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HARVARD
COLLEGE
L I B R A R Y
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Livingstone's History
OF THE
Republican Party
A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN I>AR T Y FROM ITS
FOUNDATION TO THE CLOSE OF THE CAM-
PAIGN OF 1900, INCLUDING INCIDENTS
OF MICHIGAN CAMPAIGNS AND
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
VOL. I.
DETROIT, MICHIGAN:
Wm. Livingstone, Pi-blisher.
'J S.I St-.^S^^
COPTaiOHT, i©oo.
Bt WM. LIVINGSTONE.
DETROIT. MICHIGAN.
IVei
Dttroii
PREFACE.
Tiiere have been iimny histories written recounting portions of
the life and activities of the Kepublican party, but none that cover
the wliole p(»rio(l of its existence from its foundation in 1854 to the
elosing campaign of the Nineteenth Century. No account of the Jack-
son (\mventi(m, wliich first gav(» form and utterance to the convictions
out of wliich tlie Kepublican j»arty gr(»w, lias ever before been set
forth in book form. It seemed to the publisher particularly appro-
priate that su<h a history should be prepared in the State in
which the Party was founded, in which it has won some of
its most noted triumphs, and which has furnished to the
Party councils and to the Nation's history some of the most
distinguished names. The History includes an account of every
National Convention and Campaign from 1856 to 1900, the text of
every National Kepublican platform adopted, and the principal events
occurring during each Administration. Local interest is added by a
brief statement of the results of each camxiaign in Michigan, and by a
number of chapters that relate exclusively to political movements in
this State. Tlie publisher considers himself fortunate in having
secured for the preparation of the general history the a^isistance of
Mr. William Stocking, who during almost his whole adult life has
been at the newspaper end of political campaigns, and who has
attended nearly all of the State Ccmventions held in Michigan since
1808.
It would be impossible, without extending the work far beyond
reasonable limits, to sketch, biographically, all the men whose politi-
cal prominence or party services des^n've mention. Their acts are in
man}' cases, interwoven with the text of the history. So far as sep-
arate sketches and portraiture have been employed it has been the
aim to select men who were of State prominence, as well as repre-
sentative in their respective localities. The artistic excellence of the
portraiture will be apparent to everyone who opens the volumes, and
needs no word of commendation.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
1. ACTS OF PKO-SLAVEUY AGGRESSION 1-18
Adoption of the Missouri Compromise — Purpose of tiie Mexican War —
Actiuisition of Slave TeiTitory — The Wilmot Proviso — Its Defeat and
the Confidence of the South— The Campaign of 1848— Non-Committal
Policy of the Whigs — President Taylor and the Admission of California
— The Fugitive Slave l^aw and Other Compromise Measures— Intense
Feeling at the North— The Campaign of 1852— Kenewal of the Agita-
tion and Repeal of the Missouri Compromise — The Day of Compro-
mises at an End.
II. THE WORK OF PREPARATION 19-34
The Situation in Michigan in 1854— The Breaking Down of Old Party
Lines- Strong Anti-Slavery Sentiment in the State — The Underground
Railway Line — Correspondence of Whig Editors — An Important Pre-
liminary Meeting — Statements from Some of the I^eaders— Free
Democratic Mass Convention — It Nominates a Ticket and Makes Over-
tures for a T'nion— Rousing Anti-Nebraska Meetings — Valuable Work
by Whig and Free Democratic Editors— Encouragement From the
Early Elect i<ms — A Long Step Towards Union— Strong Resolutions and
a Rousing Call.
III. THE FIRST REPUBLK^AN CONVENTION 35-55
A Quick Response to a Rousing Call— The Great Convention "Under
th«» Oaks'* at Jackson— An Immense Gathering of Strong and Repre-
s»*ntative Men— A Series of Patriotic and Stirring Resolutions — Business
Transacted by Democratic Methofls — A Body Harmonious in l*urpose
and Results— The Most Noted Gathering Ever Held in the State-
Men WTio Afterwards Became I'rominent in National Affairs— How
the Party Received Its Name — The T^ast of Michigan Whig Conventions
—Course of the Prohibitionists— The Democratic Nominations — The
New Party Comlucts a Short and Winning Campaign.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page.
IV. SOLIDIFYING THE PARTY 56-64
Claims to Priority in OrganizatioQ— Mixed CoQilitioQ and Various
Names of Parties in 1854— The Conduct of Affairs in Kansas Gradu-
ally Brings all Anti-Slavery Elements Togetiier— A Land Trick in the
Interest of the Missourians— Free State Emigrant Aid Societies—
—Murders and Depredations by the Missourians— Elections Carried by
Force and Fraud— Heroic Resistance by Free State Men and Subse-
quent Gain in Influence—Their Final Success— Kansas at Last Ad-
mitted as a Free State, with Republican Oflicers and Ijegislature.
V. THE CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OF 1856 65-77
First Republican National Convention— Nomination of Fremont antl
Dayton with a Strong Platform— A Spiritetl Campaign With Ardent
Hopes of Success— The October Elections Have a Depressing Effect — In
Noveml>er Buchanan is Elected by Narrow Margins in the Middle States
—The Election Considered a Moral Triumph for the Repu}»lieans, and a
Sure Indication of Future Success — An Exciting and Vigonmsly Con-
ducte<l Campaign in Michigan— The Result a Decisive and Enduring
Triumph — The Old School Democracy of the Peninsular State In Its
Death Throes.
VI. PRESIDENT BUCHANANS ADMINISTRATION 78-88
A Fresh Shock to the North— The Dred Scott Decision- Its Effect Was
to Nationalize Slavery — The Decision Known to the President in Ad-
vance—The (^olored People Not Citizens Nor Possessed of Rights
Which the White Men Were Bound to ltesi>ect— The Black Man Not
Thought of Except as l*ruperty — The John Brown Raid and Its Effect
T'pon the South — Character and Career of Brown— The (ireat Debates
Betwt^'n Lincoln and Douglas— Last Successful Opposition to Internal
Improvements— A Prophetic Utterance.
VII. THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION 89-103
The Douglas Democrats and the Seceders From the Charleston Con-
vention—The Republicans Meet at Chicago in High Hopes— Immense
Gathering at the Wigwam — All the Free Slat<'s and Six Slave States
Represented— Some of the Distinguished Men Present— Joshua R. Gid-
dings and the Declaration of Independence — A Ringing Platform
Adopted— Seward First Choice of a Majority of the Delegates —
Influences that Operated Against Him- Necessity of Carrying the
Mi<1dle States— Dramatic Seene When Liiieoln was Nominated— Dis-
appointment of Michigan Republicans— Strong Nomination for Vice-
President.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page.
VIII. THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN CAMPAIGN 104U2
The Regular Democratic and Seceders' Couveutions— Nomiuations of
Douglas, Breckinridge and Bell— Certainty of a Division of the Demo-
cratic Vote — Combinations of Democrats and Constitutional Uoion
Men — Seward and His Friends Disappointed, But He Does Good Work
in the Campaign — Conservative Appeals to Business Men — Seward's
Reply — A Torch Light and Parade Campaign— Origin of the Wide
Awakes — Douglas on the Stumii — Fusion in New York State — The Re-
publicans Win and Have Both Houses of Congress.
IX. THE INTERREGNUM 113-123
A Country Without a Government— Plots for the Disr!iption of the
Union — Plans for Secession Had Long Been in Preparation — Utter-
ances in the Secession Conventions — Plotters in the Departments at
Washington— Arms Sent From the North to Southern Arsenals— Vessels
of the Navy Widely Scattered— Preparations for Seizing Southern
Forts — Vacillation of the President over His Message — He Finally Con-
cludes That the Government Has No Power to Prevent Secession— The
South Carolina '^Embassy"— Secession of the Southern States and With-
drawal of Members of Congress— Union Meetings in the North— The
Crittenden Compromise — The Peace Conference.
X. PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION 124-138
Lincoln's Journey to the Capitol— His Purpose as Regards Slavery-
Formation of the Cabinet and Discordant Elements There— Prominent
Meo in Congress— Divided Opinions About the Southern Forts—
Seward's "Thoughts for the President's Consideration"— The South
Caroliua Embassy— The Bombardment of Fort Sumter— The First
Call for Volunteers — I'rompt Response by Congress to the President's
Requests— Important Acts of General Legislation— The Question of
Returning Fugitives— The President Puts the Union Above the Slavery
Question— Events Leading Up to the Emancipation Proclamation —
Varying Fortunes of the War.
XI. PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION 139-150
His Own Attitude Toward the Question- Elements of Hostility to Him
— The Pomeroy Circular and the Chase Movement— The I'nion Repub-
lican Convention and the Nomination of Fremont— A Feeler Put Out
for General Grant — The Baltimore Convention— Lincoln Renominated by
Acclamation on a Strong Platform— He Secures the Nomination of
Andrew Johnson for Vice-President.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page.
XII. THE LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAIGN 151-164
Cliangin}; ProsiM't-ts of the Canipai;;!!— The Denioerats Give the Kepul>-
Ii<-ans Valuable Aid— They Put a War General ou a Peace Platform—
The War-is-a-Failure I'tlerance Ueaets Ajrainst Them — UiiioQ Vic-
tories Helj) the KepuMican Cause — McClellaii Virtually Repudiates the
Platform, aad This Causes (iivat Dissatisfaction — Vallandigham, and
His Grievances— Pea c** Neprotiat inns— The September and Oi-toluT Klei-
tious Favorable — A Swt't'pinjr Kepublican Triumph.
XIIL THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT 165-174
Important Events Atten<ling the Close of President Lincolu*s Admiu-
iat ration— Pi*ominent Members in the House of the Thirty-eighth
Congress- The Thirteenth Ami»nduient Introtluced by an Old Democrat
— Its Easy Passa;r*» in the St'Ujite — I*rolonged Cont<»si Ovor the Measun'
in the House— Being Defeated Its Parliamentary Standing Was Pre-
served by Jamt's M. Ashley— The Leading Sp*»akers ft»r and Against It—
The Presiilent and Secreiary St'ward rs<' Their Intiuenct' In Its Favor
—Final Adoptiim of the Amendment.
XIV. THE END OF THE WAR 175-183
Futile Attempts at Negotiation— IVesident Lincoln's Ultimatum —
Southerners Still Seek Recognition of the Confederacy — Mission of
Fram'is P. Rlair— Jeflfi'rson I>avis Appoints Peace Commissioners —
Presid«»nt LiiH*oln Visits Fortress Monroe^ -The Overtures Rejected —
War Meeting at Riehmo:id-R*'port of (Vuwpiracy Among Demo<Tatie
Generals— Suce-'sses of Sherman. Sheridan rind Grant— The Evacuatioa
of Rii'hmond— Lint nln's Visii tn that City — Ills (greeting by the Colored
Peopli'- -Snrreinler of Lee- Assassination «>f i\\v President — Sherman's
Terms with Johnston -Disbandment of ihe Annies.
XV. ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY 1S4-202
Forebodings of the Northerners iu Regard to Johnson— His Campaign
Speeches Made An Unfavorable Impression — His Threats Toward the
South — Talk About Making Treason Odious— Sudden Change of Atti-
tude— Proclamation of Amnesty and Pardon— Poor Selections of Pro-
visional Governors for the Southern States — Mischievous Results of the
I'resident's Plan— Southeni States Re-enact Slavery in Another Form—
They Accept the Thirteenth Amendment and Then Proceed to Nullify
It — Discriminations Against (\dored People in the Punishment of
Offenses — The President's Message — Ommittee on Reconstruetiim— In-
teresting Debates on the Southern Question- Passage of the First
Rec<mst ruction .Vet an«l Proceedings Under It— The Fourteenth Amend-
ment to the -Constitution.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page.
XVI. THE IMPEACUING CONCUiESS 203-220
The Elections of 1866— The Arm-ia- Arm. Convention in Philadelphia—
A Serious Movement Turned to Ridicule — Conventions of Southern
Loyalists and Northern Republicans— A Powerful Address to the Coun-
try by the Former— The President's ''Swing Around the Cin-le*'—
Administratiou and Anti-A<lniiuistration Soldiers' and Sailors' Conven-
tions— Large Republican Majority in the New Congress— Johnson's
Numerous Vetoes— Charges and Articles of Impeachment— Attempt to
Force Secretary Stanton Out of Office — Impeachment Renewed— Trial
of the Case and Benefits Therefrom— The Fifteenth Amendment.
XVII. THE FOURTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 221-230
The Party at Sea With Regard to a Caudidat** — A Gradual Turning
Toward Grant— His Discretion During Johnson's Career — Meeting of
the Chicago Convention— Delegates From the Soldiers' and Sailors' Con-
vention— A Ringing, Patriotic and National Platform Adopted — (Seneral
Ix)gan's Brief and xVppropriate Presentation of Grant's Nami» — The
General Unanimously Nominated — Six Ballots for Vice-President —
Speaker Colfax Finally Wins— A Michigan In<-ident in Connection With
the Contest— Brief and Timely Letters of .\cceptance — Grant's Defer-
ence to the Popular Wishes.
XVIII. THE GRANT AND COLFAX CAMPAIGN 231-241
The Democratic Tammany Hall Convention— "Your Candidate 1 Can-
not Be" — The Nominatit)n of Seymour and Blair— A Very Critical and
Fault-Finding Platform— Blair's Previous Record — A Weak Point in the
Ticket — The Southern Fire-Eaters Too Outspoken— An Active and
Bitter Contest —A Flood of Campaign Poetry — (Jrant's Si)eeches —
Seymour's Electioneering Tour- -A (Jreat Triumph for the Republicans
—A I^argc .Majority of the Popular Vote, the Vote in the Electoral
College and in (%mgress.
XIX. PRESIDENT GRANTS FIRST TERM 242-252
Paragraphs from the President's Inaugural Message — A Cabinet that
Did Not Long IIoM Together — Attempts to Solve the Reconstruction
Probhm— Settling Old S<-ores with Great Britain— Financial Issues
Come to the Front — How to Discharge the Public Obligations and (iet
Back to Specie Payments— The A<t to Stn^igthen the Public Credit—
The Refunding Act— Tlie Coinage Act I>emonetizing Silver— The Salary
Gral) — The Tn»aty of Washington— The Proposed San Domingo Pur-
chase Defeated.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
XX. THE FIFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 253-261
The NoniinatioD for l*resident Determined Beforehnud— A Large
Amount of SiM'eohmakiag of a High Order — President Grant Unani-
mously Renominated — A Scene of the Wildest Enthusiasm — Numerous
Candidates lor Vice-President — Henry Wilson R<HH»ives the Nomina-
tion on the First Ballot — The Work of Newspaper Correspondents— A
Ix>ng Platform Covering a Variety of Suhjerls — Strong Commendations
of the Candidates — Modest Letters of Acceptance.
XXL THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN 262-274
An Element of Great Uncertainty— The Liberal Republican Convention
at Cincinnati— The Framing of a IMatform a IMfticult Problem— Attempt
to Catch Both Democrats and Lil»eral Republi<*ans — Nou-Commital on
the Tariff Questicm- (Jreeley Nominated on the Sixth Ballot— B. (Sratz
Bn»wn for Vice-Presi<lent — An Incongruous Ticket— The Nominations
a Disappointment to the Democrats, But Accepte<l by Them — Consterna-
tion in Two Detroit Newspaper Offices — A Campaign of Ridi<*ule—
Straight Democratic Ticket— Unpiecedented Republican Triumph.
XXIL TWO YEARS OF DISASTER 275-285
The Civil Rights Quest i<m -Reference to the San Domingo Aflfair—
Repeal of the Salary Gral) — Important Financial Measures— The Senate
Currency Bill— Passage of the Resumption Act as a Party Measure —
Supplementary Civil Rights Bill Passetl— Various Constitutional Amend-
ments Projmsed — The Panic of 1873 and the Depressioa That Followed
—Disastrous Political Effects — The Electituis (Jive Demorrats a Large
Majority in the House— (^hanges in Many NurtlnM-n States.
XXIIL THE SIXTH REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN 286-301
The Three Natural Republican leaders— Blaine's Popularity With the
Republicans-Democratic Attacks Upon Him— His Bold Defense in the
llyiist-— Reading of the Mulligan Letters- His Attack of Sunstroke —
IngersoU's Brilliant Speech at the Ciueiunaii Ciuivcntion— A Chjse
Contest for the Nomination— It Goes to Rutherford B. Hayes on the
Seventh Ballot William A. Whet-bM- Nominated for Vic<'-Presid«'nt—
A Long Platform Declaration— New Departure for th** lK»moerats—
Tilden and Hendricks Nominated— Tilden Conducts His Own Canvass
—A Closely Contestetl Campaign— Hayes Has One Majority on the
Electoral Vote.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Pago.
XXIV. THE ELECTORAL COUNT 303-319
A Severe Test of Republican Government — Both Sides Claim the Elec-
tion— Disputed Votes in the Southern States — Question as to the Rights
of the President of the Senate — Various Propositions With Reference
to the Count— An Electoral Commission Decided Upon — Constitution of
the Commission Democratic— Disappointment as to Judge Davis-
Several Votes of Eight to Seven — Hayes Declared Elected— Disclosures
of Attempts to Buy Electoral Votes
XXV. ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAVES 320-336
A Strong Cabinet Selected— Four Important Political and Financial
Events— Abandonment of Southern Republicans— Ku-Klux and Tissue
Ballot Outrages In the South— The Bland-Allison Silver Coinage Meas-
ure— Changes in the New York Custom House— A Famous Civil Service
Order — A Circular Against Political Assessments — The Greenback
Craze of 1878 — The Resumption of Specie Payments — Regulating the
Electoral Count — Restricting Chinese Immigration— Pensioning Jeflf
Davis— Senator Chandler's Eloiiuent Protest.
XX VL THE SEVENTH REPT'BLICAN CONVENTION 336-352
The Ancient Quarrel Between Blaine and Conkling— Its Effect on the
Convention of 1880 — Unsuccessful Attempt to EnfonM* the Unit Rule—
The Three Next Republican I'residents in the Convention — Sharp
Debate Between Senator Conkiing and the West Virginia Members-
Important Amendment to the Rules— The Platform Adopted— Conk-
ling's Great Speech in Nomination of Grant— The Nomination of
(Jarfield — Conkling's Motion to Make it Unanimous — Supported by
General Logan— General Arthur Nominated for Vice-President — The
Exciting Conventi(m Closes With Apparent Good Feeling.
XXVH. THE GARFIELD AND ARTHUR CAMPAIGN 353-360
The Democratic Convention at Cincinnati— Declarations of the Plat-
form—Nomination of Hancock "The Superb*' on the Second Ballot —
The Tariff a Local Issue — The Greenback Candidate and Platform— Not
a Bright Prospect for the Republicans— A Change After the Mentor
Conference— General Grant's Good Work for the Ticket— Result of the
October Elections — The Morey Forgery— The Campaign Ends With a
Substantial Republican Triumph.
TABLE OF CONTEXTS.
Pag»».
XXVIU. THE GAKFIKLD AND ARTIIL'R ADMINISTRATION 361-374
Rlaiiu**s Pur|M)S4» in Takiug the Statr Portfolio— A Series of Uufor-
tiinute Api>oiiUnients--Sright8 I'pou Mr. Conkling and His Indigaation
Thereat— Resignation of the New York Senators— Bontwell's Statement
<»f the Affair— Sne<'essors of Senators (.^onkling and Piatt— Assassina-
tion of Pn»si<h'nt Garfield— (Jnitean's Letter of Explanation — Press
Lt^ssons Drawn From the Traju'edy— (.'hanjros Made in the Cabinet by
Pi-esident Arthnr— His Prudent and Suecessful Administration— The
Question of Civil Service Reform— The Tariff of 1883 — Morrison's Hori-
zontal Reduction Plan— Other Important Measures.
XXIX. THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 375-392
Prr)min«»ut Men in Attendance as Delegates— Contest Over th«» Tem-
lM>rary Chairman— An Important Change in the Rules— Text of the
I*1atform Adoi)led— Hlaine and Arlhur the Leadinp Candidates -Nomina-
tion of the Former -Analysis of the \'ote — General Logan for Vi(v-
President— Opposition to the Ticket Within the Party— The Rise and
fjood Fortnne of Grover (.''leveland — He Receives the Demoi-ratic Nom-
ination—A Bitter Personal Contest —Rlaine's Western Tour — His Unfor-
tunate Stay in New York— Parson Burchard's Misfit Speech— Success
of the Democratic Ticket.
XXX. CLEVELAND'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION 393-402
His Civil Service Attitude Pleases Neither the Partisans Nor the
R»»fornn'rs— Cotduess Betwe*'n the President and A'ice-Pn^sident— Selec-
ti«»n of the Cabinet- Repeal of rh*- Teniin«-or-OlIlce Act— Clean Sweep
of the ()tlb'es--C!ev*dand*s Pension Vetoes— Orib»r for Restoring the
Soutlu'rn Fbi;:s— Resentment of the Grand Army Posts — Rebuilding;
tin* Navy- The EU'etoral Count and Pivsidential Suceession Arts — The
Inter-State Commerce Measure— The Newfoundland and Alaska Fish-
eries— The President's Extraordiuar.v Tariff Messape — The Mills Hill
and General Tariff Dismssion.
XXXL THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888 403-418
A New Set of Candidates for the Republieau Nomination— Blaine and
Shermau the Only Old Ones Mentioned ami Blaine Positively With-
draws—McKinley Forbids the Use of His Nanu' — Sherman Leads
Through Six Hallo's— (ien«M:il Al;:er. of Mi<hip:an. a Strf>njir Possibility
—The Nomination Finally Goes to Hanison- -Th<» Text of the Platform
-The D«'iu<M'rats Renominate Cb»veland bj Acclamation. With Thur-
man Se<-ond on the Ticket— A (^uiet Campaicn— The Murchison Incident
—The Republicans Win.
TABLE OF C02STE2S'T«.
Page.
XXXH. PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION 419-428
A Close House in Congress — Prospect of 1 Jttle Liegislation— The Device
of Speaker Reed— A femall Majority Made Effective — Obstructive Tac-
tics Baffled — The Silver Question Made l*romiuent — Passage of the
Sherman Silver Act — The Republicans Not in Control on This Subject —
Ihe ikargain Under >Vhich the I'assage of the McKiuley Tariff Act
Became Possible— Effects ©f That Act on Trade— The Political Whirl-
wind of 1890.
NXXIII. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892 429-442
Hard Work for Minneapolis as the Place of Gathering for the Republi-
can Convention— A Stirring and Comprehensive IMatform — Recogni-
tion of Woman's Aid in the Campaign — Harrison in the Lead for the
Nomination— Blaine's Name Presented at the Last— Three Unwonted
Demonstrations at the Convention — Harrison and Reid Nominated —
The Democratic Convention and the Campaign— An Unexpectedly
^ Sweeping Triumph for Cleveland and His Party.
XXXIV. CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION 443-460
The Selection of the Cabinet — Geographical Consideratious Disregarded
— The Democrats in Complete I*ower fur the First Time Since 1861 —
Delays in ActioQ on the Sherman Law and the Tariff Question— The
Special Session Called Late — Repeal of the Sherman Law Finally
Accomplished — Unsatisfactory Work on the Tariff Measure — Becomes a
Law Without the President's Signature- An Act of "Party Perfidy
and Dishonor'* — Tremendous Political Overturn in 1894— The Sandwich
• Island Affair.
XXXV. ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 461-470
M<rKinh»y Long Before Recognized as the Coming Man for President —
A Highly Successful Political Career— TIm' Convention at St. Louis —
The Campaign Pronouncement-Contest (^ver the Silver Plank — Sensa-
tional Withdrawal of the Silver Republicans— Their Statement to the
Country -Only one Ballot Each lor President and Vice-President —
I*oints From the Letters of Acceptanee.
XXXVI. THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN 471-482
The Democratic Convention— The Free Silver Coinage Men Aggressive
and Confident — A Free Silver Triumph in Choice of Temporary Presi-
dent and in the Platform — The Announcement of Prineiples After-
wards Modified by the Committee — Bryan's Taking Speech and His
Nomination — Accepted by the I'opuiists and the Free Silver Republi-
cans—Interest of the Business Men in the Campaign — McKinley and
Hobart Elected With a Republican Congress.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page.
XXXVII. PRESIDENT McKINLEl'S ADMINISTRATION 483^95
Formation of the New Cabinet— Two Matters of Grave Domestic Im-
portance—The Currency and the Tariff Questions— Prompt Action on
Both— Passage of the Dingley Tariff Act— The Hawaiian Islauds An-
nexed—Strained Relations With Spain— The Destruction of the Maine-
War Breaks Out and Is Vei-y Speedily Terminated— Brilliant Opera-
tions in Cuba, Porto Rico aud the Philippines — Subsequent Desultory
Warfare in the Latter Islands.
XXXVIII. TWELFTU REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 496-510
A Large and Harmonious Gatheriug at Philadelphia— Meuibers Present
Who Were Delegates to the First Republican Convention in the Same
City — Admirable I'reseutation of Campaign Issues by the Chairman-
A Strong IMatform Adopted— President McKinley Unanimously Ri'uoui-
inated — Large Number of IVrsons Mentioned for the Vice-l*resideucy—
The Nomination Finally Thrust Upon an Unwilling Candidate.
XXXIX. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900 511-522
Bryan's Supremacy in the I>emocratic Convention- He is Absolute
Dictator in Respect to the Platform— He Is the Candidate, Also, of the
Populists and Silver Republicans— Adlai E. Stevenson and Charles A.
Towne Nominated for Vice-President- The Latter Reluctantly With-
<iraws— The Letters of Acceptance — Animated but One-Sided Campaign
—The Imperialist Cry — Division of the Gold Democrats— A Decisive
Victory for the Republican Ticket.
XL. REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS 523-544
The Executive Nominating Gatherings From 1856 to the Present Time
—The Gubernatorial Can<lidates from Bingham to Bliss — A Long Roll
of Public Spirited and Distinguished Men — A Number of Close and In-
tei-esting Contests— Ballots for the Head of the Ticket in Detail— Names
of the Candidates for Other OfDces — A Series of Splendid Successes
Broken by Only Two Defeats— Treatment of Public Questions by the
Various Conventions— How the Magnificent Gathering of 1878 Met the
(in*enlMick Onslaught — The Party's Tr#?atment of the Temperance,
Silver and Taxation Questions— Its Attitude in 1900.
INDEX TO ENGRAVINGS.
Page.
Zachariah Chandler Frontispiece
Under the Oaks at Jackson Facing 85
Abraham Lincoln '^ 99
Lincoln and His Cabinet ■ ' 126
Thomas W. Ferry " 30;1
William McKinley. , " 483
Kingsley S. Bingham 25
David S. Walbridge 36
Jacob M. Howard 43
Nathaniel P. Banks, Jr 62
John Sherman 64
John C. Fremont 66
William L. Dayton 67
James Buchanan 72
Charles Sumner 74
Roger B. Taney 80
Stephen A. Douglas 86
Joshua R. Giddings 92
William H. Seward 96
Simon Cameron 97
Thurlow Weed 98
Andrew G. Curtin 100
Ilannibal Hamlin 101
John J. Crittenden 120
Salmon P. Chase 132
Samuel C. Pomeroy 141
General U. S. Grant 144
Henry J. Raymond 145
Andrew Johnson 149
George B. McClellan 154
Clement L. Vallandigham 156
David G. Farragut 157
Oliver P. Morion 161
INDEX TO ENGRAVINGS.
Page.
Galusha A. Grow 167
James M. Ashley 168
General Philip H. Sheridan 178
General William T. Sherman 17;>
Schuyler Colfax 11)3
Thaddeus Stevens 194
Samuel Shellabarger 196
Edwin M. Stanton 212
Benjamin F. Butler 214
AVilliam M. Evarts 216
John A. Logan 226
Benjamin F. Wade 227
Horatio Seymour 236
Henry Wilson 254
Charles Francis Adams 265
Horace Greeley 266
Koscoe Conkling '. 289
Kutherford B. Hayes 298
William A. Wheeler 299
James A. Garfield 351
William H. Robertson 363
Chester A. Arthur 370
James G. Blaine 383
Grover Cleveland 388
Benjamin Harrison 407
I^vi P. Morton 415
Chauncey M. Dej)ew 436
Marcus A. Hanna 480
Theodore Koosevelt 502
ACTS OF PRO-SLAVERY AGGRESSION.
Adoption of the Missouri Comproniise — Purpose of the Mexican
War — Acquisition of Slave Territory — The Wilmot Proviso — Its
Defeat and the Confidence of the South— The Campaign of 1848 —
Non-Committal Policy of the AVhigs — President Taylor and the
Admission of California — The Fugitive Slave Law and Other
Compromise Measures — Intense Feeling at the North — The Cam-
paign of 1852 — Renewal of the Agitation and Repeal of The
Missouri Compromise — The Day of (.'ompromises at an End.
Although the consolidation of a large niajority of the Anti-Slavery
voters of the North into the Republican party was finally a matter
of a few months, yet the events that led to it covered a period of fully
three decades. It was only after long discussion and strong opposi-
tion that Missouri was admitted to the Union as a slave state in 1820.
To quiet this opposition those who favored admission finally proposed
a section in the bill, enacting, **That in all that territory ceded by
France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which
lies north of 36 degrees and *M) minutes of north latitude, not included
within the limits of the state contemplated by this act, slavery and
involuntary servitude, otherwise than as the punishment of crimes,
shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited."
Even with this pledge for the future the admission of Missouri
as a slave state was reluctantly consented to. The pledge was
finally accepted as a settlement of all controversy in respect to slavery
in the territories. But the differences of oxunion on the subject of
slavery itself were so irreconcilable that they could not fail to be a
constant source of irritation. Petitions even, from the North, in
favor of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, and for other
legislation, were resented by the Southerners, and led to the contro-
versies over the right of petition, which lasted through three or four
Congresses, and in which John Quincy Adams took a prominent part.
2 HISTOKY OF TIIK KEIM'HLKWN PARTY.
Tliis, and the jjcrowing feeling against slavery in the North, and even
in some of the border states, intensified the purpose of the most
zealous supi>orters of that institution, not only to guard it against all
assaults, but to extend it into new territory if possible.
It was thought, when the Missouri Compromise line was ae
cepted, that states south of that line would be ready for admission as
soon as those north of it. Hut migration was so much more rapid
to the territory west of New England and New York, than it was
further south as to upset th(»se calculations. Michigan was ready
for statehood and applied for admission in 18:^5, but was kept out
for two years, lest two more Northern men sliould take seats in the
Senate, without any nc»w Southern men to otfset them. The State
was not finally admitted until Arkansas could be brought in at the
same time. Iowa and Florida were admitted, under similar condi-
tions, the former which represent (*d free territory, being kept back
until the latter could come in as a slave-holding State, just as in 1820
Maine had been kej»t out until Missouri could c(mie in as a companion
State.
l>ut it was seen that this equality in the Senate could not long
be maintained. Part of Wisconsin was filling up ra}>idly, and there
was ev<»rv prospect that emigration would soon sjiread over tin*
region west of that territory, as well as that west of the states of
Iowa and Missouri. There was no slave territory to c(Minterbalanc(»
this, and the war with Mexico was, in its main j>urpose, a war brought
on by the South for tlu* accjuisition of such territory. It was in
connecti<m with this war that the first of a long series of memorable
contests arose in ('ongrc*ss.
The declaration of war was mad(» in May, 1S4(), and on the 5th
of August, of the same year, President Polk, in a sj>ecial message to
Congress, said that the chief obstacle to securing peace was the
adjustment of a boundary line that would prove satisfa<tory and
(•(mvenient to bolh Kepubli«s, and he asked that a sum of money
might be placed at his disposal, to be used, in his discretion, in the
adjustment of the terms of peace. This was in line with the pre-
cedent of ISO.], when Pri^sident JetTerson was voted a special
ai>propriation for the aciiuisition of Louisiana. After the message
was r<»ad Mr. McKay, of North Carolina, Chairman of the Committee
on Ways and M<*ans, introduced a bill, that two millions of dollars
be ai>proj)riated, to !)e "appli(»d. under direttion of the President,
to any extraordinary expens(»s which may be incurred in our foreign
ACTS OF laiO ISI.AVKRV A(UIRESSI()X. 3
iutercoiirse/' This followed the lanjjjiiage of the lut making an
appropriation in Mr. Jefferson's time. But the conditions were verv
different. There was strong opposition to the Mexican war, while
there had not been great opposition to the Louisiana purchase. There
were grave apprel^ensions of some ulterior and unpatriotic designs
now. There were none then. Congress had the utmost confidence
in President Jefferson. Many of its members had no confidence at
all in President I'olk.
In the debate which followed the intr(>du<*tion of the bill, Robert
i\ Winthrop, Whig, of Massachusetts, said he (M)uld not vote for it as
it stood. It was a vote of unlimited confidence in an administration
in which, he was sorry to say, very little confidence was to be placed.
Mr. Winthrop had voted for the act under which war was declared
against Mexico, while Mr. Adams, of the same State, had voted against
it. The latter now said that he differed from his colleague with a
regret, equal to that with which he had differed from him on the
former measure. He should vote for :Mr. McKay's bill in any form,
but thought it should (^xpressly require that the money should be used
only for the purpose of negotiating peace with Mexico. The bill was
amended in this manner, and seemed likely to pass without much
further debate, and with comi)aratively little opposition.
But some of the Northern members saw, in this apparently in-
nocent proposition, imssibilities of great mischief. There w^as
comparatively little doubt that the money would be used for the
acquisition of territory from Mexico outside of the State of Texas,
which had been acquired as a result of the war, and that it was de-
signed that such territory should be ojx'n to slavery. It has been
held by some that this apprehension was groundless. Mexico had.
twenty years b(»fore this, abolished slavery, and the assumption had
b(»en made that any territory acquired from that country would
necessarily retain its free status. But to met*t this, the doctrine had
already been promulgated by Mr. Calhoun, that the Federal Consti-
tution carried slavery into all territory fron). which it was not
expressly excluded. This interpretation of that instrument would
have carried that condition into any territory aciiuired from Mexico,
and that such an interi)retation of the Constitution would be
attempted in actual practice subsetnient events fully showed.
It was under this apprehension that a number of Northern Demo-
crats met for consultation. Among them w(»re Hannibal Hamlin, of
Maine; George Rathbun, Martin (hover and Preston King, of New
4 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
York; David Wihnot, of Pennsylvania; Jarob Brinkerhoff and James
J. Faran, of Ohio, and Robert McClelland, of Miehigan. The result
of their deliberations was the framing of a clause to be added to the
bill, providing, *That, as an express and fundamental condition to the
acquisition of any territory from th(? Republic of Mexico by the United
States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them,
and to the use by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated,
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part
of said territory, (»xcept for crime, whereof the party shall first be
duly convicted/'
David Wilmot was then only IM\ yi^ars old, and was serving his
first term in Congress. He was not among the most prominent of
those present at the conference, but the proviso was entrusted to
him for presentation^ and made his name known wh(»rever the history
of the contest that followed was read. In House Committee of the
Whole he moved the addition of this i)roviso to the first section of
the bill, and it was adopted by vote of 80 to 04, only three members
from the free states voting against it. The bill, as amended, was
reported to the House, and upon its passage, Mr. Rathbun, of New
York, moved the previous question. Mr. Tibbals, of Kentucky,
moved to lay the bill on the table, and the affirmative votes on this
question showed that the Southerners were willing to sa<*rifice the
whole measure rather than to accept this proviso.
The motion to table was lost by vote of JK^ to 71), among the latter
being Stephen A. D<Kiglas and John A. McClernand, Democrats, of
Illinois, and Robert C. Schenck, Whig, of Ohio. The bill then passed,
with the juoviso, by a vote of 85 to 80. Henry (i rider. Whig, of
Kentucky, was the only member south of Mason and Dixon's line
who voted for it. Among the j)roniinent Northern Whigs who vottni
for it were Washington Hunt, of X(*w York; Robert C. Winthrop, of
Massachusetts; Truman Smith, of Connecticut; Josej^h R. Ingersoll
and James Pollock, of Pennsylvania. Among the j)rominent Demo-
crats who voted the same way were Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine;
Preston King, of New York; John Went worth, of Illinois; Allen G.
Thurman, of Ohio, and Robert McClelland, of Michigan. The last
two of these remained Democrats throughout their political careers.
Most of the others afterwards joined the Rex)ublican party. The
bill was rejmrted to the Senate toward the close of the session. A
motion was made to strike out the proviso, and on this motion Senator
ACTS OF PRO SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 5
John Davis, of Massachusetts, talked against time until the hour for
adjournment, both bill and proviso thus falling together.
Refore the next session of Congress the same methods of per-
suasion and of threat, that the Pro-Slavery leaders so often found
effective in those days with Northern men of weak fibre, prevaikKi
again. The appropriation was increased from |2,00(),000 to ?a,0()0,()00
and was voted without the obnoxious proviso.
Of the next Congress Robert C. Winthrop, Whig, was chosen
Speaker by one majority. A n^solutiou was offered in this Congress
by Harvey Putnam, of New York, embodying the substance of the
Wilniot Proviso, but it was tabled by a vote of 105 yeas to 93 nays.
Although the Whigs had accepted the doctrine of the proviso, the
result of this vote was not at all surprising. In the first place their
bare nmjority of one, while sufficient to secure the organization of the
House, was not sufficient to secure the passage of any disputed
resolution or bill. Those of the Whig leaders who were inclined
to consult expediency soon recognized the danger, that if they per-
sisted in any course of opposition to slavery aggression, it would
give the whole South to the Democracy. Throughout the whole
of this stage of the controversy, covering a period of several years,
this fear was constantly before their eyes, and fully accounted for a
timidity which sometimes amounted to cowardice. In this case,
also, the fa(*t that the Whigs had organized the House, and were, at
least theoretically, responsible for its acts, undoubtedly deterred
some Democrats from further supporting the doctrine contained in
the jiroviso. Beyond this, the cry which some of the Southerners
were always ready to make, that opposition to their desires or plans
would endanger the Union, was used with effect.
Although this Congress did not adopt the Wilmot Proviso nor
any other measures of special note, it served as a school of instruc-
tion to some men who obtained a clear insight into Southern plans,
and who afterwards became conspicuous in the Republican party.
One of the^e was Abraham Lincoln who, now for the only time,
appi>ared in Congress. He learned much here, acquired a nickname
and ranked well with the earnest, Anti-Slavery Whigs, but accom-
plished nothing that gave indications of his future greatness. He
gained his nickname through a series of questions which he proposed
asking the executive. President Polk had, in his message, sought to
convey the impression that the Mexican war was undertaken to
repel invasion, and to avenge the killing of American citizens upon
(; HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIOAN PARTY.
our own soil. Mr. Lincoln attacked this ])osition in a series of res-
olutions, tlie tirst three clauses of which asked the President to
inform the House '^Whether the spot on which the blood of our
citizens was shed, as in his message declared, was or was not, within
the territory of Sjiain, until the Mexican revolution; {2) Whether
that spot is, or is not, within the territory wrested from Spain by
the revolutionary p:overnnient of Mexico; {ll) \Vheth(*r that s])ot is,
or is not, within a settlement of people, which settlement has existed
ever since long before the Texas revolution, and until its inhabitants
tied before the approach of the I'nited States army." The resolutions,
which contained live other questions, were supported by Mr. Lincoln in
the tirst speech which he made in Congress, but they were tabled.
His frequent use of the word "spot'' in the resolutions and spi*ech,
gave him the nickname of "Spot Lincoln."
The House of this Congress included in its membership the follow-
ing who were afterwards prominent in th(» Republican party: Jacob
Collanier and (reorge P. Marsh, of Vermont; Amos Abbott, Julius
Rockwell and Horace Mann, of ^ilassachusetts; James Dixon, John
A. Rockwell and Truman Smith, of Connecticut; Horace Greeley and
Washington Hunt, of New York; William A. Newell, of New Jersey;
David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania; Robert C. Schenck and Joshua R.
Criddings, of Ohio; Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana; John Went
worth, of Hlinois; Kinsley S. Hingham, of Michigan, and Andrew
Johnson, of Tenn€»ssee.
The following senators, who were afterwards conspicuous in
Republican ranks, were also in the Thirtieth Congress: Hannibal
Hamlin, of Maine; John P. Hale, of New Hami>shire; Roger S. Bald-
win, of Connecticut; John A. Dix, of New York; William L. Dayton,
of New Jersey, and Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania.
In addition to Mr. Ringham, Michigan had Robert McClelland
and Charles E. Stuart, in the House, with Thomas Fitzgerald and
Alpheus Fetch in the Senate. Among the prominent Southerners
in the Senate were Wm. Rufus King, of Alabama; John M. Clayton,
of Delaware; David L. Yulee, of Florida; Herschell V. Johnson and
John M. Berrien, of Georgia; Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland; JelTerson
Davis and Henry Stuart Foote, of Mississippi; David R. Atchison and
Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri: Willie P. Magnum, of North Carolina;
A. P. Butler and John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Sam Houston,
of Texas; James M. Mason and R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia.
During this Ccmgress the slavery (iu(»sti<m came up in a number
ACTS OF PRO SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 7
of formB. One was in the shape of a reBolulion directing a conuuittee
lo present a bill abolishin^^^ the slave trade in the District of Colunibia.
To this Mr. Lincoln moved an amendment, instructing (he committee
to introduce a bill abolishinj^ slavery itself in the District. Repeated
efforts were also made to apply the principle of the Wilmot Proviso
to Oregon, and to what was afterwards the State of California. None
of these measures, however, came to a conclnsiv(* vote. Th(\v wen*
not even presented until the second s(»ssion of the Congress, after
the Presidential election of 1S4S. In truth, although individual
m(»mbers could not always be repressed, the Wliig leaders were not
at all desirous of having the slavery (juestion injected into the Pres-
idential campaign. They feared that a strong assertion of their
anti-extension principles would divide their party in the South, and
they knew that any pro-slavery leanings would divide it in the North.
Resides this, judging from the ]»rol)abilities of i)arty success, they
had firmer ground to stand upon. The tariff had b(M*n the main issue
in 1844, and the Democrats had carried two or three states, notably
Pennsylvania, and with them the election, on the false <ry of **l*olk
and Dallas, and the tariff of '42." Many of their speakers had given
the pledge that this tariff should be retaintnl. The pledge was
broken, and the tariff of 1840, whi<*h was a virtual abandonment of
the protective principle, was adopted. The fact that this act was
carried in the Senate by the casting vote of Vice-President Dallas, of
Pennsylvania, made it all the more galling. ri)ou this subject the
party could be united, if the slavery question could be avoided as a
cause of disruption. They also felt that they were on the popular
side of another important econ<miic (juestion. As a party th(\v favored
ai)olicy of government construction or aid to internal improvements,
while the Democratic* leaders wtM-e either hostile to such improvements,
or vacillating on the subject. Th*^ir party resolutions w(»re generally
hostile to them. Resides this the vote on Mr. Putnam's resolution,
asserting the principle of the Wilmot INoviso, was too conclusive to
afford any encouragement for a successful fight on thisquestion in this
Congress. In view of all these considerations little real oppositi<m
was made to ratifying the Guadalupe-llildalgo treaty, whi<'h ter-
minated the Mexican war, and Congress voted the fifteen million
dollars asked for payment of the ced(Hl territory, without any stipu-
lation upon the subject of slavery.
Ry this time the Southerners felt very sure that they were secure
from anv further assertion of the doctrines contained in tlu* Wilmot
8 HISTORY OF THE REPI BLICAN PARTY.
Proviso, as is shown by an incident connected with the negotiations
for peace. The Mexican ijjovernment proposiKi, as part of the treaty,
a guaranty from the Ignited States that shivery should not be re-
established in any of the ceded territory, but the American
Commissioner, Ni<hohi8 T. Trist, replied that if the territory "were
increased ten-fold in value, and, in addition to that were covered a
foot thick with pure gold, on the single condition that slavery should
forever be excluded, he would not entertain the offer for a moment,
not even think of sending it to the government, for no American Presi-
dent would dare to send such a treaty to the Senate."
It was under these conditions that the Whig National Conven-
tion met in Philadelphia, June 7, 1S48. In a whirl of military
enthusiasm, whi<*h was entirely out of keeping with the attitude of
the party as a whole upon the Mexican war, it nominated Gen. Zachary
Taylor for President, much to the disgust and wrath of Daniel
Webster, who sought the nomination for himself.
The convention even found it necessary to vouch for the Whig
standing of its candidate which it did in the third resolution, as
follows: **General Taylor, in saying that, had he voted in 1844, he
would have voted the Whig ticket, gives us the assurance — and no
better is needed from a consistent and truth-seeking man — that his
heart was with us at the crisis of our political destiny, when Henry
Clay was our candidate, and when, not only were Whig principles
well detincHl and clearly ass(»rted, but Whig measures depended upon
success. The heart that was with us then is with us now, and we
have a soldier's word of honor, and a life of public and private virtue
as the security."
Every other plank in the platform was almost wholly taken uf>
with some form of eulogy upon (xeneral Taylor. But upon real
issues it was the most non-committal of any pronouncement ever
made by any political party in a National campaign. Although it
containeil seven resolutions it really said but little more than the
Whig convention of December 4, 18:^1), which nominated Harrison
for I*resident, and presented no platform at all. The nouunee for
Vice-President was Millard Fillmore, of New York.
The Democratic Convention was held about a fortnight earlier
in Baltimore. It nominated Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for President,
and William O. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-President. Its plat-
form was long and suffi<'iently explicit. It defended the Mexican
war; opposed taking from the President the veto power; denied the
ACTS OF PRO SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 9
power of the government to undertake a general system of internal
improvements, or to assume the debts of stJites incurred for such
purpose, and opposed the protective policy in the taritt*. l^pon the
slavery question it resolved, **That Congress has no power, under the
Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of
the several states; and that such states are the sole and proper judges
of everything pertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the
Constitution; that all efforts by Abolitionists, or others, made to
induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take
incipient steps in relation thereto are calculated to lead to the most
alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have
an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and
endanger the stability and permanence of the Union, and ought not
to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions." This
was an exact copy of one of the resolutions in the Democratic plat-
form of 1840.
The timid and non-committal policy of the Whigs was as distaste-
ful to the pronounced Anti-Slavery men of that party, as the
declaration of the Democratic Convention was to the Anti-Slavery
men in its ranks. The former were ironically named the '^Conscience
Whigs,'' while both classes were sometimes called the "Come Outers.''
In Massachusetts the feeling took the form of a W^hig revolt, led by
Henry Wilson and E. Rockwood Hoar. In New York, the Whigs
were mainly kept in line through the activity and political genius of
William H. Seward. In that State it was the dissatisfied Democrats
who made the trouble. The Free Soil element of the party, with
Silas Wright and Martin Van Buren at its head, made numerous
demonstrations, among them being a great meeting held in the City
Hall Park, New York, directly after the return of the delegates from
the Baltimore Convention. At this meeting the cowardice of North-
ern senators who had voted with the South, was denoun(!ed.
At the Baltimore Convention two sets of delegates had been
admitted to seats, one representing the Hunkers, or pro-slavery fac-
tion, and the other the Barn-burners, or Free Soil element. The
latter now issued an address, calling for an Independent Democratic
Convention, which was held at Uti<'a, June 22d, and nominated Martin
Van Buren for President. At a larger convention, held at Buffalo
August 9, other states were represented, Mr. Van Buren's nomination
was confirmed, and Charles Francis Adams was nominated for Vice-
President. A platform was adopted which was strongly anti-slavery
10 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
in all phases of the subject which were then before the people. The
8ixte<*nth resolution declared: '*We inscribe on our banner, *Free
Soil, Free Speech, Fret* Labor and Free Men/ and under it we will
fifjht on and fij^ht forever, until a triumphant victory shall reward
our exertions.'' From this d(*claration the orpinization received the
name of "Free Soil Party." The same elements had, in 1840 and 1844,
lKH*n called the Liberty Party.
in the election which followed the Taylor and Fillmore electors
received 1,H00,(>01 votes, tlu* ('ass and Butler electors 1,220,544, and
Van Buren and Adams 201,2(»:5. In the Electoral Collef^e the Whigs
had 10:» votes, and the Democrats 127. The vote in Michigan was:
i^iss Electors, :30,(>77; Taylor, 28.9:^0, and Van Buren, 10,.mi. Though
the administration was Whig, Congress was DtMuocratic in both
houses during the whole term. In the Thirty -first Congress, 1849
to 1851, the Senate stood: Democrats, :i5; Whigs, 25; Free Soil, 2. The
House was: Denuxrats, 110; Whigs, 111. In the Thirty-second Con-
gress, 1851 to 185:^, the Democrats were stronger yet, having 30 in
the S(»nate, to 2:^ Whigs and :\ Free Soilers. and in the House 140, to
88 Whigs and 5 Free Soilers.
President Taylor, though a Louisiana slave-holder, proved to be
more hostile to the aggressions of slavery than did his successor,
President Fillmore, a resi<lent of a Northern free State. The South-
erners had counted upon a large addition to the area of slave territory
from the acquisition from Mexico, which included what afterwards
became the State of California, and the Territory of New Mexico. In
the ordinary course of events their hopes would have been realized,
but the discovery of gold in California i)ut a different face upon their
prospe<ts. It <alled to that section thousands of hardy, enterprising
an<l resolute men, a very large proportion of whom were from the
North. The very conditions of their occupation made free and self-
supporting labor necessary, and a system of slavery impossible. The
territory was organized as a State with an Anti-Slavery Constitution,
and President Taylor, in a special messagt*, recommended its admis-
sion. Attempts w(»re nuide to cut off from the State the territory
south of the Missouri Compromise line of :U> degrees, IM) minutes, but
these were unsuccessful, and the State was admitted early in 1850.
Two days hiter a bill passed organizing New Mexico as a territory,
without any restriction as to slavery, and one for organizing Utah as
a Territory soon followed.
Th(* death of PresidtMit Tavlor callcnl to the Executive chair a
ACTS OF PRO SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 11
timid and pliant instrument of Sonthern a^jcression, for President
Fillmore not only sif^ned all tin* so-railed Compromise Measures of
1850, which a Democratic Conjjjress passed, but exerted a mild influ-
ence in their favor. Of these measures, the one most obnoxious to
Northern people, and the one which ^ave the most occasion for strife
and ill-feelinpf afterwards, was the Fujijitive Slave Law.
The Constitution, in Article IV., Section 2, Clause :\, provided that
'*No person held to servioe or labor in one State, under the laws
thereof, t^scapinji: into another, shall in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or
labor may be due." Although the word slave is not mentioned in this
article, as it is nowhere mentioned in the Constitution, there was no
question of its application to that class of labor. This provision
had never been carried out, with any great degree of rigor, but the
Fugitive Slave I^w provided the officers and machinery for securing
the rendition of fugitives by very harsh methods, and enlisted the
United States Marshals and I'nited States Courts in that work. It
brought the evils of slavery home to tlu* Northern peoi)le, who, in
many of the states, refused to ccmiply with its requirements. Not
only the ^'Conscience Whigs,'' but men of all parties refused to be
enlisted as *^slave-catchers.''
Religious feeling was ai'oused against it, especially in the Con
gregational. Baptist and Methodist churches of New England. Their
Thanksgiving sermons often modified llu* expression of thanks by
apprehension of evil to the country because it tolerated the sin of
slavery, and many fast day sermons, though preached from Scripture
texts, were keyed to the sentiment of Jetferson's utterance when,
8])eaking of the wrongs and cruelties of slavery, he said: "1 trembh*
for my country, when I reflect that God is just.''
Here are some of the texts from which these sermons were thun-
dered forth: "Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him."
**Thou shalt not oppress a hired servant." "1 will be a swift witness
against those that oppress the hireling in his wages." *'Vea they
have oppressed the stranger wrongfully. Therefore have 1 poured
out My indignation upon tluMu." **Is not this the fast that I have
chosen: to loose the bands of wickedness to undo the heavy burdens,
and to let the oppressed go free?" And here is one from Deutei
onomy, that was especially ai)proi)riate to the Fugitive Slave Law:
**Thou shalt not deliver unto his mast(»r the servant which is escaped
12 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
from his master unto thee. He shall dwell with thee, even among
you in that place where he shall choose, in one of thy j^ates where it
liketh him best. Thou shall not oppress him."
In the earliest 8tajj:es of the ajiijitation this feeling among the
churches was slow in finding expre8si<m, but it continually gained
momentum. When, at a somewhat later period than this, a petition
was sent to Congress from :^,015 Congregational ministers in New
England, asking for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law and the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, every anti-slavery
member of Congress felt his ba<kbone stiffen and his courage rise.
And when, later still, meetings were called in the North for the pur-
pose of raising money to buy rifles for the Free State settlers in
Kansas, it was in the churches, instead of in public halls, that nmny
of them were held.
It was largely, also, through the members of these churches, and
in this period, that the modern form of the doctrines of the ''Higher
Law'' and of passive resistance were evolved. The great mass of the
men who resisted the Fugitive Slave Law were, in almost everything
else, law-abiding citizens, but no power on earth could make them aid
in enforcing that iniquitous act, because it was in violation of Scrip-
tural injunction, and of that higher law^ of justice and of universal
brotherhood, which God had implanted in their souls. At the same
time there were many of them who, if caught aiding and abetting the
escape of a fugitive, would not make forcible resistance, but would
take fine or imprisonment with the ecpianimity of saints, and the
courage of nmrtyrs. As the contest proceeded the atmosphere in
the churches of the North became more and more one of hostility to
slavery. Into that atmosphere many of the Whig leaders never came,
or they would not have consented to the compromises. The depth
of feeling against slavery and of devotion to the Cnion that was
behind these demonstrations, the Southerners did not apprtM'iate, or
they would not have forced the slavery issue as they did during the
next four years, nor have brought on the war, as they did, six years
after that.
Aside from the Fugitive Slave Law% the so-called Compromise
Measures of 1850 included the settlement of the Texas boundary and
the payment to that State of fl(),OO0,O()0 indemnity, for the loss of
territory to which it had laid claims; the abolition of the slave trade
in the District of Columbia; the admission of California «is a State,
and the organization of New Mexico and Utah as territories. The
ACTS OF TRO SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 13
attempts to abolish slavery in the District of Coliinibia, and to forbid
the brinjring of slaves into the District, failed.
Although the Pro-Slavery leaders, as it ai)pears now, had already
formed the purpose to secure further legislation in their interest,
they chose, for the time, to have it considered that the Compromise
Measures were a final settlement of all questions relating to slavery.
The Whigs were not in position to take any other ground. Both
parties, therefore, approached the campaign of 1852 with jirofessions
of the i)urpose to avoid further agitation.
The Democratic Convention was held first, at Baltimore, June
1st to 4th. It reiterated the declaration on the slavery question
adopted in 1840, and again in 1848, and already quoted in this chapter,
and supplemented it with resolutions, as follows:
'•That the foregoing proposition covers, and is intended to
embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress; and,
therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this
National platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution
of the acts known as the Compromise Measures, settled by the last
Congress, the Act for Reclaiming Fugitives from Service or Labor
included; which act, being designed to carry out an express provision
of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so
changed as to destroy or imj)air its efficiency.
*'That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing,
in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery <iuestion under
whatever shape or color the attempt may be made.-'
Aside from this the platform was long, covering nearly all the
National questions then before the people. The Convention nomin-
ated Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, and William
R. King, of Alabama, for Vice-President.
The Whig Convention was held in the same city a fortnight Ijiter,
and nominated another military hero, Winfield S(!Ott, of New Jersey,
for President, and William A. Graham, of North Carolina, for Vice-
President. It is noticeable that from 18:^2 to 1850 inclusive, both the
Whig and Democratic parties, in each campaign, put one Northern
man and one Southern man on each ticket, and both factions of the
disrui)ted Democracy did the same thing in 18()0. The platform
adopted by the Whigs in 1852 contained this utterance on the slavery
question.
^'The series of Acts of the Thirty-second Congress, the Act known
as the Fugitive Slave Law included, are received and acquiesced in by
14 HISTORY OF THE REPl'HLHWX PARTY.
the Whifi: party of the Tinted States as a settlement, iu principle and
substance, of the dangerous and exciting questions which they
enibra<e, and so far as they are conceriUKl we will maintain them, and
insist up(m their strict enforcement until time and experience shall
demonstrate the necessity for further legislation to guard against the
evasion of the laws on the one hand, or the abuse of their 3)ower
on th<» other, not impairing their present efficiency; and we deprecate
all further agitation, whenever, wht^rever or however the attempt
may be made; and we will maintain the system as essential to the
nationality of the Whig party and the integrity of the rnion/'
The Fr(^* Soil Convention met at Pittsburg, August 11, nominated
S(»nator John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, for President, and George
W. Julian, of Indiana, for Vice-President. Its platform consisted of
twenty-two ]»lanks, of which eleven related to the slavery question.
One of these denoun<ed, in d(»tail, the whole series of Compromise
Measures of 1S5(K followed by the declaration: *That no permanent
setth»m(»ut of the slavery (luestion can be looked for exce!)t in the
practical recognition of the truth that slavery is sectional and freedom
national; by the total separation of the Oeneral Oovernment from
slavery and the exercise of its legitimate and <onstitutional intiuence
<m the side of frei^dom; and by leaving to the states the whole subject
of slavery, and the extradition of fugitives from service." Another
of the declarations was, *That to the persevering and importunate
demands of the Slave Power for more slave states, new slave terri-
tories, and the nationalization of slavery, our distinct and final answer
is, no more slave states, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery,
and no National legislaticm for the extradition of slaves."
Another clause distinctly announc(»d the principle of "the Higher
Law" in the de(larati<m, *That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is repug-
nant to the Constitution, to the principles of comm<m law, to the
spirit of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world; we
therefore d<»ny its binding force on th(» American people, and demand
its immediate and total re])eal."
Upon some subj(»cts of National interest, aside from slavery, the
platform took ground so far in advance of its time, that even the
progressive Republican party did not hold the same positions till ten
years later. It was an able and patriotic document, but cut little
figure in the campaign, for the Free Soil vote* was only 150,149, not
much mor(» than half what it had been four years earlier.
As between the Democrats and ^^'higs the campaign was spirit-
ACTS OF PRO SLAVEKY AGOKKSSION. 15
loss, and the result a decisive Democratic victory. In the Electoral
College Pierce and King had 254 votes, and Scott and Graham only
42. The popular vote was Democratic, 1,(>01,474; Whig, 1,:^8(),578.
The Thirty-third Congress, elected mainly at the same time, had in
the Senate 38 Democrats, 22 Whigs and two Free Soilers; in the
House 159 Democrats, 71 Whigs and four Free Soilers. The Michigan
vote on President was, for Pierce, 41,842; Scott, 33,071, and Hahs
7,237. Its Congressional delegation was all Democratic. Lewis
Cass and Charles E. Stuart repi^esented the State in the Senate.
Of the condition and prospects of the country at this time Horace
Greeley said in his "American ( •onflict": "The finances were healthy
and the public credit unimpaired. Industry and trade were signally
prosperous. The tariff had ceased to be a theme of partisan or nevr
tional strife. The immense yield of gold in (California, during the
four preceding years, had stimulated ent(M*prise and quickened the
energies of labor, and its volume as yet showed no signs of diminution.
And though the Fugitive Slave Law was still denounced and occasion-
ally resisted by Abolitionists in the free states, while Disunionists still
plotted in secret, and, more oi)enly, prepared in Southern commercial
conventions, there was still a goodly majority in the South, with a
still larger in the North and Northwest, in favor of maintaining the
Union and preserving the greatest practical measure of cordiality and
fraternity between the free and slave stat(»8, substantially on the
Compromise of 1850."
If the Democrats, as a ])arty, had been sincere in their assertion
of the purpose to resist all attempts at renewing, in (^ongress, "the
agitation of the slavery question, under wiiatever shape or color the
attempt might be made,'' this jileasant i)i<-ture of peace and prosperity
might have continued, with Democratic suj)remacy, for many years;
but overconfident in their strength, and not comprehending the depth
of feeling in the North, they speedily renewed the agitation.
At the last session of the Thirty-second Congress a bill was intro
duced to organize the territory west of Iowa and Missouri into a single
Territory, to be called the Territory of IMatte. It was reported from
Committee as a bill to organize the Territory of Nebraska. Although
the Territory was large, and the population increasing, many Southern
members opposed the bill, and it was reported adversely to the
House by the Committee of the Whole. A moticm to table it was
lost, and it was. pjassed and sent to the Senate, where it remained, at
the end of the session, among the bills not acted upon.
16 HISTORY OF THE REPI BLICAN PARTY.
At the openiiij^ of the Thirty-third Congress Senator Dodge, of
Iowa, introduced a simihar bill, which was referred to the Committee
on Territories. It was subsequently reported by that Committee,
when Senator Dixon, of Kentucky, offered an amendment, providing
that the Act of 1820 should not be so construed as to apply to the
Territory contemjilated by this act, nor to any other Territory of the
United States. Senator Dixon was a Whig, and was charged by the
Washington Union, the Democratic organ, with taking this course in
order to divide and disorganize the Democratic party. To this
charge he replied on the Hoor of the Senate: **Sir, I merely wish to
remark that upon tlie question of slavery I know no Whiggery, and
I know no Democracy. I am a Pro-Slavery man. I am from, a
slave-holding State. 1 represent a slave-holding constituency. I am
hen* to maintain the rights of that people, whenever they are before
the Senate."
Senator Douglas did not wish discussion on this issue forced
immediately, and therefore had the bill referred back to his Commit-
tee on Territories. He subsequently re])orted it, amended so as to
create the two Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, and with the
provision that all questions pertaining to slavery in the states, to be
formed from these territories, should be left to the action of the people
thereof, through their ai)i)ropriate representatives, and that the pro-
visions of the Constitution and laws of the United States in respect
to fugitives from servi<'e, should be carried into faithful execution in
all th(» organized territories, the same as in the states.
The bill, as introduced, had the stipulation, **That the Constitu-
tion and all laws of the United States which are not locally inapplica-
ble, shall have the same force and effect within said territory as
elsewhere in the United States." To this the amended bill added the
following reservation: **Except the section of the Act preparatory
to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820,
which was sui)erceded by the principles of the legislation of 1850, com-
monly called the Compromise M(»asure, and is declared inoperative.'"
Hut even this was not strong enough to suit those who hoped to
make slave states of the new territories. After a hot debate Senator
Douglas proposed the following in place of the reservation above
(juoted: '^Except the section of the Act preparatory to the admission
of Missouri into the Union, approved March (>, 1820, which, being
inconsistent with the prin<iple of non-intervention by Congress with
slavery in the states and territories, as recognized by the legislation in
A(TH OF PRO SLAVERY AGGRESSION. 17
1850, coiiimonly called the Compromise Measure, is hereby declared
inoperative and void; it beinyi; the true intent and meaning of this
act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude
it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only
to the Constitution of the United States."
This was adopted by a vote of ;^5 to 10. That it was not intended
to mean what it said, was clearly demonstrated immediately after-
wards, for Senator Chase, of Ohio, moved to add to the abovO the
following: "Under which the people of the Territory, through their
appropriate representatives, may, if they see fit, prohibit the existence
of slavery therein." This was rejected by a vote of 3(5 to 10, thus
showing that so far as the territories were concerned the doctrine of
"Popular Sovereignty" was a pretense and a sham — that the people
of the territories were not to be allowed to prohibit slavery, previous
to their admission as states. Further contest in the Senate was
hopeless, and the bill passed on the morning of March 4th, by the
decisive vote of 37 to 14.
In the House the measure was fought with more vigor, and at
first with some hope of compassing its defeat. A separate bill had
been there introduced, but the Senate bill was substituted for it, and,
by a parliamentary trick, its opj)onents were prevented from offering
amendments. The discussion upon it was long and acrimonious, but
it finally passed, by vote of 113 yeas to 100 nays. The affirmative vote
consisted of 101 Democrats, of whom 44 were from the North, and 12
Whigs, all of whom were from the South. The negative vote con-
sisted of 44 Northern Democrats, 44 Northern Whigs and three Free
Soilers. The bill went back to the Senate, nominally as a House bill,
but in reality the Senate measure, finally passed that body May 26,
and was signed by President Pierce, May 30. The Northern Whigs,
it will be noticed, finally voted solidly against the measure, but the
non-committal attitude of th(»ir party in previous campaigns had pre-
vented their having members enough to make their votes effective.
The i>assage of the measure sealed the fate of the Whigs as an organ-
ization, and hastened the concentration of anti-slavery sentiment in a
n(?w party.
This brief narration of events can conv€*y but a faint impression of
the excitement with which the men of the North watched their course.
The long discussion of the Compromise Measures and of the Kansas
Nebraska bill had taught them many things, not only with regard to
18 HISTORY OF THE KErrBLl(\VX PARTY.
Soiitlierii a^ji:ressions in the interest of slavery, but with the evils of
slavery itself. The literature of the period was intense. Mrs.
Stowe's **['n(le Tom's Cabin," which probably had a dei»per and mor<*
widespread influence on opinion than any other story of economic and
social life that was ever written, was j»ublished durinjjf this period of
discussion, first as a serial in Dr. Uamaliel I^ai ley's Washinjjft on paper,
the National Era, and afterwards in book form. The paper men-
tioned, and many other political newspapers, made the Kansas-
Nebraska bill and kindred matters the chief topics of discussion, and
a number of relij^ious papers pive them scarcely less attention.
The Anti-Slavery element in the North had accepted the admission
of Missouri even with th(» (Nmipromise, with reluctan<e. That meas-
ure for admission had passed by 7(> votes from slave states, and only
14 from free states, making IMK The nejrative votes were 87, all from
the free slates. The South, in the admission of that state with
slavery in its Constitution, had reajKHl all the benefit of the Com-
promise, and now violated its spirit and repudiated its force. That
instrument had dt^dicated the territory which it covered to freedom
forever, and now it was proposed to nuike it perpetually slave. The
Compromises of I8r)(l apiin had been accepted as a finality, and both
the jjjreat parties had so declared in their ccmventions not two years
previous to this time. Yet a new ajj:itation had been immediately
bej^un, and in the debates in this Ccm^ress the purpose had bt*en made
manifest, to admit no nuire frin* states to the Union unless an equal
number of slave stat(*s could come in; a purpose, further than this to
carry slavery into all the territori(»s. In the lejfislation of 1820 and
1850 the North had yielded enouy:h. It would yield no more. The
day of C(mipromises was past. The time for orji;anizinjj: a new party
had come, and Michipin was to take the lead in that work.
A WORK OF PKEPA RATION.
The Situation in Michigan in 1S54 — The Breaking Down of Old Party
Lines — Strong Anti-Slaverv Sentiment in the State — The Under-
ground Railway Line — Correspondence of Whig Editors — An
Important Preliminary Meeting — Statements from Some of the
leaders — Free Democratic Mass Convention — It Nominates a
Ticket and M^ikes Overtures for a I^nion — Rousing Anti-Nebraska
Meetings — Valuable Work by Whig and Free Democratic Editors
— Encouragement From the Early Elections — A Long Step
Towards Union — Strong Resolutions and a Rousing Call.
In spite of (he fact that the State* had generally given Democratic
majorities up to the time when the slavery question became the para-
mount issue in politics, a majority of Michigan people were opposed
to the policy of that party on this supreme question. Their State
was part of the great Northwest Territory, over which the Ordinance
of 1787 spread the mantle of perj)etual freedom. Their history and
traditions were in full accord with the principles of this fundamental
law. As the Eastern border of the State was on the frontier, it
became part of the great highway that led the fugitive slave to Canada
and freiMlom, and along that highway, at Kalamazoo, Adrian, Detroit
and other places, were stations of the ^'underground railw^ay/' where
fietMUg slaves had been assisted on tlu^ir way, and where they had
aroused the deepest symiiathies of those who met them. Sonie of
these men had been arrested and fined for violation of the Fugitive
Slave Law. They were, at this time, as thoroughly aroused as the
people of almost any other Northern State, at the repeated aggres-
sions of the slave power.
The difficulty, when the feeling that grew out of the Kansas-
Nebraska controversy was at its h(Mght, was in a lack of concentration.
A large majority of the Whigs shared in the feeling, but were attached
in affection and sentiment to th(*ir party and wished to preserve its
20 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIC AN PARTY.
integrity and its name. There was another party, made up mainly
of Abolitionists and of those old Democrats whose Anti-Slavery senti-
ments were so strong that they could not follow their old organization
into the Southern fold. The men of this party were, in eontempor-
aneous records, variously called Fre(» Soilers, Free Democrats and
Free Soil Democrats. In the* election of 1852 they had given Isaac
P. Christiancy 5,850 votes for (xovernor, while the Whigs gave Zaeh-
ariah Chandler ;^4,r»(;(), and the Democrats gave Robert McCMelland
42JtKS. This was a clear majority for the Democrats over the other
two parties combined.
Subsequent invents, however, had changed that, and in 1854, there
was no doubt that a majority of vot(*rs in the State W€»re not only
opposed to the extension of slavery into any new Territory, but were
also in favor of oblitcM-atiug some of the Compromise Measures that
had, two years earlitM*, lM»eu accepted as a settlement of the whole con-
troversy. The difiiculty was in combining all the Anti-Slavery
elements into one coherent whole. The* Whigs themst^lves were not
entirely united in sentiment upon this subject. There were, in truth,
two factions auiong them, tht» Seward Whigs, as they were called and
as they rather liked to call themselves in Michigan, and the Silver
(Iray Whigs, as they wc^rc* first called in New York and subsequently
in other states. Tin* former were in full sympathy with the rising
tide of Anti-Slavery sentiment. The latter were conservative on the
subject, but neith(»r was ready to disband its organization. They cer-
tainly had no idea of being absorbed by the Free Democrats, nor had
the latter any purjiose of losing their party identity.
Hut the work of prej>aration for the breaking down of these party
lines had long before been commenciHl. Charles V. De Land, one of
those who was active in this i)reliminary work, recently made this
brief statement in reference to it: "The movement began soon after
the crushing defeat of the Whigs in 1852, by corresi)ondence between
the leading Whig editors of the Northern states. I was at that time
editor of the Jackson Citizen, and distinctly remember the circular
hitters of the National Intelligencer, Albany Journal and other leading
papers, asking the expression of all Whig editors as to the situation,
and what the future jiolicy of the party should be. These circulars
induced som<» of the holding Whig editors of Michigan to hold a con-
ference at Jackson in February, 1854, of which Henry Barns, of
Detroit, was Chairnum, and the writer was Secretary. The Frt^ Soil
party had calked a convention for the 22d of February to nominate a
A WORK OF PREPARATION. 21
State ticket. The Kansas-Nebraska bill, tlie repeal of tlie Missouri
("oin promise and other radif-al ])ro-slavery lej^islation was pending in
(^onji^ress. Already the ])eople of the Northern states were holdinjr
mass nuttings, denouming and remonstrating against the jiroposed
legislation. The editors adopted a ]>oliev looking to the consolidation
of all the Anti-Slavery extension elements into a new party. Henry
Barns, of the Detroit Tribune; George A. Fitch, of the Kalamazoo
Telegraph, and Z. B. Knight, of the IV)ntiac (lazette, were appointed
a Committee to attend the Free Soil State Convention, and submit the
proposition to the leaders of that party. A conference was held on
the evening of the 2l8t, at the office of Austin Blair, and among the
Free Soil leaders present 1 remember Kinsley S. Bingham, Hovey K.
Clarke, Isaiic P. Christiancy and William T. Howell. The Free Soil-
ers thought it best to go on and hold their convention and to nominate
a ticket, but agreed to namea joint c(mimittee, with authority to call
a mass convention later, and if a union of the kind ])roposed was feasi-
ble, to withdraw their State ticket and join the new organization."
Of a later phase of the movement Henry Wilson, in his '*Rise and
Fall of the Slave Power in America,'' said: '^Immediately on the
passage of the Nebraska bill, J()sei)h Warren, editor of the Detroit
Tribune, entered upon a course of m(»asures that r(*8ult(*d in bringing
the Whig and Free Soil parties tog(»ther, not by a mere coalition of
the two, but by a fusion of the elements of which the two were com-
posed. In his own language he *took ground in favor of disbanding
the Whig and Free Soil ])arties, and of the organization of a new party
composed of all the opponents of slavery extension.' Among the
first steps taken toward the accomjilishment of this vitally important
object, was the withdrawal of the Free Soil ticket."
In reference to the same movement, Joseph Warren himself wrote,
twenty-five years later: **Though the repeal of the Compromise
between freedom and slavery, which for nearly thirty-five years had
been looked upon as an inviolable compact, cn^ated widesjjread and
intense excitement, the members of the Whig party, it was feared,
were not prepared to abandon their own organization, and be absorbed
in the Free Soil party. Being impressed with the conviction that
such a sentiment existed to a su1tici(»nt extent to render the success of
the Free Soil ticket doubtful, even if it should be formally adopted (as
he felt it should not be) by a Whig convention, the writer of this brief
sketch, then editor and ])art owner of the Detroit Tribune, initiated,
through its columns, a movement on the part of the Anti-Slavery peo-
22 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICWN PARTY.
pie of the State, which resulted in the Jackson mass convention, and
in the organization and christening of the Re]niblican party. . . He,
through the columns of the Tribune, took immediate and very decided
ground in favor of formally disbanding both the Whig and Free Soil
parties of the State, and of the organization by mass convention, of a
new party, comixised of all the opponents of slavery extension of
whatever name. This course, it is due to himself to state, he took
upon his own responsibility, being so thoroughly convinced that it
was right and would triumph, that he advised not even with his imme-
diate political friends as to the wisdom of the step." The time here
referred to was that immediately following the tinal passage of the
Kansas-Nebraska bill in May, and for the next two months Mr.
Warren's paper was undoubtedly the most conspicuous, as it was one
of the ablest, and certainly the uiost vigorous, among newspaper advo
cates of the movement. But it would not be just to ascribe to any
one man the credit either for the initiative or the progress of the move-
ment. It was too broad and the feeling was too deep to be credited
to any one individual. It was an inspiration that came alike to
hundreds of earnest men engaged in tnlitorial work and in other
avenues of public life.
The (*all for a mass convention of the Frtn^ Democracy was issued
January 12, 1854, and was signed by V, Trary Howe, Hovey K. Clarke,
Silas M. Holmes, S. A. Baker, S. B. Thayer, Samuel P. Mead, Samuel
Zug, J. W. Childs and Erastus Hussey, State Ci^ntral Committet*.
Between the call and the time of the convention an address was issued
to the people of the country by Senators Salmon P. fhase and Charles
Sumner, and Representatives Joshua R. (Jiddiugs, Edward Wade, Ger-
ritt Smith and Alexander DeWitt. condemning the Kansas-Xebraska
bill as **a gross violation of a sacred pledge, a criminal betrayal of
precious rights, a i)art and par<el of an atrocious plot to exclude from
a vast unoccui)ied rt»gion immigrants from the old world, and free
laborers from our own states, and convert it to a dreary region of
despotism, inhabited by masters and slaves." The various arguments
or excuses which had been otTered for the bill were examined, their
fallacious character was shown, and an eloquent appeal was made to
the Anti-Slavery sentiment of the North. This address was given
a wide circulation in Michigan and added to the intensity of feeling,
which found expression in various County Convc^ntions of the Free
Democracy, and at numerous A nti Nebraska meetings which were not
limited to that party.
A AYOKK OF PREPARATION. 23
The most notable of the hitter was held in Detroit February IS,
in response to a call which (contained the following;: among other well-
known names: Zachariah Chandler, Jacob M. Howard, Oliver New-
berry', George B. Pease, William H. Wesson, Baker iS: Conover, Fred.
Morley, John S. Jenness, Lyman Baldwin, Francis Raymond, Silas M.
Holmes, John Owen, Frederick Bnhl, James A. Van Dyke, Samuel
Zug, Robert W. King, Daniel Scot ten, William A. Butler, Richmond iV:
Backus, Henry P. Baldwin, A. (\ McOraw, D. Bethune Duffield,
Thomas A. Parker, S(\vmour Finney, Alexander H. Dey, (ieorge Kirby,
Jose]>h Warren, Jacob S. Farrand and A. J. Brow. Major Jonathan
Kearsley was President of the m<*eting, Shubael Conant, Henry ("hip-
man and C i\ Trowbridge were among the Vice-Presidents, and
speeches were made by Major Kearsley, James A. Van Dyke, Zach-
ariah Chandler, Samuel Barstow and D. Bethune Duttield. Strong
Anti-Slavery resolutions were adopted, but they did not commit the
meeting in any way to an abandonment of old party lines. The
people were not yet ready for that and it is probable that if such a
proposition had been made at the time it would have b(H*n voted down.
In fact, the i)ropo8ition had, as yet, hardly come into serious con-
sideration as a practical matter, and the Convention which was held
at Jackson four days later, February 22, 1854, was held as a Conven-
tion solely of the Free Democratic party. It was called to order by
Hovey K. Clarke as Chairman of the State Central Committee, and
organizcHi with DeWitt C. Leach as temporary Chairman. Subse-
quently William T. Howell, of Hillsdale, was chosen President, with
one Vice-President from each Judicial district.
The Committc^e on Resolutions was an exc(»ptionally strong one,
consisting of Hovey K. Clarke, Ft^rnando C. Beaman, Kinsley S.
Bingham, F. Hussey, Nathan Power, I). C. U»ach and L. Moore. Its
report, as prepared by Hovey K. Clarke, and slightly amended by thr*
Convention, proclaimed, in a i)reamble, attachment to the Union,
pledged support to the Constitution, announced a policy with refer-
ence to certain matters of State interest, and contained the following
resolutions upon questions of National importance:
1. That we regard the institution of domestic slavery, which
exists in some of the states of the Cnion, notonlyas a foe to the domes-
tic tranquillity and the welfare of such states, but as subversive of the
plainest ])rinciples of justi<e and the manifest destroyer of the bless-
ings of liberty. As an instituticm, w(» are compell(»d to denounce and
abhor it. Yet we concede that in tlM» states when* it (»xists it is jKjliti-
24 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
cally beyond our reach. But as we cannot deny our responsibility
concerninj^ it, so long as it finds protection under the laws of the Fed-
eral Government, so we will never cease to war against it so long as
the purpose of the Constitution shall remain unaccomplished to secure
the blessings of liberty to all within its power.
2. That in following in the footsteps of the fathers of the
republic, who regarded FREEDOM the NATIONAL and slav-
ery the sectional sentiment, we best vindicate their claims to
enlightened patriotism, and our own to be considered loyal supporters
of the government they established; and that opposition to any exten-
sion of slavery, and to any augmentation of its power, is clearly the
duty of all who respect the doctrine or the practice of the wisest and
ablest of the framers of the Constitution.
3. That the attempt now pending in Congress to repeal the enact-
ment by which the vast territory north of the Missouri Compromise
line was dedicated to frec»dom is an outrage upon justice, humanity
and good faith; one by which traitorous ambition, confederated with
violation of a solemn and time-honored compact, is seeking to inflict
upon the nation a deej) and indelible disgrace. We denounce the
scheme ais infamous; and we call upon the people to hold its authors
and abettors to the most rigid and righteous accountability.
4. That executive patronage has grown to be an evil of immense
magnitude; consolidating the jmwer of the government into the hands
of the incumbent of the Presidential mansion to a degret* subversive
of all proper accountability to the* people, and for which there is no
adequate remedy short of a transfer of this i>ower from the IVesident
to the people.
5. That we are in favor of cheap postage by land and sea; of free
grants of land out of the public domain in limited quantities to actual
settlers; of harbor and river improvements. National in their charat-
ter; and of grants by the government in aid of a railroad to the
Pacific in such form, as shall best avoid the wasteful splendor of gov-
ernment jobs and secure the early comjiletion of the road.
Additional resolutions urged great care in the choice of members
of the Legislature, and made several pronounced declarations in refer-
ence to matters of State legislation.
A large Committee on Nominations was appointed, and its
recommendation of a full State ti<ket, with Kinsley S. Bingham at
its head, was adopted by the Convention, which also appointed a State
Central Committee, consisting of S. A. Baker, Samuel P. Mead,
Samuel Zug, J. W. (^hilds, R. R. Beecher, \V. \V. Murphy and I). C.
I^each.
The papers of those days did not make a practice of reporting the
8i>eeche8 at conventions, and the accounts of those made on this
A WORK OF PREPARATION.
25
occasion were provokingly meager. We are told that the nominee
for Governor was '^vociferously called/' and made a short speech,
which was received with **rapturous applause/' but what he said
contemporary records fail to state. Henry Barns and H. H. Emmons
spoke briefly. Both were given the floor by courtesy as representa-
tives of the Anti-Slavery Whig element. Of the latter speech, and
of the desire for union, which found expression at the ("onvention,
the Free Democrat gave this glimpse, in an editorial:
*'Mr. Emmons was not prepared to say 'Fellow Free Democrats,'
but he was rejoiced in
the nominations which
had been made, and
intimated that at least
the nominee for Gov-
ernor would receive his
vote. He was pleased
to observe the spirit of
liberality and conces-
sion which was mani-
fested in the choice of
candidates, and in all
the action of the Con-
vention. He was heart-
ily with us in our
principles and purposes,
and so were a vast
majority of the Whig
party of Michigan. He
seemed to hope that
there would be but two
parties in the State this
fall, that all the friends of freedom would be able to stand upon a
common platform against the party and platform of the slave propa-
gandists. Mr. Emmons made a masterly speech, and won the hearts
of all who heard him. If the Whigs of Michigan will take his ground
the days of the Slave Democracy are numbered. The Free Democracy
are willing to meet them on the grounds indicated in that speech, as
the oft repeated affirmative responses showed.
'*The speeches were of great service to the Convention by opening
to the members some view of the advantages which may yet accrue
KINSLEY S. BINGHAM.
26 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
from a judicious and liberal policy in the District and County nomina
tions; and they were a source of sincere delijiflit, as they indicated a
probability of a co-operation of the Whi^s in the effort to carry the
doctrines of freedom into execution."
This was the first editorial expression by the Free Democrat of a
hope of union with the Whijijs. Its editor, S. A. Baker, was promi-
nent in this convention. His associate, J. F. Conover, was conspicu-
ous in subsequent movements, and was one of the secretaries of the
Rei>ublican convention that was held in July followinjj.
The speech of Mr. Emmons was useful, not only, as here indicated,
in inspiring the Free Democrats with a ho| e of union, but also as an
indication to the Whi^s, frou» one of their jirominent members, of
their duty in the existing situation. It voiced the sentiments of
thousands of Whij^s who had already overcome their natural reluct-
ance to j::ivin^ up their old or.u^anization. The necessities of the
situation were gradually brinpnjr others around to the same view,
and the unselfish attitude of Mr. Binc^^ham materially aided in brinj^ing:
them to a rational and j)olitic course. That patriotic and public-
SDiritcd jjent leman, in an interview with Col. DeLand a few weeks
after the conv<»nti(m, not only announced his own willinji^ness to
retire, if that would helj) the cause which he had at heart, but volun-
teered the statement that he favored the withdrawal of the whole
ticket if the liberal Whi^s and Democrats could thereby be united.
hlo further expressed the conviction that a union could be formed
that would carry Michi«!:an and the entire North.
Mr. Bino:ham also su^^ested that the Anti-Nebraska editors of
the State* should have a t-onference to see if they could find a basis
of common opposition to slavery aggression. Following this inter-
vi(»w there were conferences with Jacob M. Howard, Zachariah Chand-
ler, William A. Howard, A. S. Williams, E. A. Wales, Henry Barns
and others. A meeting of editors was then <alled at the Detroit
Tribune otticc* in March. It was attendcMl by Henry Barns and Joseph
Warren, of Detroit; Z. B. Knight, of the Pontiac (Jazette; (feorge A.
Fitch, of the Kalamazoo Tel<*gra])h; H. B. Rowlson, of the Hillsdale
Standard, and C. V. DeLand, of the Jackson Citizen. Even yet the
prospect of such a combination as would present an invincible front to
the common foe, was not considered very bright. Mr. Warren, how-
ever, was enthusiastic and declared in favor of the i)Ian of disbanding
both the old parties and forming a new one, with a new name. To
this plan, which he had before this outlined in his ]mper, he consist-
A WORK OF PREPARATION. 27
ently adhered. Mr. Fitch followed in an editorial in the Kalamazoo
Telegraph of April 20, deelarini^ that the old parties had outlived
their usefulness, and that an imperative necessity existed for the
organization of a new political party. In the course of the article
he said: **\Ve cannot look to any other movements of the old
parties in reference to the Nebraska bill and questions touching slav-
ery that bring any promise of success, nor to any class of old broken
winded, broken-down ])oliticians; but we may look with a strong hope
of success to see these measures consummated by the honorable and
active young men of the Htate, those who have not trimmed their sails
to catch every breeze which has swept across every political sea; those
who have not acted for years as the mere weathercocks of public
opinion, but active and untiring young men who shall enter with assur-
ance and vigor into the field — those capable of grasping the questions
of the time, and wringing from them their meanings — a little after the
•Young America' order, if you please. We therefore advise the
holding of a Young Men's Independent State Convention, irrespec
tive of party, at an early period, to ex])ress their opinions upon the
leading questions which now agitate the masses of the people of this
and other states, to advise and consult together, and to adopt such
plans for future action as their consultation would give rise to.-'
Most of the other Whig papers of the state gradually fell into
line. The spring elections also helped in the movement. In New
Hampshire and Connecticut anti-Administration tickets were elected,
although the opposition to the Democracy had not yet crystalized into
perfectly coherent organizations. Still greater encouragement had
(*ome from a local election within our own borders. In Grand Rapids
the P^agle, formerly a Whig paper, had expressed its approval of the
chief objects of the Free Democracy, its editor, Aaron B. Turner,
taking the ground that the Whig party had reached the end of its
career, and that there must be a reorganization, upon broader princi-
ples of freedom and equal rights, to renew the struggle against the
Democratic party. After the February Convention the Eagle
I)romptly put up the Free Democratic ticket, but urged a movement
for another and joint Convention, an abandonment of the Whig organ-
ization, a new party and new life upon popular ground. It also
strongly urged that a beginning be made right at home, in the city
nominations, for the spring election. Mr. Turner, i)ersonally, was at
the front of this movement, and he was joined by a number of leading
Whigs, some Democrats who had becom(» dissatisfied with the attitude
28 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
of their own partv, and the leaders of the Free Deniocraev, who had
before this perfected a stronji; local organization under the name of
the Free Democratic Club. A kind of free-for-all City Convention
was held, Wilder D. Foster, one of the most active members of the
club was, against his protest, nominated for Mayor, and elected. This
sweeping success, in a Democratic City, of an opposition not yet half
organized, was accepted as an omen of what a well-equipj)ed and
cohesive party might accomplish in the State as a whole.
As the Free Democrats had, all along, been the most ready to
make overtures for a union, while the Whigs had b(H*n rather coy of
accej)ting such advances, so the former were the first to take a practi-
cal step in that direction. This was in a call, issued by the State
Central Committee, which had been appointed in February, for a mass
convention to be held in Kalanmzoo, June 21. As an illustration of
the perfervid and hortatory style of address to which the intense
excitement of the period led the call is worth reproducing in full. It
is as follows:
FELLOW CITIZENS— A fearfully momentous question is agitat-
ing the American people: It is whether within the forms of the Con-
stitution (which were designed to establish and extend the blessings
of libt^rty), the scope and intent of that instrument shall be subverted
and its w hole jKiwer exerted to promote and extend the system of slav-
ery which prevails in scmie of the states of the Union.
Stej) by stej) within a third of a century have the enemies of
freedom advanced, at first cautiously, but with increasing boldness, —
and step by step have its friends b(*en driven back, until, by the crown-
ing pertidy of the passage of the Nebraska bill, the Constitution is
subverted, and that system which, at the organization of our govern-
ment, begged for a temporarv existence, has be(*ome the great
controlling power of the Nation. SLAVERY IS RAMPANT IN THE
CAPITOL. It makes and unmakes Presidents, and its Presidential
tools buy and sell the representatives of the people like chattels in
market. Th(*re is no lower depth that the Nation can reach but one;
and that is, that tlw i)eople, by adoi)ting the act of their representa-
tives in Congress, shall voluntarily consent to share this degradation.
l^EOPLE OF MK^HICfAN! can it be that this foul scheme will receive
your sanction? Can it be that the immense region about to be organ-
ized as the Nebraska and Kansas Territories, in which FREE
institutions ought to be allowed an untjuestioned right, which right,
moreover, has been bought and \n\k\ for by concessions which have
introduced three slave states in the I'nion; can it be that Freemen
aft(»r th(\v have bought their own domain shall be com])elled to submit
to the robbery of that which was their own by nature and by purchase?
A WORK OF PREPARATION. 29
Shall they submit without complaint? Will they raise a voice of
remonstrance? Is ihe spirit of liberty — the spirit of the fathers of
the Revolution, the haters of oppression in every form — **crushed out"
at the impudent command of a demagogue, and crushed out forever?
PEOPLE OF MICPIIGAN. Look at your representatives in Con-
gress. Are you satisfied with their conduct? How recently have
most, if not all of them, when seeking your favor, committed them-
selves fully against the extension of slavery into free territory? Is
that their position now? (live all the credit you can to the two who
voted, at the passage of the bill, against it. How much are they still
justly answerable for in smoothing the way of the dominant majority
to this most shameful success; and you will retain them? Are you
willing to share their degradation by approving their conduct — by
which the passage of the bill was finally accomplished?
The undersignc^d, rei)resenting the onl}- political party in this
State, w^hich, as a party, adopts as a principle in its political creed
opposition to the extension of slavery, believe that the time has come
when the people who regard slavery as a sectional and not a National
institution, should rally to vindicate this principle, take the liberty to
invite a
MASS CONVENTION
of all who would restore the government to its original position on the
slavery question, of all who are opposed to the consummation of the
Nebraska fraud, to assemble at
KALAMAZOO
on the 21st of June Next,
at noon, there to concentrate their opposition to the rapid strides of
the slave power, in such a manner as shall be deemed most j)ractical
and efficient, and to protect their own cherished rights as citizens of
free states. In taking the initiative in this call they intend no disre-
spect to any party or body of their fellow citizens who may sympathize
with them in its object. Thej^ (rould not, without seeming to neglect
the interests which they ar<* especially appointed to i)romote, decline
to act at this juncture, and they believe* it their duty to act promjitly.
They desire it, however, to be understood that all who approve the
objects of this call, as above expressed, are earnestly invited by their
presence and participation in the Convention to show that the
PEOPLE ARE AROUSED, and that the day of retribution to their
betrayers is at hand.
There was a ]iurpose in calling the Convention at Kalamazoo, for
this was in the center of a strong Anti-Slavery district. The Village
and County, as well as the adjoining County of Cass, contained numer-
ous '^underground railway" stations, and many of its citizens had
been active in aiding escaping fugitives. The County was among the
few in the State that regularly gave Whig majorities. It had bedsides
30 HISTOKV OF THE KEPI BLK AN PARTY.
a strong Free Soil orpiiiizatioii, and in some elections fully one-fifth
of its vote had ^one to that party. It was ably represented in the
Jackson Convention of PVbruary 22d, and had held a large and earnest
Anti-Nebraska meeting early in March. Many of its ]>rominent Whigs,
and some of its leading Democrats, w<'re ready to join in any move-
ment that should give full etTtM-t to the Anti-Slavery sentiment of the
State. It was the home of Ignited States Senator Charles E. Stuart,
and of Samuel Clark, Kc^presentative in Congress. Both of these gen-
tlemen had spoken strongly against th(» prin<iples of the Kansas-
Nebraska bill, but had afterwards votcnl for it, and had thereby
incensed many of their Democratic constituents, some of whom had
signed the <all for the meeting on rhe 11th of March and had after-
wards attended that gathering. Two of the most conspicuous of these,
S. II. Kansom, brother of Ex-dovernor Ei)ai)hroditus Ransom, and
(Jeorge \V. Winslow, before that active in the Democratic ranks, had
been roundly denounced by the (lazette, the Democratic organ. This
had intensitied rh(» feeling, which was further heightened by the fact
that the final ])assage of the amended Nebraska bill in the House, had
occurred only three days before the call for the mass convention was
issued.
The meeting was held in the County Court House. A storm and
the tiuarter Centennial celebration of the settlement of the Village
kt*pt many awav. The meeting was, therefort*, not large, but it was
thoroughly representative in character, and enthusiastic in spirit. It
includ(»d four of the candidates on the Free Democrati<* ticket, Kinsley
S. Bingham, Silas M. Holmes, Hovey K. Clarke and S. B. Treadwell.
It in<luded, also, three of tXw editors who had been prominent in
urging union, J. F. Conover, of Detroit; A. B. Turner, of (frandRa])ids,
and C. V. DeLand, of Jackson. The first two of these were Secretaries
of the Convention. M. A. McNaughton, of Jackson, was chosen
President, with four Vice-Presidenis, and the following were named
on the important Committee to frame n^solutions: Hovey K. Clarke,
Samuel Kansom, V. Tracy Howe, W. E. Dale, C. (Jurney, H. B. Rex-
ford and C. V. DeLand. This Committee rejmrted a strong preamble
and resolutions. The first four of the series declared that the Con-
stitution established a governnu^nt of freemen for a free people; that
the institution of slavery was regarded, at the time the Constitution
was framed, as exce])tional and local in its character, and to be limited
and restricted until it should finally disapi)ear: that the recent pas-
sage of the bill for organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska
A WORK OP PREI'ARATION. 31
was the crownini^ act of a series of slavery aggressions, and tbat evils
so great demanded a remedy.
The fifth resolution declared, "That we do not and will not de-
spair; that we believe the people of this State are ready to respond to
the call of their country in this emergency; that they are ready, irre-
spective of all past political preferences, to declare in an unmistakable
tone their will; and that will is that slavery aggression upon their
rights shall go no further — that there shall be no compromise with
slavery — that there shall be no more slave states — that there shall
be no slave territory — that the Fugitive Slave Law shall be repealed
— that the abominations of slavery shall no longer be perpetrated
under the sanctions of the Federal (Constitution — and that the^^ will
make their will eil'eetive by driving from every ]>lace of official power
the public servants who have so shamelessly betrayed their trust, and
by putting in their places men who are honest and capable; men who
will be faithful to the Constitution and to the great claims of
humanity "
This res(»lution, comprehensive and bold as it was in its declara-
tion of purpose, occasioned a long discussion, but was finally adopted.
Then after a short digression, the sixth resolution was taken up. This
brought down to practical action the main purpose for which the Con-
vention was called, and was as follows:
''Resolved, That the* Free Democracy of Michigan rejoice to behold
the indications of ]M»pular sentiment furnished by this Convention.
They are conscious that the deeply aroused feeling of the masses in
this State will seek a suitable expression in a Convention springing
from themselves, irresi)ective of any existing political organization;
and that if such a movement shall be animated and guided by the prin-
ciples expressed in the resolutions of this (Convention, and shall
contemplate an eflicient organization to give eflPect to our principles in
this State, we shall willingly surrender our distinctive organization,
and with it the ticket for State officers, nominated at Jackson on the
22d of February last; and that we commit the execution of this pur-
pose to a committee of sixteen, two persons from each Judicial
District, to be ap])ointed by this Convention."
Toward the adoption of this resolution all the proceedings of the
Convention, as well as the events of si^veral preceding weeks had
lended, but it was recognized to be a ste]) of such grave* importance as
^o require deliberation, and it was not until it had been fully discussed
in all its phases that it was adopted.
32 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
At an adjourned session, held in the evening, the committee of
sixteen, strong in its personnel, was appointed, speeches were made
by Messrs. Bingham, Howe and Clarke, and the Convention adjourned.
It was followed by a private conference of some of the leaders at the
house of Dr. J. A. B. Stone, a veteran Free Soiler, and then President
of Kalamazoo College. It was there agreed that they would not only
acquiesce cheerfully in the withdrawal of their ticket and other con-
ciliatory measures, but that they would work actively to draw together
in mass convention. Free Soilers, Whigs and Anti-Nebraska Demo-
crats, and to bring about a complete agreement between them.
Of this gathering and its results the Frei* Democrat said: **Now
when the exigencies of the times demand that a permanent party of
freemen in this State, with enlarged facilities for action, should be
formed, a ])arty which shall be but a single section of that great free-
dom organization which is to restore our government to its once proud
position, and wrest it from the control of the slave oligarchy, the mem-
bers of the Convention felt called upon, by all that is hallowed in love
of country and sacred in humanity, to surrender, as they offer to do,
everything but principle. No ordinary emergency could have secured
such entir<» unanimity of consent to so great a surrender. The seduc-
tions of a temporary triumph would not have moved them to such
action, but now that the aroused sentiment of the country demanded
the organization of a party that should be entirely efficient to the
maintenance of those principles upon which our government was
established, *a government of freemen for free people,' they have unhes-
itatingly taken the action their resolutions record."
From this time on events moved forward with great rapidity.
The preliminary work had been thoroughly done, and the Anti-Slav-
ery peoi>le of the State were prepared for immediate and concerted
action. A call for a mass convention, to be held at Jackson, July 6,
had already been drawn and the men who were conspicuous in the
Kalamazoo Convention, with many of their Whig friends, and
other volunteers, devoted the next fortnight to giving it circulation.
The call was written by Isaac P. Cliristiancy, was submitted to others
interested in the movement and was slightly modified as the result
of such discussion. As finally issued, it was addressed to *'To The
People of Michigan," and was as follows:
A great wrong has been perpetrated. The slave power of this
country has triumphed. Liberty is trampled under foot. The Mis-
souri Compronrist*, a solemn compact, entered into by our fathers, has
A WORK OF PREPARATION. 33
been violated, and a vast territory dedicated to freedom, has been
opened to slavery.
This act, so unjust to the North, has been perpetrated under cir-
cumjBtances which deepen its perfidy. An Administration placed in
power by Northern voters has brought to bear all the resources of
Executive corruption in its support.
Northern Senators and Representatives, in the face of the over-
whelming public sentiment of the North, expressed in the proceedings
of public meetings and solemn remonstrances, without a single peti-
tion in its favor on their table, and not daring to submit this great
question to the people, have yielded to the seductions of Executive
patronage, and Judas-like, betrayed the cause of liberty; while the
South, inspired by a dominant and grasping ambition, has, without
distinction of party, and with a unanimity almost entire, deliberately
trampled under foot the solemn compact entered in the midst of a
crisis threatening to the peace of the Union, sanctioned by the great-
est names of our history, and the binding force of which has, for a
period of more than thirty years, been recognized and declared by
numerous acts of legislation. Such an outrage upon liberty, such a
violation of plighted faith, cannot be submitted to. This great wrong
must be righted, or there is no longer a North in the councils of the
Nation. The extension of slavery, under the folds of the American
flag, is a stigma upon liberty. The indefinite increase of slave repre-
sentation in Congress is destructive to that equality between freemen
which is essential to the permanency of the Union.
The safety of the Union — the rights of the North — the interests of
free labor — the destiny of a vast territory and its untold millions for
all coming time — and finally, the high aspirations of humanity for
universal freedom, ALL are involved in the issue forced upon the
country by the slave power and its plastic Northern tools.
In view, therefore, of the recent action of Congress upon this sub-
ject, and the evident designs of the slave power to attempt still further
aggressions upon freedom — we invite all our fellow citizens, without
reference to former political associations, who think that the time
has arrived for a union at the North to protect LIBERTY from being
overthrown and down-trodden, to assemble in
MASS CONVENTION
On Thursday, the 6th of July Next,
at i o'clock p. m.,
At Jackson,
there to take such measures as shall be thought best to concentrate
the popular sentiment of this State against the aggressions of the
slave power.
The response to this call was prompt and emphatic. To the
offices of newspapers which were friendly to the movement, to all
classes of business places, and to the men who were personally can-
34 HISSTOKY OF THE KEPIBLICAN PARTY.
vassing, si^^ncrs came in constant streams. In a fortnight 10,000
sifj^natures were obtained, and they inchided a surprising number of
the strong men of the Stale. Many hundrt^ds of these gathered at
Jackson from all the settled counties and presented a notable instance
of the capacity of the American peoi)le for taking the initiative for
creating an organization ''springing from themselves.''
"1
III.
THE FIRST REPrBLICAN CONVENTION.
A Quick Response to a Rousini^ Call — The Oreat Convention **Under
the Oaks'' at Jackson — An Immense Gathering of Strong and
Representative Men — A Series of Patriotic and Stirring Resolu-
tions— Business Transacted by Democratic Methods — A Body
Harmonious in Pur])ose and Results — The Most Noted Gathering
Ever Held in the State — Men Who Afterwards Became Prominent
in National Affairs — How the Party Received Its Name — The Last
of Michigan AMiig Conventions — Course of the Prohibitionists —
The Democratic Nominations — The New Party Conducts a Short
and Winning Campaign?
The gathering which was to take its phice in history as the first
Republican Convention in the country, was called to order at Bron-
son's Hall, Jackson. Judge I-ievi Baxter, of Hillsdale, was made tem-
porary Chairman, and a Committei* of two from each Congressional
District was appointed to select permanent officers of the Convention.
The crowd and th(» enthusiasm were much greater than the most san-
guine had anticipated, and the hall was not large enough to contain
either. It would hold about GOO and there were between 4,000 and
5,000 who wanted to g<»r in. Adjournment was had to an oak
grove on the edge of the th(*n small city, at a point that now covers the
corner of Washington and First streets. It was this beautiful grove
that was for long afterwards celebrated as the birthplace of the
Republican party, and participation in the Convention **Under the
Oaks," was a token of honor to those attending it, especially to those,
who, twenty-six years later, W(*re delegates to a Republican State
Nominating Convention in the same city. The attendance of men
from other parts of the State was large, and as the procession took
its course to the grove, it drew after it half the people of the town.
As stated in a contemporaneous re])ort : "The scene at the grove was
most animating. The excellent brass band of Jackson was present,
36 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
and greatly enlivened the occasion by its music. A high enthusiasm
pervaded the entire assembly, and there was every prospect of the
harmony and good feeling that have so abundantly prevailed.''
As this was not a delegate Convention there was no occasion for
a Committee on Credentials. As it ^^as the first of its kind, there
were no rules and no precedents to govern its order of business or
course of action. It contained some incongruous elements, and it
was so large as to be unwit»ldy, yet so great was the desire of its mem-
bers for a genuine concert of action, that it reached conclusions in
harmony and transact-
ed its business in order.
The first occasion for
any concession to the
desire for harmony
came in the Committee
on Permanent Organi-
zation. Some of the
Free Soil members of
the Committee desired
that Isaac P. Chris-
tiancy, their last candi-
date for (t o V e r n o r,
should be permanent
Chairman. But it was
argued that the tem-
porary Chairman was a
Free Soiler, that senti-
ment against dropping
old party names and
adopting a new one was
DAVID s. NVALBRiDGE. Stronger among the
Whigs than among Free Soilers, and that every appearance of
crowding the latter party to the* front should be avoided. The choice,
therefore, fell upon David S. Walbridge, of Kalamazoo, a zealous
Whig, whose selection, it was thought, would have some influence in
inducing reluctant Whigs to acipiiesce in the union. Twelve Vice-
Presidents were chosen, taken impartially from the different parties.
Of the seven Secretaries, three, J. F. Conover, A. B. Turner and G. A.
Fitch, were among the editors who had aided in the movement.
The next action was the appointment of a Committee on Resolu-
THE FIRST REriTBLICAN CONVENTION. 37
tions, and in arcordance with the thoroughly democratic character of
the meeting this Committee was named by the electors of the several
Congressional Districts, four from each District, making sixteen in
all. It included a number of strong men of very positive views, and
it wag deemed quite certain that if they could agree upon a platform
the Convention would accept it. They adjourned to the edge of the
oak opening, at what is now the corner of Second and Franklin streets,
and here half a dozen different platforms came out of the pockets of
members of the Committee. One by Austin Blair was fiercely radical.
One set was forwarded by Uorace Greeley, from New York. Others
were by Isaac P. Christiancy, elabez Fox and Jacob M. Howard, the
latter of whom was Chairman of the Committee. His resolutions had
been very carefully prepared, nfter consultation with leading members
of both parties. They were acce])ted by the Committee, with some
modifications suggested by the platforms drawn by Mr. Christiancy
and Mr. Fox. They were considered by Mr. Hlair to be too tame, and
in tlie Convention, he made a minority report covering his own resolu-
tions. This was, however, tabled, and Mr. Howard's report was
almost unanimously adopted. It was as follows:
The freemen of Michigan assembled in convention in pursuance
of a spontaneous call, enumating from various parts of the State, to
consider upon the measures which duty demands of us, as citizens of
a free state to take, in reference to the late Acts of Congress on the
subject of slavery and its anticipated further extension, do
RESOLVE, That the institution of slavery, except in punishment
of crime, is a great moral, social and political evil; that it was so
regarded by the fathers of the Republic, the founders and best friends
of the Union, by the heroes and sages of the Revolution who (contem-
plated and intended its gradual and peaceful extinction as an element
hostile to the liberties for which they toiled; that its history in the
United States, the experience of men best acquainted with its work-
ings, the dispassionate confession of those who are interested in it;
its tendency to relax the vigor of industry and enterprise inherited in
the white man; the very surface of the earth where it subsists; the
vices and immoralities which are its natural growth; the stringent
police, often wanting in liumanity and speaking to the sentiments of
every generous heart, which it demands; the danger it has already
wrought and the future danger which it portends to the security of
the Union and our Constitutional liberties — all incontestably prove it
to be such evil. Surely that institution is not to b<» strengthened and
encouraged against which Washington, the calmest and wisest of our
Nation, bore unequivocal testimony; as to which J(»fferson, filled with
a love of liberty, exclaimed: **Cau the liberties of a Nation be ever
;^8 HISTORY OF TJIE KEPIBLK AN PARTY.
thoujflit secure when we have removed their only tirni basis, a eonvie-
tion in the minds of the people that their liberties are the GIFT OF
(tOD? that they are not to be violated but with His wrath? Indeed,
I tremble for my country wh(»n 1 ref1(M't that God is just; that His
justice cannot sleep forever; that, considering numbers, nature and
national means, only a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange
(»f situation is among possible events; that it may become probable by
supernatural interference. The Almighty has no attribute which
can take sides with us in such a contest.'- And as to which another
eminent patriot in Virginia, on the close of the Revolution, also
exclaimed: ''Had we turned our eyes inwardly when we supplicated
the Father of Mercies to aid the injured and oppressed, when we
invoked the Author of Righteousness to attest the purity of our
motives and the justice of our cause, and implored the God of battles
to aid our exertion in its defense, should we not have stood more self-
(onvicted than the contrite publican?'' W(» believe these sentiments
to be as true now as they were then.
RESOLVED, That slavery is a violation of the rights of man as
man; that the law of nature, which is the law of liberty, gives to no
nmn rights superior to those of another; that God and Nature have
secured to each individual the inalienable right of eiiuality, any viola-
(ion of which must be the result of superior force; and that slavery,
therefore, is a iR»rpetual war upon its victims; that whether we regard
the institution as first originating in captures made in war, or the
subjection of the debtor as the slave of his creditor, or the forcible
seizure and sale of children by their parents or subjects by their king,
and whether it be viewed in this country as a ''necessary evil'' or
otherwise, we find it to be, like imprisonnn»nt for d(*bt, but a relic of
l)ar!)arism as well as an element of weakness in the midst of the State,
inviting the attack of external enemies, and a ceaseless cause of inter-
nal apprehension and alarm. Such are tlu* lessons taught us, not
only by the histories of other commonwealths, but by that of our own
beloved country.
RESOLVED, That the history of the formation of the Consti-
tution, and particularly the enactment of the Ordinance of July 13,
1787, prohibiting slavery north of the Ohio, abundantly shows it to
have been the ]yirpose of our fathers not to ])romote, but to prevent
the spread of slavery. And, w<», reverencing their memories and
cherishing free republican faith as our highest inheritance, which we
vow, at whatever expense, to defend, thus i)ublicly proclaim our
determination to oppose, by all the powerful and honorable means in
our power, now and henceforth, ail attempts, direct or indirect, to
extend slavery in this country, or to permit it to extend into any
region or locality in which it does not now exist by positive law, or
to admit new slave states into the I'nion.
RESOLVED, That the Constiturion of the Tnited States gives
to Congress full and complete power for the municipal government of
THE FIRST REPUBLICAN COXVENTIOX. 39
the territories thereof, a power which from its nature cannot be
(Mther alienated or abdicated without yielding up to the Territory an
absolute political independence, which involves an absurdity; that
the exercise of this power necessarily looks to the formation of states
to be admitted into the Union; and on the question whether they shall
be admitted as free or slave states, Congress has a right to adopt
such prudential and preventative measures as the i)rincii)les of
liberty and the interests of the whole country require; that this
question is one of the gravest importance to the free states,
inasmuch as the Constitution itself creates an equality in the appor-
tionment of Representatives, greatly to the detriment of the free and
to the advantage of the slave states. This (luestion, so vital to the
interests of the free states (but which we are told by certain political
doctors of modern times, is to be treated with utter iudilTerence), is
one which we hold it our right to discuss; which we hold it the duty
of Congress in every instance to determine in unequivocal
language, and in a nmnner to prevent the spread of slavery and the
increase of such unequal representation. In short, we claim that the
North is a party to the new bargain, and is entitled to have a voice
and influence in settling its terms. And in view of the ambitious
designs of the slave power, we regard the man or the party who would
forego this right, as untrue to the honor and interest of the North
and unworthy of its support.
RESOLVED, That the repeal of the **Missouri Compromise,"
contained in the recent Act of ( 'ongress for the creation of the Terri-
tories of Nebraska and Kansas, thus admitting slavery into a region
till then sealed against it by law, eijual in extent to the thirteen old
states, is an act unprecedented in the history of the country, and one
which must engage the earnest and serious attention of every
Northern man. And as Northern freemen, inde})endent of all former
party ties, we here hold this nn»asure up to the })ublic execration for
the following reasons:
That it is a plain departure from the policy of the fathers of the
Republic in regard to slavery, and a want<m and dangerous frustra-
tion of their purposes and their hopes.
That it actually admits and was intended to admit slavery into
said Territories, and thus (to use the words ajiplied by Judge Tucker
of Virginia to the fathers of that commonwealth), **sows the seeds of
an evil which like a lei)rosy hath descended upon their posterity with
accumulated rancor, visiting the sins of the fathers upon succeeding
generations.'' That it was sprung upon the country stealthily and by
surprise, without necessity, without petition and without previous
discussion, thus violating the cardinal principle of Republican gov-
ernment, which requires all legislation to accord with the opinions
and sentiments of the people.
That on the part of the South it is an open and undisguised
breach of faith, as contracted betwe(»n the North and South in the
40 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
settlement of the Missouri question in 1820, by which the tranquillity
of the two sections was restored, a compromise binding; upon all hon-
orable men.
That it is also an open violation of the Compromise of 1850, by
which, for the sake of peace, and to calm the distempered impulse of
certain enemies of the I'nion and at the South, the North accepted and
acquiesced in the odious Fuj^itive Slave Law of that year.
That it is also an undisguised and unmanly contempt of the
pledge given to the country by the prc^sent dominant party at their
National Convention in 1852, not to **agitate the subject of slavery in
or out of Congress,'' being the same (Convention which nominated
Franklin Pierce to the Presidency.
That it is greatly injurious to the free states, and to the terri-
tories themselves, tending to retard the settlement and to prevent the
improvement of the country by means of free labor, and to discourage
foreign immigrants resorting thither for their homes.
That one of its principal aims is to give the slave states such a
decided and practical preponderance in all the measures of govern-
ment as shall reduce the North with all her industry, wealth and
enterprise, to be the mere province of a few slave-holding oligarchs
of the South — to a condition too shameful to be contemplated.
Because as openly avowed by its Southern friends, it is intended
as an entering wedge to the still further augmentation of the slave
power by the acquisition of the other territories, cursed with the same
"leprosy."
RESOLVED, That the obnoxious measure to which we have
alluded ought to be repealed, and a provision substituted for it, pro-
hibiting slavery in said Territories, and each of them.
RESOLVED, That after this gross breach of faith and wanton
affront to us as Northern men, we hold ourselves absolved from all
•^compromises," except those expressed in the Constitution, for the
protection of slavery and slave-owners, that we now demand meas-
ures of protection and immunitv for ourselves; and among them we
demand the REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW, and an
Act to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia.
RESOLVED, That we notice without dismay certain popular
indications by slaveholders on the frontier of said Territories of a
purpose on their part to prevent by violence the settlement of the
country by non-slaveholding men. To the latter we say: Be of good
cheer, persevere in the right, remember the Republican motto, "THE
NORTH WILL DEFEND YOU."
RESOLVED, That postponing and suspending all differences
with regard to political economy or administrative policy, in view of
the imminent danger that Kansas and Nebraska will be grasped by
slavery, and a thousand miles of slave soil be thus interposed between
THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 41
the free states of the Atlantic and those of the Pacific, we will act
cordially and faithfully in unison to avert and repeal this gigantic
wrong and shame.
RESOLVED, That in view of the necessity of battling for the
first principles of Republican government, and against the schemes
of aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth
was ever cursed, or man debased, we will co-operate and be known as
REPUBLICANS until the contest is terminated.
RESOLVED, That we earnestly recommend the calling of a gen-
eral convention of the free states, and such of the slave-holding states,
or portions thereof, as may desire to be there represented, with a view
to the adoption of other moreextended and eflFectual measures in resist-
ance to the encroachments of slavery; and that a committee of five
persons be appointed to correspond and co-operate with our friends
in other states on the subject.
RESOLVED, That in relation to the domestic affairs of the State
we urge a mx)re economical administration of the government and a
more rigid accountability of the public officers, a spet^dy payment of
the balance of the public debt, and the lessening of the amount of
taxation, a careful preservation of the primary school and university
funds, and their diligent application to the great objects for which
they were created, and also further legislation to prevent the unneces-
sary or imprudent sale of the lands belonging to the State.
RESOLVED, That in our opinion, the commercial wants require
the enactment of a general railroad law, which, while it shall secure
the investment and encourage the euterjirise of stockholders, shall
also guard and protect the rights of the public and of individuals, and
that the preparation of such a measure requires the first talents of the
State.
If these resolutions are mild one can imagine what Mr. Blair's
pronouncement must have been. The difficulty of getting at the exact
facts in relation to an incident of which a number of persons have a
partial knowledge, is illustrated by the different accounts given of
the naming of the party as it appears in the platform. George A.
Fitch, of the Kalamazoo Telegraph, a natural political organizer, was
in full accord with those, who, in its early stages, recognized the
importance of a combination, in a new party and with a new name, of
all the elements of opposition to the Pro-Slavery Democracy. Some
of his associates in the local movements of the time, aver that he had
a compact, made in writing, between leading Free Soilers and Liberal
Whigs, for an independent organization and a division of the local
nominations, and that several weeks prior to July 6, they gave the
name lU^publican to the party in the compact. It is not known that
Mr. Fitch himself, ever set up this claim.
42 n I STORY OF THE REPT'BUCAN PARTY.
C. V. DeLand, in a letter written October 21, 1898, made this
statement of the matter: *'The honor of naming the party belongs to
Zephaniah B. Knight, of the Pontiac Gazette. He proposed it at the
February eonference and advo( ated it steadily. He was one of the
Committee on Platform at the Jaekson Convention, and moved its
adoption by that Committee, and it was deeided favorably by a vote
of eleven for Republican to five for Union."
Joseph Warren, in whose life the Jackson Convention was the
greatest event, and whose recollecti<m of its details was quite minute,
wrote as follows, in a letter June :>(), 1871): "Having had some
agency, as well in the naming and christening, as in the measures
which led to the organization, of the Republican party, and claiming,
therefore, to be familiar with the origin of its name and its applica-
tion to the new party, the writer will briefly state the facts in regard
to it. The honor of having named and christened the party, the
writer has always <lainHHi, and now insists, belongs jointly to Jacob
M. Howard, Horace Greeley and himself. . . Soon after the
writer began to advocate, through the columns of the Tribune, the
organization of all opponents of slavery into a single party, Horace
Greeley voluntarily oj)encd a correspondence with him in regard to
this moveuK^nt, in whi<h he frankly communicated his views, and
gave him many valuable suggestions as to the wisest course to be
pursued. This corres])ondence was necessarily very short, as it
began and ended in June, it being only five weeks from the repeal of
the Compromise to the Jackson Convention. In his last letter, re-
ceivt^d only a day or two before it was to assemble, Mr. Greeley sug-
gested to him the name Republican. This met the writer's cordial
approval, he gave Mr. Greeley's letter, containing the suggestion, to
Mr. Howard, on the day of the Convention, after that gentleman had
been ap]»ointed Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, and
strongly advised its adoption. This was done, the platform was
adopted and the ticket nominated."
Jacob M. Howard's recollection of the incident, as told to his
son, Hamilton G. Howard, is this: After the call for the Jackson
(Convention he drew up a series of resolutions which he thought suita-
ble for adoi)tion, but left the name of the new party blank. Mean-
time Mr. Warren had some correspondence with Horace Greeley on
the subject of the Conv<»ntion, and Mr. Greeley forwarded a set of
resolutions, not knowing that Mr. Howard was engaged in the same
work, and suggested the nam<», Democratic-Republican. At the Con-
vention Mr. Howard's resolutions were reported by the Committee,
of which he was Chairman. The matter of name came before the
Convention in the form of a motion to insert the one i)ropo8ed by Mr.
THE FIRST RErUBLICAN CONVENTION.
4a
Greeley. Mr. Howard moved to amend by striking; out the word
Demoeratie, and his motion w^as adopted.
Although there has sinre been so much contention, both in and
out of the Hfate, over the honor of originating the name Republican,
it is a curious fact that, at the time, but few of the papers which sup-
ported the ticket used that designation. The ticket was generally
j)laced at the head of their columns without any nam<» at all, or as the
*' Independent" ticket. The Democratic papers, on the contrary, and
especially the Detroit Free Press, gave spe<*ial prominence to the
name, as though to
remind the Whigs tliat
they had lost their iden-
tity as well as their dis-
tinctive organization.
After the adoi)tion
of the platform, the
Convention, still fol-
lowing out its Demo-
cratic methods, called
upon the electors from
the several Senatorial
Districts to appoint a
Nominating (committee
of three members from
each District. In three
of the districts a less
number was appointed,
but the Committee as
it was, consisted of
eighty -eight members, a
fair sized Convention of
itself. The Committee of Sixteen appoint(»d by the Kalamazoo Conven-
tion facilitated this work by formally withdrawing the ticket there
nominated, but it was still felt that great discretion was nc^eded in ref-
erence to drojiping some of the names that were on that ticket. In
regard to the nomination for (Jovernor, there was no qu(»stlon. Kins-
ley S. Bingham, who had headed the fornuM' ticket, was an able and
popular num, and his unseltish efforts to bring about the union of
parties, even if it resulted in his own retirement, had endeared him to
the Whigs, as well as to the Free Democrats, and his retention on the
JACOB M. HOWARD.
44 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
ticket was unanimously assented to. George A. Coe, Whig, took
the i)hu*e of Nathan Pierce, for Lieutenant-Governor, and John
McKinnev, that of Lovell Moore, for Secretary of State; Silas M.
Holmes for State Treasurer, and Seymour B. Treadwell for
Commissioner of the State Land Office, were retained and Whitney
Jones took the place of Philotus llayden, for Auditor General. The
nomination for Attorney (reneral was a surprise. It had been gener-
ally expected that ITovey K. Clarke ,who was on the old ticket, would
be retained, but W. W. Murphy, of Jonesville, without giving any
previous intimation of his purpose, in an adroit and earnest speech,
proposed '^Honest Jake Howard'^ for the place, and Mr. Howard was,
against his own i)rotest, placed on the ticket. This was completed
by naming Ira Mayhew for Sujierintendent of Public Instruction, and
John K. Kellogg and Hiram L. Miller, for Members of the State Board
of Education. The Convention recogniz(^ the ticket projiosed as a
stnmg and representative one, and besides had confidence in its large
Committee, whose action it ratified with unanimity- and enthusiasm,
Mr. Bingham was ^'rapturously called for,'' according to the official
report, and **addre8sed the convention in a most happy manner. He
was evidently affected by the distinguished favor which placed his
name, unsolicited b^' him, in the paramount position it occupies as
first on the ticket.'^ With Mr. Bingham's speech the proceedings
closed.
The actual business of the Convention called out but little discus-
sion, as it was transacted mainly by the committees, and accepted by
the larger body. But while waiting for the committees there were
numerous speeches on the general character of the Anti-Slavery
movement. While the Committee on IVrmanent Organization was
out several si)eeches were made, among them one by Prof. Haven,
afterwards President of Michigan I'niversity. During the long
absence of the Committee on Resolutions there was a flow of oratory.
Rev. Arthur St. Clair was called out, and Kinsley S.^Bingham, always
a favorite, made a stirring address, which was loudly applauded.
Among the Whigs who were reluctant to give up the old organi-
zation and name, was Zachariah Chandler, who had been a hard
worker in the party, and in earlier times its candidate for Mayor of
Detroit and Governor of the State. lie was strong in his personal
and party attachments, and it was not until after the Kalamazoo mass
meeting that he fell in with the new movement. But having once
decided, he went into it with characteristic zeal. He was at the Con-
vention, and followed Mr. Bingham in a speech. He gave a brief
THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 45
account of action on the Wilmot Proviso, so far as Michigan was
concerned, quoted the Anti-Slavery resolutions passed by Democratic
State Convention of 1849, and the Legislative resolutions of instruc-
tions to the Senators and Representatives in Congress on the same
subject, and then exclaimed: ^*Not one of our Representatives was
ever honest enough to carry them out excei)t Kinsley S. Bingham."
He was here interrupted by three rousing cheers for Mr. Bingham,
and other demonstrations, which showed clearly enough that he was
the choice of the Convention.
Another interesting episode of the Convention was a short
speech by Lewis Clarke, then, and for many years afterwards living on
a farm near Windsor, Ontario, and the original of George Harris, in
Mrs. Stowe's **Uncle Tom's Cabin." His plain, simple recital of
events in the life of a slave and fugitive, dimply moved the assembly.
Other speeches, at this stage of the i)roceedings, were by William T.
Howell, Rev. Charles C. Foote, Philotus Hayden, Rev. Jesse McBride
and Rev. Mr. Foster.
During the absence of the Committee on Resolutions, further
addresses were made by Austin Blair, Hovey K. Clarke, Isaac P.
Christiancy and others. In the evening the crowd filled four public
halls and three churches with enthusiastic ratification meetings, and
besides this. Governor Bingham addressed a large gathering in the
open air on the public square.
In this account of proceedings the reader will notice the names
of several gentlemen who afterwards attained National distinction.
Many more of the same class, who did not speak at the Convention,
were either present or had been actively engaged in the preliminary
work. This roll of honor included six men who were afterwards
Governors of the State, four who became United States Senators, one
Supreme Court Justice, one Cabinet Officer, a number connected with
the Diplomatic Service, either as Ministers or Consuls, about twenty
Members of Congress, and many more who rendered the State and
Nation good service in the Army, in the Legislature, on the Circuit
Court Bench, in the United States Courts, and in a host of other
appointive positions. No single Michigan gathering, before or since,
has ever brought together so many able and patriotic citizens.
The enthusiasm which the action of the Convention roused in the
members themselves, was echoed by almost all the papers in the State
that had Anti-Slavery leanings. The Detroit Tribune heartily
endorsed every action of the Convention, and enthusiastically sup-
ported the ticket. The Detroit Free Democrat said, editorially, the
46 HISTOKY OF THE KEPIBLR^VN J»AKTV.
next day: **\Ve nover saw in any deliberative body ao strong a desire
for harmony manifested. Every member of the Convention seemed
to have eome tlu^re resolvcnl on conciliation and tranqnil action.
Tliere *vas scarcely a dissenting voice from the action resolved upon.
The harmony of the Convention was esi)ecially apparent in some of
the most critical j)eriods of its deliberations." The paper praised
the })latform as sj)ecilic, bold and uncompromising, went over the
ticket in detail, and added: **\Vith such a ticket, emanating from
such a Convention, we cannot be unsuccessful. It will inspire the
confidence of freemen in the State, not by its intrinsic merit only,
but by th(» purely republican manner in which it was selected. We
are confident that tlu* ])eople who selected it will see that it is
triumphantly elected."
The Jackson Citizen commented with great satisfaction upon the
nmnner in which the Convention received Mr. Chandler's reference to
Mr. Bingham, praised the ticket as a whole, and added: **The plat-
form was drawn by the lion. Jacob M. Howard, and unanimously
adopted, and we are willing to add our testimony that it not only does
credit to its author, but <liallenges comparison with any political
paper of the day.''
The trio of papers in Pontiac, Grand Kai)ids and Kalamazoo,
which had already contributed so larg(^ly to the mov(*ment, found in
the result the fruiticm of their long cherished hopes, and zealously
supported th(» ticket, and all the Free Soil and almost all the Whig
papers in the State came promptly into line.
But th(»re was one note of discord. The Detroit Advertiser was
then owned by E. A. Wales, and edited by A. S. Williams. It had
described the Kalamazoo Convention as a stormy gathering, and had
assailed sev(»ral of the speakers at that meeting for '^disparaging the
characlcM* of that great and gifted American statesman and patriot,
Henry Chiy." It now, in a bitt(»r and denunciatory editorial, rejected
the nominations, introducing ils comments with the following:
'•Previous to its meeting we called upon the Whigs to attend the
Convention. We looked to their influence as the only means to pro-
mote the interests of the peoi)le. The indications were that a
suflicient number of Whigs would be present to exert a beneficial
influence. All those signs were false. The Convention was con-
trolled by Free Soilers and those who desired to break up the Whig
party. Ev(»ry thing the* Free Democrats desired they obtained. They
went into the meeting with a ticket in the field. They procured the
THE FIRST REPUBUCAN CONVENTION. 47
adoption of just such planks as they desired. They knew the renoni-
ination of Kinsley S. Bingham was a foregone conclusion, and then
their Committee withdrew their nominees."
These, and similar utterances following, Induced many Whigs to
hold aloof from the new movement and caused great uneasiness to
the leaders of the new Republican party. A month later a circular
was issued, addressed to the Whig State Central ('ommittee, and
saying: ^*The undersigned, more than ever impressed with the
responsibility resting upon the men of the Whig party, and entertain-
ing a high sense of their obligations to take such action as is
necessary to advance the principles, maintain and strengthen the
organization and preserve the integrity of that party, respectfully
request that you will issue a call for a Whig State Convention, to be
held at an early day, for the purpose of securing these important
objects, and of presenting a AVhig State ticket, to be supported by the
people of Michigan, at the election in November next.''
This was circulated in nearly all the counties of the State, and
received signatures in sufficient number to demand action by the Com-
mittee, who accordingly, called a convention, to be held at the Court
House, in Marshall, October 4, for the purpose of nominating candi-
dates for all the State offices.
This action, culminating in a Convention to be held only about a
month before election, and threatening to put a new ticket in the field,
with the anticipated result of dividing the Anti-Slavery vote, was very
disquieting, and led to forebodings of grave disaster. But the Con-
vention itself, did not merit apprehension on the one hand, nor come
up to expectation on the other. Only about 200 delegates were
present, though these represented nearly every County in the State.
Those that did attend were almost all in favor of the new movement.
They chose as President of the Convention, Rufus Hosmer, who had
left the Advertiser because he did not agree with its (course, and who
was then editing the Detroit Enquirer, in the interest of the Repub-
lican ti(!ket. With him were chosen as Vice-Presidents, Nathan
Pierce, of Wayne; Chester Y'ost, of Washtenaw; I). C. Buckland, of
Oakland, and Edward 1). Cane, of Hillsdale, all supjiorters of the
Republican ticket.
A Committee appointed to nominate a State Central Committee,
selected as the Detroit members Joseph Warren and Frederick Mor-
ley, both strongly in favor of the Rej)ublican ticket, and the latter
associated with Mr. Hosmer in the management of the Detroit
48 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
Enquirer. Mr. Warren was especially distasteful to the Advertiser
clique, and a motion was made to substitute for his name that of E. N.
Willeox. Upon this motion the issue was drawn, and a long discus-
sion followed, in which three or four si)eeches were made, bitterly
denouncing Mr. Warren for his activity in promoting Republican con-
ventions throughout the J^tate. When it came to the test, however,
there were only four votes in favor of the substitute motion, all of
those coming from Detroit, and two of them from the Advertiser
office. A motion was afterwards made by Gen. A. S. Williams that
Mr. Warren be expelled from the Convention on the ground that he
had ceased to be a Whig, but this only received the same four votes.
The four then withdrew, after Mr. Wales had filed a formal protest
against the sins which the Convention had committed, as well as those
it was about to commit, or as he phrased it, against its action **in
choosing for its presiding otTicer a man who was the avowed Chairman
of the Republican State Central Committee," and **for other action,
had or to be taken, which is not strictly in accordance with Whig
precedents, Whig principles and Whig organization."
This withdrawal left a Convention which was not only har-
monious, but unanimous. It made no nominations, but framed a
stirring address, referring to the glorious history and principles of the
Whig party, and to the nei»d of concertt^l and united action in opposi-
tion to the spread of slavery. It concluded as follows:
"We are convinced that the path of duty is plain before us. We
are called ui)on not to abandon the Whig i)arty, not to forsake a single
Whig principle, but to make a deep sacrifice for our country's sake.
We propose merely to abstain from making distinct nominations at
this time, so that all the friends in the cause of liberty, feeling alike
on the absorbing issue now pending, may together strike and achieve
a glorious triumph.
"We therefore respectfully but earnestly ajjpeal to the Whigs of
Michigan to take that course in the coming contest, which will best
unite, combine, develop and evidence the free and true spirit of the
North.
"Let us throw all distraction to the winds, forget all minor differ-
ences, and t^xhibit the glorious spectacle of a patriotic band of
freemen, arousing at the trumi>et call of liberty, with a free soil
beneath our feet, and fre(*dom's banner over us, marching forward
in solid, united and invincible columns to battle and to victory."
THE FIKST KEPrHLK AN CONVENTION. 40
This was the last of the State Convention appeals made to
Mi(hi«5an voters in this memorable eampai|>:n. The result was
not, of course, satisfactory to the Advertiser. After reviewing tlie
action of the Convention, and pointing out what might have been
done, it said: ^^As it is tliere is cause for dissatisfaction which will
produce its effects. No one regrets this more than we do. We yet
hope that a little time may heal the discords of our party — that those
who have given allegiance to another organization may return to
their old love. This we hope, but whether our wishes shall be
realized or not, our own course is plain. We shall jiursue the even
tenor of our way, exerting whatever intluence w^e may have to forward
Whig principk^s, and Whig measures, and preserve the integrity of
the Whig party.''
But the Whig party had held its last Convention of any conse-
quence in Michigjvn. Joseph Warren was elected Chairman of the
new State Central Committee, and a resoluticm was adopted, leaving
it with him to convene the Committee or to call a Convention, whenever
he deemed it expedient. And Mr, Warren carried the Whig party of
Michigan in his pocket from that time till the day of his death; for
no organization, exc(*])t a State Convention had power to de])ose him
from the Chairmanship, and he n(»ver found it expedient to call
another Convent i(m. The nanu* Whig never appeared again upon a
Michigan State ticket.
But there was still another element which, for a time, added to
the uncertainty of this campaign. Four years earlier than this the
Constitution, under which the State has ever since conducted its
allairs, was adopted, and with it a clause jirohibiting the manufacture
and sale of intoxicating liquors. A law, ]>ut not a very effective one.
had been passed to carry out this Constitutional prohibition. Temper-
ance sentiment was then strong in the old i)arties, and since the
State was organized there had been no sei)arate temperance ticket in
the field. The Free Democratic Convention at Jackson February 22.
resolved in its platform that it was in favor of the re-enactment of
the law for the suppression of the traffic in intoxicating liquors,
with such amendments as should remove all Constitutional doubts
and secure the highest degree of elticiency.
At the Kalamazoo Convention Kev. Arthur St. Clair moved that
the report of the Committee on Resolutions be re-committed, with
instructions to incorporate the Prohibitory J^aw in the platform; but
while no opposition was voiced in the Convention to the law itself.
50 HISTORY OF THE REITHLICAN PARTY.
it was finally thouj^ht advisable to leave the question open to the mass
convention, already called, to meet at Jackson, Juh' 6.
Five days later, on the 2Gtb of June, a State Temperance Con-
vention was held at Jackson. Without nominating a ticket, it
adopted a platform of which the most siji^nificant plank declared:
**We intend not only that our votes shall exi)res8 our sentiments, but
they shall give efficiency to our princijiles, and therefore, we will
not vote, at the next November election, for any man for the office
of (Governor, Lieutenant-Oovernor, member of either House of the
Ix^gislature of Michigan, or Prosecuting Attorney, who is not known
from his past history to be, from ])rincii)k\ in favor of prohibiting by
law the manufacture of all intoxicating liquors as a beverage.''
This was the last formal action taken on the subject in this cam-
paign. The Jackson (\mvention of July G, as has already been
noted, confined its attention mainly to National affairs, and did not
touch upon this question. Exce])t as related to individual candidates,
the men who afterwards organized the Temperance party, were not
a well-defined factor in tlie campaign which followe<l, though a
majority of them, th(»n and for some years afterwards, undoubtedly
voted for the Republicans. They did not ])ut a separate ticket in
the field till 1870.
Althougli the varied and complicated movements which resulted
in the concentration of Anti-Slavery sentiment in the Republican
organization were so long in operation, and were accompanied by
such strong exprt»ssions of feeling, and by such large gatherings of
the people, the Dt^mocrats were very slow in learning their real
significance or their formidable character. The party papers
sneered at the movement up to the time of the Jackson Convention,
though some of them were bitter enough against it afterwards. The
Detroit Free Press, then the leading Democratic paper in Michigan,
was edited by Wilbur F. Storey, who had been about ten years in the
State, and a year and a half in Detroit. It took great interest in the
Kansas-Nebraska controversy, and on May 25, 1854, announced the
passage of the Nebraska bill in a big head-line, "Glorious News From
Washington," followed by a rooster holding a streamer with "Democ-
racy Triumphant" printed on it. Over the telegraphic report of
Congressional proc(*edings, it had a cannon and flag, and an editorial
announced the passage of the act *'with unbounded satisfaction."
Mr. Storey evidently really believed that the course of the
Republicans and Free Soilers was calculated to disrupt and ruin the
THE FIRST KEPTJJJLK AN CONVENTION. 51
country, and this belief was shared by other Democratic editors. But
they failed to apprehend the fact that others might have convictions,
equally sincere and more profound, upon the other side, and it was
this failure that led them to underrate the strength of the new party.
They continued to deride the movement after it had really gained
great momentum.
