error lies in considering him as a mere
representative, when he is also entrusted with a share in the
public business of legislation. As regards the specific interests
of his constituents, the representative is bound to act as their
delegate ; but it is not as their delegate that he is called to act in
the national councils. In all that affects the trade and local
interests of the towns they represent, the members for Liverpool,
or Leeds, or Birmingham, are constitutionally bound to represent
the sentiments, to watch over and defend the rights and privileges
of their constituents. But, as the people of Leeds or Liverpool
have no right to legislate for England, their representatives, not
deriving from them their legislative powers, but acting as trustees
for the nation at large, are, in all public questions, required to
consult only the general welfare. Having to legislate for the
empire, no member of the national council ought to be guided by
instructions that may be dictated by local interests, when they
interfere with the general interests of the country. This is the
opinion of our highest constitutional authorities; it is also that of
the most enlightened American jurists, who deny that even the
constitution of their republic confers upon constituents the right
of giving binding instructions to representatives, or that such
right is the consequence of the relation between the representative
and his constituents. ' Neither the expressed will nor the known
* wishes of constituents, to whatever respect they may be entitled^
Foster's Character of H all 487
* but the public welfare, ought to be the guide of the Tcpresent-
* ative''s conduct.'* And for this obvious reason; that the people
of Liverpool can have no right to legislate in questions affecting
the property of the people of Birmingham ; the inhabitants of
Yorkshire can have no right to impose laws upon those of Devon-
shire ; nor can the expressed will or known wishes of one class,
overrule the will and wishes of another. All that constituents
have a right to exact from their representative, is, that he will
act as their attorney in protecting their own property ; as their
delegate, in representing their own grievances. But, as the
proxy cannot exceed the powers of the principal, it is evident,
that, in sitting as a legislator, he ceases to be a mere proxy, and
exercises a higher trust than any body of electors can convey.
In one character, he is the real representative of his constituents,
and of them only : in the other, he is the virtual representative
of public opinion, the guardian of the national interests, or of the
common rights of the people.
Among the other terms, the use and abuse of which are illus-
trated in the present volume are. Monarchy, Aristocracy, De-
mocracy, Oligarchy, Tyranny, Balance of Powers, Estate, Rich
and Poor, People and Community, Power, Authority, and Force.
Other terms will occur to reflective readers, some belonging to
political science, some to jurisprudence, which equally require to
be rescued from fallacious ambiguity. If it be true, that * every
' improper term contains the germ of fallacious propositions % (of
which the instances we have given may be considered as affording
sufficient evidence,) if 'improper terms are\ as Bentham has
remarked, *the chains which bind men to unreasonable practices'*,
the inquiries of Mr. Lewis will not be deemed of small value or
slight importance. We cordially thank him for the very useful
volume which he has furnished, the utility of which will greatly
consist in its leading the reader to follow out the hints which the
Author has suggested, and, by a similar process of examination
extended to other terms, to detect the fallacies which are thickly
scattered over the whole field of inquiry.
Art. III.--1. Works of Robert Hall, A.M. With a brief Memoir of
his Life by Dr. Gregory, and Observations on his Character as a
Preacher, by John Foster. Published under the Superintendence
of Olinthus Gregory, LL.D., F.R.A.S., &c. Vol. VI. 8vo.
London, 1B32.
2. The British Critic, Qjiarterly Theological Review, and Ecclesiastical
Record. No. xxvi. April. Art. Works op Robbrt Hall.
¥ N preceding articles, it has been attempted to delineate Mr.
Hairs intellectual character, and to furnish an estimate of his
• See Eclectic Review, Third Series, Vol. VII. pp. 491, 2.
3 o 2
488 Foster's Character of HalL
genius and attaiBmento, both as a pulpit orator and a writer.
We have reserved for our concluding notice of these volumes, a
more special consideration of his character as a preacher, as
analysed, we might almost say dissected, by his friend Mr. Foster,
whose disquisition, the Reviewer in the British Critic remarks,
* like every thing which issues from the mind of that distinguished
* writer, is singularly acute and powerful, and, withal, tremendously
* elaborate.' It is, indeed, a most valuable dissertation upon the
art and business of preaching, touching upon a variety <^ topics
connected with the proper discharge of pulpit ministrations.
The graphic powers of the Writer's pen are displayed with
admirable success in the exact portrait of Mr. Hall as he appeared
in the pulpit.
' As a preacher^ none of those contemporaries who have not seen
him in the pulpit, or of his readers in another age, will be able to
conceive an adequate idea of Mr. Hall. His personal appearance was
in striking conformity to the structure and temper of his mind. A
large-built, robust figure was in perfect keeping with a countenance
formed as if on purpose for the most declared manifestation of internal
power; a power impregnable in its own strength, as in a fortress, and
constantly, without an effort, in a state for action. That countenance
was usually of a cool, unmoved mien at the beginning of the public
service ; and sometimes, when he was not greatly excited by his subject,
or was repressed by pain, would not acquire a great degree of temporary
expression during the whole discourse. At other times, it would
kindle into an ardent aspect as he went on, and toward the conclusion
become lighted up almost into a glare. But for myself, I doubt
whether I was not quite as much arrested by his appearance in the
interval while a short part of the service, performed without his
assistance, immediately before the sermon *, allowed him to sit in
silence. With his eyes closed, his features as still as death, and his
head sinking down almost on bis chest, he presented an image of entire
abstraction. For a moment, perhaps, he would seem to awake to a
perception of the scene before him, but instantly relapse into the same
state. It was interesting to imagine the strong internal agency which
it was certain was then employed on the yet unknown subject about to
be unfolded to the auditory.'
Mr. Foster proceeds to describe his manner of public prayer,
* Persons unacquainted with the Dissenting order of service may,
perhaps, wonder in what this part consisted. It is usually called the
singing, and this term too often describes all that it is, but not all that
it ought to be. If it were worship, there would be a manifest im-
propriety in the minister's taking no part in it. If it be only an
interval intended for the relief and repose of the minister, it were
earnestly to be desired that some more seemly expedient were adopted ;
such as the reading of a scripture lesson, or some performance that did
not affect to be devotion.
Foster's Character of Hatl, 489
which, * considered as an exercise of thought, was not exactly
* what would have been expected from a mind constituted like his.'
' As to the devotional spirit, there could be but one impression.
There was the greatest seriousness and simplicity, the plainest cha-
racter of genuine piety, humble and prostrate before the Almighty.
Both solemnity and good taste forbade indulgence in any thing showy
or elaborately ingenious in such an employment. But there might
have been, without any approach to any such impropriety, and, as it
always appeared to me, with great advantage, w^hat I may venture to
call a more thinking performance of the exercise ; a series of ideas more
reflectively conceived, and more connected and classed, if I may so
express it, in their order The succession of sentences appeared
almost casual, or in a connexion too slight to hold the hearer's mind
distinctly, for a time, to a certain object. A very large proportion of
the series consisted of texts of Scripture ; and as many of these were
flgnrative, often requiring, in order to apprehend their plain sense, an
act of thought for which there was not time, the mmd was led on
with a very defective conception of the exact import of the phraseol<^y.
He did not avail himself of the portion of Scripture he had just read,
as a guiding suggestion of subjects for the prayer ; and very seldom
made it bear any particular relation to what was to follow as the sub-
ject of the discourse.'
In one word, the public prayers of Mr. Hall were singularly
and strikingly inartificial. In illustrating this characteristic,
Mr. Foster must be considered as bearing testimony to the single-
ness of purpose, the entire sincerity, and the heart-felt devotion
which those who heard Mr. Hall engage in any devotional ex-
ercise, could not but ascribe to him. By some persons, the very
excellence of his prayers may be thought to have consisted in
what Mr. Foster describes as their deficiencies. That they should
have consisted of a succession of spontaneous expressions of devout
feeling, rather than of ' trains of petitionary thought \ or of ' ac-
* cumulated sentiments ' on any specific topic, — that they should
have savoured so much more of the closet than of the pulpit, —
that there should have been uniformly observable so entire an
avoidance of intellectual effort, such an abeyance of the imagin-
ation, such a prostration of soul before the footstool of the Divine
Majesty, — will be regarded by many as constituting the true
beauty and moral sublimity of Mr. HalFs devotional exercises.
Upon our own minds, we must confess, the governing impression
which they produced was, This is prayer ; this is worship. And
the almost irresistible result of such an impression is, to join in
the actj and, instead of a listener, to become a worshipper.
We are extremely anxious to do justice to Mr. Foster''s sen-
timents upon this important topic. The opinions of such a
writer are entitled to deferential attention; and something maybe
learned from them, even when we are compelled to question their
entire soundness. We must concede that Mr. HalPs public
490 Foster's Character of Hall.
prayers might have been all that we have described them, in
point of spirit, and yet their structure have been different. The
feeling might have been perfectly inarti6cial, even if the compo-
sition had not been so. The most natural feelings of sincere
devotion are continually being expressed in the highly artificial
form of verse. There can be no reason, then, why premeditated
trains of thought and precomposed forms or modes of expression
should not be rendered subservient to the pouring forth of the
most unaffected feelings of penitence, holy aspiration, and humble
intercession. Had Mr. Hall studie<l his expressions or the order
of his thoughts in prayer, we feel persuaded that the result of his
highest elaboration would only have been, a more perfect sim-
plicity of phraseolog}', a rejection of figurative language, and a
studious accommodation of the style of thought to the humblest
capacity.
There is also a very important distinction between precom-
posing prayers for public delivery, and studying the best method
and models of devotional exercises. Admitting prayer to be a
gift, (as is every qualification,) it is a gift that requires cul-
tivation ; and the unpremeditated effusions of the heart will take
their character from the pains bestowed upon preparatory acqui-
sitions. '' To him that hath, shall be given.*" The spirit of
prayer is most likely to be imparted to him who has honoured
the Author of that spirit, by applying the best faculties of his
mind to the consideration of the most appropriate method of
conducting this solemn part of our religious services. In reject-
ing forms of prayer, there is some danger, perhaps, of running to
the opposite extreme of undervaluing models of devotion : a study
of these might correct the taste, enrich the barrenness, and
elevate the feelings of many who, from mistaken notions, have
been led to inflict upon their congregations the vapid production
of customary occasion.
But we are apprehensive lest Mr. Foster'^s remarks should be
understood as countenancing, not merely ' a more thinking per-
* formance of the exercise ', but a style of thinking or of perform-
ance which we should earnestly deprecate. No one, he hopes,
will mistake his meaning so far as to imagine, that he is recom-
mending the introduction of ^pieces of discussloji^ formal deve-
* lopments of doctrine, nice casuistical distinctions, like sections
* of a theological essay.'' But his disclaiming such a meaning
seems to intimate, that the style he is recommending might run
into that most unhappy species of impropriety. Mr. Foster must
have heard such specimens of preaching prayers, to a devotional
mind most distressing. It has happened to us to attend at places
of worship where the whole service has seemed to us to consist of
sermofi. The minister has first prayed a sermon, then the con-
gregation have sung a short sermon, and thirdly, has come the
Foster's Cfiaracter of HalL 491
regular discourse. We c»innot conceal our extreme jealousy lest,
in objecting against Mr. HalFs prayers, which were at the furthest
remove from a sermonizing cast, Mr. Foster should be thought to
favour the practice of praying to a congregation, or at them, in-
stead of conducting a common act of devotion. In recommend-
ing a selection of topic, with a view to variety and impressiorij
he says :
* I might ask, why should sermons be constructed to fix the attention
of a mixed congregatiun on distinct parts of religion, instead of beings
each in succession, vaguely discursive over the whole field ? I would
not say that the two exercises are under the same law ; but still, is
there a propriety, that, in a discourse for religious instruction, some
selected topics should stand forth in marked designation, to work one
certain effect on the understanding or the feelings, and no propriety
that any corresponding principle should be observed in those prayers
which may be supposed to request, and with much more than a passing
momentary interest, such things as that instruction would indicate as
most important to be obtained ? '
If Mr. Foster means only to recommend, in public prayer, a
definiteness of object and language, as opposed to a vague gene-
rality of expression which is comprehensive of nothing, and which
is unaffecting because it is unmeaning ; — if he intends only to
suggest the desirableness of a specific adaptation in the matter of
supplication to the occasion and the other parts of the service, —
of a determinateness in the general direction of the thoughts, so
that prayer shall seem, what it always ought to be, the fruit of
meditation, and the expression of deliberate desire; — then, we
must say, that we entirely agree with him, and should be happy
to believe that bis remarks will gain attention where they are
likely to be most useful. ' Distinct and somewhat prolonged
* petition "* on different topics, would give not only variety, but
greater propriety to our public prayers. Only let it be petition,
not description ; let it be the iteration of desire, not the mere
amplification of sentiment. In a word, let it be prayer. What-
ever deficiency there might be in the structure of Mr. HalPs
Eublic devotional exercises, considered as a models (on which our
mited opportunities of hearing him prevent us from pronouncing
a decided opinion,) the fervour, simplicity, and reality of his
prayers rendered them, as regarded their spirit, most impressive
and worthy of imitation.
The very reverse of this * defect of concentration'' or inde-
* terminateness in the direction of thought,' imputed to Mr. HalPs
public prayers, was conspicuous in his preaching.
' He surpassed perhaps all preachers of recent times, in the capital
excellence of having a definite purpose, a distinct assignable subject, in
each sermon. Sometimes, indeed, us when intruders had robbed him
402 Foster's Character of Hall.
of all his time for study^ or when his spirits had been consnmed by a
prolonged excess of pain, he was reduced to take the license of dis-
coursing with less definite scope, on the common subjects of relieion.
But he was never pleased with any scheme of a sermon in which he
could not, at the outset, say exactly what it was he meant to do. He
told his friends, that he always felt "he could do nothing with" a text
or subject till it resolved and shaped itself into a topic of which he
could see the form and outline, and which he could tsJce out both from
the extensive system of religious truth, and, substantially, from its
connexion with the more immediately related parts of that system ; at
the same time not failing to indicate that connexion, by a few brief,
dear remarks to shew the consistency and mutual corroboration of the
portions thus taken apart for separate discussion. This method insured
to him and his hearers the advantage of an ample variety. Some of
them remember instances in which he preached, with but a short in-
terval, two sermons on what would have appeared, to common appre-
hension, but one subject, a very limited section of doctrine or duty ;
yet the sermons went on quite different tracks of thoueht, presenting
separate views of the subject, related to each other only by a general
consistency. His survey of the extended field of religion was in the
manner of a topographer, who fixes for a while on one separate district,
and then on another, finding in each, though it were of very confined
dimensions, many curious matters of research, and many interesting
objects ; while yet he shall possess the wide information which keeps
the country at large so comprehensively within his view, that he can
notice and illustrate, as he proceeds, all the characters of the relation
of the parts to one another and to the whole.' p. 150.
Mr. Foster proceeds to delineate the plainness both of thought
and language, which was uniformly observed in Mr. HalFs intro-
duction to his discourse ; the quiet and almost feeble manner in
which he commenced the delivery ; the inartificial distribution
and division of his discourses ; and the strict connexion of thought
which marked the earlier and middle portions, but of which,
towards the conclusion, there was generally a remission, when the
Preacher would ^ throw himself into a strain of declamation,
* always earnest and often fervid.'
' This,' Mr. Foster remarks, ^ was of great effect in securing a
degree of favour with many to whom so intellectual a preacher would
not otherwise have been acceptable : it was this that reconciled persons
of simple piety and little cultivated understanding. Many who might
follow him with very imperfect apprehension and satis^iction through
the preceding parts, could reckon on being warmly interested at the
latter end. In that part, his utterance acquired a remarkable change
of intonation, expressive of his own excited feelings.'
The intellectual qualities of Mr. HalPs preaching are analysed
and portrayed in the following paragraphs with equal truth and
force of expression.
' He displayed^ in a most eminent degree^ the rare exoellenoe of a
Foster's Character of Hall 49B
porfeet conoeptioii and expression of ever j thought, however rapid the
succession. There were no half-formed ideas, no misty semUanoes of
a meaning, no momentary lapses of intellect into an utterance at
hazard, no sentences without a distinct object, and serving merely for
the continuity of speaking : every sentiment had at once a palpable
^ape, and an appropriateness to the immediate purpose. If, now and
then, which was selaom, a word, or a part of a sentence, slightly failed
to denote precisely the thing he intended, it was curious to observe
bow perfectly he was aware of it, and how he would instantly throw
in an additional clause, which did signify it precisely.'
' Every cultivated hearer must have been struck with admiration of
the preacher's mastery of language, a refractory servant to many who
have made no small efforts to command it. I know not whether he
sometimes painfully felt its deficiency and untowardness for his purpose;
hat it seemed to answer all his requirements, whether for cutting nice
discriminations, or presenting abstractions in a tangible form, or in-
vesting grand subjects with splendour, or imparting a pathetic tone to
expostulation, or inflaming the force of invective, or treating common
topics without the insipidity of common-place diction. His language
in the pulpit was hardly ever colloquial, but neither was it of an
artificial cast. It was generally as little bookish as might consist with
an uniformly sustained and serious style. Now and then there would be a
scholastic term, beyond the popular understanding, so familiar to him-
self, from his study of philosophers and old divines, as to be the first
word occurring to him in his rapid delivery. Some conventional
phrases which he was in the habit of using, (for instance, " to usher
in," " to give birth to," &c.) might better have been exchanged for
plain unfigiirative verbs. His language in preaching, as in conversation,
was in one considerable point better than in his well-known and
daborately composed sermons, in being more natural and flexible.
When he set in reluctantly upon that operose employment, his style
WM apt to assume a certain processional stateliness of march, a rne-
terical rounding of periods, a too frequent inversion of the natural order
of the sentence, with a morbid dread of degrading it to end in a particle
or other small looking word ; a structure in which I doubt whether
the augmented appearance of strength and dignity be a compensation
Ibr the sacrifice of a natural, living, and variable freedom of com-
position. A remarkable difference will be perceived between the
nighly- wrought sermons long since published, and the short ones now
printed, which were written without a thought of the press ; a difiTerence
to the advantage of the latter in the grace of simplicity. Both in his
conversation and his public speaking, there was often, besides and
beyond the merit of clearness, precision, and brevity, a certain felicity
ci diction ; something which^ had it not been common in his discourse^
would have appeared the special good luck of falling without care of
selection on the aptest words, cast in elegant combination, and producing
an effect of beauty even when there was nothing expressly ornamenti£
' From the pleasure there is in causing and feeling surprise by the
exaggeration of what is extraordinary into something absolutely mar-
vellous, persons of Mr. Hall's acquaintance, especially in his earlier
life, have taken great license of fiction in stories of his extemporaneoas
VOL. IX. — K.s. 3 p
494 FoBter^s Character of Hall.
eloquence. It was not uncommon to have an admired aermon asaerted
to have been thrown off in an emergency on the atrength of an hoar's
previous study. This matter has been set right in Dr. Gregory's
curious and interesting note (prefixed to V<u. I.) describing the
preacher's usual manner of preparation; and showing that it was
generally made with deliberate care. But whatever proportion of the
discourse was from premeditation, the hearer could not distingniah that
from what was extemporaneous. There were no perioda betraying, by
a mechanical utterance, a mere recitation. Every aentenoe had so
much the spirit and significance of present immediate thinking, as to
prove it a living dictate of the speaker's mind, whether it came in the
way of recollection, or in the fresh production of the moment. And
in most of his sermons, the more animated ones especially, a very large
proportion of what he spoke must have been of this immediate origin-
ation ; it was impossible that less than this should be the effect of the
excited state of a mind so powerful in thinking, so extremely prompt
in the use of that power, and in possession of such copious materials.
' Some of his discourses were of a calm temperament nearly through-
out ; even these, however, never fietiling to end with a pressing en-
forcement of the subject. But in a considerable portion of them (a
large one, it is said, during all but a late period of his life) he wanned
into emotion before he had advanced through what might be called the
discussion. The intellectual process, the explications, arguments, and
exemplifications, would then be animated, without being oonfused,
obscured, or too much dilated, by that more vital element which we
denominate sentiment ; while striking figures, at intervals, emitted a
momentary brightness; so that the understanding, the passions, and
the imagination of the hearers, were all at once brought under command,
by a combination of the forces adapted to seise posaesaioii of each.
The spirit of such discourses would grow into intense fervour, even
before they approached the conclusion.'
' It has been observed that he had the command of ample and vari-
ous resources for illustration and proof. The departments firom whidi
he drew the least might be, the facts and philosophy of the material
world. His studies had been directed with a strong and habitual pre-
ference to the regions of abstraction and metaphysics. And he fur-
nished a fine example of the advantage which may be derived firora
such studies to the faculty for theological and moral discnssiona, by a
mind at the same time too full of ardour, sentiment, and piety, to be
cooled and dried into an indifference to every thing but the moat dis-
embodied and attenuated speculation. The advantage, as exemplified
by him, of the practice and discipline of dealing witn truth in the ab-
stract, where a severe attention is required to apprehend it as a real
subsistence, to see and grasp it, if I may so speak, in tangible forms,
might be noted as twofold. First, (that which has been anticipated
in former remarks,) the utmost precision in every thing he uttered.
He could express each dictate of thought in perfect nneedom from
doubt whether it might not be equivocal ; whether it might not be of
loose import and vague direction, instead of strictly to the point ; whe-
ther it mi^ht not involve some latent inconsistency within itself or in
its immediate conjunction with another idea ; whether it were exactly
Foster's Character of Hall 496
the very thing he intended. It was of complete formation in his un-
derstanding ; it had its including line and limits instead of being con-
fused with something else. As it was once happily said by himself of
Johnson^ " he shone strongly on the angles of a thought." The con-
sequence of his rigorous habits of thinking thus came with eminent
value into discourse addressed and intelligible to ordinary good sense^
where there was no obvious intervention of that refined speculation
which was nevertheless contributing^ in eflTect, so much to the clear-
ness and strength of its consistence. What was of philosophic quality
in its most immediate agency^ became a popular excellence in its
result.
* But secondly : besides the distinctness and precision of all the
particulars of thought in detail^ that exercise of abstract speculation
had brought him into possession and mastery of those general princi-
ples^ in virtue of which these particular sentiments must have their
authority. It is not at all necessary in any ordinary course of instruc-
tion, to be continually tracing the particular back^ for its verification,
to the general ; but it is a great advantage to be able to do so when it
U necessary, as it sometimes will be. He could do this; he knew
from what original truths could be deduced the varieties of sentiment
which the sp^iker utters in unqualified assertion, as not liable to be
questioned. Any of them^ not self-evident, he could have abstracted
into a proximate principle in a generalization, and that again resting
on a still deeper or ultimate one. He had seen down to the basis, ana
therefore, was confident of the firmness of what he stood upon ; unlike
a man who is treading on a surface which he conceives or suspects to
be hollow, and is ignorant and fearful of what there may be under-
neath. Or, to change the figure, he could trace the minor outermost
ramifications of truth downward into the larger stems ; and those
larger into the main trunk and the root. This conscious ability of the
Ereacher, or any other discourser, to sustain upon first principles what
e is advancing with the freedom of unhesitating assertion ana assump-
tion, will impart a habitual assurance of safety while he is expatiating
thus in what may be called the out\vard, free, and popular exposition
of his subject.
' It is presumed that this representation of the use he made, in
sermons, of his power and habits of abstract speculation, may sufiice to
prevent a notion, in the minds of any of our readers who may seldom
or never have heard him, that he was in a specific sense a philosophi-
cal or metaphysical preacher. He did often indeed (and it was a dis-
tinguishing excellence equally of his talking, preaching, and writing,)
point to some general principle, and briefly and plainly shew how it
authorized an opinion. Occasionally, in a more than usually argu-
mentative discourse, he would draw out a more extended deduction.