Two days before the Convention the Free Press commenced an
editorial with: '*We are really curious to see the platform of the
'fusion' Convention at Jackson," but it never printed that platform
in its columns. Its news report of the proceedings of a body which
subsequently overturned the politics of the State and Nation, occupied
only 50 lines, giving neither the conunittees, the platform nor the
si)eoches. Editorially it denounced the Convention as "a body of
unmitigated Abolitionists and Disunionists," and either ridiculed or
abused the candidates on the ticket, Jacob M. Howard coming in for
an especially large share of its attacks. As late as July 9, it
commenced an editorial with the announcement that: *The coalition
is a dead failure,'^ and ended it with: '^Altogether the coalition is in
a horrible bad way and in horrible bad odor. It emits a stench
already." On the 12th it said: **In this State, when three months
shall have passed the number of peo])le in favor of repealing the
Nebraska bill can be soon counted." The next day it spoke of Jacob
M. Howard as ''the midwif<* and ])riest at the birth and christening
of the Republican party,'- and Zachariah Chandler as *'its traveling
agent." In the same (nlitorial it said: ''There is abundant reason to
believe that this new Republican party, this bastard issue of illicit
intercourse, this fruit of unnatural amalgamation, will die young
and have an early burial. It is, indeed, already struck with death."
The same editorial referred to a number of Whig papers in the
country that disapproved the action of their party associates in this
State, and closed as follows: "\A\» predict that if the Whigs of
Michigan bring out a straight ticket of their own it will lead the
coalition ticket by thousands." It was evidently in this hope that it
commented, with great glee, upon the Advertiser's criticism of the
(Convention. Other papers followed its lead in alternately denounc-
ing the new party and belittling its prospects, some of them also
beconiing curiously mixed as to the composition of the party and
the standing of the ]>ress in relation to it. One of them, in the
western part of the State, as late as August 17, characterized the
52 HISTOKY OF THE KEPI'DLICAN PARTY.
Advertiser as "the orj^aii of Hunker Wbig^ery," the Tribune "of
Woolly Wliigjj:ery,-' and the Democrat as a fair representative of "the
one-lego:ed jiarty of our State."
But even whistlinjj: did not keep their courage up for long. The
signs began to be ominous and there wtTe indications of a tremendous
upheaval. A f(»w days after the Convention the Ionia Observer, an
old Democratic paper, came out for the ti<ket, and contained the
names of 400 Democrats who had done the same, and from all parts
of the State there wer(» many similar accessions.
It was under these circumstances that on the 2Gth of July, the
call for a Democratic State Conv(mtion was issued. It was signed
by Alfred \Villiams, Cornelius OTlynn, D. Munger, A. T. McReynolds,
T. E. Wing, A. L. Porter, Jacob Beeson, Frederick Hall and H. Carter.
It contained no reference to the principles of the party, nor to current
issues.
The Convention met in the City Hall, Detroit, September 14, with
Anthony TenEyck in the chair. It numbered less than 150 delegates
and was a very subdued assembly. The boastful spirit of two
months earlier had disappeared. The defections from the old Demo-
cratic party had been numerous, and their loss had not been made
good by a<cessions from the ranks of tht* Conservative Whigs. John
S. Barry, who was (lovernor in 1850 and 1S51. received the nomination
again, having 120 votes, against 11 for Michael Shoemaker, and 10
for Andrew Parsons. The rest of X\w ticket was as follows: Lieu-
tenant Oovernor, William A. Richmond; Secretary of State, William
L. Bancroft; State Treasurer, Derastus Hinman; Commissioner of the
State Land Oni<e, Allen (ioodri<h: Auditor General, John Swegles;
Attorney (ieneral, B. F. H. Witherell; Su])erintendent of Public
Instruction, Francis W. Shearman: Members of the State Board of
Education, Chauncey Joslyn and Elijah H. Pilcher.
The list of delegates did not include many ])rominent names.
Those who were afterwards best known were the following: Ex-
Governor Epaphroditas Ransom, George W. IVck, of Ingham, elei-ted
Member of Congress in November following; George B. Cooper, of
Jackson, returned to Congress in liS50, but unseated on a contest;
Augustus C. Baldwin, of Pontiac, elected to Congress in 1862, and
afterwards Circuit Judge; Jabez G. Sutherland, of Saginaw, elected
to Congress in 1870; John Logan Chipman, of Detroit, afterwards
Judge of the Superior Court, and Member of Congress; M. E. Crofoot,
of Pontiac; Wm. M. Fenton, of Fenton, Lieutenant-Governor 1848-52;
THE FIR8T REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 53
Gen. A. T. Mc* Reynolds, then of Detroit; Chauncey Joslyn, of Washte-
naw, and A. Smith Baf^jpj, of Detroit, (len. (*as8 was not a delejjate,
but was present by invitation and made a speech.
Tlie platform adopted was short. The first two planks approved
Governor Barry's former administration, and commended him to the
voters for re-election; the third favored a general railroad law, and
the fourth resolved, **That the delej^aled Democracy of the State of
Michigan here afifirm their continued sujiport of the principles
embraced in the resolutions adoj)ted by the Democratic National Con-
vention, which assembled in Baltimore in June, 1852, and that the
doctrine of Congressional non-intervention in the domestic legislation
of the states and territories, therein embodied, harmonizes with the
true sjurit of our institutions, and is the only ]>latform upon which
the Democratic party of the I'nion can maintain its nationality and
its ascendancy, and preserve the Tnion.''
The short campaign that followed was a warm one. The Detroit
papers then had three editors who were all masters of a corrosive
style of literature, if that phrase may be allowed as descriptive of
their vitriolic writings. Mr. Storey was an unsocial person, a bitter
partisan, a vindictive hater, and an abusive writer. In a salutatory,
written w^hen he took charge of the Free Press, he had said: **With
his contemporaries of the press the undersigned will seek to cultivate
relations of the utmost courtesy. Though editors of political papers
may occupy attitudes of opposition to each other, there is yet nothing
in th(»ir position that should allow them for a moment to forget that
they are, or at least, ought to be, gentlemen.'' In the heat of this
campaign these amiable sentiments were forgotten, and not without
provocation. His contemjjorary and rival, Joseph Warren, of the
Tribune, is described by one who was afterwards associated with him
in editorial work, as *'a sedate, gentle, kind-h(»arted man personally,
but one who wrote with a pen dipped in gall. When engaged in
controversy nothing was too bitttT for him to say." As genial and
kindly in his family relations as any man in the (^ity, he was in
politics, bitter and intolerant. To him every NortlH»rn man who
favori^d the Fugitive Slave Law and the Kansas-Nebraska bill, was a
**doughface," just as during the war every Democrat was a **coi)per-
head." He was now in his prime, at a time when fighting qualities
were in demand, a fit contemporary of NVilbur F. Storey and of Rufus
Hosmer. The latter was the most famous newspaper wit of the
time, a genial and social companion, but a hard hitter in a political
54 HISTORY OF THE RErUBLlCAN PARTY.
figbt. He was said to be tbe only man wbo ever made "old Storey
squeal," in a contest of personalities.
It may be assumed that in tbis war of personalities tbe candidates
did not escape, so tbat between tbe mixed condition of political
parties, and tbe character of its newspaper literature tbe campaign
was a unique one. It was especially warm in tbe First and Fourth
Congressional Districts. In tbe First District William A. Howard
was nominated for Congress by a Whig delegate Convention at Ann
Arbor, September 20, and by a Republican mass Convention the sanue
day. David Stuart, tbe Democratic nominee, was a veteran and
able campaigner, and immediately issued a challenge to Howard to
meet him in joint debate. Howard had business engagements East,
and was not able, for some time, to respond. Tbis delay was charged
to unwillingness on his part to discuss tbe issues of tbe campaign,
and the challenge, which was published daily in the Free Press, was
read with glee by the Democrats, and with some discomfiture by the
Republicans. On Mr. Howard's return, however, be accepted the
challenge and joint debates were bad at Detroit, Ann Arbor, Jackson
and Howell. Although tbe meetings were long they wQre attended
by thousands, and were memorable oratorical contests. Mr. Howard
was afterwards spoken of as the **only man in the First District who
could meet Dave Stuart on the stump," and laid in this campaign the
durable foundations of his reputation as one of tbe most effective
campaign speakers of tbe Northwest.
In the other Congressional districts tbe nominations were as
follows: Second, Whig and Republican, Henry Waldron; Demo-
cratic, David A. Noble; Third, Whig and Republican, David S. Wal-
bridge; Democratic, Samuel Clark; Fourth, Whig and Republican,
Moses Wisner; Democratic, George W. Peck. The successful candi-
dates, with their majorities, were: Howard, 1,144; Waldron, 2,942;
Walbridge, 2,687, and Peck, 1,370.
For their State ticket tbe Democrats made a vigorous effort.
General Cass, tbe most conspicuous Democrat in the Northwest, felt
that his own political fortunes were at stake, and addressed several
large meetings in strong and able speeches, and be was backed by a
number of the old leaders. All through tbe campaign the Democrats
claimed that they would win, and some of them put their majority
as high as 8,000 or 10,000. Rut tbe current was stronger than they
supposed, and swept them to utter and irretrievable defeat.
Tbe vote for Governor was: Bingham, 43,652; Barry, 38,675, a
Republican majority of 4,977. In tbe First District, particularly in
THE FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 55
Detroit, the work of the Advertiser and the recalcitrant old line
VVhigB, told against Bingham, and his vote fell considerably below
that of Howard. This defection was not wholly made up in other
districts, for the net Republican majority on Congressman was 5,403,
or 426 more than for Governor. In the Legislature the party affilia-
tions of members could not be exactly defined, but there was an
overwhelming majority against the Democrats.
The triumph was all the more striking by contrast with the result
two years earlier. Then their candidate for Governor had 8,138
plurality and 2,288 clear majority. They had elected all four candi-
dates for ('ongress, with 25 out of 32 Members of the State Senate,
and 51 out of 72 in the House. The Democrats even now were not
willing to admit that their attitude on the slavery question was the
main cause of their disastrous defeat. At least many of them, and
their principal organ, with the rest, charged it to the secret machina-
tions of the Know Nothing order. It was, however, hailed throughout
the country, as a straight Republican triumph. And it was an
enduring one. For the next 28 years in Michigan the Democrats did
not choose a single State officer, either at the fall or spring elections.
They did not have a majority in either House of any Legislature, and
so, of course, could not elect a United States Senator, and out of 92
Congressmen, they chose only 6. So sweeping and lasting a political
revolution has rarely taken place in this country.
IV.
SOLIDIFYING THE PARTY.
Claims to Priority in Organization — Mixed Condition and Various
Names of Parties in 1854 — The Conduct of Affairs in Kansas
Gradually Hrinjrs all Anti-Slavery Elements Together — A Land
Trick in the Interest of the Missourians — Free State Emigrant
Aid Societies — Murd(»rs and Depnnlations by the Missourians —
Elections Carried by Force and Fraud — Heroic Resistance by
Free State Men and Subsequent Gain in Inlluenct* — Their Final
Success — Kansas at Last Admitted as a Free State, with Republi-
can Officers and Legislature.
As there was some difference* of opinion on the question of indi-
vidual precedence in projmsing the name Republican for the new
party, so there have* been claims for that honor nuide by different
states. When Massachusetts and Wisconsin celebrated the twenty-
fifth anniversary of their first Rejuiblican Conventions, the claim
was set up in each State that its Convention was the first one of its
name. Similar claims were nuule about the same time for Vermont,
Ohio and Indiana. Still later the claim was made that **The Repub-
lican Association of \Vashington, I). C.," was entitled to the honor.
The latter claim is not worth considering, as the association was not
organized till June ID, 1855, nearly a year after Republican State Con-
ventions began to be held. The (juestion in regard to the others is
readily determined by reference to tlu» dates, which are matters of
public record.
The Michigan State Convention, whose inception and results are
here presented in full detail and in shape for permanent record, was
held July G, 1854. In ^^'isconsin, after a number of '*Anti-Nebraska"
meetings had been held in dilferent jiarts of the State, a call was
issued July 9, for a mass convention of "all men opposed to the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise and the extension of the Slave Power."
No names were signed to th(» call and no name was indicated for anv
SOLIDIFYING THE PARTY. 57
new party that might p:row out of it, althouj^jh A. S. Bovay, one of the
movers in the matter, had already stattHl to Horace Greeley that he
intended to propose the name Rei)iibliean. The C'ouvention was held at
Madison, July lo, 1854, and among the resolutions adopted was one
'*that we accept the issue forced upon us by the Slave Power, and in
defense of freedom will co-operate and be known as Republicans/'
In Massachusetts a Convention, of similar spontaneous origin,
was held at Worcester, July 19, 1854, at which the name Republican
was adopted by the resolution **that in co-operation with the friends
of freedom in sister states, we hereby form the Republican party of
Massachusetts." But the Anti-Slavery people in that State w(?re in
such very decided preponderance that th(\v did not feel under the
same necessity for concentration as their associates in other states.
The bulk of the Anti-Slavery vote went to the Know Nothing ticket,
though there were also Whig and Free Soil tickets in the field.
In Vermont, July 13, 1854, a mass convention was held of persons
**in favor of resisting, by all Constitutional means, the usurpations of
the propagandists of slavery,'' and among the resolutions adopted was
one closing as follows: ^*We propose and respectfully recommend
to the friends of freedom in other states to co-operate and be known as
Republicans.-' A State ticket was nominated under this name, but
the State committees of various parties were authorized **to fill
vacancies" on their tickets. Under this power, and by amicable
agreements, a Fusion ticket was afterwards made up and elected
under that name.
On the same day a Convention was held at Columbus, Ohio, of
those in favor of **breaking the chains now forging to bind the Nation
to the car of American slavery." The i)arty which there nominated
a ticket was generally known, throughout the campaign, as Repub-
lican.
This seems to have been a good date for State Conventions, for
on the same day one was held in Indiana, at which speeclies were
made by Henry S. Lane, Henry L. Ellsworth and Schuyler Colfax, a
ticket was nominated, and the name Republican was adopted. In
both these states the campaign and its results were similar to those in
Michigan.
The movement in Michigan had a great effect in promoting and
directing that in Ohio and Indiana, which border upon it. Its influ-
ence was less marked in Massachusetts and Vermont, and it is not
quite certain that in the latter state the name Republican was wit-
tingly borrowed from the Western example. The adoption of the
58 HISTORY OF THE RErUBLlCAN PARTY.
name there may have been a coincidence instead of an appropriation,
but the fact remains that Michigan Republicans were the first to
adopt and retain the name.
Not only in the states mentioned, but in other Northern states
the Anti-Slavery movement took various forms, and worked under
diiferent names. This cannot, perhaps, be better shown than by
taking the designations of parties in the different states, as contained
in Greeley's Whig Almanac, in giving the returns after election.
They were as follows:
Maine — Republican, Rum, Whig, Democrat.
New Hampshire — Whig, Democratic, Free Soil.
Vermont — Fusion, Democratic, Free Soil.
Massachusetts — Whig, Know Nothing, Democratic, Free Soil.
Rhode Island — Whig and Maine Law, Democratic.
Connecticut — Whig, Temperance, Democratic.
New York — Fusion, Know Nothing, Hard Democratic, Soft
Democratic.
New Jersey — Whig, Temperance, Nebraska.
Pennsylvania — Whig, Democratic.
J )elaware — American, Democratic.
Ohio — Republican, Nebraska.
Indiana — Republican, Nebraska.
Michigan — Republican, Democratic.
Illinois — Republican, Nebraska.
Iowa — Republican, Nebraska.
Wisconsin — Republican, Democratic.
Missouri — Whig, Rentonians, Anti-Rentonians.
California — Whig, Broderick Democrats, Anti-Broderick Demo-
crats.
The Republican party, under that name, was still a local organiza-
tion. But less than two years later it became National, with a
Presidential ticket in the field.
The history of the organization of this party would not be quite
complete without a brief reference to the American, or Know Nothing
party, through which many of the old Whigs found their way into its
ranks. The party was based on the apprehension that the Roman
Catholic Church had designs upon the government, ancl that its
known and avowed hostility to the American public school system
boded disaster to the country. Coupled with this was the belief
that the influence of foreign-born voters was becoming dangerously
great. Its proposition to amend the suffrage laws so as to require a
r(*sidence of 14 or even 21 years, before an immigrant should be
SOLIDIFYING THE PAKTY. 59
allowed to vote, was deemed by many not unreasonable, but in the
secrecy of its meetings, and its extreme proscription of foreigners and
Catholics, it. was contrary to the spirit of the American people. For
these reasons, and also because the slavery question came to over-
shadow* all other issues, its victories, though brilliant, were not
lasting. Its existence, however, furnished a refuge for those Southern
Whigs who could not join the Democrats in their extreme Pro-Slavery
action, but who were not yet ready to go the lengths of the Republican
party in opposition to that institution. It included, in the South,
such Whigs as John Bell, of Tennessee, who was the only Southerner
in the Senate who voted against the repeal of the Missouri (Com-
promise; Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky; Henry Winter Davis,
of Maryland, and Horace Maynard, of Tennessee. It did not obtain
great foothold in the West, but in the New England and North Middle
States, it was very strong. There it gathered into its ranks those
who were genuinely fearful of foreign influence in the country, many
Whigs who were in hopes, through its agency, to divert attention
from the slavery question, and a great mass of voters who were
ready to join any party which gave the best promise, in their own
locality, of conducting a successful campaign against the Democrats.
The Northern men w^ho were elected to Congress by this party, as
well as those who were elected on Whig, Republican and Anti-
Nebraska tickets, voted together, almost to a man, when Congress
met.
The strange fatuity of the Pro-Slavery Democrats alone made
such a consolidation of the opposing elements possible. Thirteen
months intervened between the elections in 1854, and the time when
the Congress then chosen met, and in that period the purposes of the
Pro-Slavery men in reference to Kansas, became plainly apparent.
They did not intend to permit bona tide settlers to determine the
question of slavery, but depended u[)on unlawful invaders from the
Missouri border counties to impose slavery on the Territory. Nearly
all the accessible portion of the Territory was covered by Indian reser-
vations on which settlement by whites was forbidden, but within a
short period preceding the [)assage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill,
treaties were quietly made at Washington with a number of Indian
tribes, under which most of the soil of Kansas, lying within one or
two hundred miles of the Missouri border, was opened to white appro-
priations and settlement. These purchases by the Government, though
little of them was known elsewhere, were understood by the Missou-
rians of the Western border, who had for some time been organizing
60 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
secret soeieties to take possession of Kansas in the interest of slavery.
Within a few days after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act,
hundreds of Missonrians seU^ted parcels of land, held a few meetings
and then returned to Missouri. At one of these meetings the follow-
ing resolutions were adoptc^d: "That we will afford protection to no
Abolitionist as a settler of this Territory.'' "That we rec*ognize the
institution of slavery as already existing in this Territory and we
advise slave-holders to introduce their property as early as possible."
Meantime, largely through the energy and inliuence of Eli Thayer,
of Worcester, Mass., a movement for free State immigration into
Kansas from New England, was inaugurated. Mr. Thayer was a New
England man, a graduate from Brown University, a Member of
Congress from Massachusetts, a forceful speaker and a tine organizer.
Within a month after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, he had
organized the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Society, designed to make
Kansas a free State by actual settlement. He succeeded, at the very
outset, in obtaining substantial tinancial backing for his plan.
Boston merchants made very liberal contributions to the cause.
Charles Francis Adams subscribed |25,000, and J. S. N. Williams
110,000, and other large sums were contributed.
Two colonies were speedily sent out and founded the City of
Lawrence, but the Missonrians determined to check this movement.
M one of their meetings, held at Westj)ort, Mo., early in July, 1854,
thc»y adopted the following:
'•RESOLVED, That this Association will, whenever called upon
by any of the citizens of Kansas Territory, hold itself in readiness
together to assist and remove any and all immigrants who go there
under the auspices of the Northc»rn Emigrant Aid Societies.
"RESOLVED, That we recommc^nd to the citizens of other
counties, [)articuhirly those bordering on Kansas Territory, to adopt
rc^gulations simihir to those of this Association, and to indicate their
readinc^ss to co-operate in the objects of the rc*soIution."
Thc*se open threats and some actual dc*eds of violence, led the
Frc*e State immigrants to prepare to defend themselves. Meetings
were held in many of the churchc^s and public halls in New England
and New York City, for the j)ur[)ose of purchasing rifles for the emi-
grants. Neither this movement nor the organization of Emigrant
Aid Societies met with much c»ncouragcMnent from the newspapers
SOLIDlFYINll THE PARTY. ()1
that were afterward Republican, and botli were denounced by the
extreme Abolitionists. But Mr. Thayer was determined in his
purpose, and was a man of untiring energy. In preaching his crusade
and in inciting the people of the North to action, he traveled f)0,000
miles, and made hundreds of spt^eches. The movement continued to
gather in momentum, and the Anti-Slavery people soon had a majority
of the actual settlers.
The Territory was formally established by the appointment, by
President Pierce, of Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, as Governor,
and Daniel Woodson, of Arkansas, Secretary of the Territory. The
Territorial Government was organized in the Autumn of 1854, and in
November an election for Delegate in Congress was held. John W.
Whitfield, an Indian Agent, the Missouri candidate, was returned as
elected. He i*eceived 2,871 votes, of which 1,729 were cast by resi-
dents of Missouri. These facts were fully shown in a report to
Congress, but Mr. Whitfield was seated, and was allowed to retain
his seat throughout that Congress. Early in 1855, Governor Reeder
ordered an election for the first Territorial Legislature, to be held on
the 13th of March. The Border Missourians were on hand in force for
this election. They came in wagons and on horseback, and were
armed with revolvers, pistols and bowie knives. They had tents,
flags and music. Nearly a thousand of them encamped in a ravine
near the new town of Lawrence, which they menaced with two pieces
of cannon loaded with musket balls. Finding that they had more
men than they needed to carry the Lawrence district, they sent detach-
ments to carry two others. The result of this invasion was that the
Missourians elected all the Members of the Legislature with the excep-
tion of two, who were chosen from a remote inland district which the
invaders overlooked. Only 81^1 legal electors voted, though there
were no less than 6,320 votes polled. It was the greatest farce of an
election held in this country up to that time.
The Missouri newsi)apers boldly admitted the invasion and
exulted in the crime. "It is a safe calculation that two thousand
squatters have passed over into the promised land from this part of
the State within four days,'' said the Western Reporter the day before
election. *'It is to be admitted that the Missourians have conquered
Kansas,'' the Platte-Argus declared when the result was known.
When the Missouri Brunswicker learned that Governor Reeder had
refused to give certificates to certain of the men who claimed election,
it said: **This infernal scoundrel will have to be hemped.''
6:1
IIISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
1). R. Atrliison, riiited States Senator from Missouri, a few weeks
before one of these elections, said: **\Vhen you reside within one
day's journey of the Territory, and where your peace, quiet, and your
property depend upon your action, you can without any exertion, send
500 of your youn^ men who will vote in favor of your institutions."
The Lt»gisiature was called to meet at Pawnee City, on the Kansas
River, a hundred miles west of the border. It was immediately
adjourned, over the (Jovernor's veto, to Shawnee Mission. Among
the Acts whi(*h it passed, was one extending over the Territory the
laws of Missouri with
others, establishing and
_. • fortifying the slave
system. The Acts of
this fraudulent Legis-
lature were systemati-
cally vetoed by Gov.
Reeder, but the^' were
passed over his head.
The Southerners
fc»ared, when Reeder
was appointed, that he
would not be sufficient-
ly pliable for their
|)ur])oses. The l*re8i-
deut was now memori-
alized for his removal,
which waseffe<'ted, and
Wilson Shannon, of
Ohio, was appointed in
his stead. Shannon
announced, on his way
to the Territory, that he was for slavery in Kansas, and recognized the
fraudulent Legislature as a legal assembly.
The actual settlers of Kansas held a mass convention at Big
Springs on the 5th of September, in which they repudiated the laws
and officers imposed on the Territory by the border ruffian election
and legislature. They further resolved not to vote at the election
for Delegate to Congress, which the bogus Legislature had appointed
to bv held on the 1st of October. They appointed another election for
delegate and nominated (Governor Reeder for the position. Then on
NATHANIKL P. BANKS. JR.
SOLIDIFYING THE PARTY. 63
the 23d of October a Constitutional Convention, chosen by the Free
State settlers, assembled at Topeka, and formed a Free State Consti-
tution, under which they asked admission into the Union as a State.
In the Thirty-fourth Congress no party had a majority in the
House and for several weeks that body remained unorganized. It
was finally decided that a plurality should be sufficient to elect after
three more ballots. Under this rule Nathaniel P. Banks, Jr., from
Massachusetts, received 103 votes to 100 for William Aiken, of South
Carolina.
William A. Howard, of Michigan, was a member of the House
that elected Banks Speaker. In a speech at the State Convention at
Grand Bapids, May 10th, 1876, he gave interesting reminiscences of
that occasion. The contest had been carried on for weeks, and the
Republican members were discouraged. The night before the election
was brought about a Republican caucus was held, and many members
were in favor of giving up their candidate, and accepting a com-
promise. In fact this came to be the general feeling of the caucus.
About midnight Mr. Howard took the floor and protested against any
faltering. He told the caucus that he was the first man nominated
to Congress on a Republican ticket. His constituents had entrusted
him with the Republican Banner, and he would stand by the Flag
even if alone, until he fell with it, or until he could carry it home to
those who entrusted him with it. When he commenced speaking he
stood alone in the middle of the floor, but before he finished 85 men
had gathered around him, and the idea of compromise was abandoned.
The next day Banks was elected Speaker, and the disintegration of the
party was prevented.
I'nder a vote of the same House Mr. Howard, with John Sherman,
of Ohio, and Mordecai Oliver, of Missouri, were appointed a committee
to proceed to Kansas and report on the condition of affairs there.
This report, written mainly by Mr. Howard, gave him a high standing
among Republican Statesmen. This able document, which went
thoroughly into the history of events in the Territory, arrived at eight
conclusions, the only one that is pertinent to the subsequent history
of the Territory being as follows: "In the present condition of the
Territory a fair election cannot be held without a new census, a
stringent and well guarded election law, the election of impartial
Judges, and the presence of ITnited States troo[)8 at every place of
election.''
The bill admitting Kansas, under her free Constitution, passed
the House by 1)9 yeas to 1)7 nays. The Senate, which was strongly
64
HISTORY OF THE KKITBLKWX PARTY.
Pro-Slavery, defentod it. The Lepslature ehoseu under theFri^e State
(Constitution, was summoned to meet at Toi)eka on the 4th of July,
1S5(), but the members w(»re dispersed by a force of regulars under
order of President Pierce. For the next three years the Territory
had a double government, neither side recognizing the government set
up by the otli(»r. There were fre(pient disturbances brought on
mainly by the Missourians. They captured and sacked part of the
(Mtic^s of Lawrence and Leavenw<jrth, and committed many murders
and depredations. But
the Free State men had
better staying quali-
ties than the roving
bands of border ruf-
fians who were not
making improvements,
and were not attached
to the soil. The Free
State element in the
end became the pre-
ponderating one, and
another ( Constitutional
Convention assembled
at Wyandot in March,
iSilJ). It adopted a
Free Sta te Tonsti tution,
which was afterwards
ratified at an election
in October. A bill for
the admission of the
State, under that Ton-
stilution, passed the House of Congress, April 11th, 1860. The
Senate, however, refus(»d to take it up, being still Democratic. At
the next session the application was renewed, and it was passed on
the same day that the resignation of a number of the Southern Sena-
tors, by abandoning their seats, made that body Republican.
Thus the Territory, whose organization called the Republican
party into existence, and whose history constantly stimulated Repub-
licans to close union, became a Free State on the very day on which
that party came into a clear majority in both Houses of Congress.
And for a score of y(»ars thereafter it was on(* of the strongest Re-
uublican States in the Union.
JOHN SHERMAN.
rOXVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OF 185(;.
First Republican National Convention — Nomination of Fremont and
Dayton with a Strong Platform — A Spirited Cam[)ai^n With
Ardent Hopes of Sneeess — The October Elections Have a Depres-
sing Effect — In November Buchanan is Elected by Narrow
Margins in the Middle States — The Ele(*tion Considered a Moral
Triumph for the Republicans, and a Sure Indication of Future
Suc(*es8 — An Exciting and Vigorously Conducted (-anipaign in
Michigan — The Result a Decisive and Enduring Triumph — The
Old School Democracy of the IVninsular State In Its Death
Throes.
Ry 18.^0 the Anti-Slavery men of the North had enough in common
t^ <> bring them tog(»ther in National Convention. On February 22d of
* hut year the first National Rei)ublican meeting was held at Pittsburg,
^ although it did not assume all the functions of a convention, and no
^::Moininations were made. Subsecjuently a call was issued for the Con-
'V'-ention that met in Philad(»lphia on the 17th of June. This shared
** oiiiewhat in the spontaneousness of the Michigan gathering two years
^ -"^arlier. No settled rule had been adopted for sending the delegates
^%nd there was no fixed ratio of representation. All the Free States
XA'ere represented, together with the border States of Delaware,
^^faryland and Kentucky. The delegates m(4 as members of a new
^jiarty, and represented all former shades of Anti-Slavery opinion,
-cXbolitionists, Free Soilers, Free Denrocrats and Whigs.
William H. Seward was the most con8[)icuou8 man of the party
^^ud probably might have been nominated for President, but declined
tio have his name presented, preferring to take his chance later.
^>^aluion P. Chase, wiio was then frovernor of Ohio, was also a fav-
<~irite of the party, but did not aj)parently, see much hope of success.
-:\t that time the Whig element of the Convention was favorable to
\
G()
HISTORY OF THE KKPrBLICAN PARTY.
the nomination of Judge McLean, of the Supreme Court, but the
young men were laught with the dash, and spirit, and fame of John i\
Fremont, of California, who on the lirst ballot received 859 votes to
19G for John McLean, of Ohio.
An informal ballot was taken for a candidate for Vice-President,
in which William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, received 25!) votes, Abra-
ham Lincoln, of Illinois, 110; N. P. Ranks, of Massachusetts, 46;
David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, 48, and a large number of others
scattered amcmg Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts; Jacob Coliamer,
of Vermont; Preston
King, of New Y'ork; S.
C. Pomeroy, of Kansas;
Henry Wilson, of Mass-
achusetts; Cassius M.
( 'lay, of Kentucky;
Joshua R. Giddings, of
Ohio; Wm. F. John-
^^^__^. ^^ ^^^^ ston, of Pennsylvania,
f ^^^^^!^^B ^^^1 '^^^ William Penning-
1 D^^^^^^ ^H '^ ^^'^^ '*^^ illustrious
array of men to be
counted as candidates
for the second place on
a ticket. Judge Day-
Ion, Sumner, Coliamer
and K i n g, h a d a 1 1
starved with distinction
in the United States
Senate, besides having
held other public j>osi-
tions. Lincoln had a high standing at the* Western bar, and was
already known as on<» of the most vigorous and effective speakers
against shivery aggn^ssion. Hanks had been Speaker of the House;
Wilmot, who was famous bcM-ause of ihe Proviso that bore his name,
was I'resident Judge* of a Pennsylvania Judicial District; Clay was
well known as a Kentucky Free Soiler, who stoutly maintained and
advocated principles that were generally unpopular in the State;
Giddings was the famous Ohio Abolitionist, and Pomeroy was one of
the men \^ho went from Massachusetts to Kansas to aid in the work
JOHN C. FREMONT.
CONVENTION AND (WMPAIGN OF 185(5.
67
of the Emigrant Aid Society. Mr. Dayton had such a preponder-
ance of votes that the choice fell upon him without a formal ballot.
The Convention was in session three days, with Henry S. Lane
as President. It was made u[) largely of aggressive young men, who
knew that they were laying the foundation for the future upbuilding
of a great and successful party.
There was a flavor of \>'e8ternism about the man selected as
Permanent Chairman of this body. Henry S. Lane, of Crawfords-
ville, Indiana, a gallant officer during the Mexican War, at one time
one of the leading
Whigs in the West,
and after that one of
the founders of the Re-
publican party, was at
this time the most pop-
ular man in his State,
but his was not a figure
that would adorn an
Eastern drawing room.
As he came forward to
take the platform he
was the victim of 8on)e
noticeable ridicule. His
hair and whiskers were
not of the latest cut,
and he wore jeans cloth-
ing not very n(*w, and
with a pen tail coat.
The following picture
of him was given by a
newspaper correspond-
ent at the time.
**He stood forth on the platform, a man about six feet high, mar-
velously lean, his front teeth out, his complexion between a sunblister
and the yellow^ fever, and his snmll eyes glittering like those of a
wildcat. The New Yorkers, near whose delegation I sat, were first
amused and then delighted. H(* ^went in' and made the most
astounding specnh ever heard in these i)arts. He smacked his fist
horribly at the close of every emj)liatic [)eriod, 'bringing down the
house' with every lick, in a tremendous outburst of screams, huzzas
WILLIAM L. DAYTON.
68 HISTORY OF THE REPIBLICAN PARTY.
and stainpinj^ — 'VVc^stern all over.' But he stirred the multitude as
with a thousand sharp sticks. From a ridiculed 'thing' he became an
idol. When the spetM-h was concluded and he assumed charge of the
('onv(*ntion, he continued his ^Westernismi^/ as the New Yorkers
called them, by tilling his mouth with tobacco, placing one leg over
the table behind which he sat. He nut the vote and made his
decisions in the most otf-hand wjiy imaginable, without rising, and
infusing into everything a spirit of i>eculiar humor that was irre-
sistible.''
Mr. l^ane, on taking the chair, assured the Convention, as ^'friends
of freedom and friends of free men," that the time, the place and the
occasion — the anniversary of Hunker Hill — and the vicinity- of Inde-
pendence Hall, all conspired to make the hour memorable. He went
on: **It is now a struggle for free men, free thought and free labor,
and 1 hojK* it will nreet with liearty res])onse. This day inaugurates
a new (*ra in American politics. It inaugurates the sovereignty of
the people, the rule of man, the resurrection of the North. There is,
to my mind, a great signiticance in these mighty upheavals of the
masses. A sense of common danger lias brought together men
hitherto divided politically, because they owed no responsibility
iHiual to that they owed (o freiHlom. \ followed the lead of the
glorious Clay, of Kentucky; but since the Nebraska bill has passed,
my allian<e to old party ties sle])t in the grave of the patriot (May. . .
We look for the day that the sun shall shine on no slave — North or
South. We look for th(» spiKnly admission of Kansas as a Free State.
There is nothing revolutionary in that. There is authority for it,
and necc^ssity for it. Two short years ago peace reigned throughout
the land. The Compromise* M(»asur(»s were quietly submitted by the
cold and cruel calculation of heartU^ss denuigogues. The ambition of
Stephen A. Douglas opened up afresh the agitation. It was brought
on by no action of ours, but I trust God that we will meet it as men.
**Scenes have been enacted in Kansas that have had no parallel
since* the days wlu*n the (loths and Vandals ov(»rran Italy. Whether
that administraticm was more fool or knave let the muse of history
determine. . . They were made* felons by the T)rae*onian laws
the»re». The\v reMe)lleeted the histe)ry e)f Barber, who for daring to
proclaim the eMpiality e)f all men, was struck down in cold blood, and
whose widow now roams a raving maniac around her prairie home.
Such a rebellie)n as theirs was sanctie)ne*d by God and man. The
laws of Kansas were vitiated by force and fraud, and had no binding
CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OF 1850. 69
effect on any man. The Bible of truth was even ostracised by the
Kansas lA^gislature, for so long as we believed in the immortality of
the soul, we must believe that glorious revelation was an Anti-81avery
document.
'*\Vhy does the Democratic party disturb the Missouri Com-
promise? I know not, and yet with unparalleled effrontery they
proceeded to pass resolutions at Cincinnati to discontinue the further
agitation of slavery. Their promise was *like Dead Sea fruits — tempt
the eye, but turn to ashes on the lips.' "
The Michigan Delegation to this first National Convention were:
At Large — E. J. Penniman, Fernando ( •. Beaman, Noyes L. Avery,
Thomas J. Drake, Zachariah Chandler, Oeorge Jerome. By Districts
— First, Kinsley S. Bingham, D. Mclntyre, M. A. McNaughton;
Second, (leorge A. Coe, Isaac P. Christiancy, Witter J. Baxter; Third,
Hezekiah G. Wells, John R. Kellogg, Randolph Strickland; Fourth,
Whitney Jones, A. 1*. Davis and H. B. Shank.
While giving prominence to the paramount issue of slavery in the
territories, the Convention at once gave the n(»w organization standing
as a party of progress, by taking up new issues. The platform, as
finally adopted, was in full as follows:
This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call
addressed to the people of the Cnited States, without regard to past
jK)litical ditl'erences or divisions, who are o[)po8ed to the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the present Administration, to
the extension of slavery into free territory; in favor of admitting
Kansas as a Free State; of restoring the action of the Fed(»ral Govern-
ment to the principles of Washington, and who purpose to unite in
presenting candidates for the office of President and Vice-President,
<io resolve as follows:
RESOLVED, That the maintenance of the principles promul-
gated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal
Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican insti-
tutions, and that the Federal C<mstitution, the rights of the states,
and the Union of the states, shall be preserved.
RESOLVED, That with our Republican fathers, we hold it to be
a self-evident truth that all men are endowed with the inalienable
rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of ha[)piness, and that the
primary object and ulterior design of our F(Mleral (lovernment werr
to secure these rights to all [)ersons within its exclusive jurisdiction;
that as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all
our National territory, ordained that no perscm should be deprived
of life, liberty, or property, without d\w process of law, it becomes our
duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all
attempts to violate it for the purpose* of establishing slavery in any
70 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLK AN PARTY.
Territory of the rnited States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its
existence or extension therein. That we deny the authority of
Congress, of a Territorial lA*gislature, or any individual or association
of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of
the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained.
RESOLVED, That the Constitution confers upon Congress
sovereign power over .the Territories of the Cnited States for their
government, and that in the cxcMcise of this [)ower it is both the right
and the imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those
twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery.
RESOLVED, That while the Constitution of the Cnited States
was ordained and established, in order to form a more perfect union,
establish justice, insure dcmiestic tranquillity, provide for the common
defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty; and contains ample provision for the protection of the life,
liberty and property of every citizen, the dearest Constitutional rights
of the people of Kansas have bcH'U fraudulently and violently taken
from them; their Territory has been invaded by an armed force;
spurious and pretended I^egislative, Judicial, and Executive officers
have been set over them, by whose usurped authority, sustained by
the military power of the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional
laws have btvn enacted and enforced; the rights of the people to keep
and bear arms have been infringed; test oaths of an extraordinary
and entangling nature have been imposed, as a condition of exercising
the right of sutfrage and holding otlicis the right of an accused person
to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been denied; the
right of the people to be secure in their j persons, houses, papers and
effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, has been violated;
they have been deprived of life, liberty and property without due
process of law; that the freedom of speech and of the press has been
abridged; the right to choose their representatives has bt^n made of
no effect; murders, robberies and arsons have been instigated or
encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished;
that all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction and
procurement of the present National Administration, and that for this
high crime against the Constitution, the Cnion and humanity, we
arraign the President, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists and
accessories, either before or after tlu* facts, before the country and
before the world, and that it is our lixed purjjose to bring the actual
peri>etrators of these atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a
sure and condign punishment hereafter.
RESOLVED, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as
a State of the Cnion with her j)resent free Constitution, as at once
the most effectual way of securing to her «*itizens the enjoyment of the
rights and privileges to which they are entitl(*d, and of ending the civil
strife now raging in her T(»rritory.
CONVEXTIOX AND CAiMPAIGN OF 1856. 71
RESOLVED, That the highwayman's plea that "mij^ht makes
right," embodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect unworthy
of American diplomacy, and w;ould bring shame and dishonor upon
any government or [)eople that gave it their sanction.
RESOLVED, That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, by the most
central and practicable route, is imperatively denmnded by the inter-
ests of the whole country, and that the Federal (yovernment ought to
render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, and, as an
auxiliary thereto, the immediate construction of an emigrant route on
the line of the railroad.
RESOLVED, That appropriations of Congress for the improve-
ment of rivers and harbors of a National (*haracter, recjuired for the
accommodation and security of our existing commerce, are author-
ized by the Constitution and justified by the obligation of Government
to protect the lives and property of its citizens.
RESOLVED, That we invite the afliliation and co-operation of
the men of all parties, however differing from us in other respects, in
support of the principles herein declared; and believing that the
spirit of our institutions, as well as the Constitution of our country,
guarantees liberty of conscien( e and equality of rights among citizens,
we oppose all proscriptive Ic^gislation alTecting their security.
An American, or Know Nothing, Convention, held in Philadel-
phia, February 22d to 25th, 185(>, had nominated for President,
Millard Fillmore, of New York, and for Vice-Presid(*nt, Andrew
Jackson Donnelson, of Tennessee*, on a platform which gave emphasis
to its peculiar vi(^ws in reference to naturalizati<m and citizenship,
and gave a sweeping criticism to the existing Administration. A
Whig Convention, held at Baltimore, September 17th and 18th, ratified
the nominations of Fillmore and Donnelson, on a rather non-com-
mittal platform, in favor of the Constitution and the Union.
The Democratic Convention met at Cin«innati on the 2d of June,
John E. Ward, of (ieorgia, presiding. On the first ballot its votes
for Presidential candidates were: James Buchanan, 135; Franklin
Pierce, 122; Stephen A. Douglas, 33; Lewis Cass, 5. Buchanan and
Douglas gained quite steadily, while Pierce lost, and on the sixteenth
ballot Buchanan had 108 votes and Douglas 121. This gave Buchanan
such a decided lead that on the next ballot he was nominated with
practical unanimity. He had been in the field for the Presidential
nomination ever since 1844, and his time had now c(mie. Being
absent from the country as Minister to England, during most of
Pierce's Administration, he had nothing to do with the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise, and this added to his availability as a candi-
date.
r^
HISTORY OF THE REPIBTJCAN PARTY.
On the first ballot for N'ice-President, John A. Quitnmn, of Mis-
sissippi, received the hirj^est vote, the rest being widely scattered.
On the second, his name was withdrawn, and John C. Breckinridge,
of K(*ntncky, was unanimously nominated. The platform was inor-
dinately long, covering a great variety of subjects. The utterances
most significant on the slavery (piestion were as follows: *'That
Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or
control the domestic institutions of the several states, and that such
states are the sole and proper judges of everything a[)iH^rtaining to
their own affairs, not
[)rohibited by the Con-
s t i t u t i on; that all
efforts of the Aboli-
tionists or others, made
to induce Congress to
interfere with the ques-
tions of slavery, or to
take incipient steps in
relation thereto, are
calculated to lead to
the most alarming and
d a n g e r o u s c o n 8 e-
(juences; and that all
such efforts have an
inevitable tendency to
diminish the happiness
of the people, and en-
danger the stability of
the Cnion, and ought
not to be countenanced
by any friend of our
political institutions.
"That the foregoing ]>ro])ositiou covers, and was intended to
embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and
therefore the Democratic party of the Cnion, standing on this
National platform, will abide by and adhere to the faithful execution
of the Acts known as the Compromise Measures, settled by the
Congress of 1850; the Act for reclaiming fugitives from service or
labor included, which Act. being designed to carry out an expressed
[)rovision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed
or so changed as to impair its elficiency.''
JAMES BUCHANAN.
CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OF 1856. 73
Those views of the slavery question are reiterated in various
forms in the platform. The campaign that followed was a very active
and spirited one. Fremont wais the ideal candidate for a young and
vigorous party. His career had been adventurous and of great
service to the country. As early as his 27th year he had explored
the South Pass to tlie Rocky Mountains, and the great Salt Lakes.
Still later he explored the Alta California, Sierra Nevada, and the
valleys of the San €Joaquin,and had earned the title of the "Pathfinder,"
by doing more than any on(^ else to open a means of communication
between the Mississippi Valley and the Pacific Coast. At the age of
thiriy-six he had come back to Washington as the first Senator from
tlie new State of California.
His life had also a touch of romance. When a young Lieutenant
in the Army he had eloped with Jessie lUniton, the charming daughter
of the Senator from Missouri, and in some phases of the campaign.
The name of Jessie Benton was received with almost as great popu-
larity as that of Fremont himself.
The campaign medal took a greater part in this canvass than it
had ever done before. One of the medals was a head and bust of
Fremont, with his name above, and "Jessie's Choice'- beneath.
Another represented a party surveying a mountain, on the top of
which was the White House, and underneath, "Honor to whom Honor
is Duel" Another had a fine portrait of Fremont on the obverse and
on the reverse a wreath enclosing these inscriptions: "The Rocky
Mountains Echo Back Fremont;'' "The People's Choice for 1S5();'-
"Constitutional Freedom." Beneath the wreath was 'a scroll with
"Free" in the middle, and "Men" and "Soil" at either end.
The Buchanan medals were few in number, but one of them was
especially handsome, showing on the obverse a buck leaping over a
cannon, with the words, "and Breckinridge,'' underneath. The Know^
Nothings had three medals, one containing a portrait of Millard
Fillmore, one an American Flag with three rents, and the inscripticm:
"Our Flag Trampled Upon," and one with the motto, "Beware of
Foreign Influence.''
The torch-light parad<» and out-door mass meetings figured largely
in this campaign, but much of bitterness also entered into it. Just
before the Republican Convention at Philad(»lphia, Senator Sumner
was stricken down in his seat in the Senate by Preston S. Brooks, a
Representative from South Carolina. Sumn(»r had been speaking for
two days against the designs of the South in behalf of slav(»ry, a
74
HISTORY OP THE REPT'BLICAN PARTY.
speech that was widely circulated dnriiiji; the cainimign, with the
title of **The Crime Ajrainst Kansas." He had been especially bitter
against the State of South Carolina, and Arthur P. Butler, one of its
Senators. Preston S. Brooks^ a member from South Carolina, and a
nephew of Butler's, went over from the House the next day to avenge
his uncle and his State. The Senate had adjourned, but Sumner was
at his desk absorbed in letter writing;. **l have read your speech twice
over carefully," said Brooks, coming up behind Sumner. *'It is a
libel on South Carolina, and Mr. Butler, who is a relative of mine!"
^Vith that he began
beating Mr. Sumner's
h e ad and shoulders
with a bludgeon. Sum-
ner was beaten to the
floor, and it was many
months before he re-
covered from the effects
of the blows. The Sen-
ate made a complaint
to the House, and in
anti<ipation of expul-
sion, Brooks resigned.
He was not only re-
(»lected, but was treated
as a hero in South Car-
olina. Some of his
admirers presented him
with a cane, inscribed:
"Cse knock-down argu-
nvents" and others gave
CHARLES SIMNER. ,,;,„ ,, ^..,„^ j^^^j^^ ^^^
inscription: '*Hit him again."
In the North this act added to the deep indignation which was felt
at the violent and murderous methods of the slave-holders. Anson
Burlingame, then a member of the House, from Massachusetts,
denoun<ed the assault in the House and was challenged by Brooks.
He a<cepted the challenge, named rifles as the weapons, and the Clifton
House, Canada, as the place of meeting. But as the Massachusetts
Representative was a dead shot with the rifle. Brooks objected to the
nuK^ting pla<*e, and the duel n(»ver came off. R<*presentative Potter, a
CONVENTION AND CAMPAIGN OP IHSG. 75
stalwart six-footer from Wisiipnsin, also received a challenge from
Lawrence M. Keitt, who was accessory to Brooks' assault on Sumner.
Potter a(*cepted and named bowie knives as the weapons, and two
paces the distance. But Kettt objected to the weapons as barbar-
ous, and this duel never took place. The willingness, however, of
these Northern men to fight from tlie front, and with weapons that
were effective, ha<i th^VlMkOf checking the insolence of Southern
Members of Congress.
This outrage nuon Sumner and the incidents following afforded
such clear demonstration of the Southern temper as to add many
votes to the Republican ticket. The various incidents in connection
with the settlement of Kansas also added to the feeling on the part of
the North, while on the other side, Fremont was denounced as a sec-
tional candidate, and the Southerners resorted to the old threat to
dissolve the Union if he \>as elected by Northern votes on an Anti-
Slaverj' platform.
One noticeable thing in the campaign was the extent to which
young men were brought into the Republican service. The older
Anti-Slavery men, Seward, Chase and Hale, wei*e not especially active
in the canvass, but the following, who were comparatively new to
public life, were oflen mentioned as speakers in the great meetings
held in the cities and at the county mass meetings: N. P. Banks and
John Sherman, who were then in their second terms in Congress; Eli
Thayer, who originated the Emigrant Aid Societies; Roscoe Conkling,
Thaddeus Stevens, John A. Bingham, (Sahisha A. (Jrow, James (I.
Blaine, Andrew G. Curtin, Austin Blair, S<huyler Colfax and Oliver
P. Morton.
Up to the time of the October elections, which came then in Ohio,
Pennsylvania, Indiana and Iowa, the Republicans were confident of
success. In the October election in Pennsylvania, the State was
counted for the Democrats by about 2,000 plurality, although it was
subsequently proved beyond doubt that more than this number of
Democratic votes were obtained on fraudulent naturalization papers.
But the loss of Pennsylvania and Indiana discouraged the Rei)ubli-
cans, and the current began to set against them. In the November
election the Republicans carried all the Free States except five, but
these five were on narrow margins. The Democrats had only 925
plurality in Pennsylvania, and 1,809 in Indiana, while New^ Jersey and
California were lost to the Republicans in consequence of the Ameri-
can vote. The popular vote was 1,8:W,1(>9 for Buchanan, 1,841,2(>4 for
76 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
Fremont, and 874,534 for Fillmore. The electoral vote was 174 for
Buchanan and Breckinridge, 114 for Fremont and Dayton, and 8 for
Fillmore and Donnelson. During the Adminstration, thus chosen,
the political complexion of Congress was as follows:
Thirty-fifth Congress.
Senate — Democrats, 39; Republicans, 20; Americans, 5.
House — Democrats, 131; Republicans, 1)2; Americans, 14.
Thirty-sixth Congress.
Senate — Democrats, 3S; Republicans, 2(5; Americans, 2.
Housi* — Demo<rats, KH ; Rei)ubli<ans, 103; Independents, 13.
The moral etfect of the election made it almost a Republican
victory, for if a new i>arty could at its first general election, carry
New York by 80,000 i)lurality, and all of New England and the North-
west by large majorities, while the Democrats carried Indiana and
Pennsylvania by such narrow margins, it was easy to see that the
battle for **Free Soil, Free Speech and Free Men," would sp(*edily be
won.
In Michigan the campaign rivaled that of 1840 in excitenuent.
(T(»n(»ral Cass recognized the fact that his political future was at stake,
and uuide desi)erate efforts to regain the State to the Democracy.
He made nmny speeches himself and brought into the State some of
the most noted Democratic orators in tlu* country. Immense mass
meetings were held at Kalamazoo, Battle Cr(*ek, Centerville and other
places. John Yan Bur(»n, of New York, was then counted a prin(*e
among campaign orators, and he and General Cass together stumped
Southern Michigan. The following distinguished speakers also took
part in the campaign: Jesse D. Bright, of Indiana, then President of
the Senate; Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York; John C. Breckinridge
and Colonel Preston, of Kentucky; Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois,
with (1. Y. N. Lothrop, Charles E. Stuart, Robert McClelland, John
Yan Arman and Flavins J. Littlejohn, of Michigan.
The Republicans rivaled the Democrats in the number and magni-
tude of their meetings. Abraham Lincoln was one of their speakers,
although they depended mainly upon the brilliant array of home
talent which the party in Michigan otferc*d. As the campaign neared
its end it became evident that the Michigan Democracy was in its
death throes. The vote of the State was as follows: Fremont,
71,702; Buc^hanan, 52,130, and Fillmore, 1,000. The Republicans
elected all four Congressmen, as follows: William A. Howard, Dewitt
CONVENTION AND CAMPAKIN OF 185G. 77
i\ I^ach, David S. >\*albridj^e and Henry Waldron. The Presidential
electors were Fernando ( ■. Beanian, Oliver Johnson, Harmon C-hani-
berlin, W. H. Withey, Chauneey H. Millen and Thomas J. Drake.
Hut its most important achievement in this election was the choice of
a Legislature which elected Zachariah Chandler to succeed I^wis
i'ass in the United States Senate. Mr. Chandler was for more than
twenty years thereafter the most consi)ieuous figure in Michigan
history and politics. It was during the next four years also that
Michigan Republicans commenced the election of those four illus-
trious Jurists, Campbell, Christiancy, Cooley and Graves, who, for
many years, gave wide fame to the Michigan Supreme Court. At
this election Kinsley S. Bingham was re-elected Governor, by a vote
of 71,402, against 54,085 for Alpheus Fel<*h, Democrat.
VI.
PRESIDENT Hr( HAXANS ADMINISTRATION.
A Fresh Shock to the North— The Dred Seott Deeision— Its Effect
Was to Nationalize Slavery — The De<lsioii Known to the Presi-
dent in Advanei* — The ('olor(»d People Not Citizens Nor Possessed
of Rii^hts Which tlie White Men Were Bound to Re8i)eet — The
Hlack Men Not Thought of Except as Property — The John Brown
Raid and Its Etfect rj)on the South — Character and Career of
Brown — The (Jreat Debates B(*tw(»en Lincoln and Douj^las — I^st
Successful Opposition to Internal Improvements — A Prophetic
Utterance.
The Administration of President Buchanan did not do anythinji;
to allay the excitement in the North. His influence in Kansas affairs
was steadily exerted in favor of th(» Pro-Slavery <laims, and of fraudu-
lent elections and disorders.
At the very openinji: of his administratitm the North received a
still jj:reater shock in a Supreme Court decision, the intent of which
was to carry slavery into all tlH» territories. Dred Scott, a neji^ro, was,
in l.KU, held as a slave in Missouri by Dr. Emerson, an army surgeon.
In that year Dr. Emerson was transferrt^d to Rock Island, 111., which
was a Free State, and took his slave with him. Two years later he
was sent to Fort Snelling, in what is now Minnesota, which was also
fr(M» territory. He there bought a black woman, who was afterwards
married to Dred Scott. Two <hildren wt*re born to this slave couple,
Eliza, on a Mississippi steamboat. North of the Missouri line, and
Lizzie, at Jetferson Barracks, in Missouri. The entire family was
afterwards sold to John A. H. Sanford, of the City of New York.
Dn'd Scott brought suit for his freedom on the claim that his
uuister, by taking him into a Fr(»e State, had lost the right to his
services. The Circuit Court of St. Louis County rendered judgment
in his favor. This was revtM'sed by the Missouri Supreme Court,
and the <ase was appealed to the Sujireme Court of the T^nitt^d States.
PRESIDENT BUC^flANAN^S ADMINISTRATION. 79
It was heard in May, 1854. It was understood that a derision would
be rendered early in 1856, but on account of the pending Presidential
election, judgment was deferred until the next session of the Court.
It is now quite generally believed that if the decision had been
rendered before the Presidential election, it would have reversed the
result of that contest, and that the political wisdom of a partisan
court dictated the withholding of the decision.
The opinions in the case had not been made public when Mr.
Buchanan was inaugurated. Rut a paragraph in his inaugural
address indicates that he had been privately informed of their scope.
In that address he said: **What a happy conception was it for
Congress to apply the simple rule that the will of the majority shall
govern in the settlement of the question of domestic slav<»ry in the
territories. Congress is neither to legislate slavery into any Terri-
tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people
thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic- institutions
in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the T'nited
States. As a natural consequence Congress has already prescribed
that when the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State, it
shall be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their
Constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission. A differ-
ence of opinion has arisen in regard to the ])oiut of time when the
people of a Territory will deride this <iuestion for themselves. This
is hai)pily a matter of but little ijractical importance. Resides it is
a judicial question which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court
of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is
understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision in
common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit."
The decision came a few days later, rendered by Chief Justi<*e
Roger R. Taney, six of the other Judges concurring in the main
opinion, though dissenting on some other points. Judge Taney com-
menced by denying to Dred Scott, or to any person whose ancestors
were imported into this country, any right to sue in a Court of the
United States. He said: *The question before us is whether the
class of persons, described in the plea in abatement, compose a portion
of this people and are constituent members of this sovereignty. We
think they are not included, and were not intended to be included,
under the word citizens in the Constitution, and can therefore claim
none of the rights and privileges which that instrument provides for
and secures to citizens of the United States. On the contrary they
80 HISTOKV OF THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY.
wons at that time, considered as a subordinate and inferior class of
beinj^s, who had been subjuji;ated, and whether emaneii>ated or not,
vet remained siibje<t to their authority, and had no riglits or privi-
U*g(»s but sueh as tliose wlio held the power and the government
might choose to grant them." He then went on to sa^', not only
that no perst)ns, who had bet*n or whose ancestors had been slaves,
were regarded as citizens i)reviously to or at the time of adopting the
Federal Constitution, but that no State has or can have any right to
conftT ( itizenship on such jjersons.
This was a sufficient-
ly strong denial of
rights to the col-
oriHi people, but the
following paragraph
tomhed Northern sen-
t i m e n t much more
strongly: ''It is diffi-
<*ult, at this day, to
realize the state of pub-
lic o]>inion in relation
to that unfortunate
nice, which prevailed
in the civilized and
enlightened portions of
the world at the time
of the Declaration of
1 n d e p e n d ence, and
when the Constitution
of the Ignited States
was framed and adopt-
ROGKR B. TANEY. ^.(i, ^Ut the pubMc
history of ev<Ty European nation disjilays it in a manner too plain
to be mistaken. Th(\v had, for more than a century before, been
regarded as lH»ings of an inferior order, and altogether unlit to asso-
ciate with the white nice, and so far inferior that they had no rights
which a white man was bound to respect, and that the negroes might
justly and lawfully be rtnluced to slavery for his benefit.''
In still another paragraph he made an argument against any
applicati<m. to the negro slave, of the language of the preamble to the
Declaration of Independence, wherein life, liberty and the pursuit of
PRESIDENT lUK^HANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. 81
happiness are pronouneed the inalienable rij^hts of all men. In the
course of this argument he said: "The unhappy black race were sep-
arated from the white by indelible marks and laws, long before
established, and were never thought of, except as property, and when
the claims of the owner or the profit of the trader were supposed to
need protection. This state of public opinion had undergone no
change when the Constitution was adopted, as is equally evident from
its provisions and language."
Justice Taney further argued, at considerable length, that Dred
Scott, being a negro, and descended from slaves, had no standing in
the Court, and that the Court had no authority in the premises, yet
he immediately proceeded to take jurisdiction. He quoted that clause
of the Constitution which says: '^Congress shall have power to
dispose of and make all rules and regulations respecting the territory
or other property of the United States." He asserted that this
ap]>lied only to such territory as belonged to the United States at the
time the Constitution was framed, and that the territory covered by
the Missouri Restriction, having all been acquired since that time,
was not subject to this iirovision.
He further aflirmed that by the mere fact of our acquiring terri-
tory, the (tovernment and the citizen both enter it under authority of
the Constitution; that is to say that the Constitution takes effect upon
any territory the frovernment may acquire, in such way that any
slave-holder may at on<e take his slaves thither and hold them as
[>roperty. Fie denied the power of Congress to negative this right,
and nullified the Missouri Restriction in the following announcement:
"Upon thes(» conditions, it is the oi)inion of the Court that the Act of
Congress which prohibited a citizen from holding property of this
kind in th(» TtM-ritory of the United States, North of the line therein
mentioned, is not warranted by the Constitution, and it is therefore
void; and that neith(*r Dred Scott hims(»lf, nor any of his family, were
made free by being carried into territory, even, if they had been
carried there by the owner, with the intention of becoming a perma-
nent resident."
Dred Scott's freedom had bec*n further claimed on the ground
that he had been taken, by his master, into the Free State of Illinois,
and there kejjt for two or three years; but the Chief Justice disposed
of this by saying that it was a matter to be adjudged by the Court of
Missouri alone. It was not projjerly before the Supreme Court.
Having thus played rather fast and loose with the whole question of
82 HISTORY OF THE REPl BLK AN PARTY.
jurisdictiou, he concluded his decision as follows: "Tpon the whole,
therefore, it is the judjjjnieut of this Court, that it appears by the
record before us, that the plaintiff in error is not a <itizen of Missouri,
in the sense in which that word is used in the Constitution, and that
the Circuit Court of the I'nited States, for that reason, had no juris-
diction in the case, and could <::ive no judpnent in it. Its judgment
for the defendant must, consequently, be reversed, and a mandate
issued, directing the suit to be dismissed for want of jurisdiction."
The judgment of the Chief Justice was con<urred in, in most of
its conclusions, by six of the Associate Judges, the only ones dissent-
ing being Justices McLean, of Ohio, and Curtiss, of Massachusetts.
Three of the Associate Justices, Wayne, of Georgia; Daniel, of Vir-
ginia, and Campbell, of Alabanui, concurred with the Chief Justice in
all his conclusions. Justi<e Catron, of Tennessi*c, took the curious
ground that Congress had the power to govern the territories, but at
the same time that slave-holders had the right, without reference to
Acts of Congress, to take their slaves into the territories. Tlie con-
clusions of Justice Nelson, of New York, and (Jrier, of IVnnsylvania,
involved the absurdity that Congress might legislate slavery into the
territories, but could not prohibit it.
Justi<e Daniel, of Virginia, took this extreme ground: **Now the
following are truths which a know ledge of the history of the world,
and j)articularly that of our own country, compels us to know, that
the Afri<an negro race have never b(*en acknowledged as belonging to
the family of nations; that, as amongst them, there never has been
known or recognized by the inhabitants of other countries anything
partaking of the character of nationality, or civil or i)olitical polity;
that this race has been, by all the nations of Europe, regarded as
subjcH-ts of capture or purchase, as subjects of commerce or traffic;
and that the introduction of that race into every section €)f this
country was not as members of <ivil or political society, but as slaves,
as projierty, in the strictest sense of the term.''
The logical result of the various opinions, tilc»d by the majority of
the Justices, was that any slave-owner might take his property into
a FrcH^ State and hold it there, and it fairly justitied the boast of
Robert Toombs that he would yet call the roll of his slaves under the
shadow of Bunker Hill Monument.
The Northern indignation at these utterances of the Supreme
Court Justices was not at all mitigated by a consideration of the
composition of the Court itself. A majority of the members were
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. S^
from the South, and they, as well as their associates from the North,
had generally been appointt^d for political reasons, and not on account
of any special qualifications for a judicial position.
Hut if the Northerners were aroused to indignation at this judi-
cial subversion of the Constitution, the South was put into a condition
of alarm and wrath, by the Jolin Hrown attack upon the arsenal at
narp(*r's Ferry, Virginia, in 1851). This remarkable man, who with
seventeen white and five negro associates, startled and astounded the
whole? country, luid already had a very stirring career in Kansas. Of
his character, his follower and biographer, Jas.Kedpath, said: **It has
been asserted that he was a member of tlie Republican party. It is
false. He despised the Rei)ublican party. It is true that, like every
Abolitionist, he was oi)i)o8ed to tlu* extension of slavery; and like the
majority of Anti-Slavery men, in favor, also, of organized political
action against it. Hut he was too earnest a num, and too devout a
Christian, to rest satisfied with the only action against slavery consist-
ent with one's duty as a citizen according to the usual Republican
interpretation of the Federal Coustitution. It teaches that we must
content ourselves with resisting the extension of slavery. Where the
Republicans said *Halt/ flohn Hrown shouted 'Forward, to the rescue!'
He was an Abolitionist of the Hunker Hill school. He followed
neither Oarrison nor Seward, Gerrit Smith nor Wendell Phillips; but
the Golden Rule and the Declaration of Indei)enden<e, in the spirit
of the Hebrew warriors, and in the God-apjilauded mode that they
adopted.'' Redpath visited one of John Hrown's camps in Kansas,
and gives this account of what he h»arned there: "In this camp, no
manner of profam* language was permitted; no man of immoral char-
acter was allowed lo stay, (»xcept as a jirisoner of war. He niadi*
l>rayers, in which all the comi)any united, ev(»ry morning and evening,
and no food was ever tasted by his men until the Divint* blessing had
bec*n ask(Ml on it. After every meal, thanks were returned to the
Bountiful (fiver.
"Often, I WHS told, tin* old man would retire to the densest soli-
tudes and wrestle with his (lod in secr(»t prayer. One of his comi)any
subsequently inform(»d me that, aft(*r these retirings, he would say
that the Ix)rd had directed him, in visions, what to do; that, for
himstOf, he did not love warfare*, but peace, only acting in obedience to
the will of the Lord, and fighting God's battles for his children's sake.
It was at this time that the old man said to me: *I would rather
have the snmll-pox, >ellow-fever and cholera all together in my camp,
84 HISTORY OF THE KErrBLl(\\N PARTY.
than a man without principh^s. It's a mistake, sir,' he continued,
*that our people make, when they think that bullies are the best
fijjjhters, or that they are the men fit to oppose these Southerners,
(live me men of j^jood prin<iples. God-fearing men, and men who
respe<t themselves, and, with a dozen of them, I will oppose any
hundred sueh men as the Ruford ruffians.' I remained in the eanip
about an hour. Never before had 1 met sueh a band of men. They
were not earnest, luit earnestness in<arnate. Six of them were John
Hrown's sons."
Brown's entran<e into Kansas atfairs eame about in this way.
His four old(»st sons mij::rated from Ohio to that Territory and settled
in Lykens County, in the Southern \n\rX of the State, and not far from
the Missouri border. They were here so harrassed, insulted and
plundered that they found they could not live without arms, and wrote
to the ir father to that elTeet. He procurtMl a supply and went with
them. He at once orpmized snuill bauds of men to resist the aggres-
sions of the Missouriaus. His first exploit was in a skirmish at
Rlai k Jack, of which the records are scant. His second was the
battle of Osawatomie, whi<h gav(» him the nauu» Osawatomie Brown,
Here, with thirty men skillfully posted under cover, he met a force of
500 Missouriaus, kill(»d -12 and wounded 50 more, and held them at
bay until his ammunition was exhausted, when he made a safe retreat,
having lost only fivt» uu*n. There were enough other exploits of this
kind to make his name a terror to the Missouriaus and to partly
account for tlu' <-onst(Mnation which his later and larger venture
caused.
When Brown finally left Kansas he picked up twelve slaves in
going through Missouri, brought them to Detroit, whence they were
pass(*d over to Canada. He then went East to juepare for his scheme
of freeing the slaves in the South, to which lie thought visions from
th(» Lord had directed him. The first movement in this s<heme, the
occupation of Harper's Ferry, was arranged with great ability and
with equally great boldness. lirown's for<e consisted of seventeen
whit<» men and five negroes. This handful of men, on the night of
the 15th of October, qui(»tly ent<»red Harper's Ferry, and took pos-
session of the arniory buildings, which were guard(*d by only thrive
watchmen, who were seized and ])lact»d in the guard-house. Then
the watchmen at (he Potomac bridge were ca])tured and secured. At
a quarter past one the \Yestern train, on the Baltimore & Ohio
Riiilroad arrived, and found the bridge guarded by armed men.
PRESIDENT RI'CHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. 85
Almost simultaneously with the detention of the train, the house of
Colonel Lewis W. Washington was visited bv Brown's men, under
('aptain Stevens, who seized liis arms and horses, and liberated his
slaves. Every male citizen who ventured into the street during the
rest of tlie night, was captured and confined in the armory, until the
number of prisoners was between 40 and 50. Out* of the workmen
asked by what authority the arsenal had been seized, and was told:
'*By the authority of Almighty (iod.-' Every wM)rknmn who
ai)proached the armory, as day dawned, was seized and imjirisoned.
By H o'clock the number of prisoners exceeded 00. Soon after
daybreak the fight began, and a grocer, named Boerly, was killed by
the return fire from the army of occupation. Soon afterward one of
Brown's sons, Walter, was mortally wounded by a shot fired by some
Virginians, who had obtain(»d jmssession of a rcxmi overlooking the
armory gates. The alarm was si)read over the surrounding country,
and at noon a militia force, consisting of 100 men, arrived from
C'harlestown, the County Seat, and were so disi)osed as to command
every available exit from the armory. The attacking force was
rapidly augmented and the fight was continucMl, another of Brown's
sons, Oliver, meeting the fat(» of his brother earlier in the day. The
assailants being in overwhelming force, I^rown retreated to the
engine house, where he succei^ded in repulsing them, with a loss to
the Virginians of two killed and six wounded. Night found in
Brown's force only three un wounded whites besides hinii^jelf. Eight
of his men w(*re alr<»ady d(»ad, another was dying, two were captives,
mortally wounded, and one* was a j)risoner unhurt. A party, sent
out to capture slave-holders and liberate slaves early in the day, was
absent. They fled during the night through Maryland, into Pennsyl-
vania, but most of them were ultimately taken. It was not till the
next morning that the engine house was captured by a force of United
States Marines, two of the Marines being wounded. Brown was
struck in the face by a saber, and knocked down. After he fell the
old man rtMeived two bayonet thrusts at the hands of an infuriated
soldier. Brown and the r(»st of his little band, who fell into the hands
of the Virginians, were tried and executed at the Town of Charles-
town, all of them dying with calm and unflinching courage. The
invasion was a mad scheme, with a tragic (hiding, but it has been im-
mortalized in song and story, in every land where the sjurit of liberty
is cherished.
The event took on some ])oliti<al imj»ortance on account of
attempts in both Houses of Congress to fasten the n^sponsibility
80 HISTORY OF THE REPIBLirAN TARTY.
upon the Republican party, and to make out that it was one of many
sueh movements planned. Rut the (•harji:e was so manifestly absurd,
that it made little impression either on Congress or the people.
During this Administration a more j)eaceful event, but one of
the greatest [K)litical imj)ortan<e, occurred. This was the series of
joint debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas.
The ability and fame of the sp(»akers, their ehMpience in oratory, and
their skill in argument, made the debates subjects of interest in
advance, and tlu\v were fully reportcnl. The joint debates were seven
in number, all at towns
in the interior of Hli-
nois, though the men
had j)r(*viously been
matched against each
other a number of times
i n C h i c a g o. They
serv(Hl to clear up the
issues as between the
parties. They also bad
wide-reaching i)ersonal
(Effects, for they showed
that Douglas was not
extreme enough to suit
the South, pla<-iHl Lin-
coln side by side with
\\'illiam H. Seward as
an exponent of ad-
vanced A nti - Slavery
sentiment, and made
him at on<e an availa-
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. ],\^. I^residcutial candi-
date. In one of his noted speeches. Steward sjmke of the
slavery question as an "irrej^ressible conflict," an expression which
was widely quoted. In his first speech during the cami)aign, Lincoln
had already given broader (^xju'ession to the same id(»a, in the follow-
ing i)hras(»s, whi<h be<amc familiar the country over: **1 believe
this government < annot endure jiermancntly half slave and half free.
1 do not expect the Union to be dissolvcnl, 1 do not (»xpect the house to
fall, but I do expect fhat it will <M»ase lo Im* divided. It will become
all one thing or all the other. EithcM- the oppon(*nts of slavery will
PRESIDENT BITCH AN AN'S ADMINISTRATION. 87
arrest the further spread of it, and phiee it where the public mind
sliall r(»8t in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction,
or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful
in all the states, old as well as new. North as well as South,"
In the election which followed the Republicans carried the State
on the general ticket, but owing to the manner in which it had been
districted the Democrats had a majority in the legislature and
Douglas was re-electtMl to the Senate. When the result was known,
one of the Republican leaders in Illinois remarked: "We have lost
a Senator, but we have nmde a President.'* Plans to bring Mr.
Lincoln forward as a candidate for the Presidency began to develop
very soon afterwards.
There was one contest in the Congresses of Mr. Buchanan's
Administration which i)os8essed more significance than has ordinarily
b(K*n given it, and which was of 8i)ecial interest to Michigan. This
was the contest, extending through thriH^ sessions, over an appropria-
tion for dtK^peniug the artificial channel at St. Clair Flats. The
existing channel was 150 feet wide and 0 feet deep, and w^as entirely
inadequate to the needs of navigation. Senator Chandler introduced
a bill for an appropriation of 155,000, to enlarge and deepen the canal,
and fought for it with great persistency. It passed once, but was
vetoed by President Buchanan, and was defeated, in one House or the
other, several times. In closing his remarks on one of these occasions
Mr. Chandler demanded the yeas and nays and add(»d: "I want to
see who is friendly to the great Northwest, and who is not, for we are
about making our last pray(»r here. The time is not far distant
when, instead of <()ming here and begging for our rights, we shall
extend our hands and take the blessing. After 1860 we shall not be
here as beggars." This proved to be prophetic, for when the Senate
was reorganized in 1801, Mr. Chandler was made Chairman of the
^'ommittee on (^ommerce, and one of the first bills he reported called
for an appro]iri(ition for this improvement. Under this the first
work was done for enlarging that magnificent water-way, which
carri(»s a larger tonnage than that entering the port either of Liver-
pool or New York. The vva\ significance of the contest over this
measure is that it was the last attempt of the Democrats to maintain
their traditional doctrine of hostility to internal improvements.
They could no longer resist the spirit of modern progress; and from
that day to this, riv(*r and harbor appropriation bills have been a
feature of nearly every Congr(*ss.
88 HI8TORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
The House at the opening of the XXXVIth Congress, witnessed
a contest, petty in itself, but significant as showing the sensitiveness
of the Southerners on the slavery question. Hinton Rowan Helpi^r
had written a book on "The Impending Crisis. How to Meet It."
The book was largely statistical, and was intended to show that
slavery was detrimental to the best interests of the South itself, but
it gave great offence to that section. Galusha A. Grow and John
Sherman had endorsed the book, the latter without reading it. Both
were candidates for the Speakership, and on the first day of the
session John B. Clark, of Missouri, introduced a preamble and resolu-
tion, declaring that the book was ^insurrectionary and hostile to the
domestic peace and tranquillity of the country; and that no Member of
the House, who has endorsed and recommended it, or the compend
from it, is fit to be Speaker of this House." By obtaining the floor
and talking and reading documents in support of his resolution, Mr.
Clark managed to defer the second ballot for Speaker till the third
day of the session. This sort of trilling over the John Brown raid
and Helper's book continued for eight w(H»ks, with occasional ballot-
ings for Speaker. Sherman, on all the latest ballots came within
three or four votes of an election, but at last i>eremptorily withdrew,
and Mr. Pennington, a new member, was elected. The result of this
eight weeks of boys' i)lay was the gratuitous advertisement of a book
whi<'h the Southerners detested, and the election of a poor Speaker.
The Michigan ele<tion that occurred during the Buchanan Admin-
istrati(jn did not furnish as large Republi<*an majorities as in 185G,
but w(M*e still satisfactory. At the election in 185S, Moses Wisner
was chosen Governor by a vote of (55,202, against 50,067 for Stuart,
Democrat. The Congressmen elected were: William A. Howard,
Francis W. Kellogg, Dewitt C. Leach and Henry Waldron, all Repub-
licans. The Legislature chosen at this election elected Kinsley S.
Bingham United States Senator, thus making the Michigan delegation
in both Houses unanimously Republican for the first time.
VII.
THE SE(\)X1) NATIONAL CONVENTION.
The Douglas DemoiTats and the Heceders From the Charleston Con-
vention— The Republicans Meet at C'hicago in High Hopes —
Immense Gathering at the Wigwam — All the Fret* States and Six
Slave States Represented — Some of the Distinguished Men
Present — Joshua R. Oiddings and the Declaration of Independ-
ence— A Ringing Platform Adopted — Seward P^irst Choice of a
Majority of the Delegates — Inlluences that Operated Against
Him — Necessity of Carrying the Middle States— Dramatic Scene
When Lincoln Was Nominated — Disappointmt^nt of Michigan
Republicans — Strong Nomination for Vi<;e-Pr(*sident.
It became evident early in IHiO thait Stephen A. Douglas was the
rhoire for President of a majority of the lJemo( rats, but that the men
of extreme Southern views were pr(»pared to resist his nomination by
every means in their power. The Convention met in Charleston,
S. C., April 23, \H(M)j and had a stormy session of ten days. Heated
discussions were had over the platform, during which the delegates,
(»ither in whole or in part, fnmi several of the Southern states retired
from the (Jonvention. Fifty-seven ballots were had for President,
in all of which Mr. Douglas had a majority, but in none of which did
he have the requisite two-thirds. The Convention then adjourned
to meet at Baltimore on the 18th of June. Meantime the seceders
had held a four days' session, adojitcHl a platform, aind adjourned to
m«H*t at Richmond, Va., June 11.
It was under these circumstances that the Republican Convention
met at Chicago, May 16. The party was full of high ho))es, was
stronger than ever before in the Northern states, and there was every
prospect that the Democrats would continue to be divided, both
North and South. The Republirans in the (election of ISHfi, had
90 HISTORY OF THE REPI BLICAN PAUx . .
barely lost Pennsylvania and Indiana, and had lost Illinois by a
larger majority. They had since then gained all three of those
states. They had carried them, all in the elections of 1859, together
with every other Northern State except ralifornia, Oregon, New York
and Rhode Island. In Oregon the vote was very close, and New
York and Rhode Island had only been carried against them by a
fusion of all tJie opposition forces. \Vithin the year the party had
gained in stre^ngth and courage, and since there was in 1860 no
])rospect of complete fusion of all the opposition, its leaders were
hoi>eful of carrying every Northern State.
There was then no permanent building in Chicago large enough
to accommodate a Convention of the magnitude of this, with a reason-
able number of outsiders, and a temporary structure, called the
Republi<-an Wigwam, was erected for the purpose. It was said to
be capable of seating 10,000 ]M*rsons, but notwithstanding its large
dimensions had such excellent acoustic properties that an ordinary
speaker could be heard throughout the whole vast space. There was
nothing to obstruct the vision, so that a i»erson sitting in any part of
the auditorium could see every other jjart of it, and there were separ-
ate doors for the ingress and egress of spectators and delegates, thus
avoiding confusion. It was crowded with enthusiastic followers of
the ditTerent candidates, and grave (piestions were discussed with
(earnestness, but it was as orderly as any large Convention ever held
in the country.
All the Free States were fully represented in the Convention, with
delegates from six slave states, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Ken-
tucky, Missouri and Texas. Like the tlrst Republican Convention at
Jackson, it brought out, in addition to old party managers, a great
many young men, who aft(»rwards beranu* <*onspicuous in public
affairs. Mr. Blaine says that not less than sixty of them, till then
unknown outside their districts, were afterwards sent to ("ongress,
while many of them became governors of states, and many others
were distinguished as soldiers in the war that followed. Like the
Jackson Convention, also, it contained men of formerly very diverse
sentiments. Abolitionists. Anti-Slavery Whigs, Conservative Whigs,
Free Democrats and a few who, not many years before, were straight-
out Democrats. The temporary Chairman was David Wilraot, of
Proviso fame, formerly an Anti-Slavery Democrat, and the perma-
nent Chairman wjis (ieorge Aslnnun, of ^lassachusetts, a Daniel
Webstt»r Whig. Both selections were receiv<»d with great enthus-
THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION. 91
iasm. Ainonp: the most distinguished delegates present were John
A. Andrew and George S. Boiitwell, of Massachusetts; William M.
Evarts and Preston King, of New York; Thaddeus Ht evens and
Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania; Thomas Corwin and Joshua R.
Giddings, of Ohio; Norman B. Judd and David Davis, of Illinois;
Francis P. Blair, of Missouri, and Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin.
The Michigan delegates were as follows: At Large — Austin
Blair, Jackson; Walton W. Murphy, Jonesville; Thomas White Ferry,
Grand Haven; J. J. St. Clair, Marquette. By Districts— First, J. G.
Peterson, Detroit, Alex. D. Crane, Dexter; Second, Jesse G. Benson,
Dowagiac, William L. Stoughton, Sturgis; Third, Francis Quinn,
Niles, Erastus Hussy, Battle Creek; Fourth, D. C. Buckland, Pontiac,
Michael T. C. Plessner, Saginaw City.
The Michigan appointments in the Convention were: Vice-Presi-
dent, Thomas W. Ferry; Secretary, William L. Stoughton; Commit-
tee on Permanent Organization, W. W. Murphy; Credentials, Francis
Quinn; Resolutions, Austin Blair. Of these the first afterwards
became Member of Congn^ss and United Stfites Senator; the second.
Member of Congress; the third, a Foreign Minister, and the last. Gov-
ernor and Member of Congress.
The first day's session was occupied with routine business, with
stirring speeches by the temporary and permanent Chairman. The
forenoon of the second day was taken up with consideration of the
report of the Committee on Cr(»dentials, mainly in reference to th(» d(»l-
egations from Maryland, Kentucky, Virginia and Texas.
On the second afternoon the rei)ort of the Committee on Resolu-
tions was presented. There was but little discussion upon the rejjort
which was generally acceptable, but an amendment offered by Joshua
R. Giddings, caused an excited discussion, and an animated scene.
Having obtained the floor with great difficulty, Mr. (iiddings projjosed
to add the following after the first resolution: *That we solemnly
reassert the self-evident truths that all men are endowed by their
Oeator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty
and the jmrsuit of happiness; that governments are instituted among
men to secure the enjoyment of such rights.-' **I offer this,'' said the
old man, in concluding a speech on his amendment, **becanse our jjarty
was formed upon it. It grew upon it. It has existed upon it, and
when you leave out this truth you leave out the party." Notwith-
standing this, his amendment was voted down. At the announcement
of the vote by which it was lost, Giddings rose and slowly made his
92 HISTORY OF THE REPT'BLICAN PARTY.
way toward the door. The Convention had voted down the Declara-
tion of Independence; the doctrine of the fathers had been repudiated;
and he seceded. Bnt the cause he had left behind him was taken up
and championed by (Jeorjct* William Curtis, of New York, who sue-
<eeded after a little in j^ettinp: the floor and offering as an amendment
the words that linally stood as Section 2 of the resolutions. In
supporting this amendment, ^Ir. Curtis said: **I have to ask this
Convention whether they are prepared to go ui)on the record and
before the country as voting down the words of the Declaration of
Independence? I have,
sir, in the amendnijent
whi<h I have intro-
duced, (|uoted simply
and only from the Dec-
laration of Indejiend-
ence. Bear in mind
that in Philadelphia, in
lS5ri, the Convention of
this same great party
were not afraid to an-
nounce those principles
by which alone the Re-
publiran party lives,
and upon which alone
the future of this coun-
try in the hands of the
Republican party is
^ -M ' ^ passing. Now, sir, I
ask gentlemen gravely
to consider that in the
josHT'A R. GiDDiNGS. inueudment which I
hav(» i)roposcd, I have done nothing that the soundest and safest man
in all the land might not do: and I rise simply — for I am now sitting
down — I rise simply to ask gentlemen to think well before, upon the
free prniries of the West, in th(» Summer of 1800, they dare
to wince and quail befon* the men who, in 1776, in Philadel-
phia, in th(^ Arch-Keystone State, so amply, so nobly represented
upon tliis platform today, before they dare to shrink from repeating
the words that these great men enuu<-iat(Ml.'' Mr. Curtis' plea
THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION. IKi
carried tbe day, and his amendment was adopted. The platform in
full was as follows:
RE80LVEI), That we, the deleji:ated representatives of the
Republican electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, in
discharjre of tbe duty we owe to our constituents and our country,
unite in the following declarations:
1. That tbe history of the nation, during the last four years, has
fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and
perjietuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which
called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now\ more
than ever before, demand its y)eaceful and Constitutional trmmph.
2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the
Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitu-
tion, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights gov-
ernments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from
the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our
republican institutions; and that the Federal (^)nstitution, the rights
of the States and the X'nion of theStates, must and shall b(» preserved.
H. That to the union of the states this Nation owes its unprece-
dented increase in population, its surprising development of material
resourr(»s, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home and
its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion,
come from whatever source they nmy; and we congratulate the
rountry that no Republican Member of Congress has utt<*red or coun-
tenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Demo<-ratic
members, without rebuke and with apjjlause from their political asso-
j-iates; and we denounce those threats of disunicm, in case of a popular
overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital princii)les of a
fret* governm(*nt, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it
is the imperative duty of an indignant peojjle to rebuke and forever
silence.
4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and
e8i)ecially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic
institutions a<*cording to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to
that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our
political fabric depends: and we denounce the lawless invasion, by
armed force, of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under
what pretext, as annrng the grav(*at of crimes.
5. That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded
our worst appreh(»nsions, in its measureless subserviency to th(» exac-
tions of a secticmal interest, as especially evinced in its desperate
exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the pro-
testing people of Kansas; in construing the personal relations between
master and servant to involve an unqualified projjerty in persons; in
its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the
94 IllSTOKY OF THE KEPrBLKWN PARTY.
intervention of ( 'onj^ress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme
pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its general and unvary-
ing abuse of the power entrusted to it by a <ontiding people.
6. That the people justly view witli alarm the reckless extrava-
gance which [jervades every department of the Ft^deral Government;
that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to
arrest the systematic jdunder of the public treasury by favored parti-
sans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and
corruptions at the Federal metrojiolis show that an entire change of
administration is imperatively demanded.
7. That the new dognm, that the Constitution, of its own force,
carries slavery into any or all of the I'nited States, is a dangerous
political heresy, at variance with the explicit jirovisions of that instru-
ment itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative
and Judicial [)nMedent — is revolutionary in its tendency, and subver-
sive of the peace and harmony of the country.
8. That the nonnal condition of all the territory of the I'nited
States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they
had abolished slavery in our National territory, ordained that "no
person shall be deprived of life, liberty or projierty without due
proc(\ss of law,'' it becomes our duty, by l(»gislation. whenever such
legislation is ne<essary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution
against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of
Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individimls, to give
legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the I'nited States.
U. That we brand the re<ent reopening of the African slav<»
trad(^ under the cover of our National flag, aided by perversions of
judicial power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to
our <ountry and age, and we <all u])on Congress to take promjit and
efl[1<ient m(»asures for the total and final suppression of that execra-
ble traffic.
10. That in the rec(*nt vetoes, by their Federal governors, of the
Acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery
in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted
Democratic ])rinci])le of non-intervention and popular sovereignty,
embodied in the Kansas-Nel)raska bill, and a demonstration of the
deception and fraud involved therein.
11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a
State under the Coustitution recently formed and adoj^ted by her
peo)»le and accepted by the IIous(^ of Repiesentatives.
12. That while providing for the su]>port of the general govern-
ment by duties u])on imports, sound ])olicy requires such an
adjustuKMit of these imports as to encourage the development of the
industrial interest of the whole country: and we commend that policy
of National exchanges whi<h secures to the workingmen liberal wagers,
to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers
an adequate* reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the
Nation commercial prosperity and independ(»nce.
THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION. 95
13. That we protest aj?ainst any sale or alienation to others of
the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the
homestead policy which regards the* settlers as paupers or supplicants
for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of the
complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already
passed the House.
14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our
naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of
citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall
be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving full and efficient pro-
tection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or nat-
uralized, both at home and abroad.
15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor
improvements of a National character, required for the accommoda-
tion and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the
(.■onstitution and justified by the obligations of government to protect
the lives and property of its citizens.
16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively
demanded by the interest of the whole country; that the Federal Gov-
ernment ought to render immediate and eflficient aid in its
construction; and that as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail
should be promptly established.
17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and
views, we invite the co-o])eration of all citizens, however differing
on oth<'r questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance
and support.
Nominations were the order of business for the third day, and
were awaited with int(»n8e interest, not only in Chicago, where people
had been wrought u]) to a high pitch of excitement by the Convention
and its surroundings, but throughout the country. William H.
Seward was gen(»rally regarded as the strongest man. He had been
among the first to take the advanced position on the slavery question
to which the party had now attained. He was an attractive speaker
and had b«H*n on the stump, at different times, in many of the states,
and his y>osition in the United States Senate had made him conspicu-
ous. He was a good ]>olitician, as well as a statesman, and he had
been for years in close alliance with Thurlow Weed, one of the most
astute politicians in the country. Probably two-thirds of the dele-
gates were in favor of Seward when they were chosen, and much
more than half of them were of the same way of thinking at the end
of the first day's work in the Convention.
The only other candidate who was regarded as at all formidable
was Abraham Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln was regarded as a possibility for
})G
HISTOKY OF THE REPl HLirAN PARTY.
the Ti-esidential noniiiiatiou from the time of the eleition following
his debates with Douglas iu 1858. His Cooper Institute speech in
New York in 18r)l), was made in furtherance of such candidacy, and it
<ertainly created a favorable s<*ntiment for him in the East, but it
was generally thought that his time had not yet come.
But tlu^re wer(» several movements, some of them entirely unex-
pected, that worked against Mr. Seward. Five of the states had put
forward favorite sons. These were Pennsylvania, with Simon
Cameron; Ohio, with Salmon P. Chase; Missouri, with Edward Bates;
New Jersey, with Wm.
L. Dayton, and Ver-
m out wit h Jacob
Col lamer. These rep-
resented an uncertain
quantity of 140 votes.
It was not expected
that any of them would
be of any use, in the
end, to their own
candidate, but no
one could tell where
they would go when
it came to the determin-
ing ballot.
Wm. H. Seward,
Thurlow Weed and
Horace Greeley domin-
ated the Whig party in
New York in its latest
days and the Republi-
ran party in the same
State in its earliest days. But, about this time Greeley became dis-
satislied with the combination, announced in the Tribune the
dissolution of i\w political firm of Seward, Weed and Gr(*eley, and
used the Tribune, as w(»ll as his personal influence, in opposition to
Seward's nomination. The rule did not then prevail in Republican
conventions that a d(»legat(» must be a resident of the State, and Dis-
tri<t, which he re)>r(»s(»nted, and Mr. Greeley, who could not get
appoint<Hl on the N(»w York delegation, appeared in the Convention as
a delegate from Oregon. His candidate* was PMward Bates, of Mis-
WILT.IAM H. SP:WARD.
THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION. 97
souri, but he wub ready for any other candidate that eould beat
Seward.
But there was another set of influences that operated much more
stronj!:iy against Seward, cominj^ from, two of tlie close states. In
Pennsylvania Andrew G. (^urtin had been nominated for Governor
by a People's Convention, the party not even assuming the name
liepublican. The i»arty seems to have lost the virility that marked
it in 1850. It now contained a powerful "American" element, and
American organizations still existed in Philadelphia and some other
counties. Curtin
questioned whether this
element would follow
Seward, but thought it
might follow any of the
other candidates
named. His own fate,
of course, would be
decided by the drift of
sentiment on the Presi-
dential ticket, lie and
A. K. McClure, who
was to manage his
campaign, were at Chi-
cago, and strenuously
insisted to every dele-
gation to which they
could get access, that
Seward could not carry
Pennsylvania.
A somewhat similar
state of affairs existed simon cameron.
in Indiana. Henry S. Lane had been nominated for (Jovernor, and
Oliver P. Morton for Lieutenant-(iovernor, with the understanding
that, if the ti(*ket was successful, the former would be sent to the
United States Senate, and the latter would then become Governor.
Both were profoundly interested in the suc<'ess of the ticket. There
was a considerable Am(*rican element in the State, and Seward was
not strong with that element. Both these candidates thought that
Seward's nomination meant their own d(*feat. They, with John 1).
Defrees, Chairman of the State Central (Committee, joined their
98
HIHTOKY OF THE KEPUBLKWN PARTY.
remonstrances to those of the Pennsylvania men apiinst the n(»miua-
tion of Seward. These remonstrances had i^reat weight with the
Convention, more esi)ecially as both States were lost to Fremont in
185G by very small majorities, while if he had carried them he would
have been elected.
The New York delegati(m and their friends made the most stren-
uous etforts to offset these infiuenees. There never was a <-andidate,
unless it was Henry ("lay, who had a more devoted band of supporters.
The whoh* delegation were enthusiastic and demonstrative, and the
two leaders were par-
t i c u 1 a r I y effective.
Thurlow Wei*d was one
of the most persuasive
of men. and Evarts'
e I o q u e nee attracted
crowds wherever he
spoke.
Ther(» were practi-
cally no nominating
speeihes at the Con-
vention. .Mr. Seward's
name was presented
by Wm. M. Evarts, Mr.
IJncoln's by Norman H.
Jiidd, (ren. Cameron's
by A. H. Keeder, S.
P. (Mmse's by 1). K.
Cartter, Edward Hates'
by Francis I*. Blair,
and \Vm. L. Dayton's
THiRLow WEED. by Mr. Dudley. But if
there was no stirring oratory on the jmrt of the speakers, there was
plenty of enthusiasm on th<* part of the delegates and spectators.
\Vhen Seward's name was first mentioned, a roar of applause went up
that filled the vast auditorium, and this was re])eated when Lincoln
was placed in nomination. The names of the other candidates were
chf*ered, but the cheers were as a gentle breeze to a whirlwind, when
compared to the roar that greeted Liui-oln and Seward. Opportunity
was given for a rep<*tition of these demonstrations when Indiana
seconded the nomination of Lincoln, and Michigan that of Seward.
^^^/trvt'
THE 8ECONI) NATIONAL (H)NVENTION. 99
**I tluMij^lit tho Seward veil could not be surpassed," said one of the
sfiectators, *i)ut the Lincoln boys were clearly ahead, and feeling their
victory, as there was a lull in the storm, they took deej) breaths all
round, and pive a concentrated shriek that was positively awful, and
accompanied it with stampinjr that made every plank and pillar in the
buildin^^ quiver." As the storm subsided, the balloting began, the
three ballots taken resulting as follows:
First. Second. Third.
VV'hole number of votes 4G5 465 465
Necessarv to a choice 2tV^ 233 233
Wm. H. Seward, of New York 173 1/> 184V1, 180
Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois 102 " 181 '^ 2311/2
Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania 50 V> 2
Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio! 49" 42yo 2414
Edward Bates, of Missouri 48 35 22
Wm. L. Dayton, of New Jersey 14 8 5
Jacob rollamer, of Vermont 10
Scattering 6 2 1
This brought Lincoln within one and a half votes of the nomina-
tion. The dramatic scene accompanying and following this ballot was
thus described by Murat Halstead, of the Cincinnati Commercial:
"While this ballot was taken amid excitement that tested the
nerves, the fatal defection from Seward in New England still further
api)ea red- —four votes going over from Seward to Lincoln in Massa-
chusetts. The latter received four additional votes from Pennsylvania
and fifteen additional votes from Ohio. It was whispered about:
*Tiincoln's the coming umn — will be nominated this ballot.' When
the roll of the states and territori(»s had been called, I had ceased to
give attention to any votes but those of Lincoln, and had his vote
added up as it was given. The number of votes necessary to a choice
was 233, and T saw under my i)encil, as the Lincoln column was
completed, the tigure8.231i/M — one vote and a half to give him the
nomination. Tn a moment the fact was whispered about. A hundred
pencils had told the same story. The n(»ws went over the house
wonderfully, and there was a ])au8e. There are always men anxious
to distinguish themselves on such occasions. There is nothing that
])olitician8 like b(*tter than a crisis. I looked up to see who would
be the man to give the decisive vot(». In about ten ticks of a watch
Cartter, of Ohio, was up. I had imagined that Ohio would be slippery
enough for the crisis, and sure enough! Every eye was on Cartter,
100 PIISTOKY OF THE REIMBLTCAN PARTY.
and everybody iiiulerstood the matter, as all knew what he was about
to do. He is a larj^e man, with rather striking features, a shock of
bristling;: black hair, large and shining eyes, and is terribly marked
with small-pox. lie has also an impediment in his speech, which
amounts to a stutter, and his sele<tion as Chairnmn of the Ohio dele-
gation was, considering its condition, altogether appropriate. He
had been unite noisy during the sessions of the convention, but had
never commanded, when mounting his chair, such attention as now.
He said: *l rise (eh), Mr. Chairman (eh), to announce the change of
four votes from Ohio
from Mr. Chase to Mr.
Lincoln.' The deed was
done. There was a
moment's silence. The
nerves of the thousands
w h i c h, through the
hours of suspense, had
been subje<ted to terri-
ble tension, relaxed,
and, as deep breaths of
reli(»f were taken, there
was a noise in the wig-
wam like the rush of a
great wind in the van
of a storm, and in an-
other breath the wind
was there. There were
thousands chtn^ring
with the energy of in-
sanity.
ANDREW G. CFRTIN. \ man who had
be(Mi on the roof, and was engaged in communirating the ballotings to
the mighty mass of outsiders, now demanded by gestures at the sky-
light over the stage, to know what had happened. One of the
secretaries, with a tally-sheet in his hands, shouted: *Fire the salute!
Abe Lincoln is uominattHlI' As the cheering in the wigwam subsided
we could hear that outside, where the news of the nomination had
just bec»u announced. And the roar, like the breaking up of the
fountains of the d(»ep. that was heard, gave a new impulse to the
enthusiasm inside. Then the thunder of the salute rose above the
THE SECOND NATIONAL CONVENTION.
101
din, and the shouting was repeated with snrh tremendous fury that
some discharges of tlie cannon were absolutely- not heard by those on
the stage. Puflfs of smoke, drifting by the open doors, and the smell
of gunpowder told what was going on.
^*The moment that half a dozen men who were on their chairs
making motions at the President, could be heard, they changed the
votes of their states to Mr. Lincoln. This was a mere formality, and
was a rheap way for men to distinguish tluMuselves. The proper and
orderly proceeding would have l)eini to announce the vote, and then
for a motion to have
come from New York
to make the nomination
unanimous. New York
was prepared to make
this motion, but not out
of order. Missouri,
Iowa, Kentucky, Minne-
sota, Virginia, Califor-
nia, Texas, District of
Columbia, Kansas, Ne-
braska, and Oregon
insisted upon casting
their unanimous votes
for old Abe Lincoln be-
fore the vote was read.
'AVhile the votes
were being given the
applause continued, and
a photograph of Abe
Lincoln, which hung in
one of the side rooms, iiannibal hamlin.
was brought in and held up before the surging and s(*reaming masses.
The places of the various delegations were* indicated by staffs, to
which were attached the names of the states, i)rinted in large black
letters on pasteboard. As the Lincoln (enthusiasm increased dele-
gates tore these standards of the states from their i)la<*(»s and swung
them above their heads. A rush was made to get the New York
standard and swing it with the rest, but the New Yorkers would not
allow it to be moved, and were wrathy at tlu* sugg(»stion.'^
102 HISTORY OP THE KElMJBLirAN PARTY.
After .all changes had been made, the Chairman announced the
corrected votes to be: Whole number of votes cast, 406; necessary
to a choice, 234; for Abraham Lincoln, 864.
On this announcement, Mr. Evarts, in behalf of New York, and
in a j>:raceful speech, moved to make the nomination unanimous.
This was suj)[)orted by a number of states, among them Michigan.
Mr. Seward was y^^vy popular in Michigan, where he had become
known partly through his connection with the gre.at railroad con-
spiracy cases, and partly througli the political addresses that he had
niade hen*. There was no delegation in the Convention that was
more disappointed than that from Michigan. Hut its members
accepted tlie situation, and Austin Hlair fairly n^presented them when
in supporting the nomination, he said: ''Michigan from tirst to last
has cast her vote for the great statesman from New York. She has
nothing to take back. She has not sent me forward to worship the
rising sun, but she has put me forward to say that at your behests
here today she lays down her tirst best-loved candidate to
take up yours, with some beating of heart, with some quiv-
ering of veins, but she does not fear that the fame of Seward will
sutfer, for she knows that his fame is a portion of the American Union;
it will be written and read and beloved long after the temporary
(»xcitement of this day has passed away, and when Presidents them-
selves are forgotten in the oblivion which comes over all temporal
things. We stand by him still. We have followed him with an eye
single and with unwavering faith in times past. We marshal now
behind him in the grand column which shall go out to battle for
Lincoln. Mark you, what has obtained today will obtain in Novem-
ber next. Lincoln \;ill be elected by the people. We say of our
candidate, (lod bless his magnanimous soul. I promise you that in
the State of Michigan, which I have tlie honor to represent, where the
Republican party from the days of its organization to this hour, never
sutf(*red a single def(*at, we will give you for the gallant son of Illinois,
and glorious standard-bearer of the West, a round twenty-five
thousand majority.'*
The nomination for Vice-President took but two ballots, and was
carried on with but little excitement. Tlu^re were nine candidates
voted for on the tirst ballot, of whom four rtM-eived less than 10 votes
each. T\w others were (\'issius M. (May, of Kentucky, lOiyo; N. P.
Hanks, of Massachus(*tts, *5Si/,; A. IL RcmmIcm*, of Pennsylvania, 51;
THE SErONl) NATIONAL CONVENTION. 103
John Hickman, of Ponn8>ivania, 58, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine,
11)4. The second ballot gave Hamlin 357, Clay Hil and Hickman 13.
Mr. Hamlin's nomination pive j!;reat satisfaction, and undoubt-
edly added strenjijth to the tick(*t. He was a man of sound judgment,
of unquestioned integrity, and of strong common sense. He had
been in public life long enough to be well-known to the public.
Originally a moderate Democrat, he had come over to the Republi-
<*an party on account of the drifting of the Democracy toward the
Southt»rn ideas on the slavery question. lie was in the Maine Legis-
lature tive years, served two terms in the Lower House of Congress,
was once elected Governor of his State, and at the time of the Chicago
Convention, was serving his third term in the Cnited States Senate.
The nomination for Vice-lM'esidenl was followed by the adoption
of a resolution otfered by Mr. (riddings, of Ohio: **That w^e din^ply sym-
pathize with those men who have been driven, some from their native
states, and others from the states of their adoption, and are now-
exiled from tlieir homes on account of their opinions; and we hold
tlie Democratic party responsible for this gross violation of that
clause of the Constitution, which declares that the citizens of each
State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens
in the several states."
The further proceedings consisted in the appointment of a
National Committee, of which Austin Blair was the Michigan member,
and of a small amount of other routine business. The Convention
adjourned ijuietly, but as the members journey(Ml homeward they
could see in bonfires, processions and publi<- UHH^tings a reflection of
the e^ithusiasm that had inspired their meeting.
VIII.
THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN CAMPAIGN.
The Regular Democratic and Keceders' Conventions — Nominations of
Don«:las, Breckinridjjjf* and Hell — Certainty of a Division of the
Democratic Vote — Combinations of Democrats and Constitutional
Union Men — Seward and His Friends Disappointed, Hut He Does
Good Work in the Campaign — Conservative* Appeals to Business
Men — Seward's K(*ply — A Torch Light and Parade Campaign —
Origin of the Wide Awakes — Douglas on the Stump — Fusion in
New York State — The Republicans Win and Have Hoth Houses
of Congress.
The i)romise of success which the outcome of the Chicago Con-
vention gave was rendered almost a c(»rtainty by the action of the
Conventions of the two Democratic factions which separated from
each other at Charleston. The regular Convention met in Baltimore,
June IS, and continued in session six days. It nominated Stephen A.
Douglas for I'resident, by 181 Vi: votes, to TIL' f<>i' John C. Breckin-
ridge, and oVo for James Guthrie. Benjamin Fitzpatrick was
nominated for Vice-President, receiving every vote in the Convention
but oiWy but two days latiM* he declined, and lI(MS<hel V. Johnson, of
(Jeorgia, was stibstituted in his place* by th(* National Committee.
The SecedcMs' Convention met at Richmond on the 11th of June and
adjourned to Baltimore, where John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky,
was nominated for President and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Vice-
President, both by unanimous vote.
Both Conventions declared in favor of a railroad to the Pacific
and the acquisition of Cuba, and both declared, ''That the enactments
of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful cMiforcement of the Fugi-
tive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversiAe of the Constitution
and revolutionary in their effect." On the subject of slavery in the
territori(*s, the Douglas convention resolved: ''That it is in accord-
ance* with the true int(*ri)retation of tin* Cincinnati platform that.
THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN ( AMPAIGN. 105
during the existence of the territorial governments the measure of
restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution
on the power of the Territorial Legislature ov(»r the subject
of the domestic relations as the same has been, or shall hereafter be,
finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should
be respected by all good citizens and enforced with promptness and
fidelity by every branch of the general government."
The Breckinridge Convention resolved: **That the government
of a Territory, organized by an Act of Congress, is provisional and
temporary, and during its existence all citizens of the United States
have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory,
without their rights, either of jierson or property, being destroyed or
impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation."
The Constitutional T^nion Convention nominated for President,
John Bell, of Tennessee, and for Vice-President, Edward Everett, of
Massachusetts, and adopted a platform consisting of a single plank,
as follows: "That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to
recognize no political principles other than the Constitution of the
Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws;
and that as representatives of the Constitutional Cnion men of the
country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge our-
selves to maintain, protect and defend, separately and unitedly, these
great principles of public liberty and National safety against all
enemies at home and abrojid; believing that thereby peace may once
more be restored to the country; the rights of the i)eople and of the
states re-established, and the (lovernment again placed in that con-
dition of justice, fraternity and equality, which under the example and
Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the
Ignited States to maintain a more perfect Union, establish justice,
insure domesti(; trancjuillity, provide for common defense, promote
the general welfare, and sec u re the blessings of liberty to ourselves
and our posterity."
It was not expected that this inivty would cut much of a figure
in the campaign, and it did not carry mnny electoral votes for its own
ticket, but it did give opportunity for combinations, in which it was
adroitly used by the* Breckinridge Democrats to take electoral votes
away from Douglas. From the alacrity with which some of its
leaders, including Bell himself, went into the secession movement,
there is reason to suppose that it was organizcnl for jirecisc^ly that
purpose.
106 HISTORY OF THE REPFBLTC AN PARTY.
On the Republican side the campaiji^n was opened with great
vigor. The initial step was the holding of mass meetings in the large
cities, these to be followed by County mass meetings in the country,
and by Village and School District mjeetings. The services of the
ablest men in the party were secured, to an extent hardly equaled in
any campaign since then. The leader among these was William H.
Seward, one of the best campaign orators in the country, and still the
most popular man in the Republican party, even though he was
defeated for the Presidential nomination.
Mr. Seward was bitterly disappointed at his failure to receive
the nomination, and was very chilly toward Curtin, of Pennsylvania,
and Lane, of Indiana, who had been mainly instrumental in bringing
it about. He was never on good terms with them afterwards-
Some of his most f>rominent supporters were still more distant.
Edwin I). Morgan remained (Chairman of the National (^ommittee, but
showed little interest in the 0<*tober election in Pennsylvania and
Indiana. So far as he was concerned, Curtin and Lane were allowed
to run their own campaigns. Curtin wrote in August: "I called
upon Morgan the night after the nomination was made. He treated
me civilly, but with marked coolness. 1 then calkHl on Weed, who
was very rude, indeed." Part of Weed's rudeness consisted in the
remark: ^'You have defeated the man who, of all others, was most
n»vered by the i)eople and wanted as l^resident. You and Lane want
to be elected, and to el<Mt Lincoln you must elect yourselves."
But Mr. Seward's resentment and that of his friends stopped with
these two men and their political aspirations. Seward entered
heartily into the general campaign. He not only made many
speeches in his own State, but made a political tour of the Northwest,
where h<» was everywhere enthusiastically received, and where his
addresses were not only of the highest order from an oratorical point
of view, but were convincing in argument. In lasting etfect upon the
voters his work was more etfective than that of any other campaigner.
Toward the close of the campaign strong appeals were made
against the Republican party on the ground that its success would
injure business and endanger the l^nion. Vpon the latter subject
Mr. Seward said in his closing address of the campaign, at his home
in Auburn : '* You may go with me into the streets to-night and follow
the ^Little (xiants' who go with their torch-lights and their Haunting
banners of *Poi)ular Sovereignty'; or you mny go with the more select
and modest band who go for Hreckinridg<» and slavery; or you mav
THE LINCm.N AND HAMLIN CAMPAIGN. 107
follow the music of the t-lanpnf? bells, aud strange to say, they will
bring you into one chamber. When you get there, you will hear only
this emotion of the human heart appealed to — Fear — fear that if you
elect a President of the United States, according to the Constitution
and the laws to-morrow, you will wake up the next day and find that
you have no country for him to preside over I Is not that a strange
motive for an American patriot to appeal to? And, in that same hall,
amidst the jargon of three discordant members of the 'Fusion' party
you will hear one argument, and that argument is, that so sure as you
are so perverse as to cast your vote, singly, lawfully, honestly, as you
ought to do, for one candidate for the Presidency, instead of scatter-
ing it among three candidates, so that no President may be elected,
this Union shall come down over your heads, involving you and us
in a common ruin I"
The Chairman of the Seward delegation from New York at
Chicago, Wm. M. Evarts, one of the most polished orators in th(»
country, was also conspicuous on the stumj). Salmon l\ Chase, of
Ohio, one of the pioneers in the Anti-Slavery cause, and a candidate
for the nomination at Chicago, was also very active. John A. Andrew,
of Massachusetts; George William Curtis, of New York; Galusha A.
Grow and David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania; John Sherman, of Ohio,
and Lynmn Trumbull, of Illinois, were among the other distinguished
men who took part in the campaign. In Michigan one of the most
etTectiAC speakers was Austin Blair, who had headed the delegation
to Chicago, and who afterwards gained distinction as War Governor
of the State. Mr. Lincoln, himself, remained quietly at his home in
Springfield, receiving no political delegations, holding no political
conferences, making no political speeches, and writing no political
letters, a reserve which has since ceased to be expected of Presidential
candidates.
One characteristic of the campaign was the great extension of
the brass baild and torch-light method of stirring up enthusiasm.
The Republicans were especially conspicuous in this. They had their
^'Republican Invincibles,'- ''Rail-Splitters," "Lincoln Defenders'' and
'*Wide Awakes/' but the others were finally or nearly all merged in
the latter. The Wide Awakes originated rather by accident than
by design. The Connecticut State elections were then held in the
Spring, and the canvass opened early. February 26, 1860, the first
meeting of the campaign was held at Hartford, with Cassius M. Clay,
of Kentucky, as the principal speaker, and it was arranged that, after
108 HISTORY OF THE REPT'RLirAN PARTY.
the meeting he should be escorted to his hotel by a torch-light proces-
sion. Two of the .young men who were to carry torches, in order to
protect their clothing from oil that might drop from the torches,
prepared cambric capes, which th(\v wore in connection with their
glazed caps. The marshal of the j)rocession noticed this outfit, and
placed the two young men at the front of the procession, where they
attracted nni( h attention, the utility of the outtit being no less notice-
able than its novelty. Out of this incident came the organization of
a band of fifty torch-bearers, wearing glazed caps and capes made of
oil cloth, instead of cambric. Their first appearance in parade was
when acting as i)art of an escort to Abraham Lincoln, from the hall
where he had been speaking, to his hotel, on the fifth of March, 1860,
just one year before he was inaugurated as President. The honor
of giving a name to the club belongs to William P. Fuller, for many
years since that time connected with Detroit newspapers, and still in
business in that city. In 1800, Mr. Fuller was city editor of the
Hartford Tourant, and in referring to the proposed organization of
torch-bearers, spoke of them and of the Young Men's Republican
Union, to which they were to be auxiliary, as **\Vide Awakes." The
name took, but the torch-bean^rs soon decided to appropriate it to
themselves, instead of sharing it with other organizations. The idea,
as well as the name spread, and it was not many da^s before there
was a uniformed "Wide Awake'' company in every town of any size in
Connect itut. After the Presidential campaign opened the idea was
tak(*n up in every Northern city, and wherever a torch-light proces-
sion was form(»d, then* could be seen the glazed caps and black or red
cape of the Wide Awake. Many of the comj)anies were drilled, not
only to keep step in marching, but to ])erform military evolutions.
Their organization served not cmly to put vim and enthusiasm into the
campaign, but to cement the ties of party loyalty and friendship
among the young men themselves. Some of the Southern papers
denouui-ed the Wide Awake organization as a device for giving the
young men military drill, without exciting suspicion, and found in it a
purpose, on the j)art of the Republicans, to excitt* a war, between the
North and the South. This was a rather brazen assumption on the
part of men who were already, under th(» guise of ofiicial position,
stealing ammunition and supplies from the (lovernment arsenals at
the North, and sending them South. Nothing <ould have been further
than this from the thought of th<» men who organized the Wide
.\wak(»s. Hut the organization may have h(»lped some in the end,
THE L1N(H)LN AND llAiMLIN TAMPAirxN. 109
after all. The boys who afterwards went into the Army had at least
learned to stand and march, shoulder to shoulder.
Notwithstanding the blaze of torch-light and enthusiasm that
swept over the North, the situation was not altogether secure. For
the first time in the case of a Presidential candidate, Mr. Douglas took
the stump in his own behalf. He spoke in nearly all the Free States
and in some of the Slave States. He attracted large* audiences, and
spoke with all his former eloquence and fire, but he had lost his hold
as a political leader. While he had been standing still on the Scjuatter
Sovereignty doctrine, the North had been moving away from it in one
direction, and the South in another, and he was left alone in the
middle. Perhaps the underlying principles of the campaign as
represented hy the platforms and si)eeches of the candidates com-
bined, were never more <learly defined than in the following from
•*(ireeley's American Conflict." With these in mind the dilferent poli-
cies of the campaign and subse<|uent events can be better understood*
1. Lincoln — Slavery can only exist by virtue of municipal law;
and there is no law for it in the territories and no power to enact one.
Congress can establish or legalize slavery nowhere, but is bound to
prohibit it in, or exclude it from, any and every Federal Territory,
whenever and wherever there shall be necessity for such exclusion or
prohibition.
2. Douglas — Slavery or no slavery in any Territory is entirely
the affair of the white inhabitants of such Territory. If they choose
to have it, it is their right; if they choose not to have it, they have a
right to exclude or prohibit it. Neither Congress nor the people of
the Cnion, or any part of it, outside of said Territory, has any right
to meddle with or trouble themselves about the matter.
.'i. Hreckinridge — The < itizen of any State has a right to emi-
grate to any Territory, taking with him anything which is property
by the law of his own State, and hold, enjoy and be protected in, the
use of such property in said Territory. And Congress is bound to
render such protection whenever necessary, whether with or without
the co-operation of the Territorial Legislature.
The South had accepted the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty in
1854, had made all it could out of the doctrine, had thrown it aside,
and had taken positive ground in favor of unrestricted slavery in the
territories. The North had taken precisely opposite ground. The
"Irrepressible Conflict" was on, and the day of compromises was
past. Douglas realized, long before the end of the campaign, that
his case was hopeless.
110 IIISTOKV OF THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY.
Th(» adroit plans of the Breckinridge campaign managers were
much more dangerous. The Bell and Everett ticket was encouraged
in the South, with the certaint.v that bv dividing the opposition it
would giA-e to Breckinridge part of the electoral vote that would natur-
ally go to Douglas. But the Breckinridge party would go into no
Fusion movement in the South. In the North the Bell-Everett ticket
was expected to draw enough conservative votes away from Lincoln
to give some states to Douglas. In other states Fusion tickets were
expected to divide the electoral votes. It was certain that neither
Bell nor Douglas could be elected. The sole purpose of the different
combinations was to defeat Lincoln. In that case, if Breckinridge
did not get the retjuisite number of votes in the Electoral College, the
choice would have gone to the House of Rej)resentatives, where the
Democrats had a majority of the delegations from seventeen states,
the Rejiublicans from fifteen, and the Americans from one.
The last desperate assault of the enemy was made on New York
State in two ways. An electoral ticket was formed that represented
a Fusion of all three opposition parties, and it made a formidable
combination. The next part of the assault was an appeal to the fears
and the cupidity of the commercial classes. This was an ancient trick
of the Southerners. Threat of the **loss of the Southern trade" had
made many a New York jobber very conservative in politics. It is
told that in isr)4, when the Kansas Rifle and Emigrant Aid Society
movenu*nt was in progrc^ss, Henry (\ Bowen, of the then great dry
goods house of l»owen, McXamee ^S: Co., of New York, was very active
in the movement. II(» received a number of remonstrances from
South(M'n custouK^is, and finally a letter from one of them, threatening
that the house* should lose its entire Southern trade, if he did not cease
his active connection with the Anti-Slavery fanatics. Mr. Bowen
acknowh»dged the receipt of the letter and added: **Our goods are for
sale, but not our principles.'- The merchants of 18()() were not many
of them made of this heroic mould. They were afraid of the loss of
their Southern trade, and with the timidity that is apt to accompany
concentrated capital, they were frightened at the prospect of any dis-
turbance. In New York and rhiladelj)hia particularly, not only the
wholesale merchants, but the commercial classes generally, were
opposed to th(» Rei)ublicans. The Chairman of the Republican State
Ontral Committee in Pennsylvania, said, after election: "I cannot
recall five commercial houses of prominence in the City of Philadel-
phia where I could have gone for a subscrii)tion to the Lincoln
THE LINCOLN AND HAMLIN CAMPAIGN. 1 11
campaign, with a reasonable exi)eetation that it would not be resented,
and of all our financial men I can recall only Anthony J. Drexel, who
actually sympathized with the Republican cause/' In New York
the merchants contributed liberally to the support of the Fusion
ticket, but very little for the Republican. The ^'commercial classes"
of the East learned to think differently of the Republican party, when
the Greenback and Free Silver coinage wav(»8 swept the country.
The last extreme efforts of the Fusionists to carry New York
failed. The tide of Republican sentiment that swept over the rest of
the State on election day reached Harlem River with so high a crest,
that neither Fusion nor the efforts of the commercial classes could
overtop it.
The elections in 1859 had not been as favorable to the Republi-
cans as those of some previous years, and those of the Spring of 18()()
were equally disai)}H)inting. In the latter, Ccmnecticut elected its
Governor by a greatly reduc(»d majority, and Rhode Island was
carried by the Fusionists. The results of the early fall elections
were awaited with great anxiety, for they came after the issue had
been joined, and the campaign opened. The results exceeded the
highest exj)ectation8 of the Republicans. Vermont, in August, gave
a majority of :Z2,*^70, this majority being larger than the whole Demo-
cratic vote, and Maint*, in September, gave the Republican Governor
over 18,tH)() majority, the largest ever given up to that time to an^v
candidate. The song of victory over these results lost nothing of its
volume, when in October, in spite of the indifference of the National
Committee, Lane carried Indiana by !),7o7 majority, and Curtin carried
Pennsylvania by IV2AM, From that time till the general election in
November, the Rt^publican procession was a march of triumph. The
final result showed that Douglas had be<»n completely out-maneuvered
in the Fusion schemes, for while his pojuilar vote exceeded that of
Breckinridge by i')2(),tK)(), his electoral vote was only 12. The full
figures were as follows:
Popular Vote.
Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois 1,865,913
Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois 1,874,664
John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky 848,404
John Bell, of Tennessee * 591,500
Electoral Vote.
Lincoln and Hamlin 180
Breckinridge and Lane 72
Bell and Everett 39
Douglas and Johnson 12
112 IIISTOKY OF THE KEPrBLirAN PARTY.
On account of the absence of representation from Southern states
which were in rebellion, Conj^ress was strongly Republican through
out the next four years. The figures were as follows:
Thirty-seventh ( 'ongress.
Senatt» — Republirans, lU; Democrats, 10; Americans, 7.
House — Republicans, 100: Democrats, 42; Anu^ricans, 2S.
Thirty-eighth Congress.
Senate — Rei)ublicans, :>J); Democrats, 12.
House — R(»publicans, KK^; Democrats, 80.
Michigan did nut (juite come up to Austin Hlair's promise of
25,000 majority for Lincoln, but he was not so far out of
the way, as the actual plurality was 2:{,42.S. The vote
stood: IJnroln, SS,4S0; Douglas, 05,057; Breckinridge, 805; Hell,
405. Th(» Presidential elertors were Hezekiah O. Wells, Rufus
HosuuM-, (i(M)rge W. Lee, Edward Dorsch, Philotus llaiydon and Augus-
tus Coburn. Th<» vote for Governor was: Austin Blair, Republican,
87,800; John S. Barry, Democrat, 07,221. The Congressmen elected
were again all l\e]Miblican, being Fernando i\ Beaman, Bradley F.
Granger, Frai»(i« W. Kellogg and Rowland E. Trowbridge.
IX.
TUE INTERKEONl'M.
A Couutrv Without a (loveriiiuent — Plots for the Disruption of the
Union — Phms for Secession Had Long Heen in Preparation —
Utterances in tiie Secession Conventions — Plotters in the Depart-
ments at Washington — Arms Sent From the North to Southern
Ars(*nals — Vessels of the Navy Widely Scattered — Preparations
for Seizing Southern Forts — Vacillaticm of the President over His
Message—He Finally Concludes That the (government Has No
Power to Prevent Secession — The South Carolina "Embassy'' —
Secession of the Southern Stat(»s and Withdrawal of Members of
Congress — Union Meetings in the North — The Crittenden Com-
promise— Tlie Peace Conference.
From the tinn* of Mr. Lincoln's election till the time of his inau-
guration the country might be snid to have been without a
government, for some of its most important oltices were centers of
plots for its dismemberment, while the Executive looked supinely
on without moving a hand to stay the work of the plotters. The
election of Lincoln was made the pretext for secession but, as a matter
of fact, preparations had been going on for that movement for a long
time. This was shown by the debates in the first Secession Conven-
tion held, that in South Carolina. In the course of those debates R.
Harnwell Rhett declared: **The secession of South Carolina is not the
event of a day. It is not anything j)roduced by Mr. Lincoln's election
nor by the ncm-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. It is a matter
which has been gathering head for thirty y(»ars." Lawrence M. Keitt,
who had been in Congress several terms, and who was Brooks' abettor
in the assault on Sumner, said: **I have been engaged in this
movement ever since I engaged in public life.'' Mr. Parker said
'•This movement is no spasmodic effort; it has been gradually culmin-
ating for a long series of years." Mr. Inglis said: "Most of us have
had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years."
114 lllSTOKY OF THE HEIM'HLICAN PARTY.
In October, 18r)(>, a Convontion of 8oiitbi*rii Governors was lield at
Raleigh, N. (\, which was kept secret at the time. Governor Wise,
of Vir«]jinia, at whose instance tlie mei^inj? was <alled, afterwards
said that if Fremont had been elected, he would liave marched with
20,0(M) men to Washington, and taken the Capitol, preventing by force
the inan»;nration of Fremont at that place.
Hut it was in Washington itself, and in the Government service,
that the <hief plotters were at their work. A number of the Southern
Senators were at the Capitol mor<^ for the* purpose of promoting seces-
sion than for the jiurpose of legishiting for the general good of the
country. They were aided by three conspirators in the Cabinet:
Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John B. Floyd, of
Virginia, Sc^cretary of War, and Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Sec-
retary of the Interior. These three m<*n were doing more toward
shaping the policy of the Government than Presidi*nt Buchanan him-
self, and they commenced thcMr preparaticms early. On the 30th of
December, 1S51>, the Secretary of War ordered that one hundred and
fifteen thousand muskets be r(»moved from the Northern armories and
distributed among Southern arsenals, and the order was speedily
carried out. Similar removals w(*re afterwards made, the Southern-
ers stealing the arms belonging to the country which they sought to
ov<M-throw. On the 20th of October, 18()(), General Scott sent to the
President and Secretary of War a letter, (»xi)ressing apprehensions
lest th(» Southern people should seize souk* of the Federal forts in
the S(mthern states, and advising that they should be immediately
garrisoned by way of precaution. According to the subsecpient
statenH»nt of one of Mr. Floyd's (Milogists this, if carried out, would
liave defeatcKl the conspiracy, and pr(»vented the formation of the
Southern Confederacy. Accordingly the Seiretary '^thwarted, ob-
jected, resisted, and forbade," and the imbecile President weakly
yielded.
Another of the cons})irators in the public service was Wm. H.
Trescott, of South Carolina, Assistant Secretary of State, who acted
as a sort of go-between for the conspirators in the South, and the
conspirators in the Cabinet. Five days before the election he wrote
to R. Barnwell Rhett, on authority of Secretary Howell Cobb, that
'*ui)on the election of Lincoln Georgia ought to secede from the Union,
and she will do so. But he desires me to impress upon you his con-
viction that any attempt to precipitate the* actual issue upon this
administration will be most mischievous, calculated to produce differ-
THE INTEUKPXINIM, 115
ences of opinion and dentroy unaniniit.v." Secretary Floyd had al8o
expressed himself ojiposed to any rash movement, because he thought
that Lincoln's administration would fail, and be regarded as impotent
for good or (*vil w ithin four months of his inauguration. From Floyd's
standjioint this was certainly a rational point of view, for he was then
selling to the Houthern states muskets, altered from flint-lock to per-
cussion by the I'nited States Ordnance Department. Whether he
was putting the money thus received into the United States treasury
or into his own pocket, or reserving it for the Confederate treasury is
not a matter of r(»cord. Mr. Floyd also knew that Isaac Toucey,
Secretary of the Navy, although he was not counted among the con-
spirators, was gradually placing the Navy beyond the reach of the
incoming administration, in anticii)ation of secession. From every
I)oint of view. Secretary Cobb's advice against precipitate action was
good, and great complaint was afterwards made by Confederates
against the South Carolina Convention for precipitating the issues as
soon as it did. lUit the South Carolinians were too hot-headed to wait,
as were also many of tlie Southern Senators and Representatives who
abandomnl thcMr seats in (^ongress in January following.
President Huchanan had an outline of his message pn^pared soon
after election, and showed it to tlie Cabinet on the 10th of November.
Secretary Floyd had told him a day or two before that he thought
'•disunion inevitable and under the present circumstances, most desir-
able.'- S<Hretary Toucey was non-committal as to the form of the
message, but had already given his opinion that "retaliatory measures
would prove most availing in bringing Northern fanatics to their
senses." Secretary Thompson objected to the proposed message
because *'lu» misses (mtirely the true States Kights doctrine on the
subject of secession."
Amid these and other conflicting opini(ms the President was not
able to make uj) his own mind, and asked the Attorney (leneral, Jere-
miah S. Black, for advice. Mr. Hlack was not among the conspirators.
He hated New England, and dislik(»d the Nortli generally. He loved
the South, but did not believe in secession. At the same time he did
not think the (lovernment had jmwer to prevent such a movement.
He was, in fact, the author of the contradictory doctrines that while
a State lias no right to secede, tlie Oovernment has no power to
prevent secc^ssion. On the 20th of November, in reply to the inquiries
of the President, h(» gave the otlicial opinion that '^Congress had no
right to carry on war against any State, either to prevent a threatened
116 IIISTOKY OF THE KEPIHLKWN PARTY.
violation of the Constitulion, nor to enforce an acknowledgment that
the Government of the T'nited States is sni)reme." The reflection of
this advice appeared a few days afterwards in the President's
message, which was materially modified from the first draft. This
extraordinary ^ocunient was referred to by the London Times as '*a
greater blow to the American i)eople than all the rants of the Georgian
Governor or the ordinances of the Charleston Convention. The
President has dissipated the idea that the states which elected him
constitute one people." In the message Mr. Buchanan first spoke of
the discontent \Nhich extensively prevailed and charged it to the
"long-Qontinued and intemperate interference of the Northern people
with the (piestion of slavery in the Southern states/' and said that on
this account the time had arrived, so much dreaded by the Father of
his Country when hostile geographical parties had been
formcHl. He continued: *'I have long foreseen, and often
forewarned my countrymen of the now impending danger.
This does not proce(»d solely from the claims on the i)art
of Couj:n*ss or ihe Territoiial l^egislatures to exclude slavery
from th(» territories, nor from the efforts of different states to defeat
the execution of t\w Fugitive Slave Law. All or any of these evils
might have been endured by the South without danger to the Union,
as others have been, in the hope that rime and reflection might apply
the remedy. The immediate peril arises, not so much from these
causes, as from the fact that the incessant and violent agitation of
the slavery (|uestion, throughout the North for the last quarter of a
century, has, at length, produced its malign influence on the slaves,
and inspired th(*m with vague notions of freedom. Hence, a sense of
security no l(»nger exists around the family altar. This feeling of
peace at home* li.is given place to apprehensions of servile insurrection.
Many a matron throughout th(» South retires at night in dread of what
may befall herself and her children before the morning. Should this
apprehension of domestic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend
and intensify itself until it shall j)ervade the masses of the Southern
peoTjle, then disunion will become inevitable.-'
Mr. Buchanan's long argument is fairly summed up in the fol-
lowing i)aragraph, though a similar conclusion is reached in various
forms: "The question fairly stated, is: Has the Constitution dele-
gated to Congress the power to coerce into submission a State which
is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from the (Con-
federacy? If answered in the aftirmative, it must be on the i)rinciple,
that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and to
THE INTERREGNUM. 117
make war against a Htate. After nnii-h serious reflection, I have
arrived at the conclusion that no such power has beim delegated to
Congress, or to any other department of the Federal (Jovernment. It
is manifest, upon an inspection of the Constitution, that this is not
among the si)ecific and enumerated powers granted to Congress; and
it is equally apparent that its exercise is not necessary and proper for
carrying into execution any one of these i)owers/'
The result of this message was not what the conspirators hoped.
Its first effect was to bring about the resignation of Lewis Cass, Secre-
tary of State. General Cass was a jmtriotic man, of large public
experience. But he was well advanced in years, had no knowledge
of the secret movements of the conspirators, and if he had understood
them would not have been able to cope with them. He felt that he
was placed in a false jmsition by the new drift of the Administration,
as disclosed in the message, and when it became known that the
Government would not insist upon the collection of the revenue in
South Carolina, nor strengthen the forts in Charleston harbor, he
resigned, and Attorney General Black was appointed to sucrceed him.
Judge Bla(*k was of a rugged, positive character, a warm friend
of President Buchanan, but subservient to no one. He was appointed
the day when the Disunion Convention met in Charleston. Three
days later the Ordinance of Secession was passed, and (lovernor
Pickens j)roclaimed South Carolina a separate, free and sovereign
State. This independent and sovereign State 8(»nt an "embassy'' to
Washington to arrange a treaty with the Cnited States, and to nego-
tiate for the peaceful surr(*nder of the armed fortresses of the United
States within the limits of the new* sovereignty. The "embassy'' took
a house in Washington from which it floated the flag of the Legation,
and was actually n»ceived by the President, who was undecided what
to do, when Judge Black came upon the scene. The impudence of
the demand anmzed and angeriHl him. He had questioned the right
of the Government to coerce a State, but to his mind it did not follow-
that the (io>ernment did not have the right to defend its own
property. He persuaded Buchanan to cease his temporizing i)olicy,
and the '^embassy" was disnussed. The ccmspirators in the Cabinet
soon x><^i*^'^'ved that a new force had entered into the Government
councils, and that their usefulness in Washington had ended, and
8i)e(^ily resigned. Edwin M. Stanton wiis apjiointed Attorney Gen-
eral; Horatio King, of Maine, was ap]M)inted Postmaster General, and
John A. Dix, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury.
1 18 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIC AX PARTY.
Meantime the Secession movement was j^oing on, and continued
until after the Republican i)arty came into power. The dates at
which the various states went out were as follows: South Carolina,
Ihvember 20, 18G0; Mississippi, January 9, 181)1; Florida, January 10;
Alabama, January 11; (ieorgia, January 10; Louisiana, January 26;
Texas, February 1; Virginia, Ajiril 17; Arkansas, May 6; North Caro
lina, May 2(); Tennessee, June 8. The Senators and Representatives
in Congress withdrew as their states went out.
While the Southerners were thus becoming more and more
aggressive the old si)irit of conciliation, compromise and submission
seized the North. Many of those who had voted for Lincoln, who
in the campaign had applauded the most extreme Anti-Slavery senti-
ments, and some of the speakers who had uttered such senti-
ments, b(*fore election, were ready to mob the men who uttered the
same sentiments after election. Even after the states had begun to
secede Union meetings were held in many places, and the South was
implored to come back, with otters of concessions that were absolutely
servile. This sudden reaction doubtless had much to do with the
Southerners* opinion that the Northerners were cowards, and that
"one Southerner could lick ten Yankei*s." These conciliatory and
laint-hearted men were not roused from their dream of peace until
they heard of the shots tired on Fort Sumter in April following.
One of the largest of the I'nion meetings was held at Philadel
phia at the call of the Mayor, on reijuc^st of the City Councils. This
was on the 10th of December, before any State had actually seceded.
The Mayor, Ah»xander Henry, had this to say in his speech: "The
urisplaced teachings of the puljiit, th(» unwise rhapsodies of the
lecture room, the exciting app(»als of the press, on the subject of
slavery, must be frowned down. Thus and thus only may you hope
to avoid the sectional discord, agitation and aniuiosity, which, at fre-
(juently recurring periods, have shakcm your [mlitical fabric to the
center, and, at last, have undermined its very foundation.'' This was
the burd(»n of numy sj^eeches at the Cnion ni(»etings. The South was
sensitive, and its favorite institution must not even be talked about.
Charles E. Lex, who had voted for Lincoln, also admonished his
hearers to "discountenance any denunciation of slavery, or of those
who maintain that institution, as intempi^rate and wrong, whether
they are promulgated in the lecture room, at the political gathering,
or from the sacred desk.'' Ih* also advocat(»d the (Oimination of the
Personal Libertv Laws from the statute* books, and the execution of
THE INTERUEGNUM. 119
the Fugitive Slave Law in its full extent and Hpirit. Rev. Theodore
Cuyler went further yet, for in addition to an ajjpeal for the execu-
tion of the Fugitive Slave Law, and the repeal of the Personal Liberty
l^aws, he addt^d: "Let us receive our brother of the South if he will
come among us, for a little time, attended by his servant, and permit
him thus to come.''
A long series of resolutions adopt(*d by the meeting, pledged the
l»eoi)le of Philadelphia to the carrying out of all the most extreme con-
cessions mad(» in ih(»se speeches. A fitting climax to this <H)wardly
meeting ^as this; (Jeorge William Curtis had been engaged by the
Peopl(»'s Literary Bureau to lecture on the evening after the great
meeting, and had announced as his subject, *'The Policy of Honesty,"
a subject whicli was not apparently calculated to grate upon the
nerves of our sensitive Southern brethren. Rut the Mayor addressed
a note to the proprietor of the hall in which the lecture was to be
given, in which he said: '*The appearance of (jeorge W. Curtis, Esq.,
as a lecturer before the P(?ople*s Literary Institute, on Thursday
evening nc^xt, will be extremely unwise. If 1 possessed the lawful
power I would not permit his presence on that occasion." To this
the humble re})ly was made: *'J have been olficially informed that
in the event of G. W. Curtis' lecturing in this hall, on Thursday even-
ing next, a riot is auticijjated. Cnder these circumstances, I cannot
I)ermit the hall to be used on that occasion."
Some of the newsi)ai)ers which had been influential in building
up the Republican party, either anticipated or followed these meetings,
in advising c<mcessions. Tlu^ s(*cond day after Mr. l^incoln's election
Horace Ctreeley, who was the author of the phrase, **Erring sisters go
in peace," had a long editorial in the Tribune, under the headline,
'•Going to Go." In this he said: *'If the Cotton States shall decide that
they can do better out of the rni<m than in it, we insist on letting
them go in i)eace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one,
but it exists nevertheless, and we do not see how one party has a
right to do what another party has a right to i)revent. We must ever
resist the assort«-d right of any State to remain in the Union and
nullify or defv the laws thereof. To withdraw from the Union is
quite another matt«'r. And when(»ver a <onsiderable section of our
Union shall deliberately resolv(» to go out, w<» shall resist all coercive
measures designed to keej) it in. We hope never to live in a Republic
whereof one scM'tion is pinned to anoth(*r by bayonets."
Several other jjapers took substantially the same ground as the
Tribum*, while Thurlow Weed, in the Albany P^vening Journal,
120 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLJCAN PARTY.
declared that there was imminent danj^er of a diHSolution of the
Tnion, and that the danger originated in the ambition and cupidity of
men who desire a Southern despotism, and in the fanatical zeal of
Northern Abolitionists who seek the emancipation of slaves, regard-
less of consequences. He proj)osed as a remedy a Convention of the
people, with delegates appointed by the states, to discuss the subject
in an amicable manner.
With this change of sentiment among the people, and in the
Republican press, it is not surprising that the Republicans in Congress
were also willing to
make some concessions.
The movement in the
Senate took the form of
a committei* of tbir-
t(vn, consisting of
seven Democrats, five
Republicans and one
Independent, John J.
Crittenden. The latter
introduced what was
afterwards known as
the Crittenden Com-
promise, proposing a
series of amendments
to the Constitution, in
substance as follows:
1. Prohibiting slav-
ery in all the territory
of the I'nited States
North of ;^6 degrees 30
JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. uiinutes, and protect-
ing it as j)roperty in all territory South of that line; and, admitting
into the I'nion, with or without slavery, as its Constitution might
provide, any State that might be formed out of such territory, when-
ever its population should be sufticirnt to entitle it to a Member of
Congress.
2. Prohibiting Congress from abolishing slavery in places under
its exclusive jurisdiction within Slave States.
3. Prohibiting Congress from abolishing slavery within the
District of Columbia, so long as slaviMV should exist in Virginia or
THE INTERREGXrM. 121
Maryland; or without the consent of the inhabitants, or without just
con)i)ensation to the owners.
4. Prohibiting Congress from hindering the transportation of
slaves from one Btate to another, or to a Territory in which slavery is
allowed.
5. Providing that where a fugitive slave is lost to his owner
by violent resistance to the execution of the process of the law for
his recovery, the United States shall pay to said owner his full value,
and may recover the same from the County in which such rescue
occurred.
(>. These ])rovisions are declared to be unchangeable by any
future amendment of the Constitution, as are also the existing articles
relating to the representation of slaves and the surrender of fugitives.
These were referred to the Committee of Thirteen, who reported,
on the olst of December, that they "had not been able to agree upon
any general plan of adjustment." They continued, however, to be
the basis of discussion through the session, but were defeated on the
last day by a vote of 11) to 20. On account of the withdrawal of
Southern Senators, the Senate had then become strongly Republican.
In the House, on the lirst day of the session, a committee of
thirty-three was appointed to consider such portions of the President's
message as related to the perilous condition of the country. This
committee, after a few days' consideraticm, reported a series of resolu-
tions in substance as follows:
1. All attempts on the part of ilu» Legislature of any State to
obstruct the recovery of fugitives from labor are in derogation of the
(Constitution of the United States, inconsistent with comity and good
neighborhood between the slates, and dangerous to the i)eace of the
Union.
2. That the several states be requested to cause their statutes
to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them are in conflict
with the Laws for the return of Fugitive Slaves, and if so to rej)eal
such laws.
H. That we recognize slavery as now (existing in fifteen of the
States, and recognize* no authority outside of any of these States to
interfere with such slaves or slavery.
4. Discountenances all mobs or hindrances to the execution of
the Fugitive Slave Law.
5. A faithful observance, on the part of all the states, of all
their Constitutiimal obligations to each other, and to the Federal
Government, is essential to tlu* peac(» of the country.
122 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
(). It is the duty of the Federal CJovernment to enforce the
Federal laws, protect the Federal property, and preserve the Union
of the States.
Sections seven and eijifht nHjuest the states to enact laws for the
protection of travelers from one State to another, and to prevent or
punish any attenjpt to set on foot the lawless invasion of any other
State or Territory.
These resolutions, which nii^ht have calmed the apprehensions of
the Southerners, if they had not been bent on secession in any event,
passed the House by a vote of IM to oS. That body also, by a vote of
1:3:5 to (>5, proposed a Constitutional amendment providing that, **Xo
amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize, or
give to Congress the power to abolish, or interfere, within any State,
with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held
to labor or service by the laws of said State.'' This was the only
measure on the whole subject that passed both houses, and this never
became operative. The House also passed, at this session, acts pro-
viding Territorial governments for New Mexico, Colorado and Dakota,
without any provision as to slavery.
The last etfort at compromise was nmde through th(» agency of a
Peace ("onference which met in Washington February 4, and consisted
of IH:\ delegates from 21 states, none of the seceded states being rej)-
resented. It was in session a fortnight and adopted resolutions (1)
Resloring the old Missouri Compromise line, with its former limita-
tions as to slavery in the territories; (2) Providing that no territory
should be accpiired by the United States except by discovery, without
a concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from the Slave
States, as well as a majority of all the S(»nators from the Free States.
CJ) Declaring that Congress shall not have the power to interfere with
slavery in any State; or in the District of Columbia, without the
consent of the State of Maryland, and without the consent of the
owners, or making comj)ensation to the owners who do not consent ;
nor to prevent persons frouj other states from taking their slaves into
the District of Columbia; nor to abolish slavery in places under the
jurisdiction of the I'nited States in any State or Territory where it
already existed; nor to jirohibit the transj)ortation of slaves from one
State or T(M*ritory to another. (4) The third i)aragra])h of the second
section of the fourth artich* of the (constitution, shall not be con-
strued to j)r(»vent any State from enforcing the return of fugitive
slaves; [i}) Prohibits the foreign slave trade: (H) The first, third and
THE INTERRECJXrM. 12;^
fifth sections of these amendments shall not be abolished without the
consent of all the states; (7) Provides that the Tnited States shall pay
full value for any fugitive whose return to slavery is prevented by vio-
lence or intimidation.
These resolutions were received by the Senate on the 2d of
March. For the next two days that body played battledore and shut-
tle cock with them, and the Crittenden Compromise resolutions. It
finally, by a vote of 3 to 34 refused to substitute the former for the
latter, and then defeated the latter by a vote of 19 to 20.
These were almost the last votes taken in the Senate of the
Thirty-sixth Congress, for the end of the Buchanan Administration
was at hand. A President, feeble and vacillating, and a Congress
controlled first by rebels, and after they had left, controlled by its
fears, were about to give place to a strong man in the Executive and
a strong party in control of Congress. The interr(»gnum was about
to end.
There was just one redeeming act near the close. There was a
deficiency in the Government revenues and the first Morrill Tariff Act,
intended to increase the re venules fr>5,000,000 was ])assed to meet the
emergency. It was based on the Kejjublican idea of protection and
was passed by Uei)ublican votes; but th(» money was needed, and on
the 2d of March Uw President reluctantly signed it.
PRESIDENT LIX(H)LN S ADMINISTRATION.
Liiuolu*s Journey to the Capitol — His Puipose as Regards Slavery —
Forimitioii of the Cabinet and Discordant Elements There —
Prominent ^len in Congress — Divided Opinions About the
Southern Forts — S(*ward's '^Thoughts for the President's Con-
sideration''— Th(> South Carolina Embassy — The Bombardment
of Fort Sumter — The First Call for Volunteers — Prompt
ResjK)nse by Congress to the President's Requests — Important
Acts of Oeneral Ijegislation — The Question of Returning Fugi-
tives— The President Puts the (^nion Above the Slavery Question
— Events Leading Cp to the Emancipation Proclamation — Vary--
ing Fortunes of the War.
The President-elect left his home in Springfield on the 11th of
February, acconjpanied to the depot by a large number of his friends
and neighbors, to whom he addressed this bri(*f farewell: **My
Friends- No ()n<* not in my positi(m can appreciate the sadness I feel
at this jjarting. To this people I owe all that I anu Here I have
liv(Hl more than a quarter of a century; here my children were born,
and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see
you again. A duty devolv(»s upon me, which is, perhaps, greater tlian
that which has devolved upon any man since the days of Washington.
He n(»v<»r would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Provi-
dence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I can not succeed
without the same Divine aid which sustained him, and on the same
Almighty PiMUg I j)lace my reliance* for support; and I hope you, my
friends, will all piay that I may receive that Divine assistance, with-
out whi<li I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain. Again
1 bid you all an atfectionate farewell."
Mr. Lincoln's journey to Washington occupied twelve days, from
February 11 to 2:^ He was greeted everywhere along the line with
enthusiasticcrowds, and made many short speeches fromthe platforms
12G HISTORY OF THE HEPUBLKWN PARTY.
A larjce part of tlu* message was devoted to an argument against
the right of secession, and in favor of the i)erpetuity of the Union,
in respect to which th(» President was very much in earnest. The
message closed as foHows: **The mystic chord of memory, stretching
from. (»v«M*y battle field and jjatriot grave to every living heart and
hearthston(» all ovov this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the
I'nion, vvhen again touch(»d, as surely they will be, by the better
angels of our nature.*' The message gave general satisfaction
throughout the North and the border states. Ihere was nothing in
it that could offend ri^asonable men in the S(uith, but the extreme
South(*rners were already beyond reason.
Four members of the President's Cabinet, as announced soon
aft(»r the inaugural and confirmed by the Senate, had been rival aspir-
ants for the Presidential nomination. These were \Villiam n.
Seward, of New York, Secretary of State; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio,
S(Hr(»tary of Hie Treasury; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secre-
tary of War, and Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney General. The
other three members wen* Gideon \Yelles, of Connecticut, Secretary of
the Navy: Caleb 1?. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the Interior, and
Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Postmaster General. None of these
attained gn^at distinction in their respective j^ositions, except Chase,
who took rank with the greatest of American financiers, and Seward,
who conducted the attairs of state with great ability, after he had
ascertained that he was not the (jovernment, and could not control
the President, but had best c(mfine himself mainly to his own depart-
ment. The Cabinet, as a whole, did not strike people favorably at
tlu» tim<\ Thaddeus Stevens describc^d it as an assortment of rivals
for the Presidency, one stump sjieaker from Indiana, and two repre-
sentatives of the Blair family, the second representative of this
family being Attorney General Bates, who was supposed to owe his
appointment to the influence of Francis P. Blair, Jr. Gideon Welles,
of Connecticut, the "Anci(»nt MariniM*," as he was called, was said to
have ow(h1 his a])pointment to Vic(»-President Hamlin. He was old,
and slow, and knew nothing about naval affairs. But he had one
recommendation. He never made any disturbance in the Cabinet.
It is said that he always agreed with the last man that spoke, but
always <»nded up by supporting the I*residenCs views. Simon Cam-
(*ron was a good iH)litician, but not a strong Secretary of War, and
the war had not been long in progress before the President felt
obliged to ask for his resignation.
t .illsllH-f* iu.t*
1 UlSill I*'
^^ GIL3^
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTKATION. 127
But if the Cabinet was not a tower of strenji^h, tbe trying times
were productive of great men, and the high character of the princi-
ples advocated by the Rei)ublican party, brought most of them into
the Republican ranks. The Senate included Zachariah Chandler, who
held the confidence of President Lincoln and of President Crrant after
him, and who was about the only man in the Senate who could not be
repelled by Stanton, when he sought information or wanted to give
advice; John Sherman, of Ohio, who in the course of his life-time
was a consj)icuous figure in the House, in the Senate, in the Cabinet,
and as a Presidential candidate; Wm, Pitt Fessenden, of Maine, emi-
nent as a financier, both on the Senate Finance Committee, and later
as Secretary of the Treasury; Henry R. Anthony, of Rhode Island,
just beginning a long and useful service; Jacob M. Howard, of Michi-
gan, who had recently succeeded Kinsley S. Bingham, deceased, and
who speedily took rank as a great Constitutional lawyer; Benjamin
F. Wade, of Ohio, one of the sturdiest defenders of Lincoln; John P.
Hale, of N(»w Hampshire, one of the first of the Free Soilers, and their
candidate for the Presidency in 1852; Charles Sumner, of Massachu-
setts, who first entered the Senate on the strength of a small balance
of power which the Free Soilers held between the Whigs and Demo-
crats in the ^lassachusetts I^»gislature, but who became one of the
most conspicuous of Republicans; Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts,
*'The Natic Cobbler'' who rose, through various positions, from the
shoemaker's bench to th«' Vice-President's chair; Henry S. Lane, of
Indiana, one of the two candidates for Governor, who so successfully
])ushed Lincoln's fortunes in the Chicago (\mvention; Ira S. Harris,
of New York, who succeeded Seward when the latter went into the
Cabinet; David Wilmot, of Proviso fame, who succeeded Simon Cam-
eron when the laiter became Secretary of War; the veterans Solomon
Foote and Jacob CoUamer, of Vermont; and Lyman Trumbull, of
Illinois, James Harlan, of Iowa, and Preston King, of New York, all
of whom became pronnnent in other positions as well as in the Senate.
The House of the Thirty-seventh Congress contained among its
leading members: E. B. Washburne, Isaac N. Arnold and Owen
l^vejoy, of Hlinois; (Jeorge W. Julian, Albert G. Porter and Schuyler
Colfax, of Indiana; James F. Wilson, of Iowa; Samuel C. Fessenden
and Anson P. Morrill, of Maine; Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts;
William Windom, of Minnesota; William A. Wheeler, Roscoe Conk-
ling and Elbridge G. Spaulding, of New York; James M. Ashley and
John A. Bingham, of Ohio; William 1). Kelley and Galusha A. (rrow,
128 HISTOKY OF THE REPUBLirAN PARTY.
of Pennsylvauia. Ainon^ these will be recognized two who after-
wards IxMjnne Vice-Presideut, several who entered the Senate, one
Speaker of the House, and three who were in the dii)lomatic service.
In this House, also, were Francis P. Blair, Jr., leader of the Anti-
Slav(M y movement in Missouri, and then a Republican, but afterwards
Demoi ratic candidate for Vic(»-President, and Horace Maynard, who
was elected as an American, but who was now headinj^ rapidly toward
the Republican party, and who, in reconstruction times was the most
I^rominent man in Fast Tennessee.
The times also found strong men in the Executive offices of a
number of the states, and several of the AYar Governors were as con-
spicuous for their services in u])holding the Presid(»nt-s hands as
were any of the Senators. The most prominent of these were Andrew
<r. Curtin, of Pennsylvania; Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana; John A.
Andr(»w, of Massachusetts, and Austin Blair, of Michigan.
The war occui)i(»d so much of public attention at the time, and has
oc< upied so much of th(* sjmce in historical writings since then, that
the l(»gislation (»nacted on other subjects does not occupy large space
in the public mind. But the fact is, that aside from the conduct of
the Wiir, there was more* useful legislation carried to a conclusion
during the first four years of Republican administration, than had
been pass(Ml by the Whig, Democratic or mixed administrations in thi*
] previous thirty years. The party vvvy speedily vindicated the wisdom
of the voters in putting power in its hands. When it came into
]H)wer it found the public credit impaired and the revenues insufficient
for the supi)ort of the (iovernm(»nt. In the last year of Buchanan's
administration, (lovernment sev(»n jier cent, bonds, put on the market
to help pay current exj^enses, sold at twelve per cent, discount.
Tnder the new Administration (lOvernment six per cents sold at a
premium. The* businc^ss of th(» country had been greatly hampered
by the illogical and ill-arranged tariffs of 1S4() and 1857. The emer-
gency tarifl*. A\hirh was pass(»d late in the last session of the Thirty-
sixth Congress, now gav(» way to the second Morrill tariff, in which
\]w rates were high (Miough to furnish a war revenue. Although the
rates were reduced, from time to time, as the diminishing needs of the
(rovernment i)ermitted, its protective princij^le remained the basis of
safe mer/antiU- oi)erations for a (luarter of a century. Under the
administraiions of Pierce and l»uchanan, the commercial demand for
tho iiMprov(M)ioiit of the great waterways of the country had been
ettVctually ch(Mked. A]»proi>riations for such improvements were
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 129
now (sstiibjisiied as a rule, wiiieb became i)ermaneut. The construc-
tion of the first Pacili(* railroad was begun, with Government aid,
under this admiiiislration. Pnnious to this time there was nothing
that could be called a banking system for the country, and the notes
of banks in one State were all the way from par to 40 or 50 i)er cent,
discount in anotlier State. A man might know how much money he
had in his j>ocket in Indianapolis, but he couldn't guess what it would
be worth when he reached New York. The new (Congress enacted a
uniform banking system, under which any National bank note was
then, and has been ever since, worth its fac(* value at any point in the
country, from Bangor to San Francisco. The Thirty-sixth Congress
passed a yery fair Homestead Act. Huchanan vetoed it. The Thirty-
seventh Congress passed a better Act, and Lincoln signed it.
It took some time for tlie new Cabinet to adjust itself to the
unusual conditions that existed and to ascertain its relations to the
President. SecretarA' Seward had not forgotten that he was one of
the founders of the Republican party and for a long time its recognized
leader. lie was well aware of the facts that \vj to the time of the
Chicago Convention h(» was the popular favorite, and that, during the
campaign, his work ui)on the stump had b(H*n more elfective than that
of any other speaker. He had been waiting the time, when, to use
the words of Charles Francis Adams, after his death, he would
dismiss *'the noblest dreams of an ambition he had the clearest right
to indulge, in <»xchang(» for a more solid iM)wer to direct affairs for the
benefit of the nation, in the name of another.-' Mr. Seward, at first,
sought to strengthen himself with the President by declining the
a])j)ointment ofT(*r(»d him, intimating that certain changes in the pro-
pos(Hl Cabin(»t might make the position more acce])table to him. This
was on the 2d of March. Mr. Lincoln waited until the 5th before he
answer(»d, and th(»n declined to make the suggested changes. Whether
Sew\ard stayed out or stayed in, he was not to be allowed to dictate
the Cabinet at that late hour. Seward concluded to stay in, but at
the outset he acted in some matters independently of the President.
The full extent of his intermeddling with the affairs of other depart-
ments was not known until after his death. An authority having
access to all th(» papers b(*aring on the case, made, in a recent publi-
cation, the following statement of his maneuvers:
"Seaward was for publicly T)roclaiming the surrender of Fort
Sumter, and secretly preparing for war at Pensacola and in Texas.
He felt himself fully able to direct operations by land and sea — to
\W HISTORY OF THE KEPrHLKWN PARTY.
become, as it were, the (Jeneral of the Army and the Admiral of the
fleet. On the 21Hh of Mareh, with the o.nestion whether Sumter
should be provisioned or evacuated still undecided, the President
ordered an expedition to be made ready at New York, to sail on the
Gth of April. Althonji:h the Secretary of War and the Sei*retary of
the Navy were directed to co-operate in preparing the expedition,
neither was informed of its object or destination. The Secretary of
States however, was determined that it should be his expedition.
While Lincoln was made to seem to act, Seward acted. On the same
day that the order for the secret expedition was made he took Captain
M. C. MtMSfs, an enjrineer officer in charji^e of the new wings of the Cap-
itol to the White House. On the way he explained his wish that
Sumter should be evacuated, and Pickens defended. His object was
to secure the appointment of Meigs as military commander of the
expedition. The President asked Captain Meigs if Fort Pickens
could be held. 'Certainly, if the Navy would do its duty/ was the
answer. Lin<()ln then asked Meigs if he would go down there and
take command, but Meigs pointed out that there was a number of
majors already there, and he was only a captain. *1 understand how
that is,' said Seward de<isively, 'Captain Meigs must be promoted.'
As this was understood to be impracticable. Colonel Keyes, General
Scott's Military S<»cr(»tary, was associated with Seward's plans. On
Sunday, March 31, the Secretary accompanied the two officers in a
call upon deneral Scott, in pursuance of the great scheme of military
and naval adventure. 'Oeneral Scott,' said Seward, \vou have formal-
ly reported to the President your advice to evacuate Fort Pickens. I
now come to bring you his order, as Comnuinder-in-Chief of the Army
and Navy, to re-enforc e. and hold it to the hist extremity.' 'Sir,'
replied the deneral, 'the great Fr(*dt»rick used to say "when the King
commands all things an* possible.
As a naval expert Lieutenant David 1). Porter was ordered to
join Keyes and Meigs in preparing and executing the Seward scheme.
The expedition originally ordered by the President was intended for
the relief of Sumter. As neitlnr the Secretary of War, nor the Sec-
retary of the Navy was taken into the contidence of the Secretary of
State, the two expediticms naturally came into conflict. One
morning the Commandant of the Brooklyn Navy Yard received two
orders to fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earliest possible
moment. Tlu* two orders seemed identical, although one was signed
by the IMesideut and the other by Secretary Welles. In fact the
i
PRESIDENT LIN('OLX'S ADMINISTRATION. l.U
Presidrnt intiaided the Powhatan for the IMckens exi)editioii, and tht*
Navy Dopaitinent intended her for the relief of Sumter.
Rut thiH was not the full extent of Seward's intermeddling. On
the same day that Mr. Lincoln signed the order for the Powhatan, he
signed other orders, at Mr. Seward's request, that were still more
remarkable. One of them dc^tached Captain Stringham for service
at Pensacola, and the other contemplated the sending of Captain Pren-
dergrast to Vera Cruz on account of "important comi)lirations in our
foreign relations." The President sign(*d these, without reading or
understanding them, and upon Secretary Welles' indignant remon-
strance, he recalled them, but without giving the Secretary his confi-
dence in regard to thcMr significance. Mr. Seward also submitted to
Mr. Lincoln ''Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration." In
this renmrkable paper he proposed to change the issue from the im-
f sending domestic war to an unnecessary foreign war, and virtually
invited the President to abdicate in his favor. To his suggestion that
(»ither the l*resident must direct the preposterous policy "himself, and
be all the time active in it, or devolve it upon some member of his
Cabinet,'' Lincoln answered: "If this must be done I must do it/'
While Seward was indulging in these visions he was coquetting
with the "embassy" from South Carolina. He would not receive them
officially, nor informally, but n(*gotiated through Justice Campbell,
lie gave them to understand that Sumter was to be evacuated, when
Lin(H)ln had no such i»urpose. He also had some negotiations with a
member of the Virginia Ccmvention, in which he gave assurances
which the President had not authorized, and in which he was over-
ruled. It finally dawned upon him, however, that in the end the
Presid(»nt decided matters according to his own judgment, and that
his attempts to "dire<t affairs for the ben(»fit of the nation in the name
of another" were more mischi(»vous than fruitful. He ceased to
attempt to run the Army and Navy and in i\nn\ by <onfining his atten-
tion to liis own department became mw of Lincoln's most trusted
advisers, nnd made a reputation as one of the ablest of diplomatists.
This e])iso(le was a curious freak in the mental operations of a really
great man, and it caused great (Mubarrassment to the President.
Secretary Chase was also a discordant element in the Cabinet.
He hiid be(*n a member of the Peace Conference where he voted
against the i»ropos(Hl concessions to slavery, but in the Cabinet councils
he believed in disunion as preferable to war, and urged a virtual sur-
render to the Confederacy, although unless that was decided upon,
he was with those members of the Cabinet who advised the provis-
132 HISTORY OF THE REPrBLICAN PARTY.
ioning and relief of Fort Sumter. He ranked among the ablest of our
financiers, and was of great service to tlie country in evolving and
formulating those financial plans, which E. G. Spaulding, **the father
of the CJreenback," introduced in the House, but he was never friendly
to Lincoln, whom lie hoped to succeed in the Presidency, was never
satisfied with his position, and tendered his resignation so often that
he was surprised when it was at last accepted.
Montgomery Blair, a conservative from a Slave State, was the
first to oppost* th(» pea<e policy of these two old radical Anti-Slavery
Senators from Free
States. He evidently
understood the South
better than they.
A\'ith a Cabinet thus
divided and discordant,
with the party which
had elected him and the
papers which had sup-
ported him weakening
in the North, it looked
as if Lincoln's Adminis-
tration would go to
pieces at the very out-
set.
The bombardment of
Fort Sumter on the
morning of the 12th of
April, and its surren-
der after thirty - three
hours of heroic defense,
SALMON p CHASE. changed all that. It
unified the Cabinet. It woke the North from its dream of peace,
roused its latent patriotism and h(M*oism, and led to a prompt response
to the President's proclamation, which came three days later, calling
for 75,000 volunteers. The same proclamation called a special
session of Congress to meet July 4. Congress, thus convened, the
President s(*nt a long messng(*, reciting the events that led to o;)en
hostilities, repeating souk* of the arguments against the right of a^
State to secede, and recommending the placing at the control of thes*
Governmc^nt of at least 400,000 mcMi, and $400,000,000 as a *'nieans for^
making the contest a short and d(*cisive one."
1.-^4 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
instructt^d General Butler not to surrender to their masters slaves
that eanie within his lines, but to **eniploy them in the serviees to
which they may be best adapted." The President tacitly sanctioned
this, and after the passage of the Confiscation Act, he wrote to Gen-
eral Butler at length explaining the views of the President and the
Administration on the subject. All existing rights in all the states
were to b(» fully maintained. Cases of fugitives from service in
states and territories that still remained in the Cnion were to be dis-
posed of by civil process, under existing laws. Fugitives from the
s(Hed(Hl states w(»re to be kept within the lines, a record made of them,
and the G(»nerars action with rt^gard to them reported to the War
Oepartment ar least twice a month. The letter ended with the injunc-
tion: ''You will, however, neither authorize nor i>ermit any
interference, by the troops under your comuuind, with the servants of
peaceful citizens, in house or field, nor will you, in any way, encourage
such servants to l(»av(» the lawful service of their masters; nor will
you, exc(»pt in cases where the public safety may seem to require it,
prevent the voluntary return of any fugitive to the servire from which
he may have escaped.-'
Aside from the actual work of prosecuting the war the subject
of slaverv continued to occupy public attention more than any other.
August 31, 1S»>1, three weeks after the Confiscation Act was passed.
General Fremont, in command of the AVestern Department, issued a
pro<Iamation, freeing all the slaves in Missouri, b(*longing to men in
the Conf(»d<M*ate service and derlaring that th(» property of all such
p(*rsons was confiscated to the public us(». The President told Fre-
mont that this transcended the Act of Congress, that it would ruin
the Cnion cause in Kentucky and ask(»d him to modify the order so as
to make it correspond to that Act. Fremont, not desiring to take the
r(*sponsibility of changing his own action, desired an explicit order on
the subject, which the President gave. This action on the part of
the President, produced a bitter feeling throughout the North.
Rei»ubli<ans, both in Ccmgress and in private life had generally
applauded t\w proclamation, and even the <*onservative Democratic
press had approved it, and its revocation was a terrible disappoint-
ment. Men *'could not see why loyal slaveholders in Kentucky should
b(»ofT(Mided been use the slaves of reb(»ls in Missouri were declared free."
May JK 1802, General David Hunter, who was in command of a depart-
ment, incltiding South Carolina, issued a proclanmtion abolishing
slavery in his de])artment. This also was disavowed, and the disa-
13G HISTORY OF THE REPUBLirAN PARTY.
pensation to the owners. At this time he would have been willing to
pay f400,000,000, if it would have suffieed to purchase peace and
remove this disturbmf:^ cause which had brought on the war. No
response was made by the South to this overture, and he soon became
convinced that compulsory emancipation was the only thing that
would render complete restoration of the Tnion possible. August 1,
18()2, he submitted to the Cabinet the draft of an Emancipation Proc-
lanmtion, which Seward indu<ed him to postpone, on the ground that
if issued then, while the North was depressed, and the South elated
over I'nion defeats, it would be considered a despairing appeal. The
Fnion victories at South Mountain, September 14, and at Antietam on
the 17th, changed this aspect of affairs. Lincoln called the Cabinet
together, and with great solemnity informed them that his mind was
fully made up that the time had <()me for proclaiming emancipation.
That question was settled, but he was willing to receive suggestions
as to the phraseology of the proclamation. But few changes were
made from his first draft of the paper, and it was issued September
22. This A\as warning that unless the states in insurrection returned
to their allegiance by January 1, 18G3, the slaves in them would be
declared frtns and their fri»iHh)m would be maintained by the military
and naval f()rc(*s of the United States. As the Southern states took
no action in response to this, the proclamation proper followed in Jan-
uary. It (juoted the substance of the former proclamation, and
dedariKl that the slaves in all the states in insurrection, except the
forty eight counties in Virginia, subsequently formed into the State
of West Virginia, and in the districts in the other part of Virginia and
in Louisiana within the I'nion lines, were* free, and that the Executive
(lovernment of the United States, including the military and naval
authorities ther(H)f, would recognize and nuiintain the freedom of such
persons. Congress subsequently gave legal sanction to this procla-
nuition. That was the last of completed h^gislation on the subject of
slavery und(»r Lincoln's first Administration. The Thirteenth amend-
ment was introduced in the Thirty-eighth Congress, (Oected in 18(52,
but did not pass until January, lS(>r), and did not become operative
till December 18, 18G5.
The elections of 1S(>2 were \{*vy discouraging to the Administration,
as various forms of dissatisfaction among the people found expression
at the polls. There was a strong peace party among the Republi-
cans and a much stronger* one among the Democrats. One set
denounc(»d th(» war as an abolition war. Another denounced the
138 HISTORY OF THE REPI BLICWN PARTY.
looking toward the admission of Nevada, ralifornia and Nebraska to
statehood; confiscating property used for insurrectionary purposes;
providing for (he punishment of treason; granting lands for the estab-
lishment of Agricultural Colleges, and establishing the Department
of Agriculture at AVashington; punishing polygamy; providing for
the return of dead letters except where the contents are clearly
worthless; authorizing the President to take charge of railroads and
telegraph lines, when public 8af(*ty requires it; prohibiting the Coolie
trade in \merican vessels; carrying into effect the treaty of (Jreat
Britain for suppressing the slave trade; admitting West Virginia as
a State; organizing the Territories of Idaho, Montana and Arizona;
revising the postoltice laws and reducing the rates of postage; author-
izing the President to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus whenever he shall dei*m it necessary; granting lands for a
number of railroads running through Kansas, and other Western
states and territories; prohibiting the sale or gift of spirituous liquors
to Indians; inaugurating the postal money order system; providing
for a National currency, and establishing a separate bureau to execute
all laws relating to it; encouraging immigration; enlarging the scope
of the pension laws; providing for revenue cutters on the lakes; pro-
viding for mail steaniKhip service between the United States and
Japan; levying dire<t taxes on the insurrectionary states and estab-
lishing a bur(*au for the nwo of freedmen refugees and abandoned
lands.
Th(» only serious danger of complications with any foreign power
was in lSt;i, when Commodore Wilkes detained the British steamer
Trent on the high seas, and took from her the Rebel Commissioners
Mason and Slidell. To the British protest against this a prompt
response was made, disavowing the act and returning the prisoners
to British jurisdiction. In making the surrender. Secretary Seward
wrote a very polite note, in which he fully concurred in the advanced
position which the British (lovernment had now taken, and stating
that it was the position which this (lOvernment Imd alw^ays main-
tained.. He thus adroitly not only satisfied the demand made by the
British Oovernnu^nt, but put that Crovernment in the wrong, in the
<laim which it had maintained for sixty years, of the right of search
and s(»izure on the high seas, a claim, which more than any other
singl(» thing had led to the War of 1S12.
140 HISTORY OF THE RErrHLlCAN PARTY.
Mr. Lineoln received me, as ever, kindly and courteously; but his
manner was quite ehanj^ed. It was not now the country about which
liis anxiety prevailed, but himself. There was an embarrassment
about him which he could not quite conceal. I thouffht it proper to
state in the outset that I wished simply to know wiiatever he was free
to tell me in re^G^ard to his own willinj?ness or unwillinj?ness to accept
a renomination, and also as to the extent to which a Senator who had
referred me to him, was authorized to speak for him. The reply was
a monoiojjuc of an hour's duration, and one that wholly absorbed me,
as it seemed to absorb himself. There was very little for me to say,
and 1 was only too willinj? to listen.
He remained seated nearly all the time. He was restless, often
chanj!:inp: position, and occasionally, in some intense moment, wheel-
inji: his body around in his chair, and throwinji: a lej; over the arm.
This was the only ^rotes([ue thing 1 recollect about him; his voice and
manner were very (earnest, and he uttered no jokes, and told no anec-
dotes.
He be«:an by saying that, as yet, he was not a candidate for renom-
ination. He distinctly denied that he was a party to any effort to
that end, notwithstanding I knew that there were movements in his
favor in all parts of the Northern states. These movements were, of
course, without his prompting, as he positively assured me that, with
one or two exceptions, he had scarcely conversed on the subject with
his most intimate friends. He was not quite sure whether he desired
a renomination. Such had been the responsibility of the office — so
oppressive had he found its cares, so terrible its perplexities — that he
felt as though th(^ mom(»nt when he could relinquish the burden and
retire to private life would be the sweetest he could possibly experi-
ence. But, he said, he would not deny that a re-election would also
have its gratitication to his fcvlings. He did not seek it, nor would
he do so; he did not desire it for any ambitious or seltish purpose; but,
after the crisis the country was passing through under his presidency,
and the etforts he had made conscientiously to discharge the duties
impos(»d upon him, it would b(^ a very sweet satisfaction to him to
know that he had secured the approval of his fellow-citizens, and
earned the highest testimonial of contidence they could bestow.
This was th(» gist of the hour's monologue; and I believe he spoke
sincerely. His voice, his manner, armed his modest and sensible
words with a power of conviction. H(» seldom looked me in the face
while he was talking; he seemed almost to be gazing into the future.
I am sure it was not a pleasant thing for him to seem to be speaking
in his own interest.
But wluitever Mr. Lincoln's mental attitude was at that time, he
was, before* the Convention uk^, an avowed candidate for the Presi-
dency, and it became known to many of his intimate friends that he
d(»sired also to name the candidate for \hv Vic(» Presidencv.
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION.
Ul
While the people were j!:enerally for him, many of the politieiaiiB,
either throufi:h i>ersonal ambition, or on aeeount of fancied personal
slights, or from a belief that a change would be better for the country,
w^ere opposed to him. Horace (Ireeley, who had been, alternately,
an impertinent adviser and a captious critic, was working as hard
against Lincoln now as he was against Seward in 1800, but his utter-
ances, and those of his paper, had ceased to have great weight. An
exhibition of hostility that at first appeared more formidable, was the
*'Pomeroy Circular," which was issued in February in the interest of
Secretary Chase, who
had, ever since 1860,
cherished the ambition
of being Mr. Lincoln's
successor. The circu-
lar is said to have been
written by J. M. Win-
chell, who sought the
interview with Lincoln,
from which an extract
is given above, but it
was signed by Senator
Samuel C. Pomeroy, of
Kansas, as Secretary of
a secretly organized
c o m m i 1 1 e e of Mr.
( 'base's friends. The
circular accused the
friends of President
Lincoln of using party
and the machinery of
official influence t o
secure the perpetuation of the present Administration, and it was
asserted that ^*those wiio conscientiously believe that the inter(»sts
of the country and of freedom demand a change in favor of vigor and
purity and nationality, have no choice but to appeal at once to the
people, before it is too late to secure a fair discussion of principles."
It called for "counteraction on the part of those unconditional friends
of the Fnion who differ from the poli(»y of the Administration, and
ended with five conclusions, of which the first four were as follows:
SAMUEL C. POMEROY.
142 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLirAN PARTY.
1. Ev(»ii w<M*c tile le-eliM-tion of Mr. Lincoln desirable, it is prac-
tically impossible against the union of forces that will oppose hiuj.
2. Should he be re-elected, his manifest tendency toward com-
pr<mus(»s and temporary expedients of policy, will become stronger
during a second term than it has been in the first, and the cause of
human liberty, and the dignity of the Nation will suffer proportion-
ately, while the war may <ontinue to languish during his whole
Administration, till the public debt shall become a burden too great
to be borne.
.3. The patronage of the (lovernment, through the necessities of
the war, has been so rapidly increased, and to such an enormous
ext(»nt, and so loosely placed, as to render the application of the one-
term principh* absolutely essential to the certain safety of our Re-
j»ublican insti^^utious.
4. We find in the H<m. Salmon P. Chase more of the qualities
needed in a President, during the next four years, than are combined
in any other available candidate. His record is clear and unim-
peachabl(\ showing him to be a statesman of rare ability, and an
administrator of the highest order, while his private character fur-
nishes the surest available guarantee of economy and purity in the
management of public affairs.
The fifth con<lusion declares that *'the discussion of the Presi-
d<'ntial questions, already commenced by the friends of Mr. Lincoln,
has developed a jiopularity and stnnigth in ^Ir. Chase, unexpected
cv(»n to his warmest admirers, and while its strength is at present
unorganized, and in no condition to manifest its real magnitude, it
only needs a systemati<' and faithful elTort to develop it to an extent
sul!i<ient to overcome all opposing obstacles." It was further stated
that a central organization had been perfected, and persons in sym-
pathy with th<* movement were invited to corresjumd with the coni-
mitt(»e with a view to forming State organizatitms.
Mr. Chase was shamed and mortitied at the publitatiou of this
circular. II(* had been in active correspondence in promoting his own
candidacy, and had exj^ressed somi* of the sentiments contained in
the circular, but the* expression had been in choicer language.
This coarse and brutal assault upon the Administration in behalf of
one of its members was not what he at all approved. In a letter to
(fovernor Sprague, of Rhode Island, he hud expressed doubts as to the
expediency of (»1( cting any one to the Presidency a second time, and
had intimated his willingness to be a candidate, but had also said
PRESIDENT L1N(X)JA'S KENOMINATION. 148
that h(» would not permit himself to be driven into any hostile or
unfriendly position as to Mr. Lincoln. This eircular placed him in
the attitude which he had souji^ht to avoid; and lu* at once wrote to
the President disavowinji: the document and addinjj:: *'For yourself
I cherish sincere respect and esteem, and, permit me to add, affection.
Differences of opinion as to Administrative action have not changed
these sentiments; nor have they been changed by assaults upon me by
]»ersons who proft»ss themselves the special representatives of your
views and policy. You are not responsible for acts not your own;
nor will you hold me responsible, except for what I do or say myself."
Mr. Chase had hoped to have the endorsement of his own State as the
initial movement of his active campaign, but February 25, 1S()4, the
lA*gislature of Ohio adopted resolutions favoring Lincoln's renomina-
tion, and Mr. Chase withdrew as a candidate.
What at tirst appeared to be a more formidable movement was
made by the ''*r'nion Republican l*arty,-^ which, under calls from three
separate organizations, met at Cleveland, May 31, with about 150 dele-
gates, representing fifteen states and the District of Columbia.
General John Cochrane, of New York, presided over the Convention
which adopted a platform of thirteen brief planks, among which were
the following: Declaring that the Rebellion must be put down by
force of arms and without <-ompromise; that the rights of fre(» speech,
free press and habeas corpus be held inviolate, sav(» in districts where
martial law has been proclaimed; that the Rebellion has destroyed
slavery, and that the Constitution should be so amended as to pro-
hibit its re-establishment; that the right of asylum, except for crime
and 8ul)je< t to the law, is a recognized principle of American liberty;
that the Monroe doctrine must be maintained; that the one-term
policy for the Presidency should be maintain(»d by Constitutional
amendment; that the President and A'ice-l*resident should be <»lected
by a direct vote of the people; that the reconstruction of the rebellious
states belongs to Congress, and not to the Executive; and that the
confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and their distribution among
the soldiers and settlers, is a measure of justice.
The Convention nominated General John C. Fremont for I^reei
dent by acclamation and (leneral John Cochrane for Vice-President,
and named the new organization the Radical Democracy. General
Preraont'S letter of acceptance made a bitter attack upon Mr. Lincoln
for unfaithfulness to the princijiles which he was elected to defend,
Upon his Administration for incapacity and seltishness, and for *'its
144
HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICWN PARTY.
disrepiid of Constitutional rights, its violation of persona] liberty
and the liberty of the press, and, as a <-rowninf? shame, its abandon-
ment of the right of asylum, dear to all free nations abroad." He
approved the j)latform, with the exception of the eonfiseation plank.
He intimated that if the Re]>ubli(*an Convention nominated anyone
except Lincoln, he would not stand in the way of a union of all ui>on
that nominee, but added: **If Mr. Lincoln be renominated, as I
believe it would be fatal to the country to indorse a policy and renew
a power which has cost us the lives of thousands of men, and need-
lessly put the country
on the road to bank-
ruptcy, there will re-
main no alternative but
to organize against him
every element of con-
scientious opposition,
with the view to pre-
vent the misfortune of
his re-election." The
R a d i (* a 1 Democracy
made no headway at all
in the East, and but lit-
tle in the ^Ve8t. The
magic of Fremont's
name was gone. After
the Democratic Con-
vention had been held,
and McClellan had been
nominated on a peace
p 1 a t f o rm, Fremont's
GEN. u. 3. GRANT. patriotism and Repub-
licanism induced him to withdraw from the contest, and urge his sup-
porters to vote for Lincoln.
Later on a meeting was called in New York, ostensibly to express
the gratitude of the nation to General Grant and the soldiers under
his command for their labors and successes. The real purpose of the
meeting was to take the initial step toward bringing him forward as
a Presidential candidate. Mr. Lincoln was invited to attend, and in
his reply, stating that it would be impossible for him to do so, he said:
"I approve, nevertheless, of whatever may tend to strengthen and
140 HISTORY OF THE KEIM BLK/AX PARTY.
Stevens, Andrew U. Reeder and (ruhisha A. Grow, of Pennsvlvania;
John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland; Columbus Dt^lano, David Kilgore
and ^Villianl H. Tpson, of Ohio; G. W. M<*('rary, of Iowa; James H.
Lane, of Kansas; Anjijua Cameron, John F. Potter and Philetus
Sawyer, of Wisconsin. The Michigan delegation consisted of Austin
Blair, Marsh (liddings, Neil Gray and Charles ^V. Clisbee, at large,
with the following from the several districts: (1) Herman Kiefer,
William R. Noyes; (2) L. P. Alexander, J. H. Kelsey; (3) Charles T.
Gorham, Edwin Lawrence; (4j Osmond Tower, W. I. Camwell; (5)
Charles Draper, Omar 1). Conger; (0) J. B. Walker, R. Sheldon.
Robert J. Breckinridge, the "Old War Horse of Kentucky," was
temporary Chairman, and (iovernor William Dennison, of Ohio, was
permanent Chairman. The Michigan members of the various com-
mittees were* Credentials, Marsh (Jiddings; Permanent Organiza-
tion, Edwin Lawrence; Resolutions, Omar D. Conger; Vice-President,
Charles T. Gorham; Secretary, William R. Xoyes; Chairman of the
Delegation, Austin Blair.
The first day and a half were almost entirely occupied with the
routine proceedings of organization, and the settling of contested
seats from the border states. These being disposed of, the Commit
tee on Resolutions reported a platform, which it is understood was
written by Henry J. Raymond, Chairman of the Committee. The
first signs of enthusiasm or even of great interest in the Convention,
appeared during the reading of these resolutions, every one of which
was received with applause, in some cases vociferous and long-con-
tinued. The writer of the platform was given the unusual compli-
ment of having his production adopted by acclamation, without
amendment and without a word of discussion. The declaration was,
in full, as follows:
RESOLVED. That it is the highest duty of every American
citizen to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the
I'nion and the paramount authority of the Constitution and Laws of
the T'uited States, and that laying aside all dilTerences and political
opinions we pledge ourselvi^s as I'nion men, animated by a common
sentiment, and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our
power to aid the government in quelling, by force of arms, the
rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the
punishment due to tlnMr crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed
against it.
RESOLVED, That we approve the determination of the Govern-
ment of the L^nited Stat<*s not to con)promis<* with rebels, or to offer
any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an uncondi-
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION. 147
tional surrender of their hostility, and return to their first allegiance
to the Constitution and Laws of the Ignited States, and that we call
upon the (Tovernment to maintain this position, and to prosecute the
war with the utmost possible vigor to the comjilete suppression of the
rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrifices, the patriotism, heroic
valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to the country
and its free institutions.
RESOLVED, That as slavery was the cause and now constitutes
the strength of this rebellion, and as it must be, always and every-
where, hostile to the principle of republican government, justice and
the National safety demand its utter and complete extiri)ation from
the soil of the Republic; and that we uphold and maintain the acts
and proclamations by which the Government, in its own defense, has
aimed a death blow at the gigantic evil. We are in favor further-
more of such amendment to the Constitution to be made by the people,
in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever pro-
hibit the existence of slavery within the limits or jurisdiction of the
United States.
RESOLVED, That the thanks of the American people are due to
the soldiers and sailors of the Army and Navy who have periled their
lives in defense of their country and in vindication of the
honor of the flag; that the nation owes to them some per-
manent recognition of their patriotism and their valor, and
ample and permanent provision for those of their survivors
wiio have recently received disabling and honorable wounds in the
service of the country, and that the memory of those who had fallen
in its defense shall be held in grateful and everlasting remembrance.
RESOLVED, That we approve and applaud the practical
wisdom, the unselfish patriotism, and unswerving fidelity to the Con-
stitution and the principles of Am(»ricau liberty, with which Abraham
Lincoln has discharged, under (*ircumstancesof unparalleled difficulty,
the gre:it duties and responsibilities of tlH» Presidential office; that w^e
approve and <*ndorse as denuinded by the emergency, and essential
to the preservation of the Nation, and as within the Constitution, the
measures and acts which he has adopted to dc^fend the Nation against
its oj)en and se<ret foes; that we approve, especially, the Proclamation
of Emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers of men here-
tofore held in slavery; and that we have full confidence in his deter-
mination to carry these and all other Constitutional measures, essen-
tial to the salvation of the country, into full and complete effect.
RESOLVED, That we deem it essential to the general welfare
that harmonv should j)revail in the National councils, and we regard
as worthy of public c(mfidence and official trust, those only who cor-
dially endorse the iirinciples ])roclaiu)ed in these resolutions, and
wiiich should chara<*terize the administration of the Government.
RESOLVED, That the (Jovernment owes to all men employed
in its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protec-
148 HISTORY OF THE KEPrULKWN PARTY.
tioii of the laws of war, and that any viohition of these hiws. or of the
usages of civilized nations in the time of war by the rebels now in
arms, should be made the subjert of full anil ]»rompt redress.
RESOLVED, That the foreijrn emigration, whi<*h in the past
has added so much to the wealth and dt^velopment of resources and
increase of power to this Nation — the asylum of the oppress(*d of all
nations — should be fostennl and encouraged by a wise and just iM>Iicy.
RESOLVED, That w(» are in favor of the speedy constru4tion of
the railroad to the Pacific.
RESOLVED, That the National faith i)led^ed for redemption of
the National dehi must be kept inviolate*, and that for this purpose we
recommend ec<momy and ri^id responsibility in the public expendi-
ture, and a vigorous and just system of taxation; and that it is the
duty of ev(»ry loyal State to sustain the credit and ])romote the use of*
the National currency.
RESOLVED, That we approve the jmsition taken by the Gov-
ernment, that the peoj»le of the Tnited Statics can never repird with
indilTerence the attempt of any European power to overthrow by
force, or to supplant by fraud, the instituti<m of any republican gov-
ernment on the Western Continent, and that we view with threat
jealousy as menacing to the j)eac(» and independence of this, our
country, the efforts of any such powtM- to obtain new footholds for
monarchial governments, sustained by a foreign military force, in
near i)roximity to tin* I'nited States.
The nomination for Presid(»nt was attended with but little excite-
ment, as it was a foregone cone lusion. A motion of Simon Cameron's
that Abraham Lincoln be renominated for President, and Hannibal
Hamlin for Vice-President, by acclamation, was cpiietly tabled. A
motio?i that Mr. Lincoln 1m* renominat<Ml by acclamation was objected
to, on the ground that it had too much tlu* appearance of rushing the
nomination through, without giving opportunity f<u' individual choice,
and it was th(»refor(» order<»d that the roll of stat(»s be called. This
was done without excitement, and with but very few remarks in
announcing tin* v<»tcs of the states. The n^sult was 484 votes for
Abraham Lincoln and 1*2 for Llyssc^s S. Orant, the latter being the
instructed vote of the Missouri delegation. Mr. Hume, of Missouri,
then announced that the* deh*gation from that state changed their
vote to Lincoln. Tin* ScM-rcMaric^s announccMl that the vote was unani-
mous, 500 votes for Abraham Lincoln, and the Convention received
th(» announcement with vo( iferons a]>plause. as the band struck up
"Yankee Doodle" and •Hail Columbia."
The nomination for Vice-l*r(*sident was attended with much niort»-
interest. Vice-l*resident Hamlin had not been countcnl among Mr^
Lincoln's earnest supporters, and the relations betwet^n them werc^
150 HISTORY OF THE UEPUBLKWX PARTY.
Cameron, had not dulled bis political wits. He took bis most inti-
mate political friends into bis confidence, one at a time, witbout
tellinj]^ one wbat be bad said to anotber, but in eacb case urging the
advisability of Jobnson's nomination. Tbere was no organization
in Jobnson's favor, no general conferc»nce in promotion of bis candi-
da< y, yet wlien tbe Convention met it bad come, somebow, to be well
understood tbat tbe President desired Jobnson as bis associate on
tbe ticket and it was tliis understanding tbiit gave him tbe nomina-
tion. Tbe ballot for a candidate for Vice-President, as first footed
up, stood as follows:
Andrew Jobnson, of Tennessee 200
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine 150
Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York 108
Benjamin F. Butler, of Massa<bus<»tts 28
Lovel H. Rousseau, of Kentucky 21
Scattering among five candidates 12
Before tbere was opportunity to announce tbe result different
states rapidly changed to Jobnson. until bis vote counted 494, to 17
for Dickinson, U for Hamlin, and 1 for David Tod, of Ohio. The
nomination was then made unanimous, a National Committee was
appointed, of which Marsh Giddings was tbe Michigan member, a
little routine business was transacted and tbe Convention adjourned.
Hamlin did not learn till cpiarter of a century afterwards that Lincoln
bad secretly opposed bis reuomination. *'I was really sorry to be
disabused." be said in ISSJ).
152 HISTORY OF THE KEPlHLirAN PARTY.
to quell the riots, wliirh raj^ed with destniclive force for four days,
promised the rioters that he would endeavor to have the draft sus-
pended. It inrluded William Wallace, of Pennsylvania, whose con-
nection with t\w rotl'ee-stained and fraudulent naturalization papers,
which ^ave the State to the Democrats in October, 1850, had earned
him the name of '*('olT(M»-pot Wallace." It contained (Mement L.
Vallandiji:ham, of Ohio, who had be<m tried for treasomabk* utter-
ances, and sent within the rebt^l lines; and it included Joseph E.
McDonald, of Indiana, who was Iik(*ly to profit by the work of the
secret and disloyal order of *Knij»:lits of the Oolden Circle," even if
he had no connection with this treasonable set.
Horatio Seymour, the permanent I*resident of the Convention,
put the whole responsibility of the war upon the North, i^norinji: the
acts of a^^ression on the \n\vi of the South. ''Four y€»ars ajjfo," he
said, *'a Convention n)(»t in this City when our country was peaceful,
pro8])erous and united. Its delegates did not mean to destroy our
(iovernment, lo ov<m wh(»lm us with debt, nor to drench our land with
blood; but they were animat(»d by intolerance and fanaticism, and
blinded by an ij^norancc of (he spirit of our institutions, the character
of our peoi)le, and tlu* condition of our land. They thought they
might safely indulge tlu'ir passions, and they concluded to do so.
Their passions have* wrought out (heir natural results. . . The
Administration will not h»t the sluMlding of blood cease, even for a
little time, to sec if Christian charity, and (he wisdom of statesman-
ship may not work out a method to save our country. Nay, more,
they will mit list(»n to a proposal of peaie which does not offer that
which this (iov<»rnmcnt has no right to ask." He closed with the
cov<Mt threat: 'Hut for us, we jue resolved that the party which has
made the history of our country since its advent to power seem like
sonu* unnatural and tt»rrible dream shall be overthrown. We have
forborne much, b<Maus(» those who are now charged with the conduct
of public alTairs know but little about the princij)les of our Govern-
ment."
The platform adoptcMl declarcnl the d<*votion of the party to the
Union; arraigniHl the Administration for military interference with
the recent elections in D<*laware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri,
**for the subversion of civil by military rule, in states not in insurrec-
tion; for the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment, trial and
sentcmce of American (ilizens in states \vh(»re the <ivil law is in full
force; the suppression of fr(H*dom of speech and the press; the denial
THE LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAIGN. 153
of the right of asylum; the open and avowed disregard of State rights;
the employment of unusual test oaths, and the interference with, and
denial of, the right of the people to bear arms in their defense. It
declared that all tliese were calculated *'to prevent a restoration of
the T'nion, and the i>erpetuation of a Government deriving its just
powers from the consent of the governed/' But the plank upon
which the campaign most largely turned, was the following:
RESOLVED, That this Convention does explicitly declare as
the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to
restore the T'nion by the experiment of war, during which, under the
pretense of a military necessity or war power higher than the Con-
stitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part,
and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the
material prosperity of the country essentially impaired; Justice,
Humanity, Liberty and the public welfare demand that immediate
efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to the ulti-
mate Convention of the states, or other peacable means, to the end
that at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the
basis of the Federal Cnicm of the States.
George H. McClellan, of New Jersey, was nominattnl for Presi
dent, and (Jeorge H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-President. The
nomination of General McClellan was unsatisfactory to a consider-
able minority in this Convi'ution of ])eace-makers. He had arrested
the Maryland Legislature, when it was on th<» point of passing an
ordinance of secession. A Maryland delegate stood u]) in the Con-
vention, proclaimed McClellan a tyrant, and added: **All the charges
of usurj:ation and tyranny that can be brought against Lincoln and
Hutler, (an be made and substantiated against McClellan. He is the
assassin of states rights, the usurper of liberty, and if nominated will
be beaten everywhere as he was at Antietam.''
In view of McClellan's military cancer there was something of
grim satire in the declaration that the war was a failure, for although,
at one time he was the idol of the Army of the Potomac, and his mili-
tary failures had been condoned by the* Democrats and many of the
Republicans, the fa<t had, by this time, been quite g(»nerally recog-
nized that he, more than anyone else, was responsible for the early
disasters to our armies in Virginia. With 2(M),(MM) of the best equipped,
and best drilled volunteer soldiers ever put in the field, he had hesi-
tated, through all the pleasant fall w<»ather of IStJl, to attack an army,
never exceeding fitMMIO, at his front. He had done this in si>ite of
great urgency on the ]mrt of the President to advance. His men were
enthusiastic, and eager to fight, but his long delay had a depressing
\
154
HISTORY OF THE KEPLBLICAN PARTY.
effect upon the troops. He finally sent them into winter quarters in
tents, on the plea that if they were allowed to build huts, it would
disclose to the enemy that they did not expect to commence operations
till spring?. Durinjr the time that he was disregarding the President's
appeals to advance, he was sending to Washington impertinent letters
of advice in regard to politii-al matters and the operations of the
armies in other parts of the country.
Still there were many who charged upon the Administration at
Washington the responsibility of McClellan's defeats before Rich-
mond. The draw^n bat-
tle of Antietam was
magnified into a great
vi<'tory by his friends
and admirers, but dur-
ing the campaign the
fact became generally
known that after the
battle the President
visited McC'lellan in the
camp on the Potomac,
and vainly urged him
to cross the river and
give the enemy battle,
leaving his tent early
in the morning with a
friend, Lincoln went to
an eminence that over-
looked the vast en-
campment. "Do you
know what that is?" he
asked, pointing to the
host that was encjniiped below them. "It is the Army of the Poto-
ma<*/' was the answer. "That is a mistake," l^incoln said. **It is
only McClellan's body guard." While McClellan lay there Stuart,
with his cavalry. sw(»pt completely round the army, sacking towns and
villages on his march, without losing a man.
While the President was chafing at Mcriellan's delay, McClellan
himself occupied a portion of his time in writing letters criticising the
Administration. In one of these he said: "The President's late
proclamation, and the continuation of Stanton and Halleck in offici*.
GKORGE B. McCM.KLLAN.
THE LIN(T)LN AND JOHNSON CAMPAIGN. 155
render it almost imiKJSsible for iiie to retain my commission and self-
respect at tlie same time/' But Ik* neither resipied nor attacked the
enemy, and the President removed him. He afterward took credit
to himself for not heading a mutiny of his troops, because of his
removal. ^'Many were in favor of my refusing; to obey the order/'
he wrote, **and of marchinjr upon Washinj^ton to take possession of
the Government." He seems to have heard these counsels without
rebuke, thouji^h he had not the courage to heed them. Althouji:h all
these facts were brought out during the campaign they were not fully
known at the time of his removal, which had caused a storm of indig-
nation in the Peace Party. "This dismissal," Lord Lyons wrote to
his Government, '^caused an irritation not unmixed with consterna-
tion and despondency. The General had been regarded as the
representative of conservative principles In the Army. Support of
him has been made one of the articles of tht*- conservative electoral
platform.''
"With reverses in the field, the cause is doubtful at the polls,"
Raid President Lincoln. **With victory in the field the election will
take care of itself," and the tide began to turn at the very time the
Peace Convention was in session. Before it adjourned news of the
capture of Fort Morgan came. Shortly afterwards intelligence was
received of Shennan's victory in the battle of Atlanta and his occupa-
tion of that City.
"Sherman and Farragut," Seward said in a sp(»ech at Auburn,
**have knocked the planks out of the Chicago platform." A few days
afterwards Sheridan commenced his brilliant dash through the Shen-
andoah Valley and thrilled the North with the victories at
Winchester and Fisher's Hill.
With Farragut in control of Mobile Bay, with Sherman's plan of
marching from Atlanta through Georgia already known; with Sheri-
dan in full control of the "granary of Lite's army," and with Grant
^•onstantly on the aggressive against Lee, McClellan set about the task
of writing his letter of acceptance. He could not well placw himself
upon the platform of the party that nominated him. He made a
cautious and guarded dissent from portions of that platform, and in
opposition to the most important part of it, declared himself in favor
of preserving the I'nion by a vigorous prosecution of the war, if
i\U the "resources of statesmanship," which should be first employed,
should prove inadequate. This declaration angered the men who had
l^iven tone to the Chicago Convention, and who expected to control
15(;
HISTORY OF TUE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
the Presidont if <»le(tiMl. Mr. Vallandij^ham fairly represented this
element when he said: ''The Chicagro Convention enunciated its
platform and principles by authority, and it is bindinf^ on every
Democrat, and by it the Democratic Administration must and should
be governed. It was the only authorized exposition of the Democratic
creed, and all others should be repudiated."
Neither did the declaration attract those conservative Republi-
cans whom it was hoped to draw to the support of the ticket, for they
recoj:nized th<^ fact that, with his flexible character, McClellan, if
elected, would certain-
ly be dominated by the
stronger men who con-
trolled the Convention.
McClellan was practi-
cally held to the plat-
form throuj^hout the
cam])ai^n.
Vallandi^ham liim-
s(*lf had as much rea-
son as anyone to as-
sent to that clause in
the platform which de-
nounced what were
calh^l "arbitrary ar-
rests." He was a
member of the Thirty-
seventh Congress from
Ohio. \Vhen set*ession
came he opposed coer-
cion, and was ceaseless
in his endeavors "to
restore the Cnion throuj^h peace." Hv was violent in his language,
in Congri^ss and out of it. For "publicly expressed sympathy for
those ill arms against the government of the I'nited States, and
declared disloyal sentiments and o])inions with the object and
purpose of weakening the power of the OovcM'nment in its efforts to
su])press an unlawful rebellion," uttered in a s])eech at Mount
\'< rnon, i)hio. A'allandigham was arrested by order of (leneral Burn-
side, in May, lSt»:». tried by a military c(unmission, and sentenced to
confinement in Fort Warr(»n, in Boston Harbor. President Lincoln
CLKMKNT L. VALLANDIGHAM.
THE LINCOLN AND JOHNSON CAMPAIGN.
157
modified this sentence, and directed that h(» should be sent through
the military lines to the enemy. This action caused ji:reat excitement
and indignation among the Democrats, and at a meeting of that party
at Albany, over which Erastus Corning presided, this and other acts
of the Administration were denounced, in the sev(*rest terms. To
these denunciations the President replied in detail, the following
being part of his reply: *'One of the resolutions expresses the
opinion of the meeting that arbitrary arrests will have the effect to
divide and distract those who should be united in suppressing the
rebellion; and I am
specifically called on to
discharge Mr. Vallan-
digham. I regard this
as at least, a fair appeal
to me on the expedi-
ency of exercising a
Constitutional power
which, 1 think exists.
In response to such ap-
peal I have to say it
gave me pain when J
learned that Mr. Val
landigham had been
arrested — that is I was
pained that there
should have seemed to
be a necessity for ar-
resting him — and that
it will afford me great
pleasure to discliarge
him so soon as I can, david g. FARRAcrT.
by any means, believe the public safety will not suffer by it."
That same fall the Ohio Democracy nominated the exile* for Oov-
ernor, but he was beaten at the polls by more than ltM),tM)() majority.
Mr. Lincoln a])parently judged that this re])udiation of Vallandighau)
by the p<M)])le of his own state, had deprived him of his ]>ower to
imperil the public safety, and released him. This case, and a number
of others, were much discussed by Democratic orators during th(» <am-
paign, but without great elTect; for the p«-ople understood well enough
that war cannot be conducted without measures that Avould not be
admissible in time of peace.
158 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
An interestinjj: episode of this i)eriod, roimn^ between the War
Convention at Baltimore and the Peace Convention at Chicago, was
(Ireeley's famous peace negotiations with emissaries of the Rebel
(rovernment. There were three of these then at Niagara Falls,
<Menient C. Clay, of Alabama; Professor Ilolcombe, of Yirginia, and
<feorge N. Sanders. Their agent was W. Cornell Jewett, an irresjion-
sible and half crazy adventurer. They did not attempt to <ommuni-
cate directly with the (lovernment, but opened negotiations with Mr.
(Ireeley. The latter had, almost from the beginning of the war, been
an officious intermeddler in war and (lOvernuH^ntal affairs. His asso-
ciation with Jewett had some elements of the humorous and the
ridiculous, and <ould hardly have been expected to provoke any
serious results. Yet it led to a long correspondence and to consider-
able anxiety among the Republicans as to the immediate political
future. It open<*d with a letter from Jewett to Greeley, in which the
former said: "I am authorized to state to you, for our use only, not
for the jmblic, that two ambassadors of Davis & Co. are now in
Canada, with full and complete powers f<ir a p<»ace, and Mr. Sanders
requests that you come on immediately to me at the Cataract House
to have a private interview. Or, if you will send the President's pro-
tection for him and two friends, they will conu* on and meet you. He
says the whole matter <-ould be consummated by me, you, them and
President Lincoln."
Mr. Greeley enclosed this letter to the President, together with a
long letter of his own, deploring the evils of war, and suggesting
the following plan of adjustment:
L The Union is restored and declared perpetual.
'2. Slavery is utterly and forever abolished throughout the same.
l\. A complete amnesty for all political offenses, with a restora-
tion of all the inhabitants of each State to all the privileges of citizens
of the United States.
4. The Union to pay |4(M),(MM),(MM> in five per cent. United States
bonds to the late Slave States, loyal and secession alike, to be appor-
ti<med, pro rata, according to their slave population respectively by
the census of 1800, in compensation for the losses of their loyal citi-
zens by the abolition of slavery; each State to be entitled to its quota
upon the ratification, by its Legislature, of this adjustment; the bonds
to be at the absolute disposal of the Legislature aforesaid.
5. The said Slave States to be entitled henceforth to representa-
tion in the House on the basis of their total, inst(»ad of their Federal
population, the whole now being free.
IGO HISTORY OF THE KEPUKLKWN PARTY.
The President felt deeply the injustice done to himself, nud the
injury done the country by Mr. Oreeley's suppression of essential facts
in his intercourse with th<* coniniission(»rs. He therefore asked Mr.
Oreeley for permission to publish the whole correspondence, omittinj;
only certain passages not necessary to a full understanding of the
subject. The most important of these was the following?, in Mr.
Greeley's lett<»rof July 7, which the President thought would injure the
Union cause on account of th<» despondency which it showed concern-
ing the prospects of the country: **l v(»nture to remind you that our
bleeding, bankrupt, almost dying country, longs for peace, shudders
at the prospect of fresh conscripticms, of further wholesale devasta-
tions and of new rivers of human blood. A widespread conviction
that the (iovernment and its jirominent sujjporters are not anxious for
peacr, and do not improve prolfered opi)ortunities, is doing great harm
now, and is morally certain, unless removed, to do far greater in the
approaching election."
Mr. (rreeley declined to give his consent to the publication of the
corresi)ondence unless these phrases should also be published. The
President, accordingly, submitted in silence to the injustice which had
been done him, and the full facts were not known until the correspcmd-
ence was publish(»d, a year later, in Henry J. Raymond's **Life, Public
Services and State Papers of Abraham Lincoln."
This p(»riod was marked by some turmoil in the Cabinet. During
the discussion in regard to the correspondence, the President invited
Mr. (ireeley to Washington, but (Irei^ley declined to go on the ground
that Mr. Lincoln was surrounded by his "bitterest personal enemies."
'I will gladly go," ]w said, "whenever- I feel a hopi» that their influence
has waned." This evidently meant that (Jreeley wanted a promise
from th(» President that Sec retary Seward should be dismissed from
the Cabinet. Hut instead of being dismissed, Mr. Seward was, at
that time, probably, the most influcmtial member of that body. The
first change that actually was made in the Cabinet was the acceptance
of Mr. Chaser's rc*signation as Secretary of the Treasury, tendered
bcnause he insistcnl on nominating a candidate of his own as Assistant
Treasurer in New York. The other change in th(» Cabinet was th**
removal ol Postmaster (JcMicral Plair, in compliance* with the demand
of the* Paltimorc* i>lalform and the* pressure of prominent Republicans.
Mr. Blair was loyal to PresidcMit Lincoln, and his support of the Eman-
cijiation Proclamation was uncMjuivocal; but he was an acrimonious
THE LINCOLN ANJ) JOHNSON TAMPA ION.
101
i-ritic and liad a jjjreal faculty for inakiiij» enemies. TIh^ President
was relnetant to remove him, and at one time said: **I propose con-
tinuing to be myself the judge as to wlien a member of the Cabinet
sliall be dismissed;" but alonjj: in September the letters asking the
dismissal came lik(» an avalanche. Among others, Henry AVilson
wrote: "Everyone hates Blair. Tens of thousandsof men will be lost
to you or will give a reluctant vote on account of the Hlairs." At last
Lincoln yielded. Ulair accepted his dismissal gracefully, and gave
Mr. Lincoln his most earnest supjiort in the campaign.
The September and
Octol>er elections set-
tled beyond question,
the result of the Presi-
d e n t i a 1 contest. In
Se[>tember Maine and
Vermont gave largely
increased Rejiublican
majorities. In October
Pennsylvania changed
her representation in
Congress from twelve
to twelve in the Thirty-
eighth to fifteen Re-
publicans and n i n (»
Democrats in the Thir-
ty-ninth. Indiana
passed through one of
the most exciting cam-
paigns in its history, in
which (fOV(n*nor Mor-
ton made a magnificent
<anvass, aid<*d by pnmiinent Iiei)ublicans from all parts of the
<-ountry. He was re-elected by over :ii),(MM) majority. Ohio, which
had sent fourteen Democrats and five Uepubli<ans to Congress in
lSt)*J, now chose seventeen Republicans to two Democrats, and the
Cnion ticket had a majority of 54,754. Maryland gave great satis-
faction to the <»ntire North by adojiting a n<*w Constitution abolish-
ing slavery.
The tide from this until tlu» November (election was r(»sistless.
In that election McCieilan carried the three States of New Jersey,
OMVER p. MORTON.
162 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
Delaware and Kentiirky, with twentv-one ele<-toral votes, while
Lincoln received the votes of all the New Enj^land States, of New
York and Pennsylvania, West \'irginia, ^laryland, Tennessee, I^uisi-
ana and Arkansas, and of the new Btate of Nevada, which was, on
the 81st of October admitted to the Union. Their electoral vote, as
finally counted, was 212. The ])0|>ular vote was:
Lincoln and eJohnson 2,216,067
Mcdellan and Pendleton 1,808,725
Republican majority 407,342
The claim had been occasionally made that the Democrats con-
tribut<*d more soldiers to the Union armies than the Republicans. If
this had been so the vot(» of the soldiers in the field ought to have been
larger for McUh^llan, the "idol of th(» soldiers" than that for Lincoln.
The result was very ditTerent from that. Fourteen of the states bad
authorized, their soldiers to vot(* in the fi(»ld, those of New York
sending home their ballots sealed to be cast by their next friends.
The vote of the Minnesota soldiers did not reach her State canvassers
in time to be counted, and were probably destroyed unopened. So
with part of the Vermont soldiers' vote. Of the states whose soldiers
voted so that their ballots can be distinguished, the army vote was
returned as follows, and Lincoln's majority was 85,46*^:
States. Lincoln. McClellan.
Maine 4,174 741
New Hampshire 2,0G() 690
Vermont 245 49
Pennsylvania 26,712 12,459
Marvland 1,800 321
Kentucky 1,194 2,823
Ohio. ..." 41,146 9J57
Michigan 9,402 2,959
Iowa 15,170 1,364
Wisconsin 11,372 2,458
Kansas 2,8(>7 543
Ualifornia 2,600 237
Total 119,754 34,291
One of the most gratifying results of the election was the defeat
for re-election as (lovernor of New York, of Horatio Seymour, who^
164 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PAx^x ^
elei'tion was a niH'essity. We cannot have free frovernnient without
elections; and if the rebellion could for<*e us to forejjo or postpone a
National election it might fairly claim to have already conquered
and ruined us. The strife of the election is but human nature, prac-
tically applied to the facts of the caise. What has o<'curred in this
case must ever recur in similar (-ases. Human nature will not
change. In any future great National trial, compareil with the men
of this, we will have men as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise,
as bad and as gocwl. I^t us, tlu»refore, study the in<-idents of this
as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wr<mgs to be
avenged.
"But the election, along with its imidcntal and undesirable strife,
has done good, too. It has demonstrattMl that a |NM»ple's (lovernment
can sustain a National election in the midst of a great civil war.
I'ntil now, it has not btHMi known to the world that this was a possi-
bility. It shows, also, how sound and how strong we still are. It
shows that even among the candidates of the sanu» party, he who is
most devoted to the I'nion, and most oppose<i to treason, can re<-eive
most of the jK'ople's vott^s. It shows, also, to the extent yet known,
that we have more men now than we had when the war began, (iold
is g(M)d in its place; but living, brave and patriotic uhmi are better
than gold."
Of the various letters of congratulation which Mr. Lincoln
received none touched him more than those which <-ame fnmi the
Christian churches. His own religious fe4*ling, his sense of reliance
u\Hm Providence, had been intensifying for some time, and his
responses to these church congratulations give full expressi<m to it.
XIII.
THE TUIKTEENTEl AMENDMENT.
Importaut Events Attending; the (Mose of President Lincoln's Admin-
istration— Prominent Members in the House of the Thirty-eighth
Congress— The Tliirteenth Amendment Introduced by an Old
Democrat — Its F:asy Passage in the Senate — Prolonged Contest
<)v(»r the Measure in the House — Being Defeated Its Parlia-
mentary Standing Was Preserved by James M. Ashley— The
Leading Speakers for and Against It — The President and Secre-
tary Seward Use Their Influence In Its Favor— Final Adoption
of the Amendment.
The period from Lincoln's second election to his assassination
was fraught with more events of great importance than any other five
months in the history of the country. It witnessed the final extinc-
tion of slavery by the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment to the
Constitution, the final defeat of the rebel armies, the complete collapse
of the rebellion, and the first steps toward reconstruction.
In the House of the Thirty -eighth Congress, which occupied a
large amount of time in the discussion of the Thirteenth Amndment,
a f(»w of the most distinguished members of former Congresses had
disappeared, among them K. G. Spaulding and Roscoe Conkling, of
New York, and Sj)eaker (Jalusha A. Orow, of IVnnsylvania. To take
their places there appeared an unusually large number of new
members who afterwards attained National distinction, including
James G. Blain<s of Maine; George S. Houtwell, Samuel Hooper and
William P. Washburn, of Massachusetts; Thonuis A. Jen<k8, of Rhode
Island; Charles O'Neil and (ilenni W. Schofield, of Pennsylvania;
John A. J. Creswell and Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland; Robert
C. Schen<k, of Ohio; William B. Allison, John A. Kasson and James
F. Wilson, of Iowa. Mr. (J row's retirement gave opportunity for the
election to tlu» Sp(»akership of Schuyler Colfax, who for many years
after this was among the nnist i-onspicuous figures in National poli-
tics. A number of the new members nuide their first Congressional
166 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLirAN PARTY.
speeches of any importance during the pendency of the Thirteenth
Amendment, which in form was as follows:
Be it Resolved, etc.. That the following Article be proposed to
the Ivegislaturt^s of the several states as an Amendment to the Consti-
tution of the Ignited States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of
said legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part
of said Constitution, namely:
Article XIII.
Section I. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as
a imnishmeut for crime, wlu^reof the party shall have been duly con-
vi<ted, shall exist within the Tnited States, or any place subject to
their jurisdiction.
Sec. II. Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by
appropriate legislation.
It is a striking comment on the changes which the war had
brought in individual and party politics, that this Amendment should
be introduced in the Senate, not by one of the old Abolition or Free
Soil Senators, but by an old Douglas Democrat from a Slave State.
Oen. John R. Henderson had been appointed a Senator from Missouri
in January, 1S62, after Trusten Polk was expelled for joining in the
Secession movement. He was a Douglas Democrat up to the close
of the campaign of ISCJO, but when the Secession movement began to
take form, he became one of the most active Unionists in the State,
and was of great service in frustrating the schemes of the Secession-
ists. In the Senate he acted with the Republicans, except on what
he considered as extreme measures. The Confiscation Act of 1862,
for instance, he oppostnl, because it would "cement the Southern mind
against us, and driv<* new armies of excited and deluded men from
the border states to espouse the cause of the rebellion," but he earn-
estly supported Mr. Lincoln's Compensated Emancipation policy, and
labor<*d strenuously to secure the i)assage of the Missouri Compensa-
tion Hill. With the failure of half way measures his Anti-Slavery
sentiments grew, and he finally became a fit leader in the Senate of
the movement for securing the complete abolition of slavery.
The Amendment had an easy road in that body. After its intro-
duction it took the usual course of reference to the Judiciary Commit-
tee, whi<h reported it favorably, and it passed by a vote of 38 to 6,
as follows:
Yeas — Fessenden and Morrill, of Maine; Clark and Hale, of New
Hampshire: Sumner and ^Vilsolu of Massachusetts; Anthony and
Sprague, of Rhode Island; Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut; Colla-
mer and Foot, of Vermont; Harris and Morgan, of New Y^'ork; Ten
1()S
HISTOKY OF THE KEPUBLirAN PARTY.
the r^iiion could not be preserved without it. \Yheu the vote on the
Amendment was announced, Saulsbury said: "I bid farewell to all
hope of reconstruction of the t'nion." Hendricks, of Indiana, opposed
the Amendment and objected to anv interference with slavery, because
the eleven stat(»s in n^bellion wer<» not represented in Congress.
McDoujjall succeeded in the Senate, William M. (rwin, the rabid Seces-
sion leader of California. He entered the Senate as a \Yar Democrat,
but soon fell ba( k into the ranks of the regular conservative Democ-
racy. The only really rami)ant Southern sympathizer among the six
n a y s was Garrett
Davis, an old Ken-
tucky \Yhig. When the
bill abolishing slavery
in the District of
Columbia was before
Congress in 1862, he
wanted it amended so
as to [)rovide for coloni-
zation beyond the lim-
its of the United States,
on the ground that the
residence of liberated
slaves among the
whites wcmid result in
a war of races. When
(ien. Henderson's reso-
lution was introduced
he moved an irrelevant
amendment, excluding
a 1 I descendants of
negroes, on the mater-
nal side, from all places of ofhce and trust under the Oovernment of
the I'nited States. His hostility to the strimgest Anti-Slavery
section of the country was so great that he proposed a consolidation
of the six New England States into two States, to be called East New
England and Wc^st New England. He was erne of the extremest,
as he was one- of the last, of the irrec oncilables.
The* amc»ndnic*nt did not (are so well in the House. It was intro
duccHl hcMc\ Deccmhci 14, IMI.J, by James M. Ashley, of Ohio, who
afterwaids became famous as the prime mover in the effort to
JAMKS M. ASHLEY.
THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT. 169
iiiil>oach President Johnson. Ashley was as ardent an Anti-Slavery
man as that other famous Ohioan, Joshna R. OiddinKS had been
before him. He was a forcible speaker, supported his resolution
with great earnestness, and was persistent in its advocacy, although
it was evident that the House was not favorable to its adoption. It
was referred to the Judiciary Committee and there remained in
repose. A se<()nd resolution of like purport was introduced by
Isaac N. Arnold, of Illinois. Mr. Holnuin, of Indiana, who had
already earned the title of the great objector, had objected to the
second reading of Mr. Ashley's resolution, but was overruled. He
now took another form of obstruction, and moved to lay Mr. Arnold-:^
resolution on the table. This was negatived by a vote of 79 to 58.
As it requires a two-thirds vote to adopt a Constitutional Amend-
ment, this vote was not encouraging, and the resolution was not
further pressed.
When the Senate resolution reached tlu* House its reception was
even more discouraging. Mr. Holman objected to its sec<md reading,
but was overruled, and the measun* remained before the House for
consideration. The first test vote showed 76 members in favor of the
measure, while it would take 110 to pass it. In the discussion which
followed the principal speakers in the opposition W(»re Fernando
Wood, Samuel J. Randall, (leorge H. Pendleton and Robert Mallory.
The latter, a Kentucky Whig, not only opposed this measure, but
insisted that the Emancipation Pro<lamation did not represent Presi-
dent Lincoln's best judgment, but was forced up<m him by the War
tfovernors who had met in Altoona in 1862. Fernando Wood was
naturally hostile to this measure. He represented the New York
City Democracy, and cultivated tlie favor of the mob, who had been
educated into hostility to nearly everything that was favored by the
Cnion side, during the war. Randall, who afterwards became one
of the most broad-minded of the Demo< rats in the House, entertained
the fears that possessed many of the young men at that time, that the
abolition of slavery was the forerunner of all sorts of usurpations.
Pendleton took the ground that, as then constituted, the Union had
no power to abolish slavery.
The jirincipal sp(»akers in favor of the amendment were Daniel
Morris, of New York; E. C. Ingersoll, of Illinois, and CJeorge S. Rout-
well, of Massachusetts. It seems (extraordinary that the older
members- of the Hous(» should hav(* Mt the consideration of this
JDiportant measure entir<»ly to new nu^i. The hopelessness of the
170 HI8TORY OF THE KEl'UBLU AN PARTY.
ease may have been one reason. At any rate the sluggishness of
the debate, on this occasion, was in marked contrast to its earnest-
ness, when the subject again <ame up in the same House, a year
later.
The vote, when taken, gave JKi yeas to 04 nays, 106 votes l>eing
required to pass it. Mr. Ashley, who kept careful watch of the
measure at every stage, and who had voted no for that purpose,
moved to reconsider and thus preserved the parliamentary status of
the measure. He also announced that when Congress met again,
in December, 1804, he should press the resolution, and expected that
it would be adopted.
President Lincoln earnestly desired the ado]>tion of this Amend
ment. He thought it essential to the safe reconstruction and j>eriH^-
tuity of the I'nion, and he found in it also a vindication of his
judgment in issuing the Fhuancipation Proclamation. He person-
ally urged his views upon Members of Congress who were friendly to
him, and in liis annual message to Congress, December 6, 1864, he
said:
**At the last session of Congress, a propos(Mi Amendment of the
Constitution, abolishing slavery throughout the Cnited States,
passed the Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vot<*
in the House of Representatives. Although the i)resent is the same
Congress, and nearly the same members, and without questioning the
wisdom or ])at riot ism of those who stood in opposition, I
venture to ncommeud the reconsideration and passage of
the measure at the present session. Of course the abstract
question is not changed, but an intervening election shows
almost certainly that the next Congress will pass the measure, if
tliis does not. Hence there is only a question of time as to when
the proposed Amendment will go to the states for their action, and
as it is to go at all events. n:ay \\e not agree that the sooner the
better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on
members to change their views or their votes any further than as an
additional element to be < onsid<*red. Tlieir judgment may be affected
by it. It is the voice of the peoj)le, now, for the tirst time, heard
on the ojiestion. In a great National crisis, like ours, unanimity of
action among those seeking a (ommon (*nd is very desirable, almost
indispensable; and yet no apjiroach to such unanimity is attainable
unless some def(»rence sliall be paid to the will of the majority.
In this case the <ommon end is the maintenance of the Union, and
TEIE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT. 171
among the moans to secure that end, such will, through the election,
is most clearly declared in favor of such Constitutional Amend-
ment/'
Mr. Seward had added his influence to that of the President in
behalf of a measure which he considered **worth an army."
AVith this new supjmrt for the resolution Mr. Ashley called it up
on the Gth of January, 18()5. He opened the debate with a forcible
speech, but aft<^r that confined his efforts mostly to [personal work
among the members, laboring chiefly with the Democrats. When
this Congress was first ele<ted it consisted of 103 Republicans and 8^*
Democrats, and but few changes had been made after that, so that
the Republicans alone could not carry any measure requiring a two
thirds vote. The task of securing the necessary number of Demo
crats, by any amount of persuasion, would have been hopeless a year
earlier, but circumstances had changed greatly in twelve months.
The end of the rebellion was a])parently near, for one thing, and
there were a few Northern Democrats in the House who had always
bt»en in favor of [)utting down the rebellion, who did not agree with
the Republicans on the slavery question, but who did now recognize
the fact that the passage of this Amendment would strike the dead-
liest blow to the Southern cause. The utterances of the most vio-
lent South(-rn leaders aided in promoting this view. Jefferson Davis
wrote to (lovernor Vance, of North Carolina, a few months before:
'*\Ve are not fighting for slavery, w<» are fighting for independence;
and that, or extermination, we will have." The natural inferenci*
was that if the South was not fighting for slavery there was no reason
why the North should continue it in order to pa<ify the South. The
whole attitude of the Secession leaders was such as to finally con-
vince observing Northern men that further compromises and
concessions on the slavery question were useless. That was no
longer the main question in issue. The first Democrats to speak in
favor of the Amendment were Odell, of New York, and Yeaman, of
Kentucky. In order to rally the Democrats against it, Mr. Pendle-
ton, the leader of the minority, spoke, three days later. He put the
issue squarely, not on the wisdom or expediency of the Amendment,
but on the ]K)wer to amend, which he denied. He held that the
power to amend was limited in two ways: (1) by the letter; (2) by
the sjurit, scoi)e and intent of the Constitution. It was a question
of compact. One State, the smallest, Rhode Island, could of right
resist such an Amendment by force.
172 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
This extreme ground called out a number of long and some-
times tedious arguments from young Republicans who were making
their tirst stand for a reputation, but the tediousness of the debate
was relieved by the diversions of S. S. Cox, of Ohio. Mr. Cox was
really a fine Constitutional lawyer, but he often chose to take the
role of the gad-fly, and he had a particular fancy for stinging men
who assumed leadership. One of his first utterances on this
question was: "The party to which I belong loves the Union as
dearly as the South loves slavery. If they can let slavery go for
independence, tlu* Democracy can let it go for the sake of the
Union." Mr. Cox's logical action after su<h an utterance would
have been to vote for the Amendment, though he did not. His
adroit way of stating the case at issue, and at the same time of
enlivening the debate, and of stirring uj) his oj)j)onents was illus-
trated by this passage in one of his speeches: '*It was with some
amusement that I listened to my two colleagues (Messrs. Pendleton
and Ashley) yesterday. How adroitly the Democratic member
sought to catch the Republican. How he j)lied him to admit the
power to establish slavery I How shrewdly my colleague on the
other side evaded I On the other hand, members on the other side
sought to entangle my colleague (Mr. Pendleton) with some of his
former votes I How both evaded the issues presented in their
former positions I While the humbler member, who now addresses
you, sat complacently consistent amid the melodramatic perform-
ance, ready to admit the power to change the fundamental law is
unlimited, under the guards and modes prescribed, even to the estab-
lishment of slavery or a monarchy, of entiin^* freedom or entire
democracy. Both of my friends deny this as extreme and heterodox;
the one because he would have nothing but limited republicanism
as the form of (iovernment — that is my Democratic colleague; the
other IxMausi* he would have nothing but sweeping democracy as
the basis of our Constitution — that is my Republican colleague, who
is so deniocratic. The wishes of each color their present arguments
as to the power. Wlu^n slavery is t^o !><» guaranteed, my colleague from
Cincinnati believes, with me, in the power to amend, and my colleague
from Toledo denies it. When it is to be abolished, my colleague
from Toledo believes, with iiie, in the power to amend, and my
colleague from Cincinnati denies it. Roth deny the power when
slavcM-y is to be atTcM-ted, and both admit ii when slavery is not to be
atTcMtcMl. I have them both on eithc*r side*, and (*ach cm both sides,
and both with me.''
THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT. 173
The power to amend was the question upon which the Constitu-
tional part of the debate finally turned, and this had been first
brouj;ht in issue, in the broadest terms, by Mr. Cox, two days before
Mr. Pendleton made his argument. Mr. Cox had then said: "I
earry the Democratic doctrine to such an extent that I maintain,
that the people speaking through three-fourths of the States, in pur-
8uan<e of the mode prescribed by the Constitution, have the right
to amend it in every particular, except the two specified in that
instrument; that this includes the right to erect a monarchy; to make,
if you please, the King of Dahomey our King.*' He pointed out that
this power over the Constitution was conceded by Madison and by
Calhoun, and that it was the power invoked by the Peace Confer-
ence of 18(51, and by the Crittenden Compromise.
Mr. Bout well argued that the power to amend was limited only
by the preamble, while Mr. Thayer, of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Dawes,
of Massachusetts, agreed that there were absolutely no limitations;
that three-fourths of the States could alter the preamble, as well as
any other part of the instrument.
When the debate was over, there was very little left of the
theory advancc^d by Mr. Pendleton. The only question remaining
was whether there were enough Democrats who would follow their
real convictions to give the necessary two-thirds. The time of
voting was fixed at 4 p. m. January 31, and in anticipation of the
event, there was great excitement on the floor, and in the galleries,
which were filled. Most of the members kept tally on the vote,
which had a few disappointments. Eight Democrats were absent, and
as they were all unpaired, the inference was that they were unwilling
to vote against the amendment, and not quite ready to vote for it.
Mr. Cox gave the House a surprise and the friends of the measure a
disappointment. He had a speech prepared explaining his vote in
favor of the measure, and then voted against it. The explanation,
afterwards given, was that he learned, after he reached the floor of
the House, that the Peace Commissioners were on their way to
Washington, and he thought that the Amendment would prove an
obstacle to peace and union. The following Democrats, fourteen in
number, voted for it: James E. English, of Connecticut; Anson
Herrick, William Radford, Homer A. Nelson, John H. Steele and
John Ganson, of New York; Joseph Bailey, A. H. Caffroth and Archi-
bald McAllister, of Pennsylvania; Wells A. Hutchins, of Ohio;
Augustus C. Baldwin, of Michigan; J. S. ]{ollins and King, of Mis
souri, and Wheeler, of Wisconsin.
174 HISTORY OF THE RErUHLICAN PARTY.
The Anieiidiiieiit was adojitcd, IIJ) yeas to 56 nays, seven more
tlian the necessary two-thirds. There was jj:reat applause in the
galleries, and many congratulations on the floor. When order was
restored Mr. Ingersoll, of Illinois, said: "Mr. Speaker, in honor of
this inmiortal and sublinu^ event, I ui.ove that the House do now
adjourn.'' So far as Congress was ((meerned, the final act for
obliterating the instituticm which had been the cause of ccmtention
for four score years, was consummated.
Other measures at this session of Congress may be briefly men-
tioned. Early in the session E. H. Washburne, of Illinois, intro-
duced a bill to revive the rank of Lieutenant Oeneral. Mr.
Washburne was a resident of the same town as (jSeneral Grant, was
instrumental in securing his tirst appointment in the army, and it
was considered certain that the passage of this bill meant the
appointment of (Jeneral Orant to the positicm. it was strongly
opposed by Uenerals Schenck and (Jarlield, but was adopted.
The bill establishing the Freedmen's Bureau was one of the
measures that belong to the latter part of this session. The House
also passed a bill rejiealing so much of the Confiscation Act, passtHl
July 17, 1H)2, Jis i>rohibited the forfeiture of the real estate of rebels
beyond their natural lives. The Senate failed to take similar
action, and the law reujained unchanged. It ceased to be a matter
of any imiuutance before the next Congress met.
A further reminder of the changes that a few years had wrought
came in the death of (Miief Justice Taney, of the Supreme Court, and
the appointment in his place, of Salmon 1». (Miase, ex-Secretary of the
Treasury. One of the most extreme upholders of th<» right of slave-
holding had given place to one of the earliest Anti-Slaverv leaders.
176 HISTORY OF THE REPrBLICAN PARTY.
be had with a recognition of the Confederacy. In negotiations and
correspondence which followed, there was constant fencing on this
jioint. Tluis, in January, Francis P. Hlair went to Ri<-hniond to
induce Jefferson Davis to send, or receive, commissioners to treat for
pea<e. He returned to Washington January 16, bringing with him a
written assuranie, addressed to himself, from Jet!Vrson Davis, of his
willingness to enter into negotiations for pea<*e, to re<-eive a I'oniniis-
sioner whenever one sliould be sent, and of his readiness to appoint
sucli a commissioner, minister, or other agent, and thus "render the
effort to enter into a conference, with a view to secure peace between
the two countries." Mr. Hlair prcstmted this letter to President
Lin<*oln, who at once authorized him to return to Richmond, carrying
with him his written assurance that he had constantly bet^n, was
then, and should continue to be, "ready to receive any agent whom
Mr. Davis, or any other person now resisting tlie national authority,
may informally send uu\ with a view of securing pc^ace to the |)eople
of our ccmimon Country."
Xotwitlistanding this emphasized difference on the essential
point, Mr. Davis appointed as ]><»ace commissioners Alexander H.
Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter and J. A. Campbell, who jUHuet^ded to
Fortress Monroe, whcMe Secretary Seward met them, under instruc-
tions to insist upim three things as indispensable (D The restoration
of the national authority throughout all the* states, (2) No receding
from the position of the National Executive cm the subject of slavery,
ill) No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the dis-
banding of the forces hostile to the (lovernment. Tpon this basis
Mr. Seward was to hear what the Conunissioners had to say, and
report to the President, but he was to consummate nothing. Witli
this as a starting point, negotiations continued for several days, the
President himself visiting Fortress Monroe at one time to take part
in them. They were of no use, excej>t as showing to the people of
the North that President Lincoln, while ready for peace, was not
ready to yield any of the principles for which the North had contended
and to show them also that the Southern leaders were still bitter and
implacable. After the Commissioners returned to Richmond a great
meeting was held in that City, which was addressed by (Governor
Smith of Virginia and by Jef!*erscm Davis, who said: "In my conv-
spondence with Mr. IJncoIn, that functionary has always sjioken of
the Cuited States and the ConfechMacy as *our aftiicted Country,' but
in my re])lies I have never failcMl to refer to them as separate and dis-
THE END OF THE WAR. 177
tinct Cioveriiiiioiits; and sooium* than we should ever be united again^
I would be willing to yield up everything I have on earth, and, if it
were possible, would sacrifice my life a thousand times before I would
succumb/' He conclud<»d by exhorting those at lionie, who were able
to bear arms **to unite with those already in the army in repelling
the foe; beli(*ving that thereby we would compel the Yankees, in less
than twelve months, to petition for peace upon our own terms."
This meeting unanimously resolved "that we, the citizens here
assembled do spurn, with the indignation due to so gross an insult,
the terms on whi<h the l^resident of th<» I'nited States has offered
peace to the people of the (\)nf(Mlerat<» States,'' and " That the circum-
stances, under which that ]>roffer was made, add to the outrage, and
stamp it as a designed and premeditated indignity to our people.''
A "War Meeting'' was held in Richmond, three days afterw^ards,
at which several addresses were made, and resolutions were adopted,
among them one "that the* events which have oc<*urred during th»?
ju'ogress of the war have but confirmed our original determination
to strike for our indei)endence; and that, with the blessing of God,
we will never lay down our arms until it shall have been won;'' and
this was received with wild and long continued cheering. The people
were as infatuated as tluMr leaders were bitter. The story of these
negotiations may, v(My api>ropriately, be followed by the closing
words of President Lincoln's second inaugural, wliich came three
weeks later, and which arc* in such striking contrast to the bitterness
of the Rebel leaders: "With nuili<e toward ncme, with charity for all,
with firmness in the right, as (lod gives us to see the right, let us
strive to finish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation's wounds,
to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow^
and his orphan, to do all whi<h may achieve and cherish a just and a
lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations."
From some developments that have since been made, it is
believed that the confident tone which the Rebels assumed, during and
aft(»r the negotiations mentioned, was based upon the existence of a
conspiracy among the Democratic generals of the I'nion Arniy to suj)-
plant the civil by the military i)ower. That such a conspiracy existed
has often b<»en asserted, and it has even been said that the conspira-
tors made overtnres to (J(»neral (irant with a view to making him
Dictator. If such overtures were made the "Silent Captain" never
told of them, and he certain 1\ never showcnl signs of anything except
unwav(*ring loyalty to the Country and the Commander-in-Chief. That
178
HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
such a tonspirai y ever existed, except in the brains of a few vision-
aries, is not at all probable. That some of tlie Rebel leaders believed
it to exist is quite certain.
Tj>on whatever basis (he Rebels placed their illusive hopes and
defiant language in February, they were rapidly undeceived after the
middle of March. On the nineteenth of that month Sherman, who
had marched from Oeorgia into North Carolina, effected a union with
General Terry's forces, thus present inj» a front to (Jeneral Johnston,
which not only prevented that officer from reinforcinj? Lee, but which
put his entire com-
mand in peril. On the
twenty-fifth General
Lee took Fort Sted-
man by surprise, but
a few hours afterwards
was driven out with
.ureat loss. On the first
of Aiiril (Jeneral Sher-
idan ro\ited the enemy
at Five Forks with a
loss to them of nearly
six thousand prisoners,
besides the killed and
wounded. On the sec-
ond of April our forces
pushed the enemy with
success, almost all
ahmg the line, and that
night Lee abandoned
both Petersburg and
PHILIP ir. SHERIDAN. Richmond, which were
occupied by our troops the next day. A week later, April 9, I^ee sur-
rendered.
The President had been either with or near the Army during the
first jiart of these stirring events. He entered Richmond the day
after it was evacuated by tlu* Rebels, being rowed from a man-of-war
to a landing about a mile below the City and th<*nce, accompanied by
his young son and Admiral Porter, went to the City in a boat. The
\n\viy th(Mj walked up th(» street toward G(»n(»ral Weitzel's headquar-
t(*rs accompanied only by the sailors who had rowed him up. His
THE END OF THE VVAK.
179
coDiinji: was uiianuouiued, but news of bis arrival spread rapidly, and
from all sides the colored peoi)le ranie running together. A maga-
zine writer of the time thus described the scene:
"They gathered around the Presid<*nt, ran ahead, gathered upon
the flanks of the little company, and hung like a dark cloud upon the
rear. Men came from all the by-streets, running in breathless haste,
shouting and hallooing and dancing with delight. The men threw
up their hats, the women waved their bonnets and handkerchiefs,
clapped their hands, and sang, '(ilory to (lodl Olory! Glory I' render-
ing all the praise to
God who had heard
their wai lings in the
past, their moanings
for wives, husbands,
children and friends
sold out of their sight;
had given them free-
dom, and after long
years of waiting, had
[iermitted them, thus
unexpectedly, to behold
the face of their great
benefactor. *I thank
you, dear Jesus, that 1
behold President Lin-
kum,' was the exclama-
tion of a woman who
stood upon the thresh-
o 1 d of her humble
home, and with stream-
ing eyes and clasped
hands gave thanks aloud to the Savior of Men.
"Another, more demonstrative in her joy, was jumping and
striking her hands with all her might, crying, *Hless de Lord; Bless
de Lord I Bless de Lord I' as if there could be no end to her thanks-
giving. The air rang with a tumultuous chorus of voices. The
streets became almost impassable on account of the increasing multi-
tude, till soldiers were summoned to clear the way.
"The walk was long and the President halted a moment to rest.
'May de good Lord bless you, President Linkum,' said an old negro.
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN.
180 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY.
removing? bis liat and bowing, with tears of joy rolling down his
clH^eks. The President removed his own hat and bowed in silence;
but it was a bow which upset the forms, laws, customs and cere-
monies of centuries. It was a death shock to chivalry, and a mortal
wound to caste/'
The President returned to Washington on the 9th and for the next
four days was occupied with measures of relief from the burdens of
the war, rendered jiossible by its rapidly approaching end. The days
from the 24th of March till the 14th of April, were probably the
hapi)iest of his life. He had passed through days and months of
anxiety and d<»pr(»ssion, when the T^nion armies were suffering defeat,
when the political skies at the North were dark, and when he was
himself misunderslood and traduced. Now the Union armies were
on the high tide of victory, the political atmosphere was clear, and he
had frequent evidence that he himself stood higher in popular favor
than ever before. The great task of his life had been accomplished,
and he was already planning for the government and restoration to
prosperity of that portion of the country which was about to be
restored to peace; plans with the carrying out of which he was to
have nothing to do.
The story of his assassination at Ford's Theater on the evening
of April 14; of the universal expression of sorrow and grief through-
out the North; of the long journey made by the funeral tr«ain; of the
demonstrations of respect and sorrow in every Town and City along
the route; and of the inrpressive ceremonies and the interment at his
old home in Siiringfield, which he had not visited since he left it, four
years earlier — the story of all these is too long and too familiar to
the public to warrant repetition here.
The surrender of Lee had not quite finished the war, for General
Jolinston was still at the head of a large and well equipped army in
North Carolina, which might be reinforced fnmi other parts of the
Confederacy. Johnston, however, evidently knew^ that it was merely
a question of time when he must surrender, and he opened corre-
spondence with (leneral Sherman with a view to a suspension of hos-
tilities, (ieneral Sheiinan replied that he was fully empow^ered to
negotiate, on the same terms as those under which Lee surrendered
to Grant. This was not satisfactory to Johnston, and subsequently
he had two interviews with Sherman, in which he overpersuaded the
latter to sign Ihe following remarkable ^'Memorandum or Basis of
THE END OF THE WAR. 181
Agreement," which Shernian afterwards acknowledged he had no
power to guarantee:
1. The contending armies now in the field to maintain the status
quo, until notice is given by the rommanding Oeneral of any one to
his opponent, and reasonable time, say forty-eight hours, allowed.
2. The Confederate armies, now in existence, to be disbanded
and conducted to their several State Capitals, there to deposit their
arms and public property in the State Arsenal; and each of!i<*er and
man to execute and file an agreement to cease from acts of war, and
to abide the action of both State and Federal authorities. The
number of arms and of munitions of war to be reported to the Chief
of Ordnance, at Washington City, subject to the future action of the
Congress of the United States; and in the meantime to be used solely
to maintain peace and order within the borders of the states respec-
tively.
3. The recognition, by the Executive of the Cnited States, of the
several State Governments, on their otticers and Legislatures taking
the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the Cnited States; and
where conflicting State (iovernments have resulted from the war,
the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the Supreme Court of the
United States.
4. The re-establishment of sail Federal Courts in the several
states, with powers as defined by the Constitution and the Laws of
Congress.
5. The people and inhabitants of all states to be guaranteed, so
far as the Executive can, their political rights and franchises, as well
as their rights of person and property', as defined by the Constitution
of the I'nited States, and of the states representatively.
6. The Executive authority or (iovernment of the United States
not to disturb any of the people, by reason of the late war, so long as
they live in peace and quiet, and abstain from acts of armed hostility,
and obey the laws in existence at the place of their residence.
7. In general t( rms, it is announced that the war is to cease;
a general amnesty, so far as the Executive of the United States can
command, on condition of the disbandment of the Confederate armies,
the distribution of arms and the resumption of peaceful pursuits by
officers and men hitherto composing said armies. Not being fully
empowered by our respective principals to fulfill these terms, we indi-
vidually and oflBcially pledge ourselves to i)romptly obtain authority,
and will endeavor to carry out the above programme.
In making these terms General Sherman utterly misapprehended
the sentiment of peoi)le at the North. They had thought the terms
granted to I^e too generous, and those were granted b<»fore the assas-
Hination of President Lincoln. The suggestion of these much more
liberal terms, coming after that atrocious crime, was intolerable. In
18l> history of the kept lU.ICAN I'ARTY.
iU'cordaiKe with this sentiment tlie new President and Cabinet, with
the hearty concurrence of General Grant, repudiated the agreement
for the following reasons:
1. It was an exercise of authority not vestecl in (Jeneral Sher-
man, and, on its face, shows that both he and Johnston knew that
General Sherman had no authority to enter into any such arrange-
ments.
2. It was a practical ac knowledgment of the Rebel Government.
3. It undertook to re-establish Rebel State (iovernments that
had been overthrown at the sacrifice of many thousand loyal lives
and immense treasure, and phiced arms and munitions of war in the
hands of Rebels at their respective capitals, which might be used so
soon as the armies of the I'nited States were disbanded, and used to
conquer and subdue loyal states.
4. By the restoration of Rebel authority in their re8i>ective
states, they would be enabled to re-establish slavery.
5. It might furnish a ground of responsibility on the part of the
Federal Government to pay the Rebel debt, and certainly subjects
loyal citizens of Rebel States to debts contracted by Rebels in the
name of the State.
6. It puts in dispute the existence of loyal State Governments,
and the new State of W<*st Virginia, which had been recognized by
every Department of the I'nited Stati s Government.
7. It practically abolished confiscation laws, and relieved the
Rebels of every degree, who had slaughtered our people, from all
pains and penalties for their crimes.
8. It gave terms that had been deliberately, repeatedly and sol-
emnly, rejected by President Lincoln, and better terms than the
Rebels had ever asked in their most prosperous condition.
9. It formed no basis of true and lasting peace, but relieved
Rebels from the presence of our victorious armies, and left them in a
condition to renew their efforts to overthrow the I'nited States Gov-
ernment and subdue the loyal states, whenever their strength was
recruited and any opportunity should offer.
General Grant was sent immediately to Raleigh to announce
the rejection of the Shernum- Johnston arrangement and to direct the
immediate and general resumption of hostilities. Subordinate gen-
erals were ordered to be ready to resume hostilities at noon on the
26th. But Johnston, finding himself now in firm hands, surrendered
on the same terms as Lee did to Grant, the terms being as follows:
'*Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate; one copy
to be given to an officer designated by each of the Commanding
Generals; the officers to give their individual paroles not to take up
arms against the (lovernment of the United States until properly
THE END OF THE WAR. 183
exchanged; and each eouipan.v or ro^iuu^ntal connuander to sign a
like parole for the men of their connnands; the arms, artillery, and
public property to be pa<*ked and stacked, and turned over to United
States officers. This will not embrace the side anus of officers, nor
their private horses or baggage. This done, each officer and man
will be allowed to return to his home, not to b(» disturbed by United
States authority so long as they observe their paroh»s, and the laws
in force where they may reside."
There were, after this, a few battles and skirmishes in the remote
Southwest, but these were unimportant. As a general thing the
small bands of Rebels, still in the field, mustered themselves out,
grabbed what property they could lay hands on, and started for
home. The surrender of Lee made the colhapse of the Confederacy
inevitable. The surrender of Johnston made it c(miplete.
It remained to disband the Union armies. There were in the
field according to the muster rolls on the 1st of March, 0()5,5J)1 men,
of whom 002,593 were present for duty, and 132,538 on detached
service. These men had been accustomed, in the Army, to short
periods of fierce action, alternating with long iieriods of comparative
idleness. They had lost the habit of steady, <]uiet, labor, and many
people were apprehensive that the "turning loos(»'' of so many of
them at once, would be destructive of good order, good morals and
good government. These apprehensions proved groundh*ss. The
Union armies were made up, almost entirely, of j)atriotic citizens,
and not of bummers, dead beats or 8<ahiwags. The Western armies
were mustered out as fast as the condition of the districts in which
they were lo<ated would warrant. The Eastern armies were, as far
as practicable, concentrated at Washington for the (Irand Review,
which has become historic as the most inspiring parade of volunteer
citizen soldiery ever seen, and then they, too, were sent to their
homes. There was neither disturbance, nor rioting, nor any increase
of offenses against person or property. The vast host faded away
into the farms, the workshoi)S and the offices of the country, without
a sign of disorder, creating for itself only two reminders of its
former existence, the Grand Army of the Republic for the living.
Memorial Day for the dead.
XV.
ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS I'OLICY.
Forebodings of the Nortli<*rnois in Ki^jraid to Johnson — His Cam-
paign S])etHhes Made An rnfavorabU» Impression — His Threats
Toward the South — Talk About Making Treason Odious —
Sudden Change of Attitude — Proclamation of Amnesty and
Pardon — Poor Selections of Provisional Oovernors for the
Southern States — Misehievous Kesults of the President's Plan —
Southern Stat(»s Ke-<Mmet Slavery in Another Form — They
Accept the Thirteenth Amendmc»nt and Then Proceed to Nullify
H — Discriminations Against CoiorcHl P(M)pl(» in the Punishment
of Offenses — The President's Message* — Committee on Recon-
struction— Interesting Debates on th(» Southern Question —
Passage of the First Reconstruction Act and Procecnlings Under
It — The Fourtec*nth Amendment to the Constitution.
In casting about for some consolation for President Lincoln's
untimely taking off, many of tin* religious pc*ople of the class that
always understand in advance, the purposes of the Almighty, dis-
covered in this tragic event a d(»sign of vengc*ance upon the
transgressing South. Lincoln's g(»ntle and forgiving nature*, they
said, was not adapted to dc»aling with sutlhient severity with the
erring brethren. Providence had ordaincnl that the heavy hand of
Johnson should rest ui)on tluMn, instead of the soft hand of Lincoln.
It did not take many months to convince them of tlu^ir error, for the
new President, though truculent and threatening at first, soon inau-
gurated a policy, that if <arried out, would have jjut the Secc^ssion
leaders in the saddle again, reduced tin* negroes to prac^tical slavery,
and have nullified half the efiects of the war. As it was, he kept
the country in a turmoil during his whole four years' term of office,
set back the work of orderly and durable reconstruction and hindered
progrc^ssivi* Ic^gislation in almost every direction. He was one of
the worst mischi(*f makers in the whole history of American politics.
ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 185
The election campaign had not progressed far when the Repub-
licans who heard him 8i)eak became convinced that the nomination
of Johnson was a mistake. Nearly or quite the first set speech he
made after his nomination was in the wigwam, at Indianapolis, during
the State canvass in Indiana. It was nearly two hours long, was
rambling and disconnected in form, and was full of eulogistic and
conceited allusions to himself and his career. The contrast between
that and the eloquent, forcible and convincing arguments which the
people of that section had been accustomed to hear from the lips of
Governor Morton, was painful. His whole stumping tour through
the west gave the impression of a narrow, self-satistied man, who
had done good service to the country when he was obstinate in the
right, but who was equally likely to do great harm, if he should ever
become obstinate in the wrong. The hope remained that the recog-
nition of the War Democracy on the ticket would bring to it many
votes, and that Johnson, on the Vice Presidential shelf would, at least,
do no harm. As it turned out the votes were not needed, Johnson
did not remain on the Vif-e-Presidential shelf, and he did an infinite
amount of mischief.
While the new President was distrusted at the North his ante-
cedents, as well as his temper, were such as to peculiarly unfit him
for dealing with the inlluential men in the South. He was not only a
•*poor white," a class which the Southern aristocracy, who were the
real leaders, despised, but he was a lead(*r of that class. He con-
stantly boasted of his humble origin, and he had first climbed into
political prominence on the votes of men of similar origin. He had
posed as the workingman's friend, the champion of the poor against
the rich. He was the champion of white labor in the Tennessee
/-legislature and in Congress, his arguments tending to antagonize
^lave labor, although he never announced himself as an Anti-
^Slavery man. He advocated the Homestead policy, which was espec-
ially obnoxious to the Southern leaders, as tending to break up the
territories and the unsettled portions of the states into small land
l:ioldings, with independent settlers, instead of putting it into large
X^ld^ntations with slaves. In his course in Congress he was undoubt-
^=:»dly sincere, and he was certainly courageous. He was a I'niou
^aian, when to be such incurred the hatred of his own section. At
'^ lie time of Secession, he was the only Senator from a seceded State
"^ hat remained loyal to the Cnion. His firm and courageous discharge
ISfi HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
of his duty, as Military Govenior of Tennessee, had further intensi-
lied the hatred aijainst him in the South.
The Southern leaders niii^lit jierhaps have co-operated with such a
Southern Kepublican as Henry Winter Davis or Horace Maynard, or
Francis P. Blair, in the effort to formulate a reasonable and safe plan
of reconstruction, but not with Andrew Johnson. He might,
perhaps, when backed by the power of his new position, have over-
come this disadvantage, if he had possessed an even temper, tact and
jj^ood judgment. He possessed neither. He might have avoided
most of his numerous mistakes, if he had taken the course that
would luwe suggested itself to any jirudent man, called Congress
together in extra sessi(m, conferred with its leaders, and let that
body take the initiative. He was too conceited for that.
There had been nothing in his recent utterances that could lead
the Southerners to expect clemency at his hands. He protested to
President Lincoln against what he called the too easy terms of sur-
render accorded by (Jrant to Lee. Before Mr. Lincoln's remains had
left th(* White House, he announced that his policy was not to be one
of mercy. In a speecli to a delegation of distinguished citizens of
Hlinois, on the lS(h of A[)ril, he announced that Lincoln's policy
would be his policy, but afterwards struck out that jiortion of his
speech from the stenographer's notes. It did not agree with the
sentiments in other parts of the address, nor with what he, at the
time, felt. In anolher part of his address to these Illinois visitors
he said: *'When the (|uestion of exercising mercy comes before me
it will be considered calmly, judicially, remembering that I am the
Executive of the Nation. I know men love to have their namjes
spoken in connection with acts of mercy, and how easy it is to yield
to that impulse. But we must never forget that what may be mercy
to the individual is cruelty to the State."
His first public si)eech after he became President showed a sin-
gular want of tact. He gave no exj)ression of grief or praise for the
dead President, beyond the declaration that he was "almost over-
whelmed by the announcem(»nt of the sad event which has so recently
occurred." But he had much to say about himself, and his career.
This was always a ready and temptijig topic to him. "Toil, and an
honest advocacy of tin* great princi[)les of Free (iovernment have
been my lot,"' he said. "The duties have been mine, the consequences
(iod's." And this led Senator John P. Hale to remark: "Johnson
ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 187
seemed willing to share the glory of his ac-hieven)ents with his Cre-
ator, but utterly forgot that Mr. Lincoln had any share of credit for
the suppression of the Rebellion." Johnson's remark, and Hale's
comment on it, were enough to make the new^ President an object of
ridicule at the start. In this same speech he had some further
remarks about himself, his humble origin, etc., but very little to say
about the country, and nothing that was at all conclusive on the
subject that w^as uppermost in men's minds, the reconstruction of the
Seceded Slates.
For the next few days his utteran<;es, though savage enough to
buit the most implacable Rebel-hater, gave nothing definite as to his
plan of reconstruction. He had much to say about making "treason
odious,'- but nothing about how to make life in the Southern States
safe, nor about re-establishing loyal Governments in states that were
still under the control of their old Rebel Legislatures, or under no
control at all. Members of the Christian Commission called upon
him in the (!'apitol, while the dead President's remains still reposed
in that structure, and in behalf of the Commission the Rev. Dr.
Borden, of Albany, expressed the hope that justice might be tempered
with mercy. Johnson replied that he proposed "erecting a standard
by which everybody should be taught to believe that treason is the
highest crime known to the laws, and that the perpetrator should be
visited with the punishment which he deserves." "1 have become
satisfied that mercy without justice, is a crime, and that when mercy
and clemency are exercised by the Executive, it should always be
done in view of justice,'' he said to a delegation of loyal Southerners,
a day or two later.
To a delegation of Pennsylvanians, headed by Simon Cameron,
he exclaimed: '*But 1 say treason is a crime, the very highest crime
known to the law, and there are men who ought to suffer the penalty
of their treason. To the unconscious, the deceived, the conscripted,
in short, to the great mass of the misled, 1 would say, mercy, clem-
ency, reconciliation, and the restoration of their Government. But
to those who have deceived, to the conscious, intelligent, influential
traitor, who attempted to destroy the life of « Nation, I would say,
on you be inflicted the severest penalties of your crime."
This idea of the "severest penalties" clung to him for some
weeks. Senator Ben Wade, of Ohio, was one of the old Anti-Slavery
guard, was a rough rider in the Senate, was a good hater, and was
never accused of being esp^M'ially tender-hearted on any subject. But
\
18S HISTORY OF THE KEPTBLirAN 1\ax». .
Johnson regarded Wade as being too merciful for his own blood-
thirsty nature. After Senator Wade had advised him not to be too
severe, Johnson said: "Well, Mr. Wade, what would you do if you
were in my place, and charged with n)y responsibilities?'' "I think/'
was the answer, *'I should t»ither force into exile or hang about ten
or twelve of the worst of those fellows, jM^rhaps by way of full
measure 1 should make it thirttMHi, a baker's dozen." **Hut how/'
said Johnson, "are you going to pick out so snuill a number, and show
them to be guiltier than the rest?"
In all this ferocious talk there was no hint at any plan of restora-
tion, but on the 2nth of May he announred the tirst of his reconstruc-
tion measures. It was not a rail for the "severest j)unishnient," of
the "conscious, intelligent influential traitors," nor for the hanging
of any of those "guiltier than the rest." On the ccmtrary it was a
general "Proclamation of Amnesty and Pardon," with, however,
thirt#*en exceptional classes as follows: (1) All diplomatic officers
and ior(Mgn agents of the Confederate (lovernment. (2) All who left
Judicial stations under the liiited States to aid the Rebellion. \}\)
All military and naval ofluers of the ( 'onftnleracy above the rank of
Colonel in the Army, and Lieutenant in the Navy. (4) All who left
seats in Congress to join the Rebellion. (5) All who resigned, or
offered lo resign from the Army or Navy to evade duty in resisting
the Rehellion. (ti) All who were engaged in treating, otherwise than
as lawful prisoners of war, persons found in the United States
service* as offic(»rs, soldiers or seamen. (7) All persons who were, or
had been ubsent(H*s, from the United States for the purpose of aiding
the Rebellion. (Si All graduates of the Military or Naval Academy.
(IM OfTieeis of the states in iiisurrcMtion. (Kh All who passed beyond
the FtHleral military lines, for the purpose of aiding the Rebellion.
(11) All persons aiding in the destruction of the rommerce of the
rnitt»d States on the high seas, lakes and rivers. (12i All {>ersons
held in iniliTary, naval or rivil continenumt. (i:^) All persons engaged
in tlie Rebellion. th<» estimated value of whose property was over
:f20,(MMI.
In th(- last clause tin* President showed his old inclination to
play the poor against tli<* rirh. Nothing could possibly have bei*n
more unpopular than to put undcM* the ban th(» well-to-do people and
men of means, who, if th(\v ehos(\ could be vastly more in the work
of reconstruction than the poorer classes, who were largely unedu-
cated and uninfluential.
ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 189
This, and the subsequeut steps in the President's plan of restora-
tion, are credited to the efforts of Secretary Seward, who, it is said,
spei»dily aciiiiired «:reat influence over the President, and who, again
desired to **direct affairs for the benefit of the nation in the name of
another/' If tliat is so, th(» Secretar^^ was never proud enough of
the work to boast of it as his, and Johnson was too proud to acknowl-
edge that he got his ideas fi'oni anyone but himself. Whatever the
cause, the President abandoned his belligerent attitude, and from
this time on a pacific plan was adopted. Wheth(»r Seward originated
it or not, he fully coincided with it, and the deplorable results that
followed caused him the deepest disa])pointment and liumiliation.
After the failure of the plan was definitely established, he expressed
to his friends great surprise and chagrin that the South should
respond with such shameless ingratitude to the magnanimous
tenders of symjjathy and fri(Midship from the National Administra-
tion.
The Proclamation of Amnesty and Pardon was followed, th<?
same day, by the appointment of William W. Holden as Provisional
Governor of North Carolina, with authority to restore civil govern-
ment in the State. It was made the duty of Governor Holden "at
the earliest practicable period, to j)rescribe such rules and regula-
tions as may b(» necessary and proper for assembling a Convention
of delegates who are loyal to the I'nited States, and no others, for
the purpose of altering or amending the Constitution thereof, and
with authority to exercise, within tlu^ limits of the State, all the
powers necessary and ]u*oper to (»nable the loyal people of the State
of North Carolina to restore said State to its Constitutional relations
to the FiHleral Government, so as to entitle the State to the guaranty
of the X'nited States therefor, and to guard its people against inva-
sion, insurrections, and domestic vioh^nce.'' This was giving wide
latitude to a single^ individual, with no law of Congress for his guid
ance, and with no very definite instructions from the President.
Governor Holden was not a good choice of an official for the deli-
cate and responsible* duties of a position of this character. He was
a shifty politician, who always aimed to be on the winning side.
Before the war he was a Democratic editor at Raleigh, and w«a« an
original Secessionist. He was ahead of his State in that matter,
for, as early as 1850, he advocated disunion in case of Fremont's
election. In 1800-1, finding that the sentiment of the State was strong
against secession, ho o])p<)sed it. Uo was a mc^mber of the North Car-
olina convention, and when he saw that the outside pressure was cer-
\
too HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
tain to earn the secession ordinance throuj]^h, he shifted again, and
voted for it. He declared that he would keep the pen with which he
signed tlie Ordinance of Secession as an heirloom for his posterity,
and for a time was one of tlie most rampant 'iast ditch'' Rebels.
After a time he began to express doubts as to the wisdom of the
whole mov(»ment, and (criticised the Confederate Government at Rich-
mond so savagely that he came to be regarded as an open enemy of
the Confederate cause, and he was subjected to persecution and
annoyance for that reason. This sourc^d him still more on the move-
ment, and he expressed great satisfaction, which was doubtless genu-
ine, at the downfall of the Confederacy. Like Johnson, he sprung
from the poor white class, and if he had done his best, he could never
have been a favorite with the aristocracy. He did not, however, do
his best. He did little toward restoring prosperity and orderly gov-
ernment to the State, but much toward building u]) a political party
for President Johnson and himself. One of his methods for accom-
plishing this purpose was what Thaddeus Stevens called "peddling
amnesty,'' bringing discredit upon the administration, as well as
himself. His arts did not prevail, and at the first election under the
new Constitution, he was defeated in the contest for Governor by
over six thousand votes.
Less mischief was done in North Carolina by President John-
son's loose method of reconstruction, than in the cotton states. North
Carolina was almost the last of the seceding states to go out, and then
its ordinance was passed through trickery and outside pressure. Its
people were ready to accept any well-meant endeavors for the rehabil-
itation of the South, and reorganized without much help from
Holden. They accepted the President's plan, but repudiated its
agent.
In Alabama the outcome was very different. Lewis E. Parsons
was appointed Governor and tried to convince the people that the
abolition of slavery was a finality. **There is no longer a slave in
Alabama,'' he said. '*It is thus made manifest to the world that the
right of secession for the ])urpose of establishing a separate confed-
eraoy, based on the idea of African slavery, has been fully and
effectually tried, and is a failure." But in the convention which was
called by the Provisional Governor, quite a different spirit prevailed.
It was argued in the debates that the State had committed no crime
in seceding; that only individuals could be ])unished; that secession
worked no forfeiture of the right of slave owners in their slave prop-
/
ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 191
erty, and that there was no power in the Ignited States Government,
by proclamation or otherwise, to destroy slavery. For the sake of
securing standing with the Government and representation in Con-
gress, the Convention repealed the Ordinance of Secession, and
adopted the Thirteenth Amendment, and then proceeded, as far as
possible to nullify the latter. It adopted a Constitution without sub-
mitting it to the people, and the Governor and Legislature elected
under it, went as far as they could toward re-establishing slavery, and
promised to go farther in the future. The Governor in his address,
on assuming office, desired it to be understood, wiiile commending
the policy of the President, that socially and politically the affairs of
the State should be controlled by the superior intelligence of the
white men. A few inconveniences incident to the situation were to
be endured until they could be changed, but in due season Alabama
was to control the negro, much as it did before the war.
One of the first acts of the Legislature provided that freedmen,
free negroes, and mulattoes, when contracting to labor for a longer
time than one month, should enter into a written agreement, wit-
nessed by two white persons, and failure to perform the contract was
made a misdemeanor. The penalty was loss of wages and sentence
for vagrancy, which meant sale to the highest bidder, and virtual
slavery. By subsequent enactment a sale for vagrancy was limited
to six months, but **stubborn or refractory servants" and "servants
who loiter away their time," were added to the class of vagrants.
Mobile w as given a charter which made the municipal corporation the
direct agent in enslaving men. The Mayor, Aldermen and Common
Council were empowered **to cause all vagrants, all such as have no
visible means of support, all who can show no reasonable cause of
employment or business in the city, all who have no fixt^d residence
Or cannot give a good account of themselves, or are loitering about
tippling houses, to give security for their good behavior for a reason-
able time, and to indemnify the city for any reasonable charge for
their support, and in case of their inability or refusal to give secnritjs
to cause them to be confined to labor for a limited time, not exceeding
^jx months, said labor to be for the benefit of the city.'- ITnder the
V^arious provisions mentioned, with the testimony of white witnesses
^>iily received, it would be easy to secure six months' slavery for
^^ Imost any colored man.
The other Provisicmal Governors were William L. Sharkey, of
^lississippi, James Johnson of Georgia, Andrew J. Hamilton of
1J)2 HIRTORY OF THE REPrBLICAN PARTY.
Texas, Heiijainin F. Perry of Soutli Carolina and William Marvin of
Florida. Governors Johnson and Hamilton worked zealously, and
with fair success, in giving their respective states a start in the right
direction, but in the other three states mentioned the situation was
worse than in Alabama.
Governor Sharkey of Mississijipi was a man of probity, and a
good jurist, but without executive nualificarions. He was helpless
when it came to contact with the lire-eaters in that hot-headed t^tate.
The Legishiture chosen in accordance with the Johnson policy
rejected the Thirteenth Amendment, and went so far, in direct enact-
ments of an objectionable character, as to lead to the impression that
it would adopt shivery as a State institution. In fact the old slave
code was re-enacted, as far as possible, under another name.
In the South Carolina Legislature a motion to repeal the Ordin-
ance of ScM-ession was introduced by the same man who introduced
the Ordinance itself in ISGO. The Thirteenth Amendment was
accepted only after long delay, and then only at the personal solicita-
tion of President Johnscm and Secretary Seward. One of the acts
passed made felonies of crinu^s committed by persons of color, which
were only misdemeanors if committed by white persons. Many other
acts were passed which were unjust and tyrannical, and other special
laws were enacted of such an t*xtr(»me character that General Sickles
finally interfered, and virtually suppressed the Legislature.
In Florida the Thirteenth Amendment was not ratified until it
had already been proclaimed as part of the organic law of the land.
Laws rt^lating to vagrancy, similar to those in Alabaum, were passed
and among other cruel enactments was one That any negro intruding
himself *into any religious or other j)ublic assembly of white i>er8on8,
or into any railroad car, or other vehicle set apart for white persons,
must stand in the pillory for one hour, and then be whipped with
thirty-uin(» lashes on the bare back."
This was the situation when Congress met in December, ISIJ.!.
The South had been reconstructed without its knowledge or consent.
Schuyler Colfax was elected Speaker by a vote of IHJ) votes to
80 for James Prooks of \(»w York. On assuming the chair, Mr.
Colfax refl(Mted t\w tem]»er of the IIous<» by departing from the usual
perfunctory (\\pr(*ssion of thanks. He made some positive declara-
tions as to th(» work befon* the body, and the declarations were not
in th(* line of President Johnson's policy, eitlu^r. Even before tht»
President's mc^ssage had been rec(MV(Ml. Thaddeus Stevens made a
motion f(u- a joint commit t€»e on reconstruction and his motion was
ANDREW JOHNSON AND IIIS POLICY.
193
immediately adopted under suspension of the rules. The message
itself was unexpectedly moderate in tone, and indicated no purpose
to break with the majority in the two houses, but it received scant
attention. Its words were not in accord with the President's deeds.
In the Senate Mr. Sumner outlined a radical policy of reconstruction,
without reference to what the President might or might not do or
say. Thus in both houses, within the first two days there was every
indication that the President's ])olicy would be promptly repudiated.
The joint committee on reconstruction, provided for by Mr.
S t e V e n s' resolution,
was appointed on the
thirteenth of Decern
her, and consisted of
William Pitt Fessen-
den, of Maine; James
W. <f rimes, of Iowa;
Ira Harris, of New
York; Jacob M. How-
ard, of Michigan; Hev-
erdy Johnson, of Mary-
land; and George H.
Williams of Oregon,
on the ])art of the Sen-
ate; and Thaddeus
Stevens, of Pennsyl-
vania; Elihu H. Wash-
burne, of Illinois; Jus-
tin S. Morrill, of Ver-
mont; Henry Grider of
Kentucky; John A.
Bingham, of Ohio;
Roscoe Conkling, of New York; George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts;
Henry T. Blow, of Missouri; and Andrew J. Rogers, of New Jersey.
Before this committee reported, the general policy of reconstruc-
tion was discussed in the two houses in a somewhat rambling w^ay,
as there was great divergence of opinion as to the best methods.
Upon one point the Republicans were very g(»nerally agreed: That
they wanted no more of Johnson's [lolicy. This feeling was not at all
diminished by the character of the men who came to Washington to
represent the reconstructed states. Four of Johnson's Provisional
SCHUYLER COLFAX.
11)4
HISTORY OF THE HEPrHLirAN 1»ARTY.
(roveiiiors appeared witli certificates for seats in the Senate, and they
were the four whose states had practically be^jun to re-establish
slavery. They were Lewis E. Parsons, of Alabama; William Marvin
of Florida; William L. Sharkey, of Mississi]»pi; and Benjamin F.
l*erry, of South Carolina, while Georgia sent as Senators the Vice
President of the Confederacy, Alexander H. Stephens, and one of the
most conspicuous Rebels, Ilerschell \". Johnson. The House was
reminded that there had been a war, by the advent of the following;
Rebel military officers: Oeneral Cullen A. Battle, of Alabama; Oen-
eral Philip Cook and
Oeneral Wofford, of
■»; Georgia; General
Samuel McGowan and
Colonel John 1). Ken-
nedy, of South Caro-
lina; Colonel Arthur E.
Reynolds and Colonel
Richard Pinson, of Mis-
Bissippi; Colonel Josiah
E. Turner, Jr., of North
Carolina, together with
a hirge number of men
who had been civil lead-
ers in the Rebellion.
Thaddeus Stevens
was the leader of the
House forces on the
Reconstruction q u e s-
tion. He maintained
that the states that se-
ceded from the Union
must come back as new states, or come back as conquered provinces.
**The separate action of the President, or Senator, or House," he said,
"amounts to nothing, either in admitting new states or guaranteeing
republican form of Government to lapsed or outlawed states.
Whence springs the preposterous idea that any one of these, acting
separately, can d<»termine the right of states to send senators or rep-
resentatives to the Congress of the Cnion?'- Mr. Stevens had not,
at that time, got so far as to advocate suffrage for the blacks by
Federal action, but he ho])ed, by excluding the entire population from
^^^;^
THADDEUS STEVENS.
ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLK^Y. 195
tlie basis of representation in Congress, to compel the States, in
tbeir own interest, to extend the suffrage. He gave notice, nion^
over, that the blacks were not to go unprotected. He said: **We
have turned, or are about to turn loose, four million slaves, without
a hut to shelter them or a cent in their pockets. The diabolical
laws of slavery have prevented them from obtaining an education,
understanding the commonest laws of contract, or of managing the
ordinary business of life. This Congress is bound to look after them
until they can take care of themselves. If we do not hedge them,
around with protective laws, if we leave them to the legislation of
their old masters, we had better have left them to bondage. Their
condition will be worse than that of our prisoners at Andersonville.
If we fail in this great duty now, when we have the power, we shall
deserve to receive the execration of history and of all future ages."
He denounced, with great bitterness, the cry that this is a white
man's Government, saying: **Sir, the doctrine of a white man's Gov-
ernment is as atrocious as the s€*ntim(*nt that damned the late Chief
Justice to everlasting fame, and I fear, to everlasting tire."
The difficult task of answering Stevens was assigned to Henry
J. Kiiymond, of the New York Times. The vagaries of Mr. Greeley,
of the Tribune, during the war had de]>rived that paper of its former
prestige, and Mr. Raymond had succeeded in bringing the Times to
the front as the leading Republican paper. It had now sided with
Seward and Johnson, and Mr. Raymond himself was the ablest of the
very few Republicans in Congress who were formed in those ranks.
He evidently felt that he was in a somewhat anomalous position, in
being separated so thoroughly from the gri^at majority of his party
associates, but made the best that he could of the situation. **I
have no jiarty feeling," said he in opening his speech, *'that would
prevent me from rejoicing in the indications apparent in the Demo-
cratic side of the House, of a purpose to concur with the loyal Admin-
istration of the (fovernment and with the loyal majorities in both
Houses of Congress in restoring peace and order to our common
country. I cannot, however, help wishing, that these indications of
an interest in the preservation of our (lovernment had come some-
what sooner. 1 cannot help feeling that such expressions cannot
now be of as much use to the country as th(»y might onct» have been.
If we could have had from that side of the House such indications of
an interest in the preservaticm of the Cnion, such heart-felt sympathy
of the friends of the Government for the preservation of that Cnion,
1J)G
HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY,
such liearty denunciations for all those who were seeking its destruc-
tion while the war was raging, I am sure we might have been spared
some years of war, some millions of money and rivers of blood and
tears."
In seeking to controvert Stevens' theory of dead states, he said:
"The gentleman from Pennsylvania believes that what we have to do
is to cremate new states out of this conquered territory, at the proper
time many y(»ars distant, retaining them mefintime in a territorial
c'ondition, and subjecting thcMu to precisely such a state of discipline
and tutelage as Con-
gress and the Govern-
ment of the United
States may see fit to
prescribe. If I be-
lieved in the premises
he assumes, possibly,
though I do not think
probably, I might agree
with the conclusion he
, "lias reached. But, sir,
I cannot believe that
these states have ever
been out of the Union,
or that tlu\v are now
out of the Union. If
they were, sir, how and
when did they become
so? By what specific
act, at what precise
time, did any one of
those states take itself
out of the American Union?"
After the recess Mr. Shellabarger answered Mr. Raymond on
this point with a caustic sunmiary, that is in itself the history and
the substance of the debate. **I answer him,'' said the earnest
member from Ohio, "in the words of the Supreme Court: 'The
causeless waging against their own (rovernment of a war which all
the world acknowlc^dges to have bcM^i the greatest civil war known in
the history of the* human race.' The war was waged by these people
by states, and it went through long, dreary years. In it they threw
SAMUEL SHELLABARGER.
ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 197
oft* and defied the authority of your Constitution, and your Govern-
ment. They obliterated from their State Constitutions and Laws
every vestige of recognition of your Government. They discarded
all their official oatlis, and took in their places oaths to support your
enemies' government. They seized, in their own states, all the
Nation's property. Tlieir Senators and Representatives in your
Congress insulted, bantered, defied, and then left you. They expelled
from their land, or assassinated, every inhabitant of known loyalty.
They betrayed and surrendered your arms. Th(\v passed sequestra-
tion and other acts, in flagitious violation of the laws of nations,
making every citizen of the Ignited States an alien enemy, and placing
in the treasury of their Rebellion all money and property due such
citizens. They framed iniquity and universal murder into laws.
For years they besieged your capital and sent your bleeding armies in
rout back here, upon tlie very sanctuaries of your National power.
Their pirates burned your unarmed commerce u})on every sea. They
carved the bones of your unburied heroes into ornaments, and drank
from goblets made out of their skulls. They poisoned your fountains,
put mines under your soldiers' prisons, organized bands whoso
leaders were concealed in your homes, and whose commissions
ordered the torch to be carried to your cities, and the yellow fever to
your wives and children. They planned one universal bonfire of the
North, from Lake Ontario to the Missouri. They murdered, by
systems of starvation and exposure, sixty thousand of your sons, as
brave and heroic as ever martyrs were. They destroyed, in the four
years of horrid war, another army so large that it would reach almost
around the globe in marching columns. And then to give to the
infernal drama a fitting close, and to concentrate into one crime all
that is criminal in crime, and all that is detestable in barbarism, they
murdered the President of the Ignited States. I allude to these
h('rrid events, not to revive frightful memories, nor to bring back the
impulses toward the per])etual severance of this people which they
provoke. I allude to them to remind us how utter was the over-
throw and the obliteration of all government. Divine and human;
how total was the wreck of all constitutions and laws, political, civil
and international. 1 allude to them to condense their monstrous
enormities of guilt into (me crime, and to point the gentleman from
New York to it, and to' tell him that that was the specific act.''
Raymond nuide a rejoinder to Shellabarger before the debate
ch»8ed, but without effect. Uis spcnnh was ingenious and it was
198 HISTORY OF THE REPl'BLICAN PARTl .
praised for its cleverness, but it met with no practical sympathy, and
when the test vote was taken only one Republican in the House voted
with Mr. Raymond — his coUeapc"^ ^nd friend, William A. Darling.
While he live<i Mr. Raymond believed he could have made a serious
diversion amoni; the Republicans in I'ongress if he could have had
the benefit of the hostility of President Johnson's Democratic friends.
He was especially indi^j^nant at Mr. Voorh(H*s, whose ill-timed resolu-
tion, that "the President is entitled to the thanks of Congress and the
country for his faithful, wise, and successful effort to restore civil gov-
ernment, law, and order to the states lately in rebellion," was the
cause of the break with the President, and the disaster that made
Raymond the approved ally of the discredited Democracy.