He would also cite from the doctrines of philosophy, with lucid ap-
plication, some law of the human mind (for instance, and especially,
that of association). But still it was far more a virtual than a formal
result of his abstruser studies that pervaded his preaching.
' His intimate acquaintance with many of the greatest authors,
whom he had studied with a sentiment of reverence, and whose in-
tellectual and religious wealth was largely drawn into his own capa-
3p2
Ipi Foiler'ii Charmder of HatL
doot fiicultiei^ oontributed to predade an ostentatioii of crigiiiaUtf .
fiis iermons would make, on coltiyated hearers, a general iinpreaaioa
of aomething new, in the sense of being very di&rent, hj eminent
guperiority, mm any common character of preaching; but the novelty
would appear less to consist in absolute origination, than in the ad-
mirable power of selection and combination. It was not exhibited in
ft frequency of singularly bold prominent inventions, in the manner of
the new mountains ana islanos sometimes suddenly thrown up on
tracts of the globe ; but rather in that whole construction of the per«
fimnanoe by which the most appn^riate topics, £rom whatever quarter,
were brought into one array, were made imposing by aggr^atioq,
ttroi^ by unity of purpose, and often bright by felicitous appositioo ;
in short, were so plastically ordered as to assume much of the character
^ a creation. It is probable that if his studies had been ^ slighter
tenour, if his reading had been less, or more desultory, if his faculties
had been suffered to run more loose, his discourses would have mare
abounded with ideas starting out, as it were sinely, with an aspect
like nothinff ever seen before. His mental ground was cultivated too
industriously and r^^arly for subatantial produce, to leave room for
those often beautiful wiid-flowers, which spring spontaneously in a
fiertile half-wrought soiL His avowed indiflerence to poetry might be
taken as one indication of a mind more adapted to converse with the
substantialities of truth, than to raise phantoms of invention. Perhaps
the most striking feature of his originality was seen in his talent (like
the chemistry whidi brings a latent power into manifestation and action)
of drawing from some admitted principle a hitherto unthought-of
inference, which affects the whole argument of a question, and iMids to
ft conclusion either new or by a new road.' pp. \bb — 164.
The remark may occasion surprise to some persons, accmtomed
to identify exnberance of ima^nation with the highest attribute
of intellect, that, in Mr. Hallos mental constitution, imagination
was a subordinate faculty. * It was never of that prolific power
* which threw so vast a profusion over the oratory of Jeremy
* Taylor or of Burke; or which could tempt him to revel, for
* the pure luxury of the indulgence, as they appear to have some-
* times done, in the exuberance of imaginative genius.'* la this
Siality of mind, in absolute originality, we should say that Mr.
all was transcended by the Author of the " Essay on Popular
Ignorance,^ whose pen has supplied this fine specimen of philo-
sophical discrimination. What Mr. Hail himself valued far
more, both in himself and in others, and what, adds Mr. Fos-
ter, * all except very young or defectively cultivated persons and
* inferior poets must regard as the highest of mental endowments,'*
IS the intellectual power. This displayed itself in his * won-
* derful ability for comprehending and reasoning, his quickness of
* apprehension, his faculty for analyzing a subject to its elements,
* for seizing on the essential points, for going back to principles
* and forward to consequences, and for imnf^g out into an ui-
« ^^i^He and aomedmee verjr obvioos fbna, wbat appeued ob-
Foster's Charaoter of Hall. 197
^•dne or petplexed.^ And these endowments 'remained un-
altered to tne last.' This constitution of mind, moreoyer, tended
to indispose Mr. Hall at all times to vague and presumptuous
speculations, and no doubt contributed to arm him against the
temptation to scepticism, at the time that his theological notions
were in some degree crude and unfixed.
' That constitution was not predominantly either imaginative or
contemplative ; it was intellectual, in the strictest sense ; in the (per-
haps arbitrary) sense^ that the matter of his speculations must be what
he could distmctly understand, what he could survey in such form and
eider as to admit of propositions and reasons ; so that the speculative
process lost its interest with him if carried into a direction, or if ex-
oeeding the limit, where it could no longer be subjected to the methods
of proof; in other words, where it ceased to comprehend and reason,
and turned into conjecture, sentiment, and fancy. He seemed to have
no ambition to stretch out his intellectual domain to an extent which
he could not occupy and traverse, with some certainty of his move-
ments and measurements. His sphere was very wide, expanded to one
circle beyond another, at each of which in succession he left many other
men behind him, arrested by their respective limits ; but he was will-
ing to perceive, and even desirous to verify, his own ultimate boun-
dary ; and when he came to the line where it was signified to him,
" Thus fiar, and no further/* he stopped, with apparently much less of
an impulse than might have been expected in so strong a spirit, to
seek an outlet, and attempt an irruption into the dubious territory
beyond.
' With a mind so constituted and governed, he was less given
than many other men of genius have been to those visionary modes of
thought ; those musings exempt from all regulation ; that impatience
of aspiration to reach the vast and remote ; that fascination of the
mysterious, captivating by the very circumstance of eluding ; that fear-
ful adventuring on the dark, the unknown, the awful ; '' those thoughts
that wander through eternity," which have often been at once the
luxury and the pam of imaginative and highly endowed spirits, dis-
contented with their assigned lot in this tenebrious world, ^o doubt,
in his case, piety would have interfered to restrain such impatience of
curiosity, or audacity of ambitious thinking, or indignant strife against
the confines of our present allotment, as would have risen to a spirit
of insubordination to the divine appointment. And possibly tnere
were times when this interference was required ; but still the structure
of his Acuities, and the manner of employing them to which it deter-
mined him, contributed much to exempt him from that passion to eo
beyond the mortal sphere which would irreligiously murmur at the
limitation. His acquiescence did not seem at least to cost him t strong
efiTort of repression.
' This distinction of his intellectual character was obvious in his
preaching. He was eminently successful on sul)ject8 of an elevated
order, which he would expand and illustrate in a manner which aus-
tained them to the hieh level of their dignity* This carried Jbim near
aome jioint of the borauer of that awful dsttkness which encompissi^ on
498 Foster's Character of Hall.
all sides^ our little elimni^ng ^^^ of knowledge ; and then it ni]|^t
be seen how aware he was of his approach^ how cautiously, or shafi I
say instinctively, he was held aloo^ how sure not to abandon the
ground of evidence, by a hazardous incursion of conjecture or imagina-
tion into the unknown. He would indicate how near, and in whst
direction, lay the shaded frontier ; but dared not, did not seem even
tempted, to invade its " majesty of darkness/' ' pp. 168 — 169.
One of the finest sermons in the present volume strikingly
illustrates and confirms the justness ot these observations. Toe
text is taken from Prov. xxv. 2. ^^ It is the glory of Grod to
conceal a thing."*^ The general sentiment of the discourse is,
that * a temperature of mingled light and obscurity, a combination
* of discovery and concealment, is calculated to produce the most
* suitable impressions of the Divine excellence on the minds of
* fallen creatures/ Pascal has a similar sentiment, which may
possibly have suggested the subject of this truly sublime dis-
course. Mr. HaU delivered it more than once, but with consi-
derable variation in the filling up of the grand outline of thought.
It is here given as taken down in short-hand by Joshua Wilson,
Esq., (in September, 1826,) with an admirable fidelity that
scarcely leaves room to regret its not appearing as the production
of the Preacher'^s pen. Our own recollection enables us to bear
this testimony to tne accuracy of several of the reported discourses,
while the internal evidence stamps them with genuineness. We
cannot refrain from pausing to introduce in this place a few para-
graphs from the sermon alluded to.
' 1. The Divine Being is accustomed to conceal much in relation to
his own nature and manner of existence.
' His essence is altogether hidden from the most profound investica-
tion, the most laborious research, the most subtle penetration, of his
creatures. With respect to this, it may be said, " Who by searching
can find out God ; wno can find out the Almighty to perfection? " We
know that he possesses certain attributes, (which we distinguish by
dilferent names drawn from analogous excellencies among men,) ex-
clusive of all limit or imperfection found in human nature. We ascribe
to him every idea of virtue and spiritual beauty, exalted to infinite
perfection. But how the Divine Being himself exists in an essential
and eternal nature of his own, without beginning as well as without
end, — how he can be present at the same moment in every point of
illimitable space, without excluding any one of his creatures from the
room it occupies, — how, unseen, unfelt by all, he can maintain a per-
vading and intimate acquaintance and contact with all parts and por-
tions of the universe, — how he can be at ooce all eye, all ear, all
presence, all energy, yet interfere with none of the perceptions and
actions of his creatures, — this is what equally bafi^es the mightiest and
the meanest intellect; this is the great mystery of the universe, which
is at once the most certain and the most incomprehensible of all things;
— a truth at once enveloped in a flood of light and an abyss of dark-
ness ! Inexplicable itself^ it explains all besides: it casts a clearness
Foster's Character of Hall. 4&9
on every question^ accounts for every phenomenon^ solves every pro-
blem, illuminates every depth, and renders the whole mystery of
existence as perfectly simple as it is other\vise perfectly unintelligible,
while itself alone remains in impenetrable obscurity ! After displacing
erery other difficulty, it remains the greatest of all, in solitary, un-
BUrmountable, unapproachable grandeur ! So truly '' clouds and
darkness are round about him." '* He maketh darkness his secret ha-
bitation ; his pavilion to cover him, thick clouds."
' His perfections are impressed on the works of nature ; but in such
a manner that we learn them only by inference. We ascend from
effects to causes ; from the marks of contrivance and design, to the
necessary existence of an Almighty Contriver. But what sort of being
be is, and what is the nature of his contact with his creatures, must,
in the present state at least, remain an unfathomable mystery. We
are utterly at a loss in all such speculations ; yet this affords no dimi-
nution of the motives of piety. Our belief in the being of a God is
the belief of a profound mystery. The very idea of such a Being
would appear incredible were it not that it is necessary, because the
greatest absurdities would flow from supposing the contrary. Nothing
can be accounted for unless we admit the existence of a causeless
Cause — a presiding Governor of the universe. We are compelled
therefore to choose the less difficulty of the two ; or rather, to choose
difficulty instead of impossibility, mystery instead of absurdity : and
bence we repose on this grand truth.
' 2. The Divine Being observes the same method of concealment, in
a great variety of respects, with regard to the structure and consti-
tution of his works. The scenes of nature lie open to our view ; they
solicit our senses, and are adapted to impress themselves in a most
lively manner upon our minds. " The heavens declare the glory of
God, and the firmament sheweth his handywork." We cannot look
around us without beholding, not only the works themselves, but evi-
dent traces of that matchless wisdom, power, and goodness, whence they
sprang. Still, the mysteries of nature, with regard to the essences of
tnings, and indeed to a multitude of subtle operations, are kept in a
kind of sacred reserve, and elude the utmost efforts of philosophy to
surprise them in their concealments and bring them to light. Wnile
Philosophy goes on from step to step in the march of her discoveries,
it seems as if her grandest result was the conviction how much re-
mains undiscovered ; and while nations in a ruder state of science have
been ready to repose on their ignorance and error, or to confound
familiarity with knowledge, the most enlightened of men have always
been the first to perceive and acknowledge the remaining obscurity
which hung around them ; just as, in the night, the farther a light
extends, the wider the surrounding sphere of darkness appears. Hence
it has always been observed, that the most profound inquirers into
nature have been the most modest and humble. So convinced was
Socrates, the chief luminary of the ancient world, of the great ob-
scurity attending all such inquiries, that he abandoned the search of
nature, and confined his disquisitions to moral questions, and rules for
the conduct of life. The same illustrious man declared, that he knew
no reason why the oracle of Delphos pronounced him to be the wisest
500 Potter's CharaUer of Hall.
of men, ezeept it was that, being amtdoos of his ignflnmce, he
willing to confiess that he knew nothing. Newton, the gfeatest phi-
loMpher whom the modern world hat known, dedared, speaking of t
distinguished contemporary from whose genius he angored vast dis-
eoreries, hut who died in early life, (the celebrated Cotes,) " If that
young man had lived, we should hare known something." In ss
modest a manner did he advert to his own imperfect knowledge of that
science with which he had attained such proaigions acqoaintanee as to
have become the pride and wonder of the world ! Those that have de-
voted themselves to an investigation of the laws of nature, find, in a great
variety of the most common productions, sufficient to engage their in-
quiries and employ their faculties: they perceive that ue roeanfst
work of Ood is inexhaustible ; —contains secrets which the wisdom of
man will never be able to penetrate. They are only some of the supers
ficial appearances and sensible properties with which we are fiimiliar.
Substances and essences we cannot reach. The secret laws which regn^
late the operations of nature we cannot unveil. Indeed, we have
reason to believe that the most enlarged understanding must^ in a very
short time, resolve its inquiries into the will of Gkxi as the ultimate
reason. Thus, one of the best effects of intellectual cultivation, and
the acquisition of knowledge, is to restore the mind to that state of
natural simplicity and surprise in which every thing above, beneath,
and around us, appears replete nith mystery, and excites those emo-
tions of freshness and astonishment with which the scenes of nature
are contemplated during the season of childhood.' pp. 35— -40.
In the latter part of the discourse, the Preacher shews how the
concealment thrown in various respects over the Divine works
and ways tends to display his {^lory : — ^1. as it is, in part, the
necessary consequence of his infinite superiority to all finite
beings in wisdom and understanding ; — 2* because it evinces bis
entire independence on the wisdom, counsel, and co-operation of
any or all of his creatures ; — 3. because the partial manifestation
is eminently adapted to the exigencies and condition of man ; —
4. because the fuller discoveries of the future state will be a source
of great additional happiness to the redeemed.
' The Deity is intended to be the everlasting field of the homan
intellect, as well as the everlasting object of the human heart, the
everlasting portion of all holy and happy minds, who are destined to
spend a blissful but ever-active eternity in the contempktioa of his
glory. This can only be effected bv his concealing himself. He will for
ever remain " The Unknown Goo." We shall ever be consdous thst
we know little compared with what remains to be known of him ; that
onr most rapturous and lofty songs fall infinitely short of his excdknoe.
If we stretch our powers to the uttermost, we shall never ezhaost his
praise, never render him adequate honour, never discharge the full
amount of claim which he possesses upon our veneration, obedience,
and gratitude. When we have loved him with the greatest fervoor,
wst love will still be oold compared with his title to oar devoted at-
taduneot. This will render him the continual sonrce of fresh delight
Foster's Character of Hall. 501
to all eternity. His perfection will be an abyss never to be fathomed ;
there will be depths in his excellence which we shall never be able to
penetrate. We shall delight in losing ourselves in his infinity. An
unbounded prospect will be extended before us ; looking forward
through the vista of interminable ages, we shall find a blissful occupa-
tion for our faculties^ which can never end ; while those faculties will
retain their vigour unimpaired, flourish in the bloom of perpetual
youth; and the full consciousness remain, that the Being
whom we contemplate can never be found out to perfection
that he may always add to the impression of what we know, by throw-
ing a veil of indefinite obscurity over his character. The shades in
which he will for ever conceal himself, will have the same tendency to
excite our adoring wonder as the effulgence of his glory ; the depths in
which he will retire from our view, the recesses of his wisdom and
power, as the open paths of his manifestation. Were we capable of
eomprehending the Deity, devotion would not be the sublimest em-
plcmnent to which we can attain. In the contemplation of such a
Ming, we are in no danger of going beyond our subject ; we are con-
versing with an infinite object in the depths of whose essence
and purposes we are for ever lost. This will probably give all the
emotions of freshness and astonishment to the raptures of the beatific
▼iaion, and add a delightful zest to the devotions of eternity. This
will enable the Divine Being to pour in continually fresh accessions of
light ; to unfold new views of his character, disclose new parts of his
perfection, open new mansions in himself, in which the mind will have
ample room to expatiate. Thus shall we learn, to eternity, that, so
feix from exhausting his infinite fulness, there still remain infinite
recesses in his nature unexplored — scenes in his counsels, never brought
before the view of his creatures ; that we know but *' parts of his
ways;" and that instead of exhausting our theme, we are not even
approaching nearer to the comprehension of the Eternal All. It is the
OBTsteriousness of God, the inscrutability of his essence, the shade in
which he is invested, that will excite those peculiar emotions, which
nothing but transcendent perfection and unspeakable grandeur can
inspire.' pp. 69 — 71 •
Nothing in the range of pulpit oratory, with which we are ac-
ouainted, is finer than the sudden descent from this magnificent
night of thought to the common ground of practical duty.
' Before I conclude this discourse, permit me to remind you, that
while there are many things which God conceals, and thereby advances
his glory, he has made manifest whatever is essential for man to know.
Whatever is intimately connected with our dutv is most plainly
taught ; whatever is important to our welfare and happiness is fully
revealed. Do not for a moment imagine that he has concealed any
thing that bears a near relation to your interest. <' He hath shewed
*' thee, O man, what is good." He has distinctly set before you the
good and evil of a future life. It is true, you know not the time of
your death, but you know that vou are mortal ; you know not the
particulars of what will succeed aeath, but you know that there will
▼OL. IX. N.S. 3 Q
602 Foster's Cknraei€r of Hall.
be a resurrection of the dead, both of the jmt and alio of the iii^)«st ;
that they who have done good shall eome forth to the resnrrectiop of
life, they that have done evil to the resunrectioii of eondenmatML
Jesus Christ has disclosed in the gospel, as far as they are important
for any practical purposes, the realities of eternity ; has announced to
you his second appearance to raise the dead, and decide tlie eternal
destinies of the human race ; to separate between the righteous and the
wicked, place every individual of mankind in one of those classes, and
divide them one from another as a shepherd dirideth his sheep frem
the goats.'
' These are subjects on which the wisdom of man can wy nothing,
or can utter but the feeble articulations of infancy The highcSk
efforts of human sagacity reach not beyond the bounds of time ; they
cannot pass the threshold of eternity. They are scanty and inadequate,
— and leave the world in darkness and misery, compared with these
discoveries of revelation. Do not conclude from the partial obscurity
which attends some of its truths, that religion is not the great concern
of accountable immortal creatures, or that you will be justified in dis-
regarding such affecting prospects as these. No, my brethren, this
obscurity is not such as to hide from you your great interest, to make a
right choice doubtful, or to render it matter of the least hesitation
whether you should serve God or not. God has revealed cnoogh,
where the light of the Gospel comes, to give men the clearest infbnna-
tion concerning their eternal welfare; has set before them life, and has
set before them death ; has pointed out the broad and the narrow way ;
shewn them the path of destruction, that they may avoid it — and tlie
way of life, that they may walk in it. Jesus Chnst has come to ren*
der these things so plain and obvious, that even " wayfaring men,
though fools, may not err therein." Though, with respect to the
constitution of his person, mysterions as his Divine Father, being
" the brightness of his glory and the express image of bis person ; "
with respect to the practical purpose of his incarnation, the great de-
sign of his appearance in human flesh, he is '' the Light of the world :
whoso followeth him shall not walk in darkness, but shali bave the
light of life." " I am the way, the truth, and the life: no man
Cometh unto the Father, but by me." If you are earnest in seeking
the salvation of your souls, you have all the evidence yon can wish;
you are distinctly informed, that a remedy has been provided, exactly
suited to your case. Though you are guilty, the blood of Christ csn
expiate that guilt ; though you are polluted, the Spirit of Christ csn
cleanse from that pollution. The gospel is every way adapted to your
wants and misery. It has pleased the Father, that in Christ all ftil-
ness should dwell. You are invited to come to him at thia moment, to
receive out of that fulness all spiritual blessings— pardon, sanctiiics-
tion, and life everlasting. He has given you, in reference to these,
** line upon line, precept upon precept." Jesus Christ has become the
incarnate wisdom of God. No person now need perish for want of a
Srofound understanding, since the method of salvation has been farooght
own to the level of the meanest capacity : " Wisdom stands at the
eomers of the streets, and cries ; To you, O men, I call, and mv voice
is to the sons of men." Surely these are the deep things of God,
Fetter's Character of Hall, SOB
w)iidi the wpbit who aearcheth all things alone has explored ; ^ich
the wisdom of the world never knew^ the tongue of human eloquence
nearer proclaimed^ the discoveries of human philosophy never ap-
proached : but now they form the very elements of piety, so that the
meanest person cannot neglect them, without living in a practical de-
fiance of Qod, and contempt of his authority. He has thrown an air
^ obacurity over a thousand other things^ but not over the things that
make for your peace. You are not left in any uncertainty as to the
basis of hope towards God. He has clearly taught you what you must
do to be saved ; how you may draw nigh to God, even to his seat ; and
throogh what medium you may pour out your hearts before him.
'' Behold, he says, I lay m Zion a foundation stone. Other foundation
can no man lay than that which is laid, Jesus Christ. If any man
fin, we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous.
He is the propitiation for our sins. Him that oometh unto me, I will
ip no wise oast out." You know what is that path which will bring
joa to eternal blessedness ; that with shame and confusion of
mce> on account of your past transgressions, you " flee for refuge to
lay hold on the hope set before you ; " that he may " of God be made
UBto yon wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and redemption."
This is a plain path, open to all. " Secret things belong unto the
liord our Qod ;" but these are " things revealed, that belong unto us
and to our children for ever." ' pp. 71 — 76.
In the most admired of Mr. HalFs sermons, and invariably in
his preaching, Mr. Foster remarks, (and every one who heard
him will subscribe to the justice of the encomium,) ^ there was
' one excellence of a moral kind, in which few eloquent preachers
* have ever equalled and none ever surpassed him, — oblivion of
'self:
* Hie preacher appeared wholly absorbed in his subject, given up to
fto possession, as the single actuating principle and impulse of the
aiental achievement which he was as if unconsciously performing : as
jf onconBciously ; for it is impossible it could be literally so. Yet, his
ihaorption Mras so evident, there was so clear an absence of every
bttraying sign of vanity, as to leave no doubt that reflection on him-
telfj the tacit thought, '^ It is I that am displaying this excellence of
nieech ", was the faintest action of his mind. His auditory were sure
tnat it was as in relation to his subject, and not to himself, that he
regarded the feelings with which they might hear him.' . . .
' The entire possession and actuation of his mind bv his subject,
evident in every way, was especially so by two signs : First, that his
delivery was simply and unconsciously governed by his mind. When
it was particularly animated, or solemn, or pathetic, or indignant, it
was such, not by rule, intention, or any thought of rhetorical fitness,
but in involuntary accordance with the strain of the thought and
feeling. In this sense, he " spake as he was moved " : and conse-
quently, nothing in his manner of delivery was either out of the right
place or in it by studied adjustment.
' The other indication of betag totally surrendered to the subject,
3q2
504 Foster's Character of HaU.
and borne on by its impetus when the current became strong, was (ia
perfect contrast to what is described above) the rapid passins by, and
passing away, of any striking sentiment or splendid image. He never
detained it in view by reduplications and amplifying phrases, as if he
would not let it vanish so soon ; <aa if he were enamoured of it, and
wanted his hearers to be so for his sake ; as if he wished to stand
awhile conspicuous by its lustre upon him. It glistened or flashed a
moment and was gone.
* The shining points were the more readily thus hastened away, as
they intimately belonged to that which was passing. They occurred
not as of arbitrary insertion, but with the appropriateness of a natural
relation. However unexpectedly any brilliant idea might present
itself, its impression was true and immediate to the purpose. Instead
of arresting and diverting the attention to itself, as a thing standing
out, to be separately admired for its own sake, it fell congenially into
the train, and augmented without disturbing the effect. The fine
passage would, indeed, in many instances, admit of being taken apart,
and would in a detached state retain much of its beauty : but its
greatest virtue was in animating the whole combination of sentiments.
Mr. Hall's imagination always acted in direct subservience to his in-
tellectual design.' pp. I5S), 60.