In the Senate Mr. Sumner UhI in the debates, which covered essen-
tially the same ground as those in the House. While there was an
almost universal agreement, among Republicans, that some act should
be passed that should take the Reconstruction nmtters entirely out
of the hands of the President and his Provisional Oovernors, there
was great difficulty in coming to an agreement as to the proper
method. There was a strong feeling among many against supplant-
ing civil by military government, and still, without this, no method
of securing a sufficiently strong Government presented itself. The
differences among Republicans were not adjusted and the bill passed
until near the close of the second session of the Thirty-
ninth Congress. The President returned the bill with hii
veto, and an argument against military rule. He delayed
the veto until the last moment allow^ni by the Constitution, and it
did not reach the House until Saturday, while Congress was to
adjourn Monday. Dilatory tactics, including talking against time,
were attempted by the minority, but the majority was strong enough
to overcome, by susjiensions of the rules, this opposition, and the
bill passed over the veto by a vote of 1:^5 to 48 in the House, and 38
to 10 in the Senate.
The text of this much-discussed measure was as follows:
WHEREAS, No legal State Government, or adequate protec-
tion for life or property now exist in the Rt»bel States of Virginia,
North Carolina, South Carolina, (Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama,
Louisiana, Florida, Texas and Arkansas; and whereas, it is neces-
sary that peace and good order should be enforced in said States
until loyal and n^publican State (iovernments can be legally estab-
lished: Therefore,
He it enacted, etc.. That said Rebel States shall be divided into
military districts and made subject to the military authority of the
ANDREW JOHNSON AND IIIS POLICY. 199
Ignited States, as hereinafter prescribed, and for that purpose Vir-
j^inia shall constitute the tirst district; North ('arolina and South
Carolina the second district: (Seorj^fia, Alabama, and Florida the third
district; Mississippi and Arkansas the fourth district, and Louisiana
and Texas the fifth district.
Sec. 2. That it shall be the duty of the President to assign to
the command of each of said districts an olticer of the Army, not
below the rank of Brij;adier (leneral, and to detail a sufficient mili-
tary force to enable such olticer to perform his duties and enforce
bis authority within the district to which he is assigned.
Sec. *\. That it shall be the duty of each oflHcer assigned as
aforesaid to ])rotect all persons in their rights of ])ers(m and property,
to suppress insurrection, disorder, and violence, and to punish, or
cause to be punished, all disturbers of the public peace and criminals,
and to this end he may allow local civil tribunals to take jurisdiction
of and to try offenders, or, when in his judgment it may be necessary
for the trial of offenders, he shall have power to organize mili-
tary commissions or tribunals for that purpose; and all interference,
under color of State authority, with the exercise of military authority
under this Act shall be null and void.
Sec. 4. That all persons put under military arrest by virtue of
this Act shall be tried without unnecessary delay, and no cruel or
unusual punishment shall be inflicted: and no sentence of any mili-
tary commission or tribunal, hereby authorized, atfe( ting the life or
liberty of any person shall be executed until it is ai)proved by the
officer in command of the district, and the Laws and Regulations for
the (iovernment of the Army shall not be affected by this Act, except
in so far as they conflict with its provisions:
i*ROViDED, That no sentence of death under the provisions of
this Act shall be carried into effect without the approval of the
President.
Sec. T). That when the people of any one of said Rebel States
shall have formed a constitution of government in conformity with
the Constitution of the Cnited States in all respects, framed by a
convention of delegates elected by the male citizens of said State,
twenty-one years old and upward, of whatever race, color, or previous
condition, who have been resident in said State for one year previous
to the day of such election, except such as may be disfranchised for
participation in the Rebellion, or for felony at common law,
and when such Constitution shall provide that the elective
franchise shafl b(» enjoyed by all such j)ers(ms as have the
qualification h(»r(Mn stated for electors of delegates, and when
such Constitution shall be ratified by a majority of the i)ersons
voting on the question of ratification who are (|ualified as electors
for delegates, and wlu^n such Constitution sliall have been submitted
to Congress for (»xaminati(m and approval, and Congress shall have
approved the sam(\ and wIhmi said Stale, by a vote of its Legislature
elected under such Constitution, shall have adonted the Amendment
200 HICTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
to the Const itiition of the riiited States, ])roposed by the Thirty-ninth
Congress, and known as Article Fonrteen, and when said Article
shall have heconie a ])art of the Constitution of the T'nited States,
said State shall be declared entitled to representation in Congress,
and Senators and Representatives shall be admitted therefrom on
taking the oaths prescribed by law, and then and thereafter the
preceding sections of this act shall be inoperative in said State:
PROVIDED, That no person excluded from the privilege of
holding office by said pro]>osed Amendment to the Constitution of the
United States shall be eligible to election as a member of the Con-
vention to frame a Constitution for any of said Rebel States, nor
shall any such person vote for members of such (Convention.
Sec. G. That until the peojde of said Rebel States shall be by
law admitted to representation in the Congress of the T'nited States,
any civil governments which may exist therein shall be deemed pro-
visional only, and in all respects subject to the paramount authority
of the United States at any time to abolish, modify, control, or super-
cede the same; and in all elections to any office under such Provis-
ional Governments all ]»ersons shall be entitled to vote, and none
others, who are entitled to vote under the provisions of the Fifth
Section of this Act; and no person shall be eligible to any office under
any such Provisional Governments who would be disqualified from
holding office under the i^rovisions of the Third Article of said Con-
stitutional Amendment.
The Military Governors appointed under this Act were Major
General Schofield, for tlu* District of Virginia; Major General Sickles,
for the District of North and South Carolina; Major General Pope,
for Georgia, Alabama and Florida; Major General Ord, for Missis-
sippi and Arkansas; Major General Sheridan, for Louisiana and
Texas. The President was hostile to Pope, Sickles and Sheridan, and
they were replaced by ^Meade, Canby and Hancock respectively.
Tender these Military (Jovernors the real work of Reconstruction com-
menced, but it was not until 1S()8, that any of the states were
readmitted to representation. Arkansas was the first, and that was
followed in their order by North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana,
Georgia and Florida. The bills for their n^ulmission were all vetoed
by the l^resident, and promptly passed over his veto. Virginia, Mis-
sissippi and Texas did not comj»ly with the terms requisite for re-ad-
mission till 1870.
The Joint Committee on R<*c(mstruction also reported an Amend
ment to the Constitution, to stand as the Fourteenth Amendment, as
follows:
Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United
ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY. 201
States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make
or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities
of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any
person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor
deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the
laws.
Sec. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several
states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole
number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But
when the right to vote at any election for the choice of Electors for
President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives
in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the
Members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male
inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens
of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation
in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall
be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens
shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of
age in such State.
Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in
Congress, or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any
office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State,
who, having previously taken an oath, as a Member of Congress, or
an officer of the United States, or as a Member of any State Legisla-
ture, or as an Executive or Judicial officer of any State, to support the
Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection
or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies
thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House,
remove such disability.
Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States,
authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions
and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion,
shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any
State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of
insurrection or rebellion against the Ignited States, or any claim for
the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations,
or claims shall be held illegal and void.
Section 2 of this Amendment was a carrying out of Thaddeus
Stevens' idea of securing negro suffrage through State, instead of
Federal action, and section one was aimed at the laws which some of
Johnson's reconstructed states had enacted , discriminating against
the blacks. The various propositions embodied in this Amendment
occasioned prolonged discussions which would be of little interest
at the present time. Th(» Amendment first passed the House, May
10, 1866, yeas 128, all Republicans; nays .*57, of whom 32 were Demo-
202 niSTORY OF THE REPrJ^JCAX PARTY.
(•rats and 5 ineinbors who were electt^d as Republicans, but classed as
Unionists at the time. The Senate aniendtnl it and passed it as
an eudtd, June 8, by :^:> yeas, all Republicans; nays 11, of whom 7
were Demoerars, the other four bein^ the Tnionists Cowan, Doolit-
tle, Norton and Van Winkle. As amended it apiin passed the House
by a vote of \:\H yeas, all Republicans, to tiii nays, all Democrats. It
was finally submitted to the States, June Ml lHt;(>. The first states
to ratify it wera Connecticut, June IM), and New Hampshire, July 7.
Tennessee followed, July 1*J, whereupon Tonjjress promptly restored
that State to the Tnion, and her Senators and Representatives were
seated July 2S. It was nearly two years before any other of the
seceded states accepted the Amendment, thoujrh it was ratified by
most of the Northern States as soon as their Legislatures met.
The other great measures of this Congress were the Tenure of
Office Act, passed at the second session, and intended to prevent
President Johnson from making wholesale removals from office in
order to make place s for his friends, the Act Establishing the Freed
men's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act. The latter was designiMl
to ccmfer upon the blacks all the civil rights enjoyed by the white
men except that of suttrage, to give them equality in all things
before the law, and to nullify every State law. North or South, that
was in conflict with the Federal statutes. The bill passed the Senate
with only two Rejmblican votes against it. Senators Doolittle and
Norton. When it < ame to the question of passing it over the veto
it had a nari'ow escape in the S(»nate, for Senators Lane and Van-
Winkle joined the Johnson forces, and the vote stood :^:^ to 15.
Senator Dixon, of Connecticut, who would have voted with the Presi-
dent, was absent on account of illness, and Senator Stockton, of New
Jersey, who would have voted the same way, had very recently been
expelled. Their presence would have reversed the decision. That
was as near as the Pn^sident came to g(»tting any satisfaction out of
the Thirty-ninth Congress.
Other A(ts ])assed at the second session of the Thirty-ninth
Congress were as follows: (Jiving colored men the right to vote in
the District of Columbia and in the territories; repealing the author-
ity of the President to proclaim amnesty and ))ard(m conferred by
Section V\ of the Act of July 17, 1S<)2; providing penalties for forging-
public securities: amending the course of procedure in habeais-
corpus proceedings and establishing a uniform system of bankruptcy
XVI.
THE IMPEACHING CONGRESS.
The Elecrtions of IHGG — The Arm-in- Ann Convention in Philadelphia
— A Serious Movement Turned to Ridicule — (Conventions of
Southern Loyalists and Northern Republicans — A Powerful
Address to the Country by the Former — The President's ^'Swing
Around the Circle" — Administration and Anti-Administration
Soldiers' and Sailors' Conventions — Large Republican Majority
in the New Congress — Johnson's Numerous Vetoes — Charges
and Articles of Impeachment — Attempt to Force Secretary
Stanton Out of Office — Impear-hment Renewed — Trial of the
Case and Benefits Therefrom — The Fifteenth Amendment.
For an off year the campaign of 1806 was exciting and in some
resi)ects it was unicjue. The Johnson and the Congressional plans
of Reconstruction were squarely before the people, and they presented
the sole issue in the Congressional elections. It was hoped, before
the campaign opened, that a combination might be made between the
Johnson Republicans and the Democrats that would control the
Fortieth Congress. l*resident Johnson had been doing his best,
though not very successfully, through that powerful instrument, th(»
Federal patnmage, to build up a party, and he was in hopes that if
the combination succeeded in 1866 it might open the way for his
re-election in 1868. It is not likely that the Democrats had any idea
of playing into efohnson's hands, but if they could divide the Republi-
can party they could themselves reap the benefit in the next election.
The first move looking toward such a combination was the famous
"Arn)-in-Arm" Convention in Philadelphia, August 14, 1866. It was
intended to bring together, in fraternal union, leading Johnson Re-
publicans and Democrats, North and South, and to effect a complete
fusion. With the Republicans it was an assertion of the Johnson-
Seward plans against the Sumner-Stevens-Wade leadership. With
the Democrats, it was the search for an ally. For the use of thr?
204 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLirAN PARTY.
<'oiivention a wiii^wam, calculated to aecoiniiiodate ten thousand
persons, was erected on <iirard avenue, near Twentieth street. The
white man's trouhl(»s he^an with the construction of the wigwam. A
hitter <'amiiai«;n was on for the election of (lovernor and other State
officers, and the feeling was running high, particularly in Philadel-
phia. Besides that, the old war feeling had been aroused by John-
son's furious speeches. A lot of the young fighting Republicans,
including, especially, the boys in the Volunteer Fire Department, who
were always ready either for a fight or a fire, resented this "Rebel
invasion of Philadelphia," this "contamination of the pupils of Girard
College." They threatened that the wigwam should never be com-
pleted, or if c<mi]»leted, that it should be burned down before it was
occupied. These threats were so frequent, that, though no attempt
to burn the wigwam was made, the Mayor still feared a riot. On
the ojiening day of the Convention, as a precautionary measure, he
had in readiness for service, in additi<»n to the poli<'e, a large force
of Militia. The feeling of the young Republicans was directed espec-
ially against Clement L. Vallandigham, whom they regardini as th^
incarnation of Northern treason, Fernando Wood, and Isaiah
Rynders, of New York City. These men finally submitted to the
demand that they should not be seen at the wigwanu and that par-
ticular causi* (»f disturbance was removed. The threats gradually
diminished, and there was no disturbance of any kind.
The opening of the Convention was planned with a view to dra-
matic etfect. The d<»legate8 went in, arm-in-arm, and the aim was to
bring thos(* who had formerly been of different politics together. Ten
years before James L. Orr, of South Carolina, had been cons])icuous
as the Speaker of the House at Washington: he hiid been swept into
the Secession movement and he had been eminent in the < \>nfederati»
civil service. On the other hand, Darius N. Couch, of Massachus-
etts, had served throughout the four years of the war with signal
gallantry as a Cnion officer, and had risen to the rank of a Major
(leneral of A'olunt(»ers. These two men were chosen to lead the
nmrch of th(» delegates; the one n^inesenting the Bay State, the other
the Palmetto State, as symbolic of bringing together the extremes
of the lat(»ly shattered Cnion, and they advanced up the aisle to th«*
alternate music of "Dixie" and "Yankee Doodle." Other siniilai*
pairs of extremes w<Me effected, and in the procession there were men
of every shade and variety of jxilitical belief and association, inso-
much that the liepublicans comiKired the grand entry to the Riblieai
TflK IMPEAC^HINO TONdKESR. 205
description of the advent into the Ark of ''clean beasts and of beasts
that are not clean, and of fowls and of everything: that crc^epeth upon
the earth."
General Dix, of ''shoot-hini-on-the-spot" fame, an old Democrat,
was the temporary C'hairuian, and Senator James R. Doolittle, one
of the pioneer Republicans, was permanent Chairman. Of the pjrand
ap:ji;regation of attractions, one of the City paj)ers, in a review of it
at a recent date, said: *The Arm-in-Arm (Convention contained
many statesmen who were either then or afterward eminent in the
Democratic party. In the Girard avenue, wipwam during the three
days' sessions sat, for example, Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana;
Asa Packer, of Pennsylvania; Joel Parker, of New Jersey; James E.
English, of Connecticut; Sanford E. Church, of New York; Reverdy
Johnson, of Maryland, and James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, each of
whom was afterward presented to one or more National Conventions
as a candidate for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency,
while Samuel J. Tilden was there with no thought that in a few years
the first great Democratic reaction after the Civil War would place
him in the forefront of the j)arty. The sin)ilitude of the animals that
went into the ark was, indeed, justified in the strangely varying politi-
cal character and past record of the delegates, not a few of wiioni,
however, were men of marked ability — Robert C. Winthroj), the once-
illustrious Whig, and Judge Josiah G. Abbott, of Massachusetts; the
late Edward J. Phelps, of Vermont, Cleveland's first Minister to
England; James Hrooks, of the New York Express; John P. Stock
t(m, Ashbel Green and Abraham Hrowning, of New Jersey; the
veteran Thurlow Weed, of New York, with Seward's Republican
friends, lik(^ Henry J. Raymond, of the New York Times; Montgom-
ery Blair, Lincoln's first Postmaster General; Garrett Davis, of Ken-
tucky; William A. Graham, of North Carolina, who was a candidate
for Vice-President in 1852, on the Whig ticket; Senator James W.
McDougall, of California; James A. Hroadhead, of Missouri, and
AVilliam S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, who afterwards was conspicuous as
one of Johnson's defenders in the inipeachment trial. There, too,
were such characters as Henry Clay Dean, the eccentric Copperhead,
and E. O. IVrrin, whose vast voice until his death gave him distinc-
tion as the only Democrat in the country who could fill the place of
Reading Cl(Tk in Presid<»ntial < Conventions. Edgar Cowan, who at
that lime was Charles R. Huckalew's colleague in the I'nited States
Senate from Pennsylvania, and who had gone out of the Republican
2(>G HISTORY OF THE REITHLK \VX PARTY.
liiivty into tlu* Joliiisou ranks, was one of the leadinjij spirits of the
Convention, and with him were such noted Pennsylvanians of the day
as William Bij^ler, Francis \V. Hughes, David R. I'orter, George W.
Woodward, Heister (Mymer, James <'amj>bell and Thomas B.
Florence/'
The <'onvention was in session three days, and accomplished
nothing. It was as great a tiasco as any in American politics. On
account of the name of its Chairman, the Republicans dubbed it the
**I)idlittle Convention."
A fortnight later two other Conventions were held in Philadel
phia, which were much more significant. One was composed entirely
of Southern Loyalists, and the other of prominent Northern Republi-
cans. They nun separately, though they were in entire accord in
sentiment and action. In the Northern Convention were most of the
prominent Senators and Representatives, a number of Governors.
n)any active Republicans in j)rivate life, and a good sprinkling of
newspaper editors, including John W. Forney, of the Philadelphia
Press, Carl Schurz, of the Detroit IV)st, and Horace Greeley, of the
New York Tribune. Greeley rather lost caste with the party by his
vagaries during the war, and the New York Times came to be regarded
as the leading Republican paper in the country. Now, by its adher-
ence to the Johnson-Seward party, the Times had lost prestige, and
the Tribune was restored to its supremacy, hi addition to the classes
mentioned the North<-rn Convention contained a number of delega-
tions of business men who never took active part in polities, unless
in some important crisis. John Jacob Astor headed such a delega-
tion from New York, and E. W. Fox from St. Louis. Governor
Curtin, of IVnnsylvania, presided and the speeches and resolutions
breathed a spirit of determined resistance to Johnson and his policy.
The Convention was followed by the most imposing mass meetings
ever, up to that time, held in the City.
The Southern Convention carried greater weight even than the
Northern, because it represented men who had been loyal in sections
where loyalty was maintained at personal sacrifice, and because it
represented those portions of the country which were most directly
interested in the Re<on8tru<tion problem. "Parson" Brow^nlow*, of
Tennessee, one of the most courageous and active of Southern Cnion
ists, John Minor Botts, of Virginia, and Andrew J. Hamilton, of
Texas, the only one of Johnson's I'rovisional <fOvernors who a<-com-
plished n)uch toward the rehabilitation of his State, were among
THE IMPEArillNiJ CONGRESS. 207
those present. There were also the followiug, aiuoug others, who
had aided in keeping the border states from going into the Secession
movement: Rev. Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky; Senator
J. A. J. Creswell, and Governor Francis Thomas, of Maryland; Gov-
ernor Boreman and Nathan Goff, of West Virginia, and Governor
Fletcher, of Missouri.
James Si>eed, of Kentucky, who had retired from Johnson's old
Cabinet when it went to pieces, two or three weeks earlier, presided,
and in his opening address struck the keynote of the Convention.
Referring to the Arm-in-Arm gathering, he said: **\Vhy was that
Convention here? It was here, in part, because the great cry came
up from the white man of the South: *My Constitutional and my
natural rights are denied me!' and then the cry came up from the
black man of the South: *My Constitutional and natural rights are
denied me.' These complaints are utterly antagcmistic, the one to
the other; and this Convention is called to say which is right. Upon
That question, if upon none other, as Southern men, you may speak
out your mind. Speak the truth as you feel it; speak the truth as
you know it; speak the truth as you love ])ermanent peace, as you
umy hope to establish the institutions of this (Government so that
our children and our ( hildren's children, shall enjoy a peace that we
have not known. The <'onvention to which I have referred, as I
read its history, ( ame here to simply record its abject submission to
the commands of one man. That Convention did his commands.
The loyal Congress of the United States had refused to do his
commands; and whenever you have a Congress that does not abso-
lutely and tirmly refuse, as the present Congress has done, to merely
act as Recording Secretary of the tyrant at the White House, Ameri-
can liberty is gone forever."
The address issued by the Southern Convention was a powerful
arraignment of the President, and the whole Administration scheme
of Reconstruction. It was issued as a campaign document, and was
the most elTective agency in the <anvass save one. That one the
iM'esident himself furnished in his tour through the Middle and
Western States, from Washington, by way of Philadelphia, New
"Vork, Albany, Rochester, liulTalo, Cleveland and Chicago to St. Louis.
He left Washington, August 2Sth, accompanied by Secretaries
AVelles and Randall, Admiral Farragut and (Jeneral Grant. At New
"\'ork the party was joimnl by Secretary Sewaid. Of this party Sec-
fetary Randall, who was rather a blatant supporter of the
208 HISTORY OF THE REPUHLirAX PARTY.
Adininistratiou, and Secretary Seward, who was joint author, with
the I'resident, of the Provisional Governor scheme, were willing par-
tin])ants in the journey, though the gentlemanly instincts of the
latter must have been shocked at some of the antics of the President,
as his polished oratory must have blushed at some of the utterances
of the same functionary. OflScial etiquette required the presence
of (irant and Farragut, but neither oneof these looked as if he enjoyed
the trip, which soon came to be known as Johnson's **swing around
the circle/-
In this tour the coarser side of Johnson's character, and that
was very coarse, found full expression. He commenced with
denouncing the Senate and House in unmeasured terms, and added
to this personal abuse of individuals who did not agree with him.
As he advanced on his journey and found increasing evidences of
popular disfavor, he became furious. Some of the met^tings were
more like a bear-baiting than a political discussion. Crowds would
demand a speech, and then bandy words with the President, until
in his rage, his replies were more like a series of growls than like
rational speech. The most humiliating exhibition was at Cleveland,
where the President was chalTed without mercy by the crowd, and he
replied to the taunts and jeers, with <-oarse wit and re])artee, such as
would not add dignity nor grace to a ward meeting in municipal poll
tics. The most enterprising Republican jKipers took pains to publish
the President's speeches in full, and they made excellent campaign
material for the Anti-Administration tickets.
Still another feature entered into this remarkable Congressional
camj)aign. A Soldiers' Convention in behalf of the Administration
was held in Cleveland on the 17th of September. (ieneral Wood, a
veteran of the War of 1812, presided, and among the other officers
jjresent were Cfenerals Granger and Custer, of the Regular Army,
and the following from the Volunteer service: (xenerals John A.
McClernand, of Illinois; J. W. Denver, of California; Willis A.
Gorman, of Minnesota; John H. Steedman and Thomas Ewing, of
Ohio. The priucijnil speech of the occasion was nmde by General
Ewing, who was the only Republican of prominence who was present.
What(*ver effect this demonstration might have had was neutralized
by an interchange of messages between this Convention and a Confed-
erate Convention, in session at the same time, in Memphis, which sent
a despatch of symjuithy to Uw Cleveland gathering. This was
answered with thanks for the ^'magnanimity and kindness" of the
message.
210 IIISTOKY OF TllK KEITBI.K AN PARTY.
Si>eaktT. The first work underlaken was the passage of an ameuda
tory Reeoustruetioii Act. Tlie A<t passed by the Thirty-ninth Con-
jifress was intended to secure impartial sutrrajrt". It declared the
])rinciple plainly enough, but did not j)rovide the machinery for
carrying it out. The supplementary Act provided the necessary
details for conducting the prescribed elections, administering the
oaths of of!ice, making returns and paying expenses. It also declared
that if in any State "the Constitution shall be ratiluHl by a majority
of the votes of the register<*d electors qualified to vot«^, at least one-
half of all the registered voters voting u[)on the <|uesti(jn, a copy of
the same, duly certified, shall be transmitted to the President of the
United States, who shall forthwith transmit the same to Congress,
and if it shall appear to Congress that the election was (me at which
all the registered and (jualified electors in th(» State had an op[)or
tunity to vote, freely and without restraint, fear, or influence of
fraud, and if <\)ngress shall be satisfied that such Constitutiim mtvts
the approval of a majority of all the qualified electors in the State,
and if the said Constitution shall be declared by Congress to be in
conformity with the provisions of the Act to which this is supple
mentary, and the other provisions of said A<t shall have be<»n
complied with, and the said Constitution shall have been approvcnl
by Congress, the State shall be declared entitled to representation,
and Senators and Representatives shall be admitted therefrom as
therein provided."
This Act was, of course, vetoed by the President, and, equally
a matter of course*, was passc^l over the veto. On the :^Oth of March
C(mgn»ss took a recess till the :{d of July. Meantime A ttorni\v Gen-
eral Stanbery gave two cq^inions tending to neutralize the effects of
lioth the Reconstruction Acts. <\)ngress, therefore, passed a second
supplementary Act intend<»d to remc^dy the defects thus pointed our.
It also add(»d two sections, emphasizing the military, as against the
civil rule. One of these gave the commauders of districts the ]»ow*er,
subject to the ai)i)roval of the General of the Army, to sus|H'nd or
remove from office, or from the j)erformance of official duties and th<»
exercise of official powers, any officer holding or exercising any civil
or military office oi* duty, under any powc*r, elcMtion, appointment, or
authority dcMivcnl from any State or Municipal tiov(»rnment, and to
provide for the* temporary filling of the vacancy thus occasionc^d.
The other section n)c»nticmcMl, invested the (Jenc^al of the Army with
the same jjower in all the distiicts. This also was vetoini, and
promptly passed over the veto.
THE IMrEA( HINO ( OXiJKESS. 211
The history of the Fortieth Congress was one of constant
(lashing with the President. He vetoed all bills of a political
natims and some of a general rliaraeter, bnt th(\Y wei*e in most eases
passed over his head bv ninch more than the necessary two-thirds
vote. The relations between the two were so strained, and the Presi
dent was so inclined to aggressive a<ts, that it is not surprising the
impeachment which had j»reviously been often talked of should at
last come. The head of the Imi)eachnH»nt moviMnent was the impetu
ous James M. Ashley, of Ohio, who had before that been the lead(?r
in pushing the Thirteenth Amendment to the t Constitution. On tin*
17th of December, 1S()(>, he introdu<ed a r(»solution for the appoint
ment of a select committee to inquire whether any acts had been done
by any officer of the ( Government of the Tnited States, which, in the
contemplation of the Constitution, an* high crinies and misdemean-
ors. The resolution, recpiiring a two-thiids majority for its adoption,
was not agreed to. On the 7th of January, 18t)7, Representative
H. F. Loan, of ^lissouri, and John K. K(»lso, of the same State, olTered
resolutions aiming at impeachment, and late in the same day, Mr.
Ashley made formal <harges against IMesident Johnson. In thi*
course of his charges, 1h» said: "I charge him with an usurpation of
power in violation of law; in that he has <orruptly used the appoin!
ing power; in that h(» has corrujitly used the j)ardoning power; in
that he has corruptly us<'d the veto jiower; in that he has <*orruptly
disposed of the property of the I'nited States; in that he has cor-
ruptly interfered in elections, and committed a(?ts, which in contem
I>lation of the (Constitution are high crimes and misdemeanors."
It would have been very difficult to maintain in court those
sweeping charges, and in any ordinary condition of the public niinri
the whole matter would have been promptly tabled. Hut the House
was angered at the abusive* speeclu^s which the President had male
in his swing around the circle, and was ready for at least an investi-
gation. Accordingly the resolutions of Messrs. Loan and Kelso, and
the charges of Mr. Ashley were refcMTed to the Judiciary Committee,
who, on the 2Sth of February, reported that th(*y had taken testimony
of a character sufficient to justify further investigation, but had been
unable to disjiose detinit(»ly of the important matters submitted to
their investigaticm, and the whole matter was bequeathed to thi»
Fortieth Congress. On the Stli of March, in tlu* new Congress, Mr.
Ashley, repeatc^d his chargers. Th(\v were i*eferr(»d to the Judiciary
Committee, who continued taking testimony at intervals during the
212
HISTOKY OF THE REIM'HLICAN PARTY.
summer and fall. In the meantime there were a number of ugly
rumors about the President's intentions. One of these was the
report that he had a project for bringing in the Southern Senators
and Kepre8entativ(»s, and with them and the Democrats, forming a
new^ Congress, ignoring the Republican majority, and tliat he had
called on (Irani to sui)port him with the Armv. General Grant was
examined by the <onimittee and his testimony showed that the most
serious of the actual charges made were without foundation. Not-
withstanding this a majority of the committee reported, on the 25th
of November, a resolu-
t i o n that: **Andrew
Johnson, l^resident of
the United States, be
i m p e a c h e d of liigh
crimes and misdemean-
ors." The resolution,
after a spirited discus-
sion, was defeated by a
vote of 101) to 56. Two
members of the Judi-
ciary Tommittee, Rej»-
resentativ(»s W o o d-
bridg(\ of \^*rmont,
and James F. Wilson,
of Iowa, voted against
the resolution in com-
mittee, tind the follow-
ing prominent Repub-
licans were among
those who voted
against it on the floor
of the House: Allison, Hanks, Bingham, Blaine, Davis, Garfield,
Harper, IVters, Robertson, tlu* three Washburns, and E. B. Wash-
burne.
This would liav(* been the last of the impea<'hment if it had not
been for the President's attempt to force Edwin M. Stanton out of
his position as Secretary of War. A Cabinet which could work with
even a moderate* degree of harmony under Lincoln, could hardly be
expected to hold together under Johnson. As early as July 1, 186(i,
Postmaster (i(»neral Dennison resigned because he CQuld not accept
EDWIN M. STANTON.
THE IMPKACHTNG (^ONCJRESS. 213
Johnson's plan of Reconstruction, and was succecdi^d by Alexander
W. Randall, of Wisconsin. A week later Janu^s Spt^ed resigned as
Attorney General, because he thoup:ht the Administration was
driftini? rapidly toward the Democratic party, and Henry Stanbery,
of Ohio, accepted the place for the same reason. Then James Harlan,
Secretary of the Interior, resigned and was succeeded by Orville H,
Browning. This left of the Lincoln Cabinet, Seward, who agreed
with Johnson's plan of Reconstruction, whether he was the author
of it or not; **<irandfather'' Welles, who could agree with everything
Johnson said, as readily as he could with everything Lincoln said;
McCulloch, who was a financier, and not a [)olitician, and Stanton,
whom Johnson hated, but who would not resign. Stanton was not
a man who would hold an office for the sake of the office, but there
was grave ai>prehension that if Johnson had a Secretary of War who
was subservient to him, he might plan serious mischief; certainly hitj
opportunities for mischief would be greatly enhanced. Stanton,
therefore, retained the office on account of the urgency of leading
Republicans, and from a sense of duty to the country. August 5,
1867, Johnson asked Stanton to resign, but the Secretary refused.
He was then susi)ended under the Tenure of Office Act, General
(irant being designated to administer the Department until tho
Senate could vote* upon the matter. January IS, 18t>H, the Senate
refused to concur in the suspension. <ieneral Grant immediately
vacated, and Stanton went back to his office.
The President, however, was obstinate and ugly, and on the 21st
of February, sent to Secretary Stanton an order, saying: **By virtue
of power and authority vested in nH», as Presid(»nt, by the Constitu-
tion and Laws of the United States, you are hereby removed from
office as Secretary of the Department of War, and your functions as
such will terminate upon re<eij)t of this communication. You will
turn over to Brevet Major (General Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant Gen
eral of the Army, who has this day been authorized and eni]>owered
to act as Se<retary of War, ad interim, all records, papers, and
other public property now' in your custody and charge."
Secretary Stanton transmitted a (opy of this to the Speaker of
the House, and another copy soon reached the* S(»nate. In both
Houses tlie action ui)on it was prompt. In the Senate, the same
day after long consultation in executive session, a resolution was
adopted that the President had no right to remove the Secretary of
War, nor to designate any <»th<*r offi<(T to jM»rform the duties of that
\
214 HISTORY OF THE REPrHLK AN PARTY.
oflfice ad iiitoriiii. The House at onee referred the action of tlie
President to the R<^<*onstrnetion Connnittee. The friends of the
President then tried to s(*(ure an adjonrnnient till Monday, as the
next day, was \Yashinj?ton's birthday. The Repnblicans voted this
down, and later in the same day, Rej^resentative John Covode, of
Pennsylvania, introduced a formal resolution for impeachment,
which was also referred to the Reconstruction <V)mmittee.
\Vhen this defiance of (Nmj^ress, by tlu* President, became known
throughout the country, it created the wildest excitement. The
Republicans generally
favored imnuHiiate im-
peachment, while Dem-
ocrats argued that the
President's course was
justified by the (Consti-
tution. Some of the
(» X t r <* m e Democrats,
,^^^^^ , gc^nerally of the class
I^^^^^^^^^^H I stayed at
^^^^^^^B^^^^^B urged to go to
■^^M|^^9|M^^| the now urged
^''"^^^^^^*^^^* the President to stand
firm, even to the verge
of actual conflict, and
made him offers of men
and arms. Many alarm-
ists predicted civil war.
Hut there was little
danger of that. Th<^
BKNJAMIX F. BITLER. ,. ^, „ „ ^ ^ y ^^d had
enough of war. Meautiim* Secretary Staut<m, under the impulse
of his own sturdy character, and with the advice of leading Republi-
cans held his position. He ate and slept in his ottice, and for a few
days was virtually in a state of siege. It was on this occasion that
Sumner sent the shortc^st message* of his lifetime. It was addressed
to Stanton, and consisted of the single w<»nl "Stick."
On the 22d of F<*bruary. tlu* day after Johnsoirs letter to Stanton
was receiv(»d, Mr. Stevens, for the Reconstruction Committee,
rt^ported that in addition to tl!<* papers nf erred to the committee they
THE IMPEACHING CONIJKESS. 215
had found that tlie President had **si^ned and ordered a commission
or letter of authority to one I.orenzo Thomas," directing him to act
as Secretary of War ad interin). Tlie (ommittee transmitted a copy
of this letter, and added that upon the evidence collected they were
of opinion that the President ought to be impeached and reported a
brief resolution: *'That Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors/' A lively
ten-hour debate followed, when the resolution was adopted by a vote
of 12() to 47. A committee of two was appointed to notify the Senate
of the action just taken, and the foHowing committee of seven was
api)ointed to prepare Articles of Imi)eachnient: Houtwell, of Massa-
chusetts; Stevens, of Pennsylvania: Bingham, of Ohio; Wilson, of
Iowa; Logan, of Illinois; Julian, of Indiana, and Ward, of New York.
The Articles of Impeachment, as presented by this committee,
were nine in number, eight of which referred to different phases of
the President's action in regard to the War Secretaryship, and one
to his advising an officer of the Army that a certain Act of Congress
was unconstitutional and should be disregarded by said officer,
although the Act in question had never been adjudicated in the
courts. On motion of (Jeneral Butler the House added a Tenth
Article, covering certain speeches made by the President in his West-
ern tour. On motion of John A. Bingham, of Ohio, an Eleventh
Article was added. This was considered the strongest Article of
th<* eleven, and was the only one voted upon at the end of the trial. It
was as follows:
"The said Andrew Johnson, President of the Tnited States,
unmindful of the high duties of his office and his oath of office, and
in disregard of the Constitution and Laws of the United States, did
on the \Sih day of August, 1800, at the City of Washington, and in
the District of Columbia, by public speech declare and affirm, in
substance, that the Thirty-ninth Congress of the United States was
not a Congress of the United States, authorized by the Constitution
to exercise l(*gislative power under the same, but on the contrary
was a Congress of only part of the states, thereby denying, and
intending to deny, that the legislation of said Congress was valid or
obligatory upon him, the said Andrew Johnson; except in-so-far as he
saw tit to aj>prove the same, and also thereby denying the power of
the said Thirty-ninth Congress to juopose Amendments to the Con-
stitution of the United States; and in pursuance of said declarations
the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did, on the
2ir> HISTORY OF THE REPrBLirAX PARTY.
21 8t day of February, 18G8, at the Tity of Washinjjjton, unlawfully,
and in disregard of the requirements of the (Constitution, that he
should take care that the laws be faithfully exe<-uted, attempt to
prevent the execution of an Act entitled *An Act regulating the
tenure of certain civil oflfices,' passed March 2, 18(h, by unlawfully
devising and contriving, and attcMupting to devise and c*ontrive,
means by which he should ])revent Edwin M. Stanton from forthwith
resuming the functions of the olli<e of Secr(»tary for the Department
of War, notwithstanding the rt^fusal of the Senate to c-oncur in the
suspension, theretofore
niach* by the said An-
drew Johnson of said
F'dwin M. Stanton,
from said office of Sec-
retary for the Depart-
mc*nt of \Var; and also
by further unlawfully
devising and c*ont riv-
ing, and attcMupting
to devise and contrive,
means thc*n and there,
to prevent the c*xeeu-
tion of an Act entitlcMl
*An Act making appro-
j)riations for the sup-
port of the Army, for
the lis<al year ending
June :^Oth, 18(58, and
for other puriK)8es,' ap-
proved ^larch 20, 1867;
wiLT.iAM M. KVARTs. .,^1 .^\^q ^^y [)revent the
<»xc*cution of an Act entitled: *An Act to provide for the more effic*ient
government of the Rebel States,' passed March 2, 1807, whereby th*>
said Andn»w Johnson, Pr<»sident of the Inited States, did then on the
21st of February, IStiS, at the (1ty of Washingtcm, <-ommit, and was
guilty of a high misd<Miu»anor in ot!ic<*/'
The House appointed sev<Mi managers to c<induct the case before
the Court of Impeachment, which consisted of the whole Senate, with
Chief Justice Chase* as the picsiding otticci-. The managers were
John A. Uingham. (Worj^e S. r.<nitwcli. Janu^s F. Wilscm, Henjaniin
218 HISTORY OF TFIK REIM'HLK AX PARTY.
Winkle had fallen outside tlie party hn^astwcirks on several previous
occasions. Patterson and Ross had not bc^en sufticiently prominent
in the Senate to be well placed as n*spcMts their temperament or
political convictions. The opinion of the p.eople, who had watched
the trial with a jireat chal of iuterc»st, was sntticiently shown h\ the
fact that not one of the nine was evc»r apiin sent to the Sc*uate.
The vote on the Eleventh Article showed that the President
could not be convicted on any of the othc rs, and the trial abruptly
cMided the same day. Secretary Stanton immc*diately resi^^ned, (len-
eral John M. Sc-hotield was nominated in his place, and the ncmiina
tion was confirmed by the Senate.
In vi<*w of its failure*, the ImpeachmcMit ]u-o(CH'dinjj: has lu-en
often criticisc»d as a mistake. Rut the criticism is hardly just. Noi
only was thc*re a limit to the patience of Ccmpess, which limit the
President had passed, but there was an absolute ncM-essity, for the
peace of the c ouutry, that a chc*ck shcnild be placcMl upon his re -kless
desij»ns. If he had bc»en allowed to override the laws of Conjrn^s
in this case*, it is difiicult to see what limit c-ould have b(*en plaee^l
upon his revolutionary schemers. The lmpc*achmc*nt trial did not
improve his tcMuper, but it sobercnl him. He was still obstructive, but
he ceased to be violent.
Althouj^h the Fortic*th ('onjrress cue upic*d so much of its time
with the ImpeachmcMit matter, it accomplishc*d a jrreat dc*al of
important lejjislation. Aside frcmi the Supplemc*ntary Reconstrue
tion Acts, it passcMl the* followinjr Acts of j:e*neral inte»re8t: Estab-
lishinjr the* eijiht-hour law for laborers and mechanics in the (lov-
c*rnment e*mploy; pr(*scribiii<; an oath of otlice for p(*rsons whose disa
bilities have bee*n re*move*d; providing*: for tilling vacancit*s in the
Exe*cutive I)e*i»artments; providing for the eliscontinuance of the
Fre*edmen's Bureau on the 1st of January, lSt>I>; providinj? for the
e*stablishme*nt of an American line of mail and e*mijfrant steamers
be*tween New York and one or more* Europc*an ]K)rts; makinix ini]>orf-
ant chanp*s in the* |:e*iisiou laws; prohibit in<x the loaning of money
on National Rank uc)te*s; jrivinjr permission to construc^t a bridjre
bc*twe^en Xe*w York and Rrooklyn.
Toward the* latter ]»art of Johnson's administration, Se*cretary
Se*ward rc*ndere»d to the* country his most valuable se*rvice*, save one,
that in which, by his treatment of the Trent all'air, he saved us from
a war with Enjrland. This sc*rvice was the* purchase from Russia
of the* iuime*nsc* tc*rrite)rv known as Alaska. The* treatv was made
THE IMPEACHING ( OXCiKESS. 219
March *{0, 18f>7, and was con firm od with coiiiimrativoly little opposi-
tion in the Senate. It could not he conijileted, how<»ver, until th«'
House approi)ria1ed the purchase money, |57,2(KI.(I()(I. This only
occurred July 27, 18G8, and that after serious o]»position. It was
stated in the debates that there were indications of jjjold in Alaska,
but those who favored the purchase advo<ated it chiefly on the
p-ound that the control of the seal fisheries would be of ^reat value
to us, and that our owncMshij) of Alaska would i>revent any hostile
l)ower from ever getting control of that long stret<h of l^acific Coast,
so near our own border. There* were, for si* vera 1 years, sneers at
the ])urchase, which was call(»d "Seward's iceberp;." After a time
the value of the seal fisheries bej^an to be api)reciated. Within the
season of ISJM), the value of the ji;old taken out of the Tape Nome
nistri<t alone, in a sinj^le month, (»xceed<Hl the purchase price of the
whole vast territory.
One of the most important Acts of the Fortieth Congress was
the jiassage of the Fifteenth Amendment to th(» Constitution, which
came quite the last part of the second session. On the 8()th of Jan-
uary, by vote of lot) to 42, it passed the House in the* following form:
"The right of any citizen of the Cnited States to vote shall not be
denied or abridged by the Cnited Stat(*s or any State, by reason of
race, color, or previous condition of slavery of any citizen, or class
of citizens, of the I'nited States." The* Senate passed a joint resolu-
tion for an Amendment to the Constitution, int(*nded to accomplish
the same purpose*, but it was huig, involved in its grammatical con-
struction, and had additional clauses, containing some extraneous
matter. This was not a(«'ei)table to tlu* House, and the whole
subject went to a Committee of Conference, which reported the
Amendment in the following ecmcise form: "The right of citizens of
the Cnited States to vote shall not Ik* denied or abridged by tin*
Cnited States or by any State on account of race, color, or ])revious
condition of servitude.''
This report of the C<mimiit(*(* of Conference was agreed to in
the House, February 25, 18f.J), by a vote of 144 to 44, and in tin*
Senate, the next day, by a ^ote of .*{J) to \*\. In a little over a year
the Amendment was ratified by a suffici«*nt number of states, and on
ihe IMHh of March, 1X7(K Secretary Fish proclaimed its adojjtion as
part of the Constitution.
This action has often been criticised as b(*ing ])remature, but the
need of it ap]K*ar(*d to b(* v«*ry gr(*at. lU*tween the Nov(*mber (*lec-
220 HISTORY OF THE REPlBLirAN PARTY.
tioDs and the time Congress adjourned, authenticated reiiorts
reached AVashinj^on of numerous outraj^es upon white Republicans.
Intimidation and violence and even murder were resorted to. In
Louisiana, where the condition of affairs was the worst, it was said
that 2,00(1 persons were killed or seriously injured within a few
weeks i»reviou8 to election. It was partly to pve the white Repub-
licans efficient allies, and partly to furnish the blacks with the means
f>f self defense, that the Amendment was adopted. Of its necessity
(fcneral Grant said in his memoirs: "l do not believe that the
majority of the Northern people, at the time, were in favor of negro
suffrage. They suppostnl that it would naturally follow the frcH.*dom
of the negro, but that there would be a time of probation, in which
the ex-slaves could prepare themselves for the privileges of citizen-
ship, before the full right would be conferred; but Mr. Johnson, after
a comj)lete revolution of sentiment, seemed to regard the Houth not
only as an oppressed people but as the i>eople best entitled to consid-
eration of any of our citizens. This was more than the |>eople who
had secured to us the perpetuation of the Union were prepared for,
and they became more radical in their views. The Southerners had
the most power in the executive branch, Mr. Johnson having gone to
their side, and with a compa<t South, and such sympathy and supimrt
as they could get from the North, they felt that they would be able to
rontrol the nation at on<'e, and already many of tliem acted as if they
thought they were entitled to do so.
"Thus Mr. Johnson, tighting Congress on the one hand, and
receiving the supj)ort of the South on the other, drove Congress,
which was overwhelmingly Republican, to the passing of first one
measure and then another, to restrict his power. There being a solid
South on one side, that was in accord with the political party in the
North which had sympathized with the Rebellion, it finally, in the
judgment of Congress and of the nmjority of the legislatures of the
states, became necessaiy to enfranchise the negro in all his ignor-
ance. In this work I shall not discuss the (juestion of how far the
policy of Congress in this particular proved a wise one. It became an
absolute necessity, however, because of the foolhardiness of the Prea-
id<;nt, and the blindness of the Southern people to their own interest-
As to myself, while strongly favoring the course that would be the
least humiliating to the pc^ople who had been in rebellion, I had grad-
ually worked up to the point whcM-e, with the majority of the people,
I favorcnl immediate enfranchisement."
XVII.
THE FOURTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.
The Party at Sea With Rejrard to a Candidat(--A Oradual Turning
Toward Grant— His Discretion During Johnson's (\ireer— Meet-
ing of the Chicago Convention — Delegates From the Soldiers'
and Sailors' Convention — A Ringing, Patriotic and National
Platform Adopted — Oeneral Logan's Rrief and Appropriate Pre-
sentation of Orant's Name — The (Jeneral Unanimously Nomin-
ated—Six Ballots for Vice-President— Speaker Colfax Finally
Wins — A Michigan Incident in Connection With the Contest —
Brief and Timely Letters of Acceptance — Orant's Defen^nce to
th(» Poi)ular Wishes.
The campaign of LStJS was approached under peculiar condi-
tions. Although the Repu!)li<an party had l)(»en solidified, rather
than divided, by its contest with President Johnson, it was a good
deal at sea with reference to a candidate. Some of its old idols had
been shattered. Seward, who, in ISno, was the most popular ma?)
in the party, had impaired confidence in his judgment by his course
during the first part of the Lincoln Administration, and had made
tinal wreck of his political fortunes by attaching himself so closely
to President Johnson's abortive schemes. Chase, although Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court, still had political ambitions, but he
was already showing signs of restiveness in his Republicanism.
William M. Evarts, who was more lawyer than politi<ian, but wjio
had sometimes been talked of as a possible candidate, had gone, along
with Weed and Raymond into the Arm-iti-arm Movement. The
influence of that section of the party in New York which was of Whig
origin, and which was once all powerful, had ceased to be a factor
of any consequence at all in Republican politics. The political Arm
222 IIISTOKV OF THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY.
of Seward, Weed and Kayiiiond, siu lessors to the old firm of Sewurd,
Weed and (ireeley, was baukru])t.
The eyes of the peopk* naturally turned to Grant. The General,
durinjr the war, had attended to his fi^^htin^ and had taken no part in
politics, either by at t or speech. Hefore the war he had not taken
any interest in ])olitirs, and did not always take the trouble to vote.
When he did vote it was the Pemoc rati<- ticket that he took to the
polls. l^eadinji: Democrats at one time canvassed the plan of making
him the Democratic candidate for President in ISGS, but the Repub
Means did not finally give them a <hance.
Probably no man in the country, except the President, had been
as closely watched as Grant. He had been placed in a very deli-
cate position. As the head of the Army it was his duty to co-oper-
ate in carrying out any plan for the Rt construction of the South
that Congress and the President agreed upon, liut they agreed upon
nothing. The fact that, in his position betwei^n the two, he gave
serious otfense to neither, furnished evidence of rare discretion. Thi*
President had us«*d various devices to chain Grant to his chariot
wheels alongside of Seward, but without success. In 1805. when
the General was about to start on a tour of inspection through the
South, the President asked him "to harn as far as possible, during
his tour, the feelings and intentions of the citiz<»ns of the Southein
States, toward the Xatiimal Government." He replied in a report in
which he expressed th(» belief that "the mass of thinking men of the
South accept the present situation of atTairs in good faith, but four
yc»ars of war have* left the pcH)ple possibly in a condition not ready to
yield that ol:c»diencc» to civil authority which the American piH>ple
have been in the habit of yi(»lding, thus rendering the small garrisons
throughout those states necessary, until sui h time as labor returns
to its propcM- channc»ls, and civil authority is fully (established." Th«»
friends of the Administration profc*ssed to tind in this, and a few
hoj)eful c^xprc^ssions, a justification of the IMesidcait's Rcn-onstruetion
plan. Thc\v used it to show that Grant was a supportc*r of that
plan, a statement which was very far from the truth. He was
simply seeking light, and cIoscm* incjuiry did not confirm his first
mildly favorable impressions. The enactment into law of the Con-
gressional l^M-oiistruction jilau made* his duty cli*ar, and he heartily
co-operated in carrying out that law. He was obliged, through
ofiicial courtesy, to accompany Johnson on his Wc*stern tour, and lie
bore hin»self with a prudence* and discrc^tion that were in marke<l
THE FOrUTH KEPrHLKWN (H)XVKNTK)X. 22;i
contrast to the antics of his ofi1<ial and military sui)erior. He pro-
tested against the suspension of Stanton, accepted charj^e of the War
Department with reluctance, and reliiHiuished it as soon as the Sen
ate annulled the suspension. He had been in contact with Johnson's
administration for three years, without beinjj: contaminated. He had
sliown himself as prudent in counsel, as he was brave and capable
in war, and, lon^ befcuc* the Republican Xaiional Convention assem
bl<»d, public opinion liad fixed upon him as the sure nominee for Pres
ident.
That f'onventi<»n met in Chi^afto ^1*^' -0, 1808, and was thor-
ouj4:hly representative <»f the best and ablest element of the party.
The Mi( hi^^an d(*Ie<iation was as follows: At Lar^e — Wm. A. Howard,
Hampton Kich, Marsh (iiddings,RandolphStrickland. By districts —
(1) R. R. Heecher, Henry Waldron; (2) William H. Williams, K. J.
Honine; (8) S. M. Cutcheon, J. W. Lon^year; (4) Morpm Hales, (Jeorjrc*
(1. Rrijf^s; (5) S. I). Binjtham, John Divine; {()) John H. Richardscm,
Josepli W. Edwards. Carl Schurz was temporary chairman and
made a rattling speech on the duty of the party in the exist injij emer-
jfency. He was peculiarly fitted for this, for the reason that 1h» had
b(»en sent by tin* IMesident to invc^stipite the condition of the South.
His report was so unsatisfa<tory to tin- Administration that an
effort was nuide to suppress it. This was pr(»vented by the Senate,
whicli made j^ood use of it in formulating^ a plan of reconstruction.
The permanent chairman was GcMieral Josej)!] R. Hawley, of Connec-
ticut, who made a sliort and incisive address.
An interest iiiji: feature of the «*arly proceeding's was the admis-
sion to th(* platform of a deleji:ation from a lar^e Soldi<*rs' and
Sailors' < '(invention, who presented a n^solution adopted by tliat con-
vention: **That we, the soldiers and sailors, steadfast now as ever to
the I'nion and the Ma^, fully recojrnize the* claims of (leneral I'lysses
S. (rrant to the ccmfidence of the American people, and bcdievinj:^ thai
the victories won under his guidance in war will be illustrated by
him in peace*, by such measures as will secure the fruits of our
exertions and restore the T'nion upon the loyal basis, we declare it
as our deliberate conviction that he is the choice of the soldicM's and
sailors of the I'nion for the office of l*resid(»nt of the United States
of Ameri<a." The communication was rcM-eived with the warmest
interest and three cheers were pven for the so]di(»rs and sailors. A
series of resolutions ado]»( cd by the* Tnion L<»a.!.ru«» of Anu»rica, favor-
224 HISTORY OF THE REPrULKWX PARTY.
ing Grant for President, were also received and ordered printed as
part of the proceedings of the Convention.
On the second day the connnittt*e on resolutions rejmrted a plat-
form which, after slight amendment, was ado])ted as follows:
The National Rej)ublican party of the United States assenibietl
in National Convention in the City of Chicago on the 20th day of May,
18(58, make the following declaration of principles:
I. AVe <-ongratulate the country on the assured success of tlie
Reconstruction poli<y of Congress as evinced by the adoption in the
majority of the states lately in rebellion, of constitutions sei^uring
equal rights to all, and it is the duty of the governuTent to sustain
these institutions and to prevent the people of such states from being
remitted to a condition of anarchy.
II. The guarantee by Congress of eijual suffrage to all men at
the South was dc^manded by considerations of public safety, of grat-
itude and of justice, and must be maintained, while the question of
suffrage in all the loyal states proiKn-ly belongs to the people of those
states.
III. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime,
and the national honor demands the payment of the public indebted-
ness, in the utmost good faith, to all creditors at home and abroad.
not only according to the letter but in the s]>irit in which it was con-
tracted.
IV. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should bi*
cqualiz^^l and redu<ed as rapidly as the national faith will j)ermit.
A'. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preserva-
tion of the Cnion for all time to come, should be extended over a fair
period for redemption, and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the
rate of interest thereon, whenever it can reasonably be done.
VI. The best j)olicy to diminish our burden of debt is to so
improve our <redit, that capitalists will loan us money at lower rates
of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so long as
repudiation, i)artial or total, open or covert, is threatened or sus-
pected.
VII. The (lovernment of the Cnitcni States should be adniiuis-
tered with the strictest economy, and the corruptions which have
b<»en so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call
loudly for radical reform.
VIII. We profoundly deplore th(» untimely and tragic death of
.Vbraham Lin<-oln, and regret the* accession to the Presidency of
Andrew Johnson, who has a<ted trea<herously to the j>eople who
elected him and the <ause he was ]>ledged to support; who has
usurped high legislative and judicial functions: who has refused to
execute the laws: who has used his high office to induce other officers
to ignore and violate the laws: who has employed his executive
powers to r(»nder insecure the property, peace, lil)erty and life of the
citizen: who has abused the pardoning power: who has denounced
THE FOrUTH KKIM'HLK A\ (H)NVKXTIO\. 225
the National Lejijislatiirc* as unconstitutional; who has |)(»rsistentlv
and corruptly resisted, hy c^very nu^asure in his power, every jiroper
attenijjt at the reconstruction of the. states lately in rebellion; who
has perverted the pu!)lic patronage into an engine of wholesale cor-
ruption, and who has justly been impeached for hi^h crimes and mis-
demeanors, and properly pronounced guilty thereof by tlie vote of
thirty- tive senators.
IX. The doctrine of (ireat liritain and other European powers
that because a man is once a subj(»ct he is always so, must be rc^sisted
at every hazard by the I'nitt^d States as a relic of feudal times, not
authorized by the law of nations and at war with our national honor
and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to be protected
in all their rijjhts to citizenshi]) as thouj^h they were native born, and
no citizen of the I'nited States, native or otherwise, must be liable
to arrest and imiirisonment by any foreij^n power for acts done or
words spoken in this country; and if arrested and imprisoncnl it is
the duty of the Kovc*rnnH»nt to interfere in his b(»half.
X. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, then*
were none entitled to more esiK^cial honor than the brave soldiers and
seamen, who cmdured the hardships of camimi^n and cruise and
imperilled their lives in the service of the country; the bounties and
]>ensions provided by law for tliese brave defenders of the X^ation are
oblipitions nev(»r to be forjrotten; the widows and orphans of the
j»:allant dead are the wards of the people, a sacred lej^acy bequeathed
to the Nation's protective care.
XI. Foreign emigration, which in the past has added so much
to the wealth, development and n*sourc(*s and increase of power to
this Xation — the asylum of the o])pr(»ssed of all nations — should be
fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just ])olicy.
XII. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all the
oppressed jx^ople who are struggling for their rights.
Some members of the convention had b(»en so imimtient to nom-
inate (irrant for Pri^sident that two of them had made motions to thai
effect before the order of business was rcMiorted or a i)ermanent
organization was effected, and another had done the same thing, while
the convention was awaiting the report of the committee on creden-
tials. The time had now ccmie when this (*ager desire* could be car-
ried out and (i(»neral John A. Logan had been chosen to place the
name of CI rant before the* convention.
The selection of (leneral Logan for this service was a very appro-
priate one. Before the war he representcni the darkest district in
Egypt, as Southern Illinois was called. His district was populated
mostly by emigrants from tlu» slave* stat(*s. and its people w(*re about
as strong for Secession and slavery as their ncMghbors across the
22G HISTORY OF THE KKPrHLK AN PARTY.
Ohio and Mississippi Kivers in Keutncky and Arkansas. He was a
Doujjjlas IU*nH)<rat» \i'i the l)i8tri<t used to send him to Congress by
{{),{){){) or 11, (MM) majority. After the war broke ont, when he went
home to raise a regiment for the Vnion Army his < onstituents resented
the act. They would liave preferred a regiment for the Confederate
service. His eloquence and persuasive powers carried the day and
he got his regiment. After "the Rhuk Eagle of Illinois" returned
from the Army his District sent him back to Washington as a Repub-
lican, by about the same majority that it had given him before as a
Democrat. It is told of
him that when he was
home on leave of ab-
st^nce, during the war
and was making a eani-
])aign spcMM'h, one of his
h e a r e r 8 interrupted
him with remarks that
had a tlavor of Copper-
headism, and were in-
luilting to the sj)eaker
himself. Logan seized
t h e w a t e r pitcher,
jumped down from the
j>hitform, c-hased the in-
truder out of the hall,
then returned and r^r-
sumc^d his siK^ech amid
grc»at api>lause. EgApt
appreciated that kind
of argument.
JOHN A. LOGAN. Logau's first battle
with his rc*giment brought a ri»commcmdation from (Trant that he he
made a RrigadicM- Oeneral, and he returned home a Major General.
He was now in position to return (Jrant's favor by nominating him
for President. Rc^cognizing the impatience of the Convention to
come to a votc\ he restrained the natural desire* which induces many
to n ake a disj>hiy of oratory on such occasions, and confined his
speech to a single sentence. Reing informed by the Chair that
nominations were in order he said: "Thc*u, sir. in the name of the
loyal citizens, soldiers and sailors, of this great Republic of the
THE FOrKTH HEPrULK AN CONVENTION.
United States of America; in the name of lovalty,of libertr, of human-
ity, of justice; in the name of the Naticmal Tnion Kepublican party, I
nominate, as candidate for the Chief Maj::i8tra<y of this Nation,
I'lysses S. Grant.'- If he had talked lialf an honr lie could not have
aroused more enthusiasm than he did by this sinjjjle sentence. At
the mention of Grant's name, then* was ju-olon^ed applause, and a
^reat waving of handkerchiefs, and then the mass of p(M)ple, delej^ates
and spectators, rose and j;ave thr(»e rousinj? cIhmm's for Hie nominee,
while the band struck up **llail to the Chief."
The roll of states and
territories was then
called and the Chair-
man announced: **Gen-
tlemen of the Conven-
t i o n, y o u have six
hundred and fifty
vot<»s; you liave jjjiven
six h u n d r e d and
tifty votes for Vlys-
ses S. (irant. Nin(»
rousing cheers fol-
lowed the announce-
ment, the band played
'•The Hat tie Cry of
F reed o m,'' and the
who'e C o n V e n t i o n
joined in the chorus.
Entliusiasm was still
further aroused by a
song written for the
o<casion by George P.
Koot, entitled -'We'll Fight it Out Her<» on the Old Cnion Line,"
and sung by Chaplain Lozier, Chaplain McCabe and Major H. O.
[jonibard.
The contest for the nomination for Vice-President was very
s])irited. The nominating speech(»s were nuuu»rous, most of them
brief, and generally of a very high order. Virginia nominat(»d
Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, and his home State and South
Carolina se<onded the nomination. Indiana nominated Schuyler
Colfax, and New JtMsey and Michigan seconded the nomination.
BENJAMIN F. WADE.
228 HISTORY OF TUK KEIM'HLK AN PAKTY.
The Micbipui (h^le^aliou had been instructed for Colfax. Ohio
nominated Benjamin F. Wade and was 8ui)])orted by Missouri and
North Carolina. New York nominated Ex-Oovernor Reuben E.
Fenton, and Louisiana supjiorted the nomination. Kentucky named
James Speed; Maryland nominated John A. J. Creswell, but Mr.
Creswell, who was a delepile, immediately withdrew his name in a
stirrinj^ speech favoring **j»:lorious old Hen Wade, of Ohio." Penn-
sylvania nominated Ex-Governor A. O. Curtin, Iowa named James
Harhui, Maine presented Hannibal Hamlin, and Kansas submitttnl
S. C. Pomeroy. The following table shows the course of the bal-
loting:
1st.
Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio 149
Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana 118
Reuben E. Fenton, of New York Vi2
James Speed, of Kentucky 22
J. A. J. Creswell, of Maryland 14
A. (i. Curtin, of Pennsylvania 52
James Harlan, of Iowa KJ
AVMlliam I). Kelh^y, of Pennsylvania.. f>
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine :{()
Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts.... 11!)
Governor Curtin had furnished the Pennsylvania delegation with
a patriotic letter, authorizing them to withdraw his name, whenever,
in their judgment, such action would '^promote unity and harnion,^
in the Republican party, and its ultimate triumph, which is so essen
tial to the perpetuity of the (lovernment, and the prosperity and
happiness of the American people.-' It will be noticed that Wade
started in the lead, and maintained that position through four ballots.
His nomination was expected and probably would have been brought
about, had it not been for the chronic habit of Ohio delegates to
break away from their own candidates at a critical time, a habit of
which Senator Sherman, and half a dozen others, have had reason
to complain. Four of the Ohio delegation broke from Wade to
Colfax on the s(»cond ballot, and the number increased to six on the
fourth ballot. Colfax's nomination, however, was entirely satis
factory to the (ountry. He was one of the most popular Republi-
cans and one of the best parliamentarians of the time.
There was an incident connected with the Michigan delegation
at this Convention which has never before been in print. The Sen-
2d.
M.
4th.
5th.
6th.
170
178
204
15»6
42
140
104
186
224
522
140
139
144
137
75
45
40
. . .
.{0
25
25
15)
1 1:{
101
87
«1
11
THE FOURTH REPUBLK AN CONVENTION. 229
atorial influence from Washington was very stronjjjly in favor of
Benjamin F. Wade for Vice-President. Senator Chandler, of Michi-
gan, was especially attached to Mr. Wade. They had been comrades
in the Senate when the Republicans were in a hopeless minority
there. In view of the assault made upon Sumner and of the threats
and bluster of Southern Senators after that time, they had be(»n
parties, with Senator Cameron, to a written compact, to resist force
with force, in case of any assault upon themselves, or upon any of
their fellow senators in their presence, and had practiced with the
revolver until they were accounted among the best shots in Wash-
ington. They had stood together in favor of Lincoln and Grant,
and of all efficient war measures, and after that against the aggres-
sions of President Johnson. In his earnest desire for Mr. Wade's
nomination, Mr. Chandler wrote to the nmuager of the Detroit Post,
of which he was much the largest stockholder, and which was devoted
to his interests, asking that it come out in support of Mr. Wade.
The manager replied that Michigan had already instructed its dele-
gation to support Colfax, and it would not be well for the paper, nor
well for Mr. Chandler, to go counter to the expressed wish of the
Republicans of the State. Mr. Chandler, who often led, but never
attempted to drive, the Republicans of Mi<higan, saw the force of
this, and made no further efforts in that direction.
Cteneral Grant's letter of acceptance was characteristic. It con-
tained only 211 words, and, omitting the introductory acknowledg-
ments, was as follows:
**I endorse the resolutions. If elected to the office of President
of the United States it will be my endeavor to administer all the la\^ s
in good faith, with economy and with the view of giving peace, quiet
and protection everywhere.
**In times like the present it is impossible, or at least eminently
improper, to lay down a policy to be adhered to, right or wrong,
through an Administration of four years. New political issues, not
foreseen, are constantly arising; the views of the public on old ones
are constantly changing, and a purely Administrative officer should
always be left free to execute the will of the* peoi)le. I always have
respected that will and always shall.
**Peace and universal prosperity, its sequence, with economy of
Administration, will lighten the burden of taxation, while it con
stantly reduc(»s t\w National dei)t. Let us have peace."
2^0 HISTORY OF THE KEmiLirAX PARTY.
The deference here shown to the will of the people, and the dis
elaimer of any infiexible plan of meeting the exiji:encie8 of the time,
were in striking and pleasing contrast to the self-assertion and obsti-
nacy which had characterized the occnpant of the White House for
the previous three years.
Mr. Colfax's letttu' of acceptance, addressed to General Hawley.
opened with this ji:rac(»ful expression of thanks: *The platform
adopted by the patriotic Convention over which you presided, anil
the resolutions which so hapi)ily suppleni<»nt it, so entirely ajjree
with my views as to a just National policy, that my thanks are due
to the delegates, as much for this <lear and auspicicms declaration
of principles, as for the* nomination with which I have been honored,
and which I grat<»fully accept." Mr. Colfax followed with a brief
reference to the issues of the day, and to what the Republican party
had already accomplished.
The harmonious character of the Convention, the hearty aceejM-
ance of the platform by the candidates, and the popularity of the
candidates themselves, most favorably affected the party, and it
entered uj)on the camjmign with confidence and zeal.
XVIII.
THE GRANT AND (H)LFAX ( AMPAKJX.
The Democratic Tamnianv Hall (Convention — *'Vour Candidate I
Cannot Be*' — T1h» Nomination of Seynionr and lilair — A Very
Critical and Fault-Finding IMatform — Blair's Previous Record —
A AV(»ak Point in the Ticket— Tlie SoutlnMU Fin»- Eaters Too Out-
spoken— An Active and Bitter Contest — A Flood of Campaign
Poetry — (SranCs Speeches — Seymour's ElcMtioneering Tour — A
(ireat Triumph for the Republicans — A Larp» Majority of the*
Popular \'ote, the Vote in the Electoral CoUe^a* and in Congress.
The Democrats, in lS(;s, were more at sea and at sea much
longer, than the Republicans. Their course as a party, durinj? the
war had thoroughly disiredited them. Their war-is-a-failure cam-
paign in 18()4 had ended in complete discomtiture, and their
investment in Andrew Jolinson had not netted any dividends. They
were out of principles, and th(»ir stock of available candidates had
run low. They w(»re in as great need of r<4iabilitation as tin* South
was.
The National ('onvention met in Tammany Hall, New York, July
4, and remained in session eleven days. The framing of a platform
was no easy matter. All the material in the old platform was
rotten or worm-eaten, and it was necessary to cut fresh material and
build anew. The declarations of th(» C(mvention, as tinally adopted,
<-ontained an enumeration of wrongs, and of outrages \\]nm liberty,
and of violations of the Constitution, and of abuses in taxatitm, and
of usurpations of power, that might fairly hav«» made Vallandigham
and men of his class weep. They did not know before that they ha<l
been so cruelly abused. As the lirst pronouncement of the modern
Democracy, the declaration is worth giving in full. Here it is:
The Democratic party, in National Convention assembled, repos-
ing its trust in the intellig(»nc(\ patriotism, and discriminating justice
of the people, standing upon the C<mstitntion as th<» foundation and
2:\2 HISTOKY OF TIIK KEPrHLI(\\N PARTY.
limitation of the powers of the Government, and th<* j;uarantee of
the liberties of the eilizen, and reeoj^nizinj^ the questions of Slaverv
and S(»(ession as havinji: !>een settled for all time to come by the war
or the voluntary action of the Southern States in Constitutional Con-
ventions assembled, and never to be renewed or reajjitated, do, with
the return of peace, demand:
1. Immediate restoration of all the states to their rights in tlie
Tnion, under the Constitution, and of Civil (lovernment to the Amer-
ican people.
2. Amnesty for all jmst political otfences, and the repilation of
the elective franchise in the states by their citizens.
:\. PayiiHMit of the public debt of the Vnited States as rapidly as
practicable; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, exee]»t
so nuK'h as is recjuisite for the necessities of the (iovernment, econoni
ically administered, beinj» honestly applitnl to such payment, and
where the oblijjjations of the (iovernment do not (»xpn*ssly state ujHin
their face, or the Law under which they were issued does not provid**
that they shall be paid in coin, they oujrht, in right and in justice,
to be i)aid in the lawful money of the United States.
4. Ecpial taxation of every species of propi^rty according; to its
real value, including (iovernment bonds and other public securities.
5. One currency for the (iovernment and the pcoj>le, the laborer
and the office-holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and
I he bondholder.
G. Economy in the Administration of the (iovernment; t\w
reduction of the standing Army and Navy; the abolition of the Freed-
man's Bureau, and all political instrumentalities designed to secure
negro supremacy; simplitication of the system, and discontinuance
of incpiisitorial models of ass(»ssiiig and collecting internal revenue.
so that the burden of taxation may be ecpialized and lessened; the
credit of the (JovcMument and the currency made good; the repeal of
all enactments for c*nrolling the State Militia into National foresee in
time of j)eace; and a taritf for rc»venue upon foreign imports, and
such ecjual taxation under the Internal Kevenue Laws as will afford
incidental protection to domestic manufacturers, and as will, without
impairing the revenue, impose the least burden u]»on and best pro-
mote* anci encourage the grc»at industrial in:erests of the* country.
7. Reform of abusers in the* Adminisiration, the expulsion of
corrupt men from otiicc*, the abrogation ol iis;*lc»ss offices, the restora-
tion of rightful authority to, and the* iude*i;e*He!euee of, the Exee-utive
and Judicial I)(*i)artments of the (iove*rnme*nt, the* subordination of
the military to the civil j)owe*r, to the* e*nd that the usurpations of
Congrc*ss and de*spotism of the sword may ce»asc*.
S. Ecpial rights and protc*ction. for naturalized and native-born
citizc*ns, at home and abroad; the* assertion of Ame*rican nationality
which shall ccmimand the resjK*ct of foreign powc*rs and furnish an
c*xanii)le* and e*ncourage*me*nt to ]M*o])le struggling for Xaticmal integ-
rity. Constitutional libe*rty, anel individual rights, and the nminte-
THE GRANT AND ("OLFAX ( AMPAIGN. 2.33
nance of the riji^hts of naturalized <itizens aji:ain8t the absolute doc-
trine of immutable allej^ian<e, and the claims of foreign powers to
punish them for allej^ed crime committed beyond their jurisdiction.
In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the Rad
ical party for its disregard of right and the unparalleled oppression
and tyranny which have nmrked its career. After the most solemn
and unanimous pledge of both Houses of Congress to prosecute the
war exclusively for tlie maintenance of the (Tovernment and the pres-
(»rvation of the Tnion under the Constitution, it has rejieatedly vio-
lated that most sacred pledge, under which alone was rallied that
noble Volunteer Army which carried our tlag to victory. Instead of
restoring the I'nion, it has, so far as is in its power, dissolved it, and
subjected ten states, in time of i)rofound peace, to military despotism
and negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of trial by
jury; it has abolished the habeas corpus, that most sacred writ of
liberty; it has overthrown the frei^lom of sijccmIi and the press; it
has substituted arbitrary seizures and arrests, and military trials
and secret star-chamber inquisitions for the Constitutional tribunals;
it has disregarded, in time of jxnice, the right of the i)eoi)le to be free
from searches and seizures; it has entered the post and telegraph
offices, and even the privat*^ rooms of individuals, and seized their
private jjapers and letters without any s|)ecitic charge or notice of
affidavit, as recjuired by the organic law; it has converted the Amer-
can Capitol into a bastile; it has established a system of spies and
official espionage, to which no Constitutional Monarchy of Europe^
would now dare to resort; it has abolished the right of a])f)eal on
important Constitutional questions to the Supreme Judicial tribunal,
and threatens to control or destroy its original jurisdicticm, which is
irrevocably vested by the Constitution, while the learned Chit^f
Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely
because he would not prostitute his high oftice to the su]>port of the
false and ]>artisan charges preferred against the President. Its
corruption and extravagan<e have exceeded anything known in
history, and. by its frauds and monopolies it has nearly doubled the
burden of the debt created by the war. It has stripped the Presi
dent of his Constitutional jjower of appointment, even of his own
Cabinet. Under its rei)eated assaults the ])illars of the (rovernment
are rocking on their base, and should it succeed in November next
and inaugurate its President, we will meet as a subjected and con-
quered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments
of the Constitution.
And we do declare and resolve, that ever since the i)eople of the
United States threw of? subjection to the I5ritish crown, the ju'ivi-
lege and trust of sutTrage have belonged to the several states, and
have been granted, regulated and controlled exclusively by the politi-
cal power of each State respectively, and that any attempt by
Congress, on any pretext whatever, to deprive any State of this right,
or interfere with its exercis(% is a flagrant usurpation of power.
2U HICTORY OF THE REPI BLICAN PARTY.
which ran find no warrant in the Constitution, and, if sanctioned b}'
the people, will subvert our form of (iovernment, and can only end in
a single. <entralized and consolidated (xovernnient, in which the sep-
arate existence of the states will be entii*ely absorbed, and an unqual-
ified despotism he established in place of a Federal I'nion of co-equal
states.
And that we regard the Construction Acts (so-called) of Cou-
j^ress, as such, as usurpations and unconstitutional, revolutionary
and void. That our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of our
rountry to victory against a most gallant and determined foe, must
ever be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their
favor must be faithfully <arried into exerution.
That the public lands should be distributed as widely as |K)ssi-
ble among the people, and should be disjK)sed of either under tin*
j>re-emption of homestead lands, or sold in reasonabh* quantities, and
to none but actual orcupants, at the minimum ]»ri<e established by
the (iovernment. When grants of the publi<- lands may be allowed,
necessary for the encouragement of important i)ublic improvements,
the proceeds of the sale of surh lands, and not the lands themselven.
should be so a])plied.
That the l^resident of the T'nited States, Andrew Johnson, in
exercising the power of his high ol!ice in resisting the aggressions of
Congress ujum the Constitutional rights of the states and the people,
is entitk»d to the gratitude of the whole American jieople, and in
behalf of the Democratic party we tender him our thanks for bis
j)atriotic efforts in that regard.
rpon this platform the Democratic i)arty appeal to every
patriot, including all the conservative element and all who desii'e to
support the Ccmstitution and restore the Cnion, forgetting all past
differences of opinion, to unite with us in the i>resent great struggle
for the liberties of tht» peoi>le; and that to all such, to whatever
party they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand
of fellowship, and hail all such co-operating with us as friends and
brethren.
RESOLVED, That this Convention sympathize cordially with
the workingmen of the Cnited States in their efforts to protect the
rights and interests of the laboring classes of the country.
RESOLVED, That the thanks of the (\)nvention are tendered
to Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase for the justi<e, dignity and inipar
tiality with which \w presided over the Court of ]mi)eachment on the
trial of President Andrew Johnson.
When the Convention reached the order of nomination for Presi-
dent everything was involved in doubt. The nomination of George
II. Pendleton would have been the natural outcome, inasmuch as the
most important planks of the ])latform were framed to meet his
vi(»ws. Put the New York and somi* other Eastern Democrats were
THE ORANT AND COLFAX C AMPAION. 235
8tronj?l.v opposed to him, and put Thomas A. Hendricks in the fiehl
to divide the Western vote. I'p to nearly the time of the Conven-
tion President Johnson cherished hopes that he mijrht, by reeeivinj^
the Democratic nomination, reap the reward of his adojition of
Democratic practices. His plan of framing a new party, with himself
at the head of it, had long since been abandoned, and the Conven-
tion had not been long in session before that infatuated individual
relinquished the hallucination that he could receive the Democratic*
nomination. His highest vote in the Convention was sixty-five, on
the first ballot, and it dwindled from that to five on the twenty-first.
The name of Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase was on the lips of
members throughout the balloting, and there was hardly a time
when a break to him was not among the possibilities, even among the
probabilities. It was the plan of some of the leaders to spring his
name, if the opportunity offered, but if the opportunity ever came
they failed to take advantage of it. Mr. Chase only received half a
vote on the twelfth, thirteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth and nine-
teenth ballots, and four on the twenty-first. Sanford E. Church was
given thirty-three votes on the first seven ballots, and then dropped.
The only object in presenting his name at all was to hold the votes
of New York State in reserve, until it was decidcMi how best to use
them^ It was apparently for the same reason that Asa Packer, of
Pennsylvania, was given twenty-six votes on the first fourteen
ballots. The following table shows the first ballot, the eighth when
Pendleton reached his highest, the eighteenth when Hancock reached
his highest, and the twenty-first which was the last before the break
to Seymour:
1st. 8th. I8th. 21st.
George H. Pendleton, of Ohio 105 156 1/> 5(;i/>
Winfleld S. Hancock, of New York. . . . .^'M/o 28 144i/> 135 U>
Thos. A. Hendricks, of Indiana 2K\> 75 87 182 ""
Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee ($5 28 10 5
Sanford E. ( Mmrch, of New York 33
Asa Packer, of Pennsylvania 26 26
Joel Parker, of New Jersey 13 7 3V1»
James E. English, of Connecticut 16 6 10
James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin 13 12 12 12
Largest number of votes 317
Necessary to a choice 212
Scattered votes were also cast on the different ballots for the
following candidates: Keverdy Johnson, Francis P. Blair, Jr.,
236
HISTORY OF THE KEPT BLICAN PARTY.
Thomas Ewin^j, John Quiney Adams, Oeorjre H. Mcriellan, Franklin
Pierce, John T. Hoffman, Stephen J. Field and Thomas H. Seymour.
It appeared to the leaders that the time had nearly eome when
f'hief Justice Chase mi^ht be brought forward, and after a short
consultation, it was decided that after the next ballot the Conven-
tion should adjourn till the next morning, and that then the Chair-
man of the Convention should take the tioor, and formally present
Mr. Chase's name. Hut the Convention got away from them. After
a ft»w states had be(*n calh*d. vot(»s began to ai>i)ear for Horatio
Seymour, Prc^sident of
the Convention, who,
at the first mention of
his name arose, pro-
tested and declined to
be a candidate. \Yhen
Ohio was reached the
delegation surprised
the Convention by giv-
ing its entire vote for
Horatio Seymour. This
was another instance
of the chronic tendency
of Ohio delegations to
br(^ak away from can-
didates from their own
State, at just the time
when s u c cess was
within their reach.
The delegation were
feeling ugly because
they were obliged to
abandon Pendleton, and therefore would have ncme of Chase. I'pon
iheir anuouncement of their vote for Seymour, that gentleman arose
and in*otest(*d; diM-lared his devotion to the i»arty and his willingness
to serv(» it in any other way, and then, with his hand thrust forward,
j>alm outward, as though to jmt away the jnoffered honor, said: ''But
gentlemen, your candidate 1 cannot be." The tide, however, had
turned that way, and nothing could check it. State after State
changed its vote, and when the result was announced it was unani-
mous, :U7 votes for Seymour. His reluct aure to take the nomination
was doubtless genuine, but he was virtually forced to accept it.
HORATTO SEVMOrR.
THE CJKANT AND TOLFAX CAMPAIGN. 237
Francis P. Blair, Jr., was nominated for Vice-President without
opposition. Mr. Blair was a man, both of stronj? convictions and
equally strong prejudices. He was one of the first men in Missouri
to denounce slavery and advocate gradual emancipation. This
ground he took on economic rather than on moral grounds. He
insisted that slavery was a drawback to the development and i)ros-
perity of the State, and that it was especially detrimental to the
commercial and industrial interests of St. Louis. He and li. Gratz
Brown were largely instrumental in organizing the Republican party
in that city. He was elected to Congress as a Kei)ublican, and as
late as February, lh05, was entrusted by President Lincoln with an
important mission in conncK'tion with peace overtures. After that h(*
first *%Johnsonized*- and then went over to the extreme wing of th<»
Democratic party. Before the Convention he had writt(*n a letter in
which he said: **There is but one way to restore the (lovernment and
the Constitution, and that is for the President to declare these Acts
null and void, compel the Army to undo its usurjiations in the South,
dispossess the carpet-bag State Governments, allow the white people
to reorganize their own Governments, and elect Senators and Repre-
sentatives." This nmde him a very suitable candidate on a plat-
form, containing this clause which was proposed by Wade Hamjiton:
**That we regard the Reconstruction Acts of (^ongress, as usur[»a-
tions, unconstitutional, revolutionary and void.'*
Robert Toombs, in a speech at Atlanta, declared that ^'these so-
called Governments and Legislatures which have been established in
our midst, shall at once be made to vacate. The Convention at New
York appointed Frank P. Blair especially to oust them.^- From
being trusted by Lincoln, to being praised by Toombs, was certainly
a great descent. His own extreme utterances and the praise of the
Southerners, it was thought, were calculated to injure the ticket.
After the October elections the New York World denmnded that he
be withdrawn, but he concluded to ^*sti(*k'' and the canvass went on.
In the course of the campaign Mr. Blair brought ridicule, as well as
hostility, to the ticket. When making a speech at Allyn Hall, Hart-
ford, Conn., he was so much **under the influence'' that he found
difficulty in steadying himself, and his reniarks were so rambling
and incoherent as to cause great chagrin and mortification to his
Democratic hearers, and great glee to the Republican i)ress.
The campaign was active and bitter. In the East it lacked the
accessories of drilled marching companies and torch-light proces-
2:W HISTORY OF THE KEPrBl.K^VN PARTY.
siona which had inarktHi the canipai^iiH of 18G0 and 1864, but in tbi»
West these were maintained. In Detroit there was great rivalry
between the two parties over this feature and there were some of
the hirgest processions ever seen in the city. The expense was so
great, however, that after the campaign was over, the party oonamit-
tees agreed for the future to abandon this costly method of rousing
enthusiasm. This phin was carritni out, under the agreement, until
it became a matter of habit, and the torch-light procession has never
been resumed in Detroit as a nuiin feature of the general campaign.
The printini docuiuent, the lithograi>h and the local meeting havt*
largely supplanted the torch, the transparency and general mass
meeting in the effort to reach and convin<e the voter.
One feature of the canvass was the immense amount of campaign
poetry that was jioured into it. On the Democrat side this was bitter
in the extreme, and some of it indecent. There was frequently used
one verse of four lines, in praise of the assassination of Lincoln,
which was absolutely hideous in its brutality. There was another,
not quite as jjocd as the best and not quite as bad as the worst,
which jiraised the "pure soul" of the "martyred and blest," Mrs. Sur-
ratt, and added a ribald characterization of some of the Republican
leaders.
Th(» Republican campaign verses were on a much higher plant*.
They w(»re always decent, and some of them models in verse and
song, John (i. Whittier's four stanzas on the Democratic piatforui.
for instame. They were generally in praise of their own ticket,
rather than in denunciation of their opponents. Hut here are thre«»
stanzas addressed "To (reneral F. P. IMair," which are sufficiently
keen in their personal thrusts:
You have falsified your record
For the fitful hope of place*;
Tlu» sword you drew in honor
You have sheathed now in disgrace;
The hand that bore our standard
Has palsied — lost its clasj),
.\nd takes the hand of traitors
In its dishonored grasp.
You have left the cause of freedom.
The Union and the laws.
To fan th(» fires of discord
And honor the "lost cause,"
THE (IKANT AND (M)LFAX CAMPAIGN. 231)
Affiliate with traitors,
Who with revengeful breath,
Are livinj^ unrepentant
And plot the Nation's death.
You are standinji:, hand in hand, with them.
You at Atlanta faeed;
And they who stood beside you then
Feel by your act disjjraeed.
Oh I in your midnight musings
Y'our thoughts must bitter be,
To recollect that once you marched
With Sherman to the sea.
During the cam]>aign (Jrant's reticence was commented on unfa-
vorably by some of the Democratic stump speakers, who said that he
could not nmke a speech, and that the ability to talk was essential
in a man in that exalted position. Before they were through tliey
wished they had not mentioned the subject, for Republican stump
orators began to quote some of (irant's terse utterances during the
war, as si»eech(»s that were at least easily comprehended. Grant's
si>ee<h to (leneral Buckner at Fort Donelson was very short, but
when he was through talking Buckner understood that 'I'ncondi-
tional surrender'' represented the (mly terms he could obtain. In
view of the initials of his name, ''Inconditional Surrender" (iranr
was the name sometimes applied to tlu» General. "I propose to move
immediately upon your works," was another of (rrant's speeches
which the Rebel (Jeneral < 'ommanding was able to compn^hend. When
Grant's plan of attack on I^tn^'s army and approach to Richmond was
criticised, and pressure was brought to bear upon him to change it,
he did not make a long si)eech in reply, but his renmrk: **I propose to
tight it out on this line if it takes all summer," conveyed a very clear
idea of his purjwse. **Let us have peace" expressed a wish which the
pf^ople understood, and in which they heartily concurred, it was
related that after one of the battles of the Wilderness, when the sol-
diers had fought all day with an enemy that they could not see, on
account of the woods and brush, General Grant was asked to step
backward and reorganize, and that he replied: **We have done very
well, gentlemen. At half past three o'clock in the morning we move
forward." These and other similar concise expression^ of Grant's
when quoted to a mass m(*eting were always effective in rousing
enthusiasm. The (flotation was often followed by the suggestion
240 HISTORY OF THE KEPriUJCAN PARTY.
that in tho flood of oratory that sometimes 8Wi*ei)8 over a political
iissemhla^e, there wt*re i)eoi»i(* who talked too mueh. If they wonld
talk less they would have a <haiu(* to think more, a reference wbieli
the audience would readily apply to Francis P. Rlair's loquacity.
The October election went Republican, but by majorities so small
as to leave the Democrats some chance. The closest state was Indi-
ana, which pive Conrad Haker 1H;1 majority over Thomas A. Hen-
dricks, a very meaner figure compared with Morton's :}0,000 at th**
election hehl durinj^ the Presidential canvass four years earlier.
In the hoi)e of reversing this result in some of these states. Gov-
ernor Seymour made an electioneering): tour through them. His
strong j»ersonality and his persuasive eloquence mij!:ht have had the
desired effect, but here a new element entered in. Business men were
aroused at the threat of i)artial rej»udiation jiroposed in the Pendle
ton planks in the platform, and the financial disturbance it would
create. An uprising followed, similar in character, though not so
wide in extent as that which marked the revolt against the 10 to 1
heresy in IMMi. So in the end it was Pendleton's financial )>lanks,
rather than Hlair's (\)i)perheadism that turned the scale.
The result was a triumidi for the Rej)ublicans such as the most
sanguine men in the [mrty would not have dared to j)redict six weeks
earlier. Orant carried 2i'} states, with 214 ehntoral vot€*s. Seymour
had St) electoral votes, of which about half were from his own State
and the rest were from N(»w Jerst\v (which usually follows the lead
of New Yorki, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Oeorpa, Ix>uisiaua
and Oreji:on. it was afterwards proven that the result in Louisiana
was obtained by frauds of the most sweeping character. The popular
vote was:
(Jrant and (\)Ifax a,tU5,071
Seymour and Blair 2,7t)lK(n8
Durinj^ this period (Nmpess was dividend i^olitically as follows*
Forty-first ('onji:ress.
Senate — Republicans, Gl; D(»mocrats, 11.
House — Reimblicans, 170; Democrats, 7.'^.
Forty-second ('onjjcress.
St»nat(^ — Rej)ublicans, 57; Democrats, 17.
Uoust* — Republicans, 1:>J>; Democrats, lf)4.
One of the interestinj^ features of this cam]>ai^n in Michijjau
was a s<»ries of county mass meetings in the southern part of the
THE GlIAXT AND (H)LFAX ( AMPAKJN. 241
State, addresBed by Senator Chandler, Henry P. Baldwin, candidate
for Governor, and others. The State wan thoroughly aroused, and
the vote was much larjjer than any cast previous to that time. (Jrant
had lin,221> and S(\vmour S2,;m4: nmjority for (Jrant, :it),S()5. There
were also '202 votes cast for David Davis, on a Workinpnan's nomina-
tion, which cut no fijfun* during the campaif^n, and which had elec-
toral tickets in only a few of the states. The Presidential Electors
were: At Larj^e — Charles M. Croswell, John Hurt. By Districts —
(1) William Doeltz; (2) Charl(»s W. (Misbee; Hi) (diaries T. (lorham;
(4) Byron M. Cutcheon; (5) (iiles Hubbard; (0) Michael (\ T. Plessner.
The vote for (governor was: Henry P. Baldwn'n, of Detroit,
I2S,051; John Moore, of Sajrinaw, J)7,2J>0; Baldwin's majority, ;i0,701.
The Couj^ressional de]ej;:ation was Republican and consisted of Fer-
nando i\ Beaman, Austin Blair, Omar 1). Conger, Thomas W. Ferry,
William L. Stoughton and Kandolph Strickland.
XIX.
PKESIDEXT (.KAXrS FIRST TERM.
Paragraphs from the JMesideut's Inaugural Messaj^e — A (^abinet
that Did Not Lon^ Hold Together — Atteuii)t8 to Solve the Kec-on-
struetion Problem — Settlinjj Old Scores with (treat Britaiu —
Financial Issues Come to the Front — How to l)isrharj?e the Pub-
lic Oblipitions and (iet Hack to Si)ecie Payments — The Act to
Strenjfthen the Public ('redit — The Refunding,' A<t— The <'oin-
aj^e Act Demonetizing Silver — The Salarv (Jral) — The Treaty of
Washington — Tht» Proposed San Dominj^o Purchase Defeated.
President (Jrant's inaugural message was brief and character-
istic. It was addressed to the citizens of the I'nited States and the
first three sections were as follows:
"Your sutTrajres having elected me to the ofli<e of President of the
I'nited States, I have, in <<)nformity to the ('onstituti<m of our coun-
try, taken the oath of oftH-e prescril>ed therein. I have taken this
oath without mental reservation, and with the determination to do, to
the best of my ability, all that it requires of me. The res)K>nsibilities
of the position I feel, but ac<ept them without fear. The office has
come to me unsought; I cmnmence its duties untrammeled, I bring ro
it a conscious desire and determination to fill it to the best of my
ability, to the satisfaction of the people.
"On all leading questions agitating the public mind I will always
express my views to Congress, and urge them according to my judg-
ment; and, when I think it advisable, will exercise the Constitutional
privilege of intiM-posing a veto to defeat measures which I opjwse.
Rut all laws will be faithfully executed, whether they meet my ap-
proval or not.
"I shall, on all subjects, have a policy to recommend, but none tii
enforce against the will of the peoi)le. Laws are to govern all alike,
those opposed, as well as those who favor them. I know no nietlicKl
to secure the rejteal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their
stringent execution.''
PKESIDENT GRANT'S FIliST TERM. 2411
The Presideut's Cabinet as tiiHt announced was not considered
fortunate in its selection. It was as follows:
Secretary of State — Elibu H. Washburne, of Illinois.
Secretary of the Treasury — Alexander T. Stewart, of New York.
Secretary of War — John A. Kawlins, of Illinois.
Secretary of the Navy — Adoljib E. Borie, of Pennsylvania.
Postmaster General — John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland.
Secretary of the Interior — Jacob I>. Cox, of Ohio.
Attorney General — E. Rockwell Hoar, of Massachusetts.
The Cabinet did not long hold together. Mr. ^^'ashburne was
confirmed March 5 and resigned March It), to take the position of
Minister to France, in accordance, it was understood, with a previous
understanding. He was succeeded by Hamilton Fish, of New York,
an appointment which created surju'ise at the time, but which proved
to be a most excellent one. Mr. Stewart was found to be ineligible
under an act passed September 2, 178J), which provided that the Secre-
tary of the Treasury should not be ''directly, or indirectly, concerned
or interested in carrying on the business of trade or commerce, or be
owner, in whole or in j:art. of any sea vessel or purchase, by himst^lf
or another in trust for him, any jniblic lands or other public property,
or be concerned in the i»urchase or disposal of any public securities
of any State or of thi* I'nited States, or take or apply to his own use
any emolument or gain for negotiating or transacting any business in
the said l>ej)artment, other than what shall be allowed by law.''
This act is so sweeping in its exclusion of business men as to
make it a matter of surprise that the Government has been able to
secure many capable men for that imi)ortant position. Th<^
President was anxious to have Mr. Stewart in the Cabinet and
Mr. Stewart was anxious to be there. It was pro])Osed, at one time,
that he should assign all his business interests to his partner, Judgt*
Hilton, but this was regarded as a mere evasion of tin* law, as he
would still have an indirect interest in them. Then it was sought to
remove his disabilities by a special Act of Congress, but that body
would not establish the precedent of breaking down a law that had
been in force for eighty years, in order to meet the exigencies of a
particular case, and Mr. Stewart was reluctantly droj^ped. The Pres-
ident then turned to Captain E. H. Ward, of Detroit, but he was found
also to be ineligible, and George S. Houtwell, of Massachusetts, was
cappointed.
John A. Rawliys, Secretary of War, gave way, after a few
months, to William W. Pelknap, of Iowa. But Borie was a puzzler
244 HISTORY OF THE UErriUJCAN PARTY.
t(» the pe(»i>le, as he was almost unknowu in piihlit- alTairs. The VVest-
(*rn Associated Press, in transmit tin jj: the Cabinet list, got a "v" in
his name instead of an *'r/' An editor of one of the Detroit dailies,
was writing biographies of the members of the Cabinet, and when
he eame to the Secretary of the Navy he commenced: '*The Hon.
Adolph E. Bovie, Secretary of the Navy, is — is — well, who in is
Bovie, anyway?" ^Ir. Borie was succeeded, June 25, 18G1>, by George
M. Robeson, of New Jersey.
(irant's Administration was confronted with three grave
]>roblems, all inherited from the war. These were an amicable
adjustment of the relations between the whites and the blacks in the
South, a j)roblem that is ev(»n yet not entirely solved; the settlement
of our old scores with (ireat Britain, and the financial problem.
The latter subject was the one first taken in hand by Congress,
and the question was how to get back to a sound specie basis, after
doing business for sixtet»n years with pai)er that was more or less
depreciated. It became evident early in the war, that the Govern-
ment <*ould not command the gold necessary for payment of the vast
exi)enses incurred in that struggle. We were not only exjiending
immense sums for war material and supjilies at home, but we were
imj)orting much more than we were exporting, and the balances du«*
abroad had to be paid in gold or in gold bonds. As the war proceeded
the disjuuity between the exports and imi)orts increased, for cotton
shii)ments w(»re almost entirely cut off, and our surplus of breadstuffn
and i)rovisions was less than in former years, on a<*count of the largo
consumjjtion by the Army. Some form of paper obligation early
became necc^ssary, and the necessity increased as the war continued.
The first exj^eriment with pai)er mon(\v was the issue of f50,000,-
tK)0 in non-interest bearing Treasury notes. They were payable on
demand, were as good as gold then, and continutMi at i)ar during the
entire period of gold fluctuations. liut they were a new tiling;,
peojjle were not accsutomed to issues of Gov(*rnment pai)er, and were
suspicious of them, and even that amount, small as it was in com-
parison with the jiaper issues subsequently issued, could not bi*
floated. In this same period it was diflicult for the Government to
borrow money on bonds, for its credit had been greatly impaired by
the events of Buchanan's Administration. When the Secretary of
the Treasury secured the first loan made during the war, the I^ndon
Times said lu» had 'coerced foO.OtMMKH) from the New York banks,
but he would not fare so well on the London Exchange," and for a
PRESIDENT GRANTS FIRST TERM. 245
time Confederate bonds sold better in Eiiroi)e than United States
Government obligations. Borrowing on Government gold-bearing
bonds afterwards became easier, both in this country and in Europe,
but the need of currency for use in business transactions, became
more and more pressing.
Out of this need came the creation of the greenback, and, later
on, the National Bank Law. The Legal Tender Bill, which estab-
lished the greenback, was introduced by E. G. Spauldiug, of the
Buffalo, N. v.. District in Congress, December *M), lS(n, and was
reported from the Ways and Means Committee, January 22, 1802. It
was urged mainly as a matter of temjiorary mn^essity, and not as a
judicious permanent system. In fact the expectation was held out
that the greenbacks would be permanently retired almost as soon as
the war ended. The bill was explained and ably supported by Mr.
Spauiding, and other members of the Ways and Means Committee,
but was opposed on the ground of expediency or constitutionality,
or both, by a few Republicans, and by nearly all the Democrats.
Among the latter Clement L. Vallandigham and George H. Pendle-
ton took the lead.
In view of Mr. Pendleton's declaration in 18()S, in favor of paying
the Government bonds in greenbacks, his attitude toward them in
1862 is interesting. In the course of his remarks he said: **Th(»
feature of the bill that first strikes every thinking man, even in thes(»
days of novelties, is the proposition that these notes shall be made a
legal tender in discharge of all pecuniary obligations, as well those
which have accrued in virtue of contracts already made, as those
which shall hereafter be nuide. Do gentlemen api)reciate the full
import and meaning of that clause? Do they realize the full extent
to which it will carry them? Every contract for the payment of
gold and silver coin, every promissory note, every bill of exchange,
every lease reserving rent, every loan of money reserving interest,
every bond issued by this Government, is a contract to which the faith
of the obligor is pledged, that the amount whether rent, interest or
principal shall be paid in the gold and silver coin of the country."
Among the Republicans opi)osing this bill were Justin S. Morrill,
Roscoe and Frederick A. Conkling, and Owen Lovejoy. But it was
vigorously pushed, and passed February (>, by 1)3 yeas, of whom 5
were Democrats, to 51) nays, of whom 21) were Demo(;rats, 17 Repub-
licans and 13 Unionists. In the Senate the principal contest was
over the legal tender clause, but a motion to strike that out was lost
240 HISTORY OF THK RElTHLirAN PARTY.
by 17 yeas, of whom 1) were Rejuiblieans and S DeniocratR, to 22 nays,
of whom 18 were Republieans and 4 Democrats. ^Senators Colla-
mer, Cowan and Fessenden sjjoke apiinst the lepal tender clause,
and Senators Zachariah Chandler, Sherman, Sumner, Wade and
Wilson were among the Republicans who defended it. The bill
passed the Senate by a vote of :i() to 7, and was signed by the Presi-
dent, February 25, 18(52. This Bill authorized the issue of f 150.000.
000 in legal tenders, of which ^50,000,000 was to be in lieu of the
denmnd notes authorized in 1801. Two subsequent issues of
1150,000,000 each were authorized, but only f384,000,000 in all were
issued.
The greenbacks were a (lod-send to the soldiers in the field, some
of whom had not been j)aid for three or four months; and by furnish
ing a medium of exchange, in abundant quantity, they stimulated
business in every direction. Still the measure was one of inflation,
and they <ould not be kept at par with gold. During the darkest
days of the war, in 1804, gold was at 280, as compared with the legjil
tenders. At the time (irant was inaugurated the process of contrac-
tion, and the increase of our (^xjiorts had brought it down to 14:5.
The problem before Congress, and the President, was to bring the
greenbacks uj) to i)ar with gold, without violent shock or derange-
UK»nt to business.
The President had said, in his inaugural message: '*A great
debt has been contracted in scMuring to us and our posterity the
I'nion. The payment of this, principal and interest, as well as the*
return to a specie basis, as soon as it can be accomplished without
material detriment to tin* debtor class or to the country at largo,
must be provided for. To i)rotect the National honor every dollar
of Government indebtedness should be paid in gold, unless otherwise
expressly stipulated in the contract. Let it be understood that no
rej)udiator of one farthing of our public debt will be trusted in
l>ublic place, and it will go far towards strengthening a credit whieli
ought to be the best in the world, and will ultinmtely enable us to
replace the debt with bonds bearing less interest than we now pay. '
In view of the uneasiness caused by the discussions of this
subject in the last campaign, and (^specially of the expressions in the
Democratic platform. Congress did not wait to elaborate a system, but
at once announced the principle by which it would be guided. This
was done in a brief "Act to Strengthen the Public Oedit," which
speedily passc^l both lTous(»s, the final vote in the Senate being ^\ to
PRESIDENT GRANTR FIRST TERM. 247
24, and in the Hoiine 117 to 50. It was signed by the President,
March 18, 18()U, and was the first bill signed by him. It was as
follows: ''In order to remove any doubt as to the purpose of the
(fovernment to discharge all just obligations to the public creditors,
and to settle conliicting questions and interpretations of the laws by
which such obligations have been contracted, it is hereby provided
and declared that the faith of the I'nited States is solemnly pledged
to the payment in coin, or its equivalent, of all the obligations of the
Tnited States not bearing interest, known as I'nited States notes, and
of all the interest-bearing obligations of the United States except in
cases where the law authorizing the issue of any such obligation had
expressly provided that the same may be paid in lawful money, or
other currency than gold and silver. But none of said interest-bear-
ing obligations, not already due, shall be n^deemed or paid before
maturity, unless at such time United States notes shall be convertible
into coin at the option of the holder, or unless at such time United
States bonds, bearing a lower rate of interest than the bonds to be
redeemed, can be sold at par in coin. And the United States also
solemnly pledges its faith to make provision, at the earliest practica-
ble period, for the redemption of the United States notes in coin.'-
That was all of importance that was done at the first session of
the Forty-first (^ongress, but at the second session of that Congress
an Act was passed materially reducing the internal revenue taxes,
thus diminishing the direct burdens of taxation upon the people.
Still further reductions were made in both these classes of taxes by
the Forty-second Congress. Tariff rates were also reduced on a
large number of articles. Hut the most important financial Act of
the session was the Refunding Act. On Mar<*h 31, 1805, the total
debt of the United States was $2,846,000,000, of which $2,381,000,000
bore interest, $830,000,000 of it at seven and three-tenths per cent.,
$1,282,0(10,000 at 0 per cent, and $209,000,000 at 5 per cent. The
annual interest charge was $151,000,000. The Refunding Act of this
Congress <-ontemplated a large reduction in the rate of interest.
Omitting details, the main i)urpose of the Act is expressed in the
following sentence s: "The Secretary of the Treasury is authorized
lo issue $200,tl00,000 coui)on or registered bonds, redeemable in coin
at its current value at the pleasure of the Government, after ten
years from the date of issue; interest five per cent., payable semi-
annually in coin; also in like manner and on like terms $300,000,000
at 41/0 per cent., running fifteen years; also $1,000,000,000 at 4 per
248 HISTORY OF THE KEPT BLICAN 1*ARTY.
cent., running IM) years, all these bonds being exempt from taxation
by any authority. The Secretary may dispose of these bonds at nor
less than their par value for coin, and apjjly the proceeds to the
redemption of the outstanding five-twenties at ])ar, or exchange par
for par, but the bonds hereby issued shall be used for no other
purpose." As the five-twenties were already redeemable at the
option of the Government, tliis gave a sure method of reducing inter-
est, as fast as the bonds could be sold.
But the Monetary Act of the Forty-second Congress which has
since created the most stir in the country, was the revising and con-
solidating all the Coinage Laws of the country. It is variously called
llie Coinage Act, the Demonetizing Act and **the Crime of 1873." It
was ai)proved February 12, 187;^, and consistcHl of sixty-seven
sections, going into the whole detail of the ])urchase and
deposit of bullion and the minting of all (rovernment coins.
But the sting of it was contained in four sections, of which
ihe most important was Section 15, which provided that
the silver coins of the United States should be a trade dollar
of 420 grains, a half dollar or fifty-cent ]>iece, a quarter dollar, or
twenty-five-cent piece, and a dime. These coins were made a legal
tender, at their nominal value, for any amount not exceeding five
dollars in any one payment. Section 17 ])rovided that no coins
oth(»r than those specified should be issued from the mint. Section
20 ])rovided that any owner of gold might deposit the same at any
mint to he fornu^d into coin or bars, and Section 21 allowed owners of
silver bullion to de])()sit it at any mint to be formed into bars or trad(»
dollars, but not into any other coin.
It has been claimed since that the omission of the standard silver
dollar from the coins authorized was done surreptitiously in com-
mittee, and that very few members of the House knew of it.
Probably many were ignorant of the full scope of the measure. But
the fact that the Act discontinued the coinage of the standard silver
dollar was discussed and defended in the House as the reported
debates show. At that time silver was at a premium as comimred
with gold, there was no demand for its coinage, and that which had
been coined was rapidly disappearing. It was only when the product
of silver increased so rapidly as to put it at a discount compared with
gold, and after its demonetization in some European countries had
added to its dc^preciation, that the clamor for its recoinage and fre«»
coinage commenced. CndtT the operation of the Bland and Sherman
PRESIDENT (IRANT'S FIRST TERM. 249
Acts the (Fovernmont has coined, on its own account, Ave times as
many of the ''dollars of onr fathers" as the peojile are willing? to
handle, though they have furnished a basis for circulation in the form
of silver certificates. The free coinaj^e on individual account has
never, at any i)eriod, been restored since the Act of 1878. The trade*
dollar, whose continued coinage was authorized by the Act, w^as
coined originally with a view^ to the convenience of trade with Mexico
and the South American countries. But it was never poj)ular, and
soon droi)ped out of use by its own weiji:ht. Its coinage ceased in
1S76.
There was but little legislation in reference to the situation in
the South during this Administration, though one stringent Act to
punish frauds in elections, aimed particularly at that section, was
adopted. The main efforts of the Administration were devoted to
bringing order and obedience to law, under existing statutes, to that
turbulent and riotous section, but without great success, as will
appear later in this record.
The Act which created the most stir at the time was the "back
pay" or "salary grab" Act. This was passed near th(» close of the
second session of the Forty-second Congress. It increased the pay of
Senators and Re])re8entativ(»s from $5,0(10 to $7,500 a year, and that
of the officers and clerks of both Houses by n(»arly a corresponding
l)er centage. The offensive feature of the Act was that it was made
retroactive, dating the pay back to the beginning of the Forty-second
Congress. There was a great publi<- chuuor against it. Some of
the members who had voted against the bill refused to take the back
l)ay, and after i)ublic opinion began to assert itself other members
turmnl their share of the plunder back into the treasury. Rut it
cost many of the members the seats to which they aspired in the next
Congress, and had considerable effect on the general results in 1874.
In addition to the Acts of special importance, already mentioned,
Congress, during President Grant's first term, passed the following
measures of general interest: Striking out the word ''white" in all
laws relating to the District of Columbia, and from all ordinance's of
the City of Washington, thus giving the blacks complete civil rights;
providing for an additional Justice of the Supreme Court, and reor-
ganizing the Judicial system; giving married women in the District
of Columbia absolute control over their own property; ])utting into
legal enactment the princi])le of the Fifteenth Amendment to th(»
Constitution; establishing a Department of Justice; ])unishing frauds
250 HIRTORY OF THE REPUBLK AN PARTY.
at elections, and extending the Naturalization Laws to persons of
African nativity or descent; jjensioninj? ail survivors of the AVar of
1812; providing for I'nited States Supervisors of Election in towns
of 2(>,(MM> or more inhabitants, at elections where Members of Congress
are to be chosen; enforcing the various clauses of the Fourteenth
Amendment; providing homesteads for soldiers and sailors; making
appropriation for the Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia; earr>-
ing into effect the provisions of the Treaty of AVashington, and
promoting the growth of timber on the Western prairies.
One of the triumphs of (Irant's first term, was the happy settle
ment of our numerous difficulties with Great Britain, some of which
had been of long standing. The sentiment of the English middle
classes was, on the whole, friendly to the Vniteii States during our
contest with the South, but the aristocracy and ruling classes were
strongly against us. The ( Government was very hasty in recognizing
the belligerency of th(* Confederacy. It subsequently went as near
to the line of what International Law allows, in showing its sympathy
with the South, as it dared, and in the case of the Alabama over-
stepped that line. Cnder the Johnson Administration overtures
were twice made to the British Foreign Secretary for a friendly arbi-
tration of the Alabama claims, but they were refused with scant
<ourtesy. A third attemjjt resulted in the Clarendon-Johnson treaty,
which was so far from meeting our deumnds, that the Senate rejected
it with vi^vy little delay. In his second annual message to Congress
in December, ISTO, President (irant referred to the unwillingness of
Her Majesty's (iovernm(*nt to acknowledge that it had done us any
wrong, ass(»rt(Ml that our firm and unalterable convictions were exaer-
ly the reverse, and asked Congress to '^authorize the appointment of a
commission to take proof of the amounts and ownership of these
several claims, on notice to the representative of Her Majesty at
Washington, and that authority be given for the settlement of these
claims by the I'nited States, so that the (Government shall have the
ownership of the private claims, as well as the responsible control
of all the demands against Great Britain."
This suggestion of making it entirely a (Government matter, canio
at a time when the European skies were threatening, and a storm
center was actually located in the territory occupied by the French
and Prussian armies. In view of the jmssibilities of trouble with
its Continental neighbors. Her Majesty's (Government was ready to
have a settlement with the people on this side the water. The Treatv
PRESIDENT GRANT S FIRST TERM. 251
of Washin^on was the result. It covered the AUibama daiins which
were to be settled by arbitration at Oeneva, Switzerland; the claims
for compensation for fishing privilefjes, which were to be settled by n
commission at Halifax, Nova Scotia; the question of the use, by Amer-
ican vessels of the St. Lawrence River and canals; and the claims
of American citizens for damaf^es sustained between 1861 and 1865,
other than the Alabama claims. The Geneva arbitrators awarded
115,50(1,000 for the claims which came before them. This was after-
wards shown to be excessive, but this was partially evened up at a
later period by the Halifax award of about |5,000,000 against the
United States, which was also excessive. Rut the treaty led to some
conclusion on all disputed points, and did more to establish arbitra-
tion as a method of settling international diflHculties than any event
that had before occurred.
With the San Domingo treaty the President was less fortunate*.
He was very desirous of annexing this territory to the United States,
deeming it especially important that we should have a safe port in
the West Indies, in case of war with any foreign naval power, a con-
sideration that was better appreciated when the Spanish-American
War broke out in 1898 than it was by the men of 1870. A treaty
of annexation was framed, but it was defeated in the Senate by a tie
vote. The President renewed the subject in his second annual
message, and asked that "by joint resolution of the two Houses of
(^ongress, the Executive be authorized to appoint a commission to
negotiate a treaty with the authorities of San Domingo for the acqui-
sition of that island, and that an apjiropriation be made to defray the
expenses of such commission." Congi*ess feil short of that, but a
commission consisting of Renjamin F. Wade, of Ohio; Andrew D.
White, of New York, and Samuel G. Howe, of Massachusetts, was
appointed to make incjuiries into the ])olitical condition of the island,
and its agricultural and commercial value. They reported in favor
of the President's policy, but that was the end of it. Grant was. for
once, beaten, and he knew it.
It was when this treaty was before* the Senate that Mr. Sumner
made a speech severely criticising the treaty, and abusing the Presi-
dent and the agents concerned in making it. When the Senate
Committees were nc^xt made up. Mr. Sumner was dro])ped from the
Chairmanship of the Foreign Relations Committee and Senator Cam-
eron was substituted. He charged this to the influence of Grant,
but there is nothing to show that the Presid(»nt had anything to do
252 HISTORY OF THE REPrBLirAN PARTY.
with it. Ill fact a nniiibor of radical Senators said at the time that
he did not. The Senate elects its own committees, and Senator
Edmunds declared that in Mr. Sumner's case it was merely a qu€*«tiou
''whether the Senate of the United Slates and the Republican party
are quite ready to sacritice their sense of duty to the whims of one
sinj(le man, whether he comes from New England, or from Illinois,
or from anywhere else."
Of Mr. Sumner's removal Ex-Secretary Routwell f^iwe the follow-
\n^ account in a reminiscent article in Mc( 'lure's Magazine for Febru-
ary, 1000- '*Mr. Sumner's removal was due to the fact that a tiiM«*
came when he did not recognizee the I'resident, and when he declintni
to have any intercourse with the Secretary of State outside of official
business. Such a condition of aiTairs is always a hindrance in thr*
way of good government, and it may become an obstacle to success.
Good government can be secured only through conferences with thosne
who are responsible, by conciliation, and not infrequently by con-
cessions to those who are of adverse opinions. The time came when
such a <(mdition was no longer ]>ossibh» betwtn^n Mr. Sumner and the
Secretary of State. The President and his Cabinet were in ac<-ord
in regard to the controversy with (Ireat Hritain as to the Alabama
claims. !Mr. Sumner advocatc^d a more exacting policy. Mr. ^lotley
appeared to be following Mr. Sumner's lead, and the opposition t%>
Mr. Sumner extended to Mr. Motley. . When we consider the
natures and the training of the two men, it is not easy to imagine
agreeable co-operation in public atfairs by Mr. Sumner and General
Grant. Mr. Sumner never believed in (ieneral Grant's titness for
the oflice of President, and (feneral (Jrant did not recognize in Mr.
Sumner a wise and safe leader in the business of Government. Gen-
eral Grant's notion of Mr. Sumner, on one side of his character, may
be inferred from his answer when, being asked if he had h€*ard Mr.
Sumner converse, he said: *Xo, but 1 have heard him lecture.' "
XX.
THE FIFTH RErriJLKWN rONVEXTION.
The Noniinatioii for Prosideiit Determined Beforehand — A Lartr<*
Amount of Hjieechmakinj? of a Higli Order — President Grant
Unanimously Renominated — A Scene of the Wildest Enthusiasm
— Numerous ( 'andidates for Vice-l'resident — Henry Wilson
Receives the Nomination on the First Hallot — The Work of
Newspaper Correspondents — A Lonjj: Platform Covering a
Variety of Subjects — Strong (*ommendation of the Candidates
— Modest Letters of Acceptance.
In accordance with tlieir practice of making nominations early
in the season, the Republicans opened their tifth National Conven-
tion in the Academy of Music in IMiiladelphia, June 5, 1872, Morton
M<-Michael, of that City, being temporary Chairman. As in 1868
the nomination for President was decided befor(»hand, and the Con-
vention lacked the interest that centers about a close contest for that
position. It contained in its nuMubershi]) a large number of the
most prominent men in the party.
The following was the Michigan delegation: At Largt* — Eber
B. Ward, George Willard, William A. Howard, Perry Hannah. By
Districts — (1) New(»ll Avery, John (Jreusel; (2) Nathan N. Kendall,
Rice A. Beal; (.'{) Harvey Bush, J. C. Fitzgerald; (4) George* S. Clapp,
James H. Stone; (5) Benjamin D. Pritchard, H. A. Norton; (0) Josiah
L. Begole, Daniel L. Crossman; (7) Ezra Hazen, Benjamin W. Huston;
(8) Charles S. Draper, James Birney; (9) B. F. Rog(»rs, J. F. Brow^n.
Although there was no contest over the nomination for Presi-
dent there was a greater display of enthusiasm than in 18(58, and
there was a great deal of speechmaking and of an unusually high
order. In the interval between the appointment of committees and
the first report, rattling speeches were made by General Logan, w^ho
was then in the United States Senate; (Jerritt Smith, of New York,one
of the original Abolitionists; Senator Morton, of Indiana, who was
254
HISTORY OF THE KEPrBLICAX PARTY.
alwav8 (»loqii(*nt and ahvays welcuiiu*; (ioveriior James L. Orr, of
South Caroliua; (Governor O^lesbv, of Hlinois; AVilliam H. Grey, of
Arkansas; Congressman R. B, Elliott, a colored delegate from South
Carolina, and James H. Harris, a colored delegate from North Car<»-
lina. After the permanent organization the following also
responded to calls for remarks: (ieneral (ieorge AY. Carter, who
commanded a Southern brigade during the Rebellion; Paul Strobach,
a (lerman delegate from Alabanm; Emory A. Storrs, one of the most
elocpient orators in Illinois; Ex-Senator Henderson, of Missouri; *^tht»
eloquent colored Secre-
tary of State from Mis-
s i s s i p p i, James R.
Lynch," (fovernor E. F.
Xoyes, of Ohio.
As in 18G8 the Con-
vention was in a hurry
to nominate (Irant,
and contrary to the
usual custom nomina-
tions were placed in th<*
order of business be-
fore the report of tbe
Committee on Resolu-
tions. Shelby M. C^nl-
lom, of Hlinois, made
the brief nominating
speech as follows: "On
behalf of the great Re-
publican party of Illi-
nois, and that of the
HENRY WILSON. Cuiou, iu the name of
liberty, of loyalty, of justice and of law — in the interest of economy,
of good government, of peace, and of the ecpial rights of all — remem-
bering with i)rofound gratitude* his glorious achievements in the field
and his noble statesmanship as Chief Magistrate of this great Nation
— I nominate as President of the Cnitejd States, for a second term.
Ulysses S. Orant."
The official report of th(* Convention thus describes the recep-
tion of the ncmiination: **A scene of the wildest excitement followed
this speech. The spacious Academy was crowded with thousand^
THE FIFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 255
of spectators in exery part, and on the stage, in the parquet, and in
tier upon tier of galleries, arose deafening, prolong(Hi, tumultuous
eheers, swelling from pit to dome. A perfect wilderness of hats,
caps and handkerchiefs waved to and fro in a surging mass, as three
times three reverberated from the thousands of voices. The band
appeared to catch the prevailing enthusiasm, and waved their instru-
ments as though they had been tiags. Amid cries of *MusicI'
'Music!- they stru<k up *Hail to the Chief.' As the majestic strains
of this music came tioating down from the bahony, a life size eques-
trian portrait of Grant came down as if by magic, tilling tlie entire
space of the back scene, and the enthusiasm knew no bounds."
(teneral Stewart L. Woodford, of New York, and M. 1). Horuck,
of California, seconded the nomination, the roll was called and
announcement made that Clysses S. (Jrant had rcneived the entire
vote of the Convention, 752 votes. Tumultuous cheering again burst
from the immense audience. The band, at this announcement,
played the air of a "(irant Campaign Song,'' the tenor of which was
sung by a gentleman standing among the instruments, and the <horus
by a large choir of gentlemen. The first v(»rse and chorus were as
follows:
Rally round our leaders, men.
We're arming for the fight.
We'll raise our glorious standard
And battle for the right;
To swell our gallant army.
Come from hill and plain,
(Irant shall win the victory
For IVesident again.
Chorus — Let the drum and bugle sound.
We'll march to meet the foe;
Let our joyous shouts resound
That all the land may know.
The sons of freedom in their mighv.
Have come from hill and plain.
To make the brave T lysses
Our President again.
When this was concluded, a cry went from the multitude **John
Hrown." The band struck up the familiar, electrifying^strains, and
the whole concourse rose as one nmss. From the parquet to the
upper tier, the vast multitude stood up and rolled out the old hymn
of freedom. There was scarcely a dry eye in the great assemblage
250 HISTORY OF TUE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
and then* was not a heart that was not thrilled with the snblinuty of
the moment. When this song was at last finished, the erv came for
'*Rall.v Round tlie Flag," and the air of that battle song was given
by the band, the whole audience singing the words wnth the same
fervor with whi<h the hymn had been rendered. This concluded,
the band gave ''Yankee Doodle,-' in the midst of tumultuous cheers.
Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, was placed in nomination for
Vice-President by Morton Mc^Iichael, of Pennsylvania, who was
supported by Dr. George B. Loring, of Massachusetts; Ossian Ray, of
New Hampshire; Gerritt Smith, of New^ York; J. F. Quarles, of
Georgia; (Jovernor E, F. Noyes, of Ohio, and Governor Powell Clay-
ton, of Arkansas. The name of Schuyler Colfax was ])re8ented by
Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, and supported by William A.
Howard, of Michigan; James R. Lynch, of Mississippi, and ('ortlandt
Parker, of New Jersey. Virginia, through James B. Sener, pre-
sented the name of John F. Lewis; Webster Flannagan, of Texas,
presented the name of Governor E. J. Davis, of the same State, and
David A. Nunn, of Tennessee, nominated Horace Maynard. At the
conclusion of the roll call, the first ballot stood as follows:
Whole number of delegates 752
Necessary to a choice 377
Henry \\ ilson, of Massachusetts 364 Vj
Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana 321^2
Horace Maynard, of Tennessee 20
John F. Lewis, of Virginia 22
Edmund J. Davis, of Texas 16
Jose])h R. Hawley, of Connecticut 1
Edward F. Noyes, of Ohio 1
Before the result was announced twenty of the twenty-two Vir-
ginia delegates (hanged from Colfax to Wilson. The Georgia dele-
gation had voted sixt(»en for Wilson and six for Colfax. The latter
now changed to Wils<m. Nine of the ten votes from West Virginia
did the same, making Wilson^s vote :>()Oi,i», a majority of all, and
Colfax 306 VL>. Others of the scattering votes went to Wilson and
finally his nomination was, on motion of Henry S. Lane, speaking in
behalf of the entire Indiana delegation, made unanimous.
Mr. Colfax did not know, at the time, exactly what it was that
defeated him. One reason of his turning down was that early in
the year he had written a letter, announcing that he should not be a
candidate for rcMiomination, but had afterwards changed his mind,
THE FIFTH REPI;BL1(\\N CONVENTION. 257
and re-entered the field. This course always operates against a
candidate. In this case it had broiij?ht Mr, Wilson into the field and
he secured many states that would naturally have j?one to Colfaiv.
But a more potent factor in the defeat of the Vice-President, was the
hostility of the newspaper correspondents in Washington. These
constitute a strong and intiuential body when they can be induced
to work together, which is not often. The leading papers of the
country pick from their best men for service at the Capital and
except so far as the general iK)licy of the paper imposes limitations,
leave the correspondents very much to their own judgment. George
O. Seilhamer, Washington correspondent of the New York Herald,
who hel])ed engineer the cami)aign against Colfax, gives this story
of it in a recent publication:
The selection of Judge Settle, of North Carolina, for permanent
I'resident was due entirely to the hostility of the Washington corre-
spondents to the renomination of A'ice President Colfax. No public
man ever received more favors from this band of intelligent news-
gath(»rers than ^Ir. (V)lfax. After his election as Vice President, in
1868, he alienated them by a change of manner that they regarded
as unpardonable. They determined to oppose him when he became
a candidate the second time, and his defeat was mainly due to their
activity and zeal against him. The <TUsade against him was led by
J. B. McCullach, then the editor of the St. Louis Democrat, but the
preliminary skirmish for the selection of Settle as Chairman of the
Convention was directed by O. (). Seilhamer, the Washington corre-
spondent of the New York Herald, who was aided by a volunteer staff
of young journalists, hotly op])osed to Colfax. The trend of sentiment
at the outset was in favor of the selection of Judge Orr, of South
Carolina, but Judge Settle's fitness and strength were depicted with
su<'h confidence and earnestness in the news columns of the Herald
that the honor went to North Carolina, in the belief that it was in
response to a j)Oi)ular movement. The episode, from first to last, was
one of the most curious in the history of American politics, and it was
the first and last time that a band of au:gressive newspaper men,
unknown to the general public, controlled the action of a National
Convention.
For the Vice Presidency there was only one ballot, and Henry
Wilson appears on the final record as the only candidate opposed to
Mr. Colfax. As a matter of fact, Virginia had cast its twenty-two
votes for Governor Lewis, Tennessee its twenty-four votes for Horace
Maynard. and T(*xas its sixteen votes for Governor Davis. Neither
Wilson nor Colfax had a majority. Before the announcement of the
result the Chairman of the Virginia and Tennessee delegations were
asking recognition from the Chair. If Virginia was first recognized
258 HISTOKY OF THE KEPrBLKUN PARTY.
Wilson's nomination was assured; if the i-ourtesy should be extended
to Tennessee Colfax would be renominated. The Chair was in doubt,
and Judge Settle waited to be ])romi)ted bv tlie <orrespondent to
whom he was indebted for his position. A paj^e was hastily dis-
patched to th(» staji^e with the legend, **Re<-oj(nize Virginia,'- and then
came the recognition of "Mr. Popham, of Virginia." The nomination
was made.
The platform was unanimously ado])t(*d, just as it came from the
committee, and without discussion. It was as follows:
Tlie Republican party of the T'nited States, assembled in National
Convention in the City of Philadelphia on the 5th and Oth daiys of
June, 1872, again declares its faith, aj)peals to its history and
announces its j>osition upon the questions before the country.
1. During eleven years of su]>remacy it has accepted with grand
courage the solemn duties of the times; it suppressed a gigantic rebel
lion, emancipated 4,()0(),()0() slaves, decreed the equal citizenship of all,
and established universal sutTrage, exhibiting un])aralleled magnan-
imity, criminally punished no man for political otfences, and warmly
welcomed all who proved their loyalty by obeying the laws, and
dealing justly with their neighbors. It has steadily decreased with
a firm hand the resultant disorders of a great war, and initiated a
wise and humane policy towards the Indians; a Pacific railroad and
similar vast enterprises have been generously aided and successfully
conducted, the public lands freely given to actual settlers, inmiigra-
tion protected and encouraged, and a full acknowledgment of the
naturalized citizens' rights secuied from European powers; a uniform
National currency has b(»en provid(»d, re])udiation frowned down, tlie
National credit sustained under most extraordinjiry burdens, and new
bonds negotiated at lower rates; revenues have been carefully col-
lected and honestly applied. Despite annual reductions of the rates
of taxation, the public debt has been reduced during (leneral (rranCs
Presidency at the rat(» of JiflO(),()0(),0()0 a year, great financial crises
have been avoided and ])eace and plenty prevail throughout the land;
menacing foreign difficulties have been peacefully and honorablx
composed, and the honor and power of the Nation kept in high respect
throughout the world. This glorious record of the past is the party's
best pledge for the future. We believe the people will not entrust
the Government to any party or combination of men c(miposed chiefly
of those who resist(»d every ste]) of their beneficial progress.
2. Complete liberty and exact ecjuality in the enjoyment of all
<ivil, political and publii- rights should be established and effectually
maintained throughout the T'nion, by efticient and appropriate State
and Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration
should admit of any discrimination in respect to citizens by reason of
race, cr(»ed, <olor or previous condition of servitude.
THE FIFTH REPT'HLK AN CONVENTION. 251)
;i. Till* recent Aineiidments to the National Constitution should
be eordiallv sustained, because tliey are right, not merely because
they are law; and should be carried out according to the spirit, by
appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can be safely
entrusted only to the party that secured these Amendments.
4. The National (irovernment should seek to maintain honorabh*
peace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere and sympa-
thizing with peoples everywhere who strive for greater liberty.
5. Any system of the civil service, under which the subordinate
positions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party
z€»al, is fatally demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of thc^
system by laws whidi shall abolish i\w evils of patronage, and make
honesty, efficiency and fidelity the essential qualifications for public
])08itions, without i)ractically creating u life tenure of office.
6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to cor-
porations and monopolies, and denuind that the national domain be
set apart for free homes for the ])eople.
7. The annual revenue, after paying the current debts, should
furnish a moderate balance for the reduction of the ]n*incipal, and
the revenue except so much as may be derived from the tax on
tobacco and liouors should be raised by duties upon importations, the
duties of which should be so adjusted as to aid and secure remuner-
ative wages to labor and ]»romote the growth, industries and prosper-
ity of the whole country.
8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose
valor saved the Fnion ; their pensions are a sacred debt of the Nation
and the widows and orphans of those who died for their country an*
entitled to the care of such additional legislation as will extend the
bounty of the Government to all our soldiers and sailors who were
honorably discharged and who in the line of duty became disabled,
without regard to length of service or the cause of such discharge.
0. The doctrine of (ireat Britain and other European powers
concerning allegiance, **once a subject always a subject," having at
last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned,
and the American idea of the individuars right to transfer allegiance
having bef»n accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our gov-
ernment to guard with jealous <'are the rights of adopted citizens
against the assum])tion8 of unauthorized claims by their former gov-
ernments, and we urge continual careful encouragement and
protection of voluntary immigration.
10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished and the way
prei)ared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage.
11. Among the questions which press for attention is that
which concerns the relations of capital and labor, and the Republican
party recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full
protection and the an)plest freedom for capital; and for labor, the
creator of capital, the larg<»st opp^Mtunities and a just share of the
mutual profits of these two great servants of civilization.
2G0 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLICAN I'ARTY.
12. We hold Ihat Conjjress and the President have only fulfilled
an imperative duty in their measures for the sujipression of violent
and treasonable organizations in rertain lately rebellious rejcions,
and for the protection of the ballot box, and therefore they are en-
titled to the thanks of the Nation.
l:}. We denounce the repudiation of the public* debt, in any form
or disguise, as a National crime; we witness with pride the nnluction
of the j)rincipal of the debt and of the rates of interest upon the
balance, and confidently expect that our excellent National currency
will b(» perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment.
14. The Republican party is mindful of its oblijrations to the
loyal women of America for their noble* devotion to the cause of
freedoni; their admission to the wider fields of usefulness is viewed
with satisfacticm, and the honest demands of any class of citizens for
additional rij::hts should be treated with respectful consideration.
15. We heartily approve the action of Conj^ress in extendinju
amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the j^rowth of
l)eace and fraternal f(H»lin^ throughout the land.
If). The Republican party propose to respect the rifjhts reserved
by the ])eoj)le to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by
them to the State and to the Federal Oovernment; it disapproves of
the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils
by interfering with rights not surrendered by the }>eople to either
the State or National Oovernment.
IT. It is the duty of the General (fovernment to ado])t such
measures as will tend to encourage American commerce and ship-
building.
18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest jmrposcf,
the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity
and the illustrious services of Tlysses S. (Jrant have commendiHi him
to the heart of the Auu^rican people, and with him at our head we
start to-day upon a new march to victory.
19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vi<e-Pres'dency, known
to the whole land from the early days of the great struggle for
liberty as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorrupti-
ble legislator, and a representative man of American institutions, is
worthy to associate with our great leader and share the honors which
we ])ledge our best efforts to bestow upon them.
The conditions, at thc^ time, were not such as to call for the enun
ciation of new prin<ipl(»s, and the platform, though long, has less of
originality al cut it than any previous pronouncement of the party.
With the exc (option of our strained relations with (Ireat Britain,
which had been satisfactorily adjusted, the same problems, only half
settled, faced the Administration as those which required attention
when Grant was first inaugurated. These, with the ordinary current
of Government business, promised to furnish sufMcient occupation for
THE FIFTH REPl'BLirAN (M)NVEXTION. 261
one Congress at least. In the absence of new issues the Republican
party in this platform began to ^*point with pride" to its past achieve-
ments, the first paragraph giving a very good resume of the eleven
years of its supremacy.
(leneral Grant's second letter of acceptance was shorter even
than the first. Following are the principal parts of it:
^*If elected in November, and protected by a kind Providence in
health and strength, to perform the duties of the high trust con-
ferred, I promise the same zeal and devotion to the good of the whoh*
people for the future of my oRicial life as shown in the past.
'*Past experience may guide me in avoiding mistakes inevitable
with novices in all professions and in all occupations.
*'\Vhen relieved from the responsibilities of my present trust
by the election of a successor, whether it be at the end of this term
or the next, I hope to leave to him, as Executive, a country at peace
within its own borders, at peace with outside nations, with a credit
at home and abroad, and without embarrassing questions to threaten
its future prosperity.''
The President also expressed a desire to see a speedy healing of
all bitterness of feeling between sections, parties, or races of citizens,
and the thne when the title of citizen carries with it all the protec-
tion and privileg(»s to the humblest that it does to the most exalted.
Mr. Wilson's letter of acceptance briefly reviewed the past
achievements of the party, spoke of its ])resent attitude on a number
of the questions of the day, and closed with the following personal
reference: *'Having accepted for thirty-six years of my life the dis-
tinguishing doctrines of the Republican party of to-day; having
during thirty-six years of that ])eriod, for their advancement subor-
dinated all other issues, acting in and co-operating with political
organizations with whose leading doctrines 1 sometimes had neither
sympathy nor belief; having labored incessantly for many years to
found and build up the Republican party, and having, during its
existence, taken an humble part in the grand work, I gratefully
accept the nomination thus tendered, and shall endejivor, if it be
ratified by the p(»ople, faithfully to perform the duties it imposes."
XXI.
THE LIBERAL REPrBLirAN (WMPAIGN.
An Element of Great rncertainty — Tlu» Liberal Republican Conven-
tion at Cincinnati — The Frannn^ of a Platform a Ditticult
Problem — Attempt to Catch Both Democrats and Liberal Re])ub-
licans — Non-Committal on the Tariff Question — Cireeley Nomin-
ated on the Sixtli Ballot — B. Gratz Brown for Vice-President —
An Inconj?ruous Ticket — The Nominations a Disappointment to
tlie Democrats, But Accepted by Them — Consternation in Two
Detroit Newspaper Offices — A Campaijj^n of Ridicule — Straight
Democratic Ticket — Unprecn^dented Republican Triumph.
In the early part of the year and even after the campai^rn
opened, the strength of the Liberal Republican party was an element
of great uncertainty in the canvass. T\w party taking this nanif^
was compos(»d largely of two classes. The first, Republicans of con
servative tendencies, who had been gradually breaking away from
the party to which they had formerly belonged, because they thought
it was going too fast in its Reconstruction and other measures relat-
ing to the South. This included nearly all those who had voted in
Congress against any of the Reconstruction Acts, or either of the
three Constitutional Amendments, together with those in private
life who agreed with them on these nu^asures. The second class
comi)rised a host of disappointed otlice-seekers who thought they
hadn't "been treated right by the party,'' and those, who, in local
factional fights, had the worst of it. This was the personal griev-
ance wing of the ])arty, and when it came to the last an.alysis, it was
found to contain an astonishingly large proportion of the prominent
members. It also included some old Republicans who belonged to
neither of these classes, but whose convictions had gradually led
them away from the i)arty of their earlier choice, such as General
John Cochrane, of New York; John Ilicknmn, of Pennsylvania;
Judge R. P. Spalding, of Ohio; George \V. Julian, of Indiana, one of
the old Anti-Slav<'ry guard, and Free Soil candidate for Vice-Presi-
204 HISTORY OF THE REPUHLK/AN PARTY.
the civil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the hour;
lliat honesh', capacity and fidelity constitute the only valid claim
to public employment; that the otTices of the Government cease to be
a matter of arbitrary favoritism and patronajj;e, and that public
station become apiin a post of honor. To this end it is imperatively
required that no President shall be a candidate for re-election.
6. We demand a system of Federal taxation, which shall not
unnecessarily interfere with the industries of the i)eople, and which
shall provide the means necessary to i)ay the expenses of the Gov-
ernment, economically administered, the pensions, the interest on
the public debt, and a moderate reduction, annually, of the i)rincipal
thereof; and recognizing that there are in our midst honest but irre-
concilable ditTerences of opinion with regard to the respective systems
of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the subject
to the peoi)le in their Congressional districts; and to the decision of
the Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or
dictation.
7. The public <redit must be sacredly maintained, and we
denounce rei)udiation in every form and guise.
8. A speedy return to specie payment is demanded alike by the
highest considerations of commercial morality and honest govern-
ment.
9. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sacrifices of
the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and no act of ours shall ever
detract from their justly earned fanu* for the full reward of th<*ir
patriotism.
1(K We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads
or other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to
actual settlers.
11. We hold that it is the duty of the Government in its inter-
course with foreign nations to cultivate the friendshi[)s of peace, by
treating with ail on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishonor-
able either to demand what is not right or to submit to what is
wrong.
12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles and
the supi)ort of the candidates nominated by this Convention, we invite
and <ordially welcome the co-operation of all patriotic citizens,
without regard to ])revious political alliliations.
Six ballots were taken for the Presidential nomination, with th«»
following result:
1st. 2d. :M. 4th. 5th. «th.
(diaries Francis Adams, of Mass 202 24:i 204 279 258 324
Horace Greeley, of New York 147 245 258 251 aCM) 332
Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois 110 148 150 141 81 PJ
B. Gratz Hrown, of Missouri 05 2 2 2 2
David Davis, of Illinois 02y:> 75 41 51 30 0
Andrew G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania. .02
Salmon P. diase, of Ohio. . ! 2V> 1 . . 24 32
THE LIBERAL REPT^BLirAN TAMPA IGN.
205
Clianges of votes were then made until the result was announced
— Greeley, 482; Adams, 187. On the first ballot for Viee-President
B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, had 237; Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois,
158; George W. Julian, of Indiana, i:UVL>; all others, 1631/^. On
the second ballot Trumbull dropped out, and the eount showed 435
for Brown, 175 for Julian, and 88 for all others. Both nominations
were made unanimous.
The nomination of (ireeley was a suri>rise and disappointment
to the Democrats who were expected to <*o-oDerate in the attemi)t to
elect the Liberal Re-
publican nominee. If
Charles Francis Adams
had received the nomin-
ation, as it was ex-
pected would be the
case, he would have
drawn fully as
many Republicans as
Greeley could, and he
would have been more
acceptable to the Demo-
crats. The same might
be said of Senator
Trumbull, of Illinois, or
David Davis, of the
same State, but the
first instinct of the
Democrats was to re-
volt against Greeley.
In the first place he was
one of the strongest chari^es prancis adams.
and ablest Protectionists in the country. He was a natural statisti-
cian, had an accurate memory for figures, knew where to find them
and how to use them. He was keen in argument and of gn^at indus-
try. It was not long after he started the Tribune before he had
established for it such a reputation for a<'cura<y of statement that,
however much his opponents might attempt to refute his arguments,
they rarely questioned the correctn<»ss of his figures. During th(»
Clay cam]>aign he kept the tariff constantly before his readers, and
for many years aft(M' wards he kept hammering away at the sam<»
200
HISTORY OF TFIE REPIBIJCAX PARTY.
subject. He did more than anyone else, ex(ei)t Clay himself, to make
the American doctrine of Protection the established policy of tlie
Whi^ party in its later years, and he did more tlian any other sinjjle
individual to make the same doctrine a part of the Republican policy
in its earlier years. H. (iratz Brown, on the other hand, was a
tariff-for-re venue-only man, and the platform was non-committal. On
this subject it was a regular Dolly Varden combination. It pre-
sented the spectacle of a strong protective tariff man for President,
a revenue taritT man for Vic(»-President, on a straddle platform,
asking a strong Free
Trade party for en-
dorsement and votes.
There were two other
t hi n g s that made
CJreeley a particularly
unacceptable man
for Northern Demo-
crats. He was one of
the foremost men in
the country in aiding to
bring about a consoli-
dation of the old Anti-
Slavery elements into
the Rej»ublican party,
and, whether as ^Vhig
or Rei)ublican, he had
always been exceeding-
ly abusive of the Demo-
crats.
That was the Greeley
as tlie older men of
both parties remembered him. Hut there was another Greeley of
more recent times, who had worried President Lim^oln by giving
alternately imi)ertinent advice and unjust <riticism; who had made
mischief by his superserviceable and bungling attemi)ts at peace
negotiations, in whi<h he did not act in good faith with either of the
])arties for whom he was trying to act as a go-between; who had
offered to go on JelT Davis' bond when that traitor was under trial
for his treason; and who had finally been one of the most constant
critics of the Republican Reconstru<tion poli<y. It was the acts
HORACE OREET.EY.
26S HISTORY OF THE REPITBLICAN PARTY.
In the Free Press office the distress eanie later, but was much
uior(» acute. The Michipin Democracy as a whole, were very mucli
torn up by the nomination of (Jreeley, but the opposition to him wa«
overwhelmed at the State Convention which was held at T^nsinjj,
July ± The test vote came on the first 1 )elegate-at-Lar{^e, William A.
Moore, who favored the endorsement of Oreeley, having 180 votes,
and ^yilliam W. Wheaton, who was oite of the most vigorous oppon-
ents of indorsement, having 52. The other 1 )eiegate8-at-Large were:
Edwin H. Lothroj), of St. Josepli; Fidus Livermore, of Jackson, and
Jabez G. Sutherland, of Saginaw. The resolutions endorsed the
principles embodied in the Cincinnati platform, and instructed the
delegates to vote as a unit. Mr. Wheaton had been Chairman of
the State Central Committee, but that was reorganized, with Foster
Pratt as Chairman, and Don M. Dickinson and Charles M. Garrison
Members from the First Congressional District.
The day after the Baltimore Convention the Fhm* Press bolted,
in an editorial, of which the following is a portion: "The only hoi)«>
we have for the future of the <ountry lies in Greeley's defeat, and* to
that end we shall, in the true interests of the country and the Democ-
racy, labor. We repudiate such utter want of principle and honesty.
Wc urge upon every honest Denuxrat in the country to do the same.
]^e they few or many in each locality, they will, when this crazy
moveuK^nt is defeated in November, form the nucleus to which every-
thing pretending to be Democratic must gravitate; and it will be
their and our [)roud satisfaction to know that what is saved of
Democracy, and of a Government by tlie peoj)le, instead of by adven-
turers, will be saved through our etlorts."
This, to the new Democracy, was heresy of the rankest kind.
The Michigan Democracy and the National Democra<y had both
endorsed the platform and the candidates, and by all that is sacrcMl
in Democratic traditions it was the duty of the j)aper to go with the
party. The expressions of dissatisfac^tion were so loud, and the loss
of subscribers so great, that a change of policy became imperative.
The princi[)al owners of the [)aper, H(*nry X. Walker and Freeman
Xorvell, were unwilling, themselves, to make the change. They,
therefore, sold their stock, and the new owners lioisted ihv Greeley
riag. They were a bit awkward, however, in adapting themselves to
the new co dition of things, and in an editorial, printed July 21,
made this ( .irious break: **No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be
complete whi<h did not mention his life-long devotion to truth."
THE LIBERAL REPUBLirAN CAMPAIGN. 2GS)
This tribute, cominji: from a paper which had been opposed to Mr.
Greeley in almost everything he ever did or said, was a confession
of devious wanderings on its own part, for which people were not
prepared. But it served to enliven the campaign. L. J. Bates, of
fhe Detroit Post, arranged a series of Greeley's kind n?gards to the
Democracy of former years, and added to each one the comment of
the I)etroit paper, making a string of pearls about as follows:
^'Everyone who chooses to live by pugilism, or gambling or har-
lotry, with nearly every keeper of a tippling house, is ])olitically a
Democrat." — Horace Greeley.
^'No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not
mention his life-long devotion to truth." — Detroit Free Press, Julv
21, 1872.
**Point wherever you please to an election district which you
will ju'onounce morally rotten, given up in great part to debauchery
and vice, whose voters subsist nminly by keeping policy offices, gam-
bling houses, grog shops and darker dens of infamy and that district
will be found, at nearly or quite every election, giving a majority
for that which styles itself the ^Democratic' party." — Horace Greeley.
^'No estimate of Mr. (ireeley would be complete which did not
mention his life-long devotion to truth." — Detroit Free Press, Julv 21,
1872.
*'Take all the haunts of debauchery in the land, and you will find
nine-tenths of their master spirits active ])artisans of that same
Democracy." — Horace Greeley.
**No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not
mention his life-long devotion to truth." — Detroit Free Press, Julv
21, 1872.
'*The (essential articles of the Democratic* creed are *love rum and
hate the niggers.' The less one learns and knows the more certain he
is to vote the whole ticket from A to Izzard." — Horace Greeley.
*'No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not
mention his life-long devotion to truth." — Detroit Free Press, Julv
21, 1872.
"If there was not a newspaper nor a common s<*hool in the coun
try the Democratic ])arty would be far stronger than it is." — Horace
Greeley.
'^No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete which did not
mention his life-long devotion to truth." — Detroit Free Press, July
21, 1872.
"Not every Democrat is a horse thief, but every horse thief is a
Democrat." — Horace Greeley.
**No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be complete* which did not
mention his life-long devotion to truth." — Detroit Free Press, Julv
21, 1872.
270 11 ISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
**A11 do know that there are several hundred thousand nnilattoH
in this country; and we presume no one has any serious doubt that
the fathers of nine-tenths of them are white Democrats.'' — Horace
(Jreeley.
**Xo estimate of Mr. (ireeley would be complete which did iiot
menticm his life-lonji: devotion to truth.'' — Detroit Free Press, Julv
IM, 1872.
"General Grant never has been beaten and he never will be." —
Horace Greeley.
"No estimate of Mr. Greeley would be c(mi.i>lete which did not
mention his life-lonjj: devotion to truth." — Detroit Free Press, Julv
21, 1872.
This nuiy not appear very funny as you read it, and it did not
ai>j)ear so to the editor who wrote the comment, but when Zach
Chandler took it up and elaborated it for use on the stump, it became
a very takinj^ feature of his speeches. In fact it took so well that it
went beyond the borders of the State, and it was not long before the
voters in nmny towns of the Northwest had heard Greeley's estimate
of the Democracy, and the Free Press certificate of its truthfulness.
This was only one of the humors of the cami)aij(n. Nast fur-
nished others in Harper's Weekly. When the nominations were
nmde that paper didn't chance to have in stock any photograph or
cut of H. (Jratz Hrown. In lieu of anything better, Nast tacked to
the lower border of Greeley's old white overcoat a card with the
ins<ription "(Jratz Brown.'' It was received so well that he used it
throughout the campaign. Brown never apjjearing in any of Nast's
<artoons as other than the tail of (Jreeley's overcoat. Nast never had
better material for cartoons of a humorous nature than in the Greeley
campaign. But the situation furnished material also for pictures
with a serious purpose. His adapted illustrations of "The Pirates,"
and "The Wooden Horse," and his pictorial comment on Greeley's
phrase "Let us clasp hands across the bloody chasm," were very
(»tTective as campaign arguments.
A number of Democratic weeklies in Michigan, and of dailies
in other states held off from the ticket, even after the Baltimore Con-
vention had ratified it, but eventually nearly all of them accepted
the situation. The thought up[)ermost in their minds was "Anything
to beat Grant," and, under the circumstances, this furnished the only
]K)Ssible chance of doing it. A few^ of the Democrats who held out
against the combination held a Convention at Louisville, Kentucky,
September t\. It adopted a short platform, which enunciated a few
THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN. 271
general priiuiples, rei)udiated the *'fa]se creod and false leadership"
under which it had been betrayed at Baltimore, and then put on the
crown of martyrdom with the following declaration: '*The Demo-
cratic party is held to|2;ether by the cohesion of time-honored prin-
ciples, which they will never surrender in exchanji;e for all the offices
which Presidents can confer. The pan^s of minorities are doubtless
excruciating; but we welcome an eternal minority, under the banner
inscribed with our principles, rather than an almijjhty and ever-
lasting majority purchased by their abandonment." The Convention
nominated Charles O'Connor, of New York, for I^resident, and John
Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice President. Both declined,
but votes were cast for them in several states.
There was also a Labor Reform ticket placed in the field by a
Convention held in (^)lumbus, Ohio. February 21 and 22, consisting
of David Davis, of Illinois, for President, and Joel Parker, of New
Jersey, for Vice-President. But the party seems to have stojiped short
at that, for no votes were returned for electors to tit this ticket.
The Prohibition party also ai)peared this year as a National
political organization. At a Convention held in Columbus, February
22, it adopted a platform covering nearly every subject under the sun,
and nominated James Black, of Pennsylvania, for Pr(»sident and Rev.
John Russell, of Michigan, for Vice President.
The speaking campaign ojiened with vigor. The Rei)ubli(aus
put in the field the best of their <ampaign orators and Oreeley him
self stumped Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, in the hope, not only of
making votes for himself, but of affecting the result in the October
elections. Cnder the excitement of this unusual campaign, and thr»
stimulus of hope, he was seen, in this tour, at his best. His addresses
were earnest, able and logical, and he wns greeted by immense
crowds wherever he went. These demonstrations at first gav(» tlu*
Republicans mu<h alarm, especially as so many of their own parly
attended the meetings. The fall elections were tlH*r(»fore awaited
with much interest. North Carolina was the first to vote, on the
first of August, and it went Republi<an by a fair majority, while
Maine and \'ermont in September exceeded their usual Republican
vote. This si ill left the October states, in which the net result of
Mr. Greeley's active canvass was still a matter of sjieculation.
Indiana elected Thomas A. Hendricks, Governor, by a majority of
only 1,148. Mr. Hendricks was the ablest and most popular Demo-
crat in the Htate, and the fact thai his majority was so slender, gave
272 HISTORY OF THE REPTHLICAN I\\RTY.
tli(* Rc'piiblicims fonlidemu* that tliev <ould carry Indiana in Xoveni-
lK*r. Ohio, with only minor State* ottliers in the field, j^ave about
14,000 Republican majority. In Pennsylvania, General John F.
Hartranft, Republican candidate for (fovernor, was bitterly opposed
by the Philadelphia Press, the b(»st-known Republican i>aper in the
State, and some ai)prehensions were felt on account of this raid upon
him. Rut his majority was over 35,000, and this jjjave assurance of a
much larger majority for (irant in November. From this time on
it was a landslide, and in many of the states the Republican major-
ities were the larg(»st ever given to any jiarty.
An analysis of the vote shows that (ireeley did not win a great
many R(*])ubli<ans, and that he could not hold the Democrats. Th«»
total vote was:
(Irant and Wilson * 8,51)7,070
Oreeley and Rrown 2,834,071)
O'Connor and Adams 20,489
Black and Russell 5,608
As comparcMl with ISOS this shows a Republican gain of 582,000
votes, while the vote given (ireel(\v by the Liberal Republicans and
Democrats combined was only 124,4(>() in excess of that given for
Seymour by the Democrats alone four years earlier. As far as jM)p-
ular majority went, it was the most sweejung victory in the history
of the country. T\w largest Republican majority in any State was
Pennsylvania with 137,53H, and the following all gave more than
50,000: ^lassachusetts, 74,212; Iowa, 00,370; Michigan, 50,179; Hli-
iiois, 57,00(); New York, 53,445. (Jreeley carried only the six Southern
states of (T(»orgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee and
Texas, with 00 electoral votes; while (Irant had 280 electoral votes.
(Jreeley did not long survive. The last days of the canvass he
o<MU[)ied in nursing his dying wife. After election, it is said, he
wrote, over his own initials, some comment on the canvass, and left
it with the acting editor of the Tribune, but it did not appear, as the
editor did not think it prudent to publish it. \Yorn out with the
fatigues of the canvass and the sick room, subjected to an unexpected
and most humiliating defeat, stricken with grief at the loss of his
wife, and denicnl free access, to the i)aper which he had himself
foundc^d, Mr. Greeley died on the 29th of November, a broken-hearted
man. On account of his death the electoral vote belonging to him
was scattered as api)ears in the following statement:
THE LII^ERAL REPriUJCAN CAMPAIGN. 27;i
n.v8se8 S. Grant, of Illinois 280
Thonias A. Hendricks, of Indiana 42
B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri 18
Charles J. Jenkins, of Georgia 2
David Davis, of Hlinois 1
The following was the vote for Vice President, as east by the
electors :
Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts 286
B. Gratz Brow n, of Missouri 47
George W. Julian, of Indiana 5
Alfred H. Colquit, of Creorgia 5
John M. Palmer, of Illinois 3
Thonias E. Branilette, of Kentuc^ky 3
William R. Groesbeck, of Ohio 1
Willis B. Machen, of Kentucky 1
Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts 1
During Grant's second term Congress was divided politically
as follows:
Forty-third Congress.
Renate— Kepublicans, 54; Democrats, 19.
House — Kejmblicans, 203; Democrats, HK
Forty-fourth Congress.
Senate — Rei)ublicans, 4(5; Democrats, 2!).
House — Republicans, 107; Democrats, 181; Indei)endents, 3.
In Michigan interest was added to the canvass by the fact that
the Democrats not only accepted an old Be])ublican as their candi-
date for President, but also took the Republican War Governor as
the head of their State ticket. The Presidential vote was as follows:
Grant and Wilson 130,11)1)
Greeley and Brown 77,020
O'Connor and Adams 2,801
Black and Russell 1,271
The Presidential electors weie: At Large — Eber B. Ward.
William A. Howard. By Districts in their order — Herman Kiefer,
Frederick Waldorf, James O'lhmnell, Lawson A. Duncan, Alonzo
Sessions, Sannu^l G. Ives, John L. Woods, Charles L. Ortman, John
F. Brown.
The vote for Governor was:
John J. Bagley, Republican 137,602
Austin Blair, Liberal Republican 80,1)58
William M. Ferry, Straight Democrat 2,720
Henry Fish, I*rohibition 1,272
1>74 IllSTOKY OF THE REPriU.K AN PARTY.
The totjil vote for Governor was 5,1201 in excess of that for Prebi
dent, showing that many Democrats and some Republicans who were
so dissatisfied with the Presidential nominations that they did not
vote at all on that office, did take interest enonj^h in the State ticket
to vote for that. The vote for (Governor two years earlier was: For
Henry P. Baldwin, Republican, 100,17(>; (^harles C. Conistock, 83,3111,
and Henry Fish, Prohibition, 2,710, a total vote of 186,277.
In 1870, the Democrats had, for the first time in eij^ht years,
elected a member of Conjrress, Jabez (i. Sutherland, of Saginaw, and
the Lejjislature chosen at that time, had, after an exciting contest,
chosen Thomas W. Ferry United States Senator. The election of
1872 again gave Michigan a solid Rei)ublican delegation in Congress
as follows: Josiah W. Hegole, Nathan H. Bradley, Julius C. Bur-
rows, Omar 1). Conger, Moses \V. Field, Wilder 1>. Foster, Jay A.
Hubbell, Henry Waldron and (leorge Willard. I'pon the death tjf
Mr. Foster, in 1873, William 1^. Williams, of Allegan, was chosen to
fill the vacancv.
XXII.
TWO YEARS OF DISASTER.
The Civil Kij!:ht8 Question — Reference to the San l)oininj?o Atfair —
Repeal of the Salary (Jrab — Important Financial Measures — The
Senate Currency Hill — Passage of the Resumption Act as a Party
Measure — Supplementary Civil Rights Hill Passed — Various
Constitutional Amendments Proposed — The Panic of 1873 and
the Depression That Followed — Disastrous Political Effects —
The Ele<tion» Give Democrats a Large Majority in the House —
Changes in Many Northern States.
President (iranCs second inaugural address, March 4, 1873, laid
particular stress upon two to])ic8. The first was the enlargement of
Ihe civil rights of the colored people*. c(mceniing which he said: "The
elfects of the late civil strife have been to free the slave and make
him a citizen. H<» is not [assessed of the civil rights which citizen
ship should carry with it. This is wrong and should be corrected.
To this correction I stand committed, so far as Executive influence can
prevail. Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor
shall I ask that anything be done to advance the* social status of the
colored man, except to give him a fair chance to develop what there
is good in him. Give him access to schools, and when he travels let
him feel assured that his conduct will regulate the treatment and
fare he will receive.'' In his message* to Congress in 1873, he
repeated the* recommendation in this form: **1 suggest for your con-
sideration the enactment of a law to better secure the civil rights
which freedom should secure, but has not effectually secured, to the
(enfranchised slaves.-'
The second subj(*ct to which he s])ecially referred was the San
Domingo annexation, for which he still iK)ssessed an earnest desire.
Upon this he said: **In the first year of the i)ast Administration,
the proposition came up for the* admission of Santo Domingo as a Ter-
ritory of the Union. It was not a ciuestion of my seeking, but w^as
27G HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
a propOBition from the people of Santo Doininj^o, and wliich I enter-
rained. I believe now, as I did then, that it was for the best
interests of this country, for the people of Santo Donun^o, and for
all eoncerned, that the proposition should be received favorably. It
was, however, rejected constitutionally, and therefore the subject
was never brought up again by me. In future, while I hold my present
office, the subject of acquisition of territory must have the support
of the people before I will recommend any proposition looking to such
acquisition. I say here, however, that I do not share in the appre-
hension held by many as to the danger of governments becoming
weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of territory."
in his message on I)ecc*mber 1, 1S73, the President transmitted for
the consideration and determination of Congress an application of
Santo Domingo to this Government, to exercise a protectorate over
that Republic. This was the last of the Santo Domingo affair, as
Congress took no further action on the subject.
President (xrant's second Cabinet was as follows:
Secretary of State — Hamilton Fish, of New York..
Secretary of the Treasury — William H. Richardson, of Massa-
chusetts, till June 4, 1874, when he resigned to go upon the Court of
Claims, and was succeeded by Benjamin H. Bristow, of Kentucky.
Secretary of War — William W. Belknap), of Iowa.
Secretary of the Navy — (ieorge M. Robeson, of New Jersey.
Secretary of the Interior — Columbus Delano, of Ohio.
Postmaster General — John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, till July
1, 1874, when he resigned, and was succeeded by Marshall Jewell, of
Connecticut.
Attorney General — (Jeorge H. Williams, of Oregon.
Public indignation at the Act increasing the salaries of the
members, officers and clei-ks of the two Houses of Congress had cut
so much of a figure in the Congressional nominations of 1872 that tin?
Forty-third Congress hastened to repeal it. It also passed, at its
first session, a bill j)roviding for the distribution of moneys received
on the Alabama award, and one repealing moieties, commissions and
perquisites to Cust<mi House officers, the giving of which had led to
some abuses. The only Act of real im])ortance passed at this session
was known to the newspajiers and almanacs as the ''Dawes Com-
promise Bank Note Redemption, Inflation and Redistribution Bill."
This subject came before the House, January 2!), in the form of what
was known as the House Currency Bill and before the Senate in the
TWO YEARS OF DISASTER. 277
form of the Senate Currency Bill, reported by the Senate Finance
('ommittee early in February. These bills, which all aimed to accom-
plish the same purpose, an increase of the currency, were before the
two Houses until June 20 and passed through two Conference Com-
mittees before an adjustment of diverse views was reached. As
Anally passed and signed, June 22, it resolved itself into three prin-
ciple enactments, providing: (I) That National Banks should no longer
be required to keep on hand any amount of money whatever, by
reason of the amount of their circulation, but in lieu of that they
should be recjuired to deposit with the Treasurer of the United States,
in lawful money, a sum equal to live per cent, of their circulation, this
to be counted as part of the lawful reserve. (2) Authorizing an
increase in the amount of legal tender notes from f356,000,000 to
|a82,()()(),(i()(). (li) Authorizing the Controller of the Currency to issue
circulating notes to the amount of J55,000,000, to National Banks, as
they might be organized in those States and Territories having less
than their i)roi)ortion of circulation under an apportionment made
on the basis of population and wealth, as shown by the returns of the
Census of 1870. This Act had some ett'ect in relieving a stringent
money market and mitigated, though it did not entirely relieve, the
long-continued depressing ettects of the panic of 1873.
At the second session of this Congress, January 14, 1875, the
Bill providing for the resumption of sjjecie payments on the 1st of
January, 1871), became a law. It provided for the redemption of
the fractional i)aper currency outstanding, in silver dimes, quarters
and half dollars of standard value, and repealed the charge of one-fifth
of one i>er cent, for converting standard gold bullion into coin. But
its most important provisions were in Section ;j, which was in full us
follows: ^'Section 5177 of the Revised Statutes of the United States,
limiting the aggregate amount of circulating notes of National Bank-
ing Associations, is h(*reby repealed; and each existing Banking Asso-
ciation may in<rease its circulating notes in accordance with existing
law, without respect to said aggregate limit; and new Banking Asso-
ciations may be organized in accordance with existing law, without
respect to said aggregate limit; and {\w provisions of law for the
withdrawal and redistribution of National Bank currency among the
states and territori(»s, are hereby rep(»aled. And whenever circu-
lating notes shall be issued to any Banking Association so increasing
its capital or circulating notes, or newly organized as aforesaid, it
shall be the duly of the Secretjiry of the Ti'easury to redeem the legal
278 HISTORY OF THE KEPri^LICAN PARTY.
tender United States notes in excess only of three hundred millions
of dollars, to the amount of eighty ])er cent, of the sum of National
Hank notes so issued to any such Banking Association, and to con-
tinue such redemption, as such circulating notes are issued, until
there shall be outstanding the sum of three hundred millions of dollars
of such legal tender United States notes and no more. And on and
after the first day of January, 1871), the Secretary of the Treasury
shall redeem, in coin, the United States legal tender notes then out-
standing, on their presentation at the oflice of the Assistant Treasurer
of the United States, in the City of New York, in sums of not less
than $50.-' For this purpose the Secretary of the Treasury was
authorized to use any surjilus there might be in the Tnnisury or to
sell bonds of any authorized issue at not less than ])ar in coin.
As it finally passed the Bill was, b}' a general Republican caucus,
made a party measure, and the Democrats generally voted against it.
The requirement that the Legal Tenders should be reduced to f300,-
()()0,00() was subsequently annulled. Grave ajiprehensions were
entertained that resumi)tion, when it finally came under this Act,
would be attended by serious financial disturbances. But the prep-
arations lor it were made so gradually, that when the day for
resumi)tion was reached it did not cause a rijiple in the money market
or on the stock exchange.
Another measure of importance, jiasscnl at this session, was one
increasing the taxes on licjuors and tobac( o, and the duties on sugars
and various imported commodities. This was the first increase in
taxes that had been made since the war.
The supplementary Civil Rights Bill was before this Congress in
some form during nearly the whole of both sessions. It did not
finally jiass until nearly the close of the second session, being signed
March 1, 1875. On its final passage in the House it had 102 yeas,
all Republicans, and 100 nays, of whom 87 were Democrats and VA
were Republicans. It provided that "all ])ersous within the juris-
diction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal
enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities and privi-
leges of inns, public conv(*yances on land and water, theaters and
other places of public amusenu^nt, subject only to the conditions and
limitations established by law, and applicable to citizens of every
race and color, regardless of any previous condition of servitude."
It i)rovided that any person violating this section should ])ay fSOO to
the person aggrieved, and ho snbj<Mt also to a fine of from fSOO to
TWO YEARS OP DISASTER. 270
|1,00(), or to iinprisonnienl from thirty days to one year. It also
contained the following enactment: **No citizen, possessing all
other (lualifications, which are pres<'rihed by law, shall be disquali-
fied for service as grand or jietit juror in any Tnited States or State
(^ourt on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude.''
Any officer discriminating against any citizen in violation of this
provision is liable to a fine of $5,000. The Act also provides that
cases under it shall be tried in the I'nited States Courts, and that any
such case nwiy be apjiealed to the Sujireme Court without reference
to the amount involved. Several cases arose under the law within
the next few months, so that it soon received Judicial interpretation.
It renuiins on the Statute books today, substantially as first enacted.
This was the last of ihe A<*ts passed to <over the new relations of the
eman<ipated negroes to the community. It was well that it passed
when it did, for the Republicans were not again in control of both
Houses of Congress till 1889.
The Forty-third Congress had before it a large number of joint
resolutions for Constitutional Amendments, though it adoi)ted none.
In his message of December :J, the President recommended an Amend-
ment providing that the Executive might veto part of any measure
that came before him without vetoing the whole, and another that
when Congress was convened in €»x1ra session, its legislation should
be confined to such subjects as the Exe<utive might bring before it.
Other Amendments offered provided for electing Cnited States Sena
tors by direct vote of the people; for referring disputes with regard
to Presidential electors, to the Supreme Court for settlement; for
changing Presidential election day to the first Monday in Ajiril, and
holding a second election on the second Tuesday in October, in case
no candidate had a nuijority in the Electoral College first chosen;
for electing the President and Nice-President by direct vote of the
peoj)!*.; prohibiting Congress from imposing duties on imports, except
for the purpose of paying the ju'incipal and interest on the public
debt ; and numerous others.
It was an event outside of Congress that especially marked this
period and that had the most influence upon the course of the next
political campaigns. This was the panic of 1873. The fluctuating
character of the currency and the existence of a premium on gold,
were a constant menace to the business of the country. That they
were not the occasion of more financial disasters was due partly to
skillful financiering on th(» part of the Ciov<»rnment, but much more
2X0 HISTORY OF THE KEPUIJLKWN PARTY.
to the enormous productive and renii)erative power of the country.
The danjijer couiinj; from tlie i)remium on <j;old was illustrated by the
events of Black Friday, September 1, 1S(>J). lly means of skillful
arguments, persistently addressed to the President, he had been per
suaded that a slight rise in gold while the crops were moving would
be of benefit to the country, and therefore orders were given early in
September to sell only gold sufficient to buy bonds for the sinking
fund. \Vhile this order was in force Jay (lould and a number of
other ojjerators cons]>ired to raise the price of gold, which was then
selling at about 140. They commenced on Black Friday by bidding
at 145 and gradually raised bids to 150, and then by advances of on<*
per cent, at a time, brought it uj) to 1(50, when they commenced to
unload through agents unknown to other operators, at the same time
offering bets that it would go to 200. It reached lO^U/^, when word
was received that the Treasury Dejiartment had ordered the sale of
$4,000,000 in order to stop the rise. At the same time it becann'
known that Gould was selling, a panic followed, and gold dropjHMl
more rapidly than it had risen, and finally went as low as 130. The
conspirators had made fortunes, but a score of brokers who were not
in the ring were ruined. The effects of this move were <*onfined
mainly to the gold sjM^culators on the New York Exchange. They
did not reach, to any serious extent, the business of the country. The
incident did, however, impn'ss upon i»eople the fact that, under
certain conditions, the (tovernment could exercise a strong influence
upon affairs at the linancial center of the <'ountry, and it inclineii
them to hold the Government and th^ party in i)ower, responsible for
everything.
The collapse of 1873 was undoubtedly hastened by the contrac-
tion of the currency, occasioned by the retirement of the greenbacks,
and the refunding of the public debt. But there were other causes
that would have brought it on very soon, even if this contraction had
not becMi made. It was a period of wild speculation, at a time when,
in view of the necessity of taking steps that looked toward resump-
tion, it ought to have been a time of prudent and (autious investment.
It has been the experience of this, and of every other country, that a
period of speculation, of buying bc^yond any ]K>ssible needs of the*
]»reseut and of any ])robable needs of the future, is always followed,
ultimately, by panic and business d«*pression. The young men of
the in*es«Mit gen< ration had an exi)erience of this in 1SI>'5, when then*
was no a<-cnsation of (^lovernment interference with the finances, when
TWO YEARS OF DISASTER. 281
the enrrenfy was perfectly sound, and was abundant for the needs
of all lei^itlmate business. But whatever the cause, the panic of
1873 was followed by five years of business depression, with trade
dull, with factories closed, with laborers out of employment and dis-
contented. The following year, 1874, when the Congressional
elections were held, was one of the gloomiest of the five, and there
were thousands of men who found satisfaction in voting against the
party in power, even tliough that party was only in the smallest
degree resj)onsible for the conditions which brought about the busi-
ness disast( r.
The salary grab, in which Democrats, as well as Republicans,
were interested, was also u^ed against the latter, and justly so,
because their majority was so large in both Houses, that they could
very properly be held resi)onsible for all legislation. The exposures
of the Credit Mobilier spe<ulation, in which several Republican
.Members of Congress were implicated, and for which three of them
were censured, and the exi)osure of the operations of the Whisky
Ring, which had operated in St. Louis, Chi<*ago and Milwaukee, and
had defrauded the Government out of at least two million and a
quarter of internal revenue taxes, were also used with effe<*t in the
campaign.
There were portents of the coming storm, in the fall of 1878,
when Ohio elected a Democratic (lOvernor for the first time since thi»
Republican party was organized, while several other states gav«»
greatly reduced Republican nuijorities. Hut the whirlwind did not
come till 1874. When the *'Log Cabin'' campaign of 1840 opened
Martin Van Buren said that it would be '^either a farce or a tornado.*'
It proved to be a tornado, and he was swej^t away with the rest of
the rubbish. So in this case, the campaign of 1872 ended in a farce.
That of 1874 was a tornado. The general effect of the gale can be
seen at a glance. In the Forty-third Congress the Democrats had
iU Senators and SS Members of the House, while in the Forty-fourth
they had 29 Senatoi*s and 181 Members of the House. The Republi
cans elected 208 Representatives in 1S72, and only 107 in 1874. In
some of the details the results were astounding.- Thus Massachu-
setts, which gave over 88,000 Republican majority for Governor in
1872, gave only about 7,000 in 1874. Connecticut elected Jewell,
Republican Governor in 1872, by about 2,000 majority, and Ingersoll,
Democrat, two years later, by nearly 7,000. In 1872 New York gav<»
Dix, R(»i)ublican, for Governor, 58,451 majority, and in 1874 it gave
282 HISTORY OF THE R^:PrRLirAN PARTY.
Tilden, Democrat, for the same office, 50,317 majoritv. Pennsyl-
vania, which gave Orant a majority of 1:^7,548, now elected a
Democratic Lieutenant-( Governor by 4,i;7!) majority. Ohio, which
gave Orant :i7,5:n majority in 1><72, now electtMi a Democratic Secre-
tary of State by 17,207, and so it went through nearly all the old
Republican States except in the Northwest and part of New England,
which the Republicans hehi, thouirh by much diminished majorities.
The straight Republicans had a majority in the Congressional dele-
gations of only twelve States: Florida, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Michi-
gan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, Rhode Island, South Carolina,
Vermont and Wisconsin. And this was the House that would
elect the President in case there was no choice by the peoj>le in 187l>,
and would help canvass the Electoral vote in any event.
In Michigan it came dangerously near to being a landslide, but
the r])i)er Peninsula, which was formerly strongly Democratic, but
which was now staunchly Re]Miblican, saved the State to the latter
party. About 2 a. m. the morning after election, (Governor Bagley.
who was a candidate for re-election, and who had been striking aver-
ages on the returns received at the office of the Detroit Post, shoved
his pa]»ers aside, \nit uj) his pencil, and remarked: "Well, boys, I'm
beaten." Hut just as he was about to leave the office ivturns from
two of the l'p^»er Peninsula Counties <-ame in, and encouraged by
these, he sta\ed long enough to figure out his election. His plur-
ality in 1872 was 50,744. In 1S74 it was 5,9(>!», the vote being in full
as follows:
John J. Hagley, Republican 111,519
Henry Chamberlain, Democrat 105,550
Charles K. Cari>enter, Prohibition 3,937
The Democrats also made a raid on the Michigan Congressional
delegation, electing Ali)heus S. Williams over Moses W. Field, in the
Detroit District: (Jeorge H. Durand, of Flint, over Josiah W. Begole,
in the Sixth District, and Allen Potter over Julius C. Burrows, in the
Kalamazoo District. The Republicans elected were: Nathan R.
Bradley, Omar D. Conger, Jay A. Hubbell, Henry Waldron, George
Willard and William B. Williams. The Republican majority in the
l^^gislature was so small that a few malccmtents, combining with the
Democrats, were able to def<*at Zachariah Chandler for the Unitcnl
States Senate, and elect Isaac P. Christ ian<'y in his jdace.
The u])heaval brought into Congress many new Democratie
faces, some of I hem destined to b(M-onie <'ons]>icuou8 in the party.
TWO YEARS OF DISASTER. 283
From Connecticut appeared in the Senate Ex-Cxovernor James E.
English, who was appointed to lill a vacancy, and William W. Eaton,
who was chosen by the newly elected Legislature. Mr. Eaton was,
during the war, one of the most rampant of Copperheads. Rut age
and Senatorial responsibilities sobered him, and in the Senate he was
very conservative and independent, sometimes on financial and tariff
measures even voting with the Republicans. Indiana replaced
Daniel D. Pratt with Josejih E. McDonald, who was also much more
moderate now than during the war, and who disputed with Thomas
A. Hendricks, the Democratic leadership of the State. The most
conspicuous of the new comers was Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, who,
a number of times, appeared in conventions as a candidate for the
Presidential nomination, and who was nominated in 1888 for Vice-
President. Other new Democratic Senators, who afterwards
achieved distinction, were William Pinkney Whyte, of Maryland;
Francis M. Cockrell, of Missouri; Theodore F. Randol])h, of New
Jersey; Francis Kernan, of New York, and William Wallace, of
Pennsylvania.
In the House the most distinguished members on the Democratic
side, a few of whom had sened in the Forty-third Congress, but most
of whom were new, were: William H. Rarnum, of Connecticut; Ren-
jamin H. Hull and Alexander H. Ste])hen8, of (Georgia, the latter of
whom had been in Congress before the war, during which he was
\'ice-President of the Confederacy, and whose appearance now, with
a solid Democrati<' delegation, showed that the colored vote in that
State was well suppressed; Carter H. Harrison, William M. Springer
and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, the latter Vice-President during
Cleveland's second term; Michael C. Kerr, of Indiana, who had been
in Congress before, but who was missing from the Forty-third; J.
Proctor Knott and Joseph C. S. Rlackburn, of Kentucky, the latter
one of the most unreconstructed rebels left in the State; Randall L.
(libson and E. John Ellis, of Louisiana; Otho R. Singleton, of Missis-
sippi; Abram S. Hewitt and Scott Lord, of New York; Frank H. Hurd
and Henry R. Payne, of Ohio; William Mutchler, of Pennsylvania;
John H. Reagan, of Texas; J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia, and
Charles J. Faulkener, of West \ irginia. On assembling in Decem-
ber, 1875, the House elected Michael C. Kerr S])eaker by M*A votes,
to 106 for James (1. Rlaine.
With an overwh(*lming Democratic majority in the House, witli
a good working Republican majority in the S(Miate, and a Rei)ublican
2S4 HIOTORY OF THE REIM BLIlWN PARTY.
President, it was nor to be ex|KMted that niueh legislation would be
aceoni]>li8hed by the Forty-fonrth Congress, and especially legislation
of a politi<-al character. Far the most important Act was that regu-
lating the <*onnt of Ele<toral votes for IM'esident and Vice-President
for the t»*rni commenc ing March 4, l,s77, an abstract of which ap]M*ars
in the chapter of this book rehuing to the Electoral Count.
Two financial measures were passed at the first session. One was
a joint resolution, with these j>rovisions, (1) authorizing the S4*cre-
lary of the Treasury to issue silver coin at any time in the Treasury,
to an amount not exceeding f H),(MM),(MN), in ex<*hange for an etjual
amount of legal tender notes, such notes to be kept as a separate
fund, only to be reissued ujion the retirement and destruction of a
like sum of fractional currency; C) limiting the coinage of the trade
dollar, and removing its legal tender quality; ill) legalizing the manu-
tacture and issue of silver coin, to an amount, including the amount
of subsidiary silver roin and fractional currency outstanding, not
exceeding at any time, fifty million dollars. Another financial Act,
approved Ajiril 17, 1S70, directs the Secretary of the Treasury to
*'give silver coins of the I'nited States, of ten, twenty-five and fifty-
cents, standard value, in redemption of an equal amount of fractional
currency, whether the same be now in the Treasury awaiting redemp-
tion, or whenever it may be jiresentcd for redemption; and the Sec-
retary nmy provide for such redemption and issue by substitution at
the regular sub-treasuries and public depositories, until the whole
amount of fractional currency outstanding shall be redeemed. And
the fractional currency redeemed under this act shall be held to be a
part of the sinking fund provided for by existing law, the interest to
be comi)uted thereon as in the case of bonds redeemed under tlie A it
reljiting to the sinking fund."
Other Acts of general interest ]>assed by this Congress were those
reducing the rates of ])ostage on newspapers and periodicals; extend-
ing the franking privih^ge to the P^xecutive Dejmrtments; providing
that with certain exce])tions named, no ])erson shall be tried for sui
offense, not capital, unless an indictment is framed or information
instituted within thrcn^ years of the time the offense is committed;
reducing the number of internal revenue districts; increasing |)ension8
to soldiers who lost both an arm and a leg; encouraging and promot-
ing telegraphic connection between America and EuroiK*, an<l
extending the time for presenting Southern claims.
Two Constitutional Amendments were discussed and voted upon.
The lirst, n^iiorted by the House Committee on the Judiciary, pro-
TWO YEAKS OF DISASTER 285
vided that, **No person who has held, or may hereafter hold, the
oflSce of President, shall ever again be eligible to said office." A sub-
stitute extending the term to six years and making the President
ineligible was voted down, yeas 108, nays 144, and the original
Amendment was then rejected, yeas 145, nays 108, not two-thirds in
the affirmative.
The following was reported by the House Judiciary Committee
to stand as Article XVI: **No Slate shall make any law respecting
an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof;
and no money raised by taxation in any State for the support of public
schools, or derived from any public fund therefor, nor any public
lands devoted thereto, shall ever be under the control of any religious
sect or denomination; nor shall any money so raised, or lands so
devoted, be divided between religious sects or denominations. This
Article shall not vest, enlarge or diminish, legislative power in
Congress." This passed the House by a vote of 180 to 7, but a
Senate substitute for it was rejected in the latter body by 27 yeas to
15 nays.
XXIII.
THE SIXTH KEPrHLlCAX CAMPAIGX.
The Three Natural Republican Leaders — Blaine's Popularity With
the Republicans — Democratic Attacks Upon Him — His Bold
Defense in the House — Readin^r of the Mulligan Letters — His
Attack of Sunstroke — Injrersoirs Brilliant Speech at the Cincin-
nati Tonvention- -A Close Contest for the Nomination — It Goes
to Rutherford H. Hayes on the Seventh Ballot— William A.
Wheeler Nominated for Vice-President — A Loujr Platform
Declaration — New Dej)arture for the Democrats — Tilden and
Hendricks Nominated — Tilden Conducts His Own Canvans — A
Closely Contested Camjiaign — Hayes Has One Majority on tho
Electoral Vote.
The Sixth National Republican Convention, which met in Cin-
cinnati, June 14, 1876, had before it for consideration three of the
men who were amonjj the ablest in the party, and who had been in
the public service almost from the time of their reaching manhood,
and six others who api»eared eith(»r as favorite sons, or else who were
believed to jjossess some special element of strength. The thro**
natural leaders were James G. Blaine, of Maine: Roscoe Conkling, of
New York, and Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana.
Blaine was the popular favorite, and his initial strength in the
Convention was so great as to temi)t to a combination of all the other
candidates against him. He had been brought into especial promi-
nence by debates on the Oeneral Amnesty Bill in the Forty-fourth
Congress, where he had stood the brunt of the attack of half the ex-
Confederates in the House. He had won admiration by the boldness
and vigor of his counter attacks, and especiiilly by the skill with
whi<h he had worsted Ccmgressman Hill, of (leorgia, in debate. Hi»
was regarded by the Democrats as their strongest foe, and they
regarded him with a bitter hatred. In order to compass his undoititr,
a few days before the Cincinnati Convention was to meet, they started
THE SIXTH REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN. 287
an investigation, which, it was hinted, would implicate Mr. Blaine in
a questionable transaction in railroad bonds. The accusation was
at first implied, rather than made, that he had been bribed by a gift
of Fort Smith & Little Rock Railroad bonds to use his influence,
when Speaker of the House, in favor of that roa<i. The evidence
relied upon against him was contained in correspondence which had
fallen into the hands of a man named Mulligan, and had become
known as the **Mulligan letters." Mr. Blaine obtained possession of
these letters. He refused to show them to the Investigating Com-
mittee, on the ground that th^y had no right to inquire into his
private corresjmndence. The next morning he supported his refusal
to produce the letters by submitting to the investigators the written
opinion of Jeremiah S. Black, one of the most iiot(*d Democratic
lawyers in the country, and Ex-Senator Matt H. Carpenter, also a
noted lawyer, that the letters had "no relevan<y whatever to the
matter under inquiry," and that "it would be most unjust and tyran-
nical, as well as illegal, to demand their production." This put the
.Fiidiciary Committee in a quandary. The other witnesses were dis-
missed and the matter laid over. Some members of the committee
proposed bringing the matter before the House, but that was
objected to, because it would give Blaine too great an opportunity
to make a public defense. As one member put it, they didn't want
"to have Blaine cavorting around on the Hoor of the House." A
majority of the members of the Committee had been in the Southern
Army, and a newspaper of the period represented the '^Confederate
Brigadiers'' of the (*ommittee triving utterances to their views of
Blaine as follows-
He is always in the way —
Blaine, of Maine!
And in session every day
Raises Cain;
When his prodding makes us roar.
Then he lacerates the sore,
Till we holier more and more—
Blaine, of Maine.
How he boxes us around —
Blaine, of Maine I
Now and then we're on the ground
Half insane:
Frequently to grass we go:
This is temporary though,
2HH HISTOKY OF THE REPrBUrAN PARTY.
For we rallv from the blow.
And i)rei)are to eat our crow,
But he stands us in a row
And he smites us h\^\\ and low.
Till we shiver in our woe,
And he keei)s us whirling: so.
That we have the vertigo—
Blaine, of Maine.
The Confederate brigadiers, however, could not keep Blaine from
**<avorting around,'' for after defying the committee he rose in the
House to a question of j)rivilege, ]iroduced the letters and read them
in full. A Washington corresjmndent who was in the House at the
time thus describes the sensational scene that accompanied this bold
proceeding:
"At times the scene was intensely dramatic, surpassing even the
scene of the Amnesty debate, the interest reaching its climax when
Blaine, after having denied the right of the committee to demand
his private corn spondence, cried out that he would take the commit-
ieo into his confidence and would read to forty millions of people
letters that he would not allow a committee to force from him. 'Here
they art*,' he cried, as he drew a ]>ackage from his pocket, and, holding
it u]) above his head, he turned around so as to face everyone in the
hall. 'Here they are,' he rei)eated, 'and 1 will read them.' The hall
burst into a perfect roar of ai>plause, not only with clapping of
hands, but with cries of ai)])robation from the members of the Repub-
lican side, as well as from the galleries. The occupants of the ladies*
gallery shook their handkerchiefs and jiarasols, and joined in the
chieer. It was a sight that never had a ])arallel in a legislative body.
**No words can convey an adequate picture of Blaine's imi)etuous
attack uiK)n Proctor Knott. When he came charging down the
aisle and hurled at Knott an in(|uiry whc^ther he had not received a
telegram from Caldwell, in Euro]»e, which he had suppressed, Knott
refused to rejily. Blaine pressed the question again and again, till
Knott, finally being cornered, and without es<ape, made the very dis-
courteous and angry rei)ly: 'I'll answer you when I get ready.' Blaine
followed Knott to his seat, shook his finger in his face, and charj^ed
him directly with having sui)pressed a voluntary telegram from
Caldwell, in London, acquitting Blaine of any improper connection
with the bond transactions, and offering to send an affidavit to that
effect to the committee. Knott's face colored to a deep crimson^
and he sat in his seat in utter helplessness; but there were forty
THE SIXTH KEPI'HLK AX (WMPAIGX, 289
Democrats on their feet, crvinjji:, 'Mr. Speakerl' 'Mr. Speakerl' Joliii
Young Hrown, Jones, of Kentucky; Hlackburn, (Hover, Hohnan,
Hunt on and many otliers, were v(»ry much excited, but Cox, who was
presiding, rapi)ed them down and saved his party from disgra<*ing
itself. Jones, of Kentucky, a bitter Democrat, who has shown him-
self to be a guardian of honor, finally obtained a hearing, and
demanded that his colleague answer the <iuestion. He would not
consent to have such a disgrac<»ful im])Utation rest ui)on his party.
Knott was thus driven to say that he would exi)lain the suppression
of the telegram in a
speech which he intcmd
ed to make.'-
The letters containivl
nothing to show that
Hlaine was not entirely
innocent of any wrong-
doing in tlie matter, and
were so ac<epted by all
fair-minded person s,
but the fact that the ac-
cusation had been made
doubtless cqst him
some votes in the Con-
vention. He suif(»re(l
much more in thai
body, however, by rea-
son of ])rostration by
sunstroke when on his "
way to church on the
Sunday preceding the*
gathering at Cincinnati. roscue conklinu.
He rallied (piickly, but apjin^hensions with regard to his liealth were
skillfully used to draw votes from him, when it came to balloting.
Koscoe Conkling was. throughout his whole Congressional
career, both in House and Senate, recognized as one of the ablest
debaters, and one of iho most eloquent stump speakers in the party.
Hut he was arrogant and unapproachable, entirely lacking in the eh*
ments of ])ersonal popularity, and th(Te never was a time when he
could have re<(Mved the Presidential nomination at the hands of any
Convention. His (andidacv at this time was not taken seriouslv.
2J)0 HISTORY OP THE KEPrRLirAN PARTY.
He had wrested the control of the Republican organization in New
York from Ex-Governor Fenton and his friends, had a good hold on
most of the delegation from that State, and it was understood at the
time that his candidacy was intended to keep the delegation together
until their votes could be thrown to the best advantage for someone
else, but mainly to beat Blaine.
Senator Morton, of Indiana, commenced his jiublic career in very
troublous times. He was elected Lieutenant-Governor of his State
on the tick(»t with H(»nry S. Lane, and succeeded to the Governorship
when Mr. Lane resigned that office to take a seat in the I'nited States
Senate. Mr. Morton had the most difficult task before him of any of
the \Yar Governors. The Southern counties of the State were honey-
combed with Secession sentiment, the treasonable society, the
Knights of the (lolden Circle, had headcjuarters in the Capital itself,
and a L)emo<*ratic Legislature refused to make ai>i>roi)riations neces-
sary to fit out trooi)s and carry on the State Government. But Mr.
Morton ])roved etjual to the (emergency. He went to New Vork, and
on his ];ersoi!al bond, with the backing of wealthy men in Indianap-
olis, borrowed money to me(»t the pressing necessities of the State.
He drove the Knights of the Golden Circle into hiding, and had a
number of th(»ir leaders arrested and tried for tr(»as(m. He repressed
disorders in the Southern counties, and in everv wav showed rare
vigor and administrative cai>acity. Ele was re-(»lect(^ Crovernor in
1864, and was afterwards sent to the Senate, where he took rank
among the ablest debaters.
Of the other candidates Hartranft and Jewell were "favorite
sons" and nothing more, and Hayes belonged in the same rank,
although he had scmu* following outside of Ohio before the Conven-
tion met, and was regarded as a very likely compromise candidate,
liristow was a man of moderate ability, and rather narrow^ views,
who had come into a temporary in-ominence through his vigorous
prose<*uticm of the Whisky' Ring. He had a good following in this
Convention, but within two or three years had nearly dropped out of
sight.
The Michigan delegation to Cincinnati was chosen at an unusu-
ally interesting State Convention, held at Grand Rapids, May 10,
187(;, and consist(»d of the following members: At Large* — Henry
P. Baldwin, William A. Howard, Delos L. Filer and Jonathan J.
\Yoodman. By Districts — (1) William G. Thompson, Herman Kiefer;
{2) Rice A. Real, Charles Rynd; (.J) William H. Withington, Edward
THE SIXTH KEIM HLK/AN TAMPAKiX. 291
S. J^cev; (4) X. A. Hamilton, George Hannahs; (5j A. R. Watson,
Benjamin D. Pritchard; (6) William L. Smith, William S. Geoi-^e; (7)
John (\ Waterbury, Samuel J. Tomlinson; (8) Theodore F. Shepard,
A. H. Hoyt; (J)) William H. (\ Mitchel, Edward Breitun^.
Sentiment in the Convention that ehose these delegates was
nnqnestionably favorable to Blaine, who had succeeded Seward in
the affections of Michij»:an Ke]mblicans. In the course of previous
campaigns he had made a few sjieeches to immense mass meetings
in the State, and his brilliant career in Congress had been watched
with interest and admiration. There was some talk in the Conven-
tion of instructing the delegation, and this would probably have been
done, had it not been for the interposition of William A. Howard.
Mr. Howard was then as sound as ever from the shoulders up, but
was very feeble in body, and was badly crippled. Loud calls had
been made upon him for a si)eech early in the ])roceedings, to which
he did not respond. He was chosen by acclamation a delegate-at-
large, and was again called for, when he feebly hobbled forward on
crutches, was assisted to the platform, and sat down. He commenced
in a low voice, but soon warmed with his subject, and spoke in that
animated and earnest manner which had so often carried audiences
of Michigan Republicans to the highest jiitch of enthusiasm. He
gave interesting reminiscences of ])arty history, and in relation to the
approaching Xational Convention said:
*'The campaign is j)eculiar in this, that sentiment as to candi-
dates is not crystallized. The whole question is one of settling indi-
vidual preferences and of consulting availability. The prominent
candidates are all representative Republicans and all worthy of sup-
port. But we have not to consult altogc^th^r our own preferences.
The battle is not to be won in Michigan, but in doubtful states like
Xew York. Any one of the leaders can carry the banner triumphant
throughout Michigan. We want a leader who will carry it to victory
in weak ])laces all along the line, and if we secure this we shall
triunij)!!. As to myself, I have no individual preferences. I am in
earnest for the cause, but indifferent as to the man. I am not a
l^laine man, nor a Bristow man, nor a Morton man; I am your man
and for the triumi)h of the cause."
Mr. Howard, at this \)oiut half arose, leaned forw^ard, and, with
earnest gesture and strong emphasis upon the closing words of the
sentence, brought the enthusiasm of the audience to a high pitch.
He then went on to show the grounds of encouragement furnished
^ \
292 HISTORY OF THE UEIM BLICAN PARTY.
by the ^'Confederate House" at Wa8hin}»:toii, referred to its futile
attarks upou Republicans, and continued:
**We want the best and stronj^est man among the Republieans.
In eonsultinj; availability, we must be sure to ji:et pronounced Repub-
licans. We want no more Tylers, no more Andy Johnsons. We must,
select from the tried members of our jiarty. In this selection I pro-
pose to aid, by the use of my best judpuent, and I want you to
instruct me just as little as you dare. I don't want to go to Cincin-
nati with my hands tied. I want to go so free that if I see a chance
to do a good thing for you anywhere, I can avail myself of it."
The i)lea was etTe<'tive and no resolution for instructions was
even introduced in the Conventicm. A canvass of th(» delegates after
adjournment show(»d that a majority of them were at the time for
Rlaine, but before the National Convention met, while admiration for
Rlaine did not diminish, doubts increased as to the ex])ediency of
his nomination at that time. On the ditTerent ballots the vote of the
delegation was as follows: First and second, Blaine, S; (\)ukling, 1;
Rristow, t); Hayes, 4. Third, Rlaine, S; (Vinkling, 10; Hayes, 4. Fourth,
Blaine. (5; Bristow, 1 1; Hayes, 5. Fifth, sixth and seventh, Hayes, 22.
T1h» naming of candidates for the Presid<»ntial nomination was
reach(Ml on the scMond day of the Cincinnati gathering, the states
being < ailed in alphabetical order. Stephen W. Kellogg, of (^mnecti-
<ut ncmiinated Marshal .Jew<»ll: Mr. Morton's name was presented by
Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, who was seconded by P. B. R.
Pinchbeck, of Louisiana. (Jeneral Stewart L. Woodford, of New
York, i)res(»nted Conkling's name. (Jeneral Harlan, of Kentucky,
nominated Benjamin F. Bristow, who was supported by Judge
Poland, of Yermont, (t(M)rge William Curtis, of New York, and
Richard A. Dana, of Massachusetts. Robert (t. Ingersoll, of Illinois,
nominated Blaine, and was seconded by William V. Frye, of Maine.
Governor Edward F. Noyes, of Ohio, nominated Governor Hayes,
and was su])])orled by Senator B(»njamin F. Wade. Mr. IngersolPs
speech nominating Blaine has passed into history as the most noted
of Convention orations in this country. With the omission of the
opening paragraph, it was as follows:
The Rei)ubli(ans of the Cnited States denuind as their leader,
in the great contest of 187t», a man of intellect, of integrity, of known
and api)roved political opinions. They demand a statesman, they
demand a reformer after as well as before the election. They demand
a ])olitician in the highest and broadest and best sense of that word.
THE SIXTH UEPI BLirAN (/AMPAKIN/ 293
They (leiiiand a man acquainted with public* affairs, with the wants
of the j)eoi)le, with not only the requirements of the hour, but with
the demands of the future. They demand a nmn broad enough to
<*ompreliend the relations of the (iovernment to the other nations
of the earth. They demand a nuin well versed in the powers, duties
and ]>rerogatives of eacli and every department of this Oovernmeni.
They demand a man who will sacredly preserve the financial honor
of the United States, one* who knows enouj^h to know that all the
financial theories of the world cannot redeem a sinjijle dollar; one
who knows enough to know that all the money must be made, not
by law, but by labor; one who knows enough to know that the people
of the Tnited States have the industry to make the money and flu*
honor to pay it over just as fast as they make it.
The Uepublicans of the United States demand a man wiio knows
that jirosperity and resumption, when they come, must come
together. When they come hand in hand through the golden harvest
fields, hand in hand by the whirling spindles and turning wheels,
hand in hand by the open furnace doors, hand in hand by the flaming
torges, hand in hand by chimneys tilled by eager fire, rockcMl and
grasj)ed by the hands of the countless sons of toil. This money has
got to be dug out of the earth; you cannot make it by passing resolu-
tions at a political me(»ting.
The Republicans of tlie I'nited States want a man who knows
that this Cfovernment should protect every citizen, at home and
abroad, who knows that any (Jovernment that will not defend its
defenders, and will not protect its protectors, is a disgrace to i\u^
map of the world. They demand a man who believes in the eternal
separation of chun'h and schools. They demand a man whose polit-
ical reputation is as spotless as a star; but they do not demand thjit
their candidate shall have a certificate of character from a Confed-
erate Congress. The man who has, in full and rounded measure, all
of these splendid qualifications is the j)resent grand and gallant
leader of the Republican party, James (i. Hlaine.
Our country crowned with the vast and marvelous achi(»vements
of its first tentury, asks for a nmn worthy for the past and ])rophetic
of her future; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks
for a man who is the grandest combination of heart, conscience and
brain, beneath the flag. That man is James (5. Hlaine. For the
Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no such
thing as defeat. This is a grand year, a year filled with the recol-
lection of the Revolution, filled with j>roud and tender memories of
the sacred, filled with the legends of liberty; a year in which the
sons of freedom will drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; a
year in which the p(»ople call for a man who has jireserved in Con-
gress what our soldiers won upon the field; a year in which we call
lor the man that has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of
slander, a man that has snatched the mask of Democracy from the
hideous fa<e of rebellicm; a man, who, like an intellectual athlete,
294 niHTORY OF THE REPUBLICAX PARTY.
stood in the arena of debate, challenged all comers, and who up to the
present moment, is a total stranger to defeat.
Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine
marched down the halls of an American Congress, and threw his
shining lance full and fair, against the brazen forehead of everv
defamer of this country, and maligner of its honor. For the Repub-
lican party to desert that gallant man now is as though an army
should desert their general upon the field of battle. James G. Blaine
is now, and has been for years, the bearer of the sacred standard of
the Republic. I call it sacred, because no human being can stand
beneath its folds without becoming and without remaining free.
GENTLEMEN OF THE r(>NVENTION— In the name of the
great Republic, the only Republic that ever existed upon this earth, in
the name of all her defenders and of all the su]>j>orters, in the name t>f
all her soldiers living, in the name of her soldiers that are dead upon
the field of battle, and in the name of those that perished in the skele-
ton clutches of famine at Andersonville and Libby, Illinois nominatt^s
for the next President of this country that [)rince of parliamentarians,
that leader of leaders, James G. Blaine.
Although on the first six ballots Mr. Blaine had more votes than
the aggregate of any other two candidates, the combination in the end
l>roved too strong and on the seventh ballot Rutherford B. Hayes, of
Ohio, was nominated. The record of the ballots was as follows:
1st.
James G. Blaine, of Maine 2Si}
Benj. H. Bristow, of Kentucky. . 11:5
Roscoe Conkling, of New York. . IM)
John F. Hartranft, of Penn 58
Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio., (il
Marshall Jewell, of Tonuecticut. 11
Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana. . . . 124
E. B. Washburne, of Illinois
\Vm. A. Wheeler, of New York. . :\
William A. Wheeler and Stewart L. Woodford, of New^ York;
Joseph R. Hawley and Marshall Jewell, of < Connecticut, and FrcHierick
T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, were mentioned for ^'ice-P^e8ident,
but the balloting showed Mr. Wheeler so far in the lead that the
rest weie withdrawn, and he was nominated by acclamation. Mr.
Wheeler had been a useful member of Congress, where he rendered
especially good service as Chairman of the Committee on the Paeifie
Railroads. He was more widely known, however, as the author of
ihe ** Wheeler Compromise*,'' which patcluMl up one of the chronic
2d.
:W.
4th.
5th.
0th.
7th.
29S
2m
292
280
308
351
114
121
120
114
111
21
m
IK)
84
82
81
Ga
08
71
09
50
()4
07
08
1(»4
113
:ik%
111
li:i
108
95
85
' "
1
1
3
3
4
:\
2
2
3
»>
THE SIXTH REPITBLirAN CAMPAIGN. 295
])olitical quarrels in I^ouiniana, recognized the Kepubliean Kellogg
<iovernnient, as against the Democratic McEnery Government, settled
disputes as to certain seats in the House of Representatives in that
State, and restored the peace until the next election.
Following is the platform adopted by the Convention at Cincin-
nati:
When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged
of human slavery, and when the strength of the government of the
people, by the people and for the peoi)le, was to be demonstrated, the
Republican party came into jiower. Its deeds have passed into his-
tory, and we look back to them with ]>ride. Incited by their
memories to high aims for the good of our country and mankind, and
looking to the future with unfaltering courage, hope and jmrpose, we,
I he representatives of the party, in National Convention assembled,
make the following declarations of principles:
1. The Cnited States of America is a Nation, not a league. Uy
the combined workings of the National and State Governments,
under their respective Constitutions, the rights of every citizen are
secured, at lionu* and abroad, and the common welfare ])romoted.
2. The Rei)ubli<an party has preserved these governments to
ihe hundredth anniversary of the Nation's birth, and they are now
embodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle: **That all men
are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable rights, anumg which are life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness; that lor the attainment of these ends governments have
been instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the
<ousent of the governed.-' Until these truths are cheerfully obeyed,
or, if need be, vigorously enforced, the work of the Rej)ublican party
is unfinished.
II. The permanent pacitication of the Southern section of tin*
Ijiion, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoy-
ment of all their rights, is a duty to which the Republican party stands
sacredly pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the
princi[>le8 embodied in the recent Constitutional Amendments is
vested, by those Amendments, in the Congress of the I'nited States;
and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the legislative and
Executive Departments of the (lovernment to put into immediate and
vigorous exercise all their Constitutional [)owers for removing any
just cause of dis<*ontent on the part of any class, and for securing to
every American citizen com[)lete liberty and exact equality in the
exercise of all civil, political and public rights. To this end we
imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief Exe<*utive whose
courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results
are placed beyond dispute or recall.
4. In the first Act of Congress signed by President Grant the
National (iovernnuMit nssumed to remove any doubt of its purpose to
20(5 HISTORY OF THE REIM HLKWN PARTY.
(liRcharge all just obligatioiiH to the publii- creditors, and "solemnly
]iledj(ed its faith to make provision at the earliest practieable perioil
lor the redem]>tion of the I'nited States notes in coin." Commerrial
prosperity, public morals and national credit demand that this
promise be fulhlled by a continuous and steady j)roi;ress to 8pi*cie
payment.
5. Under the Constitution, the President and heads of depart-
ments are to make nominations for oflice, the Senate is to advise and
<onsent to a]>i)ointments, and the House of Representatives is to
act-use and prosecute fjiithless otticers. The best interests of the
public service demand that these distinctions be resi)ected: that Sena-
tors and Representatives who may be judj^es and accusers slnnild not
<li<-tate a]>pointments to oflice. The invariable rule in appointments
should have refer(*nce to the honesty, tidelity and cai)acity of the
appoint(*es, giving to the ])arty in jiower those i)laces wiiere harmony
and vigor of administration require its policy to be represented, but
permitting all others to i)e filled by persons selected with sole refer-
ence to the efti(*iency of the public service, and the right of citizens to
share in the honor of rendering faithful service to the country.
(5. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people concern-
ing political alTairs, and will hold all jMiblic officers to a rigid
resjionsibility, and engage that the prosecution and punishment of aSl
who betray official trusts shall be swift, thorough and unsparing.
7. The public school system of the several States is the bulwark
of the Ameri<an Re])ublic; and, with a view to its security and i>er-
manence, we recommend an Amendment to the Ccmstitution of the
I'nited States, forbidding the a]>)»lication of any public funds or pro|>-
erty for tlu* benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian
ccmtrol.
S. Th<» revenue ne<<»ssary for current expenditures and the obli-
gation of the public debt must be largely derived from duties u}Km
im{)ortations, which, so far as jmssible, should be adjusted to promote
the inter<»sts of American labor and advance the prosperity of the
whole* country.
0. ^Ye realhrm our op{M>sition to further grants of tlie publie
lands to corporations and moncqiolies, and demand that the National
<Iomain be devoted to free homes for tlu* jH»ople.
10. It is the imperative duty of the (iovernment so to modify
t»xisting treaties with European governments that the same protection
shall be aflorded to the adopted Anieritan citizen that is given lo tht*
native-born; and that all necessary laws should be passed to protiH-t
emigrants in the absence of power in the States for that purpose.
11. It is the immediate duty of ('ongr<»ss to fully investigate the
(Effect of the immigration nnd im]K)rtation of Mongolians upon the
moral and material interests of the country.
12. The Republican j»arty recognize with approval the substan-
tial advances rcMentiy made toward the (establishment of equal rights
lor wouKMi by th(» uiany imjiortant auHMidments effected by Republican
THE SIXTH RErUHLICAN CAMPAIGN. 297
Legislatures in the laws which coniern the personal and properly
relations of wives, mothers and widows and by the appointment and
election of women to the superintendence of education, charities and
other public trusts. The honest demands of this class of citizens for
additional rights, privileges and immunities should be treated with
respectful consideration.
13. The Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power
over the territories of the United States for tlieir governments; and
in the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to
prohibit and extirpate, in the territories, that relic of barbarism —
polygamy; and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end
ami the supremacy of American institutions in all the Territories.
14. The pledges which the Nation has given to her soldiers and
sailors must be fultllled, and a grateful people will always hold those
who imperil their lives for the country's preservation in the kindest
reniemb ranee.
15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies.
We, therefore, note with deep solicitude iliat the Democratic party
counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the Electoral vote of a united
South, secured through the etiorts of those who were recently arrayed
against the Nation, and we invoke the earnest attention of the country
to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would reopen sectional
strife and imperil sectional honor and human rights.
IG. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in char
acter and spirit as when it sympathized with treason; with making its
control of the House of Representatives the triumph and opportunity
of the Nation's recent foes; with reasserting and ai)])]auding, in the
National Capitol, the sentiments of unrepentant rebellion; with
sending Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting Confederate
soldiers to the front; with deliberateh pro[)osing to repudiate the
plighted faith of the (Tovernment; with being ecjuallyfalseand imbecile
upon the overshadowing tinancial questions; with thwarting the ends
of justice by its partisan management and obstruction of investiga-
tion; with proving itself, through the period of its ascendancy in the
Lower House of Congress, utterly incompetent to administer the Gov-
ernment; and we warn the country against trusting a party thus alike
unworthy, recreant, and incapable.
17. The National Administration merits commendation for its
iKmorable work in the management of domestic and foreign affairs,
and President (Jrant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the
American people for his patriotism and his eminent services in war
and in peace.
18. We present, as our ( andidates for President and \Mce-Presi
dent of the United States two distinguished statesmen of eminent
ability and chara<*ter, and conspicuously titted for those high offices,
and w^e conlidently aj)peal to the American people toentrust the admin-
istration of their public atlairs to Rutherford H. Haves and William
A. Wheeler.
208
HISTORY OF THE REPVHLirAN PARTY.
in the (anivai^i) of 1S7C> the Doiiiorrats took an entirely new
departure, both in landidate and platform. Their candidate for
President, Sanuiel J. Tilden, had been ihiefly 0(*(upied with money
^ettin^ until he was some years past 50, when the opportunity offered
to render a <onspi<uous service to the <'ommunity. The New York
Times in ISTl made some astounding revelations of the corruptions
and stealing's of the •'Twecni Rinj»:" in New York (Mty, and with great
industry uncovered the details of the fraudulent operations, which,
with equal courage it published. IJut it needed something more than
the disclosures to break
up the ring, and in this
Mr. Tilden rendered
very (efficient aid, both
as a Member of the As-
s e m b 1 y and in the
<-ourts. Whether it was
this public activity that
first roused his desire
for political distinction,
or whether he had been
simply biding his time,
he took advantage of
the oj)i)ortunity, se-
cured the nominati<in
for <iovernor in 1S74
and was swejjt into the
Executive chair, by the
same tidal wave that
carried so many other
Democrats into power.
A s Governor he made a
vigorous warfare upon the **('anal Ring,'' which had been robbing
the State, under all i>olitical j arties, for a generation or two. He
could v(M*y properly com<» before the public as a reformer. Tammany
Flail opposed him, but he had secured such complete control of the
Democratic organization in New York State, that for once Tammauy
was helpless. In the National Convention, which opened in St.
Louis, June 1^7, John Kelly, who had succetnled William M. Tweed
as Tammany's Boss, vigorously op[)osed Tilden, and was aided by a
few of tlM» strongest DcuKMiats of the older school. They clainuMl
RUTHERFORD B. HAYES.
THE SIXTH REPFBLirAN CAMPAIGN.
200
that he could not carry New York State, and sought to divert some of
his support to General Hancock, Thonuis A. Hendricks and others.
But the new machine, which Tilden had put together, was too strong
for them, and on the first ballot he had almost the recjuisite two-
thirds vote. On the second his nomination was made unanimous.
Thomas A. Hendricks was with equal unanimity nominated for
Vice-President.
The platform was very long and was in keeping with the reform
professions of Mr. Tilden. It consisted of denunciations of Repub-
lican acts, a large num-
ber of demands, and a
tiresome reiteration of
the statement, "reform
is necessary," applied to
a large number of spe-
cific subjects. But the
campaign was not
fought out on the plat-
form. The Democrats
laid particular stress
upon Mr. Tilden's re-
form record, and back
of that was Tilden's
own adroit manage-
ment. He had already
become an ex])ert poli-
tician, and from the re-
cesses of his handsome
residence at No. 15
Gramercy Park, he con-
ducted his own cam-
paign. The Republicans hunted up abundant evidence of devious-
ness in some of Tilden's former business transactions, but this really
had little effect upon the voters, as his ofiicial career had been com-
mendable. Much more elTective for Rej>ubli<an use was the
ammunition furnished by the **(.'onfederate Congress," the first Dem
ocratic House of Re])resentatives for 18 years. The Democrats had a
large majority in the House, and the Southern wing had commenced
<»nce more to rule the Democrats. Their bojist: **The South is in the
saddle again'' cost them more votes than all of Tihlen's tortuous
business transactions.
WILLIAM A. WHEELER.
:iOO HISTORY OF THE KEIMRLICAN PARTY.
Tbis year witnessed the Oenesis of the Greeubaek party, which
met at Indianapolis, May 17, nominated Peter Cooper, of New^ York,
for President, and Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, for Vice-President, and
adopted the following::, the tirst platform of a party that brought its
opinions before the people for several campaigns following:
The Independent party is called into existence by the necessities
of the people, whose industries are prostrated, whose labor is deprived
of its just reward by a ruinous policy, which the Rej)ublican and Dem-
ocratic parties refuse to change; and, in view of the failure of these
])arties to furnish relief to the de])ressed industries of the countr\,
tluM'^eby disappointing the just hopes and expectations of the suffer-
ing people, we declare our i)rinciples, and invite all independent and
patriotic men to join our ranks in this movement for financial reform
and industrial emancipation.
1. ^V(» demand the immediate and unconditional repeal of the
Specie Resumj>tion A<-t of January 14, 1875, and the rescue of our
industries from ruin and disaster, resulting from its enforcement;
and we call upon all patriotic men to organize in every Congressional
district of the country, with a view of electing Re])resenta lives to
<'ongress who will carry out the wishes of the j)eople in this regard,
and stop the [>resent suicidal and destructive policy of contraction.
2. We believe that a United States note, issued directly by the
(io\ernment, and convertible, on demand, into United States obliga-
tions, bearing a rate of interest not exceeding one cent a day on each
one hundred dollars, and exchangeable for United States notes at
par, will atford the best circulating medium ever devised. Such
United States notes should be full legal tenders for all purposes,
ex<e])t for th(» jiayment of such obligations as are, by existing con-
tra<ts, es]K'cially made payable in coin; and we hold that it is the
<luty of the (lovernment to juovide such a circulating medium, and
insist, in the language of Thomas Jetferson, that *'bank paper must
be sui)pressed and tlu* circulation restored to the Nation to whom it
behmgs.'*
t\. It is the paramount duty of the Government, in all its legis-
lation, to keep in view the full development of all legitimate* business,
agricultural, mining, manufa<turing and commercial.
4. We most (earnestly protest against any further issue of gold
bonds for sale in foreign markets, by which we would be made for
a long period, *'hewers of wood and drawers of water," to foreigners,
c»sj)ecially as the American [)eo[)le would gladly and jiromptly tak#?
at [>ar all bonds tlie <iovernment nuiy need to sell, providing they are
made payable* at the oi)tion of the holder, and bearing interest at :\A\o
per cent. ])(»r annum or even a lower rate.
5. We further ]U()test against the sale of Government bonds,
lor the purjK)S(» of j)urchasing silvcM* to be used as a substitute for our
THE SIXTH UEIMTBLICAN CAMPAKiN. 801
more loiivenient fractional cnrreney, whicb, altliough well cakulated
to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in operation it will still further
oppress in taxation an already overburdened peo[)le.
There was also a Prohibition Convention at Cleveland, May 17,
which nominated Green Clay Smith, of Kentucky, for President, and
there was an ^'American National" ticket, with James B. Walker, of
Wheaton, Hlinois, for President, and Donald Kirkpatrick, of Syra-
cuse, N. Y., for Vice-President.
The October elections this year were not sufficiently decisive to
make sure the hnal result and that remained in doubt up to the
very day of the November election, and in fact for some time after-
wards. The Democrats first claimed the election and the Republi
cans were inclined to concede it. But about l^ o'clock cm the morning
after ele<-ti<m a dispatch was sent out from Republican headquarters
in New York, signed Zachariah Chandler, Chairman, and saying:
'*Hayes has 185 votes and is elected.'' The fa<t is Zachariah Chand-
ler had given up the case, and, exhausted by the fatigues of the
campaign and the excitement of the day, had retired, and was fast
aslee]>. Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, and William E. Chandler, of
New Hampshire, were at headquarters, when disjmtches were
received indicating that South <'arolina, Florida and Louis-
iana had gone Republican, making uj) the nec'^ssary 185 votes.
When Zachariah Chandler arrived at headtjuarters the next morning
he ai)proved the dispatch, and at on<*e set out, with his customary
vigor to make it good, but it kept him on the alert for the next three
months.
Mr. Chandler afterwards said to the writer that this campaign
j)resented the greatest difficulties of any work that he ever undertook.
He could hardly make a move that was not soon known to his adroit
and wily foe. His dispatches were intercepted, and after he secured
the use of private wires from New York and Philadelphia to Wash-
ington his clerks were bribed. It was during the dispute over the
contested states that Harper's Weekly published a cartoon showing
the Ci. O. P. elephant more than half way over the brink of a preci-
pice, and <'hairnian Chandler, with feet braced against a rock, trying
to hold him back by the tail. When this was shown to Mr. Chandlei
he laughed heartily, and said: '^Wcll if that rock don't give way, nor
the tail pull out, Til land that animal yet/^ And he did, but was
sorry for it afterwards, for Presid<»nt Hayes' Administration was not
at all to his liking.
302 IlISTOKV OF TUK KEPI HLICAN PARTY.
Tbo Electoral vote as linally declared and counted by the Elec-
toral Comiuission, March 2, 1877, was:
Hayes and Wheeler 185
Tilden and Hendricks 184
The Poj)iilar vote for President was as follows:
Samuel J. Tilden, of New York 4,284,757
Kulherford B. Hayes, of Ohio 4,03:^,950
Peter Cooper, of New York 81,740
Green Clay Smith, of Kentu(!ky 9,522
Scattering ' 2,630
In the Senate of the Forty-fifth Congress there were 39 Republi-
cans, 3G r>emocrats and 1 Indejiendent ; in the House, 156 Democrats
and 137 Republicans.
In the Forty-sixth Congress the Democrats controlled both
Houses, having 43 S<'nators to 33 Republicans, and 150 Representa-
tives, to 128 Republicans and 14 Nationals.
Michigan stood well by its Republican colors, giving Hayes
166,534, and Tilden 141, (>35, a Republican plurality of 25,439. The
tlreenback ticket had 9,(M)0 votes and the Prohibition 766. Th<»
Presidential electors w(*re: At 1-arge — William A. Howard, Henry
W. Lord. By Districts — (1) William Doeltz; (2) Charles H. Kempf;
<3) Prestcm Mitchell; (4j Delos Phillips; (5) Jacob Den Herder; (6)
Charles Kipp; (7) Jeremiah J(»n<ks; (8) Benton Hanchett; (9| William
Dunham.
For (lovernor, Charles M. Croswell, Republican, had 165,926, to
142,492 for William I.. Webber, Democrat, and 8,297 for Levi Sparks.
Greenback.
Alidieus S. Williams, of the Detroit District, was the only l)<^mo-
crat elected to Congress, the Re|>ublicans chosen being Mark 8.
Brewer, Omar D. Conger, Charles C. Ellsworth, Jay A. Hubbell,
Edwin W. Keightly, Jonas H. McOowan, John W. Stone and Edwin
Willits.
I :. . 1 .
XXIV.
THE ELECTORAL COUNT.
A Severe Test of Kepiiblican Governnient — Both Hides Claim tlio
Election — Disputed Votes in the Southern States — Question as
to the Rights of the President of the Senate — Various Proposi
tions VV^ith Reference to the Count — An Electoral Commission
Decided Upon — Constitution of the Commission — Democratic
Disappointment as to Judge Davis — Several Votes of Eight to
Seven — Hayes Declared Elected — Disclosure of Att(»mpts to Buy
Electoral Votes.
In the space of twenty years the (fOvernm<*nt of the United States
was subjected to three very severe tests: The contest over the
Slavery question and the asserted right of Secession, which, com-
bined, actually brought war; the assassination of President Lincoln
and the succession to the Presidency of a nmn who was not in accord
with the views of the ]KH)ple that elected him, nor with the Congress
which fairly represented their ])urpose; and the contest over the
close and doubtful election of 1S70. Th(» last was a much severer
test than the second, and in any other Republic that has ever, either
temporarily or permanently, existed in the world, would have brought
on a revolution. The fact that it was peaceably scuttled by Congress
and the result acquiesced in by the country is the best tribute ever
paid to the fitness of the people of the Unitcnl States for self-govern-
ment.
After the Electoral Colleges had met in the several States there
was left room for serious disputes as to the returns from four States,
besides objections of lighter weight to single voters in several other
States. In Oregon, which gave the Rc^publican electors an uncpies-
tioned majority, one of the electors was postmaster at the time of
the election and therefore discpialitied, but the dis(|ualitication was
removed by his resigning both the [)ostmaster8hip and his })lace in the
Electoral C.^oUege. When tli<» latter met in December, he was chosen
to fill the vacancy in accordance with the law authorizing such action.
IMU HISTORY OF THE KEPLBUCAN PARTY.
The case in three Southern States ^ave better ground for serious
disputes than the Oregon case. The colored voters were, at that
time, Republicans, almost to a man, and as they far exceeded the
whites in numbers iu Louisiana and South Tarolina, there was no
question but that the votes of those States, honestly cast and counted,
would be for Hayes. In Florida, the whites and blacks were more
nearly equal in numbers, but there was a larger proportion of white
Republicans there than in any other of the Gulf States, and with an
honest count, there was as little doubt about this State as about the
two others mentioned. But almost immediately after election ugly
rumors were heard of a purpose to nullify the will of the people in
these states, by false count or trumped up certificates of election.
At the suggestion of the (Miairmau of the Republican National Com-
mittee, IM'esident Grant, three days after election, sent to Genera'
Sherman, a dispatch saying: '^Instruct (leneral Augur in Louisiana,
and G(»neral Ruger, in Florida, to be vigilant with the force at their
command to preserve peace and good order, and to see that the proper
and legal boards of canvassers are unmolested in the performance of
their duties. Should there be any grounds for suspicion of a fraudu
lent count on either side, it should be reported and denounced at once.
No man worthy of the office* of President should be willing to hold it
if counted in or placed there by fraud. Either party can afford to be
disappointed in the result. The country cannot afford to have the
result tainted by th(» suspicion of illegal or false returns.'- Soon
after this eminent men of both parties, afterwards called "the visiting
statesmen," were sent to the three States mentioned above, to w^atch
the count and see that it was honestly and fairly conducted.
All these ])i'ecautions, however, did not prevent the preparation
of two sets of Electoral n^turns from all three of the States. It is
doubtful if there had been an honest election in Louisiana since 1844,
when the **Pla(iuemine Frauds" were dei)ended upon to carry the
State for Polk against Clay. There was no concealment of the fact
that after the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, frauds were
committed at every election; first, to nullify the votes of the enfran-
chised blacks, and after that to free the State from "carpet-bag" rule.
As one of the Democratic pai>er8 blandly stated it: "Election
methods were resorted to, which under other conditions would have
been unnecessary, but which then became indispensable;" and again,
**much of what has been called Southern lawlessness, was, in reality,
THE ELECTOliAL COINT. 305
simply a deterniinod and eiiergetir effort to keep the law and the
law-making power in the hands of the intelligent and virtuous
elasses/' It was under these ^intelligent and virtuous elasses" that,
in 1868, a small majority for Grant was turned into a very
large majority for Seymour. At that time the Republicans did
not need the vote of tlie State and it was of no use to the Demo-
crats. The fraud was, therefore, permitted to go unrebuked. Now
a correct count was a matter of vital importance. Since 1872 the
State had been more or less under the rule of two contemporaneous
Executives, Governor Kellogg and Governor McEnery, while, a por-
tion of the time. New Orleans had been ruled by General Anarchy.
The State was pacitied by the "Wheeler Compromise'' in 1875, but,
after the election, had fallen into its normally chaotic condition.
There were two Governors, and two returning boards, two Electoral
Colleges, and two sets of Presidential Electors.
In Florida and South Carolina there were charges of fraud on
both sides, and the further claim was set up by the Democrats that
the presence of United States troops near the polls amounted to
intimidation, and prevented a free and fair election, and there were
two sets of returns from both these States.
Under these conditions it became a grave question as to exactly
what were the respective powers of th(» President of the Senate and
of the two Houses of Congress in counting the Electoral vote. Many
Republicans, and among them the Chairman and a majority of the
National Committee, held that the President of the Senate, by virtue
of his oftice, had the right to count the Electoral vote, and that he
was vested by the Constitution with discretionary power to decide
which were, and which were not, the Electoral votes of a State. They
urged the President of the Senate should exercise this right, and
were confident that i\w President and the army would support him
in it. This would have been i)lacing very arbitrary power in the
hands of one man. If attempted, it would certainly have been
resisted by the Democratic House, up to the point of revolution.
The Democratic claim was that both Houses of Congress must
acquiesce in counting the votes of any State, and on the objection of
either House, the vote of such Statt* must be rejected. In accord-
ance with this idea, the Thirty eighth Congress, when counting the
Electoral vote in 1805, adopted a joint rule that "no Electoral vote
objected to, shall be counted, (»xcept by the concurrent vote of the
two Houses.'* This rule had not since been renewed. In such a
;$0() IIISTOKY OF THE KEIM HLKWN PAKTV.
case as the* one now in question it might readily have led to disin-
tegration, for Willi a Democratic House to reject the returns from
one State, and a Republican Senate to reject those of another, the
process of elimination might have been carried on, until there was
little left of the Electoral vote.
Under these two claims the excitable men of both parties began
to talk about armed resistance, and one of the Democrats of this
class, Henry Watterson, of the Louisville Journal, vouched for one
hundred thousand Democrats, who would be ready to march to Wash-
ington, and install Mr. Tilden in office. The only perceptible result
of this threat was to bring out advice from Republican papers to the
valiant editor, to put ice on his head and cool oil*, and that was what,
figuratively speaking, Congress did for itself. It promptly dis-
carded the extreme claims of both parties, and set about the work of
tinding some impartial tribunal which could settle all disputed points.
A few^ days after the Electoral Colleges met. Representative McCrary.
of Iowa, introduced in the House a resolution, providing for a com-
mittee, to act with a similar committee from the Senate, to consider
the subject of fairly disposing of the disputed votes, and **to prepare
and report, without d(*lay, such a measure, either Legislative or Con-
stitutional, as may, in their judgment, be best calculated to accom
plish th(» desired end.'' The resolution was adopted with great
unanimity, the Senate concurn^d and the committee was appointed
as follows: Senate — George F. Edmunds, of Vermont; Frederick T.
Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey; John A. Logan, of Hlinois, and Oliver
P. Morton, of Indiana, Republicans, and Allen (i. Thurman, of Ohio;
Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware, and Matt \V. Ransom, of Xorth Car-
olina, Democrats. House — Henry R. Payne, of Ohio; Eppa Hunton,
of Virginia; Abram S. Hewitt, of New^ York, and William M. Springer,
of Hlinois, Democrats; Oeorge W. McCrary, of Iowa; George F. Hoar,
of Massachusetts, and (leorge Willard, of Michigan, Republicans.
For ability and calm judgment this committee would rank with the
best ever appointed in any Congress. January 18, 1877 the two
committees, acting as one, reported a bill "to provide for and regulate
the counting of votes for President and Vic(»-President, and the
decision of (juestions arising thereon, for the term commencing
March 4, 1877." The report was signed by every member of the two
committees except Senator Morton.
Although the bill was finally reported with such unanimity, the
conclusion was not reached without developing a great variety of
THE ELECTORAL ( OrXT. 807
views and proi^ositions. Tho committees of the House and Senate
at first aeted separately. Both started with the idea that a separate
tribunal must be established, as there was little prospect of the two
Houses a^reein^ ui)on the disputed votes. In the House committee
Mr. McCrary, who had moved the appointment of the committee, was
the first to present the draft of a bill, ])roposin^ that the tribunal
should consist of the Chief Justice of the United States, and a certain
number of the Justices of the Supreme Court in the order of their
seniority. The Democrats objected to this on the ground that Chief
Justice Waite could not be considered an impartial Judge in the
case, inasmuch as, during the campaign, he had spoken of Mr. Tilden
in an extremely partisan way and in terms of personal hostility. The
tribunal, as finally agreed upon by the House committee, omitted the
Chief Justice and named the five senior Justices, Clifford, Swayne.
Davis, Miller and Field. Mr. McCrary's bill proposed that the decision
of the tribunal should be binding unless both Houses voted to over-
rule it. The Democratic majority on the committee changed this so
as to provide that it should not be binding unless both Houses voted
to concur. The bill further provided that the certificates objected to,
together with the objections and all ])apers and evidence in the pos-
session of the President of the Senate, or of either of the Houses of
Congress relating to the subject, should be referred to the tribunal.
The Senate committer* started with the idea of a mixed tribunal,
which should contain members chosen from the tw^o Houses of
Congress, as well as from the Supreme Court. The first proposition
was that it should consist of thirteen members, of whom nine should
be from Congress and four from the Supreme Court. In order to
give an equal chance to both }»arties, five members were to be chosen
from each House, making ten in all. It was expected that the
Senate would appoint five Republicans and the House five Democrats.
Of these, one was to be dropped by lot, thus leaving it to the Lord or
to chance to deride upon the political complexion of this part of the
tribunal. Then the Democrats insisted that if they were to cast lots
on the Congressional members th^y should also do it on the Supreme
Court members. Accordingly an agreement was reached that the
six senior Justices should be taken, and one of them be eliminated by
lot. This was agreed upon by all the members of both committees,
except by Mr. Springer, and the committees, after deciding that the
proposed organization should be called a Commission, instead of a
Tribunal, adjourned from Saturday till Monday, in the hope that Mr.
Springer would fall into line.
308 HISTORY OF THE KKPUBLIOAN PARTY.
The sessions of the committees were secret, in the same sense
that Executive sessions of the Ignited States Senate are secret. Of
course some memb(»r leaked, and one of the New York Sunday papers
published the whole plan. It met with serious objection from some
])emoerats, who didn't like the make-up of the Commission, and with
ridicule from others who did not like the idea of settling a grave
National (piestion on the **dice-box principle." When the commit-
tees met jointly on the Monday morning following, Mr. Payne
announct^d that the premature publication of the plan had developed
such strong opposition as to indicate that it could not pass the House.
The coniJuittee from that body soon afterwards withdrew^ its assent
to the plan, and a new start had to be made. Within the next few-
days many variations of the general plan were proposed and rejected.
Finally it was agreed, by all the members of both committees, that
five members of the Commission should be appointed by the Senate
and tive by Ihe House; that the Associate Justices from the First,
Third, Eighth and Ninth Judicial Circuits should be taken, and that
they should name a tifth, nuiking tifteen members in all. The
Justices thus indicated by Districts, instead of by name were equally
divided politically, and well distributed geographically. Justice Clif-
ford representing New England, Justice Strong the Middle States,
Justice Miller the Northwest, and Justice Field the Pacific slope.
Senators Edmunds and Thui-man were appointed to prepare an
address, setting forth the merits of the bill, and after amending and
approving this, the committees concluded their proceedings.
Of the reception of this important measure in the two Houses,
Congressnuin S. S. Cox gave* the following succinct account in his
"Three Decades of Federal Legislation:"
Its chief opponents in the Senate were Mr. Morton and Mr. Sher-
man, and in the House Mr. (iarfield, of Ohio, and Mr. Mills, of Texas.
Almost the tirst response to the submission of the bill came from
Massachusetts, where a prolonged struggle over Senator BoutwelTs
seat was suddenly ended in the triumph of Mr. Hoar. Speeches of
rare eloiiuence and ])ower were made for the bill in both Senate and
House. Mr. Conkling spoke for two days. Among other things he
riddled to shreds the ])retension that the Vice President had the right
to *VounC' the electoral votes. Senator Hill, of Oeorgia, made a
speech of unusual cogency. H breathed throughout the true patriotic
spirit. He favored the expedient with all his acumen and eloquence.
His enthusiasm kindled a lambent tlame charged with electric force.
As he reachcHl his peroration he was handed a telegram, announcing
that the protracted contest for Senator in his State had just ended
THE ELECTORAL COl NT. 300
in the senatorial toj^a being again placed on his shoulders. The
popular tide was now all one way. It was irresistible. What would
be the consummation? The Democrats felt secure in the justice of
their cause. No matter to them who might be the fifth Judge, whose
choice was to determine the party bias of the Commission. No one
doubted, however, that the choice of the fifth Judge would fall upon
Mr. Justice Davis. He was the only one left on the bench on w^hom
the two Democrars and the two Republican Judges could possibly
unite. He was, to be sure, an unknown element, but, notwithstanding
this, the Democrats had more confidence in his im[)artiality than the
Republicans seemed to have.
The bill passed the Senate, January 24, by vote of 47 ayes to 17
nays, and the House, January 26, by 101 to Hf>. There was an under-
standing that the Senate should appoint three Republicans and two
Democrats, and that the House should name three Democrats and
two Republicans, the vote being taken viva voce. The members of
the Commission named were as follows:
Senate — tieorge F. Edmunds, of Vermont; Oliver P. Morton, of
Indiana, and Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New^ Jersey, Repub-
licans; Thomas F. Rayard, of Delaware, and Allen G. Thurman, of
Ohio, Democrats.
House — Henry R. Payne, of Ohio, Eppa Hunton, of Virginia, and
Josiah G. Abbott, of Massachusetts, Democrats; James A. Garfield
and George F. Hoar, Republicans.
Supreme Court Justices — Nathan ClifiPord, of Maine; William
Strong, of Pennsylvania; Samuel F. Miller, of Iowa; and Stephen J.
Field, of California.
The Democrats in the House ])robably would never have voted
for this bill, if it had not been for the expectation that Justice David
Davis would be the fiftli member from the Supreme Court. It w-as
said at the time that Abram S. Hewitt, who was the closest to Mr.
Tilden of all the nu^mbers of (^ongress, had assured that gentleman
that Justice Davis would be selected, and that it was on this Jissur-
ance that Mr. Tilden's assent to the Commission bill was obtained.
Certainly it was this belief that led tlie Democrats to vote almost
unanimously in favor of the bill, and that led many Republicans to
oppose it. Justice T\avis was a man of uncertain politics. He was
a supporter of President Lincoln and was appointed by him to the
Supreme Rench. But he began, as early as 1870, to be classed as an
Independent, went into the Liberal Re]mblican moAement in 1872,
and was a prominent candidale for the Presidential nomination in the
:nO HISTORY OF THE KEPUHLKWN PAKTY.
(Mneinnati (Convention of that year. He was variously classed as a
liberal Republican with strong Democratic leanings, or as a Con
servative Democrat with Republican leaninj^s. The chances are that
if he had been on the Commission he would have voted both ways —
that is, with the Republicans on some points, and with the Democrats
at least enough to give them the one vote which they coveted.
Much to the disappointment of the Democrats, political events
in Illinois put him out of the question as a member of the Commis-
sion, (lenerai Logans term in the Senate was nearly at an end, and
the Legislature that was to elect his successor was very close. Cnder
the same influences that had defeated the Radical Senators, Carpenter
and Chandler, two years earlier, a few nmlcontent Republicans united
with the Democrats and elected Justice Davis to the Senate over Gen.
Logan. This occurred the day after tlie Senate had accepttnl the
Electoral Commission bill and the day before the House had taken
the same action. Although he could not take his seat in the Senate
until after the Electoral matter was decided, there was a manifest
improi)^'iety in his sitting on the Commission and the four Justices
who had already been appointed, S(»lected Justice Joseph P. Bradley,
of New Jersey, as the fifth.
While this was going on in Congress, information reached the
Republican National Committee of bold attempts at bribing Repub-
lican electors in Oregon, South Carolina and Florida. The matter
was called to the attention of Congress and a joint committee of
investigation was appointed. The negotiations for the. purchase of
electors had been carried on by cipher dispatches, of which the com-
mittee obtained i)ossession. These were afterwards deciphered and
the whole plot laid bare.
The discovery of the key to the cipher dispatches, which
unraveled the plot to buy an electoral vote in Oregon, was made in
Detroit. Alfred H. Hinman and Alfred W. Shaw were together in
the oil business in Detroit, and Mr. Hinman was also engaged in
mining operations in the west which brought him in association with
J. N. Jl. Patrick, of Omaha. The latter was Mr. Tilden's agent in
Portland, Oregon, during the dispute there ovit the Electoral College
membership. Oregon elected the Republican ticket, but one of the
electors chosen, J. \V. Watts, was postmaster of his town at the time
he was elected, although he resigned two mouths before the electors
met. The Democrats claimed that he was ineligible for the office
of elector, because* he held a Fed(»ral office at the time of his election,
ai2 HISTORY OF THE REIUTHLICAN PARTY.
The ^'(labblo" dispatch, which was sent by the Governor of the State,
being thus treated, g:ave the following translation:
I shall decide every point in the case of postoffice elector in
favor of the highest Democrat elector, and grant the certificate accord
ingly on morning of the (Jth instant. Confidential.
Soon after the printing of this in the Post Mr. Hinman was
subpoenaed before the Congressional committee with his dictionary,
and Mr. Shaw and the Managing Editor of the Post were subpoenaed
with him. A mass of cipher dispatches was laid before them, and
they all yielded to the same method of translation, disclosing the
whole plot. Tlie following is one of the most important of them:
PORTLAND, Oregon, November IM).
To W. T. Pelton,
15 (iramercy Park, New York:
Governor all right without reward. Will issue certificate
Tuesday. This is a secret. Republicans threaten, if certificate
issue, to ignore Democrat claim and fill vacancy, thus defeat action
of Governor. One Elector must be paid to recognize Democrat, to
secure majority. Have employed three, editor only Republican
paper, as lawyer. Fee three thousand. Will take five thousand for
Republican elector. Must raise money; can't make fee contingent.
Sail Saturday. Kelly and Bellinger will act. Communicate them.
Must act prompt.
Th(»re was no signature to this. The Kelly referred to w-aij
Ignited States S(»nator James K. K(»lly, of Oregon, to whom a number
of the disi)atches were sent. The reference to a contingent fee w^as
in answer to a dispatch, from New York, addressed to J. N. H. Patrick
of Portland: *'How soon will Governor decide certificate? If you
make obligation contingent on result in March, it can be done and
iucreasable if necessary.'' One of the dispatches, dated December
0, and addressed to Senator Kelly, read: **The eight deposited as
directed this morning. Let no technicality prevent winning; use
your discretion." Another of the same date, addressed also to
Kelly, said: '^Is your matter certain? There must be no mistake.
All depends on you. Place no n^liance on any report from three
southward.'*
In the end the scheme fell through. The two Republican Elec-
tors, whose eligibility was unipiestioned, met, and Mr. Watts with
them. The latter n^signed his oftice on account of (piestions raised
as to his eligibility. Rut if he was, at the* time of the election, ineligi-
THE ELECTORAL COrXT. aia
ble, he was so no longer, and he was elected to fill the vacancy
occasioned by his own resignation.
Meantime ("ronin came in and claimed that he had a certificate of
election from the Governor, but refused to show it. Being refused
recognition by the board, he went off into a corner of the room,
declared that there was a vacancy in the board, because one of th(»
Republican Electors refused to sit with him, and by his own viva
voce vote filled the vacancy. He then declared that there was
another vacancy on the board, because the second Republican Elector
refused to sit with him. That was also filled, the board organized,
filled out a certificate of two votes for Hayes and one for Tilden. Bur
this farcical trumped up return receiver! little attention from the
Electoral Commission.
After the disclosures were made of the attempted bribery of
electors, it was said that Mr. Tilden knew nothing about the villainy.
Jt was all the work of his wicked partners. But the Oregon dis-
patches were brought very close home to hini- Most of them were
addressed to his nephew, W. T. Pelton, who was a member of Tilden's
household, and the *'Oabble" dispatch was addressed to Tilden him-
self.
The cipher used in the Florida dispatches was much more intri-
cate, but it was finally unraveled by members of the New York
Tribune staff. Manton Marble and C. \V. WooUey were at the Florida
end of the line, and William T. Pelton represented Tilden in the
matter. As early as November 22 Marble, over the signature of
'*Moses,'' telegraphed to Pelton: *'AVoolley asked me to say, let forces
'be got together immediately for contingencies, either here or in
Louisiana.'' This was followed a few days later by another dispatch,
saying: ^'Have just received a proposition to hand over, at any time*
required, Tilden decision of Board and decision of Governor for
1200,000." Pelton telegraphed back: "Proposition too high." Marble
and Woolley then renewed the dicker, and gave Pelton to understand
that they could buy one Elector for 15(^000. Pelton then informed
them that they could not draw until the vote of the Elector was
received. But if there really was a purchasejible Elector he wanted
pay in advance, and this failing, the negotiation fell through. It was
a case of mutual distrust. Pelton was not willing to trust the Elec-
tor to *H'ote righC' after he had received the money, and the Elector
was not willing to trust Pelton for the pay after he had cast his vote.
The whole matter wound up with the following dispatch from Marble
:n4 HIOTORY OF THE REPrHLlCAN PARTY.
to Polton: •'Proposition failed. Finished responsibility as Moses,
hast ni}j:ht Wool ley found me, and said he had nothing, which 1 knew
already. Tell Tilden to saddle Hlackstonel" So while Pelton was
haggling over price and terms, the vote that was so badl}' needed got
away from him.
Smith M. Weed represented Tilden in South (^arolina, and on
November 16, 1S7(>, telegrai)hed l*elton that the Canvassing Board
demanded |75,0(K) for giving Tilden two or three Electors, and f 1(^000
more would be nef^ded for th(» 'Mnterceder." Later he telegraphed:
^'Majority of Hoard have been secured. Cost is |80,00(); one par<n*l
to be sent of |()5,(MI0, one of ♦10,000, one of 15,000; all to be sent in
|500 and $1,000 bills; notes to be deposited as parties accept, and
given up ujmn votes of South Carolina being given to Tilden's friends.
Do this at once, and have cash ready to reach Baltimore Sunday
night.'' Before the money could reach South Carolina, however, the
Board had met and certified the election of the Republican candidates.
Failing in this scheme, an attempt was made to bribe one of the
Republican Electors, William B. Nash, of Columbia, who was offered
170,000 to vote for Tilden, as he testified before the (.'ougressional
Investigating Committee. This being refused the Tilden managers
got up a second set of Electors, and took their chances on these before
th(» Commission.
Jt was not expected that these disclosures would affect the a<*tion
of the Electoral Commission, which was supposed to be guided solely
by the law in the case, l)ut they did make the peoi)le more ready to
accej)! the conclusion that was finally reached. It was certainly a
poor beginning for the promised ''reform" Administration, to attempt
the corrui)tion of ofllicers charged with a high public duty, in trying to
bribe itself into oflice.
During all the ])reliminary discussions jiertaining to the count of
lh(» Electoral votes, the President of the Senate, Thonms W. Ferry, of
Michigan, acted with admirable discretion. He never, by a single
utterance, gave (expression to any opinion as to wliether he was
authorized to count the votes or not. All the certificates that were
sent to him were nuirked with the exact day and hour when received,
and were* deposit(Hl unopened in a safe place, to be ju'oduced only
when the two Houses met in joint convention to hear them read.
Throughout the long sessions that followed, Mr. Ferry, upon whom,
after \\w death of Henry Wilson, November 22, 1875, the duties of the
\'ice-Pr(»sid(»nt had devolvcnl, ])resid(»d with a coolness, impartiality
THE ELECTORAL rOUNT. ^^15
and readiness in deciding prints in Parliamentary law, that brought
many expressions of praise from leading men of both parties.
The Electoral Commission organized January lU, 1877, and the
next day, the two Houses of Congress met in the Representatives'
Chamber to count the Electoral vote. The galleries of the House
were packed and even the corridors outside were crowded. Mr.
Ferry, who was commonly designated as *^Vcting Vice-President,"
took the chair, with Speaker Samuel J. Randall at his side. Mr.
Ferry opened the certificates in their alphabetical order and handed
them to the tellers to be announced and recorded. The votes of Ala-
bama, Arkansas, Connecticut and Delaware were set down for Tilden
and those of California and Colorado for Hayes, without dispute.
When the vote of Florida was reached the Chair announced two sets
of returns, which, under the new law, were referred to the Electoral
Commission. The joint convention then took a recess to await the
action of the Commission.
That body met in the Supreme Court room, occupying the bench
of the Justices of the Court. The five Justices formed the center,
with the Senate members at the right and the House members at the
left, the Senior Justice, Cliiford, presiding. Distinguished counsel
appeared for both sides, the Republicans being represented by William
M. Evarts, Stanley Mathews, E. W. Stoughton and Samuel Shella-
barger, and the Democrats by Jeremiah S. Rlack, Charles OH'onnor.
John A. Campbell, Lyman Trumbull, Montgomery Blair, Asbell
(ireen, George Hoadley, Richard T. Merrick, William C. Whitney and
Alexander P. Morse.
The claims of Democratic counsel in the Florida case were
that the Hayes Electors were not duly chosen; that the
certificate of the Governor of their election was the result
of a conspiracy; that its validity, if it had any originally,
had been annulled by a subsequent certificate, issued by the
Governor; that the Tilden Electors were chosen; that a court decision
had affirmed the choice of the Tilden Electors; and that one of the
Republican Electors was dis(]ualified because he was a Shipping Com-
missioner under appointment of the Government of the United States
at the time of his election. The Republican objection to the Tilden
votes was that the returns were not duly authenticated by any person
holding, at the time, an office under the State of Florida.
This was, in some respects, a test case, and the discussion of it
lasted until Februarv 7. Each of the fifteen Commissioners read his
316 HISTORY OF THE REPrBLTCAN PARTY.
opiuioii in secret session, but it was known that the first fourteen
members appointed divided on political lines, the seven Republicans
voting to receiv(^ the Ha.ves Electoral votes, and the seven Democrats
holding the Tilden certificates valid. This brought it up to Justice
ih'adley, who conciirred with the seven Republicans in holding that it
was not competent for the Commission to go into evidence aliunde
(otherwise than) the papers opened by the Senate, to prove that other
persons than those regularly certified by the (lovernor were elected.
With reference* to the case of the P^lector alleged to be disqualified, it
was decided that the evidence did not show that he held an ot!ice on
the day of his appointment. Ry vote of eight to seven, therefore, the
Commission decided that the four votes of Florida should be counted
for Hayes and Wheeler.
On the announcement of this result the Democrats were filled
with mortification and rage. They denounced the whole Commission
scheme as a tra]), a trick to defraud Mr. Tilden of an office to which
he had been fairly elected, and to make Mr. Hayes a fraudulent Presi-
dent, ignoring the fact that the Bill creating the Commission received
an almost solid Democratic vote, with many Republican votes against it.
p]ven Justice Field forgot the pro])rieries of his Judicial position, and
of his membership cm the Commission and joined in the denunciations
of the tribunal of which he was a member. '*The country," he said,
'*may submit to the result, but it will never cease to regard our action
as unjust, and as calculated to sap the foundations of public mor-
ality." Justice Bradley came in for the largest share of abuse, being
assailed with the most virulent denunciation, and finally having fired
at him several linear feet of vituperative verse addressed to him as
*^Vliunde Joe.'' The two Houses met again in joint convention Feb-
ruary 10, and heard the decision, when formal objection being made,
they separated to consider it. The Senate, by a strict party vote,
accei)ted the decision of the Commission. The House, every Demo-
crat except one, voting against it, rejected the Commission's conclu-
sion. Cnder the j»rovisions of the Bill creating the Commission it
required the concurr(»nt vote of both Houses to nullify the decision of
the Commission, and the vote of Florida was, therefore, counted for
Hayes.
There was no dispute about the votes of Georgia, Illinois, Indiana,
Iowa, Kansas or Kentucky, but when Louisiana was reached two cer-
tificate's w(*re r(»ported, and the case went to the C-ommission. In
this the Republicans based their claim on the simple statement that
THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 317
the Government, with William Pitt Kellogg as its Executive head,
had been recognized by every department of the United States Gov-
ernment, and that the certificates of the Hayes Electors were certified
by Governor Kellogg in due form. The Democrats asserted that
John McEnery was the lawful Governor of the State; that the certifi-
cates of the Hayes Electors were false; and that the canvass of votes
by the Returning Board was without jurisdiction and void. They
also objected to two of the Electors as disqualified under the Consti-
tution, and to a third, Governor Kellogg, himself, because he had
certified to his own election. They also offered to introduce testi-
mony to prove that ten thousand votes cast for Tilden had been
thrown out by the R^rturning Board in order to count in Hayes; that
the Returning Board was not a constitutional body; that it had no
jurisdiction, and, therefore, its acts were void. All of the Democratic
contentions were overruled by a vote of eight to seven, and the vote
of the State was given to Hayes, taking the same course in the two
Houses, as that previously taken by the Florida vote.
In the case of Oregon the Commission voted unanimously against
counting the made up Tilden vote, but again divided eight to seven
on the question of counting the entire vote for Hayes.
In the case of South Carolina the Democrats claimed that no
legal election had been held, and that the Army and Deputy United
States Marshals stationed at and near the ])olls prevented the free
exercise of the right of suffrage. The Republi<an claim was that
the Tilden board was not duly appointed, and that the (certificates
were defective in form and lacking the necessary certification. The
Commission heard arguments for a day, and then voted unanimously
to reject the Tilden vote, and, by the customary eight to seven,
accepted the vote for Ha^es.
Objection was made to one of the Electors of Michigan and one
from Nevada, on the ground that they held Federal offices at the time
of election; and to one of the Pennsylvania Electors, on the ground
that he was a Centennial Commissioner. In the latter case the
other Electors considered the place vacant, and chose another Elec-
tor to fill the vacancy. A similar case came up from Rhod(»
Island and another from Vermont, but all of these wer(»
decided in favor of the Hayes vote. In Wisconsin one of
the Electors was a pension surgeon. The Senate voted that h(»
was eligible. The House was still debating the (|uestion, when the*
hour arrived, on March 2d, that had been fixed upon for the conclusion
ai8 IIISTOUY OF THE REPrHLKWN PARTY.
of the count and tbt» Senate was announi^ni at the door of the
Chamber. Tlie fact that the House had not finished eonsideration of
the Wisconsin matter did not vitiate the vote of that State, the count
was concluded, and the result announc(»d as 185 votes for Hayes and
Whi^ler and 184 for Tilden and Hendricks. \U' states the result was
as follows:
State. Hayes. Tilden.
Alabama . . 10
Arkansas <»
( 'alifornia H
( 'olorado .*>
Tonnecticut <i
Delaware -^
Florida 4
(leorftia . . 11
Illinois 21
Indiana . . 15
Iowa 11
Kansas 5
Kentucky 12
Louisiana 8
Maine 7
Maryland 8
Massachusetts l.'i
Michipm 11
Minnesota 5
Mississippi 8
Missouri . . 15
Nebraska .*i
Nevada :\
New Hampshire 5
New J(»rsey . . 9
New York . . l\o
North Carolina 10
Ohio 1>1>
Oregon :\
Pennsylvania 29
Rhode Island . . . .• 4
South Carolina 7
Tennessee 12
Texas 8
Vermont 5
^Mrpnia 11
^Vest Vir«i:inia . . 5
Wisconsin 10
Total 185 184
THE ELECTOKAL rOlNT. 811)
The result of the election in Colorado added another to the numer-
ous pan^s that pierced the Denioeratic breast. That community
was oflfered Statehood several years befon* this, but preferred to
retain the territorial form of (lovernment for awhile lonji:er. In 1876
it applied for admission as a State, and as it was supposed to be
safely Democratic, the House of that Conj^ress larjrely voted for its
admission, and it came in as **The (Vntennial State/* Its State elec-
tion, followinj^ the adoption of its Constitution, was reported at first
to have resulted in a Democratic victory, but full returns sho^wed the
choice, by a small majority, of the Uepublican State officers. In
November it gave Hayes 838 majority. If it had given the expected
Democratic majority Tilden would have been elected, without worry-
ing himself over Oregon or the half reconstructed Southern States.
It was the fashion, for a time, among Democratic newspapers and
stump speakers, to refer to the outcome of the Electoral Commission
plan as a fraud, and to speak of Hayes as a fraudulent President.
The New York Sun kept this up as long as Mr. Dana lived. The men
who made themselves hoarse by shouting about **The Fraud of '7(5"
have nearly all passiHl away or learned to hold their peace. But
numy of those who grow red in the face, and threaten themselves with
apoplexy, while disclaiming against **The Crime of '71V- are still at
large upon the earth.
XXV.
ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES.
A Strong Cabinet Selected — Four Important Politiial and Financial
Events — Abandonment of Southern Republi^-ans — Ku-Ivlux and
Tissue Ballot Outrages In the South — The Bland-Allison Silver
Coinage Measure — Changes in the New York Custom House — A
Famous Civil Service Order — A Circular Against Political Assess-
ments— The (ireenback Craze of 1S78 — The Resumption of Specie
' Payments — Regulating the Electoral Count — Restricting Chinese
Immigration — Pensioning Jeft* Davis — Senator Chandler's Elo-
quent Protest.
In the selection of his Cabinet the new President showed, for the
most part, excellent judgment, securing for the most Important places
men of recognize d ability and of unquestioned Republicanism. It was
composed as follows:
Secretary of State — \Villiam M. Evarts, of New York.
Secretary of the Treasury — John Sherman, of Ohio.
Secretary of War — George W. McCrary, of Iowa.
Se<'retary of the Navy — Ri<hard W. Thompson, of Indiana.
Secretary of the Interior — Carl Schurz, of Missouri.
Postmaster General — David M. Key, a Democrat, of Tennessee
Attorney General — Charles Devens, of Massachusetts.
The only one of these appointments that met with severe criticism
was that of Ex-Senator Schurz, and that was not a fortunate appoint
ment either from a political or business point of view. Mr. Schurz,
•'Greeleyized'' in 1872, was bitter in his hostility to Grant, and was
generally unacceplablj^ to the so-called Stalwart wing of the Republi-
can party, though in that respecrt the President himself, was soon in
the same position. Mr. Schurz had never shown an}^ capacity for
business affairs, yet he was assigned to a department, which was
almost wholly business, and not political, in its character. There
was, however, one bond of sympathy between him and the President.
ADMINISTRATION OF PKESIDENT HAYES. 821
He wa8 a professional rivil service reformer, and the President was
aetive in extending livil service rules as far as possible. In Decem-
ber, 1879, Secretary McCrary resigned to become United States Judge
for the Eighth Judicial circuit, and Alexander Ramsey, of Minnesota,
was appointed in his place. In 1880 Postmaster General Key resigned,
and was succeeded by Plorace Maynard, of Tennessee.
The Hayes Administration has been sometimes spoken of as a
colorless one, and it was lacking in the excitements that had attended
some i)reviou8 i>eriods, but it was mark(»d by four very important
events, political and financial. These were the abandonment of all
attempts, by Federal interference, to secure to the colored voters in
the South, their political rights; the rapid and unexpected growth of
the Greenback party; the resumption of specie payments; and the
recommencement of tlie coinage of the standard silver dollar.
Although the Seceded States ratified the Thirteenth, Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, the leaders among
them never intended to live up to the spirit of the last two. The
method employed by the Democrats to evade or nullify them were
numerous, ingenious and some of them barbarous. Georgia was, at
first, the most open and defiant in its nullifying measures, but in the
end, the Mississippi blacks suffered the most from personal cruelties
and outrages. As early as 18G9, Georgia, even before its Senators
and Representatives had been admitted to (^ongress, decided, through
its L<*gi8lature, that colored men w<»re not entitled to serve as Legis-
lators, nor to hold office in the State. Accordingly the blacks were
expelled from the Legislature while whites, who were ineligible under
the Fourteenth Amendment, were allowed to remain. The same Leg-
islature refused to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment. Congress then
passed an Act declaring the Legislature illegally constituted, and
required the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, as a prere-
quisite to the admission of Senators and Reju'esentatives to Congress.
The Legislature, as constituted before the expulsions was, therefore,
reconven(»d, and the Amendment was ratified.
This was the last act of open defiance of Congress by any Seceded
State. Rut Southern ingenuity was soon at work devising means to
accomplish, by indirection, what it did not venture farther to attempt
by open defiance. The Ku-Klux Klan was the first of these inventions
It was a secret organization, whose members went through the
country, chiefly at night, on hors(»back, disguised and armed, intimi
dating, beating, maiming and murdering blacks and white Republi-
322 IIISTOIIY OF THE KErUBLlCAN TAKTY.
cans. It spread throiij4:li all the (lulf States except Florida, and its
outrages extended also through North and South Carolina, Tennessee
and Arkansas. Its operations were especially active just before
election, and their intimidating etTects were so complete that in some
of the states many thousands of colored and white Republicans did
not venture to go to the polls. The story of these outrages, as told
in the evidence taken before Congressional Investigating Committees,
furnishes a chapter of horrid barbarities better suited to a Moslem
community in the Middle Ages than to a Christian country in the
Nineteenth Century.
The tissue ballot was a South Carolina invention for the more
peaceable nullification of the Republican vote. A Democratic ballot,
printed on the paper commonly used, was first taken, and folded
within this there might be half a dozen or a dozen smaller ballots,
printed on tissue paper. The Republican ballots were all of the
larger size, and printed on the coarser paper. If the number of
ballots in a box exceeded the number of names checked on the poll
list, the law required that a sufficient number of ballots should be
drawn from the box, to equalize the number remaining with the
number of names on th(» list. This was done by one of the insjiec-
tors, blindfolded. But a person did not need the use of his eyes to
distinguish between the Democratic tissue ballots and the Republican
ballots on heavier paper. The latter were invariably the ones thrown
out, and th(» former were left in and counted.
Besides these methods of keeping out and throwing out Republi-
can votes, false counting was resorted to in most of the Southern
States, until the phrase, **a free vote and a fair counC' became a
mockery.
Congressional investigations had disclosed these various methods
of defeating the ])opular will, and in consequence of these disclosures
President (irant had recognized and sustained Republican State Gov-
ernments which the Democrats had sought to overthrow. It was on
this account alone that it became possible for Louisiana and South
Carolina to cast their Electoral votes for Hayes, or, in fact, to make a
showing at all for the Republican tickets. This policy was aban-
doned by President Hayes, much to the disapi)ointment of Republi-
cans in Congress and throughout the country. The same votes that
chose Hayes electors in Louisiana fairly elected Steplien B. Packard
Oovernor; and the samt* votes that gave him a majority in South Caro-
lina, also gave Daniel H. Chamberlain a nmjority for Governor of that
ADMINISTRATION OF rRESlJ)EXT HAYES. :VS4
State. His failure to reioj^iiize and sustain these two Kepubliean
Oovernors in their position and his withdrawal of troops from the
South were repirded as a piece of ingratitude, as well as a failure to
support the principles of Republican Government. He abandoned
Chamberlain and Packard to their fate, and Democratic Oovernments,
based on intimidation and fraud, were set up in those States. Very
strong evidence was afterwards produced to show that the withdrawal
of the troops was th(» pric(* paid by Mr. Hayes, through the promises
of his friends, for being allowed to take the Presidential oflBce undis-
turbed.
From that time on, except in Tennessee, Virginia, North Carolina
and Florida, the Republican vote was practically suppressed in all the
Seceded Staters, and for twenty years thereafter not a single Republi
can Elector was chosen in all Secessia.
In reference to this, however, it should be said that Grant, in his
(»flForts to secure fair elections in the South had, up to 1875, been sup-
ported by Congresses with large Republican majorities, and even at
that he had been obliged to abandon Governor Ames, of Mississippi.
Hayes, on the other hand, was confronted with a Democratic House,
which would have hindered him in any positive or aggressive jmlicy in
reference to the Southern States, even if it had been in his nature to
adopt such a policy. Probably, under any policy in Washington, the
South must eventually have been left to work out its own salvation.
Vnder whatever method that was tried, it proved slow of reconstruc-
tion. Its complete restoration was not accomplished until the birth
of a new industrial spirit, the develoi)ment of its material resources,
and the investment of Northern cai)ital in the South brought the two
sections into closer business relations. Good feeling was not wholly
restored, until the comradeship of soldiers in the Spanish war had
cemented it. Rut from the beginning of the Hayes Administration
**The Southern Question,'* as a distinct political issue may be said to
have ceased to exist.
The depressed business condition of the country, and a scant cir-
culating nu^dium, had by this time led to a great clamor for a restora-
tion of the coinage of the standard silver dollar, and what was called
the Bland-Allison Rill was the result. It was introduced at a special
session of Congress, November 5, 1877, by Richard P. Bland, of Mis-
souri. The bill directed that the coinage of silver dollars of the
weight of 412VL» gi'ains of standard silver should be n»sumed, the
coins to be a 'Megal tender, at their nominal value, for all dues, public
^24 HISTOUV OF THE KEITHLICAN PAKTY.
and private, ex(t*i)t where otlierwise provided by eontrait." It also
stipulated that any owner of silver bullion might deposit the same at
the mints, to be coined into such dollars for his benefit, upon the saime
terms as gold bullion. This was immediately passed by the House,
under suspension of the rules, by a vote of 1G4 to :i4. Of the yeas
07 were Republican and 1)7 Democrats, and of the nays 24 were
Hepublicans and 10 were Democrats. In the Senate Mr. Allison,
from the Committee on Finance, reported the bill, but with essential
alterations in its character. It provided that not less than 12,000,000
nor more than $4,000,000 worth of silver bullion should be purchased
each month and coined into dollars of the weight i)rescribed, the
profit of the coinage to go into the Treasury. The free coinage of
silver for the benefit of owners of silver bullion was eliminated from
the bill.
In its amended form the Bill passed the Senate by a vote of 48 to
21, and (he House concurred in the Senate amendment. It was vetoed
by President Hay<'s, but jiassed over the veto in the House by a vote
of lot; to 7.S, and in the Senate by a vote of 4t» to 10. The House
affirnmtive vot<» was 1 10 Democrats and 77 Rei)ublicans, and the nega-
tive vote was 22 Democrats and 51 Republicans. The Senate
affirmative vote was 25 Democrats, 20 Republicans and 1 Independent,
and th(» n(»gative vote was 0 Democrats and 10 Republicans. As
Secretary Sherman, in whose* Department the operation of the Act
came, was not, at that time, in favor of very extensive coinage of the
silver dollar, he kept the purchase of bullion down nearly to the mini-
mum limit. At the time the coinage of the silver dollar was dropjKMl
in 1S7:^ the white metal was valued at 1.004 as compared with gold.
Jn 1S77, when the Hland-Allison Bill passed, its average value was
.0205, and just before the passage of the Sherman Act in 1800, it Imd
fallen to .72;{2. Mr. Allison's elimination of the free coinage feature
turned into the Treasury a large jirofit, that under the original Bland
Bill would have gone into the pockets of the mine owners.
The Coinage Act, as finally passed, also provided that the Presi-
dent should invite the governments of the countries composing the
Latin Tnion, so-called, and of such other European nations as he
might deiMU it advisable, to join the United States in a conference to
adopt a common ratio between gold and silver, for the puriK)se of
establishing, internationally, the use of bi-metallic money, and secur-
ing fixity of relative value between these m(»tals. Such a conference
was afterwards h(*ld, but the views of the different countries sharing
in it were so far apart that nothing came of it.
ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES. 325
Whether from an iiiiinixed desire for eivil service reform, or
whether it was because lie wished to weaken the power of Senator
Conkling in New York politics, President Hayes, early in his term,
made a bold move in respect to the most important Government oflBces
in New York (Mty. It would have been but human had the second
motive exerted some infiuence on his purpose, for Conkling had
already begun to treat the President with that lofty scorn and fine
sarcasm in the use of which h(» was an adept. Many complaints were
made of the administration of affairs in the New York Custom House,
where two-thirds of the import duties of the whole country were col-
lected, and a commission was appointed in April, 1877, to make an
examination. Its first re]iort dwelt on the evils of appointments for
political reasons, without sufficient regard for elticiency, and it recom-
mended sweeping changes. The President concurred in the
recommendations and wrote to Secretary Sherman:
It is my wish that the collection of the revenues should be fre(»
from partisan control, and organized on a strictly business basis, with
the same guarantees for efficiency and fidelity in the selection of the
chief and subordinate officers that would be recjuired by a prudent
merchant. l^arty leaders should have no more infiuence in appoint-
ments than other equally respectable citizens. No assessments for
political purposes on officers or subordinates should be allowed. No
useless officer or employe should be retained. No officer should be
required or permitted to take part in the management of political
organizarions, caucuses, conventicms, or election campaigns. Their
right to vote, and to exi)ress their views on public (juestions, either
orally or through the press, is not d(»ni(»d, provided it drjes not inter-
fere with the discharge of their official duties.
Other re])orts followed the first, showing inefficiency, neglect
of duty, dishonesty and bribery in the subordinate officers of the
Custom House. The commissioners also found **that for many
years past the view had obtained with some politiial leaders that the
friends of the Administration in jjower had a right to control the
customs ap])ointments; and this view, which seemed to have been
aciiuiesced in by successive administrations, had of late been recog-
nized to what the Commissicm deenunl an undue extent by the chief
officer of the service. These g<»ntlemen, on the ground that they were
compelled to surrender to ]>ersonal and partisan dictation, appear to
have assumed that they were relieved, in ])art at least, from the
responsibilities that belonged to the appointing power."
:V2i\ HISTORY OF THE UEPIBLICAN PARTY.
The officers of the port at the time were Chester A. Arthur,
Collector; Alonzo H. Cornell, Naval Officer, and Oeorjce H. Shari)e.
Surveyor. As they seemed bound to the old system, it was decided
that they must either resign or be removed. On this point Secretary
Sherman wrote his Assistant Secretary:
After a very full consideration and a very kindly one, the Presi-
dent, with the cordial assent of his Cabinet, came to the conclusion
that the public interests dt*manded a change in the three leading
officers in New York, and a public announcement of that character
was authorized. 1 am (juite sure that this will, on the whole, be
considered a wise result. The manner of making the changes and
the persons to be api)ointed will be a subject of careful and full con-
sideration, but it is better to know that it is determined upon and
ended. It is probable that no special point would have been made
upon Mr. Cornell's holding his position as Chairman of the State
Committee for a limited time, but even that was not the thing,
the real question being that, whether he resigned or not, it was
better that he and Arthur and Sharpe should all give way to new
men, to try definitely a new policy in the conduct of the New York
Custom House. 1 have no doubt, unless these gentlemen should
make it impossible by their conduct hereafter, that they will bt*
treated with the utmost consideration, and, for one, I have no hesita
tion in saying that I hojie General Arthur will be recognized in a very
complimentary way.
In accordance with the suggestion made in the last sentence
of the above letter, the position of Consul Oeneral at Paris was offered
to (leneral Arthur, but he declined the proffer, preferring to ''stick"
where he was. None of the three* officials named would resign.
They were, therefore, removed and October 24, 1S77, nominations
were made of Theodore Roosevelt for Collector. Edward A. Merritt
for Surveyor, and L. H. Prince for Naval Officer. Through Conkling's
elTorts these nomiinations were rejected by the Senate, then in special
session. At the opening of the regular session, in December, the
same names were sent in again, but only Prince, for Naval Officer,
was confirmed. After the session closed the President placed Fldwin
A. Merritt in the office of Collector, and Silas W. Burt in that of
Surveyor. These appointments had to come before the Senate for
confirmation when it again met.
Secretary Sherman had, by this time, become deeply interesttnl
in the nuitter, and wrote to Sc^nator Allison:
1 would not bother you with this personal matter, but that 1 feel
(lie dee]>est int(*rcst in the confirmation of (Jeneral Merritt, which 1
ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES. ^27
know will be beiiefitial to us as u party, and still more so to the
public servile. Personally 1 have the deepest interest in it because
1 have been most unjustly assailed in regard to it in the most otfen-
sive manner. 1 feel tree to appeal to you and Windoni, represent-
ing as you do, Western states, and being old friends and acquaint-
an<*es, to take into consideration tliis personal aspect of the case. If
the restoration of Arthur be insisted upon, the whole liberal element
will be against us, and it will lose us tens of thousands of votes,
without doing a particle of good. No man could be a more earnest
Republican than I, and 1 ft*el this polilical loss as much as any one
can. It will be a i)ersonal rc^proach to me, and merely to gratify the
insane hate of Tonkling, who in this respect disregards the express
wishes of the Republican members from New York, of the great body
of Republicans, and as I personally know, runs in antagonism to his
nearest and best friends in the Senate.
To Senator Justin S. Morrill, Secretary Sherman wrote a much
longer and more specific letter, giving reasons why the nominations
should be confii*med. This was done, Merritt having 38 votes for
conftrnuition to 24 against, and Hurt 81 for, to 19 against. In both
cases a majority of the Democrats and a minority of the Republicans
voted for confirnuition. Conkling was enraged at this defeat, and
took it out by abusing Secretary Sherman and (leorge William Turtis,
the latter of whom had the temerity to introduce in the next New
York State i 'on vent ion a resolution approving the course of the
President in regard to the civil service. Roth Sherman and Curtis
were added to Conkling's already long list of enemies, to be assailed
as opportunity should otfer.
The views contained in tlie President's letter to Secretary Sher-
man were quoted in the famous (Mvil S<»rvice Order No. 1, and this
was added: 'This rule is applicable to every department of the
Civil Service. It should be understood by every officer of the General
Government that he is expected to conform his conduct to its require-
ments." This order was sneered at by the Democrats and resented
by nmny Republicans, as putting limitations upon the rights of
citizenship, and dejiriving the party of the services of some of its
best men. Many postmasters and other officeholders resigned lucra-
tive positions, rather than be put under such limitati(ms. No Civil
Service Order No. 2 was ever issued by President Hayes, and no
President since then has ever gone as far as he did in the attempt
to divorce office-holding from politics.
In respect to political assessments a circular letter was issued
June 20, 187S, establishing a rule to gov(»rn all the executive depart-
:\2S HICTORY OF THE REPIJBLKWN PARTY.
inents and (lovernnient employes througlioiit the eountry. Its essen-
tial parts were as follows:
Y'ou receive your salary as an employe of the Government for
certain services rendered in your oflicial capacity, not as a member
of a i)olitical party. The salary so earned belongs to you, and unless
taxed by law, it is in no sense subject to any assessment for any
object whatever. In return for it you are expected to perform your
olticial duties faithfully, and officially to do nothing more. In this
connection 1 have to call your attention to the following statutory
provision: **A11 executive officers or employes of the United States,
not ai)iK)inted by the I'resident with the advice and consent of the
Senate, are prohibited from requesting, giving to, or receiving from,
any other officer or employe of the (lovernment. any money or prop-
erty or other thing of value for political purposes." You are as free
as any other citizen to spend your spare money in any legitimati»
way you please, and as your political principles or your publi<- spirit
may suggest, provided you do not violate the above quoted provision
of the law, either directly or indirectly. Your contributing or not
contributing, as above stated, will not afTe<-t in any manner whatever
your official standing or prospects in the d(»partment.
\Yh(^n the Greenback party promulgated its tirst variegated
platform, and began to hold small conventions in the various States,
members of the old parties amused themselves by quoting Scripture
at it in ridicule, giving especially the account in II. Samuel of the
gathering of David's partisans at the cave of Adullam: **And every
one that was in distress, and every one that was in debt, and every
one that was discontented, gathered themselves unto him; and he
became a captain over them; and there W(M*e with him about four
hundred men.*' So far as the charactei* of the men was <*oncerned
the picture was not M'ry far out of the way, for the ]jarty was largely
an organized disccmtent with the existing order of things, political
and financial; but so far as its jjossible growth went, it was greatly
underestimated. At the Presidential election in 1S7(> it cast 81,740
votes in the whole country. In the sjiring of 1S78 it <ast more votes
than that in Michigan alone, and brought consternation to the minds
of the Republicans by electing a majority of tin* Supervisors in some
of their most reliable old counties. In llu* fall following it changed
the result in quite a number of Stat(*s, (Mther by fusi(m with the
Democrats, or by drawing away Republican votes, and thus giving
the States to the straight Democratic tickets. It did not secure for
itself anv TnitcHl Stjit(*s Sc^nators, but it aided the Democrats to
:W0 HISTORY OF THE RErrULirAX PARTY.
imrrhaHiiij!: powtM*, and the other a debt paying power. As a de!>t
paying power it iH etpial to one hundred centH; that is, to pay au old
debt. A greenback dollar will, by law, discharge one hundred cents
of debt. But no law can give it purchasing power in the general
market of the world, unless it rei)resents a known standard of coin
value. Now, what we want is that these two qualities of our green-
back dollar shall be made ecpial — its debt paying power and its gen-
eral purchasing iK)wer. When these are equal the problem of our
currency is solved, and not until then. Summing it all up in a word,
the struggh* now pending in this House is, on the one hand, to make
the gre(*nba( k better, and on the other, to make it worse. Tin*
Resumption Act is making it better every day. Re|)eal this Act, and
you make it indetinit<»ly worse. In the name of every man who wants
his own when he has earned it, 1 demand that we do not make the
wages of tin* poor man shrivel in his hands after he has earned them:
but that his money shall be made better and better, until the plow-
holder's money shall be as good as the bondholder's money; until onr
standard is one. and then* is no longer one money for the ricli and
anoth<»r for the poor.
There is an old story about the inhabitants of a certain village
who wanted to s<h* how much noise they could make, thinking aiKo
that they might raise* a volume of sound that would reach the moon,
and bring a resi»onse therefrom. They agr(*ed that at a given minute
upon a day tixed, they should all stand in front of their houses and at
the top of their voices give one tremendous shout of the word
'*boo." that should n*nd the air and sound into the def^ths of spai^.
When the minute came tlH*y were all in their assigned positions, but
each on<* held his breath in suspense, awaiting the sensation which
he wouhi ex]M»ri(*nc(* when the great shout came. Not a sound was
heard except from one df»af old woman who despaired of hearing the
rest and in a cracked and feeble voice gently said *'boo." There never
was befon* nor afterwards so silent a moment in that village, as ait
the tiuK* when the grand demonstration of sound was to be made.
The day of resumption came in about the same way. There had l>€H*n
anticipations, forebodings and jjrophecies, of panic, of financial and
industrial disturbance, of a repetition of the "Black Friday" ex|>eri-
tMices and of other dire disasters. But while these prophets of evil
were holding their breath in suspense the day came and went, with-
out a ripple on the calm sea of the financial world. The (lovernment
had made am])le provision for any calls for gold that might be reason-
ably anticijiated, but there was no drain whatever upon its re«ources.
Th(» Assistant Treasurer in New York took in more gold in exchange
ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES. :{;{1
for notes that dav than he did notes in exchange for gold. Instead of
being a day of pani<- and disaster, it was one of the quietest days
that had been passed for years in New York financial circles^ with
hardly a panic stricken greenbacker even to stand on Brooklyn bridge
and say **boo/' When gold was at a premium and hard to get, every
one was eager for it. Now that it could be had in free exchange
for currency nobody wanted it.
The closeness of the last Presidential contest led political parties
and committees, for some years thereafter, to make the most rigid
scrutiny as to the qualifications of candidates for the Electoral
College. It was expected also that it would lead to legislation or
Constitutional Amendment, which would determine similar cases in
the future. Many measures, looking to this end, were introduced,
but none of them reached final passage. The most elaborate measure
proposed was one introduced b^' Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, in
1878 and reported by Senator Morgan of Alabanm from a select com-
mittee in 1880.