It was this moral feature of Mr. HalFs oratory that raised it
so immeasurably above the reach of servile imitation as to render
mimic efforts palpably ridiculous. To preach like Mr. Hall, it
was requisite to be like him, and to be like him not so much in
power of intellect, as in this self-absorption in his theme, this
singleness of purpose, worthy of being emulated by preachers of
every order of attainment. At times, this * absorbing seizure of
* his faculties by his subject ** appeared to suspend all distinct
consciousness of the presence of his auditory. Mr. Foster, con-
necting this circumstance of manner with the intellectual cha-
racter of his preaching, considers it to have operated in some
respects unfavourably, by withdrawing his attention from his
hearers. While he felt a benevolent interest for the congregation,
as a general sentiment, which would at times manifest itself ex-
pressly and even pathetically, yet, ' during a large proportion of
his public exercise, and especially in the seasons of highest
excitement, the subject itself^ as a subject, was the grand in-
terest. It was by that that he was filled, possessed, and borne
along, with no more than a very general consciousness of being
in communication with an auditory. The train of his thoughts,
therefore, swept at a certain altitude, as it were, in the air,
rather than proceeded on a level and in contact with the people,
in a series of arresting inculcations and inquisitions.''
Superlatively excellent as was Mr. Hall's preaching, in many
of its qualities, Mr. Foster pronounces it to have been, from a
defect in certain important ones, not the best * adapted for salu-
* tary efficacy.'* It was deficient in closeness and cogency of
Foster's Character of Hall. 506
application ; it did not sufficiently discriminate and individualize
human characters ; it was too general and theoretic. This was,
at least, its usual characteristic ; for occasionally, sermons were
heard from him ^ cast in the best imaginable compromise between,
* on the one hand, the theoretic speculation and high-pitched
'rhetoric to which he was addicted, and, on the other, that
' recognition of what men actually are in situation and character,
' to which his mind did not so easily descend.'* From passages
found in his writings, it is inferred that his conception of the
most effective mode of preaching differed considerably from his
general practice ; and that the defects alluded to partly arose
from a repugnance to the kind and degree of labour required in
order to produce sermons more specifically accommodated to the
diversities of human character and experience.
It may be consoling to such persons as have hitherto felt dis-
hearten^, not to say mortified, at the overshadowing superiority
of this great Preacher, to be assiured that his intellectual strength
did not give him a proportionate advantage in the field of moral
exertion, but was in great measure wasted on the air. We cannot
conceive that it has been precisely Mr. Foster'^s object to reconcile
individuals of smaller mental stature to their conscious dimen-
8ions ; but his concession will, we fear, be taken advantage of,
beyond what he might intend, as implying almost the inutility of
attainments and powers such as Mr. HalPs, in a Christian
preacher. * To attain high excellence in a manner of preaching
* more useful than his, though it requires a clear-sightea faculty,
' disciplined in vigilant and various exercise, is,** Mr. Foster re-
marks, * within the competence of a mind of much more limited
* energy and reach than Mr. HalPs power and range of speculative
* thought.** We rejoice to believe this. Burder^s Village Sermons
have been doubtless more useful, in a certain way, than Barrow^s ;
and Doddridge'^s " Rise '' has been the means of converting more
irreligious persons than Butler''s " Analogy.*" Still, we should not
think of estimating the intrinsic value of the several works by
their adaptation to popular instruction. Usefulness is a vague
tenn. Even the usefulness of a preacher it is difficult to estimate,
so many are the modes of usefulness. To be highly useful to a
few, who shall be thereby qualified to act upon the many, in mul-
tiplication of the impression they have themselves received, is, in
it8 ultimate effects, more than equivalent to being useful to a
multitude in the first instance. It might be regretted that Mr.
Hall was not always surrounded with an auditory to whom his
Sle of preaching would have been best adapted to convey
atary impressions ; that his peculiar powers of mind were in
great measure wasted in the effort to accommodate himself to the
illiterate and unthinking portion of his congregation. But to
minds of a certain order, no man was adapted to be so pre-
606 Foster's Character of Hatt.
eminently useful ; and that he was not more so, was tlie findt of
his hearers.
We should, however, scarcely know how to set about estimadng
the actual usefulness of such pulpit ministrations as Mr. Hair%
in all the bearings of their influence. The Reviewer in the
British Critic remarks with equal candour and acuteness, that the
quality of Mr. HalPs mind which led to this abstractedness in his
preaching, ^ may have greatly aided in the preservation and com-
* pletion of his own personal faith and holiness, and in marking
* him out as an eiLample of the blessedness and the dignity of
* communion with heavenly things. There is little enough of this
* unworldly quality,'* it is remarked, * exhibited in the world at
* any time ; and never, probably was there less of it tluin in the
^ present age In this light it is that men like Robert Hall
* may chiefly be considered as benefactors to their species. They
* pour contempt upon that drivelling cant which associates de-
' votional feeling with imbecility of mind. They shew that re-
' ligion is fitted to absorb the grandest capacities of human na-
* ture. It may be the more general purpose of God, that not
^ many wise, not many mighty, not many noble should be chosen
^ to glorify his name, that no flesh should gloiy in his presence.
* Nevertheless, it is assuredly an animating spectacle) to see that
* the most prodigal endowments of the intellect may be made as
* pinions to convey the spirit out of *^ this mortal coil^ to the
* place where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God***
In the powerfully written and upon the whole fair and liberal
article f from which we transcribe these beautiful sentencesi it is
curious to trace the struggle between generous admiration and
ecclesiastical prejudice. There is one point of view in whidi the
Reviewer confesses that he regards the reputation of Mr. Hall as
a preacher with something like regret : it may, he thinks, * tend
* to confirm that idolatry of preaching which is one of the evils
* that rushed in together with the blessings of the Reformation/
With many among us, preaching is represented as having become
* a sort of third sacrament ; a sacrament, too, which often well
^ nigh thrusts the others into insignificance.'* To the Dissenting
communities, ^ Preaching is nearly what Transubstantiation was
* to the Romanists. It is the grand instrument with which they
^ hope to move the world.^ This is a strange passage to proceed
from the pen of a Protestant clergyman ; but it indicates the
unhappy influence of that sacerdotal theory which has always
led the Church of England to discountenance anything deserving
«■»■■■ ■ ■- ■ . ■■--. . .. .|i.;i ■» ■■■■
♦ Brit. Grit. Xo. XXVI. p. 231.
t We must except the historical misrepresentations wspecting
Cromwell^ and the remarks respecting Mr. Uali's earliar pubUoUisBS,
which we have not room to notice.
Foilei^i Charaeier of HaU, WJ
the name of pulpit oratory. Yet, ^faat would have been thought
of a French writer who, m the days of Louis XIV., should have
deprecated the fame of Bourdaloue or Massillon, because it might
lend to encourage * a demand for the utterances of the pulpit ? ^
In the preaching of the evangelical clergy, the Established Church
|;ive8 almost the only signs of spiritual life. That spiiit of preach-
ing which has been caught from Dissenting communities, has alone
ataid in her aged frame the progress of corruption. The greater
part of her ministers are, however, still notoriously deficient in
those AftA which are requisite for the office of a public teacher ;
and their vapid school-boy essays, read with professional for-
mality in monotonous tone, are as unimpressive as they are empty
of instruction. No wonder that such a church should view witn
displacency the * universal craving for excitement \ and sicken
at the renown of such preachers as Hall ! To a writer, intelligent
and candid as this Reviewer, it ought, however, to have occurred,
that this craving for excitement, so far as it is characteristic
of the age, is not peculiar to the religious part of the community :
it is seen in all classes ; and the demand must be met. It is
aurely a happy circumstance, and one of which the Christian
teacher ought gladly to avail himself, when the appetite for in-
tellectual excitement takes this direction. Surely, it is pusilla-
nimous and imbecile to deplore that which may be tumea to so
good an account. If it be true, as this Writer alleges, that
* people not unfrequently carry with them into the church, feel-
* ings nearly allied to those which they carry with them into the
' theatre % it is at least well that such feelings take the better
direction. The remark, however, is most applicable to those
polite audiences to whom preaching is no sacrament, and who
find their most pleasurable excitement in the ceremonial, the
spectacle of the well-dressed company, the breathing organ, and
toe * decent rite\ The * hope of recalling the venerable custom
' of catechising, and the primitive practice of simple expository
* teaching \ is small indeed, where the craving for excitement is
fed with such inane vanities. But to render catechetical and
expository teaching more generally acceptable, what is wanted,
but that ministers of the Gospel should be able catechists and
competent expositors, which they never can be while preaching
itself is depreciated ?
The reputation of Mr. Hall, founded on his pulpit eloquence,
instead of having the effect of confirming the idolatry of preach-
ing, (by which we must imderstand converting the instrument
into the end, the medium into the object of worship,) seems to
us more adapted to induce a melancholy impression of the in-
efficiency of that means of promoting the regeneration of society;
since the highest order of faculties, applied to the single-minded
discharge of the sacred function, under the inspiration of fervent
508 Foster's Character of Hall.
piety, was found to produce no more extensively decisive results.
It was surely not intended by Our Saviour to reflect the character
of inefficiency on the ministry of the Baptist ; when he reproached
the Jews of that generation with their perverseness in not having
profited by his ministry ; when he compared them to children
sullenly revising to dance when their fellows piped, or to
lament when they played the mourner. It may be true that
Mr. Hairs general style of preaching was not of a cast which
would justify its being held up as a model of popular instruction;
but his very faults as a preacher were above the reach of imita-
tion, since they were allied to qualities of mind rarely found in
those who could be misled by his example. It was a kind of
preaching almost sui generis. Of his printed discourses, it is
remarked by the Reviewer in the British Critic, that ^ these,
^ even when studied without the advantage of any personal know-
* ledge or recollection of the preacher, must always be sufficient
* to *^ give the world assurance of a man ^, such as very rarely
* has borne the office of turning many to righteousness: and these,
* — when aided by a vivid remembrance of his outward aspect and
* demeanour, his overpowering impressiveness of delivery, and his
* frequent appearance of abstraction from all earthly things, —
* must convey the notion of one whose faculties were merely as
* channels for conducting down to earth the choicest influences of
* heaven.^
Of the sermons contained in the sixth volume, this Reviewer
appears to speak in terms of disparagement, which can be account-
ed for only on the supposition of his not having found time to
peruse them. He deems it necesssary to * guard the reader
* against the delusion of imagining that they have before them in
^ many of the feeble sketchings contained in these volumes, any
* tolerable representation of the " dazzling miracles ^ of Robert
* Hall.' This remark is just as regards some of the briefer
sketches, but is quite inapplicable to the discourses given with
such felicitous fidelity from the compared notes of Mr. Gurney,
Mr. Wilson, Mr. Grinfield, and other gentlemen accustomed to
track Mr. Hall's * fiery course,' and well acquainted with his
phraseology. We have given above some specimens of the
second discourse in the present volume. There are several others
of an equally splendid character, and preserved with similar
success. Mr. Foster refers to the XVIth Sermon, on the Love
of God, as a remarkable example of 'specific illustration, point-
* edly applied,' — the quality in which Mr. Hall's preaching is re-
presented to have been ordinarily deficient. The XVIIIth, on
the Nature and Danger of Evil Communications, preached at
Cambridge in 1826, is a most beautiful specimen of Mr. Hall's
admirable and peculiar method of treating a practical subject in a
philosophical spirit, yet so as to make the philosophy of the dis-
The Bible- Printing Monopoly, 609
eourse strictly subservient to the religious lesson. But, indeed,
all the sermons in this volume are, without an exception, highly
characteristic and valuable ; and the selection, as well as the very
careful manner in which they are edited, does great credit to the
judgement of the learned Editor of the Works. The public are
mdeed greatly indebted to Dr. Gregory for the manner in which
he has discharged his most honourable but delicate office, both as
the biographer of his friend and the superintendent of the whole
publication. The blame he has incurred in certain quarters, for
not suppressing what the public would not have allowed him to
suppress, even had there been any sufficient reason for the at-
tempt, he will know how to appreciate. Had the principle which
it is thought he ought to have applied to the published writings
of Robert Hall, been observed by the editors of Warburton, South,
or Burke himself, we should have been deprived of some of the
finest specimens of their eloquence.
Art. IV. 1 . The exisiinor Monopoly, an inadequate Prolcction, of the
Authorized Version of Scripture, By Thomas Curtis. 8vo. pp. 115.
London, 1833.
2. Oxford Bibles. Mr. Curtis's Misrepresentations exposed. By
Edward Cardwell, D.D., St. Alban's Hall, Oxford. 8vo. pp. 23.
3. The Text of the English Bible considered. By Thomas Turton,
D.D., Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cam-
bridge, and Dean of Peterborough. 8vo. pp. 44.
4. Report from Select Committee on King's Printers* Patents, ordered
by the House of Commons to be printed, 8th of August, 1832.
Bungay. Reprinted and published bv J. R. and C. Childs.
1833. pp.111.
nnHE public Version of the Scriptures, is generally described
■* as the * Authorized Version,' though it would be difficult to
assign the grounds on which the authority prescribing its exclu-
sive circulation is supposed to rest. No Act of Parliament was
ever passed in its favour. It was not, we believe, even so much
as sanctioned or protected by any proclamation. It was under-
taken, and, as the title to the Bible declares, was * with the
* former Translations diligently compared and revised', * by his
* Majesties speciall commandment." At the Hampton Court
Conference, a new Translation was solicited by the Puritan leader,
Dr. Reynolds; and the suggestion being approved by the king,
he signified his pleiisure, that ' some special pains should be
* taken in this matter for one uniform translation, and this to be
* done by the best learned in both universities ; after them to be
* reviewed by the Bishops and the chief learned of the church :
VOL. IX.- -\.s. 3 a
510 The BMe-Printing Monopoly.
' from them to be presented to the priTy-council ; and last of all
* to be ratified by his royal authority ; and so this whole church
^ to be bound to this translation, and not to use any other/ Soon
after, the king issued his commission nominating the persons to
whom the* work should be assigned, and prescribing rules for
their proceedings. But when the translation was completed and
published, no authoritative measure on the part of the parliament
or the king appears to have accompanied it. In preceding reigns,
the use of the Bible had been allowed or prohibited by royal
proclamations and acts of parliament. Henry VIII. by bia pro-
clamation directed the Great Bible to be set up in every parish
church. The parliament of 1546 suppressed Tjmdars Bible;
and a proclamation followed, prohibiting the use of any other
Bibles than those which were allowed by parliament. This act
was afterwards repealed by the first parliament of Edward VI. ;
and proclamations were subsequently issued, relative to the pos-
session and use of the English Bible. But none of these pre-
cedents seem to have been followed in respect to the Translation
of 1611. In what manner it was ratified by the king^s autho>
rity, does not appear. * This whole church 'was certainly not
* bound to that Translation j** and ^ not to use any other,* since
the Geneva Bible was still in use, several editions of it being
printed by the king''s printer subsequently to the year when the
New Version was issued from the press. The Act of Uniformity
of Charles II. does n^t recognize any particular Translation of
the Bible.
The exclusive privilege of printing the Bible, is assumed as a
vested right by the King'^s Printer and the two Universities of
England, and by the King'^s Printers for Scotland and Ireland.
It may be proper enough to consider this exclusive interest as a
trust, intended to protect the Translation of the Scriptures, and
to ensure its uncorrupted transmission ; but even of this there is
no proof. The privilege was evidently conferred in the spirit of
the monopolies which were supposed to be dependent on the
royal prerogative. The monopoly, however, should unquestion-
ably be ccmsidercd in reference to the correctness of the books,
the printing of which it limits. Other considerations necessarily
present themselves as of importance on the question of the Fa-
tents of the King'*8 Printers and the claims ot the English Uni-
versities ; but the state of the jiibles in common use, which they
have issued, is the principal subject which at present requires to
be examined. It may be of consequence to inquire, whether the
monopoly does not enhance the price of Bibles and Testaments,
which might, it is presumed, be sold at less cost if there were no
restrictions on the preparation and sale of the printed Scriptures ;
but the integrity and fidelity of the copies at present circulated
The Bible-Printing Monopoly, 511
from the privileged presses, are of greater moment than their
cheapness.
No persons acquainted with the process of printing will expect
perfect accuracy in any extensive work. Immaculate editions of
a book are extremely rare : and in some works which have been
thus designated, errors have been detected. It does, however,
seem to be too plain a case to allow of successful dispute, that
many editions of the English Translation of James I. have been
very carelessly superintended. We have been accustomed to note
the errata of the public Version in the copies used by ourselves,
which we have found exhibiting very different marks of the skill
and diligence of the editors. In some of these, the errors are
few and unimportant ; but in others, the faults are more serious, and
reflect no credit on the persons entrusted with the final revisal of
the copy. * Jerusalem the prophet ^ is a strange reading, which we
have noted in an edition of 1793, in Daniel ix. 2. The same
Bible has, * The Lord at the right hand.' Ps. ex. 5. * I will
' spare them as a man spareth his own son that serveth them/
JMialachi iii. 17* ^ When he shall come in his only glory .** Luke
ix. 26. * — ^purifying their hears by faith.' Acts xv. 9. ' Thou
* that may est thy boast.' Rom. ii. 23. Mt is so, that there is
* not a wise man among you ? ' 1 Cor. vi. 5. * — was once suf-
* fered to bear.' Heb. ix. 28. * — serving against sin.' Chap. xii.
4 ; with others less remarkable. A copious list of typographical
errors might without much difficulty be obtained from a collation
of Bibles, and others of greater moment might be included; but
it would then be a question, to what extent they vitiate the text
of Scripture. The array would look formidable ; and if all the
errors were found in one copy, if any particular edition were so
deformed, we should not hesitate to repudiate it as disgraceful,
and wish it to be suppressed. But the case is very different,
when we compare the errata with the number of editions, and
limit, as we ought to do, our consideration of the alterations thus
introduced into the text, to the copy of the Scriptures in our
hands. Dr. Cardwell, in reference to a list of errors published
by Mr. Curtis, remarks, that the fifty-six mistakes, ^ some of im-
* portance,' and others ' totally unimportant,' which he has
brought forward, are collected from eleven different editions, so
that the result of this examination is, that the Oxford Bibles in
question contain on an average five errors of the press. (Oxford
Bibles, p. 15.) This is certainly far from any very blameable
excess of errors in so large a work. Our own opinion, however,
from our acquaintance with such copies as have been used by us,
would be, in respect to the less recently printed Bibles, not so
favourable. In more recent times and at present, the ioiprove*
ments which the Bibles issued from the privileged press exhibit,
are in all respects very great.
3r2
512 ne Bible-Printing Monopoly.
In his evidence before the Committee of the House of Com-
mons, Dr. Lee states, that some of the most incorrect editions of
the Bible which have come under his notice, have been printed in
Scotland ; and afterwards he remarks, that there mre aevenl
cases in which he thinks the Scottish editions preferable to the
English ones. Of this supposed superiority, however, he pro-
duces only one example. * In the tenth chapter of the Gospd
^ according to John,^ he observes, * in all the English editions I
* have seen, " no man*" occur repeatedly, where in the Scottisii
* editions " none '^ is introduced : the word " man ^ is not in the
* original at all, and the word ^^ nonc^ is preferable, inasrondi ts
* it may be held to be a declaration that no created being, though
* higher than human, has the power.^ We cannot in course es-
timate the comparative value of the Scottish Bibles from the
* several cases ^ to which Dr. L. refers as shewing their superioiitv,
since he has not particularly described them ; but if they are it
all similar to the single specimen which he has above given, the
character of them is at once decided, since in this example he is
altogether in error. We shall shew the state of the question thm
raised, by a collktion of some of the editions before us in the
passages of John'^s Gospel. The early English editions read, in
chap. X., " No man taketh it from me.*" vs. 18. " — ^neither shall
any man pluck them out of my hand/'* 28. ^^ — no man is able
to pluck them out of my Fatber'^s hand.*" 29. The modern
editions, Carab. 1805, 1819, 1823 ; Oxford, 1793, 1830 ; Lon-
don, 1825, 1829, have, " No man— any man — ^no manJ^ But
in the London edition of 1679, and in the Oxford Quarto, 1765,
the readings are, ^^ No man taketh it from me — neither sludl any
pluck them — none is able to pluck them.*"
Mr. Curtis has furnished (at p. 86) a list of * typographical
* errors in and since Dr. Blayney's edition.'' In this list, a read-
ing appears as of an Oxford Testament of I8O7, * P^^gc your
* conscience from good works,' instead of ' dead works.* Heb. ix.
14. From Dr. Cardwell we learn (Oxford Bibles, p. 15), that
* a copy of this edition had been sought for in vain ; that another
* edition of the same year, two of the following, and all editions
* that could be found of eleven years nearest to the time in ques-
* tion, had been examined, and the passage was printed correctly
* in them all.' In this list, p. 90, Blayney's Bible, Oxford,
1769, is described as reading 1 John i. 4. — ^^That our joy, for
" your joy may be full.'' And this erroneous reading is said to
be ^ traced in twenty editions of various sizes, and by all the
* authorized Printers, to Cambridge 12mo. 1824, i. ^* Jifiy^te
* years,'' The error is in Blayney, but in Cambridge Testaments
before us of 1805 and 1819, the true reading, * your joy,** is cer-
tainly to be found.
In Mr. Curtis's * Advertisement' to the pamphlet before us, the
Tlie Bible-Printing Monopoly. 513
reader will find the startling proposition aiBrmedy that the ^ Di-
* vine command^ to search the Scriptures, cannot^ in the present
state of our Bibles, be complied with so advantageously, by the
British public, as it might have been two hundred years ago.
On the reverse of his title-page he has printed a list of * Inten-
* tional departures from King James's Bible,' amounting in num-
ber to upwards of two thousand nine hundred, suggesting, he
reftiarks, the presumption that there are upwards of eleven thou-
sand in the entire version. In this calculation the general
alterations of the orthography and minute punctuation are not
included. In a modern octavo or nonpareil Bible, there are
about eight hundred and fifty pages, so that every page of our
modem Bibles will be supposed to contain on an average thirteen
errors. Such statements as these cannot be read without alarm,
as they must necessarily induce suspicion of the integrity of the
text to an extent subversive of the confidence with which un-
learned persons, accustomed to read the Scriptures only in the
public version, should receive the volume purporting to be a faith-
fill representation of the Hebrew and Greek originals. It is not
to be supposed that common readers will be able to determine the
character of these alleged alterations ; because, as on the one
hand they are not produced, so, on the other, it is not to be ima-
gined that the collation of copies is within the means or the com-
petency of readers in general. The Authorized Version has of late
years been most widely circulated. Not only have many thou-
sands of copies been distributed in all directions, but some mil-
lions of Bibles and Testaments have been sent forth for the use of
persons who have no other access to the sources of sacred know-
ledge, than that which is afforded to them by these substitutes for
the original Scriptures. A most serious injury must therefore be
received by those who use these Bibles, if, from any impressions
forced upon them by statements which they can neither examine
nor appreciate, they continue to peruse them with distrust, and
are in constant doubt what to accredit as genuine, and what to
rdect as unfaithful or spurious. Every one who knows the value
of the Scriptures, must feel the weight of Dr. CardwelPs remarks
in the introductory paragraphs of his * Letter.**
' In my estimation, there is nothing more-deserving of respect and
protection, than the honest confidence with which an unlettered pea-
sant looks upon his English Bible as expressing to him the genuine
word of God. Take merely the blessings that Bible affords to one
single individual, the fortitude it imparts to him in his moments of
temptation^ and the calmness it gives to days and nights of sickness
and sorrow, and there is an amount of virtue inspired by it, which has
never been equalled by any other instrument of happiness. But con-
sider also the multitude of places where such individuals may be
founds follow our language into every quarter of the globe, and sec
514 The Bible-Printing Monopoly*
that its constant companion, and in many caaea the onlj inHtnictor
that it brings with it, is the English Bible ; and it will be manifest,
that no limit can be assigned to the importance of translating the
Scriptures faithfullv* and preserving that translation^ as £ir as may
be, pure and undefiled.'
On the behalf, then, of unlearned readers, and for the sake of
many others, who, not being destitute altogether of the necessary
information for determining the question of fidelity in respect to the
English Bibles in common use, may not have the means of veri-
fying or refuting the allegations which charge corruptions so ex-
tensively vitiating the authorized text, it is proper that they
should be brought under the consideration of those tribunals to
which the public are accustomed to look for decisions in matters
of so grave a character. If many thousands of errors are dif-
fused throughout our modem Bibles ; — ^if, so far as the English
text of the English Bible is in question, we clearly have all our
modem Bibles printed after copies of no authority, or af^r bad
or erroneous authorities, with the important exception of what
remains of the Authorized Version itself; (and how much of that re-
mains would seem to be doubtful;) we should be guilty of dereliction
of our duty, if we hesitated to denounce evils of such magnitude,
and which might involve such perils. If, to the poor, the BiUe
which is in their hands be not a trust- worthy book, to which they
may look with most assured satisfaction that they are not misled
in the sentiments and feelings of their faith and hope, it is more
than time to warn them of the delusions by which they have
been led astray in their judgements, and deceived and abuaed in
their confidence.
It would indeed be a ground of most serious complaint, and
could not fail of furnishing matter of grave accusation against
parties who have had the ordering of their Bibles, if humble and
serious inquirers of the present day could not, with those books
open before them, obey the Divine injunction which directs them
to the examination of the Scriptures, with as much advantage as
was possessed by readers of the Bible two hundred years affo.
Has the stone been rolled back upon the welFs mouth, that toe
living waters can no more be drawn from them as in other times ?
Have briars and thorns been set around it, to become a thicket im-
pervious, or rendering access to the salubrious element perilous
and difficult ? Or are the footmarks worn out, by which tne path
was so easily traced by former travellers ? Tne circumstances
from which arise the disadvantages to modern readers of the Bible,
that place them so unfavourably for the acquisition of the know-
ledge contained in it, compared with others of a much earlier
time, are to be learned from Mr. Curtis'^s statements, and parti-
cularly from the Report of a Sub-Committee of Dissenting Minis-
The Bihle-Printing Moftopoly. 616
terfi, which yre must now present to our readers, as we find it in
his pamphlet, p. 114.
' Present— Dr. Bennett, Dr. Cox, and Dr. Henderson, a Sub-
Committee appointed to verify and report upon a Collation of various
editions of the Holy Bible, made by the Secretary. — Dr. Smith,
though not of the Sub-Committee^ kindly assisting in the investigation^
it was
' Resolved, 1. That this Committee are perfectly satisfied that an
extensive alteration has been introduced into the text of our Autho-
rised Version, by changing into Italics innumerable words and phrases,
which are not thus expressed in the original editions of King James's
Bible, printed in 1611.
* 2. That these alterations, so far from being an improvement of our
Vernacular Translation, greatly deteriorate it ; inasmuch as, in most
instances, they convey to the reader the idea that, wherever any words
are printed in Italics, there is nothing corresponding to them in the
original text : whereas it must at once be obvious to every person who
is competent to judge on the question, that what has been sup-
plied in these instances, was absolutely necessary in order to give the
full force of the Hebrew and Greek idioms ; anS, consequently, should
have been printed in the same characters as the rest of the text.
' 3. That those wlio have made these alterations, have discovered a
great want of critical taste, unnecessarily exposed the sacred text to
the scoffs of intidels, and thrown such stumbling-blocks in the way of
the unlearned, as are greatly calculated to perplex their minds, and
unsettle their confidence in the text of Scripture.
' 4. That it be recommended to the General Committee, to take such
measures as they shall deem most likely to effect a speedy return to
the Standard text, which has thus wantonly been abandoned ; but that
it is expedient to wait till the reprint of the edition of 1611, now
printing at Oxford, be before the public, ere any further correspon-
dence be entered upon with the Universities.
(Signed) ' E. HENDERSON.
• F. A. COX.
' J. BENNETT.'
King James^'s Translators have prefixed an address to the
readers of their Bible, in which they vindicate the undertaking
completed by them, and state many particulars in respect to
their proceedings in preparing it. On the subject of Italics,
however, they have not given us any information. Some readers
of the preceding resolutions would be apt to conclude, that the
Bible of 1611 was without Italics, or characters answering to
Italics. This, however, is not the case; for though, strictly speak-
ing, the Translators do not employ Italics, they frequently have
pnnted words and phrases in a distinguishing type. The letter
of the edition of 1611 is a large black one, and the passages dis-
tinguished from the other ]K)rtions of the text, are printed in Ro-
man letters. The Translators, doubtless, had their reasons for
516 Tlie Bible-Printing Monopoly.
such occasional deviations. They did indeed but follow the mode
of printing adopted by their predecessors. In the Bibles of
Henry VII I. "s time, we find passages in parentheses and in smaller
type, which have nothing corresponding to them in the original,
but were introduced as readings from the Vulgate, thus : * And
* beholde, it is written in the hoVe of the righteous. (And be takl:
* Consydre, O Iirael, these that be dead and wounded upon thy hie billet.)
« O noble Israel the wounded are slaine upon thy hylles.* 2 Sam.
i. 18, 19. * Oh let my mouth be filled with prayse (tbati maye
tynge of thy glory) and honoure all the daye long.^ Ps. Ixxi. 8.
The Geneva Bible has many words and phrases distinguished by
a type different from the ordinary letter ; and in reference to such
cases, the Translators say in their preface : * Whereas the neces-
* sitic of the sentence recjuired any thing to be added (for such is
^ the grace and proprietie of the Ebrewe and Greeke tongues,
* that it cannot but cither by circumlocution, or by adding the
* verbe, or some word be understood of them that are not well
* practised therein,) we have put it in the text with another kinde
* of letter, that it may easily be discerned from the common
* letter.' Thus we have, * Salvation belongetb unto the Lord.*
Fs. iii. 8. ^ — answere mee in saving me from the homes of the
^ unicornes/ ^ My prayse shall be of thee/ For the kingdomeit the
* Lords'* Ps. xxii. 21, 25, 28. King James'^s Translators have
1)rintcd the text of their Bible, using Italics instead of smaller
ctters, in a similar manner ; but an examination of it will shew
many irregularities in the application of their rules, and some in-
stances of the deviation in question are of a very anomalous cha-
racter. We shall give a few specimens of the inconstant read-
ings furnished by a collation of the edition of 1611. Gen xxii. 2.
* thy Sonne, thine only sonne,'' vs. 16, * thy sonne, thine only sonne.*
In the original, the expressions are precisely the same ; but
the Translators have, in the first of these examples, printed
the second instance of the word sonne in a manner corre-
sponding to the use of the modern Italics. So, in Gen. xxiv.
19, the reading is, * draw water,' where no word occurs in the
original answering to the noun ^ water i* but, in the following
verse, where the same mode of expression is used in the Hebrew
text, the supplied word is marked, * to draw tcaferJ* In Chap.
xxxvii. 13, we have, * feed the flocke;' vs. 16, *fced their
Jl(icke^;'' the Hebrew expressions in each case being the same.
* And Abraham planted a grove.** Gen. xxi. 33. * Joseph
*went into the house." Chap, xxxix. 11. The nominatives
are wanting in the Hebrew text in both examples, yet the trans-
lation of Kill, marks the one as implied, and the other as ex-
pressed. In Matt, xxvii. 46, the Translators have distin-
ffuished by their peculiar type the entire sentence, * Eli, Eli,
lama sahachthani \ but in Mark xv. 31*, the parallel passage
The Bible-PnnHng Jlionapohf. 517
M printed in tbe ordinary letters, the two cases being alike in the
Greek Testament.
We shall now notice some of the passages brought forward by
Mr. Curtis as instances of the depravation of the text by Italics
inserted in the modem Bibles. ^ In not a few of these instances,
' God^s ofispring hare been bastardised/ Such is the language
applied by Mr. Curtis to ^ these transmutations/ A list of pas-
sages is produced by him, (p. 62.) * in all of which\ it is af-
firmed, * the words falsely put into Italics are as much in the
* original, as a man^s money is in his pocket, when it is not seen.^
Let us consider the following cases.
'Gen. XX. 17* — '^And they bare ckUdren" From a Hebrew verb
signifying to bear a child (Gcsenius) ; not bare burdens^ evil usage, or
aay thing of a more general nature.'
The objection here is, that the verb ^^^ is used in Hebrew only
to denote the bringing of children into the world, and that, there-
fore, the text of the Translators has been corrupted by the inser-
tion of the word in Italics by the modem editors of the Bible ;
and the assumption is, that, in the Bible of 1611, the usage is
invariably observed of printing the phrase without any distinction
of letters. Such, however, is not the case, llie Translators
have used the very mode of treating the text, which Mr. Curtis so
unceremoniously reprehends. Gen. vi. 4. * — they bare children,''
Chap. xvii. I7. * Shall a child be borne ?^
Gen. xxiv. 52. — " Worshipped, bowine himself to the earth.'* Not
bowing to the earth, but bowmg his whcHe person in the entire pros-
tration of the east, to God.'
We have some difficulty in understanding precisely the nature
<^ the objection as here stated. We cannot find in any Bible
accessible to us the reading as here inserted by Mr. Curtis. All
cur modem editions read : ^ he worshiped the LORD, bowing
^himself to the earth.' The Bibles of 1611, 1613, and all the
early ecUtions have the reading, ^ he worshipped the LORD, bow*
* ing himself to the earth.** The exact rendering of the Hebrew
text is, * he bowed himself to the earth to Jehovah.'* HlTlK ^^^\tff*^
ntn V Iq other instances, the phrase appears in a more com-
plete form, inn«n nxn* vis ^]; 'jam, and he fell on his face and
worshipped. In Gen. xxvi. 52, the Translators had rendered the
whole original phrase adequately and properly, by the words * he
* worshipped the LORD ;' but, intending to preserve the idiom,
they translated more copiously, and marked by the change of let-
ter the peculiarity of the expression. Why the Translators did
not mark * himself,** as well as ^ bowing,** we cannot conjecture ;
but the modem Bibles present the passage in a form which can*
not be with any propriety described as a corruption of their ver-
sion.
VOL. IX. — N. s. 3 s
518 The Bible-Printing Mmopoly.
' Liev. xxiv. 10.—" This sou of an Isniclitish woman:" meaniiiff an
Israel itess, and because he had a fother of a different nation ; thus;,
perhaps, accounting for his blasphemy. The Helirew word strictly
marks the sex, which " Israelitish*' alone would not.'
In his list B. p. 95, Mr. Curtis again adduces this passage.
* '^ Israelitish wom<in.'^ An Israelitess. Her father being an
Egyptian (!)'
In Lev. xxiv. 10, 11. the words 'Israelitish woman/ occur
three times in the Bible of 1611 : in the first and third instances,
the full phrase a])pear8, n^Stntf^^ nvie; in the second example, the
last of these words is wanting in the original. In these circuni.
stances, the introduction into the text of the modern Bibles, of
the term ^ Israelitess," would have been an inconj^ity in vs. 10;
and as ^ Israelitish " alone would have been an improprietjf the
word added by the Translators is put in the Italic character, to
signify its absence from the original text : it appears so marked
in the edition of 1079, and, in this form, is not in any respect
a violation of the rules followed by King Jameses Translatois. In
Dr. Turton'*8 tract, the cases which Mr. Curtis has adduced are
nut brought under examination ; but he has noticed the vhole of
those which are cited by the Sub-Committee, and submitted them
to the test of a judicious and very satisfactory criticism.
Throughout the Bible of 1611, every part of speech is found,
in instances almost innumerable, distinguished by being printed
in a character different from the letter generally used in the
volume : the copula^ verbs, nouns, pronouns, prepositions, and
particles of connection, are all of frequent occurrence ; so are
phrases as well as single words. \Vc snail now quote firom Dr.
Turton's able and instructive tract.
' WliVj it is natural to ask, have such words and phrases been thss
distinguisliod by the mode in which they arc printed? The answer ii
easy. On examining, in the Hebrew and Greek originals, the psi-
sagos in which tlie words occur, it is universally found, that there are
no words strictly corresponding to them in those originals. It n,
therefore, manifestly on this account, that words so circumstanced hsw
lieen distinguished by a peculiar type. • . Arc we then to conclude tint
///(' meaning is in such cases imi)erfectlv expressed in the original ka-
guages ? Far from it. Considering, for a moment, the Hebreir and
Greek as living languages, the sentiments would be perfectly intdliai-
ble to those to whoui they were addressed. The expresainn mi^ k
more or less full ; but the idiom would still be familiar. £ven taking
the Hebrew and Greek as dead languages, the elliptical breyity of ex-
pression (at least, what appears such to us) is, to men of wanuii^
not always ])r<Kliictive of obscurity. But when a translation fron
IIei)rew or Greek into English is attempted, it is frequently quite in-
jMwsible to convey, to the English reader, the full significaticm of the
original^ without employing more words than the original contaiaSi
The Bible-Printing Monopoly. 519
Wlien> therefore, our Translators distinguished particular words in the
manner already described^ they did not intend to indicate any devia-
tion from the meaning of the original, any diminution of its force; but
rather to point out a difference of idiom. Their first object, un-
doubtedly, was to express in intelligible English what they believed
to be the full signification of a sentence ; and their next object appears
to have been, to point out such words as had been required in addition
to those of the original, for the complete development of the meaning.
• . . The foregoing observations may, for the present, be sufficient to
mfibrd some general notions of the intentions of our Translators^ in this
by no means unimportant matter.
* Although the principle above explained, respecting words and
phrases in Italics, was undoubtedly adopted by our Translators, we can
acaroely expect that it should never have been departed from, in the
actual printing of so large a work as the Bible, at so early a period. It
was, indeed, departed from in many cases ; and attempts have subse-
quently been made to carry the principle more completely into effect,
by applying it to various words which appeared, in the text of 1611,
in the ordinary character.' pp. 4, 5.
We cannot transfer into our pages the several passages which
tbe Sub-Committee have put on record as proofs of the modern
depravations of the Bible, and which Mr. Curtis has classed with
his extracts in bis list of intentional departure from the text of
1611 ; but the importance of the subject requires that we should
lay before our readers some specimens of the clear statements and
illustrative remarks comprised in Dr. Turton's examinations,
•which are restricted to the texts produced by the Sub-Com-
mittee.
* Gev. i. 9, 10. '' Let the dry land appear: and it was so. And
God called the dry land. Earth." The objection here is, that in the
modem editions of the Bible, the word '' land" is printed in Italics,
the same word being printed, in the text of IGll, in the ordinarv
character.
* The Hebrew word translated " dry land " is derived from a root
aignifVing *^ to be dry ;" and itself signifies " the dry." The adjective
IS applied by Ezekiel (xxxvii. 4) as an epithet to the bones of the
dead : " O ye dry bones, hear ye the word of the Lord." The precise
meaning of an abstract term of this kind must be determined by the
context. In this way, the Hebrews constantly use their adjectives
alone, as we use substantives connected with adjectives ; the substan-
tives actually referred to being decided by the circumstances of the
case. In the passage under consideration, the meaning is clear : " Let
the waters under the heaven be gathered together unto one place, and
let the dry Pand] appear." " Land" indeed is, in point of fact, sup-
flied; there being no corresponding term in the Hebrew. The
lebrew word is, in the Septuagint, rendered by ^ {»3^a, and in the
Vulgate by arida ; which words are, in their respective languages,
used in very nearly the same manner as the Hebrew word correspond-
ing to them. ... On the whole, it appears to me, that when " land"
3s2
£90 The BibU^PrkMng Monopoly.
is marked by Italics in the modern editions, they are ftmod en the
general rule which the Translators seem to have prescribed to them*
selves. In illustration of this point, 2 Kincs ii. 21, may bedtcd:
*' there shall not be from thence any more death or barren land.'*
' Gen. v. 24. *' And he was not, for Ood took him."
' The word ** was " has no corresponding term in the original ; and
in consequence it has been printed in Italics in the modem editions.
The principle on which this has been here done is snfficiently reoog-
nized by the text of 1611 in other passages. <' The eye of him that
hath seen me, shall see me no more ; thine eyes art upon me, and I
am not." Job. vii. 8 ; — '' For yet a little while, and the wicked shaU
not he : yea thou shalt diligently consider his place, and it A/all md be."
Ps. xxxvii. 10; — *' As the whirlwind passeth, so u the widced no
more." Prov. x. 25 ; — " Our fathers have sinned and are not.'* Sam.
T.7.
' Gen. vi. 16. *' Lower, second and third stories.*'
* " Stories " in Italics is perfectly correct ; there being no word oor*
responding to it in the Original. In Esek. zlii. 3 (according to the
text of 1611) we read: ** Over against the psTement wbicb was finr
the utter court, was gaUery against gallery, m three siories." And
so a^ain in verse 6 ; the word being supplied, as required to express
the full meaning. We have here an illustration of that nae of the ad-
jective, which was mentioned under Gen. i. 9, 10.
' Deut. xxix. 29. " The secret things beUmg unto the Lord on
God ; but those things which are revealed hdomg unto us.*
' The complaint here is, that '' things " in the f»iner part of the
verse, and '* things which are " in the latter, should be in Italies.
This passage affords a good illustration of the «U|ptic brevi^ of the
Hebrew. In the original, we have, in &ct — '' The secretTjUiingsl
— unto the Lord our God ; but the revealed — unto us." Tne senti-
ment so expressed was, no doubt, perfectly intelligible to the Isradites;
but the generality of English readers would reauire it to be broog^t
out more fully. Let us see how this is done. First, the Hebrew ad-
jective ^' the secret " is too abstract for the English idiom ; and ao it
is converted into " the secret things " — which, when fully esplained,
it really means. Then there is no v^ to connect ** the secret [tninpl"
with '' unto the Lord our God ;" and accordingly, '' beraogt" toe
verb manifestly implied, is introduced. We now nave the fiiat part of
the verse complete ; '' The secret things bekmg unto the Lobd oar
Qi)d :" and if the second part had been literally translated — '' but the
revealed — unto us," the ellipsis, suggested by the former party might
perhaps have been supplied by an English reader; but the Tianalaton
deemed it better to give the sense in fiiU, by supplying the words which
must otherwise have been understood : — *' but those things mkick art
revealed belong unto us." Nothing more can be desired, to eriaoe the
propriety of the Italics in this passage.'
* Isai. xxxviii. 18. *' For the grave cannot praise thee, death can
not celebrate thee."
' Undoubtedly the n^;ative is, in the Hebrew, expressed only in the
former member of the sentence, although nndtrstood in the latter.
In the latter member therefore — to convey to the English reader the
The BHUe-PrkMng Monopoly. 8S1
cmiiplete meaning of the passage — the negative vma very properly sap*
plied by the Translators^ although the word is not distinguisned from
the rest of the sentence in the text of 1611. In a case like this, tiie
Italics of the modern editions must be considered as marking a Hebrew
idiom ; and similar cases have been attended to in the text of 1611.
In 1 Sam* ii. 3^ we read : '* Talk no more so exceeding proudly, let
noi Bxumncy come out of your mouth ;" — In Job iii. 11, " Why died
I not mm the womb : why did I not give up the ghost ?" — and in
Fs. xd. 5, " Thou shalt not be afraid for the terror by night, nor for
the arrow that flieth by day.'' Nothing more needs to be said in be-
half of the Italics in Isai. xxxviii. 18.'
From the New Testament, eleven cases are produced by the
Snb-Committeey of Italics improperly employed, as they allege,
the article being used for the pronoun, and so considered by we
Translators. The passages are: Matt. iv. 20, ^^ Lefb their nets.^
▼ill. 3, ** Jesus put forth his hand."** — 20, " Hath not where to
lay hie head.^— ix. 5, " Thy sins be forgiven."*— xix. 10, " The
man — with his wife.*** Mark ii. 9. The same as Mark ix. 5. Luke
xi. 13, " Your heavenly Father."*' John x. 30, ** I and my
Father are one.^ Phil. iii. 19, " Whose God is their belly."*
Heb. i. 3, " The brightness of his glory ."'—xii. 10, ** But he for
our profit."* In the text of 1611, the same manner of printing
the pronoun as is here exhibited, was adopted. On looking at
some of these instances. Dr. Turton remarks, that they may be
divided into two classes ; the first comprising examples of the
pronoun printed in Italics, when the corresponding word in the
original has no article prefixed ; the second consisting of those
in which the article appears.
•
' It happens that the pronouns in Italics, in the preceding list, are
all to be referred to this second class ; and I will venture to say that»
if the Italics objected to, be compared with the Italics here adduced
from the text of 161 1, there can be no good reason assigned why they
ishoold be retained in the latter case, and not in the mrmer ... If
nice distinctions— such as our Translators have partially carried into
effect— are to be made, there seems to be a propriety in retaimng the
Italics in the cases now under consideration. Taldng, for example,
tlie text. Matt. iv. 20, '' Having left their nets " (a^pimf vm lUrvm) ;
St. Mark, relating the same event, writes «f imf ra lixrvet t^rSp, and
in the modem as well as the old editions, we find ** their nets " — the
word '' their " being printed in the ordinary character, on account of
its having a word (avrSp'i corresponding to it in the Greek. It is ob«
■ervable that Beza translates the passage in St. Matthew, ^ omissia
vetibus ;" and the passage in St. Mane, ^* omissis retibus suis :" —
thereby shewing^ as the Latin language easily permitted, his attention
to the presence or absence of the pronoun. JSeza, indeed, is generally
attentive to this matter ; and I mention the fact, because his authority
was undoubtedly great with the Translators. That, in the printing of
so huge a work, their principles should have becm occasionally bst
•^.
he ft
tkdtldftecfa««i
hf tihe text «if ]6ri.
ATT. HL 15, '^ Ssftr if ioiemmtmr f A^«c V^)
'TWItii&sndbktext»ec«ii4eHKd»«mL X«v tv« tkiosB I
win rartnfe to dfcm : 1. tkat "Ssftrif to 6r jv mmw" icpuLli
tliMe w«nk CMiM •» wd ia0eit to the temrmei raadcr «f tke K^kh
TfWMladM, Ok prac»eex|M«Mi0a«ir€be Eiiiyliit *At«?y». 6<w
Um! ptmMie wv ondentood in aocieat tnMt, wffl ifpii bmm tke
Vnlffsle— '' Bine, maibf and when Ben |;Bve " Omitte aw
at tne eqairthait expremm, he took cue to print aw in Itolica — to
•hew that h waa more than the Gredk text eontamed. IndieaBBe
manner, the words ii lobe $o hare been printed in Italici, to indirrtr
that there are no words eorrei^Madiiig to them in the originaL
' J Con. xnl3, '' If I bestow all mj gooda to fted iSe jmr." (mi
* iht oljjection to the Italics in this pasnge would im^j a bdief on
the part iA the objectors, that the words so marked exist> in aome war
or other, in the verb x^f**^^* ^^ ^' '^ *^ ^^ Ntunbers zL ^
according to the Scptnagint, we find t/^ rpok ^^Mfx^iT «fla ; "who will
fire us flesh to eat r ' and in Rom. xii. 20, we read leu xw^ • ^xM^ <'^'
i^fAi^i a^09, '^ If thine enemy hun|;er, feed him." The conduskm k,
that the Italics are not misapplied.