Senator Edmunds' Bill changed the time of election to the first
Tuesday in October in each fourth year. In case of the death of
both the I*resident and Vice-I*resident more than two months before
that date in any other year than Presidential year a new election
was to be held. It also provided that: "Each State may provide by
law, enacted prior to the day in this Act named, for the appointment
of Electors, and for the trial and determination of any controversy
concerning the appointm<»nt of Electors, before the time fixed for the
meeting of the electors, in any manner it may deem (^xjiedient. Every
such determination, made pursuant to such law so enacted before said
day, and made prior to the time of the meeting of the Electors, shall
be conclusive evidence of the lawful title of the Electors who shall
have been so determined to have been appointed, and shall govern
in the counting of the Electoral votes.-'
The provisions of the Bill relating to the count followed the
method outlined in the twenty-second joint rule, with the following
exceptions: No vote from a State from which there was but one
return should be rejected, exce])t by the concurrent vote of both
Houses. If there were two or more returns, that only could be
counted which was decided to be the true return in the manner just
cited. If there were no such determination, or if there were two
or more decisions, puri)orting to have been made in accordance with
a law passed in conformity with that section, that n»turn
332 HISTORY OF THE KEPT BLKWN PARTY.
or that decision only, could be accepted which the two Houses,
acting separately, should decide, by affirmative vote, to be in
accordance with the Constitution and the Law^s. When the
two Houses separated to consider objections to Electoral votes, each
member of either House mijjht speak once only for five minutes, and
at the expiration of two hours it would become the duty of the presid-
ing officer to put the question. The Hill passed the Senate by a vote of
35 to 20, the nays all being Democrats, and the yeas all Republican
except Senators Bayard, Davis, Merriman and Morgan. It was not
considered by the House.
Mr. Morgan's Bill, introduced after the Democrats obtained
control of the Senate, ])rovided that no vote from a State which sent
but one r<»turn was to be rejected, excejit by the affirmative action of
both Houses of Congress. If two or more returns should be offered,
neither was to be counted unless the two Houses agreed in deciding
that one of them was the true and correct return. Provision was
also made for one hour's debate in each House upon objections, no
member to speak more than once, nor hmger than ten minutes; and
also for d(4>atc, by unanimous consent, in the joint meeting. It was
also provided that an app(*al might be taken from a decision by the
presiding oltic<*r, which was to be overruled only by concurrent action
of both Houses. A motion to substitute the Edmunds Bill for the
one under consideration was lost, and the Morgan Bill then passed
by a vote of 25 to 14. In the House it was defeated by filibustering.
The only outcome of the discussion, which lasted through three
sessions of Congress, was the revival of the twenty-second joint rule,
with slight moditications.
To the period covered by President Hayes' Administration
belongs also the first important Congressional agitation of the Chinese
Immigration Question. In his annual message to Congress in 1875,
President Grant had called attention to the evils resulting from unre-
stricted Mongolian immigration. April 2(K 187G, Senator Sergeant,
of California, submitted a resolution asking the Senate to "recom-
mend to the President to cause negotiations to be entered upon with
the Chinese (lovernment to effect such a change in the existing treaty
between the United States and China as will lawfully permit the appli-
cation of restrictions upon the great influx of Chinese subjects to this
country." An investigation of the whole subject by a joint Com-
mittee of Congress followed. Its report led to a long discussion, and
finally, in 187!>, to the passage of a Bill to restrict the immigration
:W4 HlSTOin OF TUE REPFBLICAN PARTY.
exalted (haracter, his pre-einineiit taleDts, bis well-established repu-
tation as a statesman, as a patriot, and as a soldier, enabled him to
take the lead in a cause to whieh I consecrated myself/' He further
said that Davis' motives were ''as sacred and noble as ever inspired
the breast of a Hampden or a Washinji^ton." Senator Ransom, of
North Carolina, said: *'l shall not dwell upon Mr. Davis' public
services as an American soldier and statesman. He belongs to
history, as does that cause to which he jjave all the ability of his
great nature." The Republican Senators who made objection to this
apotheosis of unrepentant treason did so, for the most part, in
ren)onstran((» rather than in denunciation. The whole debate was a
reminder of the days, in the early tifties, when the Southern Senators
and Representatives were wont to crack the whip over the heads of
their associates from the North. The debate had lasted over two
hours, when, about half past three in the morninij:, William E. Chand-
ler, of New Hampshire, who was listening to the discussion, said to
Senator E. H. Rollins: ''Tell Zach Chandler that he is the man to
call Jeff Davis a traitor." Senator Chandler receiv(»d the message
with a nod, and as soon as he could obtain the floor, said, with great
solemnity and emphasis:
Mr. President, twenty-two years ago to-morrow, in the old Hall
of the Senate, now occupied by the Supreme Court of the Fnited
States, I, in company with Mr. Jeff(»rson Davis, stood up and swore
before Almighty God, that I would sup[K)rt the Constitution of tlie
I'nited States. Mr. Jefferson Davis came from the Cabinet of
Franklin Pierce into the Senate of the Cnited States and took the
oath with me, to be faithful to this Oovernment. During four years
I sat in this body with Mr. Jefferson Davis, and saw the preparations
going on, from day to day, for the overthi'ow^ of this Government.
With treason in his heart and perjury on his lips he took the oath to
sustain the Crovernment that he meant to overthrow.
Sir, there was method in that madness. He, in co-operation with
other men from his section, and in the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan, made
careful preparation for the event that was to follow. Your armies
were scattered all over this broad land, where they could not be used
in an emergency; your fleets were scattered wherever the winds blew
and water found to float them, where they could not be used to put
down rebellion; your Treasury was depleted, until your bonds, bearing
six i»er cent., principal and interest payable in coin, were sold for
eighty-eight cents on tlu* dollar, for current expenses. Preparations
were carefully made. Your arms were sold under an apparently
innocent clause in an Army Hill, providing that the Secretary of WaV
ADMINISTKATION OF PRESIDENT 11AYE8. ;wr)
iiii|;lit, at his diseretion, sell siuli arms as he deemed it for the iDterest
of the Government to sell.
Sir, eighteen years ago last month, 1 sat in these halls and listened
to JefFersim Davis delivering his farewell address, informing us what
our Constitutional duties to this Government were; and then he left,
and entered into the Rebellion to overthrow the Government that he
had sw^orn to support. I remained here, Sir, during the whole of that
terrible Kebellion. I saw our brave soldiers by thousands and
hundreds of thousands, aye, I might say millions, pass through to the
theater of war, and I saw their shattered ranks return; I saw steam-
boat after steamboat, and railroad train after railroad train, arrivt*
with the maimed and the wounded; I was with my friend from Rhode
Island (Mr. Burnside) when he commanded the Army of the Potomac,
and saw piles of legs and arms that made humanity shudder; I saw
the widow and the orphan in their homes, and heard the weeping and
wailing of those who had lost their dearest and best. Mr. President.
I little thought, at that time, that I should live to hear in the Senate
of the United States eulogies upon Jefferson Davis living — a living
rebel eulogized on the floor of the Senate of the T'nited States.
Sir, I am amazed to hear it; and I can tell the gentlemen on the
other side that they little know the spirit of the North when they
come here at this day, and with bravado on their lips, utter eulogies
on a man whom every man, woman and child in the North believes
to have been a double-dyed traitor to his Government.
From the beginning to the end of this speech it was listened to
intently by all within hearing, and as Mr. Thandler brought out with
resonant tone the closing words, "a double-dyed traitor to his Gov-
ernment," a rounti of applause came fnnn the galleries, which the
presiding officer could not check. No attempt was made to answer
Mr. ('handler, but after a few minutes of embarrassing silence, Sena
tor Thurman began to speak on another branch of the subject. When
it came to a votc^ Senator Hoar's amendment carried by one majority,
but the whole amendment, as so modifled, was rej(»ct(*d. The Southern
Senators would not give to the loyal veterans of the Mexican war tin*
benefits of the measure, unless Jeff Davis rould share with them.
XXVI.
THE SEVENTH KEPrHLK AX TOXVEXTIOX.
The Ancient Quarrel Between Blaine and ( Vmkling — Its Effect on the
Convention of 18S0 — rnsuccessful Attempt to Enforce the I^nit
Rule — The Three Next Republican Presidents in the Convention
— Sharp Debate Between Senator Conklinij^ and the West Vir-
ginia Members — Important Amendment to the Rules — The Plat-
form Adopted — Conklinf^'s (treat Spt»ech in Xoniination of
(Want — The Xoniination of (larfield — Conkling's Motion to Make
it Tnanimous — Supported by ( General Logan — (leneral Arthur
Xominated for Vice-President — The Exciting Convention Closes
With Apparent Good Feeling.
The campaign of ISSO was approached by the Republicans under
circumstances different from any which had preceded it since the
party was organized. James (i. Blaine was unquestionably the
choice of a majority of the Republicans in the country for the nomina-
tion, but he had enemies among the party leaders who were influential
in their own states. The most bitter of these was Senator Conkling.
of Xew York, with whom Blaine had a personal controversy on the
tloor of the House nmny years before. In 18(50, (leneral Grant, then
in command of the Army, gave an opinion that there was no further
need of the office of Provost Marshal (ieneral, and when the Army
Bill came before the House, soon afterwards, Mr. Conkling moved to
strike out the section making an appro[)riation for that offic^e. In
the course of his remarks he assailed (leneral James B. Fry, who then
held that position, in a manner that was offensively personal and
abusive. (ieneral Fry, in retaliation, sent to Mr. Blaine a letter
attacking Mr. Conkling in turn, and Mr. Blaine read the letter in the
House. Mr. Conkling, while a Member of Congress had been
assigned, in the capacity of Judge Advocate to the prosecution of
Major Haddock, an Army officer, and the trial of certain **boiinty
jumj)ers." In his letter to Blaine, General Fry charged that Conk-
THE SEVENTH KEPUHLICAN (X)NVENTION. ;W7
liiijif liad, iniprojjerly if not illejiijally, received a fei* for the prosecution
of Major Haddock; that, in tlie discharge of his duties, he had not
acted in good faith, and had prevented the prosecution of deserters
at T'tica; and that he had notifie<l the War Department that the
Provost Marslial in Western New York needed legal advice, and thus
secured an Jippointment for himself. A discussion followed the
reading of this letter, and it became exceedingly personal between
Conkling and Blaine. Among other things the j)as8age which gave
("•onkling as gi*eat offense as any, was that in which Blaine referred
to his pompous manner, to his vanity about his personal appearance,
and the curled front lock which he alw^ays wore, and compared him
to a turkey-cock strutting about the floor of the House.
At C'onkling's request a committee was appointed to investigate
the charg(»s of (leueral Fry. That committee reported a series of
resolutions exonerating Conkling and condemning Fry, the most
important resolution being as follows: "That all the statements
made in the letter of General James B. Fry to Hon. James G. Blaine,
a Member of this House, in so far as such statements impute to the
Hon. Roscoe Conkling, a Member of this House, any criminal, illegal,
unpatriotic, or otherwise improper conduct, or motives, either as to
the matter of his procuring himself to be em])loy(Mi by the Govern-
ment of the United States in the ]>rosecution of military offenses in
the State of New York, in the management of such prosecutions, in
taking comj)ensation therefor, or in any other cliarge, are wholly
without foundation or truth, and, for their publication there were, in
the judgment of this House, no facts connected with said prosecutions
furnishing either a palliative or an excuse."
From that time until Gonkling's death there was open enmity
between the two, and Gonkling, at least, omitted no opportunity to
show his dislike, either in small or great affairs. The writer recalls
an incident in the Senate illustraitive of this. Blaine had bei»n
speaking upon a Bill for distributing the proceeds of the Alabama
award. When Conkling rose to reply he turned his back upon Blaine,
though in order to do this he had to turn his side toward the presid-
ing ofllicer, and addressing the ceiling more than anything else,
commenced with: "A suggestion has reached my ear.'' He then
went on to point out with fine scorn wiiat he considered weak points
in Blaine's argument, without, however, making any direct reference
to the Senator from Maine. (Vmkling's (»nmity to Blaine seems to
have become a consuming passion, and he indulged it even at the
838 HISTORY OF THE RKPrBLKWN PARTY.
expense of liis own political fortunes. And he suiceeded in manj of
the efforts which it inspired. For his inllnence and work were
potent enonjjh, in connection with other influences, to defeat Blaine
for the Presidential nomination in 1S7(>, and apiin in 1880, and io
carrv New York aj^ainst him after his nomination in 1884.
In the successful attem[»t to beat Blaine out of the nomination
in 1880 General Grant's renewed ]»opuIarity was apparently used as
a foil, thoujjh many of his supporters undoubtedly thouj^ht he could
be nominated and elected. In 1875 feelers had been put out by Gen-
eral (irant's admirers as to the expediency of nominating him for a
third term of the Presidency. The proposed movement, however, did
not take at that time. The Pennsylvania State C'onvention in that
year adopted a resolution declarinj?; aji:ainst the ele<*tion to the Presi-
dency of any person for a third term. This called out a letter from
Grant to the President of the Convention, in which he said: *'Xow
for the third term, I do not want it any more than I did the first," but
he added that later on the time might come when it would be unfor-
tunate to make a <hange at the end of eight years, and that he "would
not accept a nomination if it were tendered, unless it should come
under su<h <ir( umstances as to make it an imperative duty — circum-
stances not likely to rise.'' This was not considered a suffi<-iently
explicit refusal and in the latter part of December of the same year
a resolution was offered in the National House of Representatives:
"That, in the opinion of this House, the precedent established by
\Vashington and other Presidents of the United States, in retiring
from the Presiden<y, has be<()me, by universal concurrence, a part of
our rei)ublican system of Government, and that any departure from
this time-honored custom would be unwise, unpatriotic and fraught
with peril to our institutions." The adoption of this by the decided
vote of 2:U to 18, put a stop, for the time, to all talk of again nomin-
ating Grant.
In the interim the (leneral and Ex-President had made his tour
around the world, had been received with almost royal honors in
every Capital which he had visittni, and had returned more popular
than ever. Three influential Republican leaders. Senator Conkling.
of New York: Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania, and Senator LogaH;
of Illinois, agr<»ed to take advantage of Grant's popularity and bring
him forward as a <andidate, and ea<h of the three undertook t^>
control th<* Convention in his own State for that imrpose. In New
York the Stat<* Convention, by a majority of only 38 in a total vote
THE SE\ ENTH KEPrBLlCAN (/ONVENTION. 389
of 397, instructed its delej^ates to vote as a unit for the nomination of
General Grant. In Pennsylvania the majority giving the same
instructions was only 20. The Illinois Convention went further yet,
for, although the Grant majority was very small, the Convention not
only instructed the delegates to vote as a unit, but set aside nine dele-
gates, already chosen by their respective districts.
In view of the action taken by the Convention at Cincinnati in
1876, which was intended to abolish the unit rule, these proceedings
aroused great indignation, both against The proposed nomination of
Grant for a third term, and against the methods by which it was
sought to bring it about. The method did not prove as effective as
the triumvirate had hoi)ed; for on the first ballot Illinois, instead of
giving its whole vote for Grant, gave Blaine 10 and Washburne 8;
New York gave Blaine 17 and Sherman 2; Pennsylvania gave Blaine
23 and Sherman 3. If these delegates had all gone for Grant, as
instructed, his vote would have been 3G2, with only 379 required to
nominate, a near enough approach to a nomination to cause a
stampede in almost any Convention. On the ninth ballot Grant
would have stood a still better chance for the nomination if the
unit rule had not been abrogated. On that ballot he had 308 votes as
it was, while (U of the instructed votes from the three States men-
tioned went against him. These added to the 308 would have given
him 309, only ten short of the number required to nominate. The
instructions, therefore, did not in the final result, help Grant, but they
did bring the quest i(m before the Convention in such form as to deter-
mine finally that a State Convention cannot, by instructions, bind
the district delegates.
The National Conventi<m met in (^hicago, June 2, and was in
session six days. General Grant's confidential lieutenants and
campaign managers in the Convention were S(»nators Conkling, of
New York; Cameron, of Pennsylvania, and Logan, of Illinois, with
George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, who had been a Ignited States
Senator and a member of GranCs Cabinet. Three other members
of Grant's Cabinet were in attendance, John A. J. Creswell, of Mary-
land; Edwards Pier[)ont, of New York, and George H. Williams, of
Oregon. In the Convention, also, were the next three Republican
Presidents of the ignited States, James A. Garfield, of Ohio; Chester
A. Arthur, of New York, and Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. There
were also the following who were, either then or soon afterwards.
United States Senators: George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts; Preston
;U0 HISTORY OF THE I^EIM'HLKWN PAKTY.
B. Plumb, of Kansas; William Pitt Kellof^fi:, of Louisiana; Blanche K.
Bruce, of Mississip[)i; Eujjjene Hall and William P. Frye, of Maine;
William J. SewelK of New Jersey; Omar 1). Conger, of Michigan;
Philetus Sawyer, of Wisconsin, and Dwight M. Sabin, of Minnesota
The Michigan delegates were: At Large — James F. Joy, Omar.
1). Conger, Perry Hannah, Erwin C. Watkins. By Districts — (1)
William O. Thompson, David O. Farrand; (2) J. D. Konan, Louis K.
Pentield; CA) Caleb D. Handall, Morgan Bates; (4) A. H. Morrison, J.
W. French; <;">) (leorge A. Farr, A. B. Watson; (0) Charles Kipp, J.
M. Adams; {!) B. W. Huston, William Jenney; <8) E. O. Avery,
Thomas N. Stevens; (D) Joseph H. Chandler, Delos A. Blodgett. WMth
the exception of Thompson they voted steadily for Blaine through
thirty-tive ballots. On the thirty-sixth ballot the twenty-one went
from Blaine to (Jarfield, Thompson still sticking to Grant.
The struggle between the factions commenced in the National
Committee before the Convention opened. In an executive session
of the Committee, William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, offered
a resolution re( ognizing the right of a delegate in the Convention
**freely (o cast, and to have counted, his individual vote therein,
according to his own sentiments, and, if he so decides, against any
unit ruh* or other instructions, passed by a Slate Convention, which
right was conceded and exercised in the Conventions of 1860 and
18(>8, and, was, aft(*r full debate, affirmed by the Convention in 1876.
and has thus become a law of Bepublican Conventions, and until
reversed by a Convention itself, must remain a governing principle."
The Chairman of th(* Committee, Senator J. D. Cameron, of Pennsyl-
vania, declared tin* resolution out of order, an autocratic ruling which.
following the arbitrary jjroceedings of the New York, Pennsylvania
and Dlinois Conventions, excited great indignation, and when it
became known, outside of the Committee, it caused an immediate*
revolt. Twenty-two members of the New York delegation signed a
paper, declaring their purpose* **to resist the nomination of General
U. S. Grant at all hazards," and giving it as their opinion that, in New
York, at least, his nomination would insure defeat. A break in the
Pennsylvania delegation followed. Alarmed at these defections
the Grant men on th<» Committee i>roposed a compromise, which was
accepted. This was to the et!*ect that George F. Hoar, the choice of
the majority of the Committee, should be made temporary Chairman
of the Convention, and that no attempt should be made to enforce
the unit rule, nor to have a test vote in the Convention, until the
842 HISTORY OF THE REPIJBLTCAN PARTY.
tion, when Mr. Henderson, of Iowa, moved that the Committee on
Rules be instructed to report, without waiting for the report of the
Committee on Credentials. After a sharp and very [)ersonal discus-
sion between Mr. Henderson, Oeneral Logan, of Illinois, Mr. Boutwell.
of Massachusetts, and Genenal Sliarpe, of New York, the latter, who
was a minority member of the Committee on Rules, moved an amend-
ment that the Committee on Credentials be instructed to report first.
On a roll call of the states this was lost by a vote of 318 to 406, but Mr.
Henderson's motion was subsequently laid on the table, by general
consent.
On the third day Senator Conkling precipitated a sensation, by
offering a resolution that ever}' member of the Convention ^* is bound
in honor to support its nominee, whoever that nominee nmy be; and
that no man should hold a seat here wlio is not ready to so
agree." This was put, viva voce, and declared carried, when Mr.
Conkling said: **Plainly and audibly, to me and to others, negative
votes were given on this resolution, and I respectfully ask the Chair to
call the states, that we may know who it is in a Republican Conven-
tion that votes *No' on such a pledge.'- On the roll call of states the
vote was yeas 716, nays 3, the latter all being from West Virginia.
Mr. Conkling then moved an additional resolution: "That the
delegates who, on this roll-<all, have voted 'no- on the resolution just
adopted, do not deserve to have, and have forfeited their votes in this
Convention." Delegates A. \V. Cami)bell and S. P. McCormick, of
West Virginia, boldly took up the challenge thus thrown down, and
held their ground, not only against the mover of the resolution, but
against all comers. It was in this debate that Mr. Campbell first
gave currency to the phrase, if he did not coin it, **1 always intend to
carry my sovereignty under my own hat.'' McCormick, in his short
speech, made a personal thrust at Mr. Conkling, as follows: '*! have
to say to the gentleman from New York, that I have been as consistent
a Republican as he has been; 1 have further to say to the gentleman
from New York, that when the war broke out in 1861, I was but a boy
«)f 18 years of age, and I went into the Army from the State of
Indiana, and into Camp Morton, and was in the Army for two long
years. 1 made. Sir — if the gentlemen of the Convention will allow me
to say — in lh76 more than one hundred speeches for the nominee of
the Republican party, and I am informed that the gentleman from
New York made but one. It is a notorious fact that the gentleman
from New York, on many occasions in the past, when he has failed to
THE SEVENTH REPFHLICAN CONVENTION. 343
secure what he wanted from the Republican party, has not given it
the hearty support that I have. 1 object to that resolution for this:
That resolution recites that a man who dares assert his independence
in this Convention is not worthy of a seat in the body. I say he is.
and I object to it for that reason, and not because I do not intend to
support the nominee of this Convention. I do, and it makes no differ-
ence who he is." At the end of a long discussion a roll call of states
was ordered on the resolution, when Mr. Conkling withdrew it, only
to receive this parting shot from Mr. Campbell: "In the language of
the gentlenuin from New York, 1 congratulate him upon his success."
The Committee on Credentials was not ready to report until the
third day of the Convention. It had many contested cases before it.
several of which turned upon the right of a State Convention to set
aside the action of district conventions, or to bind district delegates.
Tw^o reports were made, the majority report deciding in every case on
the right of an individual vote, and the minority views, in cases of this
class, being in accord with the unit rule. In the Convention the con-
tested cases in the different states were taken up separately, and were
made the subjects of long discussions, which attracted wide attention
at the rime, but which have long since lost their interest. The first
test vote was on contested seats from Alabama, in which the majority
report was sustained against the minority by a vote of 441) to 30(>. On
the other cases the majority reports were sustained, though by widely
differing votes.
It was not until the fourth day of the ('onvention that the report
of the Committee on Rules came up for consideration. The rules
reported by the majority were nearly the same as those that governed
thje Convention of 1876, except Rule 8, to which an addition was made
so as to make it read as follows: ''In the record of the vote by States,
the vote of each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia shall
be announced by the Chairman; and in case the vote of any State,
Territor> or the District of Columbia shall be divided, the Chairman
shall announce the number of votes cast for any candidate, or for or
against any proposition; but if exception is taken by any delegate to
the correctness of such announcement by the Chairman of his dele-
gation, the President of the Convention shall direct the roll of mem-
bers of such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded
in accordance with the votes individually given." The report of the
minority omitted the last clause of this section. The friends of
General (rrant did not desin* immediate consideration of the rules.
344 HISTOKY OF THE RErrnLI(\\N PARTY.
and GeDtM*al SharjKN of New York, 80ii|j;ht to create a diversion, by
moving to proreed immediately to the nomination of President and
Vice President, but this was negatived by vote of 276 to 479. A
motion to substitute the minority report for the majority was losr,
without roll call. On motion of Mr. Houtwell, of Massachusetts, this
section was added to the rule relating: to the formation of the National
Committee: "Raid rommitte<^ shall, within the next twelve months,
prescribe a method or methods for the election of delegates to the
National Convention in 18.'S4; announce the same to the Country and
issue a call for that f'onvention in conformity therewith; Provided,
that such methods or rules shall include and secure to the several
Congressional Districts of the Ignited States the right to elect their
own delegates to the National Convention." This was adopted, as
was also the majority report, as so amended, thus settling, probably
for all time, the question of the unit rule, which had been the subject
of great dissension during the Conventions, both in 1870 and 188<).
The platform ado[)ted by the Convention was as follows:
The Kejiublican party, in National Convention assembled, at the
end of twenty years since the Federal Oovernment was first com-
mitted to its charge, submits to the people of the Cnited States its
brief report of its administration:
It suppressed a rebellion which had armed nearly a million of
men to subvert the National authority. It reconstructed the Union
of the States with freedom, instead of slavery, as its cornerstone. It
transformed tour million of human beings from the likeness of things
to the rank of citizens. It relieved Congress from the infamous work
of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it to see that slavery does not
f*xist.
It has raised the value of our paper currency from thirtv-eight
per cent to the par of gold. It has restored, upon a solid basis, i>ay-
ment in coii) for all the National obligations, and has given us a cur-
rency absolutely good and e<jual in every part of our extended coun-
try. It has lifted the credit of the Nation from the point where six
|K*r cent, bonds sold at 8(5 to that where four [)er cent, bonds are
eagerly sought at a premium.
Under its administration railways have in(»reased from 31,0(M)
miles in 1860 to more than 82,000 miles in 1870.
Our foreign trade has increased from f 7(10,000,000 to |1,150,000.-
000 in the same time, and our exi)orts, whi<h were f 20,000,000 less
than our imports in 1800, were $2()4,(M)0,000 more than our imports iii
1870.
Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed
the ordinary exp<^nst»s of Ciovernm<»nt. besides the accruing interest
346 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
to any railway or other corporation; that slavery having perished
in the States, its twin barbarity — polygamy — must die in the Terri-
tories; that every wliere the protection ac<-orded to citizens of Amer-
ican birth must be secured to citizens by American adoption; that we
esteem it the duty of Congress to develop and improve onr water
courses and harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private per-
sons or corporations must cease; that the obligations of the Republic
to the men who preserved its integrity in tire day of battle are nndi-
minislied by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory — to do
them perpetual honor is and shall forever be the grateful privilege
and sacred duty of the American people.
(J. Since the authority to regulate immigration and intercourse
between the Tinted States and foreign nations rests with the Con-
gress of the Cnited States and the treaty-making powers, the Repub-
lican ]>arty, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the Chinese
as an evil (»f great magnitude, invoke the exercise of that power to
restrain and limit that immigration by the enactment of such just,
humane and reasonable provisions as will produce that result.
7. That the purity and patriotism which characterized the early
career of Kulherford B. Hayes in [)eace and war, and which guided
the thoughts of our immediate predecessors to select him for a
Presidential < jiiididiite, have ccmtinued to inspire him in his career
as Chief Exe<utive, and that history will accord to his administration
the honors which are due to an efficient, just and courteous discharge
of the public business, and will honor his interposition between the
people and [)roposed partisan law s.
8. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice
of jiatriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for office
and patronage. That to obtain possession of the N'ational and State
(lovernments, and the control of place and position, they have ob-
structed all efforts to j)romote the purity and to conserve the freedom
of suHrage; have devised fraudulent certifications and returns; have
labored to unseat lawfully elected members of Congress, to secure,
at all hazards, the vote oif a majority of the States in the House of
Representatives; have endeavored to occu[»y, by force and fraud, the
places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by
the courageous action of Maine's patriotic sons; have, by method's
vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached partisan le^s
lation to appropriation bills, u])on whose passage the very movements
of (xovernment depend; have crushed the rights of the individual;
have advocated the princiiile and sought the favor of rebellion against
the Nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of
the war, and to overcome its inestimably valuable results of nation-
ality, personal freedom and individual equality. The equal, steady
and complete enforcement of the laws and protection of all our citi-
zens in the enjoy m(»nt of all privileges and immunities guaranteed bv
the Constitution, are the first duties of the Nation. The danger of a
348 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
Conkliiig had been clioaen to present Grant's name, and he did it in
a speeeli that, in the annals of American Convention oratory, has com-
monly been ranked as second only to IngersolTs nomination of Blaine
in 1S70. Tlie first part of the 8j)eech was especially stirring, «and is
given herewith:
And wlien asked what State he hails from.
Our sole reply shall be,
He hails from Appomatox
And its famous apple tree.
in obedience to instructions which 1 should never dare to disre-
gard, expr(*ssing also my own tirm convictions, 1 rise, Mr. President,
in behalf of the State of New York, to propose a nomination with which
the country and the Rei)ublican party can grandly win. The election
before us is the Austerlitz of American politics. It will decide, for
many years, whether the country shall be Republican or Cossack.
The supreme need of the hour is not a candidate who can carry Michi-
gan. All Republican candidates can do that. The need is not of a
candidate, popular in the territories, because the territories have no
vote. The need is of a candidate who can carry doubtful states; not
the doubtful states of the North alon(», but also doubtful states of the
South, which we have heard, if 1 und(»rstood aright, ought to take
little or no pjirt here, because the South lias nothing to give, but every-
thing to receive. The need which urges its(»lf on the conscience and
reason of the Convention is of a candidate who can carry doubtful
states, both North and South. And believing that he, more surely
than any other man, can carry New York against any opponent, and
can carry not only the North, but several states of the South, New-
York is for riysses S. (J rant.
Never defeated — in j.eacc* or in war — his nanu* is the most illustri-
ous boriu* by living man.
His services attest his greatness, and the country — nay, the world
— knows them by heart. His fauu* was churned not ahme by things
written and said, but by arduous greatness of things done; and peril8
and emergencies will search in vain in the future, as they have
searched in vain in the past, for any other on whom the Nation leans
with such contidence and trust. Never having had a policy to enforce
against the will of the people, he nev(*r betrayed a cause or a friend,
and the people will never desert or betray him. Standing on the
highest eminence of human distinction, modest, firm, simple, and self-
poised, having filled all lands with his renown, he has seen not only
I he high born and the titled, but the poor and the lowly, in the utter-
most ends of the (*arth, rise and uncover before him. He has studied
the n(»eds and defects of many systems of government; and he has
returiKHl a better American than ever, with a wealth of knowledge and
ex])erience added to the hard common sense which shone so conspicu-
THE SE\ENTH REPl HLICAN CONVENTION. 341)
oiisly in all the fierce light that beat upon him during sixteen years,
the most trying, the most portentous, the most perilous in the Nation's
history.
Vilified and reyiled, ruthlessly aspersed by unnumbered persons,
not in other lands, but in his own, assaults upon him haye seasoned
and strengthened his hold ujmn the public heart. Calumny's ammu-
nition has all been exploded; the i)owder has all been burned once —
its force is spent — and the name of Grant will glitter, a bright and
imjierishable star, in the diadem of the Republic, when those who haye
tried to tarnish it haye mouldered in forgotten grayes; and when
their memories and their epitaphs haye yanished utterly.
Neyer elated by success, neyer dejiressed by adyersity, he has
eyer, in peace as in war, shown the yery genius of common sense. The
terms he presented for Lee's surrender foreshadowed the wisest
prophecies and principles of true reconstruction. Victor in the
greatest war of modern times, he quickly signalized his ayersion to
war and his loye of peace, by an arbitration of international disputes
which stands the wisest, the most majestic example of its kind in the
world's diplomacy.
When inflation, at the hight of ifs popularity and frenzy, had
swept both Houses of Congress, it was the yeto of Orant, single and
alone, which o^erthr(»w expansion and cleared the way for specie
resumption. To him, immeasurably more than to any other man, is
due the fact that eyery paper dollar is at last as good as gold.
James A. Garfield's nomination of John Sherman was also a fine
piece of (Convention oratory, though some of Kheruuin's friends com-
plained afterwards that it was deliyered in such a way as to make the
orator more conspicuous than the man whose cause he was advocat-
ing. Mr. Blaine's name was presented by James F. Joy, of Michigan,
and supported by F. M. Pixley, of California, and William P. Frye, of
Maine. Through E. F. Drake, of Minnesota, the name of William
AVindoni was presented. Frederick Hillings, of Vermont, presented
the name of George F. Edmunds, and J. H. Cassoday, of Wisconsin,
that of Elihu B. Washburne, of Illinois, who was supported by Augus-
tus Brandegee, of Connecticut, as the only nuin who could surely
carry the doubtful Eastern States. Grant's nomination was sup-
ported by William O. Bradley, of Kentucky, and Shernmn's by R. B.
Elliott, of South Carolina. Balloting did not commence until the
fifth day of the Convention, Monday, June 7. The largest number of
votes cast on- any ballot was 750; necessary to a choice IM\). There
was one vote each for tlie persons named on the ballot indicated:
Third, fourth and fifth, Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana; eleventh,
twelfth and thirteenth, Ruth(*rford B. Hay(»s, of Ohio; thirteenth.
George W. McCrary, of Indiana; nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first
350
HISTORY OF THE REPrHLICAN PARTY.
and tweutv-second, John F. Hartranft, of Pennsylvania; thirtieth
Philip H. Sheridan, of Ohio; thirty-ftrst, Roseoe Conkling, of New
Y'ork and Edmund J. Davis, of Texas. Aside from these, the follow-
ing is a record of the thirty-six ballots:
HALJ.OT.
^
cu
X
1
o
"2
=
;c
^hi
-»•
'3
^
X
^
First
. 305
284
282
31
31
34
32
10
10
04
Second
Third
. 305
282
31
32
10
m
Fourth
. 305
281
31
32
10
05
Fifth
. 305
281
31
32
10
05
Sixth
. 305
280
31
32
10
05
Seventh
. 305
281
31
32
10
04
Eighth
. 3(M>
284
32
31
10
01
Ninth
. 30S
282
282
32
32
31
31
10
10
00
02
Tenth
. 305
Eleventh
. 305
281
32
31
10
0:{
Twelfth
304
28;^
28-)
33
33
31
31
10
10
02
80
Thirteenth
. 305
Fourteenth
. 305
285
35
31
10
8!»
Fifteenth
. 300
281
36
31
10
88
Sixtt^enth
. 300
28:{
284
36
36
31
31
10
10
88
00
Seventeenth ....
. 303
Eighteenth
305
28:{
35
31
10
01
Nineteenth
. 305
27!»
32
31
10
06
i
Twentieth
. 308
27fi
35
31
10
m
1
Twenty- first
. 305
270
:t5
31
10
Of.
1
Twenty-second .
. 305
273
35
31
10
07
1
Twenty third .. .
. 304
275
36
31
10
07
•>
Twenty fourth . .
. 305
279
35
31
10
03
2
Twenty fif til ... .
. 302
281
35
31
10
04
2
Twenty sixth .. .
. 303
280
36
31
10
o:^
2
Twenty Severn h .
. 30G
277
36
31
10
m
»>
Twenty-eiiflith ..
. 307
270
35
31
10
01
2
Twenty-ninth ...
. 305
278
35
12
7
no
•>
Thirtieth
. 306
270
33
11
4
120
2
Thirty-first
. 308
27f.
37
11
3
118
1
Thirty-second . .
. 300
270
44
11
3
117
1
Thirty-third
. 300
270
44
11
4
110
1
Thirty-fourth ...
. 312
275
30
11
4
107
17
Thirty-fifth
. 313
57
23
11
3
99
250
Thirty-sixth ....
. 306
42
5
, ,
3
391)
THE SEVENTH KEPrBLKWN (\)NVEXT1()X.
;551
The break to (Jarfield on tlfe thirty-fifth baUot presaged his nom-
ination on the next as the seeond choiee of the Hhiine men, unless the
(irant leaders eould throw their forces for some other candidate.
But they were not inclined to do this. The roll call for the thirty-
sixth ballot had hardly commenced, when it became evident that the
Blaine and scattering;: vote was ^oin[? to (Jarfield. A Grant delegate
rose, amidst the excitement, and in sonorous voice called out:
••Steady-y-y-y, all along the line,'' the Grant forces held to their candi-
date, and the General had two more votes on the last ballot than he
did on the first. The
management of the last
j)art of (rrant's canvass
in the Convention was
not good politics. It
was hardly i)rudent
generalship, but it was
superb discipline.
After the result of
the thirty-sixth ballot
w a s announced, the
President of the Con-
vention suggested that
the nomination be made
unanimous. S e n a t o r
Conkling said that he
rose to make a motion
to that effect, but the
Chair had anticipated
his motion. He, how-
ever, availed himself of
the opportunity to con- james a. garfield.
gratulate the Republican party of the United States upon the good
nature and the well-tempered rivalry which had distinguished the
animated contest. He added: **1 trust the zeal, tlie fervor, and
now the unanimity seen in this great assemblage will be transplanted
to the field of (he final conflict, and that all of us who have borne a
part against each other, will be found with equal zeal bearing the
banner — with equal zeal carrying the lance of the Republican party
into the ranks of the enemy." Cieneral Logan supported the propo-
sition to make the nomination unanimous and in the course of his
352 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
remarks, said: "Whatever may have transpired in this Convention
that may have momentarily marred the feelings of any one here, I
hoi)e ^hat, in our conelusion it will iiass from our minds. I, sir.
with th(» friends of I think one of the ji:randest men that graces the
face of the earth, stood here to ti^ht a friendly battle in favor of his
nomination; but, sir, this Convention has chosen another leader. The
nH»n who stood by Grant's banners will be seen in the front of this
contest on the field. We will go forward in this contest, not with
seahnl lii)s, not with bridled tongues, but to speak the truth in favor
of the grandest party that has ever btH*n organized in this country;
to maintain its principles, to maintain its power, to preserve its
ascendancy; and, sir, with the leader you have selected, my judgment
is that victory will perch upon your banners." Remarks in similar
vein were made by men who had been sujiporters of other candidates,
and the nomination was then nuide unanimous.
For \'ice-l*resident the following candidates were formally
j)laced in nomination: Chester A. Arthur, of New York; Elihu B.
Washburne, of Illinois; Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut; Thomas
Settle, of Florida; Horace Maynard, of Tennessee, and Edmund J.
Davis, of Texas. Mr. Conger read a resolution, adopted by the Mich-
igan Re])ublican State Convention: ''That in view of the pure charac-
ter, strong patriotism and eminent services rendered our State and
Nation by S(»nator Thomas \V. Ferry during his long legislative
career, both in State and National councils, we hereby resjKH^tfully
recommend and urge his name to the National (Convention
as a tit candidate for the nomination for Vice-I*resident by the
Republican jiarty." Mr. Conger followed the reading of this resolu-
tion with a letter from Senator F(»rry, declining to be a candidate, and
his name was therefore withdrawn. The vote was as follows:
Chester A. Arthur, of New York 468
Elihu B. Washburne, of Illinois 11)8
Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut 44
Horace Maynard, of Tennessee 30
Blanche K. Bruce, of Mississippi 8
James L. Alcorn, of Mississippi 4
Edmund J. Davis, of Texas 2
Thomas Settle, of Florida 1
Stewart L. Woodford, of New York 1
The nomination of (leneral Arthur Avas made unanimous, and
after Committees of Xotitication had been appointed, the longest, and
in some stages of its jiroceedings, the most heated of Republican
National Conventions, closed harmoniously.
XXVIl.
THE GARFIELD AND ARTHrR CAMPAIGN.
The Democratif Convention at Cineiuuati — Declarations of the Plat-
form— Nomination of Hancock "The Hnperb-' on the Second
Ballot — The Tariff a Local Issue — The Greenback Candidate and
Platform — Not a Rrij^ht Prospect for the Republicans — A Change
After the Mentor Conference — (Jeneral GranCs (Jood Work for
the Ticket — Result of the October Elections — The Morey Forgery
— The Campaign Ends With a Substantial Republican Triumph.
The Democratic National ('onvention of 1880 opened at Cincin-
nati, June 22, entering the campaign with strong hoi)es of winning on
account of the feuds that existed in the Republican party. The
platform adopted had a few high-sounding generalisations, together
with the following definite though somewhat incoherent enuncia-
tions of principles and declarations:
3. Home rule, honest money — consisting of gold and silver, and
paper convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of the
public faith. State and National and a taritT for revenue only. The
subordination of the military to the civil power, and a general and
thorough reform of the civil service.
4. The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all
rights, and must and shall be maintained in everv part of the United
States.
5. The existing Administration is the representative of con-
spiracy only, and its claim of right to surround the ballot boxes with
troops and deputy marshals, to intimidate and obstruct the electors,
and the uni)recedented use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and
despotic power, insult the people and imperil their institutions. We
execrate the course of this Administration in making places in the
civil service a reward for i)olitical crime, and demand a reform by
statute which shall make it forever imjiossible for a defeated candi-
date to bribe his way to the seat of the usurper by billeting villains
upon the people.
6. The great fraud of 187r»-T7, by which, upon the false count
of the Electoral vote of two States, the candidate defeated at the
;i54 HISTORY OF THE KEPl'HLKWN PAUTY.
l)olls was declared to be the President, and, for the first time in
American history the will of the people was set aside under a threat
of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representa-
tive jifovernment ; the Democratic i)arty, to preserve the country from
a civil war, submitted for a time, in the firm and patriotic faith that
the people would punish this crime in 1880; this issue precedes and
dwarfs every other; it im])ose8 a more sacred duty upon the people
of the Union than ever addressed the conscience of a Nation of free
men.
The platform also declared against sumptuary laws; in favor of
the separation of Church and State for the good of each; in favor of
•*free ships and a living chance for American commerce;" against
**rhinese immigration, except for travel, education and foreign com-
merce, and therein carefully guarded." It also passed a eulogy upon
Samuel J. Tilden, assuring him of '^their confidence in his wisdom,
patriotism and integrity, unshaken by the assaults of a common
enemy, and they further assure him that he is followed into the
retirement which he has chosen for himself, by the sympathy and
respect of his fellow citizens, who regard him as one who, by elevating:
the standards of public morality, merits the lasting gratitude of his
country and his party."
Only two ballots were taken for the nomination for the Presi-
dency, Gen. Hancock having such a decided lead on the second as to
speedily bring changes enou^'h to give him a large majority. The
ballots were as follows:
First.
Winfield S. Hancock, of New York 171
Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania
Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware 15:iVL»
Henry H. Payne, of Ohio 81 '
Allen G. Thunuan, of Ohio 081/0
Stephen J. Field, of California 05
\Villiam R. Morrison, of Illinois 02
Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana oO^/j
Samuel J. Tilden, of New York 38 "^
Horatio Sevmour, of New York 8
Scattering 31
Total 728V1>
Necessary to a choice 480
For Vice-President \Villiam H. English, of Indiana, and Richard
M. Bishop, of Ohio, were named, but during the first ballot the name
Second a«
Second. (?orre<*ted
:?20 705
1281/,
113 2
50
651/-
.31
6
1
22
73fi
491
738
492
THE GARFIELD AND AKTlirii CWMPAKiX. lir^T}
of Ex-doveruor Hi shop was withdrawn, and Mr. English was nomin-
ated by acclamation.
General Hancock was one of the best of the I'nion generals
dnring the war, and of his military career (General Grant said:
"Hanc ock stands the most consincuons figure of all the general officers
who did not exercise a sej)arate command. H(» commanded a cori)S
longer than any other one, and his name was never mentioned as
having committed in battle a blunder for which he was responsible.
He was a man of very consj)icuous personal ai)i»earance. Tall, well
formed, and, at the time of which I now write, young and fresh
looking, he presented an appearance that would attract the attenticm
of an army as he passed. His g(»nial disposition made him friends,
and his courage and his jiresence with his command in the thickest
of the light won him the confidence of the troops serving under him."
To a reporter in search of adverse criticism during the Presidential
canvass, General Sherman said: '*If you will sit down and write the
best thing that can be put in language about General Hancock, as
an officer and a gentlenian, 1 will sign it without hesitation." On
account of his s]ilendid figure and bearing he had been called **Han-
cock the Sujierb," and he was at this time the most popular of
Democratic generals. He had been before the Democratic Conven-
tions of 18GS and 1872 as a candidate for the nomination, and had
made a fair showing in each case.
Of his politics he said in a letter to a friend in 18G1 : **My jiolitics
are of a practical kind — the integrity of the country, the supremacy
of the Federal (Jovernment — an honorable peace or none at all.'' In
later years, like <reneral Sherman, he was **a soldier, not a states-
nmn,'' and was not well informed on the political issues of the dyy.
Uwt he was sufficiently well aware of that fact to be discreetly silent
during most of the cami)aign. Revision of the tarilT was then one
of the main questions before Congress and the people. In one of
the few attem])ts that he did make to express his views on pending
issues, he referred to the taritf as ''a local issue'* which he had once
heard discussed in Pennsylvania. This occasionini much ridicule
during the campaign, although, in some of its phases the tariiT has
come a great deal nearer being a "local issue" than the theorists on
either side would be willing to admit.
William H. English was a shn^wd politician, not of the highest
order, who was, just then, at the head of the party in Indiana. His
nomination was intended to carry that State, which was always doubt-
85r» HISTORY OF THE REPl BLKWX PARTY.
fill, for the ticket, but on account of the party feuds and jealousies
(here, it seems probable that a strong candidate from another Htate
would have been a j^reater help to the party.
The Greenback Convention met in Chicago, June J), and adopted
a platform that touched upon nearly every subject that was before
the people. The utterances that were most distinctly characteristic
of the party were the following:
The Civil Government should guarantee t\w Divine right of every
laborer to the result of his toil, thus enabling the producers of wealth
to provide themselves with the means for physical comfort, and
facilities for mental, and social, and moral culture; and we condemn,
as unworthy of our civilization, the barbarism which imposes ui>on
wealth-j)roducers a state of drudgery as the price of a bare animal
existence. Notwithstanding the enormous increase of productive
power by the universal introduction of labor-saving machinery, and
the discovery of n(»w agents for the increase of wealth, the task of the
laborer is scarcely lightened, the hours of toil are but little shortened,
and few producers are lifted from poverty into comfort and pecuni-
ary independence. The associated monopolies, the international
syndicates, and other income classes demand dear money, cheap labor,
and a strong Government, and hence a weak people. Corporate
control of the volume of money has been the means of dividing society
into hostile classes, of an unjust distribution of the products of labor
and of building up monopolies of associated capital, endowed with
power to contiscate private property. It has kept money scarce; and
the scarcity of money enforces debt-trade and public and corporate
loans; debt engenders usury, and usury ends in the bankruptcy of the
borrowers. Other results are — deranged markets, uncertainty in
manufacturing enterprises and agriculture, precarious and intermit-
tent employment for the laborer, industrial war, increasing pauper-
ism and crime, and the consequent intimidation and disfranchisement
of the j)roducer and a ra])id declension into corporate feudalism.
Therefore, we declare,
1. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign power,
to be maintained by the j)eople for their common benefit. The dele-
gation of this right to cor])orations is a surrender of the central
attribute* of sovereignty, void of Constitutional sanction, and con-
ferring upon a subordinate and irresponsible power an absolute
dominion over industry and commerce. All money, whether metallic
or paper, should be issued, and its volume controlled, by the Govern-
ment, and not by, or through, banking corporations: and, when so
issued, should be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private.
2. That the bonds of the T'nited States should not be refunded
but paid as rapidly as practicable, according to contract. To enable
the (jovernment to meet these obligations, legal tender currency
THE (iARPIELl) AND AKTHUR CAMPAIGN. 357
should be substituted for the notes of the National banks, the National
banking system abolished, and the unlimited coinage of silver, as
well as gold, established by law.
On the first ballot for a Presidential candidate, J. B. Weaver, of
Iowa, had a decided lead over six other as])irants, and he was then
nominated by acclamation. For the nomination for Vice-President
on the only ballot taken, Benjamin J. Chambers, of Texas, had ii)l\
votes, and General A. M. West, of Mississippi, 811.
The Prohibition jiarty met in Cleveland, June 17, and nominated
Neal Dow, of Maine, for President, and Henry A. Thompson, of Ohio,
for Vice-President.
There was also an Apti-Masonic ticket in the field, which nomin-
ated John W. l^helps, of Vermont, for President, and Samuel C.
Pomeroy, of Kansas, for Vice-i'resident. The votes for this ticket
came chiefly from Illinois, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, New York.
Rhode Island and Wisconsin.
During the campaign, beyond a little good-natured ridicule of
Hancock's ignorance of economic and political affairs, the General
was treated with the utmost consideration by the Republicans, who
conducted their canvass on political issues and not on personalities
Their main subject of discussion and attack was furnished by the
Democratic Congress, and by Southern arrogance and greed. South-
ern war claims, which had been introduced in Congress in great
numbers, and in sufficient volume to swamp the Treasury, were
pointed out as an element of danger in case the Democrats should
obtain possession of the Executive, as well as the Legislative branch
of the Governm(»nt. The Solid South, made so by fraud, intimida-
tion, and false counting, and controlling the Democratic party, was
held up as a constant menace, and the outrages committed on colored
and white Rej)ublicans were feelingly portrayt^d on the stumi). The
Democrats tried to ridicule this down, by speaking of it as "waving
the bloody shirt," but the arguments derived from it had not yet lost
their force ipon the Northern mind.
The Democrats, on the other hand, made many bitter personal
attacks on rhe Republican candidates, i)articularly upon General
Garfield. They accused him of disreputable connection with the
Credit Mobilier, and the figures ":52J)" which, it was said, represented
one of his dividends from that Association, were not only used in
campaign speeches, and in transparencies doing duty in torch-light
parades, but they w(»re chalked up on dead walls and on sidewalks.
85S HISTORY OF THE KEPUHLK AN PARTY.
He was acrused of coiuiection with the Washinji^toii sewer, paving
and sidewalk rinj^s of a period eij^hl or ten years earlier than this
though no fraud or questionable intent was ever shown in eonnee-
tion with this. The only etfective personal attack on him, however
was in the wide distribution of a facsimile of a letter, purporting to
come from him relating to Chinese immigration. The letter was
first printed in a paper called Truth, published in New York, under
date of Saturday, October 2;^ 1SS(L It was headed, ''Garfield's Politi-
cal Death Warrant," and was characterized as ''His Infamous Letter
Advocating the Increased Immigration of (Miinest* Cheap I^bor."
It was written on House of Representatives' letter head, was marked
"Personal and Confidential," was addressed to H. L. ^lorey, of Lynn.
Mass., and read as follows:
Yours in relation to th^ Chinese i)roblem canu* duly to hand.
I take it (hat the (juestion of emjiloyes is only a (juestion of
private and cori)orate economy, and individuals or comj)anies have the
right to buy labor where they can get it cheapest.
We have a treaty with the Chinese (fOV(»rnment which should be
religiously kept until its ]»rovisions are abrogated by the action of
the General (lovernment, and I am not prepared to say that it should
be abrogated until our great manufacturing and corporate interests
are considered in the matter of labor.
This let.ter was promptly denounced as a forgery. It was after-
wards prov(»n to be such, and one of th(» authors of it was sentenced
to prison (iw eight years. Hut it was so late in the campaign when
it was circulated that the truth could not, in all cases, overtake the
lie, and it cost Garfield the popular vote of California.
In 1878, when the Greenbackers were at their strongest, a eoni-
bination between them and the Democrats elected a Democratic
Governor in Maine, the first time the Republicans in that State had
been beaten since the party was organized. The next year Governon
(larcelon and his councillors counted in a Democratic legislature, by
methods moie suited to Louisiana than to Maine, and in contraven-
tion of a decision of the Supreme Court. Notwithstanding the indig-
nation caused by the j)roceeding, the combination elected their
candidate for (Governor in 1880, though by only 101) majority. This
was a decided setback for the Reimblicans. Hut it had one good
elTect in uniting the factions and setting them earnestly to work.
Senator Co ikling had, before this, sulked in his tent, but through the
inrtucnce of (ii^neral Grant, he was induced to visit General Garfield
THE GARFIELD AND ARTHUR CAMPAIGN. 359
at Mentor, Ohio, and afterwards to enter heartily into the canvass.
He and General Grant, toj^ether, made a stumping tour through New
York State, Grant making five-minute speeches, and Gonkling
addresses of considerable length. It was due to their combined
efforts, doubtless, that New York, in November gave the Republican
Electors as fair a majority as it did, perhaps due to this effort that it
gave them any majority at all. Garfield carried every Northern
State except New Jersey, Nevada and California. In the latter State
one of the Democratic candidates for Elector was badly scratched,
on account of personal unpoi)ularity, so that (?arfield had one Elector
from that State. Hancock had the Solid South, including all the old
Seceded and Border States. The Electoral vote was:
Garlield and Arthur 214
Hancock and English 15
The popular vote was as follows:
Garfield and Arthur 4,454,416
Hancock and English 4,444,1)52
Weaver and Chambers 308,578
Dow and Thompson 9,770
Phelps and Pomeroy 1,392
In Maine, the vote credited to Hancock was cast on a Fusion
ticket of Democrats and Greenbackers. It had a total of 65,171, of
which probably two-thirds was cast by the former and ont^-third by
the latter. In Virginia there were two Hancock tickets, one nom-
inated by the *'Funders" and the other by the **Readjust(t^rs," two
factions into which the Democratic party was divided on the method
of adjusting the State debt. The first of th(»se had 96,596 votes and
the second, 31,559. The Republican vote in the State was 83,511.
During the Garfield-Arthur Administration Congress was
divided politically as follows:
Forty-seventh (^ongress.
Senate — Republicans, 37; Democrats, 37; American 1;
Readjuster, 1.
House — Republicans, 152; Democrats, 130; Nationals, 9;
Readjusters, 2.
Forty-eighth Congress.
Senate — Republicans, 40; Democrats, 36.
House — Republicans, 119; Democrats, 200; Indei)endent8, 4;
Nationals, 2.
:u;0 HISTORY OF THE REPIBLICAN PARTY.
The Michigan vote on President was as follows:
Garfield and Arthur 185,190
Hancock and English 131,301
Weaver and Chambers 34,805
Dow and Thompson 938
PhelDs and Pomeroy , 312
The Presidential Electors were: At Large — Charles B. Peck.
Samuel M. Stephenson. By Districts— (1) Edward H. Butler; (2)
Charles T. Mitchell; (3) David R. Cook; (4) Charles Duncombe; (5)
Aaron B. Turner; («) Ira P. Bingham; (7) Watson Beach; (8) William
H. Potter; (0) Samuel A. Browne.
The vote of the State for Governor in 1880 was:
David H. Jerome, Rei)ublican 178,944
Frederick M. Holloway, Democrat 137,671
David Woodman, 2d, Greenback 35,122
Isaac W. McKeever, Prohibition 1,114
Cornelius Quick, Anti-Masonic 220
The Michigan Congressmen elected were all Republicans, and
were as follows, in the order of their districts: Henry AY. Lord,
Edwin Willi ts, Edward S. Lacey, Julius C. Burrows, G(H)rge W.
AYebber, Oliver I^. Spaulding, Omar D. Conger, Roswell G. Horr, Jay
A. Hubbell Mr. Conger was elected to the United States Senate
by the Legislature of 1881, and was succeeded by John T. Rich.
In the election of 1882, which came midway in this Presidential
period, the vote for Governor was as follows:
Josiah W. Begole, Fusion 154,269
David H. Jerome, Republican 149,697
Daniel P. Sagendorph, Prohibition 5,854
W^aldo May, National ! 2,006
Charles C. Foote, Anti-Masonic 343
The Congressional elections in 1882 were (juite in keeping with
the revolution which gave the Governorship to the Democrats, six
out of the eleven members being elected by Fusion votes, as follows:
(1) W. C. Maybury; (2) N. B. Eldredge; (4) George L. Yaple; (5) Julius
Housemann, (6) Edwin B. Winans; (7) Ezra C. Carlton. The Repub-
lican members were: (3) Edward S. Lacey; (8) Roswell G. Horr; (9|
Byron M. Cutcheon; (10) Herschel H. Hatch; (11) Edward Breitung.
XXVIII.
THE GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADI^llNIOTRATION.
Blaine's Purpose in Taking the State Portfolio — A Series of Unfor-
tunate Appointments — Slights Upon Mr. Conkling and His Indig-
nation Thereat — Resignation of the New York Senators —
BoutwelTs Statement of the Affair — Successors of Senators
Conkliug and Piatt — Assassination of President Garfield—
Guiteau's letter of Explanation — Press Lessons Drawn From
the Tragedy — (Changes Made in the Cabinet by President Arthur
— His Prudent and Successful Administration — The Question of
Civil Service Reform — The Tariff of 188H — Morrison's Horizontal
Reduction Plan — Other Important Measures.
If President Garfield had any purpose of harmonizing the
factions in the party, and to **treat all stripes alike,*' he set about it
in a very aw^kward way, for his choice of Cabinet officers, and some
of his New York appointments, made soon afterwards, were in the
highest degree offensive to the ruling faction in the Rei)ublican poli-
tics of the Empire State. The Cabinet was made up as follows:
Secretary of State — James G. Blaine, of Maine.
Secretary of the Treasury — William Windom, of Minnesota.
Secretary of War — Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois.
Secretary of the Navy — William H. Hunt, of Louisiana.
Secretary of the Interior — Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa.
Postmaster General — Thomas L. James, of New York.
Attorney (leneral — WXv^^ MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania.
Blaine's appointment was, of course, distasteful to the domin-
ant wing in the party in New York. Many of his wisest friends
advised him not to take the portfolio, among them Senator Dawes,
who said, at a later period: **I warncMi Mr. Blaine that if he entered
the Cabinet with the intent or hope of circumventing his rival, it
would be fatal to him and to the Administration of Garfield, and I
t\C,2 HISTORY OF THE REPT'HLirAN PARTY.
expressed the opinion that it would be impossible for him to keep the
l)eare if he took the office. He replied with frankness, and, I have
no doubt, with entire sincerity, that it would be his purpose, if he
ae(ei)ted the office, to ijj^nore all past differences, and so deport himself
in it as to force reconciliation. He also said that he could not agree
with me, even if the effect should j)rove otherwise, that he should be
debarred from the great o])iiortunity. for which he felt himself quali-
fied, to administer the Foreign office on the broad and grand scale
lie did afterward undertak(*, but was not permitted to i>erfect. I
foresaw the rocks, all too plainly, and advised him to remain in the
Senate. Rut he determined otherwise and accejited the position."
That Blaine did not overestimate his qualifications for the im|>ort-
ant duties of Secretary of State, was shown at a later i)eriod, by his
successful and brilliant administration of the same l)ei)artment under
President Harrison. Hut that he underestimated the difficulties of
promoting peace, with himself in the Cabinet, and with as impulsive
a man as Garfield in the Presidency, is equally clear.
But this appointment was not as offensive to Mr. ("onkling and
his political associates, as the second i)roffer that was made of a
Cabinet position, that of the Treasury portfolio to Charles J. Folger,
of New York. This offer was made, not only without consulting
Senator Coukling, but against his recommendation of Levi P. Morton
for the i)lace. Mr. Folger declined the offer, but that did not miti-
gate Mr. Conkling's wrath at the slight that had been put upon him.
It became known soon afterwards that the New York postmaster
Thonms L. James, was to be a])pointed Postmaster (ieneral, and as
there was no likelihood of two Cabinet appointments going to the
same State, this shut out the Empire State from the Treasury port-
folio, which, its Senators had been assured, should go to that State
When Senator Piatt heard of this he communicated the information
to Senator Conkling and Vice-President Arthur, whom he found at
breakfast. The three repaired to the Riggs House, where Garfield
had rooms, to which they were admitted. Conkling broke out into
an unse(»mly tirade, which he continued for a long time, charging
(larfield, wiio was, all the time sitting on the edge of the bi^, with
treaclu^ry to his friends in New York, and with being false to his
party.. Both Arthur and Piatt subsequently declared that for invec-
tive, sarcasm and impassioned eloquence, this was the si)eech of his
life.
GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION. 30^
The President, after this made a number of appointments in New
York that were satisfactory to the Vice-President and the Senators
from that State. The most important one of all, that of ('ollector of
the Port, was held in abeyance until March 28d, when the President
nominated William H. Robertson, of Westchester County, E. A.
Merritt, the incumbent at the time, being ap))ointed Consul General
to London.
No appointment could have been made more offcmsive to Conk-
linjj; than this. There was no objection to Robertson on the score of
fitness or ability. He
had served his District
accei)tably in the State
Senate and in Congress.
But he was restless
under the dictation of
Conkling and his asso-
ciates, was the leader
of the anti-Grant ele-
ment in the New York
delegation, and was the
first to disregard and
repudiate the unit rule
in the Convention, sup-
])orting Blaine as long
as there was any chance
for him, and then trans-
ferring his own vote
and as many others as
he could to Garfield.
The nomination was
sent in March 23d.
Conkling and IMatt did their utmost to defeat its confirmation, by
argument and by appeals to Senatorial courtesy, but without prospect
of success. While this was ))ending, on the nth of May, the Pn^si-
dent, hearing that the New York Senators intended to secure the
confirmation of the other New York appointments, but to hang up
that of Robertson till December, withdrew^ the others, leaving Rob-
ertson to stand alone. Vice-President Arthur and the New York
Senators sent a letter to the President remonstrating against this,
but without avail. The fight had now become so bitter that a com
WILLIAM H. ROBERTSON.
^64 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
mittee of live iiiiitiial friends visited Conklin^ to see if a reeoncilia
tion could not be effected. Of the result, Senator Dawes, chairman of
the coniniit^(*e of conciliation, afterwards said: "On that occasion he
surpassed himself in all those elements of oratorical i>ower, for which
he was so distinguished. He continued, for two hours and a half, to
play, with consummate skill, upon all the strings known to the
orator, and through all the notes, from the lowest to the highest,
which the great masters command, and concluded in a lofty apos-
trophe to the greatness and glory of the Republican party, and his
own devotion to its highest welfare, *and,' said he, 'I trust that the
exigency may never arise when I shall be comi)elled to choose
between self-respect and personal honor on the one side, and the
temporary discomfiture of that party on rhe other; but if that time
shall ever come, I shall not hesitate in the choice, and 1 now say to
you, and through you to those whom it most concerns, that I have
in my pocket an autograph letter from this President who is now for
the time being its official head, which I pray God I may never be com
pelled in self-defense, to make public; but if that time shall ever
come, I declare to you, his friends, h** will bite the dust.' " He after-
wards published the letter, but it did not create the sensation he
anticipated. It was an ajtpeal for collections from Government
officials and clerks for campaign expenses.
On the l()th of May Uonkling and Piatt resigned their seats in
the Senate, and two days laler Robertson was confirmed, with very
little opposition.
There has been much discussion as to the part that Blaine had
in this nomination. His friends, at the time, said that he had noth-
ing to do with it, and knew nothing about it until after it was made.
His enemies said that he was the instigator of the whole mischief.
Probably there is no one else, living at the present time, so well fitted
to state the facts in the case as George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts.
Mr. Boutwell was in President Grant's Cabinet, was one of his four
trusted managers at the Chicago Convention, and was intimate with
Conkling, without ever breaking friendship with Blaine. In McClure's
Magazine for January, IDIMK Mr. Boutwell gives very interesting
reminiscences of this affair. He says that, following the visit of
General Grant and Mr. Conkling to Mentor, in the fall of 1880, he was
informed by Mr. Conkling that he had not been alone one minute
with General Garfield, intending by that care-taking, to avoid the
suggestion that his visit was designed to afford an opportunity for
lim HISTORY OF THE REPmLK AX PARTY.
Sunday conference. It was, however, only an instance of General
(larticOcrs impulsive and unreasoninji: submission to an expression of
public opinion, without waiting for evidence of the nature and value
of that opinion. That weakness had bi^n observed by his associates
in the House of Rejnesentatives, and on that weakness his admin-
istration was wrecked.
When Senators Conkling and Piatt resigned their seats it was
with the expectation that the New York l^egislature, then in session,
would immediately re-elect them. In this they were disappointed.
They had taken the step hastily, and without consulting their friends.
Even Vice-President Arthur knew nothing of it, until the resignations
leached him in his oflrtcial capacity as presiding officer of the Senate.
When the letters of resignation reached Governor Tornell, of New
York, he uusu<-cessfully sought to have them withdrawn. On the
first ballot in the Legislature Conkling had only 35 votes for the short
term, and Piatt 21> for the long term. They did not get beyond this
number in the successive ballots, while from 75 to 7\) were necessary
to a choice. The Democrats nominated Francis Kernan for the long
term, and John i\ .Jacobs for the short term. The Republicans, who
were ojiposed to Conkling and Piatt, made no regular nominations,
but gradually <-oncent rated their votes on William A. Wheeler and
Chauncey M. Uepew, but the highest vote reached by the former was
50 and by the latter 55. Finally the Republicans caucused and
named Wainer ^Miller to succeed Mr. Piatt and Elbridge S. I^ipham
to su<ce(^d Mr. Conkling. On the forty-eighth ballot Mr. Miller was
elected, but it took another cau<us, and several more ballots to land
Mr. Lapham. The contest lasted from May HI to July 22. It was
during this contest that the names '^Stalwarts'' and "Half Breeds"
came into use, the former being ajiplied at first to the Grant-Gonkling
wing of the party, and the latter to the Garfield-Blaine followers
The failure of re-election concluded Senator Conkling's political
career, but Mr. Piatt was soon on his f<»et again, and before many
years was the most influential man in his i)arty in the Empire Statej
While the (lection of Senators in New York was still i)ending
the country was startled at news of the assassination of President
Garfield. On the morning of July 2, as he was in the waiting room
of the Pennsylvania Railroad station in Washington, whence he w^as-
to start with his Cabinet on a tour through New England, Charles J.
Guiteau, a «lisappoiiited office-seeker, approached him, and fired two
shots at him, one of which took effect in the back, and ultimatelv
GARFIELD AND ARTHUR ADMINISTRATION. 3(57
caused his death. On Ouiteau^s persou, after his arrest, was found
a letter which said: **The President's traj^ic death was a sad neces-
sity, but it will unite the Republican party and save the Republic.
Life is a flimsy dream, and it matters little when one j!:oes; a human
life is of small value. During the war thousands of brave boys went
down without a tear. I presume that the President was a Christian,
and that he will be happier in Paradise than here. It will be no worse
for Mrs. (lai'field, dear soul, to part with her husband this way, than
by natural death He is liable to go at any time, anyway. I had no
ill-will toward the President. His death was a political necessity. I
am a hiwyer, a iheologian and a politician. I am a Stalwart of the
Stalwarts. 1 \^as with (ileneral (Irant, and the rest of our men in
New York during the canvass. 1 have some papers for the press,
which 1 sliall leave with Ryron Andrews, and his company, journal-
ists, at 142t» \ew York Avenue, where all the reporters can see them."
The letter was signed "Charles (luiteau,-- and was addressed **To the
AVhite House.'*
Ouiteau s declaration that he was a. Stalwart of the Stalwarts,
and the information which came out afterwards that he had, himself
been disappointed in office-seeking, induced many to think that there
was some connection between him and the President's political
o[)ponent8 in New York. Nothing could have been further from the
truth, than the suspicion that there was any direct connection of this
sort, for, all hough the Stalwarts were fighters they were not assas-
sins. Some of the leading newspapers, however, found a logical, if
not a direct, connection between the political quarrel and the political
assassination. The Springfield, Mass., Republican said: **Ouiteau
is a miserable ne'er do well, who shares the common feeling that all
the off1<*e8 are in the dispensation of the l*resident of the United
States, and that he has a claim on that functionary for jiatronage.
He is in sympathy with Arthur and Conklingin the struggle over the
New York Custom House. His wits have become only a degree more
disordered than those of Conkling himself, and being a much w'eaki^r
and feebler man, his vengeance has taken the direct and vulgar form
of a pistol shot, rather than the more refined form of resigning the
seats of the Republican majority in the Senate of the T'nited States,
and demanding a vindicati<m from the State of New York."
The New York pajiers were not as direct as this, but drew lessons
of much the same tenor. The Tinu»8 said: **Though the murderer
was obvioubly of unsound mind, it is impossible to ignore the causes
368 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
which led immediately to this ait; which directed his ill-regulat<Hl
will to final aim. He was a disappointed office-seeker, and he linkinl
the bitterness or his personal disappointment with the passionate
animosity of a faction. This resentment was infiamed and intensified
by the assaults upon the President, which have bi»en common in too
many circles for the past few months. Certainly, we are far from
holding an\ party or any section of a party responsible for this mur-
derous act, but we believe it our duty to point out that the act was
an exagj^eraied expression of a sentiment of narrow and bitter
hatred, which has been only too freely indulged. It is not too much
to say, in the first pla<*e, that if Mr. (iarfield had not been the chief of
a service in which offices are held out as prizes to men of much the
same merit, and much the same career as this murderer, he would
not have been exposed to this attack." The New York Tribune had
this: "President (larfield has been shot down, not by a political
faction, but by the spirit which a political faction has begotten and
nursed. Hut for that sjiirit, there was hardly a man in this country
who seemed, at sunrise yesjerday, more safe from murderous assault
It does not appear that the assassin of yesterday had ever been
thought a lunatic by any associate or acquaintance, until the deadly
shots were fired. Was he 'crazed by political excitement' then, as
many say? /vt what point, if ever, did the madness of faction become
the madness of irresponsibility? Do the leaders of factions ever
intend all the mischief which grows from the wild and desperate spirit
which they create, feed, and stimulate, week after week? Is it not
their constant crime against self government, that, by kindling-such a
spirit, they send weak or reckless men beyond the bounds of right, or
reason? This assassin, it seems, was not ignorant that he was trying
to kill one President and make another. His language and letters
prove that lu knew what he was doing only too well, and a *Htalwart
of the Stalwarts,' his passion was intense enough to do the thing
which other reckless men had wished were done.'' Instead of allay-
ing factional feeling, this tragic event seemed for the time to inten-
sify it.
In spite of treatment by the most eminent surgeons in the coun-
try, and the aid of a strong constitution, the President gradually
weakened under the effects of the wound, blood poisoning set in, and
he died on the IDih of September, at Elberon, N. J., where he had been
taken in the hope of being benefited by the cool air of the seashore.
The time between the fatal shot and the President's death, was a
^7(1
HISTORY OF THE RErTBLKWN PARTY.
l)ubli(r affairs had not been tested. To many people, who had thought
of him only as a loial politician, his letter acreptinji; the nomination
came as a revelation. His treatment of the jiublie issues then pend-
ing, indicated a soundness and solidity of thought, that were fully
as aeceptable as those of the more brilliant and effusive (iarfield
After his accession to the Presidency, Oeneral Arthur gaimni very
rapidly in public confidence and favor; and before his term clostni he
was regardf d as anumg the most juudent, and most discreet, as well
as one of the abl(»st of our Presidents.
The changes he made
in the Cabinet, wliieh
he inherited from Gar-
field, were numerous,
but they were madi*
with deliberation. Mr.
Hlaine, who, as the
head of the Cabinet,
had, during l^resident
Oarfteld's illness, caim»
nearer the possession
of Presidential power,
than he ever did before*
or afterwards, retained
his portfolio till Decern
ber V.K 1S81, when he
surrendered it to Fred-
erick T. Frelinghuysen,
of New Jersey. Edwin
1>. Morgan, who had
been nominatcMi and
confirmed as Secretary
of the Treasury, declined, on account of ill health. Charles J. Folger,
who had declined the jiosition under Garfield, was appointed and
accepted. He afterwards resigned and was succeeded in 1882 by
Walter (i. Gresham, and he, in turn, by Hugh McC^ulloch. In April,
1882, William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, was appointed Secre-
tary of the Navy, and Henry M. Teller, of Colorado, Secretary of the
Interior. Within the next three years there were three different
incumbents of the position of Postmaster General, Timothy O. Howe,
of Wisconsin, who succeeded Thomas L. James; Walter Q. Gresham,
of Indiana, and Frank Hatton, of Iowa.
CHESTER A. ARTHUR.
ST2 HISTORY OF THE REPmLKWN PARTY.
Duriuir the two remaining vears of President Arthur's term he
applied the law to 15,773 plaees. Cleveland added 11,757 places in
his first term, and 42,025 in his second, while Harrison increased the
list by 15,5118 in his term, making over 85,000 places brought under
the Act during the first three and one-half terms of its existence.
The first general revision of the tariff undertaken since the
Morrill Acts of the war period, was made during this Administra-
tion. An Act approved May 15, 1882, appointed the following Tariff
Commission, consisting of prominent manufacturers and others: J.
L. Hayes, H. ^^\ Oliver, A. M. Garland, Robert P. Porter, J. W. H,
Underwood, A. R. Rateler and Duncan F. Kennon. In December
following, this Committee brought in a Hill, together with a long
report, showing very industrious research into the whole subject.
The i)uri»ose of the Bill was thus stated: **In the performance of the
duty devolved upon them, all the members of the Commission havi»
aimed, and, as they believe, with success, to divest themselves of
political bias, sectional prejudice or considerations of personal
interest. It is their desire that their recommendations shall serve
no political jmrty, class, section or school of political economy."
Congress, however, did not reach this degree of impartiality. The
Senate tacked a ditferent Tariff Bill to a House Internal Revenue
Measure, and thus the whole subject was brought before a Conference
Committee, which turned out a Bill that was satisfactory to no one.
The Commission Bill reduced the rates of duty on an average about
20 jier cent., in some cases as much as 50 per cent. The averagt^
reduction by the Conference Bill was only about 4 per cent., and in
some cases there was an actual increase over the war tariff rates.
The Commission Bill was <arefully studied, and was symmetrical in
its character, while the Conference Bill was contradictory in its
methods and incongruous in its provisions. Senator John Sherman
said of it in his ^^Recollections:'' "If the Senate Finance Committe«»
had embodied in this Bill the recommendations of the Tariff Com-
mission, including the schedules, without amendment or change, the
tariff would have been settled for many years. Unfortunately, this
was not done^ but the schedules prescribing the rates of duty, and
tluMr classificjition, were so radically changed by the Committee that
the scheme of the Tariff Commission was practically defeated. Many
persons, wishing to advance their particular industry, appeareii
before the Committee, and succeeded in having their views adopted."
In the next House, which had. a large Democratic majority,
William R. Morrison, of Illinois, introduced a measure which gave to
GARFIELD AND ARTHI'R ADMINISTRATION. 373
him the nick-name ''Horizontai Bill.-' It proposed to make a hori-
zontal reduction of 20 per cent, on the duties levied by the Act of
1883. But this met with little favor, for, it was argued, if the Act
of 188^^ was uneven, irrational and contradictory in its schedules, a
uniform reduction of 20 per cent, would not make it a bit less so.
Thirty-nine Democrats voted with the Republicans a^j^ainst even
giving the i^ill consideration. After it had been discussed at length
37 Democrats voted with the Republicans to strike out the enacting
clause, while G Democrats refrained from voting. The motion to
strike out carried by 158 to 155, and that was the end of tariff agita-
tion for the Forty-eighth Congress.
The situation in regard to the Presidency at the time of (farfield's
assassination reminded Congress that legislation was needed relating
to the succession to that office. The Act of 1702, which was still in
force in 1881, provided that in case the Vice-President, as well as the
President dies, is removed or is disqualitied, then the President pro
tempore of the Senate, or, after him, the Speaker of the House, should
assume the duties of the office until the disability is removed, or a
President elected. At this time there was no Si)eaker of the House,
because the new Congress had not met. It had been the custom, <m
the last day of the sessions of the Senate, for the Vice-President to
retire, so that the Senate might elect a President pro tempore, to hold
office during the recess, but this had been neglected at the special
session of the Senate in May. There was an interval of some weeks
therefore, in which, in case of President Arthur's death, there would
have been no provision whatever for the succession. On the second
day of the first regular session of the Forty-seventh Congress, the
Senate ordered its Judiciary Committee to inquire whether any
further legislation was necessary in respect to the Presidential suc-
cession, and report by Bill, or otherwise. Senator (Jarland, for the
Committee, accordingly reported a Bill placing the succession to the
Presidency in members of the Cabinet, in an order named, commenc-
ing with the Secretary of State. This was in 1881, and it is a curious
comment on the disposition of legislative bodies to defer matters
when the immediate exigency has jiassed, that no measure on this
subject was adopted until January, 188r», when a law based on (Jar
land's plan was enacted.
A bill restricting Chinese immigraticm, in accordance with the
terms of the Burlingame treaty, passed both Houses of the Forty-
seventh Congri^ss, but was vetoed by Pr(»sident Arthur. An effort
n74 HISTORY OF THK REPFBLK \VN PARTY.
to pass it over bis veto failed, when another J^ilK framed so as to
meet his objections, passed and beeanie a law.
Under the Act orpiuizing: National Hanks, the charters of these
associations had a life time of only twenty years. Their charters
begjan expiring? about this time and an Act passed this Congress allow-
ing them to reorganize for twenty years more. The first Anti-
Polygamy Act, directed esi)ecially against the Mormons in Utah,
also passed the Forty-seventh Congress, by a non-partisan vote.
The factional spirit which had been fostered by the incidents of
the Chicago Convention and by the events that followed in New York.
told heavily in the elections of 1S82. in Pennsylvania for nearly
thirty years, there have been two factions among the Republicans.
They have generally confined their disputes to caucuses and conven-
lions, and afterwards supported the nominations therein made, but
1882 was one of the years when they couldn't agree, and there were
two Republican candidates for Governor. The result was the election
of Robert M. Pattison, Democrat. The same influences defeated
Henry W. Oliver, the Regular Republican nominee for the Ignited
States Senate, though they did not elect a Democrat. In Massa-
chusetts, up to that time reliably Republican, a combination of
Greenbackers and Democrats also defeated the Republicans for GU>v-
ernor. But the worst break was in New York State, where about
200,000 **Half Breed" Republicans stayed away from the polls, because
the candidate was supposed to represent the Administration, to
which they had not yet become re<onciled. The result was to give
Grover Cleveland 102,854 majority for Governor, and to put beyond
question his nomination as the next Demo<ratic candidate for the
Presidencv.
XXIX.
THE EKHITH REPl'BLK^VN ( ()N\ EXTIOX.
Prominent Men in Attendance as Delegates — Contest Over the Ten)-
porarv ChairnLan — An Important Change in tlie Unles — Text of
the Platform Adopted — Blaine and Arthur the Leading Candi-
dates— Xomination of the Former — Analysis of the Vote —
(leneral Logan for Vice-President — Opjiosition to the Ticket
Within the Party — The Kisi* and (lood Fortune of (trover Cleve-
land— He Receives the Democratic Xomination — A Bitter
Personal ( 'ontest — Blaine's Western Tour — His Unfortunate
Stay in Xew York — Parson Burchard's Misfit Speech — Success
of the Democratic Ticket.
The eighth Xational Convention of the Rejiublican party opened
in the Exposition Building, Chicago, June '*\, 1884. The proceedings
were not lacking in interest, though they were entirely lacking in the
strifes and excitements of four years earlier. The contest was recog-
nized, at the outset, as being between Arthur and Blaine, though
there were, as usual, a few favorite sons in the held. The personnel
of the Convention was not as strong as some that have been held,
although it included the two next Republican Presidents, Harrison
and McKinley, and a third, (leneral Alger, wlio was a leading candi-
date for the Republican nomination, four years later. The following
were among the leading delegates: Powell Clayton and Logan H
Roots, of Arkansas; Shelby M. Cullom, of Hlinois; Richard W.
Thompson and Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana; John S. Clarkson, of
Iowa; Senator Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas; William (). Bradley.
Walter Evans and William C. (loodloe, of Kentucky; William Pitt
Kellogg, P. B. S. Pinchback, and A. J. Dumcmt, of Louisiana; (Jeorge
F. Hoar, William W. Crapo, John 1). Long, Henry Cabot I^odge and
Carroll D. Wright, of Massachusetts; Cushman K. Davis, of Minne-
sota; Blanche K. Bruce and John R. Lynch, of Mississip]>i; R. T. Van-
Horn, John B. Henderson and Chauncey L Filley, of Misscmri;
William McKinley, Mark A. Hanna, Benjamin Eggleston and A. L
:^7(i HISTORY OF THE RErrBLICAX PARTY.
Conger, of Ohio; H. H. Riiighani and (lalusha A. Grow, of Pennsyl-
vania; W. P. Brownlow and L. (\ Houek, of Tennessee.
The Michifi:an delepition was as follows: At I^ar^re — Roswell G
Horr, William F. Swift, Samuel C. AVatson and Julius C. Burrows.
By Districts— (1) Russell A. Alger, William S. Morey; (2) W. A
rnderwood, Joseph T. Jacobs; (3) Edward i\ Nichols, William H
Powers; (4) S. T. Ri»ed, Josiah Andrews; (5) George W. Webber,
Henry F. Thomas; (fi) M. 1). Chatterton, Joseph E. Sawyer; {T) John
P. Sanborn, R. R. Noble; (8) W. S. Turck, W. E. Watson; <lh M. P.
(Jale, Abel Anderson; (10) H. H. Aplin, (ieorge W. Bell; (11) S^^h i\
Motfatt, Samuel M. Stephenson.
One of the shar])est <ontests of the Convention was over the
comparatively unimportant office of temporary Chairman. Ever
since the party was organized it had been the province of the National
Committee to name that olticial. In accordance with this custom
the Committee designate<l for the place Powell Clayton, a one-arnnnl
Cnion soldier from Arkansas, then the leading Republican politician
in that State. The friends of General Arthur antagonized Clayton
with John R. Lynch, a colored delegate from Mississippi, Henry Cabot
Lodge, of Massachusetts, making this nomination. The discussion
of this question, which developed more heat than the subject at all
warranted, was particii)ated in by fourteen different members of the
Convention, and the roll call of states showed 424 votes for Lyneh
to 384 for Clayton. This was considered a triumph for President
Arthur. In reality it was simply an anti-Blaine vote, for the oppo-
sition to Blaine never united on Arthur. Following this, S. W.
Hawkins, of Tennessee, moved a sus])ension of the rules, and the
adoption of a resolution that, "as the sense of this Convention, every
member is bound in honor to support its nominee, whoever that
nominee may be; and that no man should hold a seat here who is not
ready to so agree." After a short debate, in which half a dozen
members jiarticipated, the resolution was withdrawn.
The Committee on Permanent Organization reported the name
of John B. Henderson, of Missouri, for President, and Charles W
Clisbee, of Michigan, for Secretary. Mr. Henderson, in a brief specH-h.
c»n taking the chair, praised all the men that had been talked of as
jiossible candidates, and, on his own ac<<)unt. added *'the grand ohl
hero of Kenesaw Mountain and Atlanta" to the list.
The report of the Committee on Rules was the subject of a lon^
discussion. Oni* of tlu» propositions, debated at length, and with
THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 377
great earnestness, was that the district representation in future Con-
ventions should be based on the number of Republican votes east for
Congressman at the last election, instead of being the same for all
the districts. This was hotly opposed by the Southern Republicans,
who insisted that their representation in the Convention should not
be reduced, because Southern Democrats, with the practical conniv-
ance of the National Administration, had disfranchised many of their
voters. The proposition was finally withdrawn. It has been brought
up, either in the National Committee or in open Convention, in every
campaign since then, even to that of 1900, and has, every time, been
either withdrawn or voted down.
The only rule that was materially changed as a result of the long
discussion, was that relating to the duties of the National Commit-
tee. As finally adopted the rule read as follows: "A Republican
National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one member
from each State, Territory and the District of Columbia. The roll
shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory and
District of Columbia, shall name, through its Chairman, a person to
act as a member of the Committee who is not eligible as a member of
the Electoral College. Said Committee shall issue the call for a
meeting of the National Convention six months at least before thf»
time fixed for said meeting; and eacli Congressional District in the
United States shall elect its delegates to the National Convention in
the same way as the nomination of a member of Congress is made in
said District; and in the territories the delegates to the Convention
shall be elected in the same way as the nomination of delegates to
Congress is made; and said National Convention shall prescribe th«*
mode of electing delegates for the District of Columbia. An alter-
nate delegate for each deh^gate to the National Convention, to act in
case of the absen(*e of the delegate, shall be elected in the same way
and at the same time as the delegate is elected. Delegatos-at-larg(»
for each State, and their alternates, shall be elected by State Conven-
tions in their respective states."
The clause providing that no person should be a member of the
Committee who was not eligible as a member of the Electoral College
was intended to exclude Federal oflfice-holders from the Committee,
and was adopted on account of the Civil Service Act, forbidding such
officers to solicit or receive campaign contributions from other Fed-
eral office-holders or Government (employes.
378 HIRTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
The report of the Committee on Resolutions was made on the
afternoon of the third day of the Convention, by William MeKinley,
of Ohio, Chairman of the Committee. It was adopted without amend-
ment, and without debate, and was as follows:
The Republicans of the United States, in National Convention
assembled, renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they
have triumphed in six successive elections, and congratulate the
American people on the attainment of so many results in legislation
and Administration by which the Republican party, has, after saving
the Union, done so much to render its institutions just, ecjual and
beneficent, the safeguards of liberty, and the embodiments of the
best thought and highest purposes of our citizens.
The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and
faithful response to the demands of the people for the fretniom and
equality of all men, for a united nation assuring the rights of all citi-
zens, for the elevation of labor, for an honest currency, for purity in
legislation, and for integrity and accountability in all the depart-
ments of the government, and it accepts anew the duty of leading in
the work of progress and reform.
We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound states-
manship, long conspicu<ms in Congress, gave promise of a strong
and successful Administration, a promise fully realized during the
short period of his office as President of the I'nited States. His dis-
tinguished success in war and in peace, have endeared him to the
hearts of the American i)eople.
In the Administration of President Arthur we recognize a wise*
conservative and jiatriotic policy, under which the country has been
blessed with remarkable prosperity, and we believe his eminent
services are entitled to and will receive the hearty approval of every
citizen.
It is the tirst duty of a good Government to protect the rights
and promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversity
of industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the
comfort and independence of the people. We therefore demand that
the imposition of duties upon foreign imports shall be made not for
revenue only, but that in raising the requisite revenues for the Gov-
<*rnment, such duties shall be so levied as to afl*ord security to our
diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the
laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital,
may have its just reward and the laboring man his full share in the
national prosperity.
Against the so-(alled economic system of the Democratic party,
which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our
earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed completely to
relieve the people of the burden of unue<essary taxation b.v a wise
reduction of the surplus.
THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN ( OXVEXTION. 379
The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities
of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indis-
criminate process of horizontal reduction, but by such methods as
will relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great
productive industries of the country.
We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United
States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing and the
danger threatening its future prosperity; and we, therefore, respect
the demands of the representatives of this important agricultural
interest for a readjustment of duty on foreign wool in order that such
industry shall have full and adequate protection.
We have always recommended the best money known to the
civilized world, and we urge that an effort be made to unite all com-
niercial nations in the establishment of an international standard
which shall fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage.
The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between
the states is one of the most imj)ortant [)rerogative8 of the general
government and the Republican party distinctly announces its pur-
pose to support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carry out
the Constitutional power of Congress over its State commerce.
The principle of public regulation of railway (Corporations is a
wise and salutary one for the protection of all classes of the people;
and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust discrimination and
excessive charges for transportation, and that shall secure to the
people and to the railways alike the fair and equal protection of the
laws.
We favor the establishment of a National Bureau of labor; the*
enforcement of the eight-hour law, and a wise and judicious system of
general education by adequate appropriation from the National
revenues wherever the same is needed. We believe that everywhere
the protection to a citizen of American birth must be secured to citi-
zens of American adoption; and we favor tin* settlement of National
differences by international arbitration.
The Republican party, having its birth in a hatr(»d of slave labor
and in a desire that all men may be free and eciual, is unalterably
opposed to placing our workingmen in competition with any form
of servile labor, whether at home or abroad. In this spirit we
denounce the importation of contract labor, whether from Europe or
Asia, as an offence against the spirit of American institutions, and
we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese
immigration, and to provide such further legislation as is necessary
to carry out its purposes.
Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Republi
can Administration, should be completed by further extension of the
reform system, aln^ady established by law, to all the grades of the ser-
vice to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform
should be observed in all executive appointments; and all laws at
380 HISTORY OF THE REPrBLICAX PARTY.
variance with the object of existing reform lepslation should be
repealed, to the end that the danj^ers to free institutions which lurk
in power of official patronage may be wisely and effectively avoided.
The public lands are a heritage of tiie people of the United States,
and should he reserved, as fiw as possible, for small holdings by
actual settlers. \Ve are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts of
these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where the hold-
ings are in the hands of non-resident aliens. And we will endeavor to
obtain such legislation as will tend to correct this evil. \Ye demand
of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land grants which have
hipsed by reason of non-compliance with Acts of Incorporation, in
all cases where there has been no attempt in good faith to perform
the conditions of such grants.
The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the rnion
soldiers and sailors of the late war. And the Republican party
stands pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled, and
for the widows and orphans of those who died in the war. Thf»
Republican party also pledges itself to the repeal of the limitation
contained in the Arrears Act of 1S71), so that all invalid soldiers shall
share alike and their pension shall begin with date of disability, or
discharge, and not with the date of their application.
The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from
entangling alliances with foreign nations, and which shall give th«^
right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling in
American atfairs — the policy which seeks peace and can trade with
all powers, but especially with those of the Western hemisphere.
We demand the restoration of our Navy to its old-time strength
and efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the rights of American
citizens and the interests of American commerce; and we call upon
Congress to remove the burdens under which American shipping has
been depressed, so that it amy again be true that we have a <-omnieri-e
which leaves no sea unexplored, and a Navy which takes no law from
superior force.
RESOLVED, That appointments by the IVesident to offices in
the territories should be made from the bona tide citizens and resi-
dents of the territories wherein they are to serve.
RESOLVED, That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws
as shall promptly and etTectually suppress the system of polygamy
within our territories, and divorce the political from the ecclesiasti-
cal power of the so-caHed ^iormon Church: and that the laws so
enacted should be rigidly enforced by the civil authorities, if {>ossible,
and by the military, if need be.
The peoph* of the Cuitt^d States in their organized capacity con-
stitute a Nation and not a mere confederacy of states. The National
(xovernment is supreme within the sphere of its National duties; but
the States hav(» reserved rights which must be faithfully maintained;
THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 381
each should be guarded with jealous care so that the harmony of our
system of government mav be preserved and the Tnion be kept invio-
late.
The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of
a free ballot, an honest count and correct returns.
We denounce the fraud and violence practised by the Democracy
in the Southern States, by which the will of the voter is defeated,
as dangerous to the preservation of free institutions; and we solemnly
arraign the Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of the
fruits of such fraud and violence.
We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their
former party affiliations, our cordial sympathy; and pledge to them
our most earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation
as will secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full
and complete recognition, possession, and exercise of all civil and
political rights.
The order of nominating candidates for the Presidency was
reached on the evening of tin* third day. The nominating speeches
were numerous, several of them long, most of them good, but none
of them specially striking. Augustus Brandegee, of Connecticut,
was the first to speak, placing in nomination Oeneral Joseph R. Haw-
ley, of that State. Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, placed General John
A. Logan in nomination, referring in eloquent terms to his brilliant
military service, and his long civil career; and the nomination was
supported by Benjamin H. Prenlis, of Missouri.
Judge William H. West, of Ohio, presented the name of Jame^
G. Blaine, and the nomination was supported by (^ushman K. Davis,
of Minnesota; William C. Goodloe, of Kentucky; Galusha A. Grow,
of Pennsylvania; and, strange as it may seem in view of the events
of three years earlier, by Thomas C. Piatt, of New York.
President Arthur's name was placed before the Convention by
Martin I. Townsend, of New York, who was seconded by Henry H.
Bingham, of Pennsylvania; John R. Lynch, of Mississi])pi; Patrick
H. WMnston, of North Carolina, and P. B. S. Pinchback, of Louisiana.
J. B. Foraker, of Ohio, and William H. Holt, of Kentucky, spoke
for John Sherman, while John I). Long, of Massachusetts, and George
William Curtis, of New York, performed a like service for Senator
George F. Edmunds, of Vermont. This brought the proceedings up
to 1:45 a. m., in the morning of the sixth, when adjournment was
had until 11 a. m.
;4U
375
541
!7«
274
2(>7
95
(59
41
fil
Si
7
28
25
. . .
13
13
15
4
8
2
o
o
;5^2 UISTOKY OF THE REPUHLICAN PARTY.
It rcMpiirod only four ballots to make the Presidential uomina
tion, the record being as follows:
1st. 2d. 3d. 4th.
James (J. Blaine, of Maine 334Vi» 349
(blester A. Arthur, of New York. 278 27
George F. Edmunds, of Vermont. 93
John A. Logan, of Illinois H3V^
John Sherman, of Ohio 30
Joseph R. Hawley, of (\>nne(tieut. 13
Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois 4
William T. Sherman, of Missouri 2
There was a strong feeling among Republieans that President
Arthur was entitled to the candida<*y. Every Vice President pre-
ceding him who had succeeded to the Presidency, had disappointed
his party and the jmblic, but President Arthur had given a rery
satisfactory administration. It had been entirely free from scandals.
except thos(* connected with star route bids for the Mail Service, and
these had commenced under a jirevious administration, to be broken
up under his. He had striven to allay factional (juarrels, his conduct
had been prudent and dignified, and his State papers were aiuonfi:
the most thoughtful in substance, and clear in expression, of any in
the archives of the (lovernment. Although ISlaine was still the |K>pu-
lar favorite and had a decided lead in the Convention, he had not
a majority at the start. It was evident that a combination of the
votes of all the opposing candidates was the only method of beatinj?
him. Rut to the th(H)rists who supported Edmunds, Arthur was no
more accejitable than Blaine. Besides that, Arthur had not the sup-
port of his own State. Twenty of the New York delegates addresscnl
a message to the Convention, in which they said: "Blaine can get
more votes in the Convention than any other man, and can carry
the State triumphantly. An analysis of the Republican representa-
tion in the National Convention, on the basis of the Presidential vote
of 18S0, shows that from President Arthur's own State a deeided
majority of the delegates to the Convention are opposed to his nom-
ination; that the overwhelming preponderance of the delegates from
the districts giving Republican majorities is for Blaine; that twelve
Republican districts and four Democratic districts are for Blaine;
that five other districts send Edmunds, or anti-Arthur delegates,
while but five Republican districts send delegates for Arthur, the
large majority of his support coming from Democratic districts; that
THE EIGHTH KEPI BLICAN CONVENTION.
38a
in the Blaine districts there is an aggregate of G:{J73 Republican
majority, against 17,456 Republican majority in the Arthur districts.
These facts and figures are conclusive, that in New York, as in other
States, where the Electoral votes nuiy be given to a Republican candi-
date for President, the direct Republican expression is in favor of
James G. Blaine's nomination; indeed, that he is the accepted leader
of the Republican party to a sure victory/'
On the first ballot in the Convention New York gave Arthur 31
votes, Blaine 28, and Edmunds 12; on the last it gave Arthur 30 and
Blaine 29. Pennsyl-
vania, on the first bal-
lot, gave Blaine 47, and
Arthur 11, Edmunds
and Logan each 1. On
the last it gave Blaine
51, and Arthur 8. The
Michigan votes were as
follows: First ballot,
Arthur, 2; Blaine, 15;
Edmunds, 7; William
T. Sherman, 2. Second,
Arthur, 4; Blaine, 15;
Edmunds, 7; General
Shernmn, 2. Third, Ar-
thur, 4; Blaine, 18; Ed-
munds, 3; General
Sherman, 1. Fourth.
Blaine, 20. In Hlinois,
on the first ballot
Blaine had 3 votes, and
Arthur 1, to 40 for Lo- james g. blaine.
gan, and in Ohio Blaine had 21 votes to 25 for Shernum. There were
comparatively few of the States that voted solidly for any one candi-
date.
For Vice President the current set all one way. General Logan
having 770 votes, to 3 for Walter Q. Gresham, of Indiana, and 1 for
J. B. Foraker, of Ohio.
Blaine's nomination, however, was not accepted by all Repub-
licans. June 7th, the day after the nomination was made, the New
York Times said: **The Times will not support Mr. Blaine for the
^84 H I STORY OF TH E REPUBLICAN PARTY.
PreBidencv. It will advise no man to vote for him." It prediited his
defeat, and further declared: *That defeat will be the salvation of
the Republican party. It will arouse its torpid eonscienee; it will stir
it to self-purification; it will depose the false leaders who have
fastened themselves upon it; it will send the rogues to the backgronnd
and will nmke the jmrty once more worthy of honor and of power in
the Republic it has so nobly served." The New York Evening Post
and the Roston Advertiser, which had, before tiiat, been Republican,
also bolted tiie ticket, as did also the Boston Herald and the Spring
field Republican, which had been Independent, with Republican
leanings.
But the metropolitan paper which, of those that had been Repub-
lican, was the bitterest against Blaine, was Harpi^r's \Vt*ekly. Its
editor^ (leorge William Curtis, was a delegate to the Convention.
When the resolution was pending, declaring that every member of the
Convention was bound in honor to support the nominee, whoever lie
might be, and that no man should hold a seat who was not ready to
so agree, Mr. Curtis, in a burst of virtuous indignation, referred to
the example of Joshua R. Ciiddings in leaving the Convention in 1850,
and added: **Well, gentlemen, he yielded to persuasion, and took bis
seat, and before that Convention proceeded to its nomination, by a
universal roar of assent, the Republican party then assembliHl
declared, without one word of doubt or dissent, that no sound should
ever be heard in a Republican Convention that in the slightest degre«»
reflected upon the honor, or upon the loyalty of the men who took
part in that Convention." After the nomination for President was
uiiule, instead of following the example of Mr. Giddings in 1856, or
])ursuing the course taken by the Silver Republicans at St. Ix>nis in
1890, in leaving the Convention, with a protest, Mr. Curtis remained
taking part in the rest of the proceedings, till the close. It was not
until after he had returned to New York, and had his conscience vac-
cinated by the employers who were paying him a large salary, that he
decided whether he should abide by the ordinary rules of |>o1itica1
honor or not. Having come to the determination, he was one of the
bitterest and most unjust of Blaine's assailants. He doubtless injured
Blaine in the campaign, but himself lost caste with the party more
rapidly than any other political leader of that generation.
The most jKitent factor in the early stages of the campaign, how-
(»v( r, was an organization, <all(»d at first "Independent Republicans,"
and aft(»rwards ^'Mugwumps." This association was organized in
THE EKJHTII REPrHLlCAN CONVENTION. ^85
Boston in December, 1883, and on May 12, sent a circular to the Repub-
lican National Convention in reference to the character of the men
who should be nominated. Being ignored by the Convention, it held
a meeting in New York, June 16, and adopted a preamble, declaring
that Blaine and Logan were nominated "in absolute disregard of the
reform sentiments of the Nation." The meeting also resolved: "That
it is our conviction that the country will be better served by opposing
these nominations than by supporting them; and that we look with
solicitude to the coming nominations by the Democratic party; they
have the proper men; we hope they will put them before the peo[)le."
This was intended as an ofifer of Independent Republican support to
Grover Cleveland, in case he should be nominated, and was so under-
stood at the Democratic Convention which met at Chicago, July S.
1884
That Convention was called to order by the Chairman of the
National Committee, AVilliam H. Barnum, of Connecticut, and Richard
D. Hubbard, of Texas, was made temporary Chairman. Without
waiting for permanent organization, Tammany Hall, which was hostile
to Cleveland on account of his course while (iovernor of New York,
made an etTort to break down the unit rule, in order to divide the New
York delegation. This delegation had not been instructed for (Cleve-
land, but had been instructed to vote as a unit. Tammany's effort
failed, and with the failure went much of Tammany's chance of influ-
encing the nomination. William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, was made
permanent President of the Convention, and while waiting for the
report of the Platform Committee, a day was spent in naming candi-
dates for the Presidency, the following being formally presented:
Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio; Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware; Joseph
E. McDonald, of Indiana; John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky; Samuel J.
Randall, of Pennsylvania, and Grover Cleveland, of New York.
The platform adopted was inordinately long, and prefaced its
promises of what the Democrats would do by the following recapitula-
tion of the Republican sins of commission:
The Republican party, so far as principle is concerned, is a remin-
iscence. In practice it is an organization for enriching those who
control its machinery. Th(* frauds and jobbery which have been
brought to light in every Department of the Government, are sufficient
to have called for reform within the Republican party; yet those in
authority, nmde reckless by long possession of power, have succumbi^d
to its corrupting influence, and have placed in nomination a ticket
386 HISTORY OF THE KEPl'BLICAN PARTY.
against which the independent i)ortion of the party are in open revolt.
Therefore a change is demanded. Such a change was alike necessary
in 187G, but the will of the i)eople was then defeated by a fraud which
can never be forgotten or condoned. Again in 1880 the change
demanded by the people was defeated by the lavish use of money,
contributed by unscrupulous contractors and shameless jobbers, who
had bargained for unlawful profits or high office. The Republi<-an
party during its legal, its stolen, and its bought tenures of power, has
steadily decayed in moral character and political capacity. Its plat-
form promises are now a list of its past failures. It demands the
restoration of our Navy — it has squandered hundreds of millions of
dollars to create a Navy that does not exist. It calls upon Congress
to remove the burdens under which American shipping has Imhmi
depressed — it imposed and has continued those burdens. It professes
a policy of reserving the public lands for small holdings by actual
settlers — it has given away the i)eople's heritage, till now a few rail-
roads and non-resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a
larger area than that of all our farms between the two seas. It pro-
fesses a preference for free institutions — it organized and tried to
legalize a control of State elections by F(»deral trooj)s. It professes
a desire to elevate labor — it has subjugated American workingmen to
the competition of convict and imported contract labor. It professes
gratitude to all who were disabled or died in the war, leaving widows
and orphans — it left to a Democratic House of Representatives the
first effort to equalize both bounty and pensions. It proffers a pledge
to correct the irregularities of tariff — it created and has continued
them. Its own Tariff Commission confess the needs of more than
twenty per cent, reduction — its Congress gave a reduction of less than
four per cent. It [irofesses the protection of American manufacturers
— it has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufactured goods
and a hopeless competition with manufacturing nations, not one of
which taxes raw materials. It professes to protect all American
industries — it has impoverished many to subsidize a few. It professes
the protection of American labor — it has de])leted the return of
American agriculture, an industry followed by half of our |>eople
It professes the equality of all men before the law, attempting to fix
the status of colored citizens — the Acts of its Congress w^ere overset
by the decisions of its Courts. It "accepts anew the duty of leading
in the work of progress and reform'- — its caught criminals are per-
mitted to escape through contrived delays or actual connivan<*e in the
prosecution. Honeycombed with corruption, outbreaking exposures
no longer shock its moral sense. Its honest members, its independent
journals no longer maintain a successful contest for authority in its
councils, or a veto upon bad nominations. That change is necessary
is proved by an existing surplus of more than |100,000,000, which has
yearly been collected from a suffering people. Unnecessary taxation
is unjust taxation. We denounce tlie Reiniblican party for having
failed to relieve the jx^oph* from crushing war taxes, which have
THE EIGHTH UEPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 387
paralyzed business, crippled industry, and deprived labor of employ-
ment and of just reward.
One ballot for a Presidential nominee was taken on the evening
of the third day, with the following result:
Grover Cleveland, of New York 392
Thomas A. Bayard, of Delaware 170
Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio 88
Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania 78
Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana 56
John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky 27
Scattering 9
Total number of votes 820
Necessary to choice under two-thirds rule 547
An adjournmt^nt was had over night. During the interval the
Indiana delegation withdrew Joseph E. McDonald and substituted
Thomas A. Hendricks as their candidate, in the hope that
this might cause a stampede to the latter. But the hope was delusive,
for on the s(»cond ballot, Cleveland had 683; Bayard, 8I14; Hendricks,
451/0; Thurman, 4; McDonald, 4; Randall, 4. Hendricks was then
nominated for Nice-President by acclamation.
The year 1SS4 was a year of conventions. Previous to the gather-
ing of the two great parties two dilTerent organizations had nominated
General B(»njamiu F. Butler, of Massachusetts, for President. The
first of these was a party which had came suddenly into existence,
and called itself the Anti-Monopoly party. It met at •Chicago, May
14, and named P>utler as its Presidential nominee by a vote of 122, to 7
for Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, and 1 for Solon Chase, of Maine, one of
the original Greenbackers. The nomination of a Vice-President was
left to be de<'ided by the National Committee, acting in co-operation
with the GreenbackcMs. The latter held their Convention at Indian-
apolis, May 2S, and on the first ballot gave General Butler 322 votes,
to 99 for Jesse Harper, of Illinois; 2 for Solon Chase, of Maine; 1 for
Edward P. Allis, of Wisconsin, and 1 for David Davis, of Illinois.
General Alanson M. West, of Mississippi, was nominated for Vice-
President. General Butler accepted both nominations, and issued an
address to his constituents which really formed the platform of the
combination. It was decidedly Populistic in its utterances, and was
flavored with spicy criticisms of both the old parties.
A straight Prohibition Convention was held at Pittsburg, Pa.,
July 23, and nominated John P. St. John, of Kansas, for President.
liSH
HISTORY OF THE KEIM'HLR AN PARTY.
with William Daniel, of Maryland, for Vice. There was also an
American Prohibition Convention at Chicago, Jnne 19, which nanunl
Samnel i\ I'omeroy, of Kansas, for President, and John A. Conant, of
Connecticnt, for Vice President. To complete the lifet, an Equal
Rights Convention met at San Francisco, September 20, and nom-
inated Belva A. Lockw<M)d, the tirst woman admitted to the bar in the
District of Columbia, for President, and Marietta L. Snow, of Cali-
fornia, as second on the ticket. With tine satire on their chances tbey
adopted the following as the tirst clause in their platform: '*We
pledge ourselves, if
elected to power, so far
as in us lies, to do equal
and exact justice to
every class of our citi-
zens, without distinc-
tion of color, sex or
nationality."
At the o|K^ning of the*
campaign there were
s e V e r a 1 elements of
unc'ertainty. Cleveland
had been a remarkable
vote-getter in several
local campaigns. Erie
county, in which Buf-
falo was situated, was
generally Republican,
yet in \Hiyt^ he was
chosen Assistant Dis-
trict Attorney for the
County, and in 1870 he
was electc^d Sheriff. In ISSl he was elected Mayor of Buffalo, by a
combination of three or four parties or sections of parties, and served
with great acceptance to the Reform elements in the City. He was
in great luck in 18S2 when he ran for (lovernor of New York, for
while his own votc^ was less than SiH) in excess of the Demoeratie
vote for President two years c^arlicM*. disaffection among the Repub-
licans r(*duced the* vote* of that j^arty 21.*^»,(MM) below its last Pivsi-
(lential vote. T1h» Re])ublicaiis in 1SS:{, however, rallied and again
carried the State.
GROVKR CLEVELAND.
THE EIGHTH KEPT'HLK'AN (M^^NVENTION. 381)
Tammany continued to oppose Cleveland even after the nomina-
tion, while the Independent Republican organization favored him.
In the end, however, by the personal solicitation of Thomas A. Hend-
ricks, Democratic candidate for Vice-President, Tammany was
brought into line for the New York candidate, while the Mugwumps
could not be brought over to the support of the man from Maine.
The unknown strength of the third and fourth parties added to the
uncertainty. While it was expected that Hutler's candidacy would
injure the l)emo<Tats, it was very certain that St. John would draw
most from the Republicans.
The campaign early took a i)ersonal turn. All the old stories
against Blaine, whether refuted or not, were revived. As to Cleve-
land, plausible evidence was otTered that he had shamefully neglected
and maltreated the mother of his illegitimate child, and that, during
the war he hired a substitute, whom he afterwards sutTered to die in
the poorhouse. Cleveland, himself, made no explanation or denial
of these alTairs, and probably the statements did not very materially
affect his vote. He was not running on the moral character of his
early life, nor on his patriotism in the war period, but on the official
career of his later years.
Mr. Blaine's letter of acceptance was a statesmanlike document,
and in an extended campaign tour which he made through the Middle
and Western States, where he was received with unbounded enthus-
iasm, his masterly addresses helped his prospects. Indiana and
Pennsylvania had changed the time for holding their State elections
from October to November, so that they no longer furnished pointers
as to the gen(»ral result. But Ohio was still an October State, and
gave a Republican majority. On the whole, when Blaine finished his
Western tour, the i)ro8peets looked favorable for the Republicans,
and he was inclined to go directly to his home in Maine. In an evil
hour he was overi)ersuaded, by some of the party leaders, to remain
in New York, for rece])tions, and a banc} net at Delmonico's. One of
the leaders remarked to another that if they could secure Blaine's
presence at the banquet it would be *'worth a thousand dollars a
plate,'' and as campaign funds were running low, subscript icms of a
thousand each were in demand.
Two unfortunate* results followed this breaking into Mr. Blaine's
plans. His meeting so many of the rich men and corporate ])roperty-
owners at a banquet was used to his disadvantage with the class of
restless and dissatisfied men, who were half inclined to vote the Anti-
390 HISTORY OF THK REPUBLirAN PARTY.
Monopoly ticket anyway. The second result was worse yet. Mr.
Blaine's mother was a Roman Catholic. His father was a Presbyter-
ian, and on one occasion, when runninjj: for a local office he found that
his prospects of el(Mtion were injured by the charge that he was a
Catholic because his wife was. He, therefore, went to the priest
for a certificate of non-membership, whicli was given him. It ran as
follows: "This is to certify that Ephraim L. Hlaine is not now, and
never was, a member of the Catholic- Church. Furthermore, in my
opinion, he is not fit to be a member of any church.-- James G.
Blaine once described his own religion as ^'Christianity tinctured
with the Presbyterianism of the Blaines and the Catholicism of thp
Gillespies.'' On another occasion he said: *4 would not, for a
thousand presidencies, speak a disrespectful word of my mother's
religion." Partly on account of his broad. Catholic spirit in religion,
and partly on account of wliat was called his '^jingoism" in his rela-
tions with foreign nations during the ten months of his service as
Secretary of State under Oarfield and Arthur, he was popular with
Irishmen and Catholics, many of whom were his avowed supi)orters.
This fact cost him some Protestant votes. But in order to reassure
him on this score, a delegation of Prot(»stant clergymen called upon
him at the Fifth Avenue Hotel in New York, to tell him that he bad
their unwavering support. It was during this interview that a
"misfit preacher named Burchard,'' let go his alliterative description
of the Democracy as the party of "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion."
Blaine did not catch the words at the time, or he would undoubtedly
have been quick-witted enough to resent, or at least to repudiate, the
expression, which was used greatly to his disadvantage during the
short remaining time of the campaign.
In the election New York turned the scale against Blaine, by
giving the Cleveland Electors 1,149 plurality in a total vote of 1,107,
169. The total Electoral vote was, for Chneland, 219; Blaine, 182.
Cleveland had the votes of the Solid South, together with those of
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Indiana. The popular vote
is given as: Democratic electors, 4,874,98(>; Republican electors.
4,851,981; Butler electors, 175,.S7(); Prohibition, 150,869. Both the
Democratic and Republican electors, however, received credit,
through fusion, for some votes that properly belonged to the Green-
back and Anti-Monopoly parties. In Iowa the fusion was between
the Greenbackers and Democrats, and the whole vote is credited in
the Cleveland column. In Wisconsin it was between the Greenback-
THE EIGHTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 391
era and Republicans, and the vote is credited to Blaine. Similar
fusions were made in a few other states.
Blaine's defeat by such a narrow margin in New York State was
a great disappointment to his supporters. It required, to accomplish
it, the combined effects of Senator Conkling's personal hostility and
political influence, the Mugwumps, the l^rohibition vote, which was
drawn largely from the Republicans, and Burchard's bad break. The
wrath of the Republicans expended itself chiefly upon the Mugwumi):^,
and in a secondary way upon the I^rohibitionists. But little was
said about Coukling*s hostility, which was perfectly natural, con-
sidering the past relations of the two men. As to Burchard, he was
regarded as a mysterious dispensation of Providence. Before the
next election he turned Democrat, but never had the opportunity to
do the party of his second choice the ill service that he did the party
of his first choice. Blaine himself took his defeat philosophically,
and occupied his time in retirement and in travel, until called to tho
head of Harrison's Cabinet in 1889.
Congress, during Cleveland's Administration, was composed
politically, as follows:
Forty-ninth Congress.
Senate — Republicans, 41; Democrats, 34.
House — Republicans, 140; Democrats, 182; Nationals, 2.
Fiftieth Congress.
Senate — Republicans, 39; Democrats, 37.
House — Republicans, 151; Democrats, 170.
In Michigan the campaign was one of the hottest and closest in
the history of the party. The vote on President was:
Blaine and Logan 192,669
Fusion, Democratic, Greenback and Anti-Mon-
opoly 189,361
Butler and West, Straight Greenback 753
St. John and Daniel 18,403
The Presidential Electors chosen were: At Large — Dwight
Cutler, Joseph B. Moore. By Districts — (1) James McMillan; (2)
William S. Wilcox; (3) George H. French; (4) J. Eastman Johnson;
(5) George G. Steketee; (6) Josephus Smith; (7) George W. Jenks; (8)
Charles W. Wells; (9) Lorenzo A. Barker; (10) Seth McLean; (11)
John Duncan.
3l>2 mSTOKY OF THE REPVBLK AN PARTY.
The vote for Governor was as follows:
Russell A. Alger, Republican 190,840
Josiah \V. Begole, Fusion 186,887
David Preston, Prohibition 22,207
Scattering 414
Of the Congressional delegation elected at this time, seven were
Democrats, as follows: (1) William i\ Maybury; (2) Nathaniel I>.
Eldridge; (5) Charles C. Comstock; (6) Edwin B. Winans; (7) Ezra i\
Carlton; (8) Timothy E. Tarsney; (10) Spencer O. Fisher. The Repub-
licans elected were: (,*{) James O'Donnell; (4) Julius (\ Burrows; (9)
Byron M. Cutcheon; (11) Seth C. Moflfatt.
At the election occurring in the middle of President Cleveland's
term, the vote of Michigan for Governor was:
Cyrus G. Luce, Republican 181,474
George L. Yaple, Fusion 174,042
Samuel Dickie, Prohibitionist 25,179
Imperfect and Scattering 190
The Congressional delegation chosen at this time contained six
Republicans, as follows: (2) Edward P. Allen; (3) James O'Donnell;
(4) Julius C. Burrows; (0) Mark S. Brewer; (9) Byron M. Cutcheon;
(11) Seth C. Moffatt. There were also these five Democrats: (1)
John Logan Chipman; (5) Melbourne H. Ford; (7) Justin R. Whiting;
(8) Timothy E. Tarsney; (10) Spencer O. Fisher. Mr. Moflfatt died
December 22, 1887, and Henry ^V. Seymour was chosen at a special
election in February, 1888, to fill the vacancy.
XXX.
CLEVELAND'S FIKST ADMIXISTRATION.
His Civil Service Attitude Pleases Neither the Partisans Nor th(*
Reformers — Coolness Between the President and Vice-President
— Selection of the Cabinet — Repeal of the Tenure-of-Office Act —
Clean Sweep of the Oflfices — Cleveland's Pension Vetoes — Order
for Restoring the Southern Flags — Resentnicait of the Grand
Army Posts — Rebuilding the Navy — The Electoral Count and
Presidential Succession Acts — The Inter-State Commerce Meas-
ure— The Newfoundland and Alaska Fisheries — The President's
Extraordinary Tariff Message — The Mills Bill and General Tariff
Discussion.
The consideration of President Cleveland's Administration natur-
ally divides itself into topics, instead of suggesting the treatment of
events in their chronological order. In the matter of civil service
reform he offended both classes of his supporters, the Democratic
partisans and the Mugwump non-partisans, the former by his profes-
sions and by the dilatory manner in which he made changes in office,
and the latter by the clean sweep, which he did make when he once
commenced. He had been accepted as a candidate by many of the
Democratic party rather as a necessity than from any liking they
had to him, and he was not very popular with the mass of the party.
This was shown on the day of his inauguration, when the cheers for
him were faint compared with those which went up from the crowd
when Vice-I*resident Hendricks' carriage appeared. It was to this
discrimination in the applause that many ascribed the coolness toward
the Vice-President which Cleveland showed up to the time of Mr.
Hendricks' death. A month after the inauguration Mr. Hendricks
called upon the President, and on returning to his rooms said: "1
hoped that Mr. Cleveland would put the Democratic party in powder,
in fact as well as in name, but he does not intend to do
it." About the same time a Southern Congressman said
394 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
to some of his I )eniocTatic friends: "(Jentlemen, we've got a big
elephant on our hands. I fear there will be some disappointment
about the oftices." The appointment of his Cabinet furnished no indi-
cation of a i)urpose to follow out the spirit of the Civil Service law,
as none of the gentlemen composing it, named below, had made any
record on this subject. December B, 1887, Don M. Dickinson, of
Detroit, succeeded Postmaster Oeneral Vilas.
Secretary of State — Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware.
Secretary of the Treasury — Daniel Manning, of New York.
Secretary of War — William C. Endicott, of Massachusetts.
Secretary of the Navy — William C. Whitney, of New \"ork.
Secretary of the Interior — Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi.
Postmaster General — William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin.
Attorney (Jeneral — Augustus H. Garland, of Arkansas.
Though the Cabinet appointments included no "reformers,"
Cleveland understood that his Mugwump support was due quite
largely to the stand he had taken on the evils of Congressional pat-
ronage, and he had promised to abate this so far as he could. He
was better situated for doing this than any previous President, for
the Pendleton Law, passed during the last Administration, required
that 15,000 of the offices should be filled by non-partisan tests, and
authorized the President to extend this method of appointment. But
in attemi)ting to make good his promises, he encountered the opposi-
tion of almost every Democratic leader, and finally of Congress. His
first clash with the Senate was over a removal from office, that of G.
M. Duskin, District Attorney for the Southern District of Alabama.
It was made during a recess of Congress, and when the Senate again
convened it called on him for the reasons for his action, and for the
papers in the case. This he refused, in a strong message, taking the
ground that for his acts of removal and suspension he was responsi-
ble to the people alone, and not to the Senate, and that the papers
in the Duskin case were of a private nature. The Senate receded
from its position, and three months later Congress rei>ealed the
Tenure-of -Office Act, which had been passed twenty years earlier to
prevent Andrew Johnson from removing Executive officers after they
had been confirmed by the Senate. This left Mr. Cleveland with no
check on his j)ower to remove from office. In 1886 Congress refused
to make any appropriation for the salaries or expenses of the C*ivil
Service Coniniissioners, and the President then surrendered. Within
a year from that time he had made a clean sweep of nearly all the
CLEVELAND'S FIRST ADMINLSTRATION. 305
Presidential postmasters, foreign ministers, collectors of internal
revenue, district attorneys, marshals, territorial judges and pension
agents, while 40,000 of the 52,600 fourth-class postmasters lost their
positions. In the course of another year he had added a large number
more, bringing uj) to about 80,000 the list of Republican office-holders
who had been replaced by Democrats. Such wholesale changes
greatly impaired the service, as well as the President's reputation for
sincerity. Although the members of the Cabinet had, before this,
made no public record on the Civil Service reform matter, they made
records fast enough now. Daniel Manning, of the Treasury Dei)art-
nient, and Postmaster General Vilas, especially, took delight in the
official slaughter. When Cleveland first took office it was given out
that only those Republicans who were guilty of "offensive partisan-
ship'' would be removed, but in these later stages the fact that a
man was a Republican at all was enough to set him upon the order
of his going.
In 1887 the President made another effort to disprove the asser-
tion that he was **no Democrat." Senator Gorman was then making
a desperate effort to retain his political hold on the State of Mary
land, and was using methods that rivaled those in Louisiana and
South Carolina. It was stated on Democratic authority that, in Bal-
timore, election after election was carried by the grossest frauds;
that to stop a ballot in an important ward murder was recognized as
a political service; that ballot boxes were oi)ened and votes taken
out, and that in one ward nineteen men with criminal records, drew
pay from the City for doing political work of doubtful or criminal
character. The President, by his ai)pointments, gave Mr. Gorman
all the aid that he could, and this, following his weakening on the
Civil Service matter, effectually alienated the great mass of reform
voters.
President Cleveland aroused the bitterest feeling among the
soldiers of the country by the number and character of his pension
vetoes. During the two sessions of the Forty-ninth ('ongress alone
he vetoed more bills than all the other Presidents combined, from
Washington down. In all 364 measures which passed this Congress
failed of his approval, though 107 of these became laws, by lapse of
time, without his signature. Of the whole number lM)i) were private
pension bills, and he wrote 123 separate vetoes on these. lie often
sat far into the night, laboriously writing out, with his own hand,
these long veto messages. Some of them were insulting, and some of
8<)G HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLKWN PARTY.
them were marked by cheap wit at the expense of the wounds and
suffering of the soldiers. They gave the impression of personal hos-
tility to overy man that wore th(* blue, and, loupled with his own
record during the war, made the most effective of campaign docu-
ments wiien he came before the i)(H)ple for re-electicm. He pursued
the same policy in the Fiftieth ("ongress, and further intensified the
feeling against himself by vetoing the Dependent Pension Bill
VYorst of all was his order, given in ISHl, through Adjutant (leneral
Drum, to return to the various Southern States the Rebel flags cajn
tured during the war. The order could not be carried out, for it
was illegal, as the flags were in the custody of the (lovernment, and
could b(* removed only under authority of an Act of Congress. But
before this fact became generally known there was abundant time
for popular indignation to find expression, (leneral Butler called
the order **an attempt to mutilate the archives.'' (Jeneral Sherman
wrote: ^*Of course I know Drum, the Adjutant (ieneral. He has no
sympathy with the Army which fought. He was a non-combatant.
He never captured a flag, and values it only at its commercial value.
He did not think of the blood and torture of battle; nor can Endicott,
the Secretary of War, or Mr. Ch^veland.'' (irand Army Posts,
throughout the North, pass(Hi resolutions denouncing the order in
the strongest terms. After a time it was formally revoked, but the
impression of a want of patriotism on (Cleveland's part remaintnl.
Two incidents illustrate the intensity of the fettling on this subject.
A number of Grand Army I*osts in Western Pennsylvania, West
Virginia and Ohio, held a camp Are at Wheeling. A banner had been
suspended over the street on their line of march, bearing the Presi-
dent's portrait, with the inscrijjtion, * (Jod Bless our President, Com-
mander-in-Chief of our Army and Navy." Most of the posts, with
colors folded and reversed, marched around this, although in order
to do so, they had to go through the gutters. Again, the National
Encampment of the (fraud Army was held at St. Louis, and the
President had accepted an invitation to be present. After the flag
incident \w withdrew the acceptance, because he thought it his duty
to protect the dignity of the jieople's highest ottice, adding: "If among
the memb(*rshij) of that body there are some, as certainly seems to be
the case, determined to denounce me and my official acts at tlie
National Encampment, I believe that th(\v should be permitted to do
so, unrestrained by my j>resence as a guest of their organization, or
as a guest of the hospitable city in which their meeting is held."
CLEVELAND'S F1K8T ADMINISTRATION. 397
President Cleveland was very fortunate in his selection of a
Secretary of the Navy. William C. Whitney was a lawyer of high
standing in New York City, but he was also a practical man of affairs,
and he soon had a thorough knowledge of the business of his depart-
ment. The American Navy had gone to decay very rapidly after the
war, and in 18S1 was in a decidedly unserviceable condition. Under
the (rarfield Administration, Secretary Hunt secured the appointment
of a Naval Advisory Board of capable and experienced men. Then
President Arthur's Secretary of the Navy, William E. Chandler, of
New Hami)8hire. dinned into the ears of Congress such notes of alarm
as to prepare that body for the rehabilitation, in a comprehensive
way, of that branch of our service. The final report of the Advisory
Board recommended that, within the next eight years, f30,000,000
should be expended on the Navy, and it was estimated that this
would construct twenty-one ironclads, seventy unarmored cruisers,
five rams, five torpedo gunboats, and twenty torpedo boats. There
was objection in Congress to nmking a beginning that looked to so
large an expenditure. Some even declared that the United States
did not need a large Navy, as we were certain to have no more civil
war, and not likely to be engaged in any foreign war. But Secretary
Chandler's counsels prevailed, and ♦he Forty-sixth Congress author-
ized the construction of three unarmored cruisers. The work was
continued through Secretary Chandler's term of oflHce, was taken up
with zeal by Secretary Whitney and continued through President
Harrison's Administration. T'p to the time of the meeting of Con
gress in December, 1894, forty-seven vessels were either in commission
or under construction, including the battleships Oregon, Massachu-
setts, Indiana and Iowa, which rendered such etficient service four
years later in the war with Spain.
Although the Senate was of one stripe in politics and the House
another, and neither was in full accord with the President, three
important Acts, of a non-partisan character, nmrked this Adminis-
tration. Two of these, though non-partisan, were of a political
nature; the Electoral Count Act and the Presidential Succession
Act. These, as passed, were practically the same as the measures
Introduced during the Arthur Administration, and explained in some
detail in a previous chanter of this book. Th(» first of the two.
which provides for settling p]|(*(toral count disputes within th(*
states, and requires th<» concurrent action of both Houses of (\m-
gress to reject an p]lectoral vote, passed the Senate without division
;3!KS niSTORY OF THE REPL'BLICAN PARTY.
and the House by a vote of 141 to 100. It became a law by the signa-
ture of the President, Maroli 8, 1887. The second of the two measures
passes the Presidential succession throuj^h the Cabinet, instead of
making the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House eligi-
ble to that office. It has two manifest advantages over the old law
of succession, in that the Cabinet offices are never entirely vacant,
and the Cabinet is made up of men of the same political faith as the
President. This also passed the Senate without division, and the
House by a vote of 185 to 77. It was signed, January 18, 1886.
Another inheritance from former Congresses was the Inter-State
Commerce Measure. A Bill to establish an Inter-State Commerce
Commission was first introduced in the FortA'-sixth Congress in 1879,
but it failed in the House. It was reintroduced in the Forty-seventh
Congress, when many facts brought out by an investigation of the
New York Railroads in 1870 were given wide publicity. The unre-
strained power of railroads to make such charges as they chose, or,
as one of the railroad magnates put it, to charge **a8 much as the
traffic will bear," was the cause of great uncertainty and loss to busi-
ness. In many articles the cost of transi)ortation had such an
important effect upon the price at which goods could be sold with
any chance for profit, that it was easy for the railroads to enrich
one man and impoverish another in the same line of business, and
this power often led to corruption of the railroad officials themselves.
It was shown in the investigation mentioned that the milling busi-
ness of certain towns in Northern New Y'ork was ruined by the rail-
roads granting rates which were more favorable to Minneapolis and
other Western points. The merchants of New York complained that
discriminating rates were driving trade from that city to Baltimore.
Where there were comi)eting railroads the long hauls of freight
were almost invariably lower in rate i)er mile than short hauls. Man-
ufacturers in Rochester, New York, desiring to send goods to San
Francisco, found it clu^aper to shij) them first to New Y'ork City, the
goods going through Roclu^ster again on their way Westward. The
subject was agitated at every session of Congress till the last of the
Forty-ninth Congress, when a Bill passed for regulating freight and
jKissenger rales, and appointing an Inter-State ('ommerce Commis-
sion. It was signed F(4)ruary 4, 1SS7. It forbade special rates to
special shijipers, and provided that all charges for the transportation
of pass(»ngers or proj)erty from State to State, or from this to a
foreign country should be *'just and reasonable." It forbade rebates.
CLEVELAND'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 399
drawbacks, unjust discriminations and all undue or unreasonable
preferences, and required that freight tariffs should be conspicuously
posted, and that they should, in no case, be advanced without ten
days' previous notice. It provided for the api)ointnient of a Commis-
sion of five members, at the head of which, for some years, was
Thomas M. Cooley, of Michigan, an admirable selection for the place.
This Commission was open to complaints from any person or corpor-
ation, and was required to investigate all charges so made. It had
the power to direct railways to remedy evils complained of, and in
case of refusal to comply with its requirements, it might bring suit
in the Ignited States Courts, against the officers of the offending
road. It required a uniform system of book-keeping for the different
roads, with annual reports of their business and financial condition.
It prohibited **pooling" between different roads, and prohibited any
greater compensation for a shorter haul of freight or passengers than
for a longer haul over the same line, and in the same direction
though the Commissioners were empowered to suspend the operation
of this clause when its enforcement was likely to give Canadian rail-
roads an advantage over those in this country, or to throw^ the traffic
into the hands of carriers by water. This Act, with occasional modi-
fications by legislation or court interpretations, has been in operation
ever since its first enactment. It has not remedied all the evils com-
plained of, but it has been of great benefit to shippers.
Much excitement was occasioned during this period by disputes
over the Newfoundland cod and mackerel fisheries and the Alaska
seal fisheries. The fishery clause of the Treaty of Washington cecosed
to be operative July 1, 1885, and as nothing else had been substituted
for it, the Treaty of 1818 again became in force. Cnder this treaty
American vessels could not enter Canadian ports for bait, nor fish
within three marine miles of any of the coasts, bays or harbors of any
of Her Majesty's dominions in North America. In determining these
limits England measured from headland to headland at the entrance
of bays or indents of the coast, thus shutting the Americans out of
all the bays, even though they might be more than three miles from
the nearest coast line. As we were then collecting a customs duty
on Canadian salt fish, the Canadians were inclined to enforce the
harsh provisions of this treaty with the utmost rigor. Several of
our fishing vessels were detained in Canadian ports and for some*
weeks the excitement over the subject Wcas great. In May, 188(5, Con-
gress gave the President power to suspend commercial relations
400 HI8TOKY OF THE KKPl'liLK^VN PARTY.
with Canada, and later a Bill was introduced in the House making*
such suspension absolute without reference to the President. A more
moderate measure was finally adopted, which provided that the Pres-
ident, on beinji: assured that our fishing masters or crews were U8t*d
in Canadian ports any less favorably than the nuisters or crews of
trading vessels from the most favored nations, could, "in his discre-
tion, by proclamation to that effect, deny vessels, their masters and
crews, of the British dominions of North America, any entrance into
the waters, ports or places within the T'nited States." The President
did not use this power, but arranged with Great Britain for a joint
Commission to consider the whole matter. This Commission con-
sisted of Secretary Bayard, President Angell, of Michigan I'niversity,
and William L. Putnam, of Maine, on the part of the United States,
and Joseph Chamberlain, Sir ChaHes Tupper, of Canada, and the
British Minister at Washington, Sir Lionel West. The three months'
deliberations of the Commissicm resulted in an arrangement that was
satisfactory to neither country, and it was rejected by the Senate.
Meantime the excitement had died down, and the matter settled
itself. American fishermen became accustomed to carrying their
bait and provisions from home, and no longer cared to visit the Cana-
dian seaport towns. The only losers, in the end, were those
Canadians who were nuiking part of their living by selling bait, pro-
visions and nmrine sundries to the outside fishermen.
In the matter of the Alaskan seal fisheries the British considered
themselves the aggrieved parties. In order to prevent poaching and
to preserve the seals, the United States set up the claim that the
Behring Sea was a closed sea, and a number of British vessels were
seized and condemned, their skins ccmfiscated and their masters
fined. The release of the vessels was demanded by the British Gov-
ernment, and ordered by I^resident Cleveland. In August, 1887, cir-
cular letters were sent by ScM-retary Bayard to the Ignited States
Ministers in England, France, Gernumy, Japan, Russia and Sweden,
asking the co-operation of those countries in settling pending dis-
putes, and in determining the best methods of regulating the seal
fisheries. All the i)ower8 appealed to, except Sweden, assented to
the conference, but it was not until 1892, during President Harri-
son's Administratiim, that a treaty was agreed to, referring the whole
matter to seven Commissioners, one each from Canada, Great Britain,
Sweden, France and Italy, and two from the United States. The
Commission gave the following decisions on points submitttHi to
(M.KVP:LAXirS FIKST ADMINISTKATION. 401
it: (1) By the Treaty of 1824 with the United States and by that of
1825 with Oreat Britain, Hnssia abandoned the riji^ht of exclusive
jurisdiction beyond cannon shot from sliore, and never, from that
day till the cession of Alaska, exercised it. (2) Great Britain never
recognized Kussian claims to exclusive jurisdiction outside of terri-
torial waters. (8) In the An{i:lo-Kussian Treaty of 1825 the term
**Pacific Ocean'' included 15(»hrinj^ Sea. (4) At the cession all Russia's
rights jiassed to the United States without impairment or increase.
(5) The United States has no right to the protection of, or to prop-
erty in, seals outside the ordinary three-mile limit. These decisions,
with the exception of jioint four were all against the contentions of
the T'nited States. The Board also made provision for a joint police
of Behring Sea, by (ireat Britain and the United States, for an open
and closed season, and for the licensing of sealing vessels. These
latter provisions have probably deferred for numy years the final
extinction of the seal in these waters.
During the last part of Cleveland's first term revision of the
tariff occupied much attention. \Vm. R. Morrison, of Illinois, rein-
troduced his bill for a horizontal reduction of taritf rates, but it met
with a worse fate even than it did in the previous Congress. For
this time it was refused consideration by a vote of 157 to 140, 35 of
the former being l)(»mocrats. But at the opening of the Fiftieth
Congress. December t;, 1887, Cleveland precipitated the discussion
again by devoting his whole message to the tariff question. He
spoke of the large and increasing s!iri)lus in the Treasury as a reason
for reducing tariff rates, and argue d at some length the industrial
bearings of the subject. lie gave large space to the tariff on wool,
which he wanted greatly reduced or wholly removed. He also favored
a great reduction in the rales on all other raw materials, and the
removal of the taritf on the n(M('ssari<»s of life. While leaning toward
free trade* in practice, h<» discarded the theory in the following
passage, which furnished one* much cjuoted sentence: **()ur progress
toward a wise <-oiHlusion will not be improved by dwelling upon the
theories of protection and free trade. This savors too much of ban-
dying epitlnMs. It is a condition which confronts us — not a theory.
Relief from this condition may involve a slight reduction of the
advantages whirh we award our home productions, but the entire
withdrawal of such advantages should not b(» contemplated. The
question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant.''
The imm(*(liat(* effect of this message was the introdu<*tion of the
Mills Bill, i-(Hlucing tariff rates. This Bill was so named from Roger
402 HISTORY OF THE REPITBLICAN PARTY.
Q. Mills, of Texas, who was Chairman of the Ways and Means Com-
mittee of the House, though in its preparation he was assisted by the
other Democratic members of the Committee: William L. Scott, of
Pennsylvania; Clifton R. Breckenridge, of Arkansas; William D.
Bynum, of Indiana^ and William L. Wilson, of West Virginia. These
members all supported the Bill with speeches on the floor of the
House, as did also the following prominent Democrats: John G.
Carlisle, of Kentucky, Speaker of the House; Samuel S. (^ox, of Ohio;
John E. Russell, of Massachusetts, and Charles R. Buckalew, of
Pennsylvania. The Bill did not go the full length of Cleveland's
message in inclining toward free trade, but it leaned sufficiently that
way to meet with almost solid Republican opposition. The leading
speakers against it were: William D. Kelk\v, of Pennsylvania;
William McKinley, of Ohio; Thomas B. Reed, and Charles A. Bou-
telle, of Maine; Julius C. Burrows, of Michigan, and Henry G.
Burleigh, of New York. The Bill passed the House by a vote of 162
yeas, of which one was Republican, to 149 nays, 4 being Democrats.