Nothing can be more satis&ctory than these explanations. It
will not, we think, be affirmed by any persons competent to judge
on the question, that the Italics of the modem Bioles are applied
t<> caves not sanctioned by the Translators themselves, or that the
alterations introduced into them by the additional instances (very
numerous ones certainly) of a cnange of type, are not in con-
formity with the rules which they manifestly prescribed to them-
sclvcH in the construction of their text. The last Italics do not in
any rcHpcct show a usage or a design different from the purpose
for which they were at the first employed in the autnorized
version. No objection can, on principle, be made to the modem
Italics, which ((oes not press precisely in the same manner, and
with eoual force, against the Itolics of the Translators. In re-
s])oct, tnon, to the Report of the Sub-Committee, Dr. Turton
remarks :
' Tlio alternative seems to be, either that, by censuring the modem
Italics lis ))roductivc of the evils they describe, they intended to pass
tho Hiuiic censures on the whole of the Italics, wncther ancient or
nunlorn ; or, tlmt they coudcmned the modem Italics without being at
all iic(|uiuntcd with the nature of the Italics with which the text of
1011 alMmnds.'
Dr. Turton adonts the latter part of the altomative, and hav-
ing most completely established the several points necessary to
The Bible-Printing Monopoly. 623
give to his censures the force of a commahding authority, he pro-
ceeds to express his opinions, without reserve, on the proceedings
of the Sub- Committee.
The members of the Sub-Committee have, in the face of the
world, made themselves responsible for the following resolution in
reference to the Italics :
' That those who made these alterations^ have discovered a great
want of critical taste, unnecessarily exposed the sacred text to the
9Cofh of infidels, and thrown such stumbling-blocks in the wav of the
unlearned, as are greatly calculated to perplex their minus, and
unsettle their confidence in the text of Scripture.'
* A great want of critical taste,^ is not the most serious
charge, certainly, which might require our consideration in judg-
ing the merits of the modem editors of the Bible. There may be
violations of taste, where there is no offence against truth ; and
taste not having a standard by which critics may, to each other^s
satisfaction, adjust their respective claims, the want of it may be
very questionable in some cases, where the allegation of deficiency
may be most strenuously asserted. We are, however, mucn
mistaken, if the members of the Sub-Committee would find them-
selves prepared to vindicate King Jameses Translators from the
accusation, that ^ a great want of critical taste ^ appears in their
version. Many editors and critics have found great fiiult with the
Translation of 1611 in matters of taste. But, in their Report, the
Sub-Committee charge upon the authors of the alterations intro-
duced by the modern Italics, that they have, ^ unnecessarily, ex-
posed the sacred text to the scoffs of infidels;^ and if such be the
fact, the measure of reproach which might be righteously mea-
sured out to them, could not be small. The scoffs of infidels will
ultimately be found to be most injurious to themselves, as all
despite to grave and solemn subjects, depraves the understanding,
and disqiudifies a man for the conducting of inquiries after truth.
But ^ unnecessarily^ to occasion those scoffs by which infidels are
rendered more obdurate, and the way of truth is spoken against,
shews more than a want of wisdom. Arc the modem editors of
the Bible then in this predicament ? Be it remembered that the
Report limits the entire of the alleged mischievous consequences
to the Italics of our modem Bibles. We know that contradic-
tions and inconsistencies have been charged by infidels upon the
Bible, and that their mockery has been directed against its
hallowed pages read and construed amiss by them. But have
the Italics been the cause or the occasion of their raillery ? Would
infidels treat the Bible of 1611 with less irreverence than the
Oxford Bible of 1769 ? Is the ktter the book on which the^
fi»ten their calumnies and their scorn ? We do more than hesi-
tate to approve the Report of the Sub-Committee in this respect :
IM The BMe^Priniing Monopoly.
we inast deny the trath of its charges, and utterly repel its tn-
anuations. Were infidels never known to scoff at the BiUe
before the introduction of the modem Italics as distinctiTe marks
of the peculiarities of its text, as conveyed in a language varjring
in its idioms from the languages of the originals P The Italics
are blameless, and do not so expose the sacred text.
In addition to all this mischief, the Italics, it seems, have
^ thrown such stumbling-blocks in the way of the unlearned, ss
^ are greatly calculated to perplex their minds, and unsettle their
^ conhdence in the text of Scripture.'* The unlearned have a
peculiar interest in translations of the Bible. Its contents can
be known to them only through the medium of a version* The
fidelity of the V^ersion used by them is therefore of primary im-
portance. If the doctrines of the Bible be pervert^, or be ob-
scurdy exhibited in a translation, or if the form in which the
Bible is delivered into the hands of the unlearned be the occasioa
of ambiguities by which the mind of the reader may be misled,
and error or doubts produced, from which his knowledge of the
Original texts might be his pledge of safety, the Version might
be the means of casting * stumbnng-Uocks ^ in his way, and his
* confidence in the text of Scripture'* might be * unsettled.^ But
are the Italics of this dangerous character ? The unlearned may,
indeed, have some difficulty in determining the reasons of the
differences in the types of the impression of the Bible before
him ; but would he not have to make the same inquiries, if he
had in his hands the first printed Bible of King Jameses Trans-
lators, as he would with the last issued copy from the Oxford or
the Cambridge presses? And if the answers which he might
receive in the one case would be satisfactory, and enable him to
pursue his course of reading with pleasure and improvement,
would he not be eaually benefited and prepared by the solution
which he might obtain in the other? For our own part, we
should have no more hesitation in putting into the hanos of an
unlearned person a Bible of 1831, than we should one of 1611 ;
and should fear as little in respect to the former, as we should in
regard to the latter, that there would be * thrown such stumbling-
^ blocks in the way of the unlearned, as are greatly calculated to
^ perplex their minds, and to unsettle their confidence in the
* text of Scripture.' The very copy of Blayney's Bible, 1769,
now before us, was for many year& the Bible constantly used by
a person who was not learned, but who was evangelical and de-
vout, the fnend of Cowper's Unwin, of Claudius Buchanan, and of
others equally well known for their piety, in whose way it threw
no obstacles, whose mind it did not perplex, and whose confidence
in the text of Scripture was never unsettled by the Italics which
it contained.
The Bibte-PrinHng Monopoly. 625
We should rather fear that the statements which have been
pat forth in the aggressive pamphlet before us, and in the Report
of the Sub- Committee, would tend to produce the effects which
are ascribed to the modem Italics and the other alterations of
which so much is made by Mr. Curtis, than that any of the con-
sequences which they ascribe to these supposed causes of peril
and mischief have resulted from them. Will the unlearned read
with less of distrust and perplexity those Bibles to which they
have been accustomed, on being told that thousands of errors
abound in them ; — ' in the book of Genesis alone, upwards of 800;
* in the Psalms 600 ; in the Gospel of Matthew upwards of 400 ;
* and in the whole Bible Eleven Thousand ' f
Dr. Turton'^s tract is valuable, not only as an examination of
the question raised by the representations in the Report of the
Sub- Committee, but as a most able and useful illustration of the
text of the English Bible. Our acquaintance with his ^ Vin-
* dication of Porson ^ prepared us to expect in any production
which should proceed from his pen, a clear and ample under*
standing of his subject, acute and correct criticisms on points re-
quiring elucidation, and the manner of an enlightened and liberal
scholar: in these respects, the pages before us receive our
commendation. No minister of any denomination should be
without this admirable tract. ^ It has become indispensable that
^ the state of the Bibles of King Jameses time, as to Italics,
* should be better understood than it now seems to be.^ One
more passage we must copy from the tract.
' In numerous instances, as I have already observed^ it is quite im-
possible to convert a Hebrew or Greek sentence into a corresponding
sentence in English, without circumlocution. The phrase would fre-
quently be altogether unintelligible in our own language, if presented
in the elliptical form of the Original. In some cases, this elliptical
form will not be attended with any great uncertainty, as to the im|>ort
of the Original ; and yet different modes of supplying the ellipses,
giving slightly different shades of meaning, may be adopted. Even
in such cases, it seems desirable that the words actually supplied,
fairly to exhibit the meaning in English, should be pointed out
In other cases, the elliptical form is productive of so much obscurity,
that the ablest scholars will entertain different opinions as to the mode
in which the ellipsis should be supplied. Nothing surely can be more
manifest than that, in translating works of vast concernment to man-
kind— works on which their religious sentiments depend — whatever is
thus added, for the purpose of conveying the full meaning of the Ori-
ginal, as apprehended by the Translator, ought to have some mark by
which it may be clearly distinguished from the rest.' pp. 26, 27.
In pp. 65, 56, Mr. Curtis furnishes a collation of early copies
of the Bible of King James, in which are some extracts from the
Oxford Reprint of the edition of 1611. On comparing these
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 T
526 The BUUe-Printing Monopoly.
extracts with the * Reprint \ we find so many errors committed
by him as most remarkably to shew how mnch he needs the in-
dulgence of the forbearance denied by him to the mistakes of
other men. There is no exaggeration of the faults which we
detect in this collation, in the following paragraph of Dr. Card-
welPs tract.
' Now in a pamphlet where the object of the Author is to hold ap
certain presses to universal contempt^ and more especially in a passage
where he was publishing a strict collation for the purpose of distin-
guishing between two rival documents, we might expect that he would
shew his peculiar fitness for such employments. And yet the extracts
are printed so inaccurately^ that were he to issue an edition of the
Bible similar to the one now in progress at the Oxford press, after the
copy of 1611, and nith as little correctness as the comparalitfe extracts
in pp. 55 and 56, there wonld he exactly forty errors io a page.
The book will contain 1428 pages; so that the whole amount of ue
errors would be 57>120.' p. 14.
Mr. Curtis'^s errors are indeed constantly presenting them-
selves. The accuracy which he desiderates in other writers, is
but too frequently wanting in his own case. In his evidence
before the Committee of the House of Commons, p. 46, he refers
to a Cambridge edition of the Bible as containing the reading,
•* Therefore I have shewed them by the prophets"; instead of
** therefore I have hewed them by the prophets." Hosea Ti# 5.
This was cited, not from memory, but from a memorandum before
him. Now the reading of the correct Bibles is, in this passage,
* therefore have I hewed them % and the error of the Camb., as
we look to it in a copy before us, is, * therefore have I shewed
* them.^ In the very same answer to question 1392, Mr. Curtis
describes the Oxford Octavo Bible of 1810, as having, in Malacfai
iii. 1 , the superior for the inferior word Lord ; that is, instead of
Lord, the proper expression. Lord is printed. Now ao prevmlent
has been this erroneous mode of representing the term, that,
with but one exception, all the Bibles accessiUe to na, not a few
have the reading. Lord, for the original jntXHy in Malachi iii. 1.
Why was the Oxford Bible specified in such a case as this?
In his ^Four Letters % p. 57» note, Mr. Curtis states, that
^ Fleshy' is the reading of Dr. Blayney and all our modem
Bibles, in 2 Cor. iii. 3. ^ Fleshly' is the reading of the London
Bible of 1769) of the Oxford 1765, as well as of some of the
early editions* But the reading of these is, in the present case,
of no moment, as Mr. Curtis'^s object is to censure Blayney and
all our modem Bibles. It is not correct, however, to affirm that
all our modem Bibles have ^ fleshy' in this passage; we have
before us copies of 1805, 1819, 1831, in all of which the reading
is ^ fleshly.' On this very page we find such injurious statements
as require to be noticed and corrected*
The Bible- Printing Monopoly. MTJ
* Dr. Blayncy seems to have been fully aware that the punctuation
may " preserve " and of course obscure or destroy " the true sense ; **
and I must submit, that whenever a point affects the setise, we have
no modern authority for altering the authorized punctuation. And
the position of a comma will sometimes affect the statement of a scrip-
ture doctrine: ex, gr, Heb. x. 12., that of the all-important doctrine
of the atonement. Our Translators, placing their comma at " ever,"
make the verse to read, " This man after he had offered one sacrifice
for sins for ever, sat down on the right hand of God." Dr. Blayney and
the modem Bibles, removing the comma, read, " This man after he
bad offered one sacrifice for sins^ for ever sat dorrn on the right hand
of God." •
Dr. Blayney was not the innovator. Long before his revision,
the punctuation objected to had a place in English Bibles.
Blayney is evidently regarded by Mr. Curtis as not very anxious
to preserve * the true sense of the passage,^ what then will he say
to the Geneva Translators ? Their Version reads : ^ But this man,
* after he had offered one sacrifice for sinnes, sitteth for ever,^
&c.
The paragraph marks are noticed by Mr. Curtis, p. 58, note ;
but here, as elsewhere, we have to find fault with the rash and in-
discriminate judgement which he pronounces. The readers of
his pamphlet who may not feel themselves under obligation to
submit to a rigorous examination the statements and averments
of the Author, must, in following him in his representations, have
their minds strongly prejudiced against such editions of the Scrip-
tures as these later times have produced. Here again we find
the modem Bibles set in array against the Bible of 1611.
' The Translators, placing this mark of a distinct subject. Matt,
zxviii. 19, express their opinion that the important commission of that
▼erae was given in the mount of Galilee : the modern Bibles placing it
at the 18th verse, indicate a different opinion.'
The commission delivered in the 19th verse is connected by
the particle ouv with the words of Christ in the 18th ; and, there-
fore the paragraph mark, whether it be placed at verse 19th or
ISth, cannot give occasion for the inference alleged by Mr. Curtis.
But to the point of fact. The modern Bibles are not in opposi-
tion to the Bible of 1611. Blayney, indeed, places the mark at
the 18th verse, but the modern Bibles are very numerous which
have the paragraph mark where the Translators affixed it. So it
appears in Cambridge Bibles of 1793, 1828, 1831 ; in Oxford
Bibles of 1765, 1822, 1830 ; and in London Bibles of 1821, 1830.
In other editions, there is no paragraph mark after the 16th
▼erse.
We are not of counsel for the University of Oxford, nor do we hold
a fee as retained advocates for Dr. Blayney^s fiune ; but the eager*
3x2
528 The Bible-PrinHng Monopoly.
ness of Mr. Curtis to accumulate blame upon the late Hebrew
professor of Oxford should be rebuked. His revision of the Bible
contains many alterations which no one is prepared to defend ;
and many of them have been corrected in editions which in other
respects have been rendered conformable to it. Mr. Curtis^s
censures might with advantage to his reputation, in many cases
have been spared. The * Contents of Chapters^ in Blayney^s
revision have been, to a great extent, abandoned, and the Bible
of 1769 is no longer followed ; but, if none of them had been
more exceptionable than the following, we do not see in what
manner the Bible could have suffered deterioration.
Dr. Blayney and his coadjutors seem also to have been Jstronglj
attached (according to these summaries of their doctrine) to the
heathen deity Fortune, of whom the Bible of the Translators certainly
kn^Mv nothing. Thus the predictions of the angel, who is called Je-
hovah, Gen. xvi., are said to be '' informing" Hagar '' of her and her
son's fortunes;" and Gen. xxv., the struggling of the children daring
Rebekah's pregnancy^ " a token of the future fortunes of their
posterity.*" p. 05.
We could easily refer to writers of unquestionable attachment
to evangelical doctrines, and of eminent piety, who have not
scrupled to use the language for which Mr. Curtis so severely
remarks upon the Oxford Hebrew Professor. But, be the lan-
guage proper or improper, it is to be read in much more interest-
ing parts of a Biblical page than in the notation of the contents of
a chapter : we find it in the text of the Bible itself* In Cover-
dale^s Bible, Eccles. ix. 11, is rendered, ^ All lyeth in tyme
* ^x\A fortune^ and the phrase, ^ iifortunedy is frequently em-
ployed. 2 Sam. xix. 9* Ruth, i. 1. Job, i. 5. 7* King James'^s
Translators inserted in the Contents of the cxlixth Psalm, * The
* prophet exhorteth to praise God — for that power which be hath
* given to the Church to rule the consciences of men.^ If Blayney
had been the author of such a sentence as this, the sharpest am*
madversions of Mr. Curtis would have been employed to rebuke
the temerity of such a proceeding. From the modem Bibles it
has been displaced. Blayney^s revision has — * for that power
' which he has given to his saints.** Would Mr. Curtis restore
the old reading ? Nothing short of this could be in satis&ction 61
his assumption and his arguments.
Mr. Curtis comments in the following manner on the account
given by Blayney of his labours in the revision od'jGQ.
* IV. The Column Titles. — " The running titles at the top of
the columns in each pa^, how trifling a circumstance soever it may
appear, required no small degree of thought and attention." AJdn ia
pnnciple to the abandoned comment above^ (Heads or Content* of
Chapters,) is the continued one here alluded to, which oontaint
The Bibh'Printing Monopoly. 539
OfHTuptionB of tbe doctrines and statements of the Bible^ as understood
hy our Translators, that I am far, my Lord, from regarding as
trifling ! * Man's righteousness/ is their column — title of that part of
Isa* Ixiv. which contains the memorable phrase, '^ And all our righ-
teousnesses are as filthy rags." Dr. Blayney avoids this for — ' The
calling of the Gentiles,' the subject of the Ixv. chapter. So we have
for * None is just,' ' All are alike.' Eccl. vii. and viii. two other
subjects substituted, ' Patience and wisdom,' ' Kings are to be
respected;' and 'None righteous,' Rom. iii. exchanged for 'The
Jews universally sinners.' (Bl.) The first two of these corruptions
are in the last Camb. 8yo. Ref. Bible, finished at the period of my
visit to that University. ' None is just,' Job xxv., is thus also with-
drawn ; ' None is clean,' Prov. xx. ' The heart wicked,' Jer. xvii.
' God's justice in punishing sinners — God's ways equal,' Ezek. xviii.
(Trans.) exchanged for ' Every man shall stand or fall by his own
good or bad actions,' (BI.) and Camb. 8vo. 1831. Was there any
thing honourable in the animus of these alterations } The Church of
England, we know, furnished during the last century, but too many
advocates of a righteousness by works, which made ' the grace of God
no more grace ;' but they should have contented themselves with a fair
field, and fair weapons of controversy ; thus silently to withdraw an
important sanction of a directly opposite opinion, was surely any thing
but &ir or becoming.' Curtis, 66, 67-
This, we hesitate not to say, is one of the most remarkable
paragraphs which ever came under the notice of a Reviewer;—
remarkable alike for the errors which it embodies, and the disin-
genuous spirit which pervades it. The language which it con-
tains, is explicit enough, nor are the insinuations at all charge-
able with obscurity ; neither the one nor the other can be mistaken.
Dr. Blayney is boldly charged with the offence of wilfully per-
verting and corrupting the Scriptures : * Was there any thing
honourable in the animus of these alterations ? "" We shall ex-
amine the grounds on which an accusation so grave and serious is
foiuided. Every reader is referred, by Mr. Curtis, to Blayney,
the Church of England divines of the last century, and the mo-
dem Bibles, as the guilty parties, and the witnesses of their
desperate proceedings. Now what will our readers think of such
charges, when we assure them that the above alterations are not
modem; are not of the last century, are not peculiar to modem
Bibles, and are not chargeable upon Dr. Blayney as the author of
them ! It is impossible that Dr. Blayney should have been the
author of Column-titles in the English Bible, which had a place
there a century before the date of his revision. The injustice
which Mr. Curtis has shewn towards Blayney, it is impossible for
any upright and candid mind to overlook; and our sense of jus-
tice, as well as the generous feelings which the occasion requires,
impel us to rescue the memory of the learned critic from his un-
rignteous imputations. As the most unexceptionable testimonies,
Z tr i «.!•••- ?' .?. ' 9a£ -A. f*l» H
_ _ V' ■ "f-
... .'_• ••■•• ^ • .'" AiM^ »> ' ^A la{l . - ^ •-. t£ . '>^
-. — \. "x -'.- "r:-r^~ - .* V - "• * - ■' ■ •■ 'rt*ft*T«
» .". • » r~ -^ « '■ft - L*^*. " ■» ^ ^ ^ «*«»• • •'■«
•>^- - _-*■ .......-— V •.! Ti "■": " ~. ^ - ^ t » T ■ ^.^
. .'t f ■ ■ ■ ...v.. _. ... •l_.:, ^ z . -." V : •
• : ; :- — r ^r : . : i i - - :: • * ' ■: zzr r l-. ir ' s^j. • frios
:■. V • .T :.: :. .: . ' •"; " > tr- :: fi :: t» vi- ' pr. T^r:* xx..
T' : '-.l:* r'-'.-. ^A:-:.. 1 1*7: ^^ '"- - * Tlf :-r»!-frri:-::-
-r - ■ .- ^ ■ -,-.: -•-".- ■ . " " ■ w .- — ~ ,-" • " •"■-"*■ • T'-p iK-
J-.: -I- i^ - ' "-'."• u- :*t :t : .r rrLiif' — fr:/ ^r:X^. The
r
• ■• 1 ••-- I .—■ ■•" - ■ — :— --.*»—-- -"- •- - i- "(i "•• T T^ »T ^^ ip'^'tV
r..-. -. :.*i- .'T.f ::- -': : Ti" -.it;?"? rfj-firr?- b'-i thai he
:. »--: :": - -.i.,"- -. .: '. > Trf:r:*-:-T?-.T> :- :'r.f ifpinr-.er;; and
1. . .. ... . •_. ,.."»• — .? A^.A 7ftAk^...'C*.*7 !> I
. . " -. >:.*■ 1 . -.r -. . • «-i-. rr- ."--If. ■ >:-^r-l :r.-:ir.^eso:
• ■ ' A •* ■ * • ^"^ ■ ■ i
r : - '■■■". .-.-:• x"*. • .V *• • :.~:t . r C*-r:s!.
. • ■ - • - : : :_ ^■. -i:-. . _.:-■: r. ::rc^-» -> ^-ujr:.)
.■■_•-:• Jy. ■::■■--..- t".- - : *:r- •- B. ir.f :ir r-.-.i-ierr. Bi-
'. '■ 'f^' :: - if- 1' 1 «. -■ 1 1 ]. P- -. '■".:: Cnr.r^T's Etfr-
r.:-/ :'-- T . .■_:. : T^.i-.' 131. i"i Ox-^rd. U>2S;
' rr >-..-.■. \.. - . «•: . L -•::':. Ic^'A. — *'er. xxx:.. ■ l'hri>t jiro-
:. • - •■ r.t- '-■ -1 L .rL.'z -^ c*:..*" -rtt-.:." BI. iaii n*.«<lern
ii .. ■ -.\;i:-. '.:. « .r>:»iz: ::.:....-..' Trjri>. • The ir:terpretation
•■.■:•;. :'. ' . . •: . •.'..; v ..... :. ; - ; : 1-i::'. : v ^ E ".. - c d Xi:i>i»:r r. Bibles ' .*
M: rnrti* ir ^o cr-pi'iir in his cx.i'r.plc-. and so remote from
aii .vrri'rj^jnjity «>t»:XTjrt--ii' :: in hi* -tatemen:?. as to preserve every
rf:a*l^r of therii inti:\ the p»;**::J';:ty or" misconceiving his meaning.
'J |jf: iri.putation a^i.'iin repeated against Blaney is, that he icil-
J'ulhj f'aUifufd i\n! de-cription of the contents of the chapters of
the- \\\\,\tt \i\ wi til drawing the direct references which they con-
tain to (^hriht. Let us then compare the old copies. How stands
The Bible-Printing Monopoly. 631
the reading of 1620? * The excellencie of wisdom: Her riches
and eternitic' What is that of 1639? * The commendation of
'Wisdom.'' What is the Column-title of 1679? * Wisdom^s excel-
lency, &C.'' In Ps. xxii., the edition of 1679 reads * David^s
prayer in distress.^ In Jer. xxxi. many modem Bibles do read
* Christ promised;^ so Camb. 1793. * Christ is promised" appears
in a most beautiful Camb. 12mo, 1828; and so reads the 8vo.
edition of London, 1821. Other modern Column-titles are,
* Ephraim'^s repentance,** * Israers restoration.'* In Daniel vii.,
* Tenne homes,'' 1613. * Four beasts,"* 1620. * The interpre-
tation thereof," 1679.