In the Senate it was antagonized by a measure of far different scope
The ultimate result of the long agitation was that no tariff legisla-
tion at all was adopted at this session, and the question became the
leading one in the next campaign.
XXXI.
THP: campaign of 1888.
A New Set of Candidates for the Kepubliean Nomination — Blaine
and Sherman the Only Old Ones Mentioned and Blaine Posi-
tively Withdraws — McKinley Forbids the Use of His Name —
Sherman Leads Through Six Ballots — (leneral Alger, of Mi(*hi-
gan, a Strong Possibility — The Nomination Finally Goes to
Harrison — The Text of the IMatform — The Democrats Renomin-
ate Cleveland by Acclamation, With Thurman Second on the
Ticket — A Quiet Campaign — The Murchison Incident — The
Republicans Win.
As the time for the Republican Convention in 1888 approached
a new set of candidates appeared in the field. Only two of the men
who had been prominently before previous conventions were at all
mentioned in connection with this, Blaine and Sherman. After
President Cleveland issued his famous tariff message and the Mills
Bill was introduced, Blaine, who was then in Paris, made a reply to
th(* message in an interview which was furnished by the Associated
Press to the leading jjapers in the country. It was received with
great favor and created a strong demand for his nomination for the
Presidency, as being the best man to meet the issue which was thus
thrust upon the people. Mr. Blaine was at this time under medical
treatment in Paris for the physical ailments which afterward ter-
minated in his death, and was morbidly sensitive as to the condition
of his health. He felt himself unable to endure the fatigues and
excitements of anoth(M* campaign. Although he afterwards recovered
sufficiently to enter again into the activities of public life, his inti-
mate friends knew that at this time he had no anticipation of being
able to do so. He wrote two letters from Paris, declining, in posi-
tive terms, to have his name presented as a candidate. One of these,
written May 17 to Whit(»law Reid, editor of the New York Tribune,
was very emphatic in its withdrawal.
404 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
Notwithstanding these expressions of his desire there was a
strong sentiment, when delegates gathered for the Convention at
Chicago, in favor of putting him forward, even against his consent.
The temporary President of the Convention, John M. Thurston, of
Nebraska, himself a strong personal friend of Blaine, sought, in his
opening address, to clieck this. Having in mind the claim, vigorously
maintained for years by General Butler, that part of the vote cast
for Butler in New Y'ork (Mty was counted for Cleveland, thus defeat-
ing the Republican candidates, Mr. Thurston said that he '*had
hoped that 1888 would right the great wrong of 1884." He then paid
a high tribute to the worth of General Logan: ^*The citizen soldier,
the warrior statesman, the Black Eagle of Illinois, who had been
summoned by the silent messenger to report to his old commander
beyond the river.'' After referring further to General Logan's
place on the ticket of 1884, he continued:
The other, that gallant leader, the chevjilier of American politics,
the glory of Republicanism and the nightmare of Democracy, our
Henry of Navfirre, is seeking in foreign travel the long needed relax-
ation and rest from the wearisome burdens of public life and service
With the sublime magnanimity of his incomparable greatness, he has
denied us the infinite pleasure of supporting him in this Convention.
Desiring above all things party harmony and success, he has stepped
from the certain ladder of his own laudable ambition that some other
man may climb to power. As his true friends we cannot, dare not
commit the political crime of disobedience to his expressed will. We
cannot place him at the head of the ticket, but we will make him
commander-in-chief at the head of the forces in the field, where he
will be invincible. And though James G. Blaine may not be our
President, yet he remains our uncrowned king, wielding the baton of
acknowledged leadershij), supreme in the cillegiance of his devoted
followers. Honest and respected by all honest and loyal men, the
greatest living American, and the worthy object of our undying love.
Mr. Thurston's reference to Blaine's refusal to allow himself to
be nominated was received with cries of "No!" "No!" from all over
the hall, but his declaration that the Convention dare not commit the
offence of going contrary to Blaine's expressed wish was wildly
applauded. His withdrawal of Blaine's name was, however, resented
by many of the admirers of the man from Maine, who claimed that
Thurston had no right to assume such authority, and they declared
that they would work harder than ever for the man of their choice.
Some votes were cast for him on each ballot, reaching 48 on the fifth
which was taken on a Saturday. On Monday, two dispatches were
n*ceived from Mr. Blaine, addressed to Delegates Boutelle and Man-
thp: tampaion of isss. 405
ley, of Maine. The first said: ^'Earnestly request all friends to
respect my Paris letter/' The second read thus: **I think I have the
right to ask my fric^nds to resjiect my wishes, and refrain from voting
for me. Please make this and former dispatches public.'- This
ended the talk about a break for Blaine as the final result of the
num<»rous ballots, though fifteen enthusiasts voted for him on the
seventh, which was taken after these dispatches had been read.
In his relation to the Presidency Mr. Hlaine has often been com-
pared to Henry Clay. The comparison might be extended much
further than to this single matter of their high ambitions. Both had
brilliant careers in the House of Representative's, of which they were
elected Speaker. Both served in the Senate. Both made reputations
in diplomacy, (May as a Foreign Minister, and Blaine as Secretary of
State. Both twice sought unsuccessfully, the Presidential nomina-
tion at the opening of (ampaigns in which their parties were
successful. Both obtained the nominations in years when their
parties met defeat, ("lay, in 1S44, lost the election by a slender
adverse majority in New York. Blaine, in 1884, lost the election by
a still narrower margin in the same State. But they were unlike in
this resi)ect, (May never had the oi>portunity to refuse the nomination
in a campaign in which his i)arty was in the ascendancy, and if he
had, would never have put away the long-coveted honor, as Blaine did
in 1888.
The other candidate who had before this been a prominent candi-
date for the Presidency was John Sherman. Mr. Sherman had served
with distinction in the House, the Senate and the Cabinet. He was for-
mally placed before the Conventions of 1880 and 1884, but the highest
vote he n^ached at either of these gatherings was 120. In 1888 he
started with 229, rose to 240 on the second, and for the first six
ballots was ahead of every other candidate. But when the break
came it did not go to him, and he failed to win. He appeared as
Ohio's avowed choice. William McKinley, Jr., another resident of
Ohio, received the votes of a few delegates from other states, and
one of the stirring incidents of the Convention was a short speech
from Mr. McKinley, in which he tried to take himi^elf out of the field.
Evidently having in mind the asjiersions cast, in 1880, upon General
Oarfield, who was sent to Chicago to help nominate Sherman and
afterwards received the nomination himself, Mr. McKinley said:
I am here, as one of th(» chosen representatives of my State. I
am here by a r<»solution of the Kejmblican party, without <me dissent-
406 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
ing voice, comuiandiug me to cast my vote for John Sherman, ami
use every worthy endeavor for his nomination. 1 accepted the trust
because my heart and judgment were in accord with the letter and
spirit and purjiose of iliat resolution. It has pleased certain dele-
gates to cast their voles tor me. I am not insensible to the honor
they would do me, but in the presence of the duty resting upon me 1
cannot remain silent with honor. I cannot, consistently with th«*
credit of the State, whose credentials 1 bear, and which has trusttnl
me, I cannot with honorable tidelity to John Sherman, who trusted
me in his cause with his confidence, 1 cannot with consistency with
my own views of personal integrity, consent, or seem to consent, to
permit my name to be used as a candidate before the Convention. I
would not respect myself if I cciuld find it in my heart to do, to say,
or permit to be done, that which would even be gnmnd for ;inyone to
suspect that 1 wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or my devotion to the
chief of her choice, and the chief of mine. 1 do request, 1 demand,
that no delegates, who would not cast reflection upon me, shall cast
a ballot for me.
Notwithstanding this ap])eal, McKinley continued to receive a few-
votes, his highest number being on the seventh ballot. This was emi-
nently a vote-as-you-i)lease Convention.
Of the new candidates the one whose chances, at the outset,
seemed the most promising, and in whom Michigan was most especi-
ally interested, was (Jeneral Russell A. Alger. At the Republican
State Convention, held in (irand Rapids, May 8th, the following dele-
gates were chosen to the National Convention: At Large — Robert E.
Frazer, John K. Roies, W. Q. At wood and Thomas B. Dunstau. By
Districts— (1) Henry M. Duttield, (^harles Wright; (2) Thomas S.
Applegate, Joseph T. Jacobs; (:5) I>. B. Ainger, William H. Withing-
ton; (4) Theron F. (liddings, A. B. (V)pley; (5) William Alden Smith,
George W. Webber; («) Charles F. Kimball, Otis Fuller; (7) A. R
Avery, W. II. Acker; (8) F. (\ Stone, N. J. Brown; (9) Newcomb
McGrath, E. B. Martin; (10) F. T. Carrington, D. C. Page; (11) H. O.
Young, Thomas T. Bates.
The Convention also unanimously adoi)ted the following declara-
tion: **The Republicans of Michigan, desiring only the success of
the principles and candidates of the great party that saved the Union,
and renewing their pledges of loyal fealty to both, but recognizing
the great worth and strong availability of their generous and noble-
hearted fellow citizen, that gallant soldier statesman and successful
man of business, General Russell A. Alger, do hereby unanimouslv
and earnestly recommend him as the man who should be chosen as
the standard-bearer of the party in the great contest about to ensue.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888.
407
and who, if so selected, will harmonize and unite the party every-
where, and lead the Republican hosts to certain and triumphant
victory." On the second ballot in the National Convention General
Alger was next to Sherman in the number of votes received. At one
time the indications, and some promises made by delegates from other
states, led his supporters to believe that the final break would be to
him, instead of to Harrison; in this they were disappointed, but the
twenty-six Michigan delegates stood by him loyally to the end. After
the nomination was made, the General sent the following dispatch:
"Please convey to the
delegates w^ho have so
loyally supported my
candidacy, my heartfelt
thanks. No State or
man will give the gal-
lant gentleman who has
won this fight, heartier
support than Michigan
and myself." The read-
ing of this dispatch in
the Convention was fol-
lowed by the familiar
cry, already heard three
or four times at the
gathering: **What's the
matter with Alger?"
"He's all right."
Two of the other men
who received votes in
this Convention, and
both of whom after-
wards became President, were regarded with interest by Michigan
Republicans, by reason of the addresses they made at the annual
banquet of the Michigan Club in the February preceding. On that
occasion General Harrison responded to the toast, "Washington, the
Republican," and Major McKinley to one on "Washington, the Ameri-
can." Both addresses were received with great favor. General
Harrison spoke with strong emphasis upon the duty of securing a
free ballot and a fair count of the votes of every citizen. South, as
well as North. As this subject was again beginning to come to the
BENJAMIN HARRISON.
408 HISTOKY OF THE RKriBLKWN PARTY.
front in Tong^ress, General Harrison's dean cut utterances on this
occasion were v(m y reassuring to tlie Ki^puhlicans durinjj: the cani-
pai^^n.
The proceedings of the Ninth National Republican Convention
commenced in Chicajro, June V.K ISSS, with the readinjr of the call
and the designation of .John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, as temiK>rary
Chairman. The first day's session was occupied larji:ely with routine
business, and with the discussion of the claims of contesting delega
tions from Virginia. But the monotony of business was agreeably
reliev(Hl by specnhes from (Jeneral John (\ Fremont, the first Repub-
lican nominee for the Presidency, and from Frederick Douglass, the
venerable colored orator.
On the second day Mauiice M. Kst(H», of California, was uam^Ml
permanent Chairman, and sj)oke very brielly as lie assumed tlie duties
of the position. The rest of the day was occupied with a discussion
of the rules, and with contested delegate disjiutes. Only two essen
tial changes were made in the rul<*s. One establish<»d those of the
House of Representatives in Washington, as a guide to the order of
jH'ocedure. The other provided that an Executive Committee, con-
sisting of nine members, should b<» chosen by the National Commit-
tee to conduct the affairs of the i»arty.
It was not until the third day that the order of resolutions was
reached, and the following jdatform was then received:
The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their dele-
gates in National Convention, pause on the threshold of their pro-
ceedings to honor the memory of their first great leader, the immortal
champion of liberty and the rights of the people — Abraham Lincoln;
and to cover also with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and
gratitude the lieroic names of our later leaders who have more
recently been called away from our councils — Orant, Oarfield, Arthur.
Logan, Conkling. ^lay their memories be faithfully cherished. We
also recall with our grtn^tings, and with prayer for his re;overy, the
name of one of our living hero(»s, whose memory will be treasured in
the history both of Republicans and of the Republic — the name of
that noble soldier and favorite child of victory, Philip H. Sheridan
In the spirit (»f those great lead(*rs, and of our own devotion to
human liln^rty, and with that hostility to all forms of despotism and
oppression which is tli(» fundam<»ntal idea of the Ri^publican i>arty
we send fraternal <-ongratulation to our f(*llow-Americans of Brazil
upon their great Act of Emanci|)ation, whirh comj)lete<l the abolition
of slavery rhroughout the two American continents. We earnestly
THE TAMPA ION OF 18S8. 400
hope that we may soon eongratuhite our fenow-citizens of Irish birth
upon the peaceful rtnovery of home rule for Irehmd.
We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the National Constitution
and to the indissoluble union ol the States; to Xho autonomy reserved
to the states under the ('onsiiiution; lo the personal rij^hts and liber-
ties of citizens in all the states and territories in the Tnion, and
especially to the suprtnie and sovereign right of every lawful citizen,
rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one frtM»
ballot in public elections and to have that ballot duly counted. We
hold the free and honest popular ballot and tlu* just and equal repre
sentatlon of all the people to be the foundations of our republican
(rovernment, and demand effective legislation to secure the integrity
and purity of elections, which are the fountains of all public authority
We charge that the ])resent Administration and the Democratic,
majority in Congress owe their existence to tlie sujipression of the
ballot by a criminal nullification of tin* Constitution and the Laws of
the Ignited States.
We are uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of
protection; we protest against its destru<tion as proposed by the
President and his party. They serve the interests of Euroi>(»; we will
support the interests of America. A\'<» accept the issue and conli
dently appeal to the people for their judgment. The ]»rotectiv(»
system must be maintained. Its abandonment has always been fol-
lowed by general disaster to all interests, except those of the usurer
and the sheriff. We d(»nounce the Mills bill as destructive to the
general business, the labor and the farming interests of the country,
and we heartily indorse the consistent and patriotic action of the
Republican Representatives in Congress in o])i)osing its passage.
We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to ])lace
wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be
adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate protec-
tion to that industry.
The Republican party would efi*(Mt all needled reduction of the
National revenue* by re])ealing the taxes u])on tobacco, which an* an
annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used
in the arts and for mechanical j)urposes, and by such revision of the
tariff laws as will tend to check im])orts of such articles as are
produced by our people, the production of which gives employment to
our labor, and release from imjiort duties those articles of foreign
production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced at
home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is recpiisite
for the wants of the Uovernment, we favor th(» entire repeal of int(*r-
nal taxes rather than i\w surrender of any jmrt of our protective
system, at the joint behests of the whisky trusts and th(» ag(»nts of
foreign manufacturers.
We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of
foreign contract labor and of Chinese* labor, alien to our civilization
410 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
and our Constitution, and we demand the rigid enforcement of the
existing laws against it, and favor such immediate legislation as will
exclude such labor from our shores.
We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital, organ-
ized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of
trade among our citizens; and we recommend to Congress and the
State Legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such legislation
as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by
undue charges on their suppliers, or by unjust rates for the trans-
portation of their products to market. We approve the legislation
by Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair discrimina-
tion between the States.
We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of the
United States to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers,
not aliens, which the Republican Party established in 1862, against
the persistent opposition of the Democrats in Congress, and which
has brought our great Western domain into such magnificent devel-
opment. The restoration of unearned railroad land grants to the
public domain for the use of actual settlers, which was begun under
the administration of President Arthur, should be continued. We
deny that the Democratic party has ever restored one acre to the
people, but declare that by the joint action of the Republicans and
Democrats about r)(),(MH),000 of aci*es of unearned lands originally
granted for the construction of railroads have been restored
to the public domain, in pursuance of the conditions inserted
by the Republican party in the original grants. We charge the
Democratic Administration with failure to execute the law^s secur-
ing to settlers title to their houM^steads, and with using appropria-
tions made for that ])uri)ose to harass innocent settlers with spies
and prosecutions under the false jnetense of exposing frauds and
vindicating the law.
The Government by Congress of the territories is based upon
necessity only, to the end that they may become states in the T'^nion;
therefore, whenever the conditions of population, material resources,
l)ublic intelligence and morality are such as to insure a st«ible local
Government th(»rein, the people of such territories should be per-
mitted, as a right inherent in them, the right to form for themselves
Constitutions and State Governnnrnts, and be admitted into the
I'ni(m. Pending the preparation for Statehood, all officers thereof
should be seU^cted from the bona fide residents and citizens of the
Territory wherein they are to serve.
South Dakota should of right be immediately admitted as a
Stat(» in the Union, under the Constitution framed and adopted by
li(»r people, and we heartily indorse the action of the Republican
Senate in twice passing bills for her admission. The refusal of the
Democratic Hous(* of Re])resentatives, for partisan purposes, to
favorablv consider these l)ills, is a willful violation of the sacred
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1S88. 411
American principle of local 8elf-j!:overument, and merits the condem
nation of all just men. The pending bills in the Senate for Acts to
enable the people of Washington, North Dakota and Montana Terri-
tories to form Constitutions and establish State (lovernments should
be passed without unnecessary delay. The Republican party i)ledges
itself to do all in its power to facilitate the admission of the Terri-
tories of New^ Mexico, Wyoming, Idaho and Arizona to the enjoyment
of self-government as States, such of them as are now qualified, as
soon as possible, and the others as soon as they may become so.
The political power of the Mormon Church in the territories, as
exercised in the past, is a menace to free institutions, a danger no
longer to be sutTered. Therefore, we pledge the K*^]rahlican party to
appropriate legislation asserting the sovereignty of the Nation in all
territories where the same is questioned, and in furtherance of that
end to place upon the statute books legislation stringent enough to
divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power, and thus stamp
out the attendant wickedness of polygamy.
The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and
silver as money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic Admin-
istration in its efforts to demonetize silver.
We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per
ounce.
In a Republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign and the
official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will of
the people, it is important that the sovereign — the people — should
possess intelligence. The free school is the promoter of that intelli-
gence which is to preserve us a free Nation; therefore the State or
Nation, or both combined, should support free institutions of learn-
ing, sufficient to afford every child growing up in the land the oppor-
tunity of a good common school education.
We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by Con-
gress in the enactment of such legislation as will best secure the
rehabilitation of our American merchant marine, and we i)rotest
against the passage by Congress of a free shij) bill, as calculated to
work injustice to labor, by lessening the wages of those engaged in
preparing materials as well as those directly emi)loyed in our ship-
yards. We demand appropriations for the early rebuilding of our
navy; for the construction of coast fortifications and modern ordnance
and other approved modern means of defence for the protection of
our defenceless harbors and cities; for the payment of just pensions
to our soldiers; for the necessary works of national importance in
the improvement of harbors and the channels of internal, coastwise
and foreign commerce; for the encouragement of the shipping inter-
ests of the Atlantic, Gulf and Pacific Stat(»s, as well as for the pay-
ment of the maturing public debt. This policy will give employment
to our labor, activity to our various industries, increase the security
of our country, promote trade, open new and diriMt markets for our
412 HISTORY OF THE REPI'BLICAN PARTY.
produce, and ilieapen the cost of transportation. We affirm this to
be far better for our countrv than the Democratic policy of loaning
the Government's money without interest to '*pet banks."
The conduct of foreijijn att'airs by the present Administration has
been distinjjcuished by its inefliciency and its cowardice. Having with-
drawn from the Senate all pending treaties effected by Republican
Administrations for the removal of foreign burdens and restrictions
upon our commerce, and for its extension into better markets, it has
neither elTected nor i)roposed any others in their stead. Professing
adherence to the Monroe doctrine, it has seen, with idle complacency,
the extension of foreign influence in Central America, and of foreign
trade everywhere among our neighbors. It has refused to charter,
sanction, or encourage any American organization for constructing
the Nicaragua Canal, a work of vital importance to the maintenance
of the Monroe doctrine, and of our National influence in Central and
South xVmerica; and necessary for the development of trade with
our Pacific territory, with South America, and with the islands and
further coasts of the Pacific Ocean.
We arraign the present Democratic Administration for its weak
and unpatriotic treatment of the fisheries question, and its pusillani-
mous surrender of the essential ju'ivileges to which our fishing vessels
are entitled in Canadian ports under the treaty of 1818, the reciprocal
maritime legislation of 18150 and the comity of nations, and which
Canadian fishing vessels receive in the ports of the United States.
We condemn the jiolicy of the present Administration and the Demo-
cratic majority in Congress toward our fisheries as unfriendly and
conspicuously unpatriotic, and as tending to destroy a valuable
national industry and an indispensable resoune of defence against
a foreign enemy. The name of American applies alike to all citizens
of the Republic and imposes upon all alike the same obligations of
obedience to the laws. At the same time that citizenship is and must
be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it, and protect him,
whether high or low, rich or poor, in all his civil rights, it should
and must afford him protection at home, and follow and protect him
abroad in whatever land ]w may be on a lawful errand.
The men who abandoned the Republican party in 1884 and con-
tinue to adhere to the Democratic ])arty have deserted not only the
cause of honest governmxMit, of sound finance, of freedom, of purity of
the ballot, but especially have deserted the cause of reform in the
civil service. We will not fail to keep our pledges because they have
broken theirs, or because their candidate has broken his. We there-
fore repeat our declaration of 1884, to-wit: *The reform of the Civil
SiM'vice auspiciously b(»gun under the Rej)ublican Administration
should be com])leted by the further extension of the reform system
already established by iaw to all the grades of the service to which
it is applicable. The si)irit and purpose of the reform should be
observed in all Executive appointments, and all laws at variance
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888. 4i:i
with the object of existing reform legishition should be repealed, to
the end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk in the power
of oflieial patronage may be wisely and eflectually avoided/'
The gratitude of the nation to the defenders of the Union cannot
be measured by law^s. The legislation of Congress should conform
to the pledge made by a loyal people, and be so enlarged and extended
as to provide against the possibility that any man who honorabl.v
wore the FcMieral uniform should become the inmate of an almshouse,
or dei)endent upon private charity. In the presence of an overflowing
Treasury it would be a public scandal to do less for those whose
valorous service preserved the (lovernment. We denounce the hostile
spirit of President Cleveland in his numerous vetoes of measures for
pension relief, and the action of the Democratic House of Represen
tatives in refusing even a consideration of general pension legislation.
In support of the princijiles herewith enunciated, we invite the
co-operation of patriotic men of all parties, and especially of all work-
ingmen whose prosperity is seriously threatened by the free-trade
policy of the present Administration. The first concern of all good
government is the virtue and sobriety of the people and the purity of
their homes. The Rei)ublican ])arty cordially sympathizes with all
wise and well-directed efforts for the promotion of temperance and
morality.
The platform was read by William McKinley, Chairman of the
Committee on Resolutions, and was unanimously adopted. It was
followed immediately by th(» presentation of candidates, of whcmi
there was a larger number in the field, and for whom more nominating
speeches and seconds were made than at any other Convention In
the history of the party. The first speech naming a candidate was
by Leonard Swett of Illinois, nominating Walter Q. (Jresham, of
Indiana, who was supported by Cushman K. Davis, of Minnesota.
John R. Lynch, of Mississij>pi, Mr. McCall, of Massachusetts, and
John B. Rector, of Texas. Ex-Governor Porter, of Indiana, presented
the name of the '^Soldier Statesman, General Benjamin Harrison,"
who was supported by Messrs. Terrell, of Texas, and (Jallinger, of
New Hampshire. Sc^nator Allison's name was presented by Congress-
man Hepburn, of Iowa, and was seconded by Benjamin A. Bosworth,
of Rhode Island. Robert E. Frazer, of Detroit, in a speech of gn^it
elocjuence and power, presented the name of (lener.al Russell A. Alger,
who was heartily supported by Charles J. Noyes, of Massachusetts,
Patri<k Egan, of Nebraska, M. M. Estec\, of California, and L. F.
Eggers, of Arizona. Senator Hiscock, of New York, nominated
Chauncey M. D(»pew, of the same state, who was su])i)<>rted by a Min
nesota (irang(»r namcHl Hartley, (ieneral Hastings, of P(»nnsylvania,
414 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN' PARTY.
named John Sherman, of Ohio, who was supported by liovernor J. B.
Foraker, of the same State, and by the distinguishtMi colored delegate,
John M. Langston, of Virginia. Charles Emory Smith, of Philadel-
phia, named Mayor Fitter, of the same City, and Senator Spooner, of
Wisconsin, proposed Jeremiah Rusk, of the same State.
The balloting commenced on Friday, June 22, and continued till
Monday, June 25. In all eight ballots were taken with the following
result:
1
Benjamin Harrison, (Ind.).. 80
John Sherman (Ohio) 229
Russell A. Alger (Mich.) 84
Walter Q. Crresham (Ind.).. Ill
William B. Allison ilowa).. 72
(Miauncey M. Depew (X. Y.) 1H>
Jeremiah Rusk (Wis.) 25
Wm. Walter Phelps (X. J.). . 25
John J. Ingalls (Kan.) 28
E. II. Filler (Penn.) 24
William McKinley (Ohio)... 2
James G. Blaine (Maine). . . . 35
Robert T. Lincoln (III.) 3
Scattering
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
91
94
217
213
231
278
544
249
244
235
224
244
231
118
IIG
122
135
142
137
120
100
108
123
98
87
91
91
59
75
88
88
99
73
76
!>0
91
...
. . .
. . .
20
k;
. . .
...
...
18
5
k;
:{
8
ii
14
12
16
:\:\
35
42
48
40
15
•)
2
1
2
2
8:^0
2
825)
827
2
830
2
KM)
831
830
41(»
416
415
414
416
416
416
Whole number of votes.. 830
Necessary for choi<e 41(5
There was only one ballot for Vice President, and that gave 591
to Levi P. Morton, of Xew York; 119 to William Walter Phelps, of
New Jersey; 103 to William O. Bradley, of Kentucky; 11 to Blanche K.
Bruce, of Mississippi, and one for Walter F. Thomas, of Texas.
Encouraged by their success in 1884, and ready to make the issue
in 1888, the Democrats, for the first time in a long i)eriod of years,
called their Convention earlier than the Republican. It met in St.
Louis, June 7. Its duties were somewhat perfunctory, for Cleveland's
nomination was a foregone conclusion, and Cleveland had made the
issue for the <ampaign. Before the Convention met. Democratic Con-
ventions in every State in the Cnion had declared in his favor, and
had indorsed his position on the tarilf. In the Convention he was
laud<»d to tli(* skies by Stejihen M. White, of California, temporary
President; Patrick A. Collins, of Massachusetts, Permanent Presi-
dent; and by Daniel Dougherty, the '*Silver-Tongued Orator" of Phil-
adelj»hia. The President was then renominated by acclamation. Only
one ballot was taken for Vice President, resulting in the nomination
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888.
415
of Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, by 607 votes, to 104 for Isaac P. Gray,
of Indiana, and HI for John (\ Black, of Illinois. The platform
renewed the party's old declarations in favor of the maintenance of
the Union, extension of Civil Service reform, reduction of taxation
and of the surplus, the admission of Washinjrton, Dakota, Montana
and New Mexico as states, and expressed sympathy for the cause of
home rule in Ireland. The following was the tariff plank:
"Our established domestic industries and enterprises should not
and need not be endaufj^ered by the reduction and correction of the
burdens of taxation.
On the contrary, a fair
and careful revision of
our tax laws, with due
allowance for the dif-
ference between the
wages of American and
foreign labor, must pro-
ni o t e and encourage
every branch of such
industries and enter-
prises, by giving them
assurance of an extend-
ed market and steady,
continuous operations
In the interests of
American labor, which
should in no event be
neglected, the revision
of our tax laws, con-
templated by the Dem-
ocratic party, should
promote the advantage of such labor by cheapening the cost of the
necessaries of life in the home of every working man, and at the same
time securing to him steady and remunerative employment. Tpon
this question of tariff reform, so closely conterning every phase of
our national life, and ujK)n every <]uestion involved in the problem of
good government, the Democratic party submits its principles and
professions to the intelligent suffrages of the American people."
In addition to the nominations of the two leading parties, there
were two Union Labor tickets, both nominated at Cincinnati, May 16.
LEVI P. MORTON.
41(> HISTOKV OF THP: KEITBLK AX PAKTV.
The first iiaiiud Andrew J. Streator, of Illinois, for President
and Charles E. Ciinninghani, of Arkansas, for Vice President.
The second was Robert H. Cowdrey, of Illinois, for President,
and W. H. T. Wakefield, of Kansas, for Vice. The Prohibition
ists voted for Clinton U. Fisk, of New Jersey, for President, and John
A. Hrooks, of Missouri, for Vice. The "American'' party nominated
James l.anji^don Curtis, of New York, for President, and James R.
(ireer. of Tennessee, for \'ice. Some other factions went tlirouj^h
the formality of making nominations, but did not ^o throujjh the
formality of votinj:: for them in sufficient numbers to be counted as
anythinj^ but "s( atterinj^."
The campaign was much less spirited tlmn any which had pre-
ceded it since the Kepublican party was establishiMi. There was
trickery and bribery charjj:ed in Ohio and Indiana, but without attract
ing wide attention. The only real sensation of the canipaig:n was
occasioned by the ".Murchison letter," written in California, and
addressed to Lord SackvilleAVest, British Minister at Washinjjton.
The writer, calling*: himself Charles F. Murchison, a voter of Eufi:lish
birth, and still considerinjjf England the motherland, asked the Minis
ter's advice how to vote. It said:
Many Enjj^lish <*itizens have for yeais refrained from being natur-
alized, as they thought no good could accrue from the act, but Mr.
Cleveland's Administration has been so favorable and friendly toward
England, so kind in not enforcing the Retaliatory Act passed by Con-
gress, so sound on the Free Trade question, and so hostile to th<»
dynamite schools of Ireland, that, by the hundreds — yes, by the
thousands — they have become naturalized for the express purpose of
helping to elect him over again, the one above all American politicians
they considered their own and their country's best friend. . . If
Cleveland was ]>ursuing a new ])olicy toward Canada, temporarily
only, and for the sake of obtaining popularity and continuation of his
office four years more, but intends to cease his i)olicy when his re-elec-
tion in November is secured, and again favor England's interests, then
1 should have no further doubt, but go forward and vote for him. I
know of no one better able to direct me, sir, and I most respectfully
ask your advice in t\w matter. . . As you are the fountain head
of knowledge* on th<» question, and know whether Mr. (Meveland's
policy is temjiorary only, and whether he will, as soon as he secures
another \vrm of four years in the Presidency, suspend it for one of
friendshi]! and frcM' trad(», I a|)ply to you, privately and confidentially.
for information which shall in turn b(* treated as entirely se<*ret.
Such information would put me at r<»st myself, and if favorable to
Mr. Cli^veland, would enable un\ on my own resj)onsibility, to assure
THP: (\\MPA1GN of ISSS. 4X7
many of my eouiilrymen that they would do England a service by
voting for Cleveland, and against the Republican system of tariff.
It was alHrmed afterwards that there was no such person as
Murchison, and that the letter was a Republican trap, set to secure
campaign material. The British Minister very innocently fell into
the trap, for he wrote in reply:
I am in receipt of your letter, and beg to say that I appreciate
the difticulty in which you find yourself, in casting your vote. You
are probably aware that any political party which openly favored the
mother country at the present moment, would lose popularity, and
that the party in power is fully aware of the fact. The party, how-
ever, is, I believe, still desirous of maintaining friendly relations with
Great Britain, and still desirous of settling all questions with Canada
which have been, unfortunately, reopened since the retraction of the
treaty by the Republican majority in the Senate, and by the Presi-
dent's message to which you allude. All allowances must, therefore,
be made for the j)olitical situation as regards the Presidential election
thus created. It is, however, impossible to i)redict the course which
President Cleveland may pursue in the matter of retaliation should
he be re-elected; but there is every reason to believe that, while
upholding the position he has taken, he will manifest a spirit of con-
ciliation in dealing with the (|uestion involv(»d in his message.
In spite of the diplonmtic impropriety of Mr. West's action, Cleve-
land was inclined to ignore the matter, until a member of the (Cabinet
showed him a letter from a member of the Democratic National Com-
mittee saying: ^*l)oes the President know that the Irish vote is slipping
out of our hands through dii)lomatic shilly-shallying? S(»e Lamont at
(mce. Something must be done at once." Then he acted. He asked for
the recall of Minister West, and when this was refused, gave him his
passports. The British Oovernment resented this, and sent no one
to take Mr. West's place till the close of Cleveland's Administration.
In the election which followed the Democrats carried the Solid
South, with Connecticut and New Jersey, giving Cleveland and Thur-
nmn KJS Electoral votes, while Harrison and Morton had 283.
The popular vote for IMesident was as follows:
Harrison and Morton, Republican 5,441,989
Cleveland and Thurman, Democratic 5,538,464
Fisk and Brooks, Prohibition 250,299
Streator and Cunningham, I'nion Labor 147,045
Cowdrey and Wakefield, I'nion Labor 2,668
Curtis and (rreer, American 1,591
Scattering '. 6,053
418 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
The totals ^Wen on the popuhir vote vary some in different statis-
tical publications. The above aggrepjate is computed from the
highest vote given an Elector in each State. During Harrison's
Administration Congress was divided politically as follows:
Fifty-first Congress.
Senate — Republicans, 47; Democrats, .37.
House — Republicans, 169; Democrats, 161.
Fifty-second Congress.
Senate — Republicans, 47; Democrats, 39; Farmers' Alliance, 2.
House — Republi<ans, XH: Democrats, 235; Alliance, 9.
In the Fifty-first Congress the Republican vote, giv€»n above, was
afterwards increased as the result of decisions on contested election
cases.
The vote of Michigan for President was as follows:
Harrison and Morton 236,387
Cleveland and Thurman 213,469
Fisk and Rrooks 20,945
Streator and Cunningham 4,555
The Presideniial Electors chosen were as follows: At T^rge —
Russell A. Alger, Isaac Cappon. Ry Districts — (1) Edward Burk; (2)
Junius E. Real; (3) Richmond Kingman; (4) Joseph W. French; (5) Don
J. Leathers; (6) James M. Turner; (7) John S. Thomson; (8) Elliott
F. Cirabill; (9) Wellington W. Cummer; (10) Henry P. Merrill; (11)
Perry Hannah.
The vote for (fovernor, at the same election was as follows:
Cyrus G. Luce, Republican 233,595
Wellington R. Burt, Democratic 216,450
Amherst B. Cheney, IM-ohibition 20,342
Wildman Mills, Union Labor 4,388
Imperfect and Scattering 17
The Congressional delegation was all Republican except the
members from the First and Seventh Districts and was as follows
in the order of the Districts: (1) J. Logan Chi]mian; (2) Edward P.
Allen; (3) James O'Donnell: (4) Julius C. Burrows; (5) Charles E
Belknap; (6) Mark S. Brewer; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8) Aaron T. Bliss:
(9) Byron ^f. Cutclu»on; (10) Frank W. Wheeler; (ID Samuel M. Steph-
enson.
XXXII.
PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION.
A (/lose House in Congress — Prospect of Little legislation — The
Device of Speaker Reed — A Small Majority Made Effective —
Obstructive Tactics Baffled— The Silver Question Made Promi-
nent— Passage of the Sherman Silver Act — The Republicans Not
in I'ontrol on This Subject — The Bargain Under Which the
Passage of the McKinley Tariff Act Became Possible — Effects of
That Act on Trade— The Political Whirlwind of 181)0.
The Fifty-first Congress had not been long in session when it
began to appear as if no important legislation could be accomplished
on account of the closeness of the House. The Republicans had there
a majority of only eight, and could not often have enough of those
present to constitute a quorum. The Democrats, by refraining from
voting, <ould generally break a quorum, and by dilatory motions
could harass the Republicans. But the new Speaker, Thomas B. Reed,
of Maine, was equal to the emergency. He was a man of strong will,
ready wit, great resourcefulness, and utterly fearless. He facilitated
business by refusing to entertain dilatory motions, and established the
I>ractice of counting a (juorum, even when the roll call did not show
one present. The Hous(» had power to compel the attendance of a
member, but no jmwer to make him vote, after it had secured his
attendance. Speaker Reed took the ground that if a member w«a8
visible on the floor of the House, he was present, whether he voted or
not, and on a numlx^r of occasions ordert^d the Clerk, in order to make
up a quorum, to record as present c(M*tain non- voting members whom
he saw in the Hall. This ^^counting a quorum," as it was called, was
bitterly denounced by the Democrats, who gave to the Speaker the
title of "Czar Reed." Then they began to use various devices to
escape being counted, hiding behind the seats, or making for the doors
On one occasion Rcquesentative Kilgore, of Texas, made himself
famous by kicking down a door which he found locked at one of the
exits. Mr. Reed was sustained in his course by the Republicans, as
420 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
well as by thaf broad oonuuon sense and sense of justice which
requires that, in a parliamentary body, the majority shall, at least,
have i\w means of bringing a measure to a vote. The Speaker, not
wishing to depend upon his individual rulings, devised a system of
rules to enable the majority, which was always held responsible for
legislation, to exercise more control under the proceedings than was
possible under the old rules. These rules, after a long contest, were
adoi)ted by a party vote of Ifil to 144, with 28 members not voting
Their main principles have been applied in the House ever since, even
Speaker Crisp taking advantage of them in the next House, which
had nearly a three-fourths Democratic majority.
With the new methods of facilitating business, this Congress
transa(^ted more business that was of serious moment than almost
any other Congress sinre the war. The first of the important meas-
ures to pass, though not the first to be introduced, was the Coinage
Act of July 14, 1800, commonly called the Sherman Silver Act. The
Bland-Allison Act of 1S78 had not a<*complished the purpose designed,
of getting silver into circulation in any large amount, nor of bringing
it to par with gold. On the contrary the white metal had suffered a
material decline in value. In 1S77, the average value of the silver
contained in a standard dollar was .02058. In 1878, the year in which
the Bland-Allison Bill passed, it was .80222. In 1880 it had fallen to
.72o25. Not only did the comi)ulsory purchase of |2,000,000 worth of
bullion a month not bring silver to par with gold, but the silver dollars
themselves would not circulate to any great extent. The Govern-
ment had ])urchased, under the Bland-Allison Act 12,136 tons of silver
at a cost of 1308,100,262, and had coined out of this 378,166,793
standard silver dollars, at a mintage cost of |5,000,000. These dollars
were legal tender for most purposes, and the Government, at one time
took pains to get them into use l)y shipping them to remote points
yet not more than one-eighth of them found their way into circula-
tion. The Government might have saved the cost of minting by stor-
ing the bullion, and issuing certificates against it.
Still the cry was for more silver, coupled with the demand for
the free coinage of that metal. Fpon this subject the President said
in his first annual message to Congress December 3, 1889: "The Act
of February 28, 1878, re(]uiring the purchase by the Treasury of |2,000,.
000 of silver bullion each month, to be coined into silver dollars, has
been obs<»rved by the l>(*partm(»nt, but neither the present Secrotarv,
nor any of his predecessors, has deemed it safe to exercise the disore-
PRESIDENT HAKUISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 421
lion given by law to increase tlie monthly purchase to |4,000,000. He
further said he thought it was elear that **if we should make the coin
age of silver at the i)resent ratio free, we must expect that the differ-
ence in the bullion value of the gold and silver dollars will be taken
account of in commercial transactions;" in other words, that gold
would disappear, and that business wouia be conducted on the basis
of the bullion value of the depreciated silver dollar. However, he
'avored the use of silver in the currency, and approved a plan, sub-
mitted by Secretary Windom, providing for the issue of notes against
the deposits of American silver bullion at the market price of bullion
on the day of deposit. These notes were to be redeenxed, either in
gold or silver bullion, at its then nuirket value, at the option of the
Government, or in silver dollars at the option of the holder. It
would seem as if this measure was likely to produce a currency of
fluctuating and uncertain value, but the exi)eriment contained in it
was never tried. As a substitute for this, E. H. Conger, of Iowa,
introduced a bill providing for the purchase of $4,500,000 worth of
silver bullion a month, and the issue of Treasury notes against it;
providing also for free coinage when the market price of silver reached
fl.OO for '^7114 grains of the pure metal. This Bill passed the House
but in the Senate a clause was inserted i)roviding for the free and
unlimited coinage of silver. This was done, June 17, 1890, on motion
of Senator Plumb, of Kansas, by an attlrmative vote of 29 Democrats
and 14 Republicans, to a negative vote of 22 Republicans and 2 Demo-
crats. The House, by a vote of 152 to 135, rejected the free coinage
amendment, and the Bill went to a Committee of Conference. A com-
promise measure was the result. It repealed the Bland-Alli-
son Act, and directed the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase
4,5(K),000 ounces of silver each month, at the market price,
and to issue in payment for it Treasury notes, these notes to be
a legal tender for all debts, public and private, excei)t where other-
wise provided in the contract, the notes to be redeemable in gold or
silver coin, at ihe oj^tion of the Secretary. After the legal tender
clause was one which read: **It being the established policy of the
United States to nmintain the two metals on a ])arity with each other,
upon the present legal ratio, or such ratio as may be provided by law\''
The A<t also provided for the actual coinage of 2,000,000 silver dollars
a month uj) to July 1, 1891. After that date no dollars were to be
coined, but tlu* bullion pui<hased was to be held in the form of fine*
silver bars.
422 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
This Bill passed the Senate by a vote of 39 to 26, and the House
by a vote of 122 to !U), the yeas in both Houses bein^ all Republican
except one Independent, and the nays all Democratic. Under this Act
28,298,455 silver dollars were coined, and up to April 1, 1891, |89,602,
198 in Treasury notes had bet^n issued to pay for bullion deposited
and of this sum |T7,605,000 was in circulation. November 1, 1891, the
total of silver dollars coined, and in existence in the United States
under all the Acts, was 1409,475,368, of which f347,339,907 was in the
Treasury, and only |62,135,461 was in circulation.
The 54,000,000 ounces of silver bullion which, under this Act,
the Treasuiy was required to purchase, represented just about the
output of the mines in this country in 1890. It was thought that by
furnishing so large a sure cash customer for the whole American
product of the white metal, its nuirket price would very materially
appreciate, perhaps come even to par with gold. This result
did not follow, for though there was a temporary api)reciation, a rapid
decline followed. In 1889, the year pre<eding the passage of the
Sherman Act, the average value of a silver dollar, as compared \^ith
gold, was .72325. In 1890, during about half of which that law wa«
in operati(m, it was .80927. In 1891 it was .76416; the next year .67401,
and in 1893, the year of the panic, and of the repeal of the Sherman
Act, it was .60351. The year following that, 1894, it fell to .490t)7 and
since then it has had some fluctuations, the lowest average being in
1898, when it was .45640.
Although the Republicans were in a numerical majority in both
Houses of the Fifty-first Congress, and in the Senate of the Fifty-
second, they could not control that majority on all questions. The
admissii)n of North and South Dakota and Washington as States, in
time to be represented in the Fifty-first Congress, and of Montana
and Idaho in time for representation in the Fifty-second, seemed to
give them control of the Senate for a long time to come. But it
turned out that upon the silver question, the Senators from those
States, as well as those from Colorado and Nevada, and Senator
Plumb, of Kansas, were as much against the majority of the Reptib-
Means as were the Democrats themselves. Whatever legislation was
a<complished, therefore, was necessarily the result of compromise, if
not of bargain. Of the passage of this Act, Senator Sherman says in
his ^'Recollections of Forty Years:" 'The situation at that time was
critical. A large majority of the Senate favored free silver, and it
was fearcHl that the small majority in the other House might yield
PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 423
and agree to it. The silence of the Tresident on the matter gave rise
to an ai)prehenBion that, if a free coinage Bill should pass both
Houses, he would not feel at liberty to veto it. Some action had to be
taken to prevent a return to free silver coinage, and the measure
evolved was the best attainable. I voted for it, but the day it became
a law I was ready to repeal it, if repeal could be had without substi-
tuting in its place absolute free coinage.^' In a speech in the Senate
in 1896, Mr. Teller, of Colorado, one of the silver Senators in 1890,
took issue with Mr. Sherman on the reason for passing the Bill.
He said the real reason was that the free coinage men in the Senate
would not permit any taritf bill to pass without some concession to
silver.
Tariff revision shared with the Silver question the greatest
amount of public attention during President Harrison's Administra-
tion. The Republicans, in their National platform, were pledged to
this, and the interests of the country demanded it. The war tariff
had produced a larger income than the country needed. The Act of
1883 did not greatly help in that respect, and besides that, was unequal
in the operation of its protective features. The AVays and Means
Committee of the House undertook the preparation of a measure
which should at the same time reduce the revenue, and afford
increased protection to American industries. Fortunately it had for
Chairman a man who was singularly well equipped for the work of
preparing such a measure. William McKinley, of Ohio, had been
thirteen years on the Ways and Means Committee and had made a
special study of the subject. He made his first tariff speech in 1878,
when the Wood Bill was under discussion, and it was regarded as
one of the best speeches delivered on that measure. When the Bill
which resulted in the Act of 1883 was before the House, his part in
securing its passage was so conspicuous that J. W. D. Kelley, the
veteran protectionist of that body, said that McKinley had ''distanced
all of his colleagues in mastering the details of the tariff." He
resented the course taken by the promoters of the Mills Bill in 1888,
in considering the measure in secret, without even permitting the
minority of the Committee, which was to report it, to be present.
When that Bill was printed and ready for inspection, he prepared, in
a very short time, a masterly report against it. The Mills Bill was
framed according to preconceived notions, not only without the benefit
of such suggestions as the minority of the Ways and Means Commit-
tee could have given, but without adequate information from the
424 HISTORY OF THE RP:rrBLI(\\X PARTY.
^vent mauufactnrinp: and conmieiH-ial interests that were involved.
The majority of the Coniniittee even went so far as to rebuflf leading
manufacturers of the country, who souji^ht information as to the con-
tents of the Bill, and who desired to he heard in reference to its
details.
The McKinley J^ill was framed after a far different method. All
previous acts were carefully studied. Manufacturers, jobbers,
shippers and importers were given attentive hearinjijs, their evidence
making a valuable contribution to economic literature. After the
most careful preparation, following consultation with a great variety
of interests, the measure was sifted through a long debate in the
House, in which the majority of the Committee which framed it were
ready with the fullest explanations of details. Its preparation and
consideration occupied almost the whole of the first session of the
Fifty-first Congress. As it passed the House it contained no reci-
procity feature. This was added in the Senate after a plan outlined
by Secretary* Blaine, and was as follows:
With a view to secure reciprocal trade with countries producing
the following articles, and for this purpose, on and after the 1st day
of January, 1892, whenever and so often as the President shall be
satisfied that the (rovernment of any country producing and export
ing sugars, molasses, cotTee, tea and hides, raw and uncured, or any
of such articles, imposes duties or other exactions upon the agricnl
tural or other products of the Tnited States, which, in view of the
free introduction of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides into
the United States, he may deem to be reciprocally unequal and unrea
sonable, he shall have the power, and it shall be his duty, to suspend,
by proclamation to that etfect, the provisions of this Act relating to
the free introduction of such sugar, molasses, cotTee, tea and hides,
the production of such country, for such time as he shall deem just;
and in such case, and during such susjjension, duties shall be levied,
collected and paid upon sugar, molasses, cotfee, tea and hides, the
product of, or exported from, such designated country as follows.
The rates of duty in such cases are then given, being from seven-tenths
cent to two cents a pound on sugar; four cents a gallon on molasses;
ten cents a pound on tea, and one and one-half cents a pound on hides.
The Bill passed the House May 21, by a vote of 164 yeas, all Re-
publicans, to 142 nays, consisting of 140 Democrats, 1 Republican and
1 Independent. The reciprocity clause was not added in the Senate
till Septemb(»r \K when it received the vote of :\H Republicans, to 27
Democrats and 2 Republicans against it. The Bill, as thus amended,
and with some other modifi<ations, passed the Senate l^v a strictly
PRESIHENT HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. 425
partisan vote of 40 to 29. After refusal of the House to concur in the
Senate amendments, the Hill went to a C'ommittee of Conference,
which endorsed most of the Senate Amendments, and the House final-
ly concurred, by a vote of 152 to 81. The Bill was signed by the
President, October 1. 181M).
The Act increased duties on 115 articles, embracing farm
products, manufactures not sutticiently protected, manufactures to be
established, and luxuries. It decreased duties on 190 articles, includ
ing some branches of manufacture already well established, or such
as would not suffer from foreign competition. It left the duties
unchanged on 249 articles. It enlarged the free list, so as to make
it cover 55.75 per cent, of all imports, or 22.48 per cent, more than the
previous tariff. It was effective in reducing the revenue. In 1890,
the year before the Act passed, the receipts from customs were |229,-
r>68,584. In 1891, during part of which year the law was in operation,
they were |219,522,205, and in 1892, during the whole of which year
it was in operation they were |177,452,964. A great reduction of
revenue was made by putting sugar on the free list, and the price of
that article of universal use was reduced. In 1890 the surplus of
revenue over expenditure was |8(>,0(f0,000, and in 1892 it was only
about 110,000,000. Resides thus reducing the revenue to the actual
needs of the Government, the law gave a wonderful impetus to man-
ufacturing in this country, while the treaties negotiated under the
reciprocity clause enlarged old markets and opened new ones for
American breadstuffs and provisions.
Legislation intended to secure the colored people of the South
their right to vote, and to have their votes counted, was attempted, for
the last time, in the Fifty-first Congress. The measure introduced for
this purpose was called the "Force Rill,'' and its purpose was to
extend and strengthen the Federal election laws of 1870, 1871 and
1872. It provided for Federal supervision of Federal elections, sup-
ported, if need be, by the military. It was strongly favored by the
President. It met with strong opposition from the Democrats, and
the feeling aroused by it led to acts of violence in the South, and to
thiH^ats of a Southern boycott on Northern merchandise. It passed
the House by a vote of 155 to 149, the former all Republican except
1 Independent, and i\w latter all Democrats except 2. In the
Senate Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Jones and Stewart, of Nevada;
Teller and Wolcott, of Colorado, and Washburn, of Minnesota, com-
bined with the Democrats to defeat it. On motion of Senator
426 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
Wolcott it was, by a vote of 85 to 84, side-tracked, to make wav for
the Apportionment Bill, and was not reached again that session. The
next House was Democratic, as was also the next Administration, and
in 1894 all the laws which this was designed to supplement were
repealed. The South has, ever since, been allowed to go its own way
in its treatment of Republican votes, whether white or black.
In the last days of its second session the Fifty-first Congress
passed a Bill much more restrictive of immigration than any previ-
ously adopted. It provided that the following persons besides
Chinese should be excluded from admission to the United States:
All idiots, insane persons, paupers or persons likely to become a
public charge, persons suffering from a loathsome disease, or a dan-
gerous contagious disease, jiersons who have been convicted of a
felony or other infamous crime or misdemeanor involving moral turpi-
tude, polygamists, and also any person whose ticket or passage is
paid for with the money of another, or who is assisted by others to
come, unless it is affirmatively and satisfactorily shown, on special
inquiry, that such person does not belong to one of the foregoing
excluded classes, or to the class of contract laborers, excluded by the
Act of February 20, 1885; but this section shall not be held to exclude
persons living in the X'nited States from sending for a relative or
friend, who is not of the excluded classes, under such regulations as
the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe; provided, that nothing
in this Act shall be construed to apply to, or exclude persons con-
victed of a political offense, notwithstanding said political offense may
be designated as a felony, crime, infamous crime, or misdemeanor,
involving moral turpitude by the law of the land whence he came,
or by the court convicting.
The Act also added to the stringency of the law of 1885, making
steamship companies responsible for the bringing in of the proscribed
classes of immigrants, and forbidding them to solicit the immigra-
tion of aliens, except by the ordinary advertising methods.
It is not easy to account for the political whirlwind that struck
the middle of this period. Harrison's Administration had been clean,
conservative and prudent. The McKinley Tariff A(*t was merely the
carrying out of a policy which the voters had endorsed in advance in
the elections of 1S88. If any evil effects were to come from
it, they were not yet apparent, for it had hardly gone into
effect. The country was prosperous and the outlook for busi-
ness continued good. Vet the State and Congressional elec-
tions in November, 181H), resulted in a complete overturn. From a
PRESIDENT HARRISON'S ADMJNISTRATON. 427
majority of fifteen, which the Republicans had in the last House after
the contested election cases were settled, they were reduced to a
number not much exceeding one-fourth the membership of that body.
In fact there were hardly enough of them to make up respectable
minorities on the committees. The following seventeen States did
not send a single Republican Representative: Alabama, Arkansas,
Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Mis
souri, Montana, New Hampshire, Nebraska, Rhode Island, South Car-
olina, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia. Five States, having four
or more members, sent only one Republican each; Connecticut, Ken-
tucky, Minnesota, North Carolina and Wisconsin. In States having
four or more members each, the Republicans had a majority of the
members in only three; California, Maine and Pennsylvania.
Michigan fared as badly as the rest of the states. The vote on
Governor was 18J^725 for Edwin B. Winans, Democrat, to 172,205 for
James M. Turner, Republican; 28,681 for Azariah S. Partridge, Prohi-
bition, and 13,198 for Eugene H. Relden, Industrial. The Democrats
also elected their entire State ticket, and eight out of the eleven Con-
gressmen, as follows: (1) J. Logan Chipman; (2) James S. Gorman;
(5) Melbourne H. Ford; (G) Byron G. Stout; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8)
Henry M. Youmans; (9) Harrison H. Wheeler; (10) Thomas A. E.
Weadock. The Republicans elected James O'Donnell in the Third
District, Julius C. Burrows, in the Fourth, and Samuel M. Stephen
son in the Eleventh. In April, 1891, Mr. Ford died, and Charles E.
Belknap was elected to fill the vacancy.
With a House so strongly Democratic and Senate Republican,
it could not be expected that any legislation of a partisan character
would be enacted. An attempt was made to crowd a free coinage
Bill through the House, but it met with an unexpected defeat. The
Bill was introduced by Mr. Bland, of Missouri, and was pushed with
the zeal that was common with him when advocating that measure.
After some discussion of the Bill, on a motion for the previous ques-
tion, enough Eastern Democrats united with the Republicans to make
the vote stand 14S to 148. Speaker Crisp broke the tie in favor of the
Bill, but it was finally beaten by dilatory motions.
One important and enduring Act which this Congress did pass,
and that by a very mixed, non-partisan vote in both Houses, was the
Geary Law afl'ecting Chinese immigration. This extended for ten
years all former laws prohibiting and regulating Chinese immigra
tion, i)rovided for the dej^ortation of all Chinamen not lawfully
428 HISTORY OF THP: REPT'BLICAN PARTY.
entitled to remain in the I'nited States, and required Chinese labor-
ers, already in this country, to secure certificates of residence from
Collectors of Internal Revenue, within a year, on jienalty of deporta-
tion.
Two Executive Acts of this Administration were of interest.
The Edmunds Law for punishing polygamy had been enforced with
a good deal of rigor against the Mormons in I'tah, and under its
provisions, in the course of two years, 12,000 persons were disfran-
chised, though monogamous, as well as polygamous Mormons made
common cause against the law, and Southern members of Congress
opposed it as unconstitutional, impolitic and sectional. Test cases
were made under the Law, and in 1890 the Supreme Court rendered
two decisions sustaining its constitutionality. This was followed by
a general promise to obey the law in the future, and a petition for
amnesty for past offenses. January 4, ISOi^ President Harrison
granted a full amnesty and pardon to all persons liable to the penal-
ties of the Act "by reason of unlawful cohabitation under the color
of polygamous or plural marriages, who had, since November 1, 1890,
abstained from such unlawful cohabitation; but upon the express
condition that they should, in the future, faithfully obey the laws of
the United States hereinbefore named.-'
By a bloodless revolution in the Hawaiian Islands in January,
1898, the Queen, Liliuokalani, who wa« in ill-favor with nmny of her
native subjects, as well as with the foreign residents, was deposed, a
(^ommittee of Safety organized a new (Government, and concluded a
treaty annexing the islands to the United States. The treaty pro-
vided for the assumption by the United States of the Hawaiian debt,
and for the payment of |20,000 a year to the dethroned Queen, and
fl50,000 in a gross sum to Princess Kaiulani. The President sent
the treaty to the Senate, with his approval, but that body had not
acted upon it when its term and that of the Administration ended.
President Cleveland withdrew the treaty, soon after his inaugura-
tion, thus initiating the work, which occupied a large share of the
time of his second Administration, of undoing the good which his
predecessor had done.
XXXIll.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892.
Hard Work for Minneapolis as the Place of Gathering for the Repub-
lican Convention — A Stirrinjj: and Comprehensive Platform —
Recognition of Woman's Aid in the Campaign — Harrison in the
Lead for the Nomination — Rlaine's Name Presented at the Last
— Three L'nwonted Demonstrations at the Convention — Harrison
and Reid Nominated — The Democratic Convention and the Cam-
paign— An Unexpectedly Sweeping Triumph for Cleveland and
His Party.
The Exposition lield in Minneapolis in 188G brought about the
erection of a large hall, ample for the needs of a National Convention,
and some etfort was made to secure the Rejiublican gathering for 1888
in that hall. The City received but a small vote at that time, but
was first in the field for the next Convention. It was represented
before the National Ccmimittcn* by a capable and hustling committee
of citizens, who had already flooded the country with literature
showing the attractions of the City, and who urged the political advan-
tages to the Northwest of holding the Convention tliere, and oiTered
a guarantee fund of |50,00() to cover the expenses of the gathering.
New York, Omaha, Cincinnati and San Francisco were actively in the
field, and on the first two ballots in the National Committee there
were a few scattering votes for other cities. Kut Minneapolis led
from the start, and on the eighth ballot carried its point, having 29
votes to t\ for New York and LI for Cincinnati.
The Convention met on Tuesday, June 7, with Hon. J. Sloat Fas-
sett, of New York, as temporary President. Mr. Fassett was one
of the prominent young men of the day, who had gained a high repu-
tation in the New York State Senate, and won the good will of the
Convention by an earnest and enthusiastic sj^eech on the past and
future of the i)arty, with eloquent refer(»nc(»s to a number of its
lieroes, dead and living. The first day's session was very brief. Th(»
430 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
second day was occupied chiefly with the designation of the perma-
nent officers, William McKinley, of Ohio, being permanent President,
and with the consideration of the rules. Only two modifications were
made in these, one adopting the rules of the House of Representa
tives of the Fifty-first Congress and the second providing that it
should be in order to lay on the table a proposed amendment to a
pending measure, and that such motion, if adopted, should not carry
with or prejudice such measure. The first rule was supported by
the Committee, by reference to the efficiency of the Reed rules in
enabling a small majority in Congress, to carry through important
legislation.
Arguments and votes over contested seats in the Convention
occupied the whole of the third day until late in the evening, when
the following platform was reported and adopted:
The representatives of the Republicans of the United States
assembled in general Convention on the shores of the Mississippi
River, the everlasting bond of an indestructible Republic, whose most
glorious chapter of history is the record of the Republican party,
<'ongratulate their countrymen on the majestic march of the Xation
under the banners inscribed with the principles of our platform of
1888, vindicated by victory at the polls and prosperity in our fields,
workshops and mines, and make the following declaration of prin-
ciples :
We reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. We call atten-
tion to its growth abroad. We maintain that the prosperous condi-
tion of our country is largely due to the wise revenue legislation of
the last ReiMiblican Congress. We believe that all articles which
cannot be produced in the United States, except luxuries, should be
admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming into competi-
tion with the products of American labor there should be levied duties
equal to the diffen^nce between wages abroad and at home.
Wo assert that prices of manufactured articles of general con-
sumption have been reduced under the operations of the Tariff Act
of 1890.
We denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority of the House
of Repre8entati^es to destroy our tariff laws by piecemeal, as mani
fested by their attacks upon wool, lead and lead ores, the chief pro-
ducts of a number of States, and we ask the peoj»le for their judgment
thereon.
We point to the suicess of the Kejiublican policy of reciprocity,
under wliirh our export trade has vastly increased, and new and
enlarged mark(*ts have been opencnl for the products of our farms
and workshops. We remind the people of the bitter opposition of the
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 431
Deniorratic party to this practical business uieasure, and claim that,
executed by a Republican Administration, our present laws will
eventually give us control of the trade of the world.
The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bimetal-
lism, and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and
silver as standard money, with such restrictions and under such pro-
visions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure the nminte-
nance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing
and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold or paper,
shall be at all times equal. The interests of the jn'oducers of the
country, its farmers and its workingmen, demand that every dollar,
paper or coin, issued by the Government shall be as good as any
other. We commend the wise and patriotic steps already taken by
our Government to secure an international conference to adopt such
measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver for
use as money throughout the world.
We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be
allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public elections,
and that such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast; that such
laws shall be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be
he rich or poor, native or foreign-born, white or black, this sovereign
right guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and popular honest
ballot, the just and equal representation of all the people, as well as
their just and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation of
our Republican institutions, and the party will never relax its efforts
until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be
fully guaranteed and protected in every State.
We denounce the continued inhuman outrages perpetrated upon
American citizens for political reasons in certain Southern States of
the Union.
We favor the extension of our foreign commerce, the restoration
of our mercantile marine by home-built ships, and the creation of a
navy for the protection of our National interests and the honor of
our flag; the maintenance of the most friendly relations with all
foreign powers; entangling alliances with none, and the protection
of the rights of our fishermen.
We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe doctrine and believe in
the achievement of the manifest destiny of the Republic in its
broadest sense.
We favor the enactment of more stringent laws and regulations
for the restriction of criminal, pauper and contract immigration.
We favor eflficient legislation by Congress to protect the life and
limbs of employes of transportation companies engaged in carrying
on interstate commerces and recommend legislation by the respective
states that will protect employes engaged in state commerce, in
mining and manufacturing.
432 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
The Republi<an party has always been the champion of the
oppressed, and recognizes the dignity of manhood, irrespective of
faith, color, or nationality. It sympathizes with the cause of home
rule in Ireland, and protests against the persecution of the Jews in
Russia.
The ultimate reliance of free popular government is the intelli-
gence of the people and the maintenance of freedom among all men.
We therefore declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought and
conscienc e, of spee<h and press, and approve all agencies and instru-
mentalities which contribute to the education of the children of the
land; but while insisting upon the fullest measure of religious liberty,
we are opposed to any union of Church and State.
We aftirm our opposition, declared in the Republican platform of
188S. to all combinations of capital organized in trusts or otherwise,
to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens. We
heartily indorse the action already taken upon this subject, and ask
for such further legislation as may be required to remedy any defects
in existing laws and render their enforcement more complete and
effective.
We ai>prove the policy of extending to towns, villages and rural
communities the advantages of the fre<»-delivery service now enjoyed
by the larger cities of the country, and reaffirm the declaration con-
tained in the Republican i)latform of 1888, pledging the reduction of
letter postage to one cent at the earliest possible moment consistent
with the maintenance of the Post Oflice Department and the highest
class of postal service.
We commend th(» spirit and evidence of reform in the Civil Ser-
vice, and the wise and consistent enforcement by the Republican party
of the laws regulating the same.
The construction of the Nicaragua Canal is of the highest impor
tance to the American people as a measure of defense and to build
up and maintain American commerc(\ and it should be controlled by
the X'nited States (xovernment.
We favor the admission of the remaining territories at the
earliest possible date, having due regard to the interests of the people
of the territories and of the X'nited States.
All th(^ Federal officers appointed for the territories should be
selected from bona fide residents thereof, and the right of self-govern
ment should be accorded as far as practicable.
We favor cession, subje<t to the homestead laws, of the arid
jMiblic lands to the states and territories in which they lie, under such
Congressional restrictions as to disposition, reclanmtion, and occu-
pancy by settlers as will secure the maximum bentits to the people.
The World's Columbian Exposition is a great national undertak-
ing, and Cotigress should promptly enact such reasonable legislation
in aid then^of as will insure a discharging of the expense and obliga-
434 IllSTOKY OF THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY.
Up to within a few days of tlie Convention Harrison's name wa8
the only one seriously mentioned in connection with the nomination.
Then opponents of Harrison succeeded in fanning into a new flame
the dying fires of Blaine's old ambition. He had exerted a strong
influence, both on the Administration and on Congressional action,
and was supposed to be well satisfied with his position as Secretary
of State. But four days before the Convention, he resigned that office,
and permitted his friends to i^resent his name. William McKinley
was also brought forward without his consent, and at the last against
his protest.
The leaders of the Blaine forces at Minneapolis were Thomas
C. Piatt, of New York; Joseph H. Manley, of Maine; Senator Quay,
of Pennsylvania, and J. S. Clarkson, of Iowa. Of their first test of
strength, which occurred on the fourth day of the Convention, a cor-
respondent wrote at the time:
When they went into the Convention last evening they were
reduced to the necessity of making a demonstration. They had been
thrown into a panic, which they could not disguise, by the bold
expedient of the Harrison managers in calling their delegates to make
a display at midday. The caucus proved, as it was intended to do.
the determination of the issue, and when the 403 men got together,
Harrison's nominati(m was ]>ractically assured. It did not suit the
purposes of the opposition to recognize this. They undertook to
recover some of their lost ])restige by forcing an issue on the report
of the Committee on Cred<»ntials. and fought d(»sperately from S
o'clock until nearly 1:80 tjiis morning to get something out of it.
When the first test was won by the Harrison men by 403 votes,
exactly the number that had been counted at the Market Hall mean-
ing, it was noticed that a majority of the (Convention was elbow to
elbow under the leadership of Depew on the floor. Exact figures had
a striking and impressive etTect, in showing that the organization of
the Harrison forces was altogether complete, and could not be broken,
even on a side issue. The next ballot, taken on the majority report
of the Credentials Committee, gave the Harrison peo])le thirteen
additional votes. Jt left the opposition in a state of depression.
Only two names were formally presented to the Convention.
Senator AA'olcott, of Colorado, whose hostility to President Harrison
was probably deeper than his affection for any particular opposing
candidate, nuide the o])ening speech for Blaine, bringing in a number
of terse, incisive sentences, which called out tremendous applause.
Blaine's nomination was sujiported by William H. Eustis, of Minne
sota; ^^ . E. Mollisson. of Mississippi; Senator Warner Mijler, of New
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 435
York; G. L. Boyd, of Tennessee; and Stephen W. Downey, of
Wyoming. The venerable Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, pro-
posed the renoniination of President Harrison, and was supported
by Chauncey M. DepeAv, of New York; H. P. Cheatham, of North Car-
olina; Senator Spooner and P.rnnno E. Fink, of Wisconsin. Mr. Depew
made the most taking speech of the occasion. The speaking generally
was of a high order, and although the result of the ballot was a fore-
gone conclusion, the adherents of the two candidates vied with each
other in the length and volume of their applause.
There were three unwont(Kl and sensational scenes during this
order of business, two of them caused by women, who seemed to take
literally and immediately the decision that they were to be recognized
in the campaign. At the conclusion of Mr. Eustis' speech occurred a
scene, which was thus described by George O. Seilhamer, of the New
York Herald Bureau:
While the cheers were rapidly dying out, a pretty woman, with
a sweet, girlish face and blue, sparkling eyes, rose suddenly among
the mass of men and women behind the Chairman's desk. She was
Mrs. Carson Lake, of Washington. In full view of the vast multitude
she waved a silken umbrella round her shapely head and cried
"Blainel Bhiinel James G. Blaine!'' Then she grasped her sun
umbrella, pure white, with a white silk cord and tassel, opened it, and
swung it round her head and danced it up and down, sometimes
grasping it with one hand and sometimes with both. "Blaine I
Blaine I'' she cried again, and thousands of jieople in the galleries, and
Blaine people among the delegates rose in' a mass and shouted. Mrs.
J. S. (^larkson, who sat beside her, caught her enthusiasm, too, and
springing to her f(*et, waved a silken flag, and even Mrs. Kerens,
whose husband was a stanch Harrison man, added her mite to the
tribute to Blaine. It ran wildly, outburst aftiT outburst. Big "Tom"
Reed, who sat just in front of Mrs. Kerens, took u]) the movement.
His face melted into a broad grin, and he stood and shouted in honor
of his old-time enemy. All over the hall the delegates were crying:
"Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine!" Delegates opened their umbrellas
and waved them aloft. Judge Thurston, of Nebraska, waved a big
white umbrella with Bhiine's name in big black letters. An Illinois
delegate, standing on his chair, fan in hand, led the chorus of: "Blaine!
Blaine!" on the floor like the leader of a chorus in a comic opera.
Then the band brought u]) the rear of the procession with a melody,
and just as the crowd in the galleries and on the floor started the
stamping again. Chairman McKinley began to ])ound the table with
his gavel. His call brought most of the delegates to order for a
minute, bur the confusion in the galleries continued. Again the
Chairman pounded the table, and again his signal mingled with the
436
HISTORY OF THE KEPUJILICAN PARTY.
echoes. After thirty-one minutes of pandemonium, Governor McKin-
ley's voice was at hist heard, requesting that as a matter of safety,
suggested by those having a knowledge of the building, the stamping
of feet be discontinued.
Hut there were Harrison ladies, as well as Blaine ladies in the
Convention. As Chauncey M. I)e[)ew closed his ringing and eloquent
second of Harrison's nomination there was great cheering and shout-
ing, and the waving of flags and banners. Then four ladies, with Mrs.
Depew as leader, rose on the platform, waving handkerchiefs, fans
and flags, and calling to
t he crowd : "Louder,
louder, louder." Then
with increased volume
of sound the immense
assemblage shouted
"HaiTison," "Harrison,"
some one cried out
'*Glory, glory, hallelu-
jah," and then came the
song, with that chorus
from thousands of
voices. Just then a
group of men appeared
with an immense por-
trait of the President,
and the shouting was
renewed with greater
force than ever. Then
a delegate rushed down
an aisle with the silken
banner of the Chicago
Blaine Club, having on it a portrait of the man from Maine,
and placed it in front of the Harrison portrait. Then opposing
forces shouted: **J^laine" and ''Harrison,'' until they were hoarse,
while the band struck up the '*8tar Spangled Banner.''
When the State of Ohio was reached on the ballot for President,
another scene occurred. Some of the President's opponents thought
they might start a stampede for McKinley at the expense of Harrison,
and also throw to (he Ohio man as mu<h as possible of the Blaine vote.
They began with Alabama, which was expected to give Harrison i*s
CHAl'NCEY M. DEPEW.
THE (\\MPAIGN OF 1892. 437
full 22 votes, but which actuallydid give hiuionly 15, to 7 for McKinley.
When Ohio was reached Harrison had 382 votes, of which 27 were
from New York, Blaine had 138, including? 35 from the Empire State,
and McKinley 7(>, of which 10 were from the same divided common-
wealth. When Ohio was called, the vote was announced by Mr. Nash
as 44 for McKinley, and 2 for Harrison. "I challenge the vote of
Ohio," said Mr. McKinley, from his position as permanent President
of the Convention. "The gentleman is not a member of this dele-
gation at present,'' said Governor Foraker, Chairman of the
delegation. *'I am a member of that delegation,-' retorted McKinley.
To this Jacob A. Ambler, of Ohio, replied: **The gentleman has left
the delegation to assume a higher jiosition, and has left a substitute;"
and (lovernor Foraker added: **The gentleman's alternate has taken
his place in the delegation, and the gentleman is not recognized as a
member of the delegation now, and we make that point of order."
The chair overruled the point of order, and the roll of Ohio was
called, with the result of 45 votes for McKinley and 1 for Harrison.
It was hoped that the whole vote of Pennsylvania could be carried
over to McKinley, and he did get 42 of its 64 votes, but 19 of the
delegates from that State stood by Harrison, and the stampede was
checked. The vote of Texas, 22 for Harrison to 6 for Blaine and 2
for Speaker Keed, gave the President enough to nominate, and after
that it went his way.
The proceedings for the three hours preceding the announcement
of the ballot had been much livelier than in many conventions which
were closer, and which furnished much more real occasion for excite-
ment. The McKinley episode, while the roll was being called, was
characteristic of the num. It is quite certain that, even then, he had
Presidential aspirations, but he was clear-headed enough to see that
crowding them then might injure his future prospects. He was
content to abide his time.
The footings of the ballot were announced as follows:
Henjamin Harrison, of Indiana 535
James (J. Blaine, of Maine 182
William McKinley, of Ohio 182
Thomas B. Heed, of Maine 4
Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois 1
Total number of vot(*s 904
Necessarv to a choice 453
438 HI8TORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
The Miehif^an delegation was as follows: At Large — Dexter M.
Ferry, Charles W. Wells, Delos A. Blodgett and James M. Wilkin-
son. By Districts— (1) Henry M. Duffield, William H. Elliott; (2)
William H. Withington, William S. Willcox; (3) Charles Austin,
Charles L. Truesdell; (4) Fred E. Lee, George W. Merriam; (5) James
H. Kidd, L. M. Sellers; (6} Marshall E. Rumsey, Salmon S. Matthews:
(7) John W. Porter, George W. Jenks; (8) Aaron T. Bliss, William M.
Kilpatriok; (9) Charles H. Hackley, Fred A. Diggins; (10) Selwyn
Eddy, Robert J. Kelley; (11) George P. Stone, Thomas T. Bates; (12)
Orrin W. Robinson, John Q. Adams. The delegation voted 7 for
Harrison, 2 for Blaine and 19 for MeKinley.
Only two names were presented for N'ice-President, Whitelaw
Reid, of New York, and Thomas B. Reed, of Maine. General Little-
field, of the latter State, informed the Convention that, in the opinion
of the Maine delegation. Speaker Reed would decline the nomination
if it were tendered him, and requested the delegates not to vote for
Thomas B. Reed until they were assured that it was by his authority
that his name was used in the Convention. His name was, therefore,
withdrawn and Whitelaw Reid was nominated by acclamation.
The Democratic National Convention met in Chicago, June 21.
The permanent President of the Convention was William L. Wilson,
of West Virginia, who afterwards tried his own hand at tariflf tinker-
ing with deplorable results. He said in his address on taking the
chair: **The distinguished leader who presided over the Republican
Convention boasted that he does not know what tariff reform is.
Who ever said that he did? Let us hope, with that charity that
endureth all things and believeth all things, that he is as ignorant
SIS he vaunts himself to be. Unfortunately, the people are not so
ignorant of the meaning of protection which is doled out to them in
the Bill that bears his name. They see that meaning written large
today in a prostrated agriculture*, in a shackled commerce, in stricken
industries, in the compulsory idleness of labor, in law-made wealth,
in the discontent of the workingm(*n, and the despair of the farmer."
This kind of sentiment was echoed in the ])latform, and was the
main point of attack in the campaign. Of the tariff, the jilatform
said: **We denounce Republican i)rotection as a fraud, a robbery of
the great majority of the American people for the benefit of the few.
We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party
that the Federal Government has no Constitutional power to impose
and collect tariff duties, except for the purposes of revenue only, and
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 439
we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the
necessities of the Government when honestly and economically
adnxinistered/' This was the boldest declaration of the tariff-for-
revenue-only principle that the party had made in any of its plat-
forms. The resolutions also declared against the principle of the
Force Bill, reciprocity, trusts and combinations, contract immigra-
tion, and sumptuary laws; and in favor of repealing the ten per cent,
tax on the circulation of State Banks; the honest enforcement of all
laws regulating the civil service; "a foreign policy consistent and
vigorous," which made the committee laugh in their sleeves, when
Ihey remembered the feebleness of Cleveland's Administration of
foreign affairs; **just and liberal pensions for all disabled Union
soldiers, their widows and dependents," which was a hard drive at
Cleveland's pension vetoes; aid to the Nicaragua canal and the Colum-
bian Exposition, and the admission of the remaining territories as
states.
There was no real question of Cleveland's nomination for a third
time, but there were other candidates in the field. Tammany Hail
was opposed to him, and presented David Bennett Hill. The other
candidates, either formally or informally before the Convention, were
Horace M. Boies, of Iowa; Arthur l\ Gorman, of Maryland; John G.
Carlisle, of Kentucky, and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois. It required
only one ballot to give Cleveland the nomination by 617 1-3 votes, to
115 for Hill, 103 for Boies, 361/^ for Gorman, 16 2-3 for Stevenson, 14
for Carlisle, 2 for William R. Morrison, of Illinois; 2 for James E.
Campbell, of Ohio, and one each for Robert E. Tattison, of Pennsyl-
vania, William E. Russell, of Massachusetts, and William C. W'hitney,
of New York. Although Cleveland's vote was so much in excess of
that of any other single candidate, he had only a very little more
than the two-thirds necessary to nominate. The total number of
votes cast was 909 V^, requiring 007 to make a nomination. On the
single ballot taken for Vice-President Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois,
had 402 votes; Isaac P. (iray, of Indiana, 343; Allen B. Morse, of
Michigan, 80; John L. Mitchell, of Wisconsin, 45; Henry Watterson,
of Kentucky, 20; Bourke Cochran, of New York, 5, and Lambert Tree
and Horace M. Boies, one each. Mr. Stevenson was then nominated
by acclamation.
The third party in this campaign took the name of the National
People's Party, and at a Convention held at Omaha, July 2, nomin-
ated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for IMesident, and James G. Field, of
440 HISTORY OF THE REPIBLIOAN PARTY.
Virginia, for Vice-President. Its platft)rni covered a great variety
of subjects, but its most distinctive features were the financial
planks, wliicli demanded the fr(»e and unlimited coinage of silver and
gold at the ratio of IG to 1, and a speedy increase of the circulating
medium to not less than f5() per capita. It also demanded a gradu-
ated income tax, and the establishment of postal savings banks.
While this party did not choose many Presidential Electors, it drew
away enough Republican votes to give several states to the Demo-
crats, and polled so large a popular vote that it was able, four years
later, to dictate both candidate and platform to the Democratic party.
The Prohibitionists, at Cincinnati, June 22, nominated John Bid-
well of California, for President, and J. B. Cranfill, of Texas, for Vice-
President. A Social Labor Convention, held in New York, August
28, 1892, nominated Simon Wing for President, and Charles H.
Machett, for Vice President.
The campaign, on the part of the J(epublicans, was the most
spiritless of any since the party was organized. On the part of the
Democrats it was bold and aggressive. The McKinley Tariff Act,
which had not yet had time to bring about its beneficial effects, was
vigorously assailed at every point, as were also the Reciprocity Act,
the Sherman Act, the large appropriations made by the Fifty-first
Congress and nearly ever^-thing else the Republicans did in 1889 and
1890. The popular vote for Cleveland was only about 20,000 greater
in 1892 than it was in 1888, but the Republicans lost so heavily to
the People's Party, that the result to them was a disastrous defeat.
In view of subsequent events, it might be said also that to the Demo-
crats it was a disastrous victory, for their next Administration was
unfortunate from the start.
Cleveland and Stevenson carried the Solid South, together with
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin
and West Virginia, and had one vote from Ohio, f\\o from Michigan,
eight out of the nine from California and one out of three from North
Dakota. His total Electoral vote was 277 to 145 for Harrison, and 22
for Weaver. Of the latter Oregon gave 1, Kansas 10, Nevada 3,
Colorado 4, North Dakota 1 and Idaho 3. The popular vote was as
follows:
Cleveland and Stevenson, Democratic 5,550,533
Harrison and Reid, Republi4an 5,175,577
Weaver and Field, People's l*arty 1,122,045
Bidweil and Cranfill, Prohibition 279,191
Wing and Machett, Socialist Labor 21,191
THE CAMPAIGN OF 181)2. 441
During the second Cleveland Administration the eoni])osition of
(Congress was as follows:
Fifty-thjrd Congress.
Senate — Democrats, 44; Republicans, 40; Farmers' Alliance,
2; Populist, 1; Independent, 1.
House — Democrats, 218; Republicans, VM); Third Party, 8.
Fifty-Fourth Congress.
Senate — Republicans, 42; Democrats, :M); Populists, 4: Silver,
1; Vacancy, 1.
House — Republicans, 245; Democrats, 108; Populists, 6;
Silver, 1.
The vote in Michigan for President was:
Harrison and Reid 222,708
Cleveland and Stevenson 202,290
Bidwell and Cranfill 20,857
Weaver and Field 19,931
Scattering 925
The Presidential Electors from Michigan were: At Large —
George H. Durand, Jay A. Hubbell. }U Districts— (1) Rufus W.
Gillett; (2) Edwin R. Smith; (8) Otto Ihling; (4) Philip T. Colgrove;
(5) Conrad G. Swenborg; (0) Henry H. Haigh: (7) Frank W. Hubbard;
(8)FredSlocum; (9) Justus S. Stearns; (10) Worthy L. Churchill; (11)
Julius T. Hannah; (12) John H. Comstock. Under a law passed by
the Democratic Legislature of 1891, the Electors were chosen by dis
tricts, the Democrats having five and the Republicans 9.
The vote of the State for Governor was <as follows:
John T. Rich, Republican 221,228
Allen B. Morse, Democratic 205,188
John W. Ewing, Populist 21,417
John Russell, Prohibitionist 20,777
The Democrats elected Congressmen in the First, Second,
Seventh and Tenth districts and the Republicans in the rest. The
list was as follows: (1) J. Logan Chipman; (2) James S. Gorman; (3)
Julius C-. Burrows; (4) Henry F. Thomas; (5) (Charles E. Belknap; (0)
David D. Aitkin; (7) Justin R. Whiting; (8) William S. Linton; (9)
John W. Moon; (10) T. A. E. Weadock; (11) John Avery; (12) Samuel
M. Stephenson. During the term J. Logan Chipman died and Levi
T. Griffin, Democrat, succeeded him.
442 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
At the election midway of Cleveland's term, in 1894, Michigan's
vote for Governor was:
John T. Rich, Republican 237,215
Spencer O. Fisher, Democrat 130,823
Alva W. Nichols, People's Party 30,012
Albert M. Todd, Prohibitionist 18,788
Imperfect and Scattering 150
The Congressmen elected at this time were all Republicans, as
follows: (1) John B. Corliss; (2) George Spalding; (3) Julius C. Bur
rows; (4) Henry F. Thomas; (5) William Alden Smith; (fi) David 1).
Aitkin; (7) Horace G. Snover; (8) William S. Linton; (9) Roswell P.
Bishop; (10) Rousseau O. Crump; (11) John Avery; (12) Samuel M.
Stephenson.
XXXIV.
( LEVELANirS SECOND ADMINISTRATION.
The Selection of the Cabinet — Geograi)hical Considerations Disre-
j^arded — The Democrats in Complete Power for the First Time
Since 1861 — Delays in Action on the Sherman Law and th(?
Tariff Question — The Special Session Called Late — Repeal of the
Sherman Law^ Finally Accomplished — Unsatisfactory Work on
the Tariff Measures — Becomes a Law Without the President's
Signature — An Act of ^*Party Perfidy and Dishonor" — Tremend-
ous Political Overturn in 181)4 — The Sandwich Island Affair.
In making up his second Cabinet, as in the first, President Cleve-
land ignored geographical considerations, and selected two personal
friends from New York. The list was as follows:
Secretary of State — A\'alter Q. Gresham, of Indiana.
Secretary of the Treasury — John O. Carlisle, of Kentucky.
Secretary of War — Daniel S. Lamont, of New York.
Secretary of the Navy — Hilary S. Herbert, of Alabama.
Postmaster-General — Wilson S. Hissell, of New York.
Secretary of the Interior — Hoke Smith, of Georgia.
Attorney General — Richard Olney, of Massachusetts.
Secretary of Agriculture — J. Sterling Morton, of Nebraska.
After the 4th of March, 181)3, the Democrats, for the first time
since January, 18(n, were in possession of all branches of Govern-
ment. They had come into power largely upon the strength of two
specific promises. The first was thus stated in their platform: "We
denounce the M<Kinley Tariff Law, ena<*ted by the Fifty-first Con-
gress, as the culminating atrocity of class legislation; we endorse the
<*fforts made by the Democrats of the present Congress to modify its
most oppressive features in the direction of free raw materials and
cheaper manufactured goods that enter into general consumption,
and we promise its repeal as one of the beneficent results that will
follow the a<!tion of the people in intrusting power to the Democratic
party." The se<'(md piece of legislation which the Democrats had
444 TIISTOKY OF THE KEPUBLirAN PARTY.
proDiised to do away with, as speedily as possible, was the Sherman
Act for the i)iir(hase of silver bunion. This A<*t their platform
clenoun<*ed as **a cowardly makeshift, frauj;ht with possibilities of
danger in the future whi<h should make all of its supporters, as well
as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal.''
If the evils brouglit about by these two measures w^ere as great
as Mr. Cleveland, and those who stumped for him during the cam-
paign, declared them to be, it was certainly the j)art of duty to wipe
them ot! the statute books as soon as it <*ould be done. Everyone
expected that Congress would be at once called together for this
purpose. But a new danger had arisen. The Populist demand for
the free coinage of silver, at the ratio of IG to 1, had taken a strong
hold of the Democrats, and there was a small sprinkling of Republi-
cans from the Northwest who joined in the same demand. The Presi-
dent feared that he <<)uld not control liis own forces in the Senate,
and delaytnl calling a special session of Congrc^ss, in order that the
proper influences might be brought to bear upon those members wiio
were not sound upon this question. Meantime the business of the
country was in a disturbed condition. The continued purcliases of
silver and the threat of its free coinage had begun to drive gold
abroad. The probability of radical clianges in the tariff prevented
manufacturers from making calculations for any long time in the
future, and stagnation in that bran<h of industry, of paramount
importance to the country was the result; while the threatened abro-
gation of the reciprocity treaties bid fair to c urtail the foreign demand
for our agricultural ])roducts. A panic followed, accompanied by a
general want of confidence. Depositors made runs on the banks,
some of which closed, and all of the banks found it necessary to call
in their loans. Credits of all kinds shriveled; mills were shut down;
laboring men were thrown out of work, and if not brought to actual
distress, found their purchasing power very much diminished, and
business failures increased enormously, both in numbers and in the
amount of liabilities. Congress Anally assembled in special session,
August 7th, and the Pi'esident attempted to prod it up to its work by
tlie following utterances in his message:
Our unfortunate financial plight is not the result of untoward
events, nor of conditions related to our natural resources; nor is it
traceable to any of the attlicti<ms which frequently check National
growth and prosperity. With plenteous crops, with abundant
j)romise of remunerative i)roduction and manufacture, with unusual
( CLEVELAND'S SE("ONl) ADMINISTRATION. 445
invitation to safe investment, and with satisfactory assurance to
business enterprise, suddenly financial distrust and fear have sprung
uj) on every side. Numerous moneyed institutions have suspended
because abundant assets were not immediately available to meet the
demands of frij^htened depositors. Survivinji; corporations and indi-
viduals are content to keep in hand the money they are usually
anxious to loan, and those en^a^ed in legitimate business are sur
prised to find that the securities they offer for loans, though hereto
fore satisfactory, are no longer accepted. Values, supposed to be
fixed, are fast bec(miing conjectural, and loss and failure have invaded
every branch of business. I believe these things are principally
chargeable to Congressional legislation touching the ])urchase and
coinage of silver by the General Government. This legislation is
embodied in a statute, passed July 14tli, 1890, whicli was the culmina-
tion of much agitation on the subject involved, and it nmy be
considered a truce, after a long struggle, between the advocates of
free silver coinage and those* intending to be more conservative.
Undoubtedly the monthly purchases by tlie Government of four mil-
lions and five hundred tliousand ounces of silver, enforced under that
statute, were regarded by those interested in silver production as a
certain guaranty for its increase in prices The result, however, has
been entirely different, for immediately following a spasmodic and
slight rise, the price of silver began to fall after the passage of the
Act, and has since reached the lowest point ever known. This dis-
appointing result has led to renewed and persistent effort in the
direction of free silver coinage. It was my purpose to summon Con-
gress in si)ecial session early in the coming September, that we might
enter ]»ron]ptly upon the work of tariff reform, which the true
interests of the country clearly demand; whi<'h so large a majority
of the people, as shown by their suffrage desire and expect, and to
the accomplishment of which every effort of the present Administra
tion is pledged. But while taritf reform has lost nothing of its
immediate and paramount importan<*e, and must, in the near futui*e,
engage the attention of Congress, it has seemed to me that the finan
cial condition of the country should at once, and before all other
subjects, be considered by your honorable body.
Instead of taking immediate action in a line to which the Demo-
crats were pledged, and in which a very large proportion of the
Republicans were ready to concur, the majority in the House delib-
erately planned for a long dis<ussion of a Hill which was introduced
repealing the Sherman Act. A resolution, introduced by Mr.
Bland, was adopted, providing that fourteen days should be allowed
for debate under the following order:
Eleven days to be given to general debate under the rules
of the last House, the time to be equally divided between
44() HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLICAX PARTY.
the two sides, as the Speaker may determine. The last three
days may be devoted to the consideration of the Bill and
the amendments herein provided for nnder the usual five-
minute rule of the whole House. General leave to print is
hereby g:ranted. Order of amendments. The vote shall be taken
first on the free coinaj^e of silver at the present ratio. If that fails,
then a separate vote to be had on a similar amendment proposing a
ratio of 17 to 1 ; if that fails, on one proposing a ratio of
18 to 1; if that fails, on one proposing a ratio of 10 to 1; if
that fails on one proposing a ratio of 20 to 1. If the above amend-
ment fails, it shall be in order to offer an amendment reviving the
Act of February 28, 1878, restoring the standard silver dollar, com-
monly known as the Bland-Allison Act: the vote then to be taken on
the engrossment and third reading of the Bill, as amended, or on the
Bill itself, if all amendments shall have been voted down, and on the
final passage of tlie Bill, without other intervening motion.
This elaborate program was carried out. And so, while busineRs
men were in suspense, and the industries of the country were at a
standstill, the solemn trifling of debate over propositions which every
body knew were untenable went on. It was not until August 28, three
weeks after the House met, that the bill for un<'onditional repeal
l)assed, by vote of 239 to 109. The proposition to revive the Bland
Law was defeated by Republican votes, the Democratic vote stand
ing 112 for to 109 against. The Republican vote was 15 for to 110
against, and 9 Po])ulists voted for the proposition. The 239 votes by
which unconditional repeal finally passed consisted of 138 Demo-
crats and 101 Re])ublicans, the negative vote being 76 Democrats, 24
Republicans and 9 Populists. Thus, six months after the Democrats
came into power, and three weeks after Congress met, the House
passed, by the aid of Republicans, an Act to which the Democrats
were j)ledged, and which ought not to have required more than three
hours for its disposal. It was a striking illustration of the incapa-
city of the latter day Democracy for assuming the responsibilities of
Government.
But this was not the worst, for the Senate, a smaller body, which
might be supposed to act more expeditiously than the House, took
just two months over the matter. The Finance Committee of that
body reported a substitute for the House Bill, and to this substitute
no less than seven others were added by individual Senators. Mr.
Pett'cM*, Poi)ulist, fr(mi Kansas, wanted to go back to the coinage Act
of 1834, and if he cimldn't have that, then to the Act of 1^37. Mr.
Berry, of Arkansas, wanted to revive the Bland-Allison Act of 1878.
CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 447
Senator Pasco, of Florida, wanted a coniniission to ascertain or estab-
lish a proper ratio between gold and silver. There were other sub
stitiites offered by Senators Perkins, of California; Allen, of
Nebraska; Bla<kburn, of Kentucky; Scpiire, of Washington, and
Stewart, of Nevada. They included propositions for additional
Treasury notes, for silver coinage with a seigniorage of 20 per cent.,
and the coinage of the seigniorage. At last, on the 28th of October,
the Senate passed a substitute for the House Bill, repealing the
Sherman Law, andaddingadeclaration in favor of bimetallism through
international agreement. The yeas on this were 28 Republicans and
20 Democrats, and the nays were 19 Demo<Tats, 9 Silver Republi
cans and 9 Populists. The House agreed to the substitute by a vote
of 194 yeas and 94 nays. The proposition for bimetallism through
international agreement was a perfectly harmless one, but utterly
futile. The experiment of an international conference was thoroughly
tried by the Republican Administrations at earlier stages of the silver
discussion, and had sliown that it was impossible for the European
countries to agree upon the subject.
The long delay in repealing the Sherman Act neutralized any
good effect that the repeal itself was designed to have; for the
debates upon it, and the strong assertion of free coinage sentiment
continued to keep business men in a state of alarm, and business
itself in a condition of uncertainty.
The proposed revision of the tariff was another cause of disturb-
ance and apprehension Ihat loomed up before business men. Since
this revision was bound to come in some form, it would have been
vastly better if this also had come promptly, but all consideration
of it was deferred from the special to the regular session of Congress.
During this delay the question of the free coinage of silver continued
to come uj) in one form or another, while the condition of the Treas-
ury was such as to occasion alarm. When the regular session of
Congress met in December the Treasury reserve of gold for redemp-
tion purposes had fallen below the |il 00,000,000 which had, for a long
time, been considered the lowest limit of safety and there was a deficit
of ^68,000,000 in the Treasury. Fur the first time since the days of
Presidt^nt Buchanan the Ciovernment became a borrower of money
to pay current expenses, in time of peace. The first loan of |50,000,-
000 was called for at about this time, and this was followed in the
course of this Administration by four others of ecpial or larger
amount, till the whole sum borrowed reached 1202,000,000.
448 IlISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PAKTY.
As a temporary relief for the Treasury Mr. Bland, who was
always rt^ady with some new silver seheiiie, proposed that the Treas-
ury should coin the seif^niora^e silver in its vaults. This had a
nominal value at the time of |55,000,000, and if coined into silver del
lars would have added that amount to the Treasury holdings. This
scheme was seized upon with avidity by the free coinaijje men as
beinj^ a step in their direction, but was opposed by most of the Repub-
licans and the ^sound money'' Democrats, as being a measure of sheer
inflation, without any security behind it, as silver certificates had
already been issued against this bullion. This Bill passed the House,
March 1, 1894, by a vote of lf>8 to 121), and the Senate, March 7, by
44 to 'M. It was vetoed by the President, and fortunately there were
not votes enough to carry it over the veto.
The most alarming thing about the Treasury at this time was
the continual outflow of gold from the country and the reduction of
the Treasury reserve of that metal. PVbruary 1, 185)4, the reserve
was 165,488,877. A sale of f50,(K)(),0(IO in bonds was made to replen-
ish it, but by June 10 it had again fallen to about f 65,000,000.
November 24, 1894, it was |57,669,701 and February 1, 1895, it had
fallen to f41,810,181. The Government was rapidly approaching
bankruptcy, and its policy was one of floundering. The Treasury
was depleted by a very simple ^*endless chain'' process. Bonds were
sold for gold. The very parties who bought the bonds could then
gather up greenbacks, present them for redemption and draw out
the gold. The Treasury would i)ay out the greenbacks for current
expenses, and they could be gathered up and redeemed over again.
The process was well understood, but could not w^ell be checked, as
long as the (lovernment receipts were less than its expenses, and
greenbacks, once redeemed, were reissued. The Fifty-third Congress
made no intelligent attempt to check it. That was left for a Repub-
lican Congress under a Republican President to do.
The preparation of the new tariff* Bill was placed in the hands of
a queerly constituted committee. William M. Springer, of Illinois,
was Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the Fifty-second
(^ongress, but Speaker Crisp had appointed in Springer's place at
this time, William L. Wilson, of West V^irginia, a college professor,
a scholarly theorist on the subject of Free Trade and Protection, but
unfamiliar with the wants of business, even in his own section, to say
nothing of those of the country at large. He took as his model for
a revenue taritT that of 1846, which was begotten of false pretenses.
CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 449
and which worked great injury to the country. With him on the
Committee were five members from the South, a section which had
not yet attained any great prominence in manufacturing, and which
had scarcely begun to appreciate the value of diversified industries.
These members were McMillin, of Tennessee; Turner, of Georgia;
Montgomery, of Kentu<-ky: Breckinridge, of Arkansas, and Tarsney,
of Missouri. This Committee, with five Northern Democrats, sat
down to frame a measure on a subject, upon the practical aspects of
which most of the members were densely ignorant. The delibera-
tions were carried on without the presence of the Republican mem-
bers. In refusing, or ignoring suggestions from outside, the Com-
mittee made tlie sanu* mistake, though in an exaggerated degree, that
prevailed in preparing the Mills Bill. Great complaint was made
that the business interests were denied a hearing, or that, when
<me was granted, the facts and arguments presented went for naught.
The Bill was finally reported to the House, December 19, 1893.
As soon as it was printed various incongruities were pointed out in
it, the general and avowed plan of the Bill having been departed
from in numerous instances, for the benefit of particular interests.
Although the great industries of the country had been refused hear
ings, the members of the Committee seem to liave got the ear of
their associates, to the extent of helping themselves and their friends
in cases where the tariff might be made a "local issue." The Bill
made sweeping reductions from the rates fixed by the McKinley Act,
made most classes of lumber free, and placed coal, animals and iron
ore on the free list. It carried out the idea, long advocated by Presi-
dent Cleveland, of putting wool on the free list, and reduced the
duties on manufactured wool below the protective point. In the
various changes that were subsequently made in the Bill, these two
features rf»niained, and they inflicted a deadly blow to the wool
growing and woolen manufacturing interests of this country. Mod-
ifications of other schedules, particularly those relating to agricul-
tural products, greatly enlarged the free list. The bill wiped out
entirely the reciprocity feature of the McKinley Act, under which
treaties very valuable to our export trade had been negotiated with
Spain in behalf of her West Indian possessions and with several of
the South American Republics.
An unexpected feature of the Bill was the revival of an income
tax, the amount being two p<*r cent, on all incomes over |4,000. No
tax of this kind had ever been levied before, excejit under the pres-
450 HISTOKV OF THE KErrHLKWN PAKTY.
sure of war necessity. Even then the popular elamor against it was
very great. It was denouneed as an unreasonable and im|)ertinent
prying into the private business of individuals. The publicity which
was given to the lists of income tax-payers was especially distasteful,
and the tax was removed soon after the war. The Democrats were
especially vigorous in denouncing it at that time, and no Democratic
platform had ever demanded its re-enactment. Yet now it was brought
in, at a time of peace, and not long after the Democrats had be<*n
declaiming in favor of some measure for "reducing the surplus." It
was a confession that the \\'ilson tariff could not be depended upon
to produce revenue enough to support the (lovernment. Yet its intro-
duction was no accidc^nt. It was referred to in the President's mes-
sage December 4, 181K*i, a fortnight before the Committee made its
report. The message said: *'The Committee, after full consideration,
and to provide against ii temjmrary deticien<-y which may exist before
the business of the country adjusts itself to the new tariff schedules,
have wisely embraced in their plan a few additional internal revenue
taxes, including a small tax upon inccmies derived from certain cor-
porate investments. These new assessments are not only absolutely
just and easily borne, but they have the further merit of being such
as can be remitted, without unfavorable business disturbance,
whenev(»r the necessity of their imj>ositioii no longer exists." Proba-
bly the real reason for the addition of this section was found in a
desire to get Populist votes for the measure as a whole. The Popu-
list Convention at Omaha in 1892 had demanded a ''graduated income
tax," and the main grievance of that party was that, in their opinion,
the rich were not bearing their share of the public burdens. The
income tax was a method of ''getting even with the rich fellows."
When Mr. Wilson reported the Bill, he made a s|>eech, in which
he set forth, with eloijuence and ingenuity, the merits of the measure,
and urged, if he did not exactly predict, its s|HH»dy passage. But he
soon found that he had run against, not only active ojjposition, but
an inert obstruction that it was difficult to move. A good many of
the Democrats, while conceding the ])arty obligation to make a revis-
ion of the tariff in the direction of revenue as against protection, yet
did not take kindly to this measure, because it affected injuriously
interests in their own districts. The Republicans adopted the Demo-
cratic tactics of the Fifty-tirst Congress, sometimes making dilatory
motions, and sometimes refraining from voting so as to show ''no
i|Uorum." At last the Democrats, with a clear majority of 80 in the
CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 451
House, were obliged to resort to the same method of "counting a
quorum,-' that the Kepublieans had found necessary to use when
they had a majority of only 8. No one was in greater glee over the
situation than **Czar Reed,'- as he jibed his political opponents on
their tardy wisdom in conceding the necessity and justice of the
rules which he was mainly instrumental in establishing. In course
of time all obstacles were overcome, and the Bill passed by a vote of
204 to 140. Of the yeas 104 were Democrats and 10 were Populists.
Of the nays 125 were Republican, and 15 were Democrats.
When the mangled remains of Tariff Bill came from the Senate
Finance Committee its foster father in the House would no longer
recognize it, and objected to having it named after him; and during
the remainder of the discussion it was called the Brice-Gorman Bill,
instead of the Wilson Bill. It took the Finance Committee from
February 1 to March 8, to make out its rejmrt, although it followed
the example of the House in refusing hearings to interested parties.
The Bill as thus reported was far from satisfactory, and so the Com-
mittee took several weeks more at it, made all together about 400
amendments to it, and it finally came up for consideration May 8.
It was then the object of bitter attack by nearly all the Republican
speakers, and by a few Democrats. The greatest hostility was
aroused by the income tax feature of the measure, which was attacked
on the grounds that it had no legitimate place in a tariff reform Bill;
that it was neither Democratic nor Republican in principle, and had
never been approved by the j)eople, but was a doctrine of Populism ;
that it was unnecessary as a revenue measure; that it was a direct
tax and thert^fore unconstitutional; that it was unequal, unjust and
sectional in its ojierations; that its exemptions stamped it as an
offensive piece of class legislation; that it was inquisitorial and offen-
sive; that it usurped a tield of taxation lawfully belonging to the
states and would lead to conflict between Federal and State authori-
ties. Senator Hill, of New York, was one of the Democrats who
opposed this feature of the Bill, whi<h he called Populistic and not
Democratic. He iM*])udiated the "spurious Democracy of these
modern apostles and proj>h(»ts, who are part Mugwump, part Populist,
and the least part Democratic, who seek to lead us astray after false
gods, false theories and false* methods.'' The charge that this feature
of the Bill was sectional in its character was very well sustained by
the attitude of the Southern Senators toward it. They were aggres-
sive in their sup]»ort of it, and used the argument that the rich men
452 lllSTOKV OF THE KEPrBLK AN PARTY.
of the North, particularly those in New York City, were not payinj?
their share of the taxes. Tnder this kind of talk, and the pressure
from the Administration, the income tax was finally retained as part
of the Bill.
Then a great scandal arose over the measure. The direct
charge was made that corrupt means had been used to mani])ulate
the sugar schedule; that members of the Sugar Trust had secretly
visit(*d members of the Senate Finance (Vmimittee, and had secured
a moditicatitm of that schedule, by means of which they would reap
great profits. These profits were to be realized by placing a duty on
sugar, but making this part of the Act take effect January 1, 1895, so
that the Trust could accumulate a large stock without duty, and then
advance the price to the extent of the duty. It was also charged
that the Secretary of the Treasury had personally dictated a change
in the sugar schedule, in accordance with the wishes of the Trust,
and that the Trust demanded and obtained this concession, in accord-
ance with a pre-existing understanding with the leaders of the Demo-
cratic party, that its interests should be protected, in return for a
contribution of ;j;500,0(M) to the Democratic cam])aign fund in 1892. It
was still further charged that information with reference to the work
of the Finance ('(mimittee was secretly given to New York brokers,
and that Senators had taken advantage of this information by making
]>rofitable investments in sugar stock. An investigation of thesi*
serious charges was ordered, but while it served to deepen the con-
viction that the charg(»s were at least in part true, it did not bring
out positive proof. The newspaper men who had made the exposure
r»c«fused to testify, and were sent to the criminal courts to be tried for
contumacy. The officers of the Tr^ust admitti^ to giving money for
campaign expenses to State, but not to National campaigns. They
admitted, also, that they (»xpected benefits from these inv(*stments.
One of the Senators examined admitted that he had been speculating
in Sugar Trust stocks, and d(*fended his (*ourse in so doing, and
others, who were not so frank, did not make absolute denials. The
revelations came nearer to positive proof of extensive Senatorial
corruption than anything that ever before occurred in the country.
They did not, however, serve to lessen the hold which the Trust had
on the Senate, but were accepted as an ample explanation of the indif-
ference which the Trust showed to the Bill in the House. It served
also to ex]ilain the belief which had bec(mie g<»neral, that no Tariff
Bill at all could be passed unless the Trust dictatt^d the sugar
CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMLXISTRATION. 453
schedule. The concessions made to what was at that time the second
iarirest Trust in the country, served to weaken faitli in the sincerity
of the Democrats, especially when taken in connection with a strong?
Anti-Trust plank in th(*ir platform, on wliich this Congress was
elected.
Before the IViU left the Senate tliat body had added more than
200 amendments to the 400 which the Finance Committee had ta<-ked
upon it. On its final jmssage two Populists, Allen, of Nebraska, and
Kyle, of Souih Dakota, voted with the J>emocrats, givin|i: .TJ yeas.
The Populists, Stewart, of Nevada, and Pefl'er, of Kansas, and the
DeuHxrat Hill, of New York, votinl with the Kepublicans, giving 34
nays. In accordan<e with an understanding previously had, the
House immediately sent the amended Bill to a Conference Conunit-
tee, which after a fortnight's time reported a disagreement. Then
occurred a remarkable sc(»ne. Mr. Wilson pointed out the great dif-
ference between rates of duty as originally fixed by tlie House, and
those passed by the Senate and added: **If it be true, as stated (of
which I have seen myself some confirmation) in the i)ress, if it be
true that the great American Sugar Trust has grown so strong and
powerful that it says that no Tariff Bill can pass the American Con-
gress in which its interests are not adequately guarded; if, I say,
that be true, I hope this House will not consent to an adjournment
until it has passed a single bill putting refined sugar on the free
list." Then referring to President Cleveland's long continued labors
for tarilT reform, he produced a letter from the President, addressed
to himself and dated July 2d, the day before the Bill passed the
Senate. This letter he read. The principal portions of it are as
follows:
Every true Democrat and every sincere tarilT reformer knows that
this Bill in its present form and as it will be submitted to the Confer-
en<e Committee falls short of the <'onsummation for which we have
hmg labored, for which we have sufl'ered defeat without discourage-
ment; which in its anticipation gave us a rallying cry in our day of
triumph, and whi<h, in its ])r<mnse of accomplishment, is so inter-
woven with Democrati<- ])ledges and Democratic success, that our
abandonment of the cause or of the prin<*ij)les upon which it rests
means jiarty i)erfidy and party dishonor. One tojiic will be sub-
mitted to the <onfen»nce which embodies Democratic principle so
dire<tly that it cannot be compromised. We have in our platforms
and in every way i)ossible declannl in favor of the free importation of
law nuiterials. We have again and again promised that this should
be accorded to our jieople and our manufacturers as soon as the
454 H18TORV OF THE KEIMBLICAX PARTY.
Deinoeratii- party was invested with power to determine the tariflf
policy of the country. The party now has the power. We are as
certain to-day as we ever have been of the great benefit that would
accrue to the country from the inauguration of this policy, and noth-
ing has occurred to release us from our obligation to secure this
advantage to our people. It must be admitted that no tariflf measure
can ac<-ord with Democratic jirinciples and promises, or bear a genu-
ine Democratic badge, that does not provide for free raw material.
In these circumstan(;es it may well excite our wonder that Democrats
are willing to depart from this, the most Democratic of all tariflf
principles, and that the most inconsistent absurdity of such a pro-
posed departure should be emphasized by the suggestion that the
wool of the farmer be put on the free list, and the protection of tariflf
taxation be i>iaced around the iron ore and <oal for corjK)rations and
capitalists. How can we face the ])eople after indulging in such out-
rageous discrimination and violation of princi])les? It is quite ai^
parent that the question of free raw materials does not admit of
adjustment on middle ground, since their subjection to any rate of
tariflf taxation, great or small, is alike violative of Democratic prin-
ciple and Democratic good faith. . . I'nder our party plat-
form and in accordance with our de<lared party purposes, sugar is a
legitimate and logical article for revenue taxation. Tufortunately,
however, incidents have accompanied certain stages of the legislation
which will be sumbitted to the conference, that have aroused in con-
nection with this subje<t a Naticmal Demo<ratic animosity to the
methods and manipulations of trusts and combinations. I confess to
sharing in this feeling and yet, it seems to me, we ought, if possible,
to sulticiently free ourselves from prejudice to enable us coolly to
weigh the considerations, which, in formulating tariff legislation,
ought to guide our treatment of sugar as a taxable article. While
no tenderness should be entertained for trusts, and while 1 am decid-
edly opposed to granting them, und(M' the guise of taxation, any
opportunity to further their particular methods, I suggest that we
ouglit not to be driven away from the Democratic principle and
policy wliich lead to tlie taxation of sugar by tlie fear, quite likely
exaggerated, tliat in carrying out this principle and policy we may
indirectly and inordinately encourage a combination of sugar-refining
interests. I know tliat in present conditions this is a de]i(*ate sub-
ject, and 1 appreciate the deptli and strength of the feeling which its
treatment luis aroused. I do not believe we should do evil tliat gootl
may come; but it seems to me that we should not forget that our aim
is the completion of a tarilT bill, and that in taxing sugar for projH»r
purposes and witliin reasonable bounds, whatever else may be said
of our action, we are in no danger of running <-ounter to Democrati<»
principles. With all there is At stake, there must be in the treat-
ment of this article some ground upon which we are all willing to
stand, where toleration and conciliation may be allowe<l to solve tlie
l>roblem without demanding the (»ntire surrender of fixini and con-
CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 455
seientious convictions. I c»xpect very few of us can say, when our
measure is perfected, that all its features are entirely as we would
prefer. You know how much I deprecated the incorporation into the
proposed bill of the income feature. In matters of this kind, how-
ever, which do not violate a lixed and recognized Democratic doctrine,
w^e are willing to defer to the judgment of a majority of our Demo-
cratic brethren.
The President's letter was the occasion of a sharp debate in the
Senate. The Republicans pointed out that the logic of the plea
which he made for a duty on sugar, which was a concession to tlu^
Sugar Trust, was virtually carried out in concessions to trusts of all
kinds; to the Nova Scotia Coal Syndicate in his plea for free coal,
and to the Cuban Ir<m Syndicate, in his plea for free iron ore. The
Democrats were less concerned about the logic of the President's
position, or the inconsistencies of the Rill, than they were about
what they considered the impertinence of his attempt to interfere
with legislation. Senator Vest said: "Mr. Cleveland is a big man,
but the Democratic party is greater than any one man. It has sur-
vived Jefferson, Madison, Jackson; it will survive Grover Cleveland.
Under what clause of the Constitution did Mr. Cleveland get the
right, after a Rill had been sent to full and free conference between
the two Houses, to make any appeal to his party friends to stand by
his individual views?'' Senator Gorman, whose activity in revising
the bill had been such that he might justly consider the President's
letter a personal attack, was much more severe. He said: **ln
patriotism the Democratic Senate had gone to work to save the
country, and kee]) their party in power, when suddenly, in the midst
of their work, came the President's letter. It was the most uncalled
for, the most extraordinary, the most unwise* communication that
ever came from a I*resident of the United States. It placed the
Senate in a position where its members must see to it that the dignity
and honor of the chamber must be preserved. It places me in a posi-
tion where I must tell the story as it occurred. The limit of
endurance has been r(*ached." He then said that, during the progress
of the work <m the Rill, Senators Jones and Vest had frequent con-
ferences with the President and with Seretary Carlisle; thiit Secretary
Carlisle had endorsed the completed bill; and that no one who had
been consulted had ever suggested that the Rill was in violation of
Democratic principles. Senators Vest, Jones and Harris con-
firmed the truth of the statements made bv Senator Gorman. The
456 HISTORY OF THE REPCBLICAN PARTY.
latter then deiioimced the President in the bitterest terms, and
declared that if there had been deceit it had been with that official
and not with the Senate.
The feelinjr aronsed wa« so strong that no attempts at further
consideration of the measure were nmde for three weeks. At last,
on the 13th of August, a caucus of the Democratic members of the
House decided to surrender to the Senate, and the Bill of the latter,
with its 634 amendments to the House Measure, was concurred in bv
a vote of 182 to 106. Of the yeas 174 were Democrats and 8 wei*e
Populists. The nays were Ho Republicans and 13 Democrats.
The House then passed four separate Bills, called the "Popgun"
Bills, placing sugar, coal, iron ore and barbed wire on the free list,
but they deceived nobody, because it was not expected that the Senate
would pay any attention to them. The Oeneral Tariff Bill was now
up to the President, and all eyes were turned on him. He kept the
country in suspense for ten days longer, and then at midnight, on the
27th of August, the conglomerate Bill became a law without his sig-
nature. It had taken the Democrats eighteen months fnmi the time
they came into the possession of full power to pass a measure wliich
brought disaster lo the manufacturing and commercial interests of
the country. Three years later it took the Republicans less than five
months to pass a tariff act which brought universal prosi>erity.
Even with the long delay in passing the Bill, it was not, in the
end, carefully examincnl, and was full of errors, some of which
recpiired to be eliminated by joint resolution or special enactment.
In 21 ccmsecutive pages of the Bill no less than thirty -one errors
were discovered.
The President sent no message to Congress in explanation of his
course, but he wrote another letter, this one dated August 27, and
iiddressed to Congressmen Catchings, of Mississippi, and Clarke, of
Alabama, in which he said that he felt the utmost disappointment at
being denied the privilege of signing such a Bill as he had hoped to
sei* pass, one which embodied Democratic ideas of tariff reform. He
did not claim to be better than his party, nor intend to shirk any of
his resi)onsibilities, but the bill contained provisions not in the line
of honest tariff reform, and had "inconsistencies and crudities which
ought not to appear in tariff laws." He would not separate himself
from the Democratic party by a veto of tariff legislation, which.
though disappointing, was chargeable still to Democratic effort. But
there were incidents attending the passage of the Bill in its hUer
CLEVELAND'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 457
stages which made every sincere tariff reformer unhappy, and which
ought not to be tolerated in Democratic councils. He said he took
his ^'place with the rank and file of the Democratic party who believe
in tariff reform and who know what it is; who refused to accept the
results embodied in this Bill as the close of the war; who are not
blinded by the fact that the livery of Democratic tariff reform has
been stolen, and worn in the service of Republican i)rotection, and
who have marked the places where the deadly blight of treason has
blasted the counsels of the brave in the hour of their might. The
trusts and combinations, whose marhinations have prevented us
from reaching the success we deserved, should not be forgotten nor
forgiven. We shall recover from our astonishment at their exhibi-
tion of power, and then, if the question is forced upon us whether
they shall submit to the free legislative will of the people's represen-
tatives or shall dictate the laws which the people must obey, we will
accept that issue as one involving the integrity and safet}' of Ameri-
can institutions.-'
The President's method of communicating his views, by private
letter to individuals, instead of by message to Congress, did not take
much better in this case than it did in the Wilson letter. But the
tariff matt€»r was disposed of for this session, and the excitement
over the Catchings missive soon died out.
One other act of the President's during the first half of his
second term intensified the popular feeling against him, and
that was his treatment of the Hawaiian question. The Tariff
question was to quite a large extent one of partisan poli-
tics and economic theorizing. The Hawaiian matter was one
that appealed to patriotism and a sense of justice, and Cleve-
land seemed to be lacking in both. In the first part of 189^5
the Pnnisional (jovernment of the Hawaiian group of islands nego-
tiated a treaty for the annexation of those islands to the United
States. President Harris<m transmitted it to the Senate for ratifi-
cation, but it was near the end of the session and the Senate failed
to take aciion. I'resident (,'leveland not only withdrew the treaty,
but sent Jam(»s H. Blount, of Georgia, as Special Commissioner to the
islands, with paramount authority to umke investigations as to our
relations with the Hawaiian (rovernment. I'nder his direction the
American protectorate, which the United States had assumed over
the islands, was terminated, the American flag was hauled down, and
a small garrison of marines, sent ashore from a United States war
458 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
vessel for the protection of Americau interests, was withdrawn.
John L. Stevens, the Anieriean Minister, was recalled, and Albert S.
Willis was appointed to sueeeed him, with instructions looking
toward the overthrow of the Provisional (lovernment, and the restor-
ation of Queen Liliuokalani. He might have succi*eded but for tlu^
stubbornness and cruel dis]>osition of the Queen, who refused to
promise a grant of amnesty, demanded the execution of those who
had helj)ed to dejiose her, and sIiowihI, throughout, a disposition that
was threatening to all foreign interests. Minister ^Villis himself
at last conceded that an analysis of the list of the Queen's special
advisers was not encouraging to the friends of good government nor
American interests. The plan of reinstating the Queen was pursued
for some months^ under circumstances of intrigue and deceit that
were astounding to the American people when they became known.
The President could not use force to carry out his purpose without
the consent of i'ongress, and that he could not obtain, for Congress
was as bitterly opposed to his plans as wa« the country at large. The
Queen found sufficient encouragement from his course to attempt
an insurrection, which was speedily repressed by the Provisional
(lOvernment, when she, for herself and heirs, forever renounc^ed the
throne, gavf* allegiance to the Republic and counselled her former
subjects to do the same. She afterwards took journey to Washing-
ton, partly for the purpose of ])resenting a claim for damages for
the loss of her crown, for which, she argued, the utterances of the
President and his agents had given good ground. With the Ameri-
can people expressions of indignation now gave place to ridicule,
and if the President read the papers at all, he saw his name coupler]
with the futile etforts of ^'Paramount Hlount," and the aspirations of
"Queen Lil" much oftener than he cared to. Even rhyme and min-
strel song were not lacking in this entertainment.
The State and Congressional elections in 1894 came on a little
over two months after the passage of the Taritf Bill, and while the
Hawaiian intrigue was still in progress. They resulted in a Republi
<an victory of unexpectedly large proportions. The Democratic
strength in the House as compared with the last Congress was
reduced from 2lX to lo:^, and the Republican strength increased from
I'M) to 245. Delaware, Idaho, ^fontana. North Dakota, Ctah and
Wyoming, having niw Repr(*sentative each, all <-hose Republicans,
while fifteen states, having more than one ea<h, had solid Republi-
can delegations. Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine Michi-
CLEVELAND'S SE(^ONl) ADMINISTRATION. 459
gan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersev, Oregon, Rhode Ishind,
South Dakota, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin. Of the old
Slave States, Delaware elected one Republican; Kentucky five Repub-
licans to six Democrats; Maryland three Republicans to three
Democrats; Missouri eleven Republicans to four Democrats; North
Carolina three Republicans to four Populists and two Democrats;
Tennessee four Republicans to six Democrats; and Virginia two Re-
publicans to eiglit Democrats. Republiians were also elected in
Alabama, South Carolina and Texas. Only four States of what was
formerly the Solid South, now sent full Democratic delegations —
Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana and Mississip])i. The Legislatures
chosen at this election gave tlie Republicans a gain of two in the
United States Senate, while the Democrats lost five, but the four
Populists and one Silver Republican held the balance of power.
Only two events that attracted wide attention occurred during the
last half of this Administration. The first was a decision of the
Supreme Court declaring the income tax feature of the Brice-Gorman-
Wilson Taritt" Act to be unconstituti<mal. This decision widened the
gap betw(*en the Treasury receipts and expenditures and for the
remainder of the term, the finances of the Government Treasury were
in a very embarrasst^d condition.
During Secretary Gresham's incumbency of the State Depart-
ment, as well as that of Secretary Bayard under the former Cleveland
Administration, complaints were frequent of the un-American policy
of the Administration. After Mr. Bayard became Minister to
England, his sycophancy at the Court of St. James, and in public
addresses, were especially distasteful. In Hawaii the annexationists
felt keenly the slight put upon them by President Cleveland's Admin-
istration, in that it imparted its views and its purposes to the British
and Royalist citizens in preference to the American residents. In
May, 18J>5, Secretary Gresham died, and Richard Olney, who had
been Attorney (ieneral, succeeded him. P^ither through Olney^s
influence, or else because he wanted to efface the Hawaiian memories,
the President now inaugurated a jingo policy. New discoveries of
gold had given increased importance to a long standing boundary
dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. The President
insisted, on the ground of the Monroe Doctrine and our essential
sovereignty on the American continent, that Great Britain should
submit the dispute to arbitration. When this was refused he sent
a message to Congress which startled the country. He proposed the
460 HISTORY OF THE REPl'BLK AN PARTY.
creation of a coiniiiission to determine and report upon "the true
divisional line between Venezuela and British Guiana.-' He added:
**When such rei)ort is made and accepted, it will, in my opinion, be
the duty of the United States to resist, by every means in its power,
as a willful ajr«j:ression upon its rijijhts and interest, the appropriation
by Great Britain of any lands, or the exercise of governmental juris-
diction over any territory, which after investigation, we have deter-
mined of riuht belongs to Venezuela." Both Houses passed a resolu-
tion for the appointment of the Commission. Immediately American
securities began to fall, creating almost a panic in the stock market,
and tlie gold reserve rapidly diminished. Thrt*e days after he sent
the war message he was obliged to send another, asking for legisla-
tion to pn^serve the National credit. The fact is, that neither in its
Army nor in its finances, was the Nation in condition to go to war
with a second-class power, let alone Great Britain. This pyrotechnic
display of jingoism and devotion to the Monroe Doctrine was the last
decided sensation of an Administration that had been fertile in
surprises, but mostly barren of useful results. Some good did,
however, ultimately come out of this last agitation. For, though
Great Britain would not acknowledge the authority of a Boundary
Gommission appointed by the United States, yet growing out of our
intervention a treaty was umde between that country and Venezuela,
providing for a joint commission. The treaty was signed at Wash-
ington, February 2, 1S1>7, by Sir Julian Pauncefote, British Ambas-
sador, and General Jose Andrade, Venezuelan Minister to the United
States. The Venezuelan Congress ratified the treaty without a dis-
senting vote, and diplomatic relations with Great Britain, which had
been suspended for ten years, were at once resumed. The ratifica-
tions of the treaty were exchangcHi in Washington, June 14. The
Uommissioners named in the treaty were Lord Herschell and Justict*
Henn Collins, on the part of Great Britain, and Chief Justice Fuller
and Justice Brewer, on the part of Venezuela. The fifth member,
chosen by these four to act as President and umpire, was Professor
Martaens, of the University of St. Petersburg. They met in Paris
in the autumn of 1S98 and gave their decision in 1800. confirming, for
the most part, the British claims.
XXXV.
ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.
McKinley Lon^ Before Recognized as the Coming Man for President
— A Highly Successful J^olitical Career — The Convention at St.
Louis — The Campaign Pronouncement — Contest Over the Silver
Plank — Sensational Withdrawal of the Silver Republicans —
Their Statement to the Country — Only one Ballot Each for Pres-
ident and Vice-President — Points From the Letters of Accept-
ance.
Tjong before the time for the assembling of the eleventh Re-
publican National Convention it became apparent that the nomination
would go to William McKinley, of Ohio. Major McKinley, during his
young manhood, served mpre than four years in the war. From 1877
to 181)1 he was almost continuously in Congress, where he earned the
reputation of being the best-informed man on the taritf of any member
of either House. He was one of the best of the debaters who took
part in discussion of the Tariff Bill of 188;^, was a leader in opposition
to the Horizontal Reduction Bill of Congressman Morrison, and to the
Mills Bill. He was ou the Ways and Means Committee of the House
tor eleven years, was its Chairman in the Fifty-tirst Congress, and
was the author of the Tariff Act which bore his name. In 18J)() he
was consi€i(*red Ihe best living exponent of the Republican Protective
Tariff policy, and was well informed upon all other matters of legis-
lation. Besides this he was a **vote-getter.'- His District was three
times '^gerrynuuidered" by the Democrats in order to keep him out of
Congn»ss. In 1878 he was placed in a district which was Democratic
by 1,800; but McKinley carried it by 1,300 majority. In 1884 he was
placed in a district consisting of Stark, Summit, Medina and Wayne
Counties, then strongly Democratic, and was elected by over 2,000
majority. Tender the Price gerrymander of 1800, his district was made
up of Stark, Medina, Wayne and Holmes Counties, which had the year
before given Campbell, the Democratic candidate for Governor, 3,000
Ai\'2 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLRAN PARTY.
niajoritv, but on the fullest vote ever polled in the district, Major
McKiiiley reduced this majority to 303. He received 2,500 more votes
in the district than had been cast for General Harrison for President
in 1S88 in the same counties. He was Chairman of the Committee on
Resolutions in the National Conventions of 1884 and 1888. On June
7, 18tH, Major McKinley was unanimously nominated by the Republi-
cans of Ohio for Governor; and after one of the most hotly contested
canipaijcns in the history of the State, he was elected over James E.
Canii)belK then Governor, by a plurality of 21,511 votes. At the Re-
publican State Convention in 1892, Governor McKinley was elected
one of the Delegatesat-larjj:e to the Republican National Convention
at Minneapolis. He was made Chairman of the Ohio delegation, and
permanent Chairman of the <'onvention. Although not desiring to
have his name mentioned for the Presidency, and doing all he could
I)ersonally to renominate President Harrison, he nevertheless
received 182 votes for that high office. At the election in November,
1893, Governor McKinley was re-elected, defeating Lawrence T. Neal
by 80,095 majority, in a total vote of 8:J5,004. He received 433,342
votes, the greatest number ever given any State or Presidential can-
didate in the history of Ohio. The unprecedented Republican
victories in Ohio in 1894 and 1895 were also attributed to his effective
work for the parry. In 1894 the jilurality of Samuel M. Taylor for
Secretary of State was 137,080, and in 1895 the plurality of Asa S.
Bushnell for (iov(»rnor was 92,062.
The National Convention met in St. Louis, June 10, with Charles
\V. Fairbanks, of Indiana, for Temporary Chairman. On the second
day permanent organization was effected, with John M. Thurston, of
Nebraska, as President, rules were adopted nearly identical with
those used in the Convention of 1892, majority and minority reports
of the Committee on Credentials were presented, and the cases for
< ontesting delegations were settled. On the third day the Committee
cm Resolutions reported the following platform:
The Rejmblicans of the I'nited States, assembled by their repre-
sentatives in National i'onvention, appealing for the popular and
historical justification of their claims to the matchless achievements
of thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confidently address
theinselv(*s to \\w awakened intelligence, experience and conscience
of their coniitrynicn in the following declaration of facts and princi-
ples:
For the tirst tinn* since the Civil War the American i)eople liaA'e
witnessed the cahnnitous «onse<piences of full and unrestricted Dem-
ELEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONV^ENTION. 463
orratic eoiitrol of the government. It has been a record of unpar-
alleled ineapacity, dishonor and disaster. In administrative manage-
ment it has ruthlessly sacritieed indispensable revenue, entailed an
increasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with borrowed
money, piled up the public debt by |2()2,()(l(>,(H)t) in time of peace,
forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging
ov(»r the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien syndi-
cates, and reversed all the measures and results of successful Repub-
lican rule. In the broad eflPert of its policy it has precipitated panic,
blighted industry and trade witli prolonged d<*pression, closed fac-
tories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprises and crippled
American production, while stimulating foreign production for the
American market. Every consideration of public safety and indi-
vidual interest demands that the government shall be rescued from
the hands of those who have shown themselves incapable to conduct
it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be
restored to the party which for thirty years administered it with
unequaled success and prosperity. In this connection we heartily
indorse the wisdom, patriotism and success of the administration of
President Harrison.
We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protec-
tion as the bulwark of American industrial independence and the
foundation of American development and prosperity. This true
American policy taxes foreign products and encourages home indus-
try; it puts tlie burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the
American market for the American producer; it upholds the Amer-
ican standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts the
factory by the side of the farm and makes the American farmer less
dependent on foreign demand and price; it diffuses general thrift,
and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its reason-
able application it is just, fair and impartial, e(]ually opposed to for-
eign control and domestic mono])oly, to sectional discrimination and
individual favoritism.
We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional, injurious
to the public credit and destructive to business enterprise. We
demand such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into
competition with American products as will not only furnish adequate
revenue for the necessary expenses of the tiovernment, but will pro-
tect American labor from degradation to the wage level of other
lands We are not pledged to any particular schedules. The question
of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of
the time and of production; the ruling and uncompromising principle
is the protection and development of American labor and industry.
The country demands a right settlement and then it wants rest.
We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated
by the last Re])ublican administration was a national calamity, and
we demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will e(|ualize
our trade with other nations, remove the restrictions which now
4G4 UI8TOKY OF THE KEPUBLICAX PARTY.
obstruct the sale of American products in the ports of other coun-
tries, and secure enlarged markets for the products of our farms,
forests and factories. Protection and re(!iprocity are twin measures
of Republican policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has reck-
lessly struck down both and both must be re-established. Protection
for what we produce; free admission for the necessaries of life which
we do not ])roduce; reciprocal agreements of mutual interests which
gain open nmrkets for us in return for our open market to others.
J*rotection builds up domestic industry and trade and secures our
own market for ourselves; reciprocity builds up foreign trade and
liuds an outlet for our surplus.
We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith
with the sugar produc(*rs of this country. The Republican party
favors such protection as will lead to the production on American soil
of all the sugar whi( h the Anu^rican people use, and for which they
pay other countries more than $10(KO(H),000 annually.
To all our ])roducts — to those of the mine and the field, as well
as to those of the shop and the factory — to hemp, to wool, the product
of the great industry of sheep husbandry, as well as to the finished
woolens of the mill — we promise the most ample protection.
We favor restoring the early American policy of discriminating
duties for the upbuilding of our merchant marine and the protection
of our shi])ping in the foreign carrying trade, so that American ships,
the product of American labor employed in American shipyards, sail-
ing under the Stars and Stripes, and manned, officered and owned by
Americans, ma\ regain the carrying of our foreign commerce.
The Rt-publican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused
the enactment of the law providing f(»r the resumption of specie pay-
ments in 1879: sin<*e then every dollar has been as good as gold. We
are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our
currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore,
opposed to the free coinage of silver except by international agree-
ment with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we
pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be
obtained, the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our
silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold,
and we favor all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obliga-
tions of the United States and all our money, whether coin or pai)er,
at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations
of the earth.
The veterans of the Tnion Army deserve and should receiA'e fair
treatment and generous recogniticm. Whenever practicable they
should be given the prefen*nce in the matter of em]>loyment, and they
are entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best calculated to
serure the fulfillment of the pledges made to them in the dark days
of the country's i»eril. We d(»nounce the practice in the pension
bureau, so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present admiuis-
ELEVENTH KEPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 465
tration of reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from the
rolls as deserving the severest condemnation of the American people.
Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous and dig-
nified, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere carefully
watched and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be controlled
by the United States and no foreign power should be permitted to
interfere with them. The Nicaraguan canal should be built, owned
and operated by the Ignited States; and by the purchase of the Danish
islands we should secure a pro])er and much needed naval station in
the West Indies.
The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and
just indignation of the American people, and we believe that the
United States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert
to bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey, American residents
have been exposed to the gravest dangers, and American i)roperty
destroyed. There and everywhere American citizens and American
property must be absolutely protected at all hazards and at any cost.
A\'e reassert the ^ionroe Doctrine in its full extent, and we
reaffirm the right of the United States to give the doctrine effect by
responding to the appeals of any American state for friendly inter-
vention in case of European encroachment. We have not interfered,
and shall uol int(»rfere with the existing possessions of any European
power in this Hemisphere, but those possessions must not, on any pre
text, be (*xtend(»d. We hopefully look forward to the eventual with-
drawal of th(» European powers from this Hemisphere, and to the
ultimate union of all Enu:lish-sp(»aking parts of the Uontinent by the
free consent of its inhabitants.
From the hour of achieving tlu'ir own independence, the people
of the Ignited States have regarded with sympathy the struggles of
other American peoples to free themselves from European domina-
tion. We watch with d(»ep and abiding interest the heroic battle of
the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our best hopes
go out for the full success of their determined contest for liberty.
The Government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being
unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens,
or to comply with its treaty obliirations, we believe th.it the Govern-
ment of th<» T'nited States should actively use its influence and good
offices to restore peace and give independence to the island.
The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of
its rightful influence amoncr the nations of the earth demand a naval
power commensurate with its ])osition and responsibility. We, there-
fore, favor the continued enlarcrement of the Navy and a complete
system of harbor and seacoast defenses.
For the protection of the (luali ty of our American citizenship and
of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competition of low-
priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thoroughly
enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to the Ignited
States those who can neither read nor write.
4()0 hIkSTukv of the republican party.
The Civil Service Law was placed on the statute book by the
Republican party, which has always sustained it, and we reuew^ our
repeated declaration that it sliall be thoroughly and honestly enforced
and extended wherever pi-acticabh».
We demand that every citiz(*n of the United States shall be
allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot
shall be counted and returned as cast.
We proclaim our unqualilied condemnation of the uncivilized
and barbarous practice, well known as lynching or killing of human
beings, suspected or charged with crime, without process of law.
We favor the creation of a National Hoard of Arbitration to
settle and adjust differenc<»s which may arise between employer and
employe engaged in interstate commerce.
We believe in an immediate return to tlu* free homestead policy
of the Republican party; and urge the passage by Congress of the
satisfactory fvoe homestead measure which has already passed the
House and is now pending in the Senate.
We favor the admission of the remaining territories at the
earliest ])racticable date, having due regard to the interests of the
people of the territories and of the United States. All the Federal
officers appointed for the territories should be selected from bona
fide residents thereof, and the right of self-government should be
accorded as far as practicable.
W> believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation in
the Congress of the Ignited States to the end that needful legislation
may be intelligently enacted.
We sympathize with all wise and legitimate etforts to lessen and
prevent tlie evils of intemperance and promote morality.
The Republican liarty is mindful of the rights and interests of
women. Protection of American industries includes e(|ual oppor-
tunities, equal i)ay for e(|ual work, and protection to the home. We
favor the admission of women to wider spheres of us(*fulne8s, and
wndcome their co-operation in rescuing the country from Democratic
and Populist mismanagement and misrule.
Such are the princtiples and policies of the Republican party. By
these i)rinciples we will abide and these policies we will put into ex(»-
cution. We ask for them the considerate judgment of the American
people. Confident alike in the history of our great party and in the
justice of our cause, we present our platform and our candidates in
the full assurance that the election will bring victory to the Republi-
can party and prosperity to the peoi)le of the United States.