' Other doctrinal views of the Translators, reformed by those of the
Oxford Divines of 1769, will be interesting to some of my readers. I
shall merely, for the sake of brevity, put down the wilhdrarvn doc-
trine. The reader can generally find the substituted one of Blayney in
the modern Bibles. Ps. Ivii. * God saveth his.' Isa. x. ' A remnant
saved.' — xliv. ' God's love to his chosen people.' — xlvi. ' Gt)d beareth
his.' — xlviii. ' God trieth his' — Jer. xv. * God saveth his.'— xxxi.
* Everlasting love.' — id. ' A new covenant and everlasting.' — Acts
T. * Ordained to life.' — Eph. i. ' The election of the saints.'
It may surprise our readers to leam that not one of these pas-
sages is found in the Bibles of 1639, and 1679, and but one of
them in the black-letter quarto of 1620, that of Eph. i. Isa. x. has,
in 1 620, * A remnant of Israel saved ;' and modern Bibles have the
similar heading, ' A remnant of Israel shall be saved.** Whatever
be the points of doctrine included in these sentences placed at the
top of the pages in the chapters specified, Mr. Curtis has charged
upon the Oxford Divines of 1769» the withdrawing of them, and
tne reforming of the tenets exhibited by them. But the editors
of 1620, 1639, and 1679, could not withdraw the passages which
are exchanged for others in their Bibles from any wish to accom-
modate them to any doctrines to which Mr. Curtis may suppose
Blayney and his coadjutors were favourably disposed.
Mr. Curtis goes on to shew that the Translators, after the ex-
ample of their Geneva brethren, chose for the head of the page,
* some notable word or sentence for the help of the memory', and
he copies, p. 68, ' a few of these of which our modern bibles are
* denuded.' These words and sentences, of whatever value they
may be, are not of sacred authority ; and it is quite obvious, as
Dr. Cardwell observes, that they could not have been preserved,
unless all editions subsequent to that in which they first appeared
had ' corresponded exactly in page and in column with the first
* impressions.' We shall compare some of these titles as given
by Mr. Curtis with the headings in some bibles before us.
Exod. xxxiii. ' God not seen '. Not in 1613, 1620, 1639, all of
which read, ' Moses talketh with God.' Blayney, ' Moses dc-
* sireth to see the glory of God.' Deut. xxx., ' Mercy to the
532 The Bible-Printing Manopofy.
^ repentant.* Not in 1613, which has, ^ His (Grod'^s) merde.'
* Promises to the repentant% is in 1620. Bhtyney, * Great mercies
* promised to the penitent.** Ps. xxxix., * Man is vanity ."^ ; in
1613, * Man's vanity' ; 1620, * David's care of his thoughts';
Blayney, * His reflections on the vanity of human life.' Otha
modem bibles have, * The brevity and vanity of life.' Ps. xlviii.,
* Zion's beauty '; modem bibles read * The beauty of Zion.' The
sentiment in tne titles at the head of the page is, in some of the
earliest bibles expressed with great brevity and terseness, and is,
as Mr. Curtis describes it, adapted to catch a * careless eye ' ; but
the titles were very early changed, and successive editions shew
ereat variety in the sentences thus displayed. The denudation
IS not by any means peculiar to our modem bibles. And let it
not be forgotten, that the passages thus removed, are no part of
the sacred Scriptures, the text of which is not affected by these
withdrawmcnts or substitutions.
In his fourth * Letter,' (p. 74, &c.) Mr. Curtis's remarks relate
principally to the mode of distinguishing certain Divine names in
the printed Bibles. King James's Translators have used the
term Jehovah but in a very few cases of a peculiar kind. Lord
is the mode of representing the Hebrew rffl* observed by them,
and the same word in a different letter. Lord, intimates to the
reader of their version, that the Original is fpK: the former denotes
the Self-existent Being, but the latter is used of men or other
creatures. These terms are often found associated with each
other, and are, respectively, frequently combined with other names
of God. It is of considerable importance that these names should
be correctly represented in a Translation, and that there should
be an unbroken uniformity in the usage adopted. Mr. Curtis
severely reprehends Dr. Blayney and the modem Editors for their
carelessness in respect to this particular, and points out some of the
errors which disfigure their Bibles. We are not acquainted with
any English Bibles which, in respect to this class of words, are
faultless; and considerable differences are to be found in their
modes of representing them. Mr. Curtis, p. 78, quotes Blayney'^s
Bible 1 769> as reading in Ps. cxlviii. 8. (7) " O God, the Lobi),"
equal, he remarks, to " O Jehovah, Jehovah!" Now this is
another of Mr. Curtis's blunders. Blayney's reading, and the
reading of many other modern Bibles, besides that of 1769, is,
* O God the Lord.' This is erroneous, the true mode of repre-
senting the original being, ' O God the Lord,' but it does not
furnish the kind of objection adduced by Mr. Curtis, * a repe-
* tition of the word never found.' No errors found in the modern
Bibles are, however, more in violation of the Translators' rules,
than instances of these names which are found in the Bible of
1611, and which are four times more numerous than Mr. Curtis
represents them to be. What example in Blayney's text is worse
The Bible^Printing Monopoly, 533
• • ■
than 2 Chron. xiii. 6, in the Bible of 1611, where the term appro-
priate to the Self-existent Being is referred to Kehoboam ?
Mr. Curtis denies the right, as in Blayney^s case, of any editors
to make critical alterations in the Bible, and insists that the
Translators themselves possessed no right whatever to make a
single critical alteration without a renewed authority. ^ When
* the commission was fulfilled by the delivery of the joint labours
* of the Translators to his Majesty ^s printer, I venture to contend
* that it became in natural course defunct.^ (p. 51.) On this
assertion, we do not find it necessary for us largely to remark.
The rigid construction of Mr. Curtis'^s rule would, perhaps, re-
quire that the Bible, precisely as in its first form in loll, should
be transmitted to the readers of all coming times. For, if the au-
thority of which he speaks was necessary in respect to critical
alterations, it would seem to be necessary in respect to altera-
tions of every description. It might sometimes be very difficult
to distinguish typographical errata from errors of a critical kind.
But to this question it is not necessary for us to refer more par-
ticularly. Our present object has been, the examination of the
charges which represent the present state of the English Bibles
as so deteriorated and corrupted as to be productive of the evils
described by the SulvCommittee. These charges we have ex-
amined ; and we assert without hesitation or difficulty, that the
text of Scripture in the English Bible is not vitiated by the
modem Italics, as the charges allege ; and that, in any copy of
the Translation in common use, there is nothing to be found
which can render the text of Scripture unworthy of the confidence
of the unlearned. It is of the utmost importance, that the refu-
tation of such charges as we find in the Report of the Sub-Com-
mittee should go forth into every part of the country ; and those
classes of the community amongst whom the Bible most largely
circulates should be told, that, in the copies which have been put
into their hands, there is neither perversion nor obscuration of
the truth. The Bibles of the Oxford and Cambridge and Lon-
don presses recently issued are most beautiful books, and certainly,
in respect to the important purposes of their publication and use,
may be read without distrust. We do not affirm them to be im-
maculate, but they afford no grounds for such imputations as those
which have been, we regret to say, so inconsiderately and so re-
proachfnlly directed against them.
Into the perfectly di\^i\nct question relating to the cost to the
public of the Bible monopoly, or its effect in restricting the cir-
culation of the Scriptures, we cannot here enter, but must reserve
it for a future article.
VOL. IX. — N.S.
3n
( 534 )
Art V. The true Dignii^ qf Hummn Jfaturf^ or Man viewed in
Relation to Immortality* By William Pnvisi Minister of the CroA
Chapel^ Hastings, l^moj pp. xxiv. 237* Iiondon 1830.
"^^y E owe an apolc^ to th^ amiable and picms Author of thia
volume for naving omitted to notice it on its first appeanmoe^
It is certainly deserving of our cordial recommendation, bebg
very pleadingly written, and well adapted to answer its purpose
of counteracting some prevailing religious errors. The main de«
sign of the Writer seems to be, to put the reader on his guard
against self deception in the all-important coucem of bis spiritual
condition and prospects. We do not think the title nappilv
chosen; nor is the Authors purpose very distinctly intimated*
It will also detract from the inviting appearance of the book, that
it is not broken into chapters or sections, but runs on continuously
without a breathing place. This circumstance may seem immi^
terial, but it will not be found so in fact. Upon a subject which
excites, confessedly, a small degree of interest in the bosoms of
vast numbers, it is putting the perseverance of the reader to too
severe a test. All that we can say is, that the perusal will repaj
the reader who is sufficiently in earnest and welt pleased with nis
instructor to read to the end. The introductoiy paragraphs^
which border, more than any other part, upon common place,
might have been compressed with aQvantage tp the work« We
ahail be glad to see these corrections introduced in a second edi-
tion, which, we should hope, has by this time been called f(^.
The admonitory cautions contained in the following paragraphs^
will not be deemed unnecessary by any thoughtful CnristUB ac^
quainted with the deceitfulnesa of his own heart
' Is there not a danger lest> in the midst of increasing eibrts, and
loud and repeated calls from societies, and horn aealous individuals,
for time, attention, and continued and persevering exertioBs, hr tHa
benefit of our neighbourhood, of our countrvmen, and of the wsrld ;«^
lest in the hurry (if we may be allowed the expression) of rdyigioiia
secularities, the anxieties of directions, and of committees, theexdtemeal
of public meetings, and of public business — is there not a danger> lest
the very nature of religion itself, as a personal thing, may be mistaken ;
and safety token for granted, merely because a feeling of interest has
been excited, on behdf of the progress of the Gospel in the world ?
' We may be allowed to suppose, that the minds of some are im-
pressed with the dangerous idea, that something of merit attaches to
all this activity, in which they participate ; while there are others who;,
fearing to regard their benevolent exertions as meritorious, are proba*
bly, too much inclined to look to this quarter for the most satisnictoiy
evidence of their safety. There is certainly danger here. We refo
not to the fact that many who have been at the greatest remove, both
in title and in heart, from a right to the heavenly inheritance^ and a
qualification for the enjoyment of it, have been in every age, number-
Oftvis's tnie Digyilty of Human Nature. 636
ed among the most dsealous advocates oi the tfuth. We refer not to
party bi^ts^ nor to the hot-headed, but eold hearted zeal which^ like
that of Jehu, had self for iU object. But we allude to that love of
exertion, which appears so natural to some ; and to that delight in the
Improving smiles of our fellow-men, which comes with a charm so
aoothing on our self-complacent feelings. All this, so far as regards
the true interest of our immortal souls, may leave us as wholly desti-
tute of spiritual benefit, as it found us. Or it may have an effect posi-
tively injurious, it may inflate our minds with vanity and pride, and
assimilate us to the character of the man, who with raised eye, bended
knees, and a voice sufficiently audible, commended his piety to those who
were around him : who received their applause ; ana in that applause^
had all the reward he sought, and even more than he deserved. It
will be allowed that we have the highest authority for affirming that
he adopts not the method appointed by divine wisdom and love for the
salvation of the human soul, who seeks the honour that cometh from
man in preference to that which descends from God.
' It becomes us therefore, to take heed that the interest which we
feel on religious subjects in ^neral, and in the progress of divine
truth in particular, is of the nsht kind. We call that a spurious zeal
for the honour of God, which does not begin with subduing sin, in the
breast of him who is the subject of it : and we may denominate that
zeal for the promotion of the Gospel, as not the most genuine, which
expends its energies for the good of others, while it suf^rs the soul ot
the individual himself, to remain without the only satisfactory evi-
dences of a state safe for eternity ; with a heart lifted up ; witn evil
passions unsubdued ; with a spirit at variance with that inculcated in
the Gospel, — without humility, without spiritual peace and joy, — in a
Word, destitute of that mind which was in Christ Jesus the Lord.
Separate from this character, no zeal will avail. To produce this, is
one great design of tiie Gospel : and in every case, in which it is not
discoverable, the life-giving power of the religion of the New Testa-
mcfnt has not been experienced.
' We have thus ventured to intimate, that there is in the present
day, a very great necessity for examination as to the state of individual
character amongst the professors of religion. If we do not require less
of the religion of the public meeting, we certainly should not be in-
jured by more of the religion of the closet.* pp. 92 — 95.
The AuthoT^s remarks on assurance are, upon the whole, judi-
cious and scriptural. We are especially pleased with the follow-
ing remarks.
* There are two powerful emotions by which the mind of every genu-
ine Christian is agitated. These are love and fear. Where love pre-
vails, fear will be in abeyance. And where fear prevails, love will
become cold. Love is the master principle of all holy obedience. It
is called, by the sacred writer, the fulfilling of the law. Obediencef
therefore, will correspond with the strength and exercise of this holy
affection. If this becomes weakened, and its exercises are feeble, and
frequently interrupted, obedience will fail, temptation become power**
fill, and sin, necessarilv> ensue. Ood has placed in the bosom of all
3u2
536 Davis^s true Dignity of Human Nature^
his servants a principle of fear as will as of love : and where obedience,
the necessary effect of love, is absent, there fear will be present. Whe-
ther we term fear a gracious affection, though '* it have torment," or a
mere slavish emotion, its effect on the character and conduct of the
backsliding and negligent professor, is unquestionably beneficiaL
Fear of the consequences of sm will induce abstinence from it ; aDd
fear of the indignation of God, will produce a desire to avert it. Where
there is fear there will be pain ; but it is a pain which precedes the
healing of the moral malady. And when the disease is removed, or in other
words, when sin is abandoned, love will be in exercise ; and if there be
a perfect exercise of this grace, it will banish fear. The apprehension
01 the consequences of sin will cease, and there will be a well.grounded
assurance that all the blessings of salvation are ours.
' Now we will venture to affirm, making all due allowance for the
imperfection of our best services, and the sin that cleaves to our most
holy duties, that where love abounds, and where obedience, the fruit of
love is consequently found, that there, and there only, will the subject
of this holy affection, enjoy a legitimate assurance of the divine ikvoar.
Under these circumstances, the Christian's mountain will be immove-
able, the light of the divine countenance will be beheld, and peace and
joy will dwell in the breast. But it is not a mere recollection of this
enviable state of the mind and heart, together with a review of the
corresponding practice with which it has been accompanied, that will
give assurance and confidence to the bosom, if, at the period of this re-
view, the affection and the practice be wanting : nor will any effort, on
the part of the individual in such circumstances^ to produce this con-
solatory assurance, be permanently successful. God has inseparably
connected a holy frame of mind, and a righteous course of conduct,
with scriptural confidence of an interest in the great salvation : and it
will be a vain, as it is an unholy and antinomain endeavour, to seek to
secure the latter, while concious to ourselves that we are destitute of
the former. Bold abstractions, theoretical notions, subtle distinctions,
sophistical reasonings, may amuse and impose on the intellect, but they
will give no abiding solace to the heart.' pp. 163-165.
If we have any fault to find with the Author'^s theological
statements, it is, that sufficient prominence is not given to the
Only source of all religion, Divine influence, and to the means of all
religion, prayer. Habitual prayer is stated to be * one great
* means of obtaining a consolatory assurance of our interest in the
* Divine favour^; but it is rather the means, whatever else may be
requisite to the attainment. The doctrine of Divine influence,
the grand reconciler of all theological difficulties, the key-stone
of the Christian system, is more particularly the best antidote to
antinomianism, speculative or practical. This doctrine is clearly
recognized in the present volume. We merely mean to suggest,
that it does not stand out in due proportion. The genuine en-
couragement which it is adapted to afford to the sincere inquirer,
or to the trembling, self-diffident, unassured believer, might have
been exhibited without danger of fostering delusion ; and it would
Rushes Residence at the Court of London. 537
have obviated the only objection to which, we think, the volume is
open.
Art. VI. A Residence at the Court of London. By Richard Rush,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the
United States of America, from 1817 to 1825. 8vo. pp. 420.
London, 1833.
TN the unpretending form of a simple journal, Mr. Rush has
here presented to us a lively and interesting record of the
impressions produced by his introduction, as American Minister,
to the highest grade of English society, and by the observations
which he had the opportunity of making upon our political and
domestic institutions, the manners and customs, the wealth and
greatness of England. A residence of nearly eight years in this
country, he frankly avows, corrected many erroneous impressions
he had previously taken up; and he has written this volume
* in the spirit of good feeling towards Britain, which may be
* cherished by every American compatibly with his superior love
* for his own country,' and which, he expresses his belief, few
Americans fail to cherish who stay here as long as he did.
^ Enough has been written and said on both sides to irritate.
* My desire is," says Mr. Rush, * and such my effort, to soothe.'
The volume is, indeed, well adapted to promote a cordial feeling
between the intelligent classes in both countries. It displays a
spirit of frank and manly courtesy towards the people of this
country, which ought to shame us out of the illiberal jealousy and
spirit of detraction which have been too often displayed towards
the Americans. The Englishman may learn from this volume to
appreciate more highly his own institutions; to estimate more
justly the political and moral greatness of his own nation ; while
he will at the same time be led to feel increased respect for that
nation which, in all its essential characteristics, its laws, lan-
guage, literature, religion, its spirit of freedom, commercial en-
terprise, and religious zeal, not only betrays its English origin,
but is one with the people of England. What God has so united,
let no one attempt to sunder.
Mr. Rush disclaims having attempted to scan all our institu-
tions and character ; but has merely thrown out brief and cursory
reflections upon those portions which fell under his immediate
observation. The opinions, he says, in which he feels most con-
fidence, are those which refer to the wealth and power of Eng-
land, and their steady augmentation. Since the time of his
residence among us, great political changes have taken place ;
but, adds Mr. Rush, ' I do not, at my distance, believe that
* any essential changes will yet have been produced by them,
* bearing upon the character or habits of the nation. Those
638 Ruth's ReHdence at the Court of Landm.
* when the growth of ages, alter slowly in any country. In Eng-
^ land, they will come about more slowly than in most countries.^
' I went to England again in 1829. An interval of four years had
elapsed ; yet I was amarcd at the increase of London. The Brent's
Park, which, when I first knew the west-end of the town, disdosed
nothing but lawns and fields, was not a city* You saw long rows of
lofty buildings* in their outward aspect magnificent. On this whole
space was set down a population of probably not less than fifty or sixty
thousand souls. Another city, hardly smaller, seemed to have sprung
up in the neighbourhood of St. Pancras Church and the London Uni-
versity. Belgrave Square, in an opposite region, broke upon me with
like surprise. The road from Westminster Bridge to Greenwich ex-
hibited for several miles compact ranges of new houses. Finchley
Common, desolate in 1819, was covered with neat cottages, and indeed
vill. ges. In whatever direction I went, indications were similar. I
say nothing of Carlton Terrace, for Carlton House was gone, or of the
street, of two miles, from that point to Park Crescent, surpassing any
other in London, or any that I saw in Europe. To make room for
this new and spacious street, old ones had been pulled down, of which
no vestage remained. I could scarcely, but for the evidence of the
senses, have believed it all. The historian of the Decline and Fall of
the Boman Empire remarks, that the description, composed in the
Theodosian age, of the many stately mansions in Bome, might almost
excuse the exaggeration of the poet ; that Bome contained a multitude
of palaces, and that each palace was equal to a city. Is the British
metropolis advancing to that destiny ? Manchester, Liverpool, Bir**
mingham, and other provincial towns that I visited, appeared, on their
smaller scales, to have increased as much.
' In the midst of it all» nearly every newspaper that I opened rang
the changes upon the distress and poverty of England. Mr. Peel's
bill banishing bank-notes under ^ve pounds from circulation, had re-
cently passed. Tliere was great clamour — there is always clamour at
something among this people. Prices had follen— trade was said to be
irrecoveraably ruined, through the over-production of goods, I have
since seen the state of things at that epoch better described perhaps,
as the result of an under-production of^ money. Workmen in many
places were out of employ ; there were said to be fourteen thousand of
this description in JVlanchester. I saw portions of them walking along
the streets. Most of this body had struck for wages. I asked how
they subsisted when doing nothing. It was answered, that they had
laid up funds by joint contributions among themselves whilst engaged
in work. In no p»art of Liverpool or its extensive environs did I see
pauperism ; the paupers for that entire district being kept within the
limits of its poor-house ; in which recepticle I was informed there
were fifteen hundred. I passed through the vale of Cheshire; I saw
in that fertile district, in Lancashire, Staffordshire, Derbyshire, Lei-
cestershire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire, appearances of wide-spread
prosperity, in the lands, houses, canals, roads, iiublic works, domestic
animals, people — in every thing that the eye ot the merely transient
traveller took in.' pp. xi. — xiii.
RusVs Residence at the Court of lAmdon. 639
Such are the contradictory elements of the complex state of
•ociety, which perplex the observation of a stranger visiting
this country. An enlightened member of the diplomatic corps
told Mr. Bush, that, at the end of his first year, he thought he
knew England very well ; when the third year had gone by, he
be^an to have doubts ; and after a still longer residence, his
opmions were more unsettled than ever : some he had changed
entirely ; others had undergone modification ; and he knew not
what fate awaited the rest.
' There was reason in his remark. If it be not contradictor7> I would
mkjf that he shewed his judgment in appearing to have at present no
judgment at all. The stranger sees in England^ prosperity the most
«mazing> with what seems to strike at the roots of all prosperity. He
sees the most profuse expenditure^ not by the nobles alone> but large
classes besides ; and, throughout classes fiar larger, the most resolute
induatry supplying its demands and repairing its waste ; taxation
strafaiea to the utmost, with an ability unparalleled to meet it ; pauper-
ism that is startling, with public and private charity unfiling, to reed,
clothe, and house it ; the boldest freedom, with submission to law ;
ignorance and crime so widely diffused as to appal, with genius and
latrning and virtue to reassure ; intestine commotions predicted, and
never happening ; constant complaints of poverty and suDering, with
ooastant increase in aggregate wealth and power. These are some of
the anomalies which he sees. How is he at once to pass upon them
all ? he, a stranger, when the foremost of the natives after studying
them a lifetime, do nothing but differ ! '
The civil festival on the 9th of November, on which occasion
Mr. Rush dined at Guildhall, suggests the following reflections^
which must be gratifying to all but those incorrigible croeiier^
who delight in predictions of evil.
' I should not soon have done if I were to mention all the instanoea
of which I chanced on this occasion, to hear, of riches among mechanics,
artirans, and others, engaged in the common walks of business in this
great city. I heard of haberdashers who cleared thirty thousand
pounds sterling a-year, by retail shop-keeping ; of brewers whose
buildings and fixtures necessary to carry on business, cost fonr huA«
dred and fifty thousand pounds ; of silversmiths worth half a million ;
of a person in Exeter Change, who made a fortune of a hundred
thousand pounds, chiefly by making and selling razors ; of job^hcrse
men, who neld a hundred and forty thousand pounds in the Three per
Cents ; and of confectioners and woollen drapers who had funded sums
still larger. Of the higher order of merchants, bankers, and capitalists
of that stamp, many of whom were present, whose riches I heard of,
I am unwilling to speak, lest I should seem to exaggerate. I have
given enough. During the late war with France, it is said that thera
were once recruited in a single day in the country between Man-%
Chester and Birmingham, two thousand able-bodied working men fbv
the British army. It is the country so remarkable fur its coUierits^
540 Rushes ReMenee ai ike Court of London.
iron-iniiiet/aiid blast-fiiniscet. lu niHaoe is desolate. A portkm of
it is sometimes called the fire coantij> firom the flames that issoe in
rolling Tolames from the loft j tops of the furnaces. Seen all around
bj the traveller at night, ther present a sight that may be called
awfbl. Sometimes yon are told that human beings are at work in
the boweb of the earth beneath yon. A member of the diplomttic
corps, on hearing of the above enlistment, remarked, that could Bona-
mrte have known that hct, and seen the whole region of conntrr
nrom which the men came, seen the evidences of opulence and straigth
in its public works, its manufMSturing establishments and towns, and
abundant agriculture, notwithstanding the alleged or real pauperism
of some of the districts, it would of itself have induced hun to give
over the project of invading England.
' In like manner, let any one go to a lord mayor's dinner; let him
be told of the sums owned bv those he will see around him and others
he will hear of, not inheritea fitym ancestors, but self-acquired by in-
dividual industry in all ways in which the hand and mind of man can
be employed, and he will be backward at predicting the ruin of Eng-
land from any of her present financial difficulties. Predictions of
this nature have been repeated for ages, but have not come to pass.
' Rich subjects make a rich nation. As the former increase so will
the means of filling the coffers of the latter. Let contemporary nations
lay it to their account, that England is more powerful now than ever
she was, notwithstanding her debt and taxes. This knowledge should
form an element in their foreign policy. Let them assure themselves
that instead of declining sheis adfvancing ; and that her population in-
creases fast ; that she is constantly seeking new fields of enterprise in
other parts of the globe, and adding to the improvements that already
cover tier island at home new ones that promise to go beyond them in
magnitude ; in fine, that instead of being worn out, as at a distance is
sometimes supposed, she is going a-head with the buoyant spirit and
vigorous effort of youth. It is un observation of Madame de Stael,
how ill England is understood on the continent, in spite of the little
distance that separates her from it. How much more likely that na-
tions between whom and herself an ocean interposes should fall into
mistakes on the true nature of her power and prospects ; should ima-
gine their foundations to be crumbling, instead of steadily striking in-
to more depth, and spreading into wider compass. Britain exists all
over the world in her colonies. These alone give her the means of
advancing her industry and opulence for ages to come. They are por-
tions of her territory more valuable than if joined to her island. The
sense of distance is destroyed by her command of ships ; whilst that
distance serves as a feeder of her commerce and marine. Situated on
every continent, lying in every latitude, these, her out-dominions,
make her the centre of a trade already vast and perpetually augment-
ing— a home trade and a foreign trade — for it yields the riciies of both,
as she controuls it all at her will. They take off her redundant popu-
lation, vet make her more populous ; and are destined, under the
policy already commenced towards them, and which in time she will
tar more extensively pursue, to expand her empire, commercial, manu-
Rushes Residence at the Court of London. 541
facturing, and maritime^ to dimensions to which it would not be easy
to affix limits.' pp. 390—93.
Speaking of our national debt, Mr. Rush remarks, that, as an
absolute sum it must strike the world as enormous ; but that it
loses this character when viewed in connexion with the resources
of Great Britain, which have increased in a ratio greater than
her debt. In proof of this position, he adduces the fact, that in
the face of this debt, our Government could, at any moment bor-
row from British capitalists fresh sums, larger than were ever
borrowed before, and than could be raised by the united exertions
of the Governments of Europe.
' Credit so unbounded can rest only upon the known extent and so-
lidity of her resources ; upon her agricultural, manufacturing, and
commercial riches ; the first coming from her highly cultivated soil
and its exhaustless mines, not of gold and silver, but iron and coal, for
ever profitably worked ; the second, from the various and universal
labour bestowed on raw materials, which brings into play all the in-
dustry of her people, suffering none to be lost for want of objects ;
the third, from a system of navigation and trade, followed up for ages,
which enables her to send to every part of the globe the products of
this vast and diversified industry, after supplying all her own wants.
This system of navigation and trade is greatly sustained by a colonial
empire of gigantic size, that perpetually increases the demand for her
manufactures, and favours the monopoly of her tonnage. These are
the visible foundations of her incalculable riches ; consequently of her
credit. Both seem incessantly augmenting.' pp. 248, 9.
These remarks would suggest matter for extended comment,
but we waive any reflections of our own, and shall proceed to give
a specimen or two of the lighter portions of the Journal. The
splendours of the English Court appear to have had a fascinating
effect upon the Writer's imagination, without, however, putting
him out of conceit with the simpler habits and customs of repub-
lican society. The following description is given of the Queen's
drawing-room.
* The doors of the rooms were all open. You saw in them a thou-
sand ladies richly dressed. All the colours of nature were mingling
their rays together. It was the first occasion of laying by mourning
for the Princess Charlotte, so that it was like the bursting out of
spring. No lady was without her plume. The whole was a waving
field of feathers. Some were blue, like the sky ; some tinged with
red ; here you saw violet and yellow ; there, shades of green ; but
the most were hke tufts of snow. The diamonds encircling them
caught the sun through the windows, and threw dazzling beams
around. Then the hoops ! I cannot describe these. They should be
seen. To see one is nothing. But to see a thousand— and their thou-
sand wearers ! 1 afterwards sat in the ambassadors' box at a corona-
tion. That sight faded before this. Each lady seemed to rise out of
a gilded little barricade, or one of silvery texture. This, topped by
VOL. IX. — N.s. 3 X
fii2 BiuVs Residence at the Court of London,
^er plume^ and the * face dirine * interposing, gave to the whole an
effect so unique, so fraught with feminine grace and grandeur, that it
seemed as if a curtain had risen to show a pageant in another sphere.
It was brilliant and joyous. Those to whom it was not new, stood at
gaze, as I did. Canning for one. His fine eye took it all in. Yoo
saw admiration in the gravest statesmen ; Lord Liverpool, Huskisson,
the Lord Chancellor, every body. I had already seen in Englandi
Kgns enough of opulence and power; now I saw, radiating on all
aides, British beauty. My own country I believed was destined to a
Just measure of the two first; and I had the inward assurance that my
countrywomen were the inheritresses of the last. Matre pulchra Jtlia
pulchrwr. So appeared the drawing-room of Queen Charlotte/ p. 103*
We must select, as our last specimen, an account of a dinner at
Jeremy Bentham^s.
' From my house north of Portman Square, I was driven nearly
three miles through streets for the most part long and wide, until I
passed Westminster Abbey. Thereabouts, things changed. The
streets grew narrow. Houses seemed falling down with age. The
crowds were as thick, but not so good-looking, as about Cornhill and
the Poultry. In a little while I reached the purlieus of Queen Square
Place. The farther I advanced, the more confined was the space. At
length turning through a gateway, the passage was so narrow that I
thought the wheels would have grazed. It was a kind of blind-alley,
the end of which winded into a small, neat, court-yard. There, by
itself, stood Mr. Bentham's house. Shrubbery graced its area, and
flowers its window-sills. It was like an oasis in the desert. Its name
is the Hermitage.
' Entering he received me with the simplicity of a philosopher. I
should have taken him for seventy or upwards. Every thing inside
of the house was orderly. The furniture seemed to have been un-
moved since the days o/ his fathers ; for I learned that it n^as a patri-
mony. A parlour, library, and dining-room, made up the suite of
apartments. In each was a piano, the eccentric master of the whole
being fond of music as the recreation of his literary hours. It was a
unique, romantic little homestetul. Walking with him into his garden,
I found it dark with the shade of ancient trees. They formed a bar-
rier against all intrusion. In one part was a high dead wall, the back
of a neighbour's house. It was dark and almost mouldering with time.
In that house, he informed me, ]Milton had lived. Perceiving that I
took an interest in hearing it, he soon afterwards obtained a relic, and
sent it to me. It was an old carved baluster, from the staircase, which
there was reason to think the hand of the great bard had often grasped
— so said the note that accompanied the relic.
* The company was small, but choice. Mr. Brougham, Sir Samuel
Romilly, Mr. Mill, author of the well-known work on India, M. Du-
mont, the learned Genevan, once the associate of Mirabean, were all
who sat down to table. Mr. Bentham did not talk much. He had a
benevolence of manner, suited to the philanthropy of his mind. He
seemed to be thinking only of the convenience and pleasure of his
guests, not as a rule of artihcial breeding, as from Chesterfield or Mia*
Busby's Residence at the Court of London, fi48
dame Oenlis ; but from innate feeling. Bold are bis opinions in bis
works^ here he was wholly unobtrusive of theories that might not have
commanded the assent of all present. Something else was remarkable.
When he did converse, it was in simple language, a contrast to his
later writings, where an involved style, and the use of new or unusual
words, are drawbacks upon the speculations of a genius original and
profound, but with the faults of solitude. Yet some of his earlier pro-
auctions are distinguished by classical terseness.
* Mr. Brougham talked with rapidity and energy. There is a
quickness in his bodily movements indicative of the quickness of
bis thoughts. He showed in conversation the universality and die*
cipline that he exhibits in Parliament and Courts of Law. The af-
foirs of South America, English authors, Johnson, Pope, Swift, Milton^
Dryden, Addison, (the criticisms of the last on Paradise Lost, he
thought poor things) ; anecdotes of the living Judges of England ; of
Lord Chancellors, living and dead ; the errors in Burrow's Reports,
not always those of the reporter, he said ; the Universities of Oxford
and Cambridge ; the Constitution of the United States — these were
topics that he touched with the promptitude and power of a master.
He quoted from the ancient classics, and poets of modern Italy, (the
latter in the original also,) not with the ostentation of scholarship^
which he is above, but as if they came out whether they would or no
amidst the multitude of his ideas and illustrations. He handled
nothing at length, but with a happy brevity; the rarest art ia
conversation, when loaded with matter like his. Sometimes be des-
patched a subject in a parenthesis ; sometimes by a word, that told
like a blow. Not long after this my first meeting with him, one of his
friends informed me that a gentleman whose son was about to study
law, asked him what books he ought to read. " Tell him to begin
with Demosthenes and Dante." — *^ What, to make a lawyer } " said
tbe father. — *' Yes," he replied, and " if you don't take, we won't
argue about it." Mr. Mill, M. Dumont, and Sir Samuel Romilly,
did their parts in keeping up the ball of conversation. Sheridan being
spoken of. Sir Samuel Romilly, who had often heard him in the House
of Commons, said '' that nothing could be more marked than the dif-
ference between the parts of his speeches previously written out, and
the extemporaneous parts. The audience could discover in a momeat
when he fell into the latter. It was well known," he added, '* that
all the highly wrought passages in his speeches on Hastings' impeach-
ment, were prepared beforehand and committed to memory."
After we rose from table, Mr. Bentham sought conversation with
me about the United States. " Keep your salaries low," said he ;
'* it is one of the secrets of the success of your Go^'emment. — But^
what is this," he inquired, *' called a Botird of Navy Commissioners
that you have lately set up ? I don't understand it." I explained it
to him. "I can't say that I like it," he replied ; " the simplicity of
your public departments has heretofore been one of their recommenda*<
tions, but hoards make skreens ; if any thing goes wrong, you don't
know where to find the offender ; it was the board that did it, not one
of the members ; always the board, the board ! *' I got home at a
late hour, having witnessed a degree of intellectual point and strength'
3x2
544 Free and Slave Labour.
throughout the whole evening, not easily to have been exceeded.*
pp. 2»i--291.
Art. VII, 1. Wages or the Whip. An Essay on the Comparative
Cost and Productiveness of Free and Slave Labour. By Josiah
Conder, Author of" The Modern Traveller", " Italy", &c 8vo.
pp. 92. Price 2«. 6</. London, 1833.
2. A Vindication of a Loan of i:i5,000,000 to the West India
Planters, shewing that it may not only be lent with perfect safety
but with immense advantage both to the West Indians and to the
people of England. By James Cropper. 8vo. Price 6d,
3* A Letter from Legion to the Right Hon. E. G. Stanley y S^c. 4^. Sfc,
Secretary of State for the Colotnes, upon his Scheme for the Abo-
lition of Colonial Slavery. 8vo. pp. 32. Price Is, London, 1833.
rVF the first of these pamphlets we shall say nothing more, than
that it comprises a mass of documentary evidence abundantly
attesting the correctness of the proposition, that Slavery is a
political blunder. Slave labour is shewn to be dearer in its prime
cost, dearer from its inferior productiveness, dearer from the
waste and bad economy to which it uniformly leads, dearer from
the capital sunk, and dearer from the state expenditure which it
entails. The enormous expense of uncertain profits of cultivation
by alave labour are shewn to be, according to the highest autho-
rities, from Bryan Edwards down to Earl Belmore, the main
cause of the present distressed state of the planters. And finally,
the practicability of securing a regular supply of free labour m
the sugar colonies is established by facts drawn from official
documents and other sources, relating to the effects of eman-
cipation on manumitted negroes, and to the success with which
plantations are worked by free labour in the Spanish colonies.
Slavery, however, it is remarked, must be abolished, with the
burdens it entails before the motive to eniploy the cheaper labour
of the freeman or to economize the dear labour of the slave, can
come into operation. No plan of emancipation can be either
effective or safe that is not of a decisive character.
' It must not attempt to combine the two opposite and incompatible
systems of free and slave labour. It must not superadd the cost of
free labour to the waste and burden of slavery. It must not destroy
coercion, by a plan which supplies no motives for labour ; which pre-
cludes alike the stimulus of competition, the sense of gratitude, or the
immediate prospect of advantage. It must not detain upon the plant-
ations that redundant portion of labour which might be altogether
economized by a better system. It must not continue to hang a dead
weight upon the elastic springs of human industry, while the ma-
chinery 18 yet expected to work without embarrasament. The sab-
Free and Slave Labour. 545
ttitution of free labour for bond labour of every description can alone
indemnify the planter for the loss of his living capital^ and redeem
him from the effect of the standing economical blunder in which he
has so long and so fatally persisted. Slavery must be abolished. Its
total abolition will carry compensation with it. Any thing short of
entire and immediate emancipation will fail of its object; will be
ruinous to the planter, unjust to the slave, unsafe to the colonies, and,
in a word, not merely impolitic, but impracticable.'
Mr. Cropper takes a similar view of the necessity of a total
abolition of slavery in order to the realizing of any of the advant-
ages to be derived from the proposed loan ; but slavery being
abolished, he proves by the logic of arithmetical calculations,
that the advance may be made without hazard, and with great
benefit to all parties, which is designed to relieve the planter
from his present embarrassments, and to enable him to dis-
entangle himself at once from the expenses of slavery and of his
commercial bondage. Mr. Cropper has shewn, that what would
be saved to this country by the abolition of slavery, with the
burdens it entails, would enable Government to deal liberally with
the West India Colonists.
Mr. Stanley''s plan of emancipation is an ingenious one ; and
twenty years ago it might have been possible to make the experi-
ment he proposes ; although, in the working, it would assuredly
have failed. In the present state of things, it would be alike
perilous and impracticable. * It is founded,' as the Author of the
Letter from Legion remarks, ' on two propositions, each of which
* is self contradictory in its enunciation, and iniquitous in its
* operation. 1. The slave is entitled to his freedom, and there-
* fore he shall redeem himself. 2. The slave is unfitted, by long
* and brutal coercion, for the discharge of spontaneous labour, and
* therefore, for twelve years to come, he shall be compelled to
* three parts of his labour by coercive means.** With legal acute-
ness, this Writer, who is generally understood to be the son of the
late distinguished philanthropist James Stephen, Esq. dissects
the ministerial plan, and exposes its illusive, crude, unjust, and
visionary character. Even the best, because the most specific
part of the plan, the liberation of the children, is shewn to be
open to fatal objections, the very principle of the condition with
which it is encumbered being unjust and cruel.
' Slavery is offered as the alteniative of maintaining them, when the
very means of maintenance are taken away. Ex hypothesi the parent's
wages must be accumulated to redeem his own freedom. If he takes
one sixpence from the sacred hoard, his own emancipation is deferred.
All the time which can reasonably be exacted for labour through the
day, is appropriated to his master, or to his own redemption. Yet
you most ingeniously propose that he shall find means to clothe and
feed his child, under toe penalty of exposing that child to a longer
546^^ Free and Slave Labour,
bondi^ than himself ! Is it not cruel> is it not unnatoralj to create
this distressing competition between paternal affection and selfish
interest ? You do not even propose that the child shall receive wages ;
if tbiti is intended^ and on the same scale of proportion between hii
value and his time, why is his servitude to be of longer duration than
his parents ? To be consistent it should be less, because if his tenier
years admit of education in moral habits with greater certainty, he
need not serve so long a noviciate to qualify him for the rights of
citizenship ; the only reason that you assign for the long apprentice-
ship of the adult. But there are other yet more serious objections to
this part of the scheme. In the first place you know, or ought to
know, that in the cane of plantation slaves, the father of the child ii
too often unknown even to its mother ; nor is the rdation more likely
to be acknowledged when it entails with it a pecuniary burthen, and a
serious personal sacrifice ; the option, therefore, which you give, serves
very well to cheat the superficial enquirer into an acquiescence in the
reasonableness of an infant apprenticeship, but in &ct it will but
rarely furnish a solid hope of redeeming the poor child from his
eighteen years of servitude. It would have been more honest to have
enacted at once, that all children shall be apprenticed to the age of
20 or 24, for such must be the case at least nine times out of ten. I
hate this artful cloaking of a general rule in the guise of an exception.
The general rule will be the 18 years of servitude — the parental main-
tenance will be the exception ; and this should have been the honest
avowal made to the anti-slavery party. They have lately heard
enough of infant slavery to comprehend its meaning. I suspect that
on second thoughts, they will scarcely hail with much satisfaction this
threatened emigration of it to our colonies.
^ But again : you cannot but be aware that one of the most offen-
sive and intolerable of all the incidents of slavery, is the subjection of
young females to the power of their owners. Is your long apprentice-
ship likely to remove this evil ? Will it diminish opportunity, or re-
strict the power of compulsion ? I will not say that it will have the
contrary effect, but it appears to me most likely to leave matters
exactly where they were/
The scheme of apprenticed labour must be abandoned. Where
it has been tried, as at the Cape Colony, it has been found alike
oppressive and unprofitable. The West India proprietors are
beginning to perceive, that if the cry for the abolition of slavery
is to prevail, it will be for their own interest to consent to imme-
diate and total abolition, rather to any half measures. To them,
the compromise proposed would be ruinous, since it would well
nigh double the cost of cultivation^ without securing to them any
adequate equivalent.
It is believed, however, that Ministers will not persist in this
part of the plan, and that modification will be pro})osed that will
essentially change its whole character. The scheme of self-
redemption must also be given up. The negro, at least, owes no
compensation. As to the loan, it may go down with emancipa-
tion, but certainly not without it
Literary Intelligence. 647
* It has been observed, " You cannot object to a loan on West Indian
Kcurity ; for you contend that its value will be improved by eman-
cipation/' I admit that we do so ; but it must be emancipaton on
oar own terms. It must be total and immediate ; no longer deferred
thsn till an efficient police can be established. It must not be a partial
dilated measure, breaking up one relation of the parties, to substitute
mother of equal hardship and more dithcult operation. This is on-
letlliog one system, which, bad as it is, can work, and replacing it
with another, with such a jumble of bad and good, that it becomes in-
aperative as a stimulus to labour, though it retains the crnel coercive
principle. We must not be fixed with an indemnitv against a risk
essentially different from that which we proposed. It is what the
nnder writers call a deviation from the policy : of course it discharges
oar liability.'
We could have wished that the zeal of " Legion "^ had been
somewhat more tempered by courtesy. Such language and such
reasoning as we meet with at pp. 21, 22, are unworthy of the
eause, and more adapted to give pain and just offence than to
convince. The warmth of the Writer's feelings does him honour,
but his judgement should hold a tighter rein.
Art. VIII. LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.
Mr. Atkinson, of Glasgow, has, we understand, employed the leisure
of a lingering illness, during the last winter, in preparing a complete
series of the works of The Scottish Poets, with Biographical Notices;
after the manner of Dr. Southcy and Dr. Aikin's volumes of the Early
and more Recent British Poets. It will shortly appear.
A Treatise on Astronomy, by Sir John ITerschel, will form the
Forty-third Volume of Dr. Larduer's Cabinet Cyclopaedia, and will be
published on the 1st of June.
Dictionary, Practical, Theoretical, and Historical, of Commerce
and Commercial Navigation. By J. R. M*Culloch, Esq. 1 large Vol.
8vo. with Maps. A Second and Improved Edition preparing.
On June the 1st will be published, Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown,
Green^ and Longman's Catalogue of Second-Hand Books for 1833 :
comprising a fine Collection of Books of Prints, including many of the
Gralleries ; Divinity and Ecclesiastical History, Foreign and English ;
Valuable Works in various Foreign Languages, and a useful Collec-
tion of Works on Topography, History, Biography, Poetry, Voyages,
and Travels, &c. &c. &c.
Elements of Musical Composition ; comprehending the Rules of
Thorough Bass, and the Theory of Tuning. By William Crotch,
Mus. Doc. A New Edition, preparing, in small 4to.
]
( 548 )
Art. IX. WORKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED.
A8THOMOMT.
Astronomical Observations, made at the
Observatory of Cambridge, for the year
18S2. By George Biddell Airy, Esq^
M.A., Plumian Prof, of Astron., and Ex-
per. Phil., in the University of Cambridge.
Royal Quarto. 15<.
EDUCATION.
Hints for the Formation and Manage-
ment of Sunday Schools. By the Rev.
J. C. Wigram, M.A., Secretary to the
National School Society. 2i.
uisToar.
The Annual Historian for 1SSS; com-
prising the Events of the Previous Year.
By Ingram Cobbin, A.M. 18mo. S«. cloth.
MISCELLANEOUS.
The Crusaders; or, Scenes, Events,
and Characters, from the Hmes of the
Crusades. By Thomas Keightly. With
Views, &c. 6s. 6d. Cloth lettered.
Insects and their Habitations. A Book
fur Children. With many Engravings. Is,
Persian Fables, for Young and Old. By
the Rev. H. G. Keene, M.A, With
Eighteen Illustrative Engravings. Is.
A Residence at the Court of London.
By the Honourable Rii-hard Ru.sh, Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
to the United States of America, from
1817 to 1825. 8vo. 14j.
Authentic Letters from Upper Canada :
with an Account of Canadian Field Sports.
By T. W. Magrath, Esq. Edited by the
Rev. T. Radcliff; with etchings by Samuel
Lover, Esq., R.H.A. 6s,
POETRY.
Readings in Poetry. A Selection from
the be&t English Poets, from Spenser to
the Present Time: and Suecimens of seve-
ral American Poets of deserved reputation :
with a History of English Poetry, and an
Essay on Versification. Cloth lettered,
POLITICAL.
Whom are" we to look to? or. Things
as they Are. Some brief remarks on the
present state of Parties in this country.
" Cui Fidas Videas." 1*.
A Letter from Legion to the Right
Hon. £. G. Stanley, upon his Scheme for
the Abolition of Colonial Slavery, and con-
taining suggestions of a plan redly '* safe
and satislactory *' in its character, h.
A Plan for the Reconciliation of all
Interests in the Emancipation of West
India Slaves. By John Hancock, M.D. 6i/.
The Book of Rights ; or, ConsiiiutioDal
Acts and Parliamentary Proceedings a^
fecting Civil and Religious Liberty in Eng-
land, from Magna Charta to the present
time. Historically arranged, with Notes
and Observations. By Edgar Tiylor,
F.S.A. &s. 6d, extra cloth b«>ards.
The Interests of the Countr}', and tlie
Prospects of West Indian Planters, mutu-
ally secured by the Immediate Abolition of
Slavery. By James Cropper. Second
edition. Is.
Wages or the Whip. An Essay on the
Comparative Cost and Productiveness of
Free and Slave I.iabour. By Josiah
Conder. Author of the Modem Tra-
veller/* &c. &c. 8vo. 2s. 6i.
A Vindication of the Loan of
£15,000,000 to the West India Planters,
showing that it may not only be lent with
perfect safety, but with immense advantage
both to the West Indians and to the people
of England. By James Cropper. 8vo. 6(L
Considerations on Civil EstablishmenU
of Religion. By H. Heugh, D.D. 8vo.
2s. 6</.
A Critique on Dr. Ralph Wardkw's
Sermon, ** Civil Establishments of Chris-
tianity ;" showing that it is unfounded in
scripture, contradicted by ecclesiastical
history, is based on what is not true, and
is alike repudiated by sound criticism and
conclusive argument. By Alexander
Fleming, AJVI., Minister of NeQston.
THEOLOOr.
Christianity Epitomised, with Antithesis
analytical and illustrative of the Papacy.
Contents : — Israelitish Christianity —
Christianity typical and psalmodic — His-
toric Christianity to the close of the first
century — The Atonement — The Per-
sonality and Influences of the Holy Spirit
— Historic Christianity to the close of the
second century — Pagan Philosophy — Pro-
gressive Christianity to the Constantine
era — The Papacy contrasted with Christi-
anity— Socianism repelled—Trinitarianism
advocated— The attributes of Faith — Justi-
fication—Christian identity-ii-Sabbatlc de-
secration, &c &c. 8s. cloth boards.
GENERAL INDEX.
VOL. IX. THIRD SERIES.
AxBfticA and the Americans, by a Citizen
of the World, 840 ; treatment of the
blaekt in America, 241 ; sec Garrison,
Murat, and Stuart.
AmericHn colonization society; see Garri-
son** Thoughts on African Colonization.
Annual tnography and obituary, for 18SS,
179.
Anti-alaYery reporter, No. 104, 138; see
Garrison*8 Thoughts.
Arnold's, Dr., principles of church re-
form, 176; extract^ 176—79.
Auldjo's sketches of Vesuvius, 212; de-
scription of Vesuvius, 213; view from
AfiKgAeir pom/, 216.
Blair't inquiiy into the state of slavery
amongst the Romans, 27S; universal
prevalence in former times of slavery,
974; originated in war, ib,; ancierit
dave-4radef 277; extract from Mr. Hal"
iej^s dnfulneu of colonial slavery, 279
— 81 ; the Roman slavery admitted of
gretter mitigation than our colonial sys-
tem, 28S ; slavery in the Grecian states,
ib,s ChritlianUy ameliorated the condi-
tion of the dove, 285, 6 ; it shall annul it
m MOt 287.
Brown's, Dr., biblical cabinet. Vol* II.,
119; its contents most useful, ib,i me-
rit of Calvin as a Bible interpreter, ib. ;
German Bible critics, 121 ; the treatises
contained in this volume, 122, 12S.
Buccaneer, the, 40 ; characters in the tale,
41 ; extracts, 41, 42; Cromwell's daugh-
ter, 45 ; author s account of Cromwell,
47 ; Milton, 52.
Canadas, the, as they now arc ; see Statis-
tical Sketches.
Causes of the French revolution, 961 ;
written by lord John Russell, ib,; what
is meant by the causes of the French
revolution? ib,; its causes, according to
the Quarterly Review, 862; Louis XVI.
had less to do in causing the overthrow
of the monarchy than Marie Antoinette,
36S ; the French philosoj)hers, 364 ; the
effect of their writings would have been
inconsiderable but from other causes,
365; example of the United States a
cause of the French revolution, 366, 7;
financial disorders, 367 ; the real causes
of the revolution, 368 ; extract from M,
Aug. le Comte, 369 — 371 ; our revolu-
tion in the times of Charles I., 371, 2 ;
Oienevix contrasts the French Revolu-
tion with it, 373 — 5; the pretended
fears of the Quarterly reiriewer, 375;
the French revolution could not have
occurred in England, 377; the social
state in England, 378—83.
Chesncy's, Captain, reports of the naviga-
tion of the Euphrates, 263 ; its feasibi-
lity, ib.; extracts, 263 — 5.
Church reform, Arnold on, 176.
Clarke's concise view of the succession of
sacred literature, 332 ; a valuable guide
to the student, 333 ; the fathers no long-
er the principal sources for theological
learning, t^.; the Greek writers to be
preferreid, i6. ; a character of Chrysos-
torn, 334; Socetius, 335; AldJiclmus,
337.
Cobbin's, Ingram, moral fables and para-
bles, for infant minds, 94; specimen,
thefalUng kite, ib.
Culton's, Calvin, manual for emigrants;
sec Statistical Sketches of Upper Cana-
da.
a
INDEX.
Conder*s wages or the whip, 5i4>.
Cropper's vindication of a loan of fifteen
millions to the West India planters, 544.
Curtis*s existing monopoly, an inadequate
protection of the authorized version of
scripture; see Oxford Bibles.
Davenant's, Bishop, esropntion of Sl
Paurs raistle to the Colossians, trans-
lated by Josiah Allport, 123; DaTenant*s
birth, &c., 124, et xq,; anecdote of
Liudy 126; Davenant's works, 127;
Bishop Hackrt, 128; tetter to Bukop
Hallt ISO ; the exposition of the epistk
to the Colossians, ISO, et $eq,; ettracts^
134 — 36 ; defects of the elder commen-
tators, 132; Davenant a tublaptarian,
136; our religion too often turned into
materials for contention and strifet 1 37 ;
excellence of this translation of Da-
venant's works, 137, 8.
Davis*8 true dignity of human nature^ 634;
extracts, 534—36.
Douglas's address on slavery, sabbath pro-
tection, and church reform, 351 ; the
West Indies^ ib. ; nutn can have no pro-
l>erty in man, 852, 3 ; who is profitted
by the system T 353 — 56 ; nothing now
for it, but immediate abolition, 356 ; o6-
servance of the sabbath, a religious duty
find a civil privUege, 357.
Elijah, by the author of " Balaam," 260;
object of the work excellent, ib,; ex-
tracts, 261, 2.
£iiot*s, Archdeacon, Christianity and slav-
,ery, 383 ; evidence of the advocates for
alavei^*, ib,; iir&t impressions of Euro-
peans on witnessing slavery wear away,
384; ni^lected state of the slaves, 385;
jealousy of making them Christians,
;<8(i ; belter observance of the sabbath in
Barbados, 387, 8 ; marriage among the
slaves, 389 ; shameful violation of it,
390; cruelty often perj>etrated, 391 ;
Archdeacon Eliot on manumission, 898,
3 ; advocates bit by bit emancipation,
393; slave-owner entitled to no com-
pensation, 394 ; ' souls not saleable,*
395 ; specious, though ingenious, argu-
ment drawn from St. Paul, 896.
England, society in, 378, ct seq.
Essays on religious subjects, by a Lay-
man, 225 ; how is it, tlif author is a lay-
man? U}.; three reasons wliy competent
laymen should publish on this subject,
2!^6 ; has the churcli been well served
bv laymen? 221 ; list of lay theologians,
227—233.
Knglishmau's almanack, the, 94.
Entomological magazine, 450.
Euphrates, navigation o^ 263.
Fergussoii*s practical notes made during
a tour in Canada, &c.; see Statistical
Sketches of Upper Canada.
Fifty-one original fables, with morals, &&,
embeUished by R. Cruicksfaaak, 91;
specimens, 92 ; avthor*t otject, ib.
Flowers of fable, culled from Bpktetui,
&&, 91 ; deserve high praise, 92; many
former collections olgectionable^ ik;
poedcai exhradf 93.
Garrison's, W. Lloyd, thoogfats on Afiricaa
colpoizatioui 188; the American coIod-
ization society, 189; antl-CbristIans{int
towards the coloured Americans, ib,;
Qeneral Jackson's proclamation to the
free people of colour, 141 ; their bteffi-
gence^ &c ib,; extracts, 141 — 145; is it
Uwful to enslave a man for his colour?
146t 7; the ludicrous antipathy tbe
coloured racef are held in, K*?; extracti
on the side of ^oUnwoation^ ib. et seq,;
Russia, in a comparison with America,
has the advantage, 149; onr Christian
ministers should protest again^ Ameri-
can slavery, 150; other wroskgs it^idei
on this race, 15S^ — 6; we lo^ to Eng-
land with hop% 158 ; the expediency sf
early enumcipation, 159 — 61.
GilW*s neuKur of Fdix Nefi^ pastor of tke
High Alps, 83; orig^nated^ in part, by
life of Oberlin, ib.; OberSn was N^s
model, ib,; Abon^mfsef tke Hig^ Jlps,
23, 24; history of NcC 26; be quits the
army, 27; his zeal in the ministry, ib,;
his opinions on separation from the nsr
tional church, ib.; arrives in London,
28 ; appointed pastor of the churches of
Val Queyras and Val Fressiniere^ 29;
parish of Arvieux, ib, ; Neff*s habiMion,
31 ; San Veran and Dormilleuse, 3S;
Neif's disinterestedness, S3 ; his perse-
verance and patience, 34, 35 ; his stu-
dents, 35 ; knowledge of geography an aid
to the cause of missiofis, 36 ; Neff 's ill-
ness, 37; his last letter, ib,; his character,
87—39 ; his method with the Roman
Catholics, 39.
Gregory's memoir of Robert Hall, 189; j
anecdotes of Hall, 191; his popularity at
Bristol, 194; danger he fell into, 195;
is invited to Cambridge, 196 ; imjiortant
changes in his feelings, 196, 7 ; appears
as a political writer, 197 ; character (f
Hall, 198, ct seq,; his celd>rity did not
arise from his position at Cambridge,
203; the Quarterly reviewer's portrait of
him, 205; leUer of Mackintosh, 207;
his afflicting visitations and recovery,
INDEX.
208 — 16; bis residence at Leicester,
810; he succeeds Dr. Ryland at Bris-
toly 211 ; his death, ib.; Mr, FoUer's
portrait of Hall, as he aftjvared in the
pulpit, 4l&d; his manner nfjmblicjyrayer,
489; preaching prayers, 490, 1; emch
if HfJts semvms had a distifict assign-
tMe subject, 491, 2 ; his jrreaching an-
a^fsed and jtortroyed, 492 — 6 ; imagin-
ation with him, a subordinate faculty,
496-8 ; sermon on text Prov, xxv. 2, pp.
496—503; Mr. Hall always absorbed
in his subject, 503, 4 ; his hearers not
always equal to understanding him, 505 ;
the British Critic's criticisms, 506 8.
Greswell's harmonia evangelica, 1; his dis-
sertaticn upon the principles, SiC, of a
harmony of the gospels, ib.; the harmonia
and the dissertations compose one work,
t&. / synopsis of the contents of the dis-
sertations, 1 — 4; inconsistencies inpre-
Yious harmonies, 5 ; harmonies are for
the learned, 7 ; the error in most har-
monies, 8; remarks on St. Matthew's
^spel, 8, 9 ; characteristic differences of
the gosfiels, 9, el seq. ; remarks on their
authors, 10; Mr. GreswdPs conjecture
respecting Sl Mark*s gospel, 12; er-
ttmination of St, Mattlicw and St, Mark,
13 — 15; St. John's gospel supplemental,
16; the author's hypothesis accounts for
there being four gospels, and only four,
17; his statement examined, 18; St.
Mark both saw and consulted St. Mat-
thew's gospel, 19 ; St. Luke's acquaint-
ance with St. Matthew's gospel, 20; his-
torical character of St. Luke's gospel,
SO; danger of misinterpreting an inspired
Irriter, l^ transpositions of his narrative,
81 ; tabular view of the distinctive cha-
racteristics of the four gospels, 22 ; a
harmony of the four gospels, in English,
arranged on the plan of G res well's har.-
monia evangelica, 299 ; Mr. Greswell's
division of the harmonized evangelical
narrative is purely chronological, 300 ;
Part L examined, ib,; remarks on the ge-
nealogies in Luke and Matthew, 300, 1 ;
their apparent discrepancy, 301 ; Calvin's
opinion of the time of tlie visit of the
magi, 302 ; Greswell's, 302, 3 ; Dod-
dridge's, 304, note; Part IL of the har-
mony examined, 304 ; Mr. Greswell's
order of the temptations, 305 ; Part IIL,
306 ; author's reasoning on John v. 1,
306, et seq. ; Doddridge and Benson on
this subject, 308 ; Part IV., 313 ; in-
cludes the greater portion of the gospel
narrative, tb. ; Part V. contains the ac-
counts of the resurrection and the ascen-
sion, ib, ; the author*s labours a valuable
assistance to Bible students, ib,
Gurney's biblical notes and dissertations,
161 ; contents, 162 ; the canonical au-
thority of the epistle to the Hebrews,
163; the internal evidence of its Pauline
origin, 164 ; the epistles of Peter com-
pa^ with those of Paul, 165, 6; para-
phrases of the Old Testament inthe Chal-
dce language, 167, et seq.t extract, 168;
the introduction to John's gospel consi-
dered, 172, 3; the conclusion of Mr. G.'s
work is practical, 174; extract, 174, 6.
Hallcy's sinfulness of colonial slavery, 346;
should be abolished, from its criminality,
ib.; extracts, ^1—bO, See Douglas's
address on slavery, &c.
Harmony, a, of the four gospels, 299 ; ar-
ranged upon the model of Greswell's
harmonia evangelica, ib. See Greswell's
harmonia.
Heath's book of beauty, 88 ; not a book of
beauties* 16.; praise due to the artists,
88 ; and to Miss Landon, ib,; extract,
89.
Hinton's harmony of religious truth and
human reason asserted, in a series of
essays, 413; to many, the title of the
book will be an objection, 415; faith
rightly founded, and reason, cannot be
opposed, 415—18 ; the doctrine of the
divine influence misunderstood, 418 ;
definition of reason, 418; mischievous
contrariety in the writings of our theo-
logians, 419, 20 ; accountability of man,
421 ; author's error in his essay on the
* revealed character of God,' 423; human
attributes applied to God, 424; God's
moral gbvernment of man, 425—27;
*the eternity of future punishment,' 428;
•hereditary depravity,' 429; *did Christ
die for aU men ? ' 430, 1 ; * of unbelief,'
4S2 ; the work a valuable accession to
modern theok>gical writing, 438.
Hints on the necessity of a change of prin-
ciple in our l^slation, for the efficient
protection of society from crime, 468;
author would convert all prisons into
asylums, 468 ; divides mankind ifUo three
classes, 468 — 70 ; dqrrecates our prison
system, 471, 2. See Whately's thoughts
on secondary punishments.
Ireland, poor laws for, 325, et seq.
Legion's letter to the right hon. E. G.
Stanley, &Cn ujwn his scheme for abo-
lition of colonial slavery, 544; it is
founded upon two contradictory propo-
INDEX.
bHiom, 646; clffeeiimM to tke plan cf
kbenUmg tke ekUdren, ib,i emame^xUim
muti be total and immediatet 647.
Leifcbild*8 abbreviated diacounei on vari-
ous fubjecta, 484 ; not compoacd for tbe
preaa, ih. ; qriritual and natural frtedotn,
486 ; duty of Ckritliani, m rapect to
tUmety, 436, 7; 8L PauCi rapture, 488;
aqied eftht lime*, 480—441 ; tbo spirit
of controversyi 441.
Lewia'a remailn on the oae and abuse of
some political terms, 478 ; necessity for
such a work, t6.; ' right * and ' wrong,'
476—77 ; Biackstone*s erroneous d^
nition of rights and liberties, 477 — 80 ;
* sovereignty ' confounded with royally,
480— 8« ; « sovereignty of the people,'
482 ; Rousseau's notion, 484; origin of
legislation in the house of commons,
486 ; our representatives de^^tes and
legislators, 486 ; value of Mr. Lewis's
work, 487.
Mackintosh's, right hon. Sir James, history
of Eugland, 97 ; hb early life, 16. ; Sir
James, and Robert Hall, 06; Macin-
tosh's Vmdiciia GaUiae, 100 ; called to
the bar, t6. ; his lectures, t6. ; goes to
India, 102; introduced into narliament,
•6.; succeeds Tiemey as chiel of the op-
position, 103; kit character as a speaker^
104, 106; his ftiUng heakh, 106 : hit
death, 106, 107; his history of England
a valuable fragment, 107; RobeH Haltt
cpmion of hit gtuJ^ftcaAmt/vr hittorical
writing, 108; Mr, Campbeltt critique on
the Hittory, 109; extractt, 110—112;
his other writings, 112; his convers-
ation, 114; tj)ecimen, 116 — 18.
Martin's, R. M., poor laws for Ireland, a
measure of justice to England, &c., 826;
Ireland without poor laws, and England
with, {'6.; Mr. Martin deserves the
thanks of his country, 826 ; poor laws
the only legislative measure wanted for
Ireland, ib,i Dr. Doyle on the tubject,
827-880; Mr. MarUn's plan, 830.
Mirabeau*8 letters, during his residence in
England, 66 ; history of the corresjwnd-
ence, ib,; Mirabeau's character, t6. ; ex-
tract,^ 66 ; his was the quintessence of
the French character, 67; Mirabeau on
the ififluence of religion in England,
68, 69 ; the melancholy of the £nglith,
69, 70 ; further extracts, 71—76 ; Mi-
rabeau's interest for the Jews, 76 ; his
wisli that England and France should be
friends, 77.
Murat*8 moral and political sketch of the
United Sutes of North America, 836;
ifm<Hhc
advocates sbvery, ak /
riiilcrf£taCei,2S6— 40.
Ne8; Felix, see 6111/8 noemoir cL
North American review. No. LXXVIIL
article < Prmoe Puddcr Moscan tad
Mrs. TroDopa^' SSS ; chanettr of Mn.^
Tndbpe's work, 2SS» 4; calrad Jim
At iiifiifc on HMflSfBnifwii, f 50, 9
Oxford BiUes. Mr. Curti^a Bttsi«pi»-
seotationa azposed^ by Rdwaid Qi4-
weU, D.D., 609; tbe BiUe printiBg
monopoly, 610; perfect accwacy not
to be expected, 611 ; startling assertioa
by Mr. Curtis of tbc intentional de>
partures from Kins James's BibK &1S »
the confidence ^ the OUeraU m Ik
Bible^ thotdd mot be disturbed, ib.: f*-
port of ditsenting minister^ enb^eem-
mittea on the aiuAoriaed version, 615;
the itaUcs in the BtUe^ A.; Mr. Curtis's
oljectbna, 617, 18 ; Dr. Tnrtom^s tea-
sonsjbr the italics, &lSSt2i bavethcy
emosed the sacred text to the scoffi of
infidels? 6S3; or been stumUing-bkxb
to the unlearned? 624; Mr. Curtis's
inaccurade^ 686, 7 ; his commenfeuies
on the colunm title% 628 — 88 ; on the
names applied to God in the BiUc^ 682;
excellence of our EngKsh Bibles, 688.
Pecchio's, count, semi-aerious obsenralioDs
of an ItaBan exiles during his residence
in England, 78; some errors in the
book, S.; extracts, 79, et aeq,; the Eng-
lish Sunday, 88; author's praise of the
English, 88, et seq,; marries an English
woman, 86; *the oj^tosition* in the Howe
(^Commons, ib.
Political terms, definitions o^ 473; see
Lewis.
Punishment, errors in the theory of, 463
—7.
Religion of taste, the^ a poem, 180 ; the
vital spirit of Christianity something
more than a * religion of taste', ib.; ex-
tract, 180, 1.
Report from select committee on king's
printers* patents, 609.
Report from the select committee on se-
condary puni^ments. See Dr. Whate-
ly's thoughts on secondary punish-
ments.
Revivals in religion, 287, et seq.
Rush's residence at the court of London,
637 ; adapted to promote a good feeling
between the English and Americans, ib.;
increase ^ London, 638 ; riches of the
INDEX.
tradesmen, 539 ; our national debt, 541 ;
a drawing-room in Queen Charlotte**
days, ib.; dinner at Jeremy BenthanCs,
642--44.
8cbolefieId*s hints for an improved trans-
lation of the New Testament, 314 ; au-
thor*s respect for the tramlators of our
Bible, ib, ; translators not answerable for
many of the errors, 315; Tyndal, and
Coverdale, ift.; character of the ' hints*,
816; critical dissertation, 317—325.
Slavery, ancient, 273, et seq,; sinfulness
of, 346, 351 ; unproductive, 544 ; see
Blair, Conder, EUot, Halley, and Le-
gion.
Smedley*s history of the reformed religion
in France, 217; commences with the
first appearance of the reformed doctrine
in France, 219; a theatrical perform'
once in the time of Francis /., 219-21 ;
martyrdom of Louis Berquin, 221-23 ;
massacre on the eve of St Bartholomew,
preconcerted, 223.
Sprague's, Dr., lectures on revivals of re-
ligion, 287; extract from life of Mr,
Brtten, 288; value of Dr. Sprague*s
lectures, 290 ; summary of former re-
mnaU, 291 ; Mr, James on the scanty
effects in England from our vcut means
in the cause of religion, 294 ; American
preaching iueflective here, 295 ; and re-
vivals in religion, distrusted, ib.; prayer,
and the publication of the word, the two
* measures necessary to convert the world,
897; the present aspect of Britain,
296.
Statistical sketches of Upper Canada, for
the use of emigrants, 338 ; the triumphs
of steam, 339 ; the company* s Huron
tract, ib,; who should go to Canada?
340 ; Mr, Colton*s admonition, ib,; jter^
sons who shotUd emigrate, 341 — 43;
reasons for prrferring Canada to the
United States, 343, 44.
Stickney*s pictures of private life, 442;
works of fiction, 442 — 44; extracts,
445—50.
Stuart's three years in North America,
233 ; his candour and intelligence, 242 ;
freedom from sectarian prejudice in
America, 243; a country town in New
England, 244, 6; a camp-meeting,
245 — 48 ; Lord J^^ron onfeld preach-
ing, 249 ; treatmetU rf the coloured j)o-
pulation, 249—254, 256; legisUttion in
the state of Georgia, 264 ; inLouisiana,
256, 6.
Turton*s, Dr., text of the English Bibles
considered, 509 ; reasons for the UaUcs,
518—522; impossible to convert He-
brew or Greek into EngKsh, without cir-
cumlocution, 626. See Oxford Bibles.
Wages or the whip^ an essay on the com-
parative cost and productiveness of free
and slave labour, 544 ; proves slavery a
political blunder, ib,; no plan of eman-
cipation will do but one of a deaded cha-
racter, ib,
Whately's thoughts on secondary punish-
ments, 453; anomalies in our punish-
ments, tb.; transportation least efficient,
454 ; quite a lottery to the convict, 455 ;
a mischievous and impolitic ^stem, 456 ;
the * vested right ' the Australian co-
lonists have in convicts, 457; the co-
loTues should not be a drain for the im-
purities of the mother country, 458, 9 ;
transportation, a good expedient for du-
posing of discharged criminals, 461 ;
unwiUingness in magistrates to accept of
bail, 462 ; errors in Archbishop Whate-
ly*s theory of punishment, 463 — 65;
our whole system of punishments de-
mands revision, 467 ; the American sys-
tem of penitentiaries, 467, 8.
Whychcotte of St. John's, 397 ; author
of the Tory school, 396; Pr^essor
Smythe, 398—402 ; * the cause of the
church *, 404 ; a sporting parson, 405 ;
Bishop Randolph, 406 ; pluralities, 406,
7; Duke of Reichstadt, 407-9; Mrs,
Arbuthnot, 409, 10; the late Queen,
411—13.
Tear of liberation, tlie, a journal of the
defence of Hamburgh against the French
in 1813, page 54; a melange, i&. ; riimg
of the people rf Hamburgh, 65 ; Heligo-
land, ib,; Hamburg, 57—60; the Ger-
mans, 60—62; Englishmen, 62; the
Russian black eagle, a poem, 63.
G. WoodfaU, Printer, Angel Court, Skinner Street, London.
ft
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