Senator Teller, in behalf of himself, «and the otlier Silver members
of the Conimittee on Resolutions, otTere<l the following as a substi-
tute for the tinancial plank of the ])latform: **We, the undersigned,
Members of the* Committee on Resolutions, being unable to agree
with a portion of the majority re[»ort which treats of the subject of
ELEVENTH KEPUBLKWN CONVENTION. 467
coinage and finances, respectfully submit the following paragraph as
a substitute therefor: 'The Republican party authorizes the use of
both gold and silver as equal standard money and pledges its power
to secure the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at our
mints at the ratio of sixtet*n parts of silver to one of gold/ " Senator
Teller made a long speech in support of the substitute, the address
being also his farewell to the Republican party, with which he had
acted for forty years. On motion of Governor Foraker, of Ohio, the
substitute was laid on the table by a vote of SlSy^ to 105V1>. The
financial plank as given in the majority report was then adopted by a
vote of 812^2 to 110Vi!j the nay votes in both cases coming chiefly
from the South and the silver producing States. Following this the
platform as a whole was adopted by a viva voce vote.
Then came the climax of the ( 'Onvention. Senators Teller, of
Colorado, and Cannon, of Utah, ascended the })latform, and the latter
read a statement prepared by the silver men. It referred to the
financial plank in the platform of 1892, and to the different construc-
tions that had been put upon it, quoted the financial declaration that
had just been adopted, continued with an enumeration of the evils
which they declared would result from the adoption of the gold
standard, asserted that the Convention had **seceded from the truth"
and closed as follows: *^\ccepting the fiat of this Convention as the
present purpose of the party, we withdraw from this Convention to
return our constituents the authority with which they invested us,
believing that we have better discharged their trust by this action
which restores to them authority unsullied, than by giving cowardly
and insincere indorsement to the greatest wrong ever wilfully
attempted within the Republican party, once redeemer of the people,
but now about to become their oppressor, unless providentially
restrained by the votes of free men." This document was signed by
Senators Teller, of Colorado; Dubois, of Idaho, and Cannon, of Utah;
Congressman Ilartman, of Montana, and A. C. (Cleveland, of Nevada,
as the representatives of their respective States on the Committee on
Resolutions. Senators Teller and Cannon then shook hands with
Chainnan Thurston and Governor Foraker, descended from the plat-
form, went down the aisle, and passed out of the hall, followed by
about twenty other Silver delegates, amid the yells, hoots, cheers and
hisses of the audience, the waving of hats, handkerchiefs, unbrellas
and flags, the playing of the band, and a general tumult. The bolt,
however, was not as formidable in numbers as had been threatened,
4()8 UlSTOKY OF THE KEPI'BLICAN PARTY.
and its effect upon the Convention was but temporary. Senators
Mantle, of Montana, and Brown, of I'tah, and A. F. Burleigh, of Wash-
ington, all Silver delegates, explained why they did not leave the Con-
vention, and the order of the presentation of Presidential aspirants
was taken up. John \V. l^aldwin, of Jowa, presented the name of
Senator William B. Allison; Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts,
that of Thonms B. Reed; Chauneey M. Dejiew, of New York, that of
Levi J\ Morton; (rovernor J. B. Foraker and Senator John M. Thurs-
ton that of William McKinley, and Governor Hastings, of Pennsyl-
vania, that of Mathew Stanley Quay. The only ballot taken resulted
as follows:
William McKinley, of Ohio OGl U
Thomas B. Reed, "of Maine 84 lo
Mathew Stanley Quay, of Pennsylvania (U^o
Levi P. Morton, of New York 58
William B. Allison, of Iowa 35VL»
Total Number of Votes 901
Necessary to a Choice 451
For Vice-President William (L Buckley, of Connecticut; Garret
A. Hobart, of New Jersey; Charles Warren Lipjutt, of Rhode Island;
Henry Clay Evans, of Tennessee, and General James A. Walker, of
Virginia, w(*re proixised. The ballot gave Hobart, 5331 i>; Evans,
277i/>; Bu<kley, :5J); Walker, 24, and Lippitt, 8.
The Michigan delegates to the Ccmvention were: At I^rge —
Russell A. Alger, Thomas J. O'Brien, John Duncan, Mark S. Brewer.
By Districts — (D David Meginnity, Freeman B. Dickerson; (2) James
T. Hurst, Edward P. Allen; (3 )Hamilton King. E. O. Grosvenor; (4)
Frank W. Wait, Ri< hard B. Messer; (5) Gerritt J. Diekema, William
H. Anderson; (Oi William McPherson, George W. Buckingham; (7>
John L. Starkweather, William II. Aitken; (8) Oliver L. Spaulding,
Theron W. At.wood; (0) Charles H. Hackley, Edgar G. Maxwell; (10>
Temple Emery. J. Frank Eddy; (11) Edgar P. Babcock, Charles L.
(^randall; (12) James McNaughton, Charles E. Miller. They gaAO
McKinley their entire 28 votes. For Vice-President they gave Hobart
21 and Evans 7.
The speeches in the Convention turned largely upon the deplora-
ble results of four years of Democratic rule, which were fairly
summed up by Senator Wolcott. upon taking the chair. The follow-
ing paragraphs were a portion of his remarks:
The appalling result of the President's ])olicy is still fresh in the
memory of millions, who suffered from it. In four years the country
ELEVENTH KEPLBLICAN CONVENTION. 469
witnessod 00,000 coiumereial failures, with liabilities aggregating
more than nine liiiuiired millions of dollars. One hundred and seven-
ty-seven railroads, with a mileage of 45,000 miles, or twice the circle
of the globe, and with securities amounting to nearly three billion of
dollars, were unable to meet their interest charges and passed into
the hands of receivers. More than 170 National banks closed their
doors, with liabilities reacliing seventy millions; wool and all farm
products which tarill's could attect. lost tens of millions in value; farm
mortgages were foreclosed by thousands throughout the great West;
our agricultural exports shrunk in value; the balance of trade which
had been in our favor, turned ruinously against us; the National Treas-
ury was depleted of its gold reserve; our government bonds were
sold to syndicates at far below their market value before or since, and
our steadily declining revenues were insullicient to meet the neces-
sary expense of conducting the Government.
If capital alone had sulfered, the loss would have been great, but
not irremediable. Tufortunately those who rely upon their daily
labor for their sustenance, and their families dependent upon them,
constituting the great mass of the American j)eople, were nmde to
feel heaviest this burden of disaster. Nearly one-third of the laboring
population of the I'nited States were thrown out of emj)loyment, and
men by thousands, able and willing to labor, walked the highways of
the land clamoring for work or food.
Mr. McKiuley's reply to the committee appointed to notify him
of his nomination laid particular stress upon the taritf and currency
questions, his chief utterances upon these points being as follows:
Protection and reciprocity, twin measures of a true American
policy, should again <ommand the earnest encouragement of the Gov-
ernment at \\'ashington. The (rovernment must raise enough
money to meet both its current expenses and increasing needs.
Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the material interests
of our people, with the lightest possible drain upon their resources.
A failure to pursue this i)olicy has compelled the government to
borrow money in a time of peace to sustain its credit and pay its daily
expenses. This policy should be reversed, and that, too, as speedily
as possible. It must be apparent to all, regardless of past party ties
or affiliations, that it is our paramount duty to provide adequate
revenue for the expenditures of the Government, economically and
prudently administered. The National credit, which has tlius far
tortunat(*ly resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld
and strengthened. If sutlici(»nt revenues are provided for the support
of the (jovernment there will be no necessity for borrowing money
and in<'reasing the public debt. The complaint of the people is not
against the Administration for borrowing money and issuing bonds
to preserve th(» <redit of the <ountry, but against the ruinous policy
470 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
which has made this uecessarv. It is hut an incident, and a necessary
one, to the poli<v which has been inaugurated. The inevitable effect
of such a policy is seen in the deficiency of the L'nited States Treas-
ury, except as it is replenished by loans, and in the distress of the
people who are suffering because of the scant demand for either their
labor or the products of their labor. Here is the fundamental trouble,
the remedy for which is Republican opportunity and duty. During
the years of Republican control following resumption there was a
steady reduction of the public debt, while the gold reserve was
sacredly maintained and our currency and credit preserved without
depreciation, taint, or suspicion. H we would restore this policy
that brought us unexampled prosperity for more than thirty years
under the most trying conditions ever known in this country, the
policy by which we made and bought goods at home and sold more
abroad, the trade balance would be quickly turned in our favor and
gold would come to us and not go from us in the settlement of all
such balances in the future. The money of the United States, and
every kind or form of it, whether of paper, silver, or gold, must be as
good as the best in the world. It must not only be current at its full
value at home, but it must be counted at par in any and every com-
mercial center of the globe. The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-
earner, and the pensioner must <ontlnue forever in equal purchasing
and debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any Oovernment creditor.
The platform adopted by the Republican National Convention has
received my careful consideration and has my unqualified approval.
It is a matter of gratitication to me, as, I am sure, it must be to you,
and Republicans everywhere, and to all our people that the expression
of its declaration of principles is so direct, clear and emphatic.
His letter of acceptance was devoted mainly to the currency
question, but that was preceded and followed by the enunciation of
his views on nearly all pending questions in short speeches addressed
to various visiting delegations at his home in Canton, Ohio, where he
remained throughout the campaign. The candidate for Vice-Presi-
dent, Mr. Hobart, confined his participation in the campaign mainly
to his letter of acceptance, which accepted the platform and briefly
discussed pending issues.
XXXVl.
THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN.
The Deiiiocratic Convention — The Free Silver Coinage Men Aggres
sive and Contident — A Free Silver Triumph in Choice of Tem-
porary President and in the Platform — Tliat Announcement of
Principles Afterwards Modified by the Committee — Bryan's
Taking Speech and His Nomination — Accepted by the Populists
and the Free Silver Republicans — Interest of the Business Men
in the Campaign — McKinley and Hobart Elected With a Repub-
lican Congress.
The sentiment in favor of the free coinage of silver at the ratio
of 16 to 1 was quite strong in the Democratic party, and at this time
it was reinforced by the belief that by a combination with the Popu-
lists and th(» Silver Republicans, that party might again carry the
election and share in the spoils of ofifice. Many of tlie Silver Republi-
cans and some of the l^opulists were Protectionists. For this reason
the Democrats chose to keep that issue as far as possible in the back-
ground, and make the campaign on the Silver question. They miscal-
culated in two directions — by overestimating the number of Silver
Republicans that would come to the combination, and by underesti-
mating the extent of the revolt of Sound Money Democrats from the
new and un-Democratic doctrine.
Their Convention commenced at Chicago, July 7, and found the
Silver men conlident, aggressive and ready to push the tight from the
start. Tlie National Committee had re<()mmended David Bennett
Hill, of New York, for temporary Chairman of the Convention. The
Free Silver men antagcmized him with John W. Daniel, of Virginia
and won by a vote of 556 to o4J). Twenty-six States voted solidly for
Daniels as follows: Alabanui, Arkansas, California, Colorado,
Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentu<*ky, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio,
Oregon, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia and Wyom-
ing, all, it will be noticed. Southern or Western States.
472 HISTORY OF THE KEPIBLICAN PARTY.
Senator Daniel, on takinj»: the ebair, mingled profound grati-
tude for the honor conferred upon him, with regret that his name
should have been brought in even the most courteous competition
with his distinguished friend, Senator Hill, who, however, would
lecognize the fact that there was no personality in the matter. It
was solely due to the princii)le which the great majority of the Demo-
crats stood for, Mr. Daniel standing with them. As the majority of
the (Convention was not personal in its aims, neither was it sectional.
It began with the sunrise in Maine and spread into a sunburst in
lx)uisiana and Texas. It stretched, in unbroken lines across the con-
tinent from Virginia and Oeorgia to California. It swept like a prairie
fire over Iowa and Kansas, and it lighted up the horizon in Nebraska.
After this flight of oratory Mr. Daniel continued with an argument
in favor of free silver and against a gold standard.
On the second day Stephen M. White, of California, another Silver
man, was named as permanent l^resident, and contested delegate
seats from Michigan and Nebraska were settled in favor of Silver
delegates. Meantime the Committee on Resolutions were having
hot work over the platform. The Silver men were determined uinm
a declaration so unecjuivocal as to ensure the co-operation of the Popu-
lists and Free Silver Republicans, while the men who favored a gold
standard desired such modification, in phraseology at least, as would
prevent a break in the party. The outcome was a majority and a
minority report, the former read by Senator Jones, of Arkansas, and
the latter by J. H. Wade, of Ohio.
It was the Democrats now, and not the Republicans, who had
<*ome to the parting of the ways. The fiery Southerner, Senator Till-
man, of South Carolina, made a strong speech favoring the majority
report, and denouncing the Administration in the bitterest terms.
He brought out the sectional feature of the question with such empha-
sis that Senator Jones, of Arkansas, thought it advisable to declart*
that free silver coinage was not sectional, but National, and. as a
cause, had adherents in every State in the Cnion. Senator Hill, of
New York, vigorously ojiposed the majority report, but in aci-ordanit*
with his declaration made under trying circumstances, ''I am a Dt*iii-
ocrat/' indicated that he should abide by the action of the Convention.
Senator Vilas, of Wisconsin, a member of Cleveland's first Cabinet,
followed in an <»loquent and pathetic address deploring the step which
the j.arty was about to take. P^x-Oovernor William E. Russell, of
Massachusetts, followed in a speech which reminded his hearers of
THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 473
that ill which Beiiator Teller made his farewell to the Republican
party. Mr. Russell, in the course of liis remarks, said: '*! am con-
scious, painfully conscious that the mind of this Convention is not
and has not been open to argument. I know the will of this great
majority, which has seen lit to override precedents and attacks the
sovereignity of states, is to rigidly enforce its views. I know full
well that an appeal also will fall on deaf ears. There is but one thing
left, to enter my protest. 1 do so, not in anger nor in bitterness, but
with a feeling of intinite sorrow. Our country, if not this Conven-
tion, will listen to our protest.'*
William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska, who was to be the central
figure in tlie coming campaign, then credited the sensation of the day.
Mr. Bryan had become noted as an eloquent and convincing speaker.
He was one of the ablest advocates of the Wilson Tariff Bill, was
among the strongest of the Free Silver men, and had omitted no
cpportunity that offered to support that cause on the floor of the
House. He now came forward, and in an impassioned speech, made
a plea tor free silver coinage and against the gold standard, in defense
of the income tax and in arraignment of the Supreme Court. A
majority of the Convention were with him from, the beginning, but
he fairly carried the members oft* their feet, when, referring to the
sound money men in the Convention he said: **If they dare to come
out, and in the open, defend the gold standard as a good thing, we
shall light them to the uttermost, having behind us the producing
masses of this Nation and the w^orld. Having behind us the commer-
cial interests and the laboring interests, and all the toiling masses,
we shall answer their demands for a gold standard by saying to them:
*You shall not press down upon the brow of l.abor this crown of
thorns; you shall not crucify man ujjon a cross of gold.'" At the
conclusion of Bryan's speech the ('on vent ion went wild. Cheer upon
cheer was given, while the whole immense crowd rose to its feet
amid waving of handkerchiefs, Hags, unbrellas and hats. Then, as
if by a sudden imj)ulse, a member of the Texas delegation took the
banner of that State from its fastenings, carried it a<ross the hall,
and planted it by the side of the Nebraska banner. The example
was followed by others, until the banners of thirty States were
grouped together with the purple standard from Bryan's home State
in the center. Delaware was not among the states that had carried
its banner to the Nebraska rallying ground, but when the excitement
had subsided Delegate Saulsbury, of that State, stood upon his chair,
474 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PA RTY.
while he and his three Silver colleagues gave three cheers for Bryan,
and a shout came from the gallery: ''What's the matter with Bryan
for President?"
There was no question, from the time the discussion opened till
its close, about the adoption of the platform reported by the majority
of the Committee. That action was taken without further delay, the
financial and tarill planks being as follows:
Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all others
at this time, we invite attention to the tact that the Federal Constitu-
tion names silver and gold together as the money metals of the
United States, and that the tirst coinage law passed by Congress
under the Constitution made the silver dollar the monetary unit and
admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar
unit.
We declare that the Act of 1873, demonetizing silver without the
knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the
appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in prices of commodities
produced by the people; a heavy increase in the burden of taxation
and of all debts, public and private; the enrichment of the money-
lending class at home and abroad; a prostration of industry and
impoverishment of the people.
We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism, which has
locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of
hard times, (rold monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption
has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is
not only un-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened upon
the United States only by the stilling of that spirit and love of lib-
erty which proclaimed our political independence in 177(> and won it
m the war of the revolution.
We demand the free and iniliiuited coinage of both gold and silver
at the present legal ratio of 1G to 1, without waiting for the aid or
consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver
dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts,
public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for
the future demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private
contract.
We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to
the holder of the obligations of the United States the option reserved
by law to the Government of redeeming such obligations in either
silver coin or gold coin.
We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the
United States in times of peace, and condemn the trafficking with
banking syndicates, which, in exchange for bonds and at an enormous
profit to themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold to main-
tain the policy of gold monometallism.
THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 475
Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and l^resi-
dent Jaekson declared that this power could not be delegated to
corporations or individuals. We therefore demand that the power to
issue notes to circulate as money be taken from the National banks,
and that all paper money shall be issued by the Treasury Department,
redeemable in coin and receivable for all debts, public and private.
We hold that tariff duties should be levied soU*ly for the purposes
of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally
throughout the country, and not discriminate between class or sec-
tion, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the
Government, honestly and economically administered. We denounce
as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore the McKin-
ley Law, which has been twice condemned by the people in National
elections, and which, enacted under the false plea of j)rotection to
home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies,
enriched the few at the expense of many, restricted trade and deprived
the producers of the great American staples of a<cess to their natural
markets. Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any
agitation for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are
necessary to make up the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse
decision of the Supreme Court on the income tax.
It is illustrative of the entire absorption of the Convention in one
subject that the planks relating to other features of Democratic poli<y
did not receive the careful attention that the* leaders thought desira-
ble for campaign use, and additions were mad(» after the (^)nvention
adjourned. The copy of the platform, generally circulated in Michi-
gan and some other states contained four clauses, which were not in
that instrument as reported by the press at the time, nor as it is given
in the standard books of reference. These were clauses relating to
civil and religious liberty, favoring arbitration in cases of dispute
between emi)ioy<»rs and employees, diM-laring the Monroe Doctrine a
permanent i)art of the foreign policy of the United States, and insert-
ing the words *'excej)t as provided in the Constitution,'' after a
declaration against a life tenure in the public service. However,
these matters rec(»ived comparatively little attention, for Mr. Bryan
sounded the key note of the campaign when he said in his letter of
acceptance, September 1): '*Tt is not necessary to discuss the tariff
question at this time. Whatever may be the individual views of citi-
zens as to the relative merits of protection and tariff reform, all must
recognize that until the money question is fully and finally settled
the American people will not consent to the consideration of any
other important question. Taxation presents a problem which in
some form is continually present, and a postponement of definite
476 HISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
artioii upon it involves no sacrifice of personal opinion or political
principles; but the crisis presented by financial conditions cannot be
postponed. Tremendous results will follow the action taken by the
United States on the money question, and delay is impossible. The
people of this Nation, sitting;: as a high court, must render judgment
in the cause which greed is prosecuting against humanity. The
decision will either give hope and inspiration to those who toil, or
*shut the doors of mercy on mankind.* In the presence of this over-
shadowing issue, differences upon minor questions must be laid aside
in order that there may be united action among those who are deter-
mined that progress toward an universal gold standard shall l>e
stayed, and the gold and silver coinage of the Constitution restored."
It was not until the fourth day of the Convention that balloting
for the Presidential candidates commenced. Whenever Bryan's
name was mentioned in the proceedings that occurred after his plat-
form si)eecli it was greeted with great demonstrations of applause,
and he was looked upon as the coming man, but on the first ballot he
developed only about half the strength shown by Richard P. Bland,
the father of silver coinage legislation. That ballot scattered the
vote as follows:
Richard P. Bland, of Missouri 235
William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska Ill)
Robert E. Pattison, of Pennsylvania 1)5
Horace M. Boies, of Iowa 85
J. C. S. lilackburn, of Kentucky 83
John R. McLean, of Ohio 54
Claude Matthews, of Indiana 37
Benjamin R. Tillman, of South Carolina 17
Sylvester Pennoyer, of Oregon 8
Henry M. Teller, of Colorado 8
Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois 7
William E. Russell, of Massachusetts 2
David B. Hill, of New York 1
Not voting 178
The abst(*ntion from voting of so large a number of deleg:ates
was ominous, but was in keeping with the attitude of the minority
who were disgusted with the platform, and incensed with the treat-
ment ihey had received from the majority. It included the New Y^ork
and New Jersey delegations, and parts of Connecticut, Delfiware,
Rhole Island, Michigan and Wisconsin. Througli four more ballots
the candidates were gradually sifted out, until on the fifth the vote
THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 477
as cast stood: Bryan, 500; TMand, 100; Pattison, 95; Matthews, 31;
lloits, 20; Stevenson, 8; not voting?, 102. Changes followed enough
to give Bryan the necessary 512, and he was declared the nominee.
Five ballots were taken for a n<»niinee for the Vice-Presidency
resulting in the nomination of Arthur Sewall, of Maine, a man known
more for his wealth than for any previous political a(!tivity. Of his
characteristics the Chicago Chronicle, a Democratic paper, said: "He
is the richest man in Maine. He is president of the American Ship-
ping League, an ironclad and copper-fastened trust of ship builders
and owners. He is President and owner of the National bank of Bath,
Me. He is a large owner of stock in National banks at Portland and
Boston. He is ex-president and is now (me of the directors of the
Maine Central Railway Company, described as the most grasping
and powerful railway corporation in New TCngland. He is a stock-
holder and director in nearly every (orporate monopoly in the State
of Maine and in many other New England corporations. He is a
lumber baron and saw log king. He is proprietor of the biggest ship-
yard in New England. He is a typical caiutalist, monopolist, lobbyist
and plutocrat."
The action of the Convention immediately occasioned a wide-
spread revolt among Democrats who had been trained in Jacksonian
hard money ideas, and especially among business men in the Eastern
and Middle Western States. Nor was the revolt confined entirely
to these sections, for a number of the oldest l>emocratic papers in
the South joined in it. \N itliin ten days after the Conventicm
adjourned 100 Democrati<- dailies in ditTerent parts of the country
had repudiated its a<tion. The number was soon increased to 150.
and many of them expressed their dissent in the strongest terms.
Four members of Cleveland's Cabinet were outspoken in their denun-
ciation of the platform, and while the President himself gave no
immediate expression of opinion, the platform was known to be
• utterly repugnant to his views, for he was as strongly in favor of a
sound currency as he was in favor of tariff revision. T^ater in the
campaign, after the bolting Democrats had called another Conven-
tion and nominated a separate ticket, he expr(»ssed himself heartily
in favor of the latter. In every comm(»rcial center the revolt included
many of the most capable and clear headed business nwn and the
most responsible business firms. Many of these men announced
their purpose to vote the Bepublican ticker. Others met in Conven-
tion at Indianapolis, Sej)tember l\; declared that in view of the grave
478 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
departures made by the Chieaj^o Ton vent ion from Deniocratir prin-
ciples tli(\v could not support its candidates nor be bound by its acts,
and nominated John M. Palmer, of Illinois, for President, and Simon
B. Buckner, of Kentu<ky, for Yice-President.
Meantime the Bryan people received some encouragement from
two other organizations. The Poi)ulist party, which had cast ovrr
eleven hundred thousand votes at the last Presidential election, and
which was stronger now than it was then, met in St. I^uis, July 24.
endorsed the nomination of Bryan and named Thomas E. Watson,
of Georgia, for \'i<e-IMesident. The same day an organization of
Silver Republicans, calling itself the National Silver i»arty, met in the
same (Mty and endorsed the nominations of Bryan and Sewall. The
financial plank adopted by the latter gathering declared: "The para-
mount issue at this time in the Tnited States is indisputably the
money question. It is between the gold standard, gold bonds and
bank currency on the one side, and the bimetallic standard, no bonds
and government <urren(y on the other. On this issue we declare
ourselves to be in favor of a distinctively American tinanrial system.
We are unalterably opj:osed to the* single gold standard and demand
Ihe imnuHliate return to the Constitutional standard of gold and
silver by the restoration by this (Jovernment, independent of any
foreign power, of the unrc^stricted coinage of both gold and silver into
standard numey at the ratio of 1<5 to I and upon terms of exact equal-
ity as they (»xisted prior to 1S7:{: the silver coin to be a full legal
tender, equally with gold for ail debts and dues, private and public,
and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the
demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private contract.
We hold that the j)ower to rontrol and regulate a paper currency
is inseparable from the power to roin money; and hence that all
currency intended to circulate as money should be issued, and its
volume controlled by the (Seneral (iovernment only and should be
legal tender."
The I^opulist t'onvention demand(»d a graduattnl income tax and
declared that the Supreme Court decision relative to that subjeei
was a misinterpretation of the Constitution; demanded that the
(lovernment should usv its option as to the kind of lawful money
in which its obiigati(Uis should be paid, and had the following addi-
tional hnanrial clauses:
We demand a National money, safe and sound, issued by the
General Government onlv, without the intervention of banks of issue.
THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 479
to be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private, and a just,
eijuitable and efficient means of distribution direct to the i)eople and
through the lawful disbursements of the government.
We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and gold
at the [present legal ratio of IG to 1, without waiting for tlie consent
of foreign nations.
We demand the volume of circulating medium be speedily
increased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of the busi-
ness and population of this country and to restore the just level of
prices of labor and production.
We denounce the sah* of bonds and the increase of the public
interest-bearing bond debt made by the present administration as
unnecessary and without authority of law, and demand that no more
bonds be issued except by specific Act of ("ongress.
We demand such legislation as will prevent the demonetization
of the lawful money of the Ignited States by private contract.
Even thf» customary quiet of the Prohibitionists was disturbed
by the paramount issue, for iheir Convention held at Pittsburg, May
27, had split on this subject. The original body nominated Joshua
Levering, of Maryland, for President, and Hale Johnson, of Illinois,
for Yifo on a straight Prohibition platform. The bolters added 16
to 1, and various other declarations to their j)latform, and nominated
C. E. Bentley, of Nebraska, for President, and J. H. Southgate for
Vice. The bolters called themselves the National party. To complete
Ihe assortment of tickets a Socialist Labor Convention met in New-
York, July 4, demanded changes which would practically revolution-
ize our (rovernment, and named Charles H. Matchett, of New York,
as the head of its ticket, with Matthew McGuire, of N(*w Jersey, as
his associate.
The campaign which followed was one of the most exciting in
the history of the country. Bryan, who has rare talents as a cam-
jmign orator, was constantly on the stump, was everywhere gre<^ted
by large crowds, and made a profound impression. Silver orators
held meetings in almost every school district, in the yards of manu-
factories, and on (he corners of city streets. The manufacturing and
commercial interests soon became alarmed, and men who had taken
no part in politics for years now came out with liberal <ontributions
and active personal work for the sound money ticket. Detroit may
be taken as a type of other cities of its size among the manufacturing
and trade centers. Every noon sound money meetings were held on
the vacant first floor of the new Majestic building, and frequent meet-
4J<0
HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
ings in otlier vjuiuit stores. The best^fclkers in the city from among
lawyers inid business men w<»re enlisted for these meetings, and
ociasionall.\ noird spcakiMs from abroad attended. Speeches were
ma<le lU ili<* larj:(» mnniifa^tories during the noon hour, the Presi-
dents iMid Sn|KMiiit(MH]<Mits of the* companies frequently addressing
(heir own men. Finally nearly every large factory in the city was
closed for a day. lo ^-ive opporiunity for the largest parade of Indus-
Trial iiitcrists vwv s(M*n in the city.
\or was (here any lack of oratory on the other side; for after
the sound money men
had vacated the Majes-
tic building for the
day, the silver men oc-
< upied it. Their ora-
tors talked also from
tlic City Hall steps, the
rampus Martins, often
I Jiroughout the day and
far into the evening.
S i m i 1 a r experiences
were d u p 1 i ca t e d in
<-rand Rapids, Saginaw
and other manufactur-
ing <ities in the State,
while the villages and
the rural districts were
thoroughly canvassed.
A large part of the
work was done by local
committees who paid
MAKci s A. HANNA. their own expenses.
At th<* same tim<* the State tVntral and County Committees
were doing the usual work of providing speakers for general
meetings and distributing do< iiments. What was true of Detroit
and Miehigan was (rue of every other City and State north of the
Ohio river, and of a few manufacturing <enfers in the Southern
Stat<*s. Till* ciri Illation of dotuments was enormous. There were
hundnMls of diilVrent s])e(»ches and rom]nlations issued, and the
aggregan* eirrulalion was estimated at r)().(MM),tMM) copies. Vnder all
these iutluenics an immense vote was polled, the aggi-egate being
THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN. 481
18,923,643, against 12,154,542 in 1892. All parties recognized, at the
outset, that the fighting ground for the campaign was in the North-
west, and for the direction of affairs in that territory they established
headquarters in Chicago. There was a good understanding among
the free silver allies, and in all the uncertain states they named joint
Ele<*toral tickets, dividing the Electors between the Democrats, Popu-
lists and Free Silver Republicans, in proportion, as nearly as they
could estimate, to the vote which each section would cast for the
combination. Six weeks before election the result was considered
doubtful, but the activity of the business interests had such an effect
that as election day approached but little doubt remained of the
success of the Kepublican ticket.
On the Republican side the campaign brought a new figure into
National politics. Marcus A. Hanna, a wealthy manufacturer and
capitalist of Cleveland, and a personal friend of (rovernor McKin-
ley's, was the principal manager of the campaign made by the friends
of the latter for the nomination, and was afterwards made Chairman
of the Republican National Committee. He proved to be a good
organizer, an energetic worker and resourceful in i>lanning. Neither
on his part nor on that of Chairman Jones of the Democratic National
Committee was there any lack of vigorous conduct or skillful man-
agement of the campaign. When the returns were in the electoral
vote for the several candidates figured up as follows:
McKinley and Hobart, Republican 271
l>ryan and Sewall, Democrat, Populist and Silver
Republican 149
Bryan and Watson, Democrat and Populist 27
From the old Southern and Border States McKinley had the fol-
lowing electoral votes: Delaware, 3; Maryland, 8; Kentucky, 12;
West Virginia, 0. Of the Northern States w^hi(;h Cleveland carried
in 1892, McKinley carried the following in 1896: Connecticut, New
Jersey, New York, Indiana, Illinois and Wisconsin. Bryan carried
all of the new Northwestern States except North Dakota, their vote
on V'ice-President being divided between Sewall and Watson. The
popular vote for President was as follow^s:
McKinley and Hobart 7,106,199
Bryan and Sewall and Bryan and Watson 6,502,685
Palmer and Buckner .' 132,871
Levering and Johnson 131,757
Bentley and Southgate 13,873
Matchett and Maguire 36,258
482 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
Congress, during President MeKinley's term, was constituted as
follows:
Fifty-fifth Congress.
Senate — Repiil)li<ans, 47; Democrats, 31; Populists, 5; Silver.
5; Independent, 1.
n<mse — Republicans, 203; Democrats, 119; Populists, 15:
Silver, 3; Fusion 14.
F'ifty-sixtli Congress.
Senate— Republicans, 55; Democrats, 24; Populists, 4;
Silver, 7.
Housi* — Republicans, 185; Democrats, 103; Populists, 4;
Silver, 1 ; Fusion, 4.
The popular vote in Michigan was, for McKinlev, 293,072; Brvan.
236,994; Palmer, 0,905; Levering, 4,938; J^entley, 1,815; Socialist Labor,
293; scattering, 585.
The Presidential Electors fr<mi Michigan were: At Large —
Josiah C. Gray, Frank NY. Oilchrist. By Districts, in their numerical
order — -John Atkinson, Oscar J. R. Hanna, Sumner O. Bush, Harsen
D. Smith, William O. Webster, G. Willis Bement, Thomas B. Wood-
worth, Henry C. Potter, Digbv B. Butler, Rasmus Hanson, Lorenzo
A. Barker, Albert C. Hubbell.'
The official vote for Governor at the same election was as follows:
Hazen S. Pingree, Republican 304,431
Charles R. Sligh, Fusion 221,022
Robert C. Stafford, Prohibition 5,499
Ruf us V. Sprague, Xational Democrat 9,738
John Gilberson, National 1,944
A fusion of the Democrats and Populists elected Albert M. Todd
to Congress from the Third District, and PVrdinand D. Brucker in the
Eighth. The rest were Republicans, as follows: (li John B. Corliss:
(2) George Spalding; (4) Edward L. Hamilton; (.")) Wm- Alden Smith:
(6) Samuel W. Smith; (7) Horace G. Snover; (9) Roswell P. Bishop; (10)
Rousseau O. Crump; (11) William R. Mesick; (12) Carlos D. Shelden.
At the State election held about the middle of President McKin-
ley's term in 1898, the vote for Governor in Michigan was as follows:
Hazen S. Pingree. Republican 243,239
Justin R. Whiting, Fusion 168,142
Noah W. Cheever, Prohibition 7,000
Sullivan Cook, People's Party 1,656
George Hasseler, Socialist Labor 1,101
The Congressional delegation fnmi Michigan was again solidly
Republican: (1) John B. Corliss; (2) Henry C Smith: (3) Washington
Gardner: (4) Edward L. Hamilton; (5) William Alden Smith: (6)
Samuel W. Smith; (7) Edgar Weeks; (8) Joseph Fordnev; (9) Roswell
P. Bishop; (Kh Ronsscan O. Crump: (ID William S. Mesick: (12) Carlos
D. Shelden.
> /
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fiif >l,^n.. >^i. v#r-
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i t
0 /
XXXVII.
PRESIDENT MrKINLEY^S ADMINISTKATION.
Fornmtion of the New Cabinet — Two Matters of Cirave Domestic
Iinportance — T\w Curreney and the Tariff (iueations — Prompt
Action on Poth — Passaj^e of the Dingley Tariff Act — The
Hawaiian Ishmds Annexed — Strained Relations With Spain —
The Destrnction of tlie Maine — War Breaks Ont and Is Very
Speedily Terminated — Brilliant Operations in Cuba, Porto Rico
and the Philii)pines — Subsequent Desultory Warfare in the
Latter Islands.
President McKinley named the following members as his first
Cabinet :
Secretary of State — John Sherman, of Ohio.
Secretary of the Treasury — Lyman J. Gage, of Illinois.
Secret.ary of War — Russell A. Alger, of Michigan.
Secretary of the Navy — John I). Long, of Massachusetts.
Attorney General — John W. Griggs, of New Jersey.
Postmaster General — John A. Gary, of Maryland.
Secretary of the Interior — Cornelius N. Bliss, of New York.
Secretary of Agriculture — James Wilson, of Iowa.
This Cabinet, however, was not lasting, for before the Fifty-sixth
Congress met in December, 18JM), a number of changes had occurred:
John Hay, of the District of Columbia, had succeeded John Sherman
as Secretary of State; Elihu Root, of New York, was Secretary of
War; Charles Emory Smith, of Pennsylvania, was Postmaster Gen-
eral, and P^than Allen Hitrhcock, of Missouri, was Secretary of the
Interior.
Vice-President Hobart, who had proved an able and impartial
presiding ofllcer and who stood high in public esteem, died November
21, 1899, and was succeeded as President of the Senate by William
P. Frye, of Maine.
Two matters of grave domestic importance confronted the new
Administration when it first came into i)Ower, and our relations
484 HISTORY OF THE KEPrHLK AN PARTY.
with two foreign countries demanded immediate attention. The
most important of the domestic matters was such an adjustment of
tariff rates as would produce an inccmie sufticient for the needs of
the OovernnH»nt, and at the same time revive our depressed manufac-
turing industries. The \Vays and Means Committee of the last
Hous(», of which ( \)nji;ressman E. N. Dingley, of Maine, was a member,
had already sjKMit several months in the ])reparation of a Tariff Bill.
Their method was in marked contrast to that ado]>ted with the Mills
and \Vilson Bills, (ireat complaint was made that in the preparation
of these two, ])articularly the latter, the needs of very important
interests were entirely ip:nored, and that the most eminent business
men of the country could not even secure a hearing. The Bill was
prepared behind closed doors and was constructed upcm theory, with
little reference to the facts of experience. The Oingley Committee,
on the other hand, set ajiart many days for hearings from manufac-
turers, im])orters and other businessmen. The report of the evidence
taken at these meetings makes !i,:^tK) printed pages of matter bearing
cm almost every ]>hase of the tariff as it relates to the investment of
capital, the employment and wages of labor and the effect on import
and export trade. It is one of the most inqiortant and valuable eco-
nomic re]iorts ever printed by the Oovernmeni.
President ^IcKinley called Congress together in special session
^larch 15, only eleven days after he took the oath of office. His
message on the occasion was, in part, as follows:
\Vith unlimited means at our command, we ari^ presenting the
remarkable spectach* of increasing our public debt by borrowing
money to me(*t the ordinary outlays incident upon even an eco-
nomical and prudent administration of the Government. An
examination of the subject discloses this fact in every detail, and
leads inevitably to the conclusion that the ccmdition of the revenue
which allows it is unjustifiable and should be corrected. \Ve find by
the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury that the revenues for the
fiscal years ending June :^0, 1892, from all sources, were f425,868,-
200.22, and the expenditures for all purposes were f4 15,953,800.50,
leaving an excess of recei])ts over expenditures of f 0,9 14,45:^.00. The
receipts of the Government from all sources during the fiscal year
ending June ;>0, 180:>, amounted to ?401, 710,501.94 and its expendi-
tures to f45!),:iT4, 887.05, showing an excess of receipts over
expenditures of $2,341,074.29.
Sinct* that tinu* the receipts of no fiscal year, and with but few
excej)tions of no month of any fiscal year have exceeded the exi>endi-
tures. The re(cij>ts of the Government, from all sources, during the
PKESIDENT McKIXLKY S ADMINISTRATION. 485
fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, were 1372,802,41)8.29, and its expendi-
tures J442,005,7r)8.S7, leaving a delicit, the first sinre the resumption
of 8i»e<ie payments, of $69,803,2(i0.58. Notwithstanding there was a
decrease of |16;70tK 128.78 in tlie ordinary expenses of the Govern-
ment, as compared with the i)revious fiscal year, its income was still
not sufficient to provide for its daily necessities, and the gold reserve
in the Treasury for Ihe redemption of greenbacrks was drawn upon
to meet them. Hut this did not suffice, and the government tlien
resorted to loans to replenish the reserve.
The receipts of the Government for the fiscal year ending June
30, 1805, were $300,373,203.30, and the expenditures $433,178,420.4^,
showing a deficit of |42,805,223.i8. A further loan of $100,000,000
was negotiated by the (Jovernment in February, 1896, the sale netting
$111,10(),240, and swelling the aggregate of bonds issued within three
years to $202,315,400. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896, the
revenues of tlie government from all sources amounti^d to $409,475,-
408.78, whih^ its expenditures were $434,078,654.48, or an excess of
expenditures over receipts of $25,203,245.70. In other words, the
total receipts for the three fiscal years ending June 30, 1896, were
insufficient by $137,811,729.46 to meet the total expenditures.
Nor has this condition since improved. For the first half of the
present fiscal year the rec(*ipt8 of the government, exclusive of postal
revenues, were $157,507,603.76, and its expenditures, exclusive of
postal servic4N $195,410,000.22, or an excess of expenditures over
receipts, of $37,902,396.46.
Congress should lu'omptly correct the existing condition. Ample
revenues must be supplied not only for the ordinary (expenses of the
Government, but for the prompt payment of liberal pensions and the
liquidation of the principal and interest of the public debt. In rais-
ing revenue, duties should be so levied upon foreign i)roducts as to
preserve the home market, so far as possible, to our own producers;
to revive and increase manufactories; to relieve and encourage agri-
culture; to increase our domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and
develop mining and building, and to render to labor in every field of
useful oecuiation the liberal wages and adequate rewards to which
skill and industry are justly entitled.
Mr. Dingley was appointed Chairman of the Ways and Means
Committee of the new Housin and on the 19th of March reported the
Hill with a long statement of the changes which it made from the
existing tarilf, together with a statement somewhat similar to that
which the Tresident had made, of (he need of incretised revenues, and
an estimate* of the extent to whi<h the tariff changes would meet
this need. The most imi)ortant <hang(»s were in the wool and sugar
schedules. The tariff on wool and woolen goods was restored to a
protective rat(». That on sugars was changed from an ad-valorem
4S0 HISTORY OF THE REPUHLICAN PARTY.
duty to a spenfii- rate of 1.63 cents per pound, with a countervailing
duty equivalent to the export bounty paid by any country sending
sugars to us. A large number of other increases were made, and
the reciprocity policy was restored and its scope enlarged. The
House passed the Bill April 2. The Senate Finance Committee spent
about a month upon it, reporting it May 7. The Senate had the Bill
under consideration for two months, and passed it, with numerous
amendments, July 7. It then went to a Conference Committee,
where the different points of disagreement were adjusted, and it
finally ])assed the House July 10, and the Senate five days later. It
went into operation immediately, and its beneficent effects in reviv-
ing manufacturing industries and increasing the revenue were
speedily felt.
The question of our relations with the Hawaiian Islands came up
again early in McKinley's term. This was not, by any means a new
question. As early at 1842 President Tyl(»r sent a message to the
Senate in relation to these islands. Fillmore, in 1850, reiterated the
statements made by Tyler in favor of the annexation or protection
of the islands by our Government. Franklin Pierce, in 1854, desired
the annexation of Hawaii and authorized the negotiatioi^ of the treaty
of annexation of that year, but the treaty was not confirmed by the
Senate. President Buchanan, in 1849, as Secretary of State, stated
that English or French control of Hawaii would be highly injurious
to the United States. The annexation of Hawaii was favored by
President Grant. President Arthur was in full sympathy with the
Americanizing of Hawaii, and I'resident Harrison caused an annexa-
tion treaty to be negotiated in Hawaii.
President McKinley, early in his Administration, negotiated
another annexation treaty which he sent to the Senate, June 17, 1897.
Commissioners were namtMi on the part of both countries with full
power to carry out the terms of the treaty. These provided for the
cession by the Hawaiian Government to the United States of all the
territory of the islands, with their rights of sovereignty, all public
buildings and other property, the United States to assume the public
debt of the islands to the extent of |4,()00,()(M). Provision was also
made for the (exclusion of Chinese immigration, for the adjustment
of treaties with other ])Owers, and for the Government of the islands
during the transition period. This treaty was not acted upon during
the siKM'ial session of Congress, and during the regular session it
became evident that it could n(»t secure, in the Senate, the two-thirds
PRESIDENT M(KINLEY\S ADMINISTRATION. 487
vote necessary to its ratification. But the same purpose was accom-
plished by another method. A tender of the islands to the United
States, on very mucli tlie same terms as those named in the treaty
was formally made by President Dole, and this was accepted by
Congress by joint resolution, which required only a majority vote of
each House. Some objection was made to this method when it was
first proposed, as being an evasion of the Constitutional provision
requiring a two-thirds vote of the Senate for the ratification of a
treaty. The claim was made that even if the proposed transfer was
not, in termi?, a treaty, yet it amounted to the same thing. But
between the time when annexation was proposed in 18J)7, and the
lime when the joint resolution came up in 1898, the Spanish war had
intervened, showing the great importance to the United States of a
convenient coaling and naval station in the Pacific, and the danger
that might come to our interests, in case the islands should fall into
the hands of a hostile naval power. Whatever anti-annexation
feeling had before existed was nearly obliterated, and the joint
resolution now met with favor, it passed the House June 15, by the
decisive vote of 2{)\) to 91. The Senate debate on the matter con-
tinued from June 20 to July (>, and covertnl every phase of the
question. The resolution finally ])assed that body by 42 to 21, just
two-thirds of those voting. The President signed the resolution the
next day, and about a month later President Dole, on presentation of
a certified copy of the resolution, formally delivered over to Rear
Admiral Miller, representing the United States, the sovereignty and
public property of the islands. On the 1 2th of August the American
flag, which President Cleveland had ordered down, was again raised
over the Government buildings, this time to remain. In accordance
with the terms of the joint resolution, the President directed that the
civil, judicial and military systems of Hawaiian officials should con-
tinue until Congress could jjrovide a form of Government suited to
the new conditions. This was accomplished, upon recommendations
of Commissioners appointed to make the necessary investigations,
and early in 1S99 a T(*rritorial (lovernment for the islands was fully
established.
Tlu* <onditi(m of Cuba had for many years before this time been
a matter of great concern to the people of the United States. To go
no further back, the ten years' struggle which the Cubans made for
freedom in the period from 1808 to 1878, excited the liveliest sympathy
in this country, which was several times on the point of intervention.
48K HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
That war closed with promises of reform in the Cuban Government,
which Spain made only to break. The next revolt occurred in 1895
when (Jeneral (iomez landed with 5(10 men near Santiago de Cuba,
and soon raised an army which marched across the island and even
threatened Havana. Spain increased her armies on the Island to
100,0(M) men, a force sufficient to wipe out the insurgents if they could
nave been brought into an o])en fight. The insurgents, however,
carried on a desultory warfare, harassing the Spaniards at every
point, but avoiding conflicts with superior numbers. On the part of
the Spaniards the war was conducted with the greatest cruelty in all
its details. The Spanish General Weyler was shown to have been
privy to the assassination of General Maceo, the ablest of the Cuban
generals, and his policy of concentration had resulted in the death
of scores of thousands of non-combatants through exposure and star-
vation. The "reconcentrados," as they were called, were obliged
to leave their farms and plantations, and were huddled together in
certain designated towns, without sufficient protection from the ele-
ments, and with but a scant supply of food. The wholesale destruc-
tion of lile thus occasioned looked very much as if a policy of
extermination had been determined upon.
The Fifty-fourth Congress adopted a resolution, expressing
detestation of the Spanish methods in Cuba, and sympathy for the
Cubans. There was a disposition to make this a joint resolution
granting belligerent rights to the patriots, but the influence of Presi-
dent Cleveland went against this. Many bitter criticisms were made
upon the Administration in this connection. The President, espec-
ially, was chargiHl with going much beyond his duty in enforcing
neutrality. He undertook to police the seas beyond the three-mile
limit, and to seize vessels carrying munitions of war, for violating
neutrality. He went so far beyond the requirements of international
law that in only one case did the courts sustain him. The case of a
vessel called the Competitor presented such an outrageous infringe-
ment of neutral rights that the Government was at last aroused to
a mild form of intervention. The Competitor was seized while trying
to land munitions of war for the insurgents. Her crew were sum-
marily tried by court martial. \Vith()ut being allowed time for the
preparation of their case, or counsel of their own choosing, they
were found guilty and sentenced to be shot. Fortunately, the
sentence could not be carried out until it had been approved from
Madrid, and this gave opportunity for an American protest which
PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S ADMINISTRATION. 489
was heeded. The crew of the Competitor were convicted by the
court martial of piracy and treason. But their act had none of the
elements of piracy, and it could not be treason, because none of thosp
accused were Spanish subjects. One of them was an American.
The feeling on the subject of the Cuban war was so strong that
in the fall campaign of 1896 it found its way into many State Conven-
Tions, and into the National Conventions. The Republicans in their
St. Louis platform declared that *'the Government of the United
States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore
peace and give independence to the Island,'- while the Democratic
platform simply extended ^'sympathy to the people of Cuba in their
heroic struggle for liberty and independence."
At a special session of the Fifty-tifth Congress, called by Presi-
dent McKinley in March, 1897, the Senate passed a resolution recog-
nizing the belligerency of the insurgents, but the House failed to take
action upon it. President McKinley brought sufficient pressure to
bear upon the Spanish Government to secure the recall of General
Weyler, and a decree of autonomy for the Island. The insurgents,
however, distrusted the sincerity of the latter and kept up the w^ar.
In his annual message to Congress, December 0, 1897, President
McKinley explained at length the new duties and responsibilities that
a recognition of Cuban belligerency would impose upon this country,
declared that for the present such recognition was unwise and inad-
missible, and added:
It is honestly due to Spain and to our friendly relations with
Spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to realize her
expectations and to prove the asserted efficiency of the new order of
things, to which she stands irrevocably committed. She has recalled
the connnander whose brutal orders inflamed the American mind and
shocked the civilized world. She has moditted the horrible order of
concentration and has undertaken to care for the helpless and permit
those who de^iire to resume the cultivation of their fields to do so,
and assures them of the protection of the Spanish Government in
their lawfuj. occupations. She has just released the Competitor pris-
oners, heretofore sentenced to death, and who have been the subject
of repeated diplomatic correspondence during both this and the pre-
ceding Administration.
Not a single American citizen is now in arrest or confinement in
Cuba of whom this Government has any knowledge. The near future
will demonstrate whether the indis])ensab]e condition of a righteous
peace, just alike to the Cubans and to Spain, as w^ell as equitable to
all our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of Cuba, is
4110 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
likely to be altuiued. If not, the exij^eiu-} of further and other
action by the Tnited States will remain to be taken. \Vhen that time
comes, that action will be determined in the line of indisputable right
and duty. It will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy, in the
light ol the obligation this Government owes to itself, to the people
who have contided to it the protection of their interests and honor,
and to humanity.
The attitude of the K])anish residents of Havana became mon^
and more threateninu, and in January the battleship Maine was sent
to that port. She was anchored at a point in the harbor indicated
by the Spanish authorities, and on the 15th of February was blown
up by an outside exj)losion with the loss of a large part of her crew.
Five days later I'nited States (^)nsul (Jeneral Iah*, wrote from
Havana, referring to the arrests of Americans there:
I am under orders from AVashington, and I must obey instruc-
tions from head(iuarters. The department authorizes me to act a
certain way, and I but <-arry out my orders. I came here unprejudiced
and determined to form my oi)inions by what came directly under my
observation. From the moment I landed my American blood began
to boil, and if 1 stay here much longer and am forced to witness all
the indignities heapt^d upon my countrymen without restraint it will
literally boil away. They trample on our flag. They hiss us in the
streets. Americans are murdered, robbed and imprisoned. Indigni-
ties are heaped upon our women, and every atrocity conceivable for a
Spaniard to put on Americans is thrust upon us.
About the same tinu* Spanish sympathizers in that City openly
declared that if more American war8hii)S were sent they would
destroy the American consulate, and thus, by their own acts force a
war with the United States.
A >aval Court of Inquiry into the Maine disaster was ordered,
and reported that the battleship was destroyed by a submarine mine.
Squadrons of United States vessels were concentrated at Key West
and Hampton Roads, and on the Uth of April the President sent a
message to Congress asking for authority "to take measures to secure
a full and final termination of hostilities between the (Sovernment of
Spain and the peojile of Cuba, and to secure in the Island the estab-
lishment of a stable government, cajmble of maintaining order and
observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquil-
lity and the security of its citizens, as well as our own, and to use the
military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary
for this purimse." He also asked for an appropriation for feeding the
PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S ADMINISTRATION. 401
starving Reconceutrados. Congress made the aiipropriation, and on
April 9 adopted a joint resolution favoring Cuban independence, and
authorizing intervention. The Spanish Oovernment showed its
understanding of the resolutions by sending General Stewart L.
Woodford, American Minister at Madrid, his passports. The date of
this act, April 21, is accepted as the beginning of a state of war
between the United States and Spain, though the formal declaration
was not made by Congress till the 25th.
The short war that followed was, on the part of the United States,
one of the most brilliant in the military and naval annals of the
world. Our Navy was, in one sense, untried, for since the War of
the Rebellion it had seen no active service. Within that period the
old types of vessels had almost entirely disappeared, and new kinds
had been put in commission. Rut in able seamanship on the part of
officers, in fine discipline on the part of the marines, in expert marks-
manship on the part of gunners, a record was made worthy of the
splendid cruisers and battleships, to the building of which four dif-
ferent Administrations had devoted their energies. By the daring
and brilliant achievements of Commodore Dewey in passing the forts
near the entrance to Manila Ray and attacking the vessels which had
lendezvoused there, one of the best of the Spanish fleets was annihi-
lated. In the running fight olT Santiago Ray another was destroyed,
and it was only a few weeks after the beginning of the war before
the Spanish navy was swept from the seas. The vessels that were
not destroyed or captured remained sheltered in her home ports, not
venturing into open water outside the Straits of Gibraltar. The
direct losses of her Navy were twelve cruisers, representing a dis-
placement of 49,1)74 tons; two torpedo boat destroyers and twenty -one
gunboats.
The operations on land were eqimlly memorable. In an incredi-
bly short space of time, a volunteer force of H,785 officers and 207,244
enlisted men was raised and equipped as an addition to the 2,323
officers and 56,305 enlisted men of the Regular Army. In the few
engagements that they had they maintained the old American repu-
tation for endurance and bravery. In the engagements of Juragua,
San Juan Hill and El Caney the volunteer officers and men won
laurel wreaths as green as those which adorned the brows of their
comrades in the Navy.
Three months and twenty-two days sufficed to end the war by
the protocol to a treaty, though the treaty itself was not signed till
492 HISTORY OF THE REPrBLICAN PARTY.
December 10, 1898. The ]>riuei]ja] articles of the completed treaty
provided for the evacuation of Cuba by the Spaniards, the cession
of Porto Rico, Guam and the Philippine Islands, and for the acquire-
ment by the ['nited States of public property, and the relinquish-
ment of archives; determined the status of Spanish subjects remaining
in the <*eded territories and of incompleted contracts and law suits;
gave guarantees of the same terms to Spanish shipping and mer-
chandise as to that of the Tnited States in the Phili])pines for ten
years, and guaranteed religious freedom in the ceded territories on
the same terms as the treaty for the cession of Florida.
For Porto Rico, which thus became a possession of the I'nited
States a complete form of civil government, with provision for raising
the needed revenue was adopted at the first session of the Fifty-
sixth Congress.
I'nder the treaty Spain abandoned all pretensions to rule in
Cuba, but the Cnited States ( Government had previously announced
its pur])ose to give that Island an independent government as soon
as circumstances would permit. In October, 1900, Major General
Leonard \Vood, Governor (Jeneral, was able to report a most remark-
able improvement in the condition of the Island. Every town of
consequence had been provided with a hospital well equipped and
with all necessary supj)lies; the prisons had been overhauled and
their sanitary conditions greatly imj)roved; many hundreds of
accused persons, held long in detention without trial, had been
released; courts had been stimulated and urged to a ]u-oni]>t perform-
ance of their duties, and many judges, found derelict in their duty,
had been dismissed; inspectors of prisons had been appointed whose
instructions required them to visit every prison at least onc*e in
three nnrnths; correctional courts had been establislu^ for the trial of
minor offenses, with the privilege of jury trial; over 3,000 schools had
been established with 3,000 teacliers and 150,000 pupils; public build-
ings had been repaired and the streets in all the large cities had
undergone extensive paving and sewer improvements; a thoroughly
eflBcient mail service had been established; nearly 700 miles of jmst
roads had been built, and many hundred miles of old roads had bei^ii
put in rej)air and made passable; bridges had been rebuilt, and public
works, involving millions of dollars had been taken up and com-
pleted; a complete overland telegraj^h had been establisluni. The
Island had been restored to such order that a traveler might journey
from one end of it to the other, without fear of being assailed by a
PRESIDENT MeKINLEY'S ADMINISTRATION. 493
robber, aud without beiii^ solicited by a bej;i^ar. Meantime financial
and industrial conditions had been steadily improving. The Govern-
ment was self-support ng and had an unincumbered balance of $1,500,-
000 in the Treasury. A most etticient customs service had been
established of which many of the ofticers were Cubans, and the quar-
antine service had been thoroughly equipped and was rigidly
enforced. The tobacco crop for the year was an enormous one; the
sugar i)roduced, which had fallen to almost nothing during the devas-
tating war between Spain and Cuba, was, in the season of
1900, more than half as large as during the palmiest and
most pea<-eful days before the war, and all other indus
tries had been stimulated. Under the influence of this won
derful progress the people were content, and received with faith
the promises of the Ignited States to establish a stable government
in which they should have their share. Two general elections had
been held, one on June 15, 1900, for municipal officers throughout the
Island, and one Septemberl5, for delegates to the Constitutional Con-
vention. Both elections were conducted without American officials,
either military or civil, being at a single polling place in Cuba, and
without any interference whatever on the part of the American mili-
tary or civil authorities. There was not a single disturbance in
either election.
The whole story was one of marvelous reconstruction, rapid
progress, and high regard for the welfare of the peojile such as had
never before been approached in the colonial history of any country
In the Philii)pine Islands matters were more difficult of adjust-
ment. Armed bands of insurgents, under the lead of Aguinaldo,
maintained a d(»sultory warfare throughout the Island of Luzon
through the year 1899 and nearly all of 1900. It is a well established
fact that they derived great encouragement from the **Anti-Imper-
ialisC- talk of a few prominent Republicans and many Democrats,
including the head of the Democratic ticket.
The diphmiacy of the I'nited States won great praise from other
Nations during the troubles that occurred in China in 1900. A strong
force of insurgents, or revolutionists, under the name of the
'•Boxers'' opened what they intended to be a war of extermination
against all foreigners, destroyed many of the missicm stations and
besieged the legations of all the great Powers at Pekin. The United
States, Great Britain, Russia, (iermany, Austria, France and Japan,
united in sending troo])S for the rescue of their ambassadors and
494 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
consuls and the protection of their interests. It was through the
influence of the United States that communication was first opened
with the besieged legations, and it was largely through the same
influence that a disposition shown by other Powers to obtain indem-
nity by the acquisition of Chinese territory received its first check,
and the dismemberment of the Chinese Empire was for the time at
least prevented.
In financial and industrial results the achievements of the first
McKiniey Administration were most marked. The Currency Bill,
passed at the first regular session of the Fifty-fifth Congress, settles
a number of questions which have been agitating the public for some
years. It establishes, by definite statute, the gold standard in finan-
cial transactions. By forbidding the reissue of greenbacks once
redeemed, it stops the *Vndle88 chain" method of drawing gold from
the Treasury. By authorizing National banks to issue currency np
to the face value of bonds deposited, and by reducing from f 50,000
to 125,000, the capital necessary for establishing such banks, it opens
the way for an increase of curren<»y when needed, and for furnishing
banking facilities to the smaller towns. By fixing the denominations
of silver certificates at flO and below, and of United States notes at
$10 and above, it gives a larger circulation to the former, at the same
time that it provides for the gradual retirement of the Treasury
notes. It provides for the refunding of the National debt in bonds
drawing only two per cent, interest. This is a lower rate of interest
than that paid by any other Crovernment, and when it was proposed
predictions were abundant that the bonds could not be floated. Yet
Avithin three months of the time the Currency Bill passed, f300,000,-
000 of the two j)er cents had been taken. They were then quoted
at 1.06 while British 2} jier cent, bonds were selling at .98.
When President McKiniey called the extra session of Congress
in March, 1897, he urged that ample revenues be provided;
that "duties should be so levied as to preserve the home market
so far as possible to our own producers; to revive and increase
manufactures; to relieve and encourage agriculture; to increase
our domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and develop mining and
building; and to n^ider to labor in every field of useful occupation the
liberal wages and adequate rewards to which skill and industry are
justly entitled."
-V great mass of figures might be given to show that all these
results luave been achieved. But a few will suftice. During the
PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S ADMINISTRATION. 495
thirty -five months tiie Wilson Tariff was in operation there was a
total deficit of more than |;i08,()()0,(MM) in the public revenues. In the
first thirty-two months of the operation of the Dingley tariff the
surplus revenues, eliminating? war receipts and expenditures, and the
amounts derived from the Pacific Kailroad seltlements, exceeded
?45,000,000.
The story of improved trade and industry is succinctly told by
Ihe following table of exports and imports for the fiscal year ending
June 30, 181)6, under the Wilson taritT and a Democratic Administra-
tion, as compared with those of the year ending June 30, 1900, under
ihe Dingley tariff and a Reimblican Administration:
IMPORTS.
189G. 1900.
Articles of food and animals. . . . f 237,025,045 |218,479,098
Articles in crude condition for
use in manufactures 209,368,717 302,264,106
Articles wholly or partly manu-
factured for use as materials
in manufacture and the
mechanics arts 94,733,719 88,433,549
Articles manufactured readv for
consumption ! . . . . 145,274,039 128,885,697
Articles of voluntarv use, luxu-
ries, etc ' 93,323,154 111,652,220
Total 1779,724,674 |849,714,670
EXPORTS.
Products of Agriculture |t569,879,297 | 8.35,912,952
Manufactures 228,571,178 432,284,366
Mining 20,045,654 38,997,557
Forest 33,718,204 52.309,484
Fisheries 6,850,392 6,289,664
Miscellaneous 4,135,762 4,682,142
Total 1863,200,487 »1,394,1 86,371
The benefit of the change to manufacturers is shown in the fact
that in sj)ite of enormously increased <-onsumption th(» imi)orts of
manufactured goods ready for final use diminish(Ml, while the imports
of crude materials to be used in manufa<tures increased about |93,-
000,000. American labor received the lH»nefit of wages paid for
working u]) these crude materials. The (^xjmrts of manufactured
articles in four years increased ^203,713,188, or almost 90 per cent.
XXXVIII.
TWELFTH KEPI BLICAN CONVENTION.
A Large and Harmonious Gathering at Philadelphia — Members
Present Who Were 1 delegates to the First Republican Conven-
tion in the Same City — Admirable Presentation of Campaign
Issues by the Chairman — A Strong Platform Adopted — President
McKinley Unanimously Renominated — Large Number of Per-
sons Mentioned for the Vice-Presidency — ^The Nomination Final-
ly Thrust Lpon an rnwilling Candidate.
The preliminaries to the Twelfth Re])ublican National (.Conven-
tion lacked the interest that attends a contest between a number of
aspirants for the chief honors of the Nation. From the time the
call was issued till the last Territory had named its delegates no
other naipe was mentioned for the Presidency except that of William
McKinley. There was a mild preliminary skirmish over the nomina-
tion for the Vice-l^residency, but even that was settled before th»*
time came for making the nomination. The number of contesting
delegations was unusually small and those were settled by the Com-
mittee on Credentials. There was only one thing during the whole
proceedings that threatened any acrimonious debate. That was the
Old, old proi>osition to change the representation in future National
Conventicms, so as to i)ut it on the basis of Republican votes cast
instead of on i)oi)ulation. The Southern delegates were prepared to
oppose this, but it was withdrawn without giving opportunity
for discussion. So it turned out that in this Convention of
more than IMM) deh*gates there was not a division nor a roll
call on any disjuited (juestion, nor an occasion for any parlia-
mentary tangle. No one objected to the temporary organization
nor to the jjermanent organization, nor to the report of the Commit-
tee on Rules, nor to that of the Committee on Platform, nor to the
nominal ion for President, nor to that of Vice-President. It was the
first time in the history of parties that candidates for both these high
TWELFTH KEPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 497
offices iiave been uoDiiuated bv unanimoiiH vote on the first ballot
There were none of the frenzied demonstrations of ai)plause, lasting
ten or fifteen minutes thajt have sometimes occurred when a close
contest between candidates has wrought a Convention u]) to a high
l)itch of excitement; but there was still abundant enthusiasm and
suj)reme confidence in the result of the coming contest.
The business sessions were held at Convention Hall, Philadel-
phia, commencing Tuesday, June 19. They were preceded, the
evening before, by a i)arade that has never been ecjualed by any affair
of the kind in any gathering of any party. About 80,000 men marched
in line, making five miles of j)arty enthusiasm, and it was viewed
by 300,000 spectators, who yelled themselves hoarse in the glare
of red light and to the accompaniment of i)atriotic airs. The marching
army re])resented the supjmrters of McKinley Republicanism, from
the bluffs of Maine to the shores of California. Prominent in the
ranks were the Young Men's Blaine Club of Cincinnati, the Cook
County Marching Club of Chicago, the First Regiment Band of Cin-
cinnati, the Pioneer Corps of Westchester, Pa., and the Cook Fife
and Drum Band of Denver. Senators Hanna, Piatt and Quay, Gov-
ernor Roosevelt, Lieutenant-Governor Woodruff and other prominent
party leaders reviewed the trudging thousands and waved their
handkerchiefs until they were tired.
As the assemblage gathered on Tuesday, there were o(»cupying
prominent seats upon the platform four men who were delegates to
the first Convention of the party held in Philadeljihia, June 17, 1850.
All were members of the regular Ohio delegation. Three of them
were prominent in the Anti-Slavery fight that led to the Convention
held in Pittsburg, February 22, 1856, which was the precursor of the
Philadelphia gathering and these men therefore claim to be among
those who were chiefly instrumental in forming the Republican party.
The three men who were first at Pittsburg and later at Philadelphia
were Judge Rush R. Sloane, Sandusky, ().; General R. Brinkerhoff,
Mansfield, ().; and Hon. George R. Trey, Springfield, O. Judge W\
H. rpson, of Akrcm, O., was at the Philadelphia Convention, but not
at that in IMttsburg.
Among th(* distinguished members of the party whose entran<e
was greeted with demonstrations of applause, were Cornelius N
Bliss, of New York, who had been urged to go on the ticket as Vice
President, but who had absolutely refused the use of his name;
Governor Theodore* Roosevelt, of New York, who had, up to that
498 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLICAX PAKTV.
time, put the same honor from him; Senator Wolcott, of Colorado,
who had free silver leaninjijs in 1S94 and 1896, but who stayed with
the party, in which he was a^ain in full fellowship; Senator J. B. For-
aker, of Ohio; Henry Cabot Lod^e, of Massachusetts; Cushman K.
Davis, of Minnesota; Chauncey M. Deix^w, of \ew York; Senator Fair-
banks, of Indiana, who was also a Vice Presidential possibility, and
not by any means the least observed. Senator Mark Hauna of Ohio
Mr. Hanna, as chairman of the National CommittiH^, called the
Convention to order, j>aid a j^racefnl tribute to the City of Philadel-
phia in which it was held, ])redicted su<Mess in the coming campaign
and expressed his ji:ratihide for the loyal and efficient service which
the National Committee rendered durinj^ the campaign four years
previous. He then introduced Senator \Volcott, of Colorado, as Tem-
porary Chairman. ^Mr. WolcotCs address was an admirable pre-
sentation of the issues of th(* coming: cam]>ai^n. He referred to the
destructive effects of four years of Democratic misrule upon the
industries and credit of the country, and continued:
Facing? these difficulti(»s, the President iumiediately ujion his
inauj^uration convened Conjjress in (»xTra s(»ssion, and in a message
of force and lucidity summarized the legislation essential to our
National prosi)eri(y. The industrial history of the I'nited Stales for
the past four years is the tribute to the wisdom of his judpnent. It
is quickly ei)itomized. The tariff measure under which we are now
conductinji: business was prered^nl by an unusual volume of impor-
tations based u])on common knowledjre that certain duties were to
be raised; the bill met the jiopular demand that duties on many of
the nt^-essaries of life shcmld be lowered and not raised; advances
in invention and new trade conditions made it unnecessary and
unwise to n^vert to the hijjher tariff provisions of the law of 1890;
the increases in the r(»venue provisions were slij!:ht. Yet, notwitli-
standinj; all these facts, tendinjr to reduce income, the revenues from
the Dinj^ley bill marched steadily upwards, until soon our normal
income exceeded our normal expenditure, and we i>assed from a con
dition of threatened insolv(»ncy to one of national solvency.
This ti»lls but a small fraction of the story. Under the wise
provisions of our tariff laws and the en<-ouraji:ement affordtnl to cap-
ital by a rcMiewal of public <ontiden<e, trade commenced to revive.
The looms wer<* no lonji^er silent and the mills deserted; railway earn-
inj^s incn*as(»d, mer<hants and banks resumed business, labor found
employment at fair waj^es, (uir exports increased, and the sunshine
of hope apiin illumined the land. The fijrures that illustrate the
j^rowin^ j»rosperity of the four years of Rejmblican administration
well mijrht staj^fj^er beli(*f. There isn't an idle mill in the country
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 41)9
today. The mortgages on western farms have been paid by the tens
of thousands, and our farmers are contented and jirosperous. Our
exports have reached enormous figures; for the last twelve months
our exports of merchandise will exceed our imports by $550,000,000.
Our manufactured articles are finding a market all over the world
and in constantly increasing volume. We are rapidly taking our
place as one of the great creditor nations of the world. Above and
beyond all, there is no man who labors with his hands, in all our
broad domain, who cannot find work, and thp scale of wages was
never in our history as high as now.
Passing over, for the moment, the events associated with the
war, let me refer briefly to other legislation of the past four years.
We passed a National Bankrupt Act, a measure rendert^d essential
by four years of Democratic rule, and under its beneficent provisions
thousands of honest men who were engulfed in disaster because of
the blight of the Democratic policy, are again enabled to transact
business and share the blessings of Republican prosperity.
Senator Wolcotl then recounted the achievements of the past four
years in the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, the settlement of
the Pacific Railroad obligations, the passage of the Currency Act and
the successful conduct of the 8])anish War; spoke about the respon-
sibilities of the Nation in connection with its new possessions, and
nuide a strong declaration in favor of the retention of the Philippines.
His remarks on each one of these topics were met with approving
cheers; but the most enthusiastic applause greeted his declaration
in favor of retaining the Philipjunes, and the statement that on the
money question the East and the West were no longer divided.
The Michigan delegation was composed as follows: At large —
Frank J. Hecker, of Detroit; Delos A. Blodgett, of Grand Rapids;
William McPherson, Jr., of Howell; William E. Parnall, of Calumet.
By Districts- (1) William Livingstone and August Marxhjiusen, of
Detroit; (2) Charles L. Edwards of Carleton, and Leslie B. Robertson,
of Adrian; (*ij Edward N. Dingley, of Kalamazoo, and George E.
Howes, of Battle Creek; (4) George E. Bardeen, of Otsego, and George
M. Valentine, of Benton Harbor; (5) Henry Spring of Grand Rapids,
and Brinton F. Hall, of Belding; (6) Frederick W. Higgins, of Wood-
mere, and Russell C. Ostrander, of Lansing; (7) John E. Wallace, of
Port Austin, and Charles F. Moore, of St. Clair; (8) Ralph Loveland,
of Saginaw, and HarA'ey B. McLaughlin, of Vernon; (9) A. Oren
Wheeler, of Manistee, and Earl Fairbanks, of Luther; (10) Edward
F. Land, of Au Sable, and Victor D. Sprague, of Cheboygan; (11) Ren
J^arker, of Reed City, and William H. C. Mitchell, of Traverse City;
5(M) HISTORY OF THE REPriU.KWX PARTY.
(12) Murray M. Duncan, of Ishpeniing, and Thoinsi^ F. Cole, of Iron-
wood.
William Livinp:8tono was Chairman and l^iinton F. Hall Sem-
tary of the delepition, and Convention ofticers and members of rom
mittees were as follows: IVrmanent Orpmization, I^slie B. Robert
son; Rules and Order of Business, William MiPherson, jr.; Treden-
tials, Russell C. Ostrander; Resolutions, Edward N. Din^ley; to notify
Presidential n(uuine<\ Col. F. J. Ileeker; to notify Vice-Presidential
nominee, William E. Parnall; member of National (\unmittee, William
H. Elliott.
An interesting incident of the second day's proceedings was the
marshaling, ujion the platform, of fifteen surviving members of th.»
Republican Convention at IMttsburg, February 22, 185G, one of their
number bearing a tattered American Hag which had been presenttnl
as a relic of that occasion. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massa-
chusetts, designated as Permanent Chairman of the Convention, was
escorted to the platform by (lovernor Shaw, of Iowa, and Governor
Roosevelt, of New York, amid great applause. Senator Lodge gave
the Convention another good instalment of sound Republican doc
trine and encouragement. He mentioned the chief incidents of Presi-
dent McKinley's Administration, referred to other achievements of
the party, but added that we did not exi)ect to live upon the past.
The Rei)ublican party was ]>re-eminently a party of action, and its
march was ever forward. He then considered our duties with refer-
ence to our new possessions and to other new i)roblems that are
before us. His reference to Hawaii and the presence of representa
tives of that new acquisition brought the delegates to their feet in
a lusty greeting to the Hawaiians. Mr. I^odge's reference to tbf
policy of the Governm(»nt toward Cuba and the Philippines, brought
out frequent manifestations of approval. His brilliant tribute to tho
American soldiers fighting in the Tropics closed with the sentenet'i
^'They are our soldiers and we will sustain them." In the reception
of the si>eeches of both Senators Wolcott and Lodge, and throughout
the proceedings the Convention showed that the opjiosition war cry
of **Anti-lmperialisnr' had no terrors for a Republican body. The
day's proceedings closed with the reading of the report of the Com-
mittee on Resolutions, which was adopted without dissent, as f<il-
lows :
The Rciniblicans of the United States through their chosen
rci»resentatives m(*t in National Conv<*ntion, looking back upon an
TWELFTH KP:rrHLl(\VN CONVENTION. 501
unsurpassed record of acliievenient and lookinjr forward into a great
lield of duty and oi)portunity, and appealing to the judgment of their
countrymen, make these declarations:
The expectation in which the American i)eople, turning from
the Democratic party, entrusted jmwer four years ago to a Repub-
lican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress, has been met and
satisfied. When the people then assembled at the i)olls, after a term
of Democratic legislation and administration, business was dead
Industry paralyzed and the national crt*dit disastrously impaired.
The country's capital was hidden away and its labor distressed
and unemployed. The Democrats had no other plan with which to
improve the ruinous conditions, which they had themselves produced,
than to coin silver at the ratio of 10 to I. The Rei)ublican party,
denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse than
those from which relief was sought, promised to restore i)rosperity by
means of two legislative measures — a protective tariff and a law
making gold the stai^dard of value. The people by great majorities
issued to the Republican party a commission to enact these laws.
This commission has been executed, and the Rejuiblican promise
is redeemed. Prosperity more general and more abundant than we
have ever known has followed tliese enactments. There is no hmger
controversy as to the status of any (jovernment obligations. Every
American dollar is a gold dollar or its assured eipiivalent, and Ameri-
can credit stands higher than that of any other Nation.
Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably occu
l>ied. No single factor more strikingly tells the story of what
Republican government means to the country than this — that during
the whole period of 107 years from 1700 to 1S07 there was an excess
of exports over im])orts of only ?»Ii88,0li8,407. There has been in the
short three years of the present Republican Administration an excess
<»f exports over imports in the enormous sum of |1,4S.%537,094.
And while the American i)eople sustained by this Republican leg
islation have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their business
and commerce, they have conducted and in victory concluded a war for
liberty and iiuman rights. No thought of National aggrandizement
tarnished the high pur])ose with which American standards w^en*
unfurled.
It was a war unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came tjie
American (lovcn-nment was ready. Its fleets w'ere cleared for action.
Its armies were in tlie field, and the quick and signal triumph of its
forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage of American
soldiers and sailors and to the skill and foresight of Rei)ublican states
manship. To ten millions of the human race there was given '*a new
birth of fn^edom," and to the American people a new and noble respon
sibility.
We indorse the Administration of William McKinley. Its acls
have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and
502 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
abroad it has distinctly elevated and extended the influence of the
American Nation. Walkinji: untried paths and facing unforeseiMi
responsibilities, President McKinley has been in every situation the
true American patriot and the upright statesman, clear in vision,
strong in judgment, tirm in action, always inspiring and deserving the
confidence of his countrymen.
In asking the American people to indorse this Republican record
and party, we remind them of the fact that the menace to their pros
perity has always resided in Democratic principles and no less in the
general incapacity of the Democratic party to conduct public aflfairs.
The prime essential of business prosjierity is public confidence in
the good sense of the Government and in its ability to deal intelli-
gently with each new problem of administration and legislation.
That confidence the Democratic party has never earned. It is hope-
lessly inade(iua(e, and the country's i)rosperity when Democratic
success at the polls is announced, halts and ceases in mere anticipa-
tion of Democratic blunders and failures.
We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard and
declare our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of the Fifty-
sixth Congress by which the parity of all our money and the stability
of our currency upon a gold basis has been secured. We recognize
that interest rates are a potent factor in production and business
activity, and for the purpose of further equalizing and of further low-
ering the rate of interest, we favor such monetary legislation as will
enable the varying ne<*ds of the season and of all sections to be
promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained, labor
steadily employed, and commerce enlarged. The volume of money in
circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day.
We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited
coinage of silver. No measure to. that end could be considered which
was without the support of the leading commercial countries of the
world.
However firmly Republican legislation may seem to have securcHl
the country against the peril of base and discredited currency, the
election of a Democratic President could not fail to impair the
country's credit and to bring once more into question the intention of
the American people to maintain upon the gold standard the parity of
their n?one\ circulation. The Democratic party must be convinced
that the American people will never tolerate the Chicago platform.
We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest operation
of ca])ital to meet new business conditions, and especially to extend
our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies
and combinations intended to restrict business, to create mouopolien.
to limit production, or to control prices, and favor such legislation as
will effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and pro-
mote competition, and secure the rights of producers, laborers, and all
who are engaged in industry and commerce.
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 503
We renew our faith iu tlie i)()li<v of protection to American labor.
In that policy our industries have been established, diversified and
maintained. By protecting the home market competition has been
stimulated and production clieapened.
Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has been secured
and wages in every department of labor maintained at high rates,
higher now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working
people in their better condition of life from those of any competing
country.
Enjoying the blessings of the American common school, secure in
the right of seif-government, and j)rotected in the occupancy of their
own markets, their constantly in<reasing knowledge and skill have
enabled them linally to enter the markets of the world.
We favor the associated policy of recij>rocity, so directed as to
open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves
produce in return for free foreign markets.
In the further interest of Anierican workmen we favor a more
effective restricticm of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign
lands, the extension of opportunities of education for working chil
dren, the raising of the age limit for child labor, the protection of free
labor as against contract convict labor, and an effective system of
labor insurance.
Our present dej)endence on foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our
foreign carrying is a great loss to tUt» industry of this country. It is
also a serious danger to our tr.ide, for its sudden withdrawal in the
event of European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign
commerce. The natioiuil defense and naval efficiency of this country,
moreover, supply a compelling reas<m for legislaticm which will enable
us to recover our former ]>la( e among the Trade carrying fleets of the
world.
The nation owes a dc^bt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and
sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the government's duty
to provide for the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those
who have fallen in the country's wars.
The i)ensi(m laws, founded on this just sentiment, should be lib-
eral, and should be liberally administered, and preference should be
given wherever practicable with respeet to (Muployment in the public
service to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans.
We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining
the eflHciency of the civil service. The Administration has acted
wisely in its efforts to secure for public service in Cuba, l*orto Rico,
Hawaii and th(» IMiilippine Islands only those whose fitness has been
determined by training and (experience. We believe that employment
in the public service in these territories should be confined as far as
practicable to their inhabitants.
It was the i)lain puri)ose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Con
stitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in
504 HISTORY OF THE REPFBLICAN PARTY.
regard to the elective franchise. Devices of State (rovernments,
whether by statutory or Constitutional enactment, to avoid the
purpose of this amendment are revolutionary and should be con-
demned.
Public movements looking to a i>ernianent improvement of the
roads and highways of the <-ountry meet with our cordial approval,
and we recommend this subject to the earnest consideration of the
people and of the l^egislatures of the several states.
We favor the extension of the rural free delivery service wherever
its extension may be justified.
In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican
party to provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend
adequate National legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the Unitt*d
States, reserving control of the distribution of water for irrigation tn
the respective states and territories.
We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood of
the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma.
The Dingley Act, amended to provide sufticient revenue for the
conduct of the war, has so well j)erfornied its work that it has been
possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of |4(>,(M)t),000. So ample
are the Government's revenues and so great is the ))ublic confidence
in the integrity of its obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent,
bonds sell at a premium. The country is now justititMl in ex])e<*ting
that it will be the policy of the Republican jiarty to bring about a
reduction of the war taxes.
We favor the construction, ownership, control and proteetion of
an Isthmian canal by the (lovernment of the I'nited States.
New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm
products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain new
markets, esj)ecially in the Orient, and the Administration is warmly
to be commended for its successful etl'ort to commit all trading and
colonizing nations to the jiolicy of the open door in China, In the
interest of our expanding comjuerce we recommend that Congress
create a Department of Commerce and Industries in the charge of a
Secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The rnite<l States Consular
system should be reorganized under the supervision of this new
department upon such a basis of ajipointment and tenure as will
render it still more serviceable to the Nation's increasing trade.
The American Government must ]>rotect the person and proi>erty
of every citizen whenever they are wrongfully placed in peril.
We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid
record of jmblic service in the Volunteer Aid Association, and as
nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of our
armies in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we appreciate their
faithful co-operation in all works of education and industry.
President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the
Cnited States with distinguished credit to American people. In
TWELFTH REPUBLirAN ( OXVENTION. 505
releasing us from the vexatious conditions of a European alliance for
the Government of Samoa his course is especially to be commended.
Hy securing to our undivided control the most important island of the
Samoan group and the best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every
American interest has been safeguarded. We approve the annexation
of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.
We commend the part taken by our government in the Peace
Conference at The Hague.
We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in the
Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of The Hague Convention were
wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his friendly
offices in the interest of peace between (Ireat Britain and the South
African Republics.
While the American Government must continue the i)olicy pre-
scribed by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding President, and
imposed upon us by The Hague treaty, of non-intervention in Euro-
pean controversies, the American people earnestly hoi)e that a way
may soon be found, honorable alike to both contending parties, to
terminate the strife between them.
In accejiting, by the treaty of Paris, the just responsibility of our
victories in the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the
undoubted approval of the American i)eople. No other course was
possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the Western
Indies and in the Philippine Islands. The course created our respon-
sibility before Ihe world, and with the unorganized po])ulation whom
(mr intervention had freed from Sj)ain, to i)rovide for the mainte-
nance of law and order, and for the establishment of good gOAernmenl
and for the performance of internati(mal obligations. Our authority
could not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign
rights were extended it became the high duty of the government to
maintain its authority, to put down arm(»d insurrection, and to confer
the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued people.
The largest measure of self-government consistent w ith their w^elfare
and our duties shall be secm-ed to them by law.
To Cuba, independence and self-government were assured in the
same voice by whi<h war was declared, and to the letter this pledge
shall be performed.
The Republican party, upon its history and upon this declaration
of its principles and policies, confidently invokes the considerate and
approving judgment of the American people.
Although the renomination of President McKinley was predeter-
mined, and its effect on the Convention to some extent discounted.
yet the event added much of interest and enthusiasm to the third
day's proceeuings. The nominating speech by Senator Foraker, of
Ohio, was given with a vigor, elocjuence and magnetism characteristic
50G HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
of the man. His review of the aehievenients of the McKinley Admin-
istration was brilliant and epigrammatic. When he referred to the
passage of the financial legislation during the last session of (^ongress,
upon the recommendation of the President, the (Convention ch€*ered
the sentiment enthusiastically. His reference to the great leader of
the party, the successes already achieved by him and the grave
responsibilities now being carried forward by him, caused frequent
and long-continued applause. But it remained for his closing sen-
tence, for the lirst time mentioning William McKinley by name as the
nominee, to electrify the great multitude. Everyone stood and waved
and yelled. State standards were wrenched from their places and
borne aloft with umbrellas, great plumes of red, white and blue, a
perfect tempestuous sea of color. Senator Hanna sprang to the front
of the stage, a tiag in one hand and a jjlume in the other, and led in
the tremendous demonstration. Not content with their frenzied hur-
rahs on the lloor, the delegates now marched in solid ranks upon the
platform, with standards, plumes, banners and flags. After the
demonstration had continutnl seven minutes, the Ohio delegation,
where centered the waves of sound, moved up the aisle, while all the
other State delegations, bearing aloft their standards, formed in a
grand procession about the hall.
When Governor Roosevelt, of New York, rose to second the nom-
ination of McKinley there was another tremendous demonstration, as
much perhaps for the sj^eaker, as for the man whom he supported.
The Governt)r made a very taking s]>eech, using nmny short, terse
sentences, especially in describing the Democratic attitude toward
public events. He made an esjiecially strong appeal to the Gold
Democrats, and one of his best appreciated hits was that at the New-
York Ice Trust, as follows: ''Until our opponents have explicitly
and absolutely rejuidiated the prin(!iples which in MM; they jirofesseil,
and the leaders who embody these principles, their success mean^
the undoing of the country. Nor have they any longer even the
excuse of being honest in their folly. They have raved, they havt*
foamed at the mouth in denunciation of trusts, and now, in my own
State, their foiemost j)arty leaders, including the* man before whom
the others l)ow with bared heads and trembling knee, have been dis-
covered in a trust which really is of infamous, and, perhai)s, of <Tiin-
inal character; a trust in which these ajiostles of Democracy, these
prophets of Hie new disjiensation, have sought to wring fortunes
from the dire need of their [loorer brethren." In conclusion. Governor,
TWELFTH REPrHT.KWN (X)NVENTION, 507
Roosevelt declared the Kepiiblican party and the Aiuerican i)eople
challenged the futnre and they were eager for the labor laid out for
them as if by Providence. The closing words of the (lovernor brought
another demonstration, and for a minute it seemed that the Con-
vention would at once make two nominations instead of one. Plumes
went up and standards again left their sockets to be waved on high.
As the Governor left the platform he waved a salutation to the
moving throngs and one in particular toward the radiant face of his
wife, sitting just outside the area of delegates.
The nomination of McKinley was further supported by Senator
John M. Thurston, of Nebraska; John W. Yerkes, of Kentucky;
(leorge Knight, of Illinois, and Governor James A. Mount, of Indiana
The roll of states was then called, the result being 980, a unanimous
vote for McKinley. On the announcement there was another burst
of applause, with a display of plumes and standards. The huge form
of an elephant was brought into the hall. Around its neck were
entwined garlands of flowers. Laughter and applause were mingled
as the great emblem was borne about. The demonstration in honor
of the President's nomination lasted five minutes, and then the Chair-
man called for the resumjition of business.
The manner in which the nomination for Vice-President came
about was something unique in the history of Conventions. Early
in the year public sentiment turned toward Governor Theodore
Roosevelt, of New York, as the strongest man for the place, but he
positively forbade the use of his name, and a large number of others
were mentioned as suitable candidates, the following among them:
Secretary of the Navy John D. Long, of Massachusetts; Ex-Secretary
of the Navy Cornelius N. Bliss, Lieutenant Governor Timothy L.
Woodruff, and State Chairman B. B. Odell, of New York; Senator
i\ W. Fairbanks, of Indiana; Senator W. B. Allison, Representative
Dolliver and Governor Shaw, of Iowa; Governor Schofield, of Wis-
consin; Representative Jeter C. Pritchard, of North Carolina; Ex-
Senator Washburn, of Minnesota; Senator E. O. Wolcott, of Colorado,
and Irving M. Scott, of California. Of these Ex-Secretary Bliss who
was supposed to be the favorite of the Administration, and Senator
Allison absolutely refused to be considered candidates. Lieutenant
Governor Woodruff and B. B. Odell were, it was understood only
tentative candidates, put forward by the New York leaders to keep
their delegation together. Some of the other candidates were not
taken very seriously and when the Convention oi)ened the contest
508
HI8T0KY OF THE REIM'BLICAN PARTY.
had apparently uarrowod dowu to Secretary Lonjj and (Congressman
Dolliver, with The Administration influence in favor of Long. A
caucus of the ^lichipui delegation on the morning of the 20th showed
VA votes for Dolliver, 9 for Long, 1 for Koosevelt and 1 for Scott, with
four not voting. But early in the Convention T. i\ Piatt, of New
York, and Ex-Senator Quay, of IVnnsylvania, commenced an agitation
which they kei)t up continually in favor of Roosevelt. The motive
assigned to IMatt was to get Roosevelt out of New York politics,
while Quay was credited with the purpose to annoy President Mc-
Kinley and rhairman
Hanna by sidetracking
the candidate whom
they favored. What-
ever the motive, the
Roosevelt seed which
they sowed fell upon
congenial soil, and soon
began to bear fruit.
Roosevelt, who unques
tionably preferred to
run for another term as
(rovernor of New York,
remonstrated and pnv
tested, but the current
<• o n t i n u e d to set
strongly in his favor.
Whenever he appeared
in the Convention he
was greeted with ap-
plause, and influential
THEODORK ROOSEVELT. men of the party urged
him to forego his individual preference. When the day for making
nominations came it was evident that the Convention would not take
no for an answer, and the (lovernor reluctantly consented.
When the order of nominations for \'ice-President was reachi^
Colonel Lafe Young, of Iowa, in behalf of the delegation from that
State, withdrew the name of Jonathan }\ Dolliver, and in an eloquent
speech nominated (iovernor Roosevelt. The demonstration which
followed the announcement by Colonel Voung of (iovernor Roosevelt
as the candidate of the young men of the country, who represented
TWELFTH KKl^nUJrAX (CONVENTION. 509
their desireB and their anibitiuiis and embodied tlieir jiatriotism and
Americanism, was not second to tlial accorded the President's nam(».
The vast assemblage sprang to its feet and State emblems, pampas
pinnies, handkerchieis and hats fairly tilled the air. The band in
the main gallery began to play "There'll He a Hot Time in the Old
Town Tonight," and to the inspiring strains the deh»gates began
marching around the hall, filing jmst Governor Koosevelt as he sai
in the New York delegation and extending to him their <'ongratula-
tions. In the procession of standards after the nomination of
Roosevelt was one of the women delegates from Ttah, who presented
him with a big bunch of roses, for which (Governor Roosevelt returned
a profound bow. Several of the Kansas delegates removed their
beautiful silk sunflower badges and threw them upon Governor
Roosevelt during the march of the delegat(*s. The demonstration
lasted nearly seven minutes, when the Chairman with difficulty
restored order and recognized Butler Murray of Massachusetts for
a speech seconding the nomination of Roosevelt. He spoke in behalf
of **old New England," and elicited another demonstration for the
rough rider candidate. An additional second was made l)y General
James M. Ashton, of Washington, when loud calls arose for '^Depew!"
Response was made by Senator Chauncey M. Depew, of New York,
who rounded out the speech-making of the Convention by an eloquent
and witty address. In the course of his remarks he gave the follow-
ing incidents of Colonel Roosevelt's career:
We call him Teddy. He was Jhe child of New York City, the
place that you, gentlemen fnmi the West, think means ^'couiions,
rlubs, and eternal damnation for every one." Teddy — this child of
Fifth avenue, he was the child of the clubs; he was the
child of the exclusiveness of Harvard College; and he went
West and became a cowboy and then he went into the Navy
I)ej)artment jind became an Assistant Se<retary. He gave* an
order, and the old chiefs of bureaus came to him and said: **Why,
Colonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn this jmiw
der." "Well," said the Colonel, **we have got to g(*t ready when war
<omes, and powder was nmnufa<*tured to be burned." And the burn
ing of that powder sunk Cervera's fleet outside of Santiago's harbor,
and the fleet in Manila bay.
At Santiago a modest voi<*e was heard, exceedingly polite,
addressing a militia regiment, lying u]»on the ground, while Spanish
bullets were flying over them. This voice said: *'Get one side, gen-
tlemen, please; one side, gentU»men, j»lease, that my m<»n can get out."
And when this jiolitc man got his men out in the ojxmi where they
510 HISTORY OF THE REPl' BLICAN PARTY.
could face the bayonet, and face the bullet, there was a transforma-
tion, and the transformation was that the dude had become a cowboy,
the cowboy had become a soldier, the soldier had become a hero, and,
rushing up the hill, pistol in hand, the polite man shouted to the
militiamen, lying down: "Give them hell, boys! Give them hell!"
Senator Depew also told, amidst great laughter and applause, a
couple of stories, of which this is one:
There was a lady with her husband in Florida last winter, he
was a consumptive, and she a strenuous and tumultuous woman. Her
one remark was, as they sat on the piazza: '*Stop coughing, John."
John had a hemorrhage. The doctor said he must stay in bed six
weeks. His tumultuous wife said: "Doctor, it is impossible. We
are traveling on a time-limited ticket and we have got several more
places to go to." So she carried him off. The next station they got
to the poor man died, and the sympathetic hotel proprietor said:
*Poor madam! What shall we do?" She said: **Box him up. I have
got a time-limited ticket and several more places to go to."
Now, we buried 16 to 1 in 1896. We put a monument over it
weighing as many tons a« the Sierra Nevadas when gold was put
into the statutes by a Republican (^ongress and the signature of
William McKinley. Colonel Bryan has been a body snatcher. He
has got the corpse from under the monument, but it is dead. He
has got it in its coffin, carrying it along, as did the bereaved widow,
because he says: '*! must. 1 must. 1 am weddinl to this body of sin
and death. 1 must. 1 must. Because 1 have a time-limited ticket
which expires in November.'-
Senator Depew's remarks were followed by tumultuous applause
and calls for *'Roosevelt!" ''Teddy!'- "Roosevelt!" the roll of states
was called, announcement was made that the vote was unanimous,
925 for Roosevelt, and with another burst of applause the serious
work of the Convention ended.
XXXIX.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900.
Bryan's Hupreniaey in the Democratic Convention — He Is Absolute
Dictator in Respect to the Platform — He Is the Candidate, Also,
of the Populists and Silver Republicans — Adlai E. Stevenson
and Charles A. Towne Nominated for Vice President — The Lat-
ter Reluctantly Withdraws — The Letters of Acceptance — Ani-
mated but One-Sided Campaign — The Imperialist Cry — Division
of the Gold Democrats — A Decisive Victory for the Republican
Ticket.
The Deniocratic National Convention which met in Kansas City,
July 4, 1900, ju'esented the remarkable spectacle of a great party
with only one candidate considered available for the Presidency, and
absolutely dominated, as to its platform, by that candidate. William
Jennings Bryan, of Lincoln, Nebraska, had already been nominated
for President at a National Convention of Populists, held at Sioux
Falls, Iowa. It was understood that he was entirely acceptable to
the Silver Republicans who were to meet in Kansas City at the same
time that the Democratic Convention was held, and a large number
of the State Conventions of the latter party had given him their
indorsement. His nomination by acclamation was assured before
the Convention met.
About the platform, however, there were two antagonistic opin-
ions. The Democratic leaders and a large majority of the delegates
favored, when they left home, the singing of the silver song in minor
key. It was argued that Bryan, himself, stood sufficiently for the
free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, and that it was not
necesssary to make that prominent in the platform; that a reasser-
tion of that doctrine would further alienate the Gold Democrats
who bolted the ticket four years earlier and that a much stronger
light could be made on an anti-imperialist, anti-trust platform. The
believers in this theory advocated a simple reaffirmation of the Chi
512 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
cago pl.itforiii of 1896, without sjiecific* mention of free roinage, or
the 16 to 1 ratio. On the other liand it was argued that the Populisi
and Free Silver Republican alliance turned more upon this question
than upon any other, and that if the platform was not explicit upon
this subject, there would be a loss of votes from those allies; that
the Gold Democrats were traitors anyway, having bolted four years
ago and that the parry ought not to sacritice its convictions, beliefb
nor policies in the hoi>e of coaxing them back again.
This dilTerence of opinion was a matter of serious discussion for
some days before the Convention met, and there was much speculation
as to what Bryan's wishes in the premises were. At last it was given
out by men very close to him that he would have been content in the
first place, with a simple reaffirmation of the Chicago platform, but
that the Eastern Democrats, some of whom had just crawled back
into the party, had already given the Silver question such prominence
in their discussions, that nothing sliort of a definite declaration on
the subject would answer. This was not accepted as final, and the
ultimate belief was that Bryan could have his own way in the matter,
but that he must say jiositively what he wanted. If he did this the
Convention, however reluctantly, would accede to his wishes, and he
must take the resjionsibility for the results.
Of the wishes of the Free Silver Republicans Senator Teller, of
Colorado, left no doubt, and he was better entitled to si>eak for them
than auA other person. He said the demand for a simple reaffirma-
tion of the Chicago platform without other reference to the financial
question came from the Gold Democrats who did not support Bryan
In 1896, and it was doubtful whether some who insist upon the pursu-
ance of this course would support him in 1900. In many of the states
west of the Alleghenies there were thousands of voters who would
support Bryan and the Democratic party on account of their position
on the financml question. These people believed in the free coinage
of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, and they would regard a simple reaf-
firmation of the Chicago declaration as an attempt to minimize the
Silver question. They would not believe that such an omission was
insisted upon by the Gold Standard Democrats for any other pur)M>se
than to make it ajijK^ar that the contention for free silver coinage at
16 to 1 had been abandinied by the Democratic party.
It ^as with the whole matter, to a certain extent, in the air,
that the Convention met at noon on the 4th of July. The piir[>o8e
had been expressed by many of the leaders to push business along so
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 513
that they couid celebrate iDdepeudence Day by nominating Bryan and
adopting the platform. But no such blue fire and sky rocket method
proved feasible, for the Committee on Resolutions were in session the
whole afternoon and evening without coming to an agreement. In
their absence the (Convention did little except listen to the reading of
the Declaration of Independence and to a long and tedious speech
from its temporary Chairman, Governor Thomas, of Colorado, and a
shorter but more spirited one from the permanent (^hairman, James
D. Kichardson, of Tennessee. The Committee on Resolutions was
very evenly divided on the 16 to 1 question, and it was given out at
night that there would probably be two reports. Meantime Bryan
came a little nearer giving his ultimatum. At least his most intimate
friends conveyed the impression that unless there was a s[)ecific 16 to
1 declaration he would not accept the Democratic nomination, but
would run on a separate Populist and Free Silver ticket. One signifi-
cant event of the day w^as the refusal of the New York delegation to
put David Bennett Hill on the Committee on Resolutions, a position
which he much desired. The delegation was virtually controlled by
Richard Croker, the Tammany Hall Sachem, whose course was di(!-
tated partly by the desire to humiliate Hill and i)artly to prevent
Hill's making the strong fight which he purposed on the Silver
question.
On the second day of the Convention the Committee on Resolu-
tions, by a vote of 26 to 24, agreed upon a i>latform and a member of
the Committee afterwards told how that and various other events
came about:
Mr. Bryan knew that the so-called ^'Conservative*' Democrats
were after him. He feared that a <'onvention held in Chicago or Mil
waukee or Si. I.ouis or any City so far east could be packed with
people opposed to a redeclaration for 16 to 1. Also with i)eople
opposed to William J. Bryan. He knew that a majority of the dele-
gates were apt to be against silver, and that with congenial
surroundings they might easily upset Mr. Bryan's ambitions. He
would have preferred Omaha or Denver as the Convention City, but
feared that the selection of either would be too palpable a Bryan
move and therefore he chose Kansas City and its dis(!omforts. Here
he knew his (Convention could be packed only with jieople friendly to
himself. But his far-reaching designs did not end with the selection
of a Western Convention City. Even here he knew the Convention
was in danger of capture and a great many carefully planned details
were arranged to keep the Bryan feeling at fever pitch.
It was by liryan's instructions that July 4 was selected for the
opening of the Convention, and he wanted very much to be nominated
514 HISTORY DF THE KEri'BLKWN TAKTY.
on that day. It was by Bryan's instructions that the immense Con-
vention Hall was stuffed and packed with j>eoi)le until even the seats
and aisles of the delegates were invaded, and the press section so
jammed and conji^ested with the jireneral public that no newspaper
man could be sure of his seat unless he hired some one to hold it for
him, and after he had it, could not work because of the crowd stand
inji: in his way in every direction.
It was by Bryan's directions that a jifreat Bryan demonstration
was sprunj>: in the Convention the precedinji: nij^ht by this great mob
in order that the imnu^nse j»opularity of Bryan mip:ht be realized by
those delep:ates who were considerinjj a determined fight in the Con-
vention against a radical free silver plank.
It was by Bryan's directions that Bryan buttons were to be had
for nothing on every corner, while the silver plank of the platform
was in doubt. It was Bryan, Bryan on every hand, and it was all
arranged in order to effect the result which the night before hung in
the balance.
It was Bryan's idea to have a private wire from Kansas City to
his home in Lincoln, and McKinley never watched the Spanish war
with more anxiety, or followed its movements in his war room more
closely than Bryan followed the <'onvention. He was instantly
apprised of everything, and his lieutenants were constantly carrying
out his direct orders.
When the Committee* on I^esolutions showed by its first test vote
that an exj»licit declaration for 10 to 1 was going to be defeated a
recess was taken and Mr. Bryan notifii^d. When the session was
resumed and the time for another vote approached Senator Jones
stood uj), and, with Bryan's telegraphic orders in his pocket, informed
the Committer* of the exact situation: **Oentlemen,'' he said, "you
can defeat this out-and-out exj^ression for silver if you want to, but
before doing so it is my duty to warn you of the consequences. Unless
you reiterate the distinct declaration for 10 to 1 Mr. Bryan cannot
accept your nomination for President, but neither can he decline the
Populist nomination already received, nor the Silver Republican nom-
ination he is about to receive. Those Conventions stand true blue for
silver. He must run on their ticket. What the effect will be upon
our ticket yon gentlemen, who are to be responsible for the action of
this committee, must decide."
Among those who were strongly opposed to the IG to 1 declara-
tion was Senator Hill, of New York, who was willing even to let
Bryan go, rather than to adopt that declaration. It was understowl
that he and two or three others would make a fight in the Convention
against the [Hatform, but they did not, and the declaration, as agrt^ed
upon by the ('ommitt(»e. went through without a murmur. It opent*d
with a reaffirmation of the Declaration of Indej»endence; denounced
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 515
the Porto Rico Law passed by Congress at its last session; condemned
the Philippine policy of the Administration and favored ^*an immedi-
ate declaration of the Nation's purpose to give the Filipinos, first, a
stable form of government; second, independence, and third,
protection from outside interference, such as has been given for
nearly a century to the Republics of Central and South America."
After these declarations came the following plank on imperialism:
**The importance of other questions now pending before the American
people is in no wise diminished, and the Democratic party takes no
backward step from its position on them, but the burning issue of
imperialism growing out of the Si)anish w^ar involves the very exist-
ence of the Republic and the destruction of our free institutions. We
regard it as the i)aramount issue of the campaign.'-
Then came a declaration that the Republican party was insincere
in its reference to the Monroe Doctrine, a plank on militarism and one
on trusts. After all these came the silver plank, as follows: ^*We
reaffirm and indorse the principles of the National Democratic plat-
form adopted at <'hicago in 181)(>, and we reiterate the demand of that
platform for an American financial system made by the American
people for themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic
price level, and as part of such system the immediate restoration of
the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal
ratio of IG to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other
Nation.'' Denunciation of the Currency Bill passed at the last session
of Congress, and utterances on half a dozen other current questions of
the da^' completed the document. Three days after the Convention
adjourned it occurred to some of the leaders that there should have
been an income tax plank, and so they added one, making the con-
venient plea that the omission in the first place was the fault of a
typewriter. They had run the campaign of 1890 on a platform,
four chiuses of which were not read in the Chicago Convention, and
there was no reason why they should not smuggle into the campaign
of 1900 one declaration which the Kansas City delegates never heard.
Following the adoption of the platform came the presentation of
Bryan's name for the I'residential nomination. Up to this time the
j)roceeding8 in open Convention had been tame, except as Chairmjin
Richardson's spirited address evolved some enthusiasm. But the
demonstrations upon the first juesentation of l^ryan's name, and upon
its subsequent repetition, were a fiattering (»vidence of the hold
which his strong personality has uj)on the party. His name was pre-
516 H18TOKY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
seuted by W. I). Oldham, of Nebraska, who closed with a personal
eulogy of the candidate, delivered with impassioned fervor. This
was the signal for prolonged cheers, the waving of flags and handker
chiefs, music by the band, and a ])rocession of delegates carrying their
State banners around the hall. Nebraska's nomination was sup-
ported by a dozen other States, and a roll call gave him a unanimous
vote.
The nomination for Vice-1'resident was a matter of more discus-
sion. Charles A. Towne, who had already received the Populist
nomination for the same jiosition, was an active and anxious candi-
date. He was as eager to get the Democratic nomination as Roosevelt
had been to get away from the Republican. The Silver Rejmblicans
and the American Monetary League, in session at Kansas City, both
expressed a preference for Towne. Bv\t there was a feeling in the
Democratic Convention that with a 16 to 1 plank in the jilatform and
Rryan at the head of the ticket, there was about all the free silver
that the party could carry. A candidate was sought who was not
specially identified with that movement, and Adlai E. Stevenson, of
Illinois, Vice-President during Cleveland's second term, was put
forward. The most popular delegate in the Convention was undoubt
edly Senator Hill, of New York, although he was opposed to the 16
to 1 delegation, and was not at all enamored of Bryan. Tammany
Hall tried to take advantage of his [)opularity by pushing him into
this nomination, but when his name was presented Hill took the plat-
form, and in a vehement speech, mingled with personal appeal, stayed
the tide that threatened to sweep him into the unsought {>osition.
Next to Hill, Stevenson was the favorite and after his name was
presented it received seconds from a number of states. The roll call
showed 551)i/o votes for Stevenson, 200 for Hill and 89V4 for Towne.
Tennessee then changed her 24 votes from Hill to Stevenson, and
enough other changes were si)eedily made to give him the 624 neees
aary to a choice.
Meantime the Silver Republican Convention had adjourned,
having first given to its oflficers and the Executive Committee of the
party, power to decide upon a Vicc^-Presidential nominee. After a
conference with the Democratic National Committee and a sub-coni
mittee of the Populists, and with the consent and advice of Mr.
Towne, they endorsed the nomination of Stevenson. Mr. Towne, after
some weeks of delay, withdrew from the I'opulist ticket, in favor of
Mr. Stevenson, and made a few speeches for the combination caudi
THE CAMPAIGN OF 11)00. 517
dates. Not more tliau one set of Electors was nominated in any
State to represent this eoni hi nation.
The llrst week in September, 1898, the Middie-of-the-Road Popu
lists, as they called themselves, that is, those who were opposed to
fusion with any other party, met in Cincinnati and nominated
Wharton Barker for I'resident and Ignatius Donnelly for Vice-Presi
dent.
The first Nationnl assembly of the Christian Political Union, con
vened in Kock Island, 111., May 1. As a preliminary to deciding
whether to organize a political party, the Convention discussed the
theme, '*The Principles of Christ; Shall We Apply Them in Concrete
P'orm to State and National <iovernment Through a Christian Politi-
cal Union or Party?'' The Convention answered the question in the
aflSrmative by unanimous vote. The name United Christian party
was adopted m place of (Miristian Political Union. Dr. Silas C. Swal-
low, of Harrisburg. Pa., and elohn G. liooley, of Chicago, were
nominated as candidates for I'resident and Vice-President of the
United Stat(*s. The platform adopted declares for: **The abolition of
laws which require a desecration of the Sabbath, authorize unscrip
tural marriage and divorce, and encourage the sale of liquors as a
beverage; equal rights for men and women; arbitration as against
war; governnu^nt ownership of i)ublic utilities; election of President
and Vice-President and United States Senators by direct vote of the
I>eople."
The Prohibition National Convention, in session in Chicago, June
28, nominated John G. Woolle}', of Illinois, for I'resident, and Henry
H. Metcalf, of Rhode Island, for Vice-President.
The so-called National party held a Convention in New York,
September 5, with less than 100 delegates present, half of whom were
from that City, and placed in nomination for President, Senator Don-
aldson Caffery, of Louisiana, and for Vice-President, A. M. Howe, of
Cambridge, Mass.
The ["nion Reform party, by a referendum vote, the result of
which was announccMl in New York, September 5, nominated Seth H.
Ellis, of Ohio, for President, and Samuel T. Nicholson, of Pennsyl-
vania, for Vice-1'resident.
The Social Democrats nominated for President Eugene V. Debs,
of Indiana, and for \' ice-President Job Ilarriman, of California.
In this year of conventions there was still another, making the
eleventh, held by the so-called Deleon Socialists who nominated for
518 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
President, Joseph ¥. Maloney, of Massachusetts, and for Vice-Presi-
dent, Valentine Rennvil), of Pennsylvania.
Some of these scattered organizations, however, ceased their
labors, after going through the form of making nominations and
were not heard of again during the campaign.
I'residejnt McKinley, in his letter accepting the renomination,
reviewed at length the affairs of his Administration, paying particu-
lar attention to the course of events in the Philippines, which he
recognized as of grave importance in tlie campaign. Upon this
subject he said, in part :
There has been no time since the destruction of the enemy's
fleet when wt: could or should have left the Philippine archipelago.
After the treaty of peace was ratified no power but Congress could
surrender our sovereignty or alienate a foot of territory thus acquired.
We are in agreement with all of those who supported the war
with Spain, and also with those who counseled the ratification of the
treaty of peace. Upon these two great essential steps there can be
no issue, and out of these came all our responsibilities. If others
would shirk the obligations imposed by the war and the treaty, we
must decline lo act further with them, and here the issue was made.
It is our purpose to establish in the Philippines a Government suita-
ble to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants, and to prepare
them for self-government, and to give them self-government when
they are ready for it and as rapidly as they are ready for it. That
1 am aiming to do under my Constitutional authority, and will con-
tinue to do until Congress shall determine the political status of the
inhabitants of the archipelago.
AN'ould our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our
sovereignty or cede it to them? If that be not their purpose, then it
should be promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the
hopes raised by our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that
with their success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal
of our Army over the archii>elago; the complete independence of the
Tagalog peo[)le recognized and the powers of government over all the
other peoples of the archijielago conferred u[)on the Tagalog leaders.
We are asked to transfer our sovereignty to a small minority in
the islands without consulting the majority, and to abandon the
largest portion of the population to the cruelties of the guerrilla
insurgent band. More than this, we are asked to protect the minor-
ity in establishing a government, and to this end repress all opposition
to the majority. We are required to set up a stable government in
the interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and fired
upon our soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost against its enemies
within and against those having ambitions and designs from without.
THE CAMPAiaX OF 1900. 519
This would require an Army and Navy far larger tlian is now
maintained in the Thilippines, and still more in excess of what will
be necessary with the full recognition of our sovereignty. A military
support of authority not our own, as thus i>roposed, is the very essence
of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose, but
which, by their policv, would of necessity be established in its most
otTensive form.
The President took no farther part in the campaign, remaining
most of the time quietly at home, nmking no speeches and writing no
political letters.
Mr. Bryan, in his letter of acceptance, again declared his loyalty
to the lf> to J policy and to frt»e trade; denounced the Dingley tariff,
the Republican Currency Act, and the trusts; discussed various
phases of the labor question, and sjmke very brietiy upon the questions
at issue in respect to the rhilijipine Islands. Mr. Stevenson's letter
of acceptance was very short, and was devoted largely to a protest
against 'war of conquest" and against Imperialism.
Mr. Roosevelt, in his letter of acceptance, discussed the questions
at issue at considerable length, and followed this by a series of
campaign tours, surpassing in amount of travel and number of
speeches made anything in the history of politics in this country
except the Bryan tours of J89G. One of the lirst states which he
visited was Michigan where he opened the campaign early in Septem-
ber by addressing a meeting of over 4,000 people in Light Guard
Armory, Detroit. He went thence to Bay City, where he was greeted
by an immense crowd, made up in j)art by excursionists from the
shore towns along Lake Huron. A demonstration of equal magnitude
awaited him at Saginaw, and in his tour across the State he addressed
crowds at Owosso, Lansing, Jackson, Eaton Rapids, Charlotte, Hast-
ings, (frand Rapids, Holland, Allegan, Kalamazoo, Grand Junction,
Benton Harbor, Xiles and some of the interlying towns. He con-
tinued his tour to the far West, and then through part of the South
and East, ending up with a ten days' campaign in New York State.
In all he visit(*d twenty-four States, traveled 21,200 miles and made
(573 speeches.
Candidate Bryan also made many sj^eeches and was received with
nearly as great favor as he was in 189(). Having secured a complete
recognition of his money views in the various Conventions that nom-
inated him he was content to let that matter take secondary place
in the general m(M»tings. In his speeches he dwelt more upon the
dangers to the industries of this country from trusts, and the dangers
520 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
of centralized power and an ini[)eriali8tic policy. The latter was the
keviiote to much of Ihe Ueiuoeratic oratory throughout the country.
In this they received some aid and encouragement from the National
Anti-imperialistic League, which met in Indianapolis, August 15, and
which included some prominent Republicans, as well as Democrats.
It denounced the policy of the Administration and practically
endorsed Bryan.
The eftorts of these men were very largely counteracted by the
views expressed by candid men who were familiar with the situation
in those islands. The lamented General Lawton, who made it a
practice to examine thoroughly every subject in which he became
interested, went to the Philippines strongly prejudiced against our
occupation of those islands, calling the struggle an '*unholy" war.
His observations there effected a complete change in his views and he
wrote to Hon. John Barrett, United States Minister to Siam:
I would ro God that the truth of this whole Philippine situation
could be known to €»very one in America as 1 know it. If the real
history, inspiration, and conditions of this insurrection, and the influ-
ences, local and external, as well as the actual possibilities of these
islands and jieoples and their relations to this great East, could be
understood at home, we should hear no more talk of unjust "shooting
of government" into the Filipinos or hauling down the flag in the
Philippines. If the so-called Anti-Imperialists could honestly ascer-
tain the truth on the ground, and not in distant America, they, whom
I believt* to be honest men misinformed, would be convinced of the
error of their statements and conclusions, and of the unfortunate
effect of their publications here. If I am shot by a Filipino bullet, it
nmy as well come from one of my own men, because I know from
observation, conllrnied by captured prisoners, that the continuance
of fighting is chiefly due to reports that are sent out from America.
Dean U. Worcester, of Michigan University, one of the Philip-
pine Uommission, is another witness to the same purport. In a letter
received from him, October 25, by Regent Dean, of the University,
he said:
Conditions were improving here very rapidly up to the time
Bryan was nominated and began to talk in public. The result of the
announcement of his i)olicy in r(»gard to the Philippines was to put
a stop to the imj^ortant surrenders, which were steadily being made
under the terms of the amnesty, and to bring about renewed hostili-
ties through the worst districts here in Luzon.
AVe know absolutely, from captured correspondence, that this
desperate elTort to keep up a show of resistance is being made only
THE CAMPAIGN OF IJIOO. 521
in the hope of infliienciug the election at home, and important insurg-
ent leaders like 8indieo sjiv that, unless Bryan is elected or the war in
(?hina draws troops from these islands, they will give up their useless
efforts in November. 1 therefore do not look for any general improve-
ment in the situation until after the Presidential election; but, with
that out of the way, I expect to see a speedy change for the better.
At present the insurgents are resorting to that last resort of a failing
cause, wholesale assassination. They are putting prices on the heads
of men known to be friendly to the Americans, and are resorting to
the most fiendish tortures and mutilations in order to influence the
common people by fear.
The Gold Democrats did not make separate nominations in this
campaign, and did not cut as conspicuous a figure as in the contest
four years earlier. Their votes were divided, some supporting Bryan
on other issues, and some voting for McKinley. Among those, who
openly advocated McKinley's election were two members of Presi-
dent Cleveland's Cabinet: Postmaster General Don M. Dictkinson, of
Michigan, and J. Sterling Morton, of Nebraska, Secretary of Agri-
culture. James II. Eckles, Comptroller of the (currency under
President Cleveland, was also quite active in the campaign for McKin-
ley. On the 29th of October, Ex-President Cleveland wrote a letter
to Don M. Dickinson, in which he referred to a speech nmde by him
in April, 1897, saying that he could not suppress or abate from it,
and would not if he could, and saying also that he should not object
to any use which Mr. Dickinson might see fit to make of it. This
was a speech in which Cleveland condemned the course of those who
were sowing the seeds of discontent and cultivating a growth of
sectional and class suspicion and distrust. He also regretted to see
the remedy for supposed financial ills proposed in the free coinage of
silver with a depreciated currency and cheap money. The reference
to this speech showed plainly enough that Mr. Cleveland's sympathies
in the pending cam])aign were against Mr. Bryan and his followers.
There were no October elections this year to furnish an indica-
tion of the drift of public sentiment. Oregon, in June, gave an
unusually large Republican majority. Vermont and Maine, in
September, gave majorities considerably smaller than those in 189f>.
But the careful canvass made by the Republican committees in
various states indicated a triumph of very large proportions, and
their most hopeful indications and prophecies w^ere surpassed by the
results. McKinley and Roosevelt carried every Northern State
except Colorado, Idaho, Montana and Nevada, and in those the Bryan
522 HISTORY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
majorities were mneh less than they were in 1896. Republican Elec-
tors were also chosen in Delaware, Maryland and West Virginia.
The total Electoral vote was: For McKinley and Roosevelt, 295;
Bryan and Stevenson, 152. The Republican plurality on the popular
vote was nearly 900,000, being the largest ever given to any candidate.
In Michigan Bryan carried only one County, and the highest
Republican Elector had 105,108 plurality. The Republicaos also
elected a solid Congressional delegation as follows: (1) John B. Cor-
liss; (2) Henry C. Smith; (3i Washington Gardner: (4) Edward L.
Hamilton; (5) William Alden Smith; (6) Samuel W. Smith; (7) Edgar
Weeks; (8) Joseph W. Fordney; (9) Roswell P. Bishop: (10) Rousseau
O. Crump; (11) Archibald B. Darragh; (12) Carlos D. Shelden.
XL.
kepi:bli(\\n state conventions.
The Executive Nominating (Tatlierings From JS56 to the Present
Time — The Gubernatorial Candidates from Bingliam to Bliss — A
Long Koll of Public Spirited and Distinguished Men — A Number
of Close and Interesting Contests — Ballots for the Head of the
Ticket in Detail — Names of the Candidates for other Offices — A
Series of Splendid Successes Broken by Only Two Defeats —
Treatment of Public Questions by the Various Conventions —
How the Magnificent Gathering of 1878 Met the Greenback
Onslaught — The Party's Treatment of the Temperance, Silver
and Taxation Questions — Its Attitude in 1900.
In the second and third chapters of this publication an extended
account is given of the various State gatherings out of which was
evolved the Republican party of Michigan. The foundations were so
well laid and the work of organization was so well done that, so far
as its State Executive and Judicial tickets were concerned the party
moved along the path of victory with no setbacks and with but little
friction for more than a quarter of a century. The names of the
candidates for Governor with details of the votes cast for that official
and for Presidential Electors in the various contests, with the names
of delegates to Republican National Conventions, and the names of
all Electors chosen, are given under the approjiriate chapters in the
first volume of this work; but brief additional details of the different
Conventions may be interesting.
The Convention of 1856 was held at Marshall, July 9, and was
large, earnest and enthusiastic. The newly organized party had
been triumphant in 1854, and was confident now. Fremont had been
nominated for President, and the general campaign had opened with
spirit. Among those present at this gathering were many who took
part in the proceedings at Jackson two years earlier, and others
who afterwards became prominent in State and National affairs.
524 HIKTOKY OF THE REPUBLK'AX PARTY.
Josiah Turnf^r, of Livingston, was i)ernianent Chairman of the Con-
vention. The old State tiiket was renominated, the National platform
was endorsed, and an Electoral ticket, headed by Fernando C. Bea-
man, was ])hieed in the tield. Bin|>:hanfs majority for (lovernor two
years earlier, was 4,1>77. It was now more than trebled, being 17,317.
The Convention of 1858 met in Detroit, August 1, and was called
to order by James M. Edmunds, Chairman of the State Central Com-
mittee. Austin Blair was both Temporary and Permanent Chair-
man. On the first ballot for Governor, Hezekiah G. Wells, of Kala-
nuixoo, had (Jl) votes, to 50 for Moses Wisner, the rest scattering
among a nun»ber of candidates. On the third ballot Mr. Wisner had
a majority and was declared the nominee. As the old incumbents
had all served two terms, there was a new list of candidates, and a
contest for Uiost of the offices. Jacob M. Howard was the only one
of the old officers r<»nominated, the full list being as follows: Lieu-
tenant (Sovernor. E. B. Fairtield; Secretary of State, N. B. Isbell;
Treasurer, John McKinney; Auditor General, Daniel L. Case; Com-
missioner of the State Land Office, James W. Sanborn; Attorney
(leneral, Jac(»b M. Howard; Superintendent of Public Instruction,
John M. Gregory; Member of the Board of Education, Witter J.
Baxter. The j^latform, rejjorted by H. H. Emmons, was brief and
ccmttned chielly to National affairs. In the election that follow<Ml
Wisner's majority was 1),135.
The Conv»»ntion of 1860 was called to order in Merrill Hall.
Detroit, June 8, by E. C. Walker, Chairman of the State Central
Committee. Alexander Campbell, of Manjuette, was Temporary, and
Robert R. Beecher, of l^enawee, was Pernuinent Chairman. On the
tirst ballot for (lOvernor. Austin Blair, of Jackson, had 108V^ votes,
and Jam<*s M. Edmunds, of Detroit, 6:^lo. Mr. Edmunds* name was
then withdrawn and Mr. Blair was nominated by acclamation. The
rest of the ticket was as follows: Lieutenant Governor, James
Birney; Secretary of State, James B. I'orter; State Treasurer, John
Owen; Auditor General, L. G. Berry; Commissioner of the State
Land Oflice, S. S. Lacey; Attorney General, Charles Upson; Superin-
tendent of Public Instruction, John M. Gregory; Member of the State
Board of Education, Edwin Willits. The Naticmal Convention had
made a platform for the whole country, and Michigan Republicans
jiccejited it as tluMr creed. In the evening an immense ratitication
meeting, attended, it was said, by 8,000 people, was held. The Repub-
licans of the Stnte shared m the enthusiasm with which the campaign
REPUBLirAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 525
throughout the country was eoudueted, and gave their candidate for
Governor 20.585 majority. It gave the Republican Presidential
Electors a plurality of 23,423, and a clear majority of 22,213.
The Convention of 1862 followed the example of 1856 in giving the
(lovernor a second term, a practice which has sinre become almost
invariable with the party. E. C. Walker was Temporary and William
A. Howard Permanent Chairman of the Convention. Mr. Blair's
renomination for Governor was effected by a vote of 180 out of a
t<»tal of 207. Chavles S. ^lay was nominated for Lieutenant Governor
and Henry T. Backus for Secretary of State. The State Treasurer,
Commissioner of the State Land Office, and the educational officers
were renominated. Emil Anneke w^as designated for Auditor
General, and Albert Williams for Attorney General. The platform
was long and patriotic. The cami)aign came during a period of
depression caused by the slow pr(»gress of the Cnion armies. Yel
it was vigorously conducted and resulted in a majority of 6,614 for
Blair. J. W. Tillman was Chairman of the State Central Committc^e.
The Conventi<m of 1864 was held after the Democratic National
Convention had declared the war a failure, and the Rt*publicans had
renominated Lincoln. It was one of the most exciting periods of
Mie war, and the issue of the election was uncertain. The Union
victories, which afterwards gave assurance of political success, had
not yet come. The Convention was held in Merrill Hall, Detroit,
with John M. Lamb, of I^apeer, as Temporary and Robert R. Beecher,
of Lenawee, Pennanent Chairman. There was a close contest for
the nomination for Governor between Henry P. Baldwin, of Detroit,
and Henry H. Crapo, of Flint, the latter w inning on the fourth ballot
by a vote of 106 to 103. Charles S. May was a candidate for renom-
ination for Lieutenant Governor. He led at the start, but his own
county deserted him, and on the fourth ballot K, O. Grosvenor, of
Hillsdale, received the nomination. The old candidates for Secretary
of State, Treasurer, Auditor General, Attorney General and Member
of th(» Board of Education were reiumiinated. The rest of the ticket
was as follows: Commissi(mer of the State Land Offire, Cyrus Hewitt;
Superintendent of Public Instruction, Oramel Hosford. William A.
Howard was made Chairman of the State Central Committee, a posi-
tion which he held through two campaigns. The vote as officially
counted gave Crapo 10,443 majority, but the votes of Alpena and
Manjuette Counties were* not returned in time to be included in this
count. Under a decision of the Supreme Court the soldiers' vote,
526 H18TORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
taken in the Held, was also exeluded. The vote as aetually rast was:
Crapo, l)l,o5(>; P'enton, 74,2?)3; majority for Crapo, 17,063; for Presi-
dent, Lincoln, 91,521 ; MKMellan, 74,604. The soldiers' vote was 9,608
for Oapo and 2,992 for Fen ton.
Before the Convention of 1866 met Johnsonism had eommentt^
its work by sowing discord in the ranks of the Republican party,
yet the Conventicm was a strong, if not very harmonious body. It
met in Merrill Hall, Detroit, August 30, with Charles S. May as both
Temporary and Permanent Chairman. On an informal ballot for
(lovernor, Henry H. Crapo had 105 votes, Henry P. Baldwin 52, Wm.
L. Stoughton, of St. Joseph, 46, and scattering 3. On the first formal
ballot Governor Crapo was renominated. Dwight May was nomin-
ated for Lieutenant (lovernor, and the rest of the ticket was as
follows: Secretary of State, Oliver L. Spaulding; Treasurer, E. O.
Grosvenor; Auditor General, William Humphrey; Commissioner of
the State Land Office, Benjamin I). Pritehard; Attorney General,
William L. Stoughton; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Oramel
Hosford. Crapo's majority in the election was 29.038.
The (\mvention of 1868 was held in Merrill Hall. Detroit, July 1,
and was calif d to order by William A. Howard, Chairman of the
State Central Committee, David H. Jerome was Temporary Chair-
man and James l^irney Permanent. Henry P. Baldwin was
nominated for (lOvernor, receiving 139 votes to 62 for Cyrus G. Luce.
Morgan Bates was nominated for Lieutenant Governor, receiving 102
votes to 6(> tor Jonathan J. Woodman and 34 scattering. Dwight
May was nominated for Attorney General, and the rest of the old
ticket was renominated. John J. Bagley was chosen Chairman of
the State Central Committee.
The Convention of 1S70 met in Young Men's Hall, Detroit, Sep
tember 1, with Lawrence T. Reiner, of St. Clair, for Temporary
Chairman, ard J. K. Boies, of lA*nawee, for Permanent. Governor
Baldwin was renominated by acclamation and Morgan Bates was
ren<miinated for Lieutenant Governor on the first ballot. Daniel
Striker was nominated for Secretary of State; Victory 1*. (^oilier, for
Treasurer, and Charles A. Edmunds for Land Commissioner, with
the old incumbents for Auditor General, Attorney General, Superiu
tendent of Public Instruction and Members of the Board of Education.
Some restivcness had developed before this time at the dcmiinant
infiiience of Detroit in the party. Thar City now had the Governor,
both Cnited States Senators, the Chairman of the State Central
KEPrTBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 527
Coniinittee and the party headquarters, and the last seven State
Conventions had been held there. This restiveness found expression
in a vote l^hat the next State Convention should be held at Lansing,
and in the designation of Stephen I). Bingham, of the same City, as
Committee Chairman, a position which he filled with eminent ability
and success through four campaigns. The Prohibitionists appeared
in the tield with a separate ticket for the first time in this campaign,
polling 2,710 votes. Baldwin's plurality was 16,785.
The Convention of lh72 met in Representatives' Hall, July 31
and had Charles E. Holland, of Houghton, as Temporary, and Sylves
ter Larned, of Detroit, as Permanent Chairman. John J. Bagley was
nominated for Oovernor on the first ballot, having 164 votes to 44
for Francis B. Stockbridge. Henry H. Holt was nominated for Lieu-
tenant Governor; Daniel B. Briggs, for Superintendent of Public
Instruction; L. H. Clapp, for Land Commissioner and Byron D. Ball
for Attorney General. The rest of the old ticket was renominated.
The election was ^a walk over, Bagley having 57,088 plurality over
Austin Blair, candidate on the Greeley ticket.
The Convention of 1874 was held at Lansing, August 26, under a
new apportionment which largely increased the number of delegates.
Byron M. Cutcheon was Temporary Chairman and J. Webster Childs
Permanent. The old candidates for Governor, Lieutenant-Governor,
Land Commissioner and Superintendent of Publi<* Instruction were
renominated by acclamation, and the rest of the ticket was made up
as follows: Treasurer, William B. McCreary; Auditor General, Ralph
Ely; Attorney tJeneral, A. J. Smith; Member of the State Board of
Education, Edgar Rexford. This campaign was as difficult as that
of 1872 was easy. At one time defeat seemed to stare the Republicans
in the face. But they pulled through with 5,069 plurality for the
head of the tick(»t, and with pluralities not varying widely from this
for the rest of the candidates.
The Conventicm of 1876 was held at Grand Rapids, August 3d,
and was devoid of any striking features. Early in the season public
sentiment had centered upon Ex-S])eaker Charles M. Croswell, of
Adrian, as the candidate for Governor. There was a movement
started during the summer in favor of William A. Howard, the plea
being made that after the reverses of 1874 the party needed an excep-
tionally strong candidate in the field. But Mr. Croswell had been
too long before the [)eople to be sidetracked, and the Howard move-
ment was short lived. Nothing was heard of it after the delegates
528 HISTORY OF THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY.
reached (ti-hikI Rapids. The night before the Convention a torch-
light procession paraded the streets, which were illuminated with
colored lights and fireworks. Witter J. Raxter, of Hillsdale, was
Temporary, and David U. Jerome, of Saginaw, was Permanent Chair-
man. Charles M. Croswell was nominated for (Tovernor by
acclamation. The rest of the ticket was as follows: Lieutenant Gov-
ernor, Alonzo Sessions, of Ionia; Secretary of State, ¥1. O. I>. Holden,
of Kent; Auditor General, Ralph Ely, of Gratiot; State Treasurer,
General W. 13. McCreary, of Genesee; Commissioner of the State Land
Office, General B. F. Partridge, of Allegan; Attorney General, Otto
Kirchner, of Wayne; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Horace
A. Tarbell, of Saginaw; Member of the State Hoard of Education,
Witter J. Raxter, of Hillsdale. The platform adopted was short
and very general in its character. This campaign was the first in
which the Greenback party made any considerable showing, its vote
for Governor being 8,21)7. CrosswelTs plurality was 28,434.
In the campaigns up to IJSTS the principles of the party had been
well defined by the Naticmal Conventions and the party in the States
might reasonably follow in the paths thus outlined. Rut the year
1878, which was not a Presidential year, presented a new problem for
consideration. The (Jreenback i)arty, which had first come into the
field with a separate ticket in 187G, hardly rose in that year above
the dignity of a faction. It was regarded by most Republicans as an
aggregation of visionaries, which need not be taken into serious
account in the planning of a cam])aign. Rut the morning after the
spring elections in 1878 the Republican leaders rubbed their eyes as
if awakening from a dream. The little faction of Greenbackers had
suddenly sprung a formidable movement. They had carried a large
number of City and Village elections. Worse than that, in the farm-
ing districts they had cut a wide swath through many of the
staunchest Republican <-ounties. Along the two Southern tiers, and
up through the center of the State, they had carried township after
township, and in Roards of Supervisors which had been Republican
ever since the party was organized it now figured only as a small
minority. In Rarry County the Republican representation on the
Roard was reduced from 10 to 3, in Ray from 1(5 to 7, in Rranch from
18 to 5, in Calhoun from 17 to 7, in Clinton from 11 to 7, in Gratiot
from 18 to 8, in Ionia from VA to 8, in Wayne from 28 to 14 and in
Kent from 22 to 2. The (Jrec^nbackers had won nearly all that the
Republicans had lost, and some from the Democrats besides. They
KEPC'HLK AN STATE CONVENTIONS. 529
were, uioreover, as the time for the sumuier couveutions approached
boastful, confident and defiant. Thev even scorned a fusion with the
Democrats, professing their ability to carry the State alone; or as
Moses \V. Field expressed it in the Wayne County Convention, they
would *'sweep Wayne county lik(» a whirlwind, and elect a Governor
by the largest majority that Michigan ever gave."
The (JrerMibackers were not only confident but were eager for
the contest. They proposed to make it a talking campaign and a long
one. Their conventions were called in advance of those of the other
parties, that in Wayne County being May 28, and the State conven-
tions being held in Grand Rapids, June 5. There were two sets of
delegates and two State Conventions, one the "regulars," headed
by Moses W. Field, and the other the "Pomeroy" section, headed in
this State by R. E. Hoyt, but after a little dallying they came to an
agreement, nominated Henry S. Smith for Governor, and adopted a
platform, which contained, among others the following demands:
1. The unconditional repeal of the so-called Resumption Act.
2. The issue of all paper money by the General Government;
only such pajier money to be a full legal tender for all debts, public
and private.
3. That no more interest-bearing bonds of the Government of
any kind or < lass be issued, and that all bonds now outstanding be
paid as speedily as possible.
5. The coinage of silver to be placed upon the same footing as
that of gold.
H. The repeal of the National Banking Law,
In their ?pe<Mhes nuiny of the Greenbackers went much further
than this, advocating the full fiat mon(\v idea and proposing an issue
of 12,000,000,000 in greenbacks, to be issued "direct to the people."
While the Greenback movement was thus boasting itself, the
Republican leaders wen* in a quandary. Owing to President Hayes'
"Civil Service Order No. 1," a number of members of the State Cen-
tral Committee had resigned. Among these was the Chairman,
Stephen 1). Bingham, who had successfully conducted four cam-
paigns, but who was tlu»n Postmaster at Lansing. George H. Hop-
kins, of Detroit, had been apj)ointed to fill the vacancy. In this emer-
gency he sent out letters to leading Rei)ublicans throughout the
State, inviting them to a c<mference at the Russell House in Detroit,
and in so doing rendered the j)arty the best service that it was his
good fortune to perform during the two i»eriods of his chairmanship.
5;i0 HISTORY OF TUE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
About seventy-five responded and it was a gathering of strong men.
The crisis called for as much of the heroic quality as did that which
led to the organization of the party in the first place; and the heroic
quality was there. The main question was whether there should
be any concession to the Greenback sentiment in platform or cam-
paign, or whether the banner of resumption and of sound money
should be held aloft, even though it was <arried to temporary* defeat.
Governor Croswell was present, and it might be said that he was
the most interested party there, inasmuch as he was a candidate
for re-election. He told the conferees that they need not take his
pro8pe(*ts into account. He would rather be defeated on a sound
money platform than to be elected on one that involved any surren-
der of principles. A few were at first in favor of modifying the party
utterances in the hope of winning back some of the Greenback Repub-
licans, but the general sense of the conference was that there should
be no concession made to that sentiment. The ultimate decision was
that an early convention should be called and an aggressive cam-
paign should be made. It was further agreed that ex-Senator Chan-
dler should act as Chairman of the Convention, and should also be
Chairman of I he State Central Committee. It was with much of this
same spirit that the Convention met in Detroit, June 13. It was a
superb gathering, bringing together more of the strong men of the
State than any other gathering siu<e that which organized the party
in 1854. Jauies H. Stone was Temporary Chairman, and according to
the understanding arrived at by the Russell House conference, Mr.
Chandler was IVrmanent Chairman. Mr. Chandler, in his opening
speech, left no doubt in regard to his attitude on the currency ques-
tion, and the platfoim was equally explicit. Two of its paragraphs
were as follows:
We denounce rejjudiation in any form and repudiators in every
disguise, ^^■e regard the plighted faith of a community as binding
upon all its members, and the failure to fulfill a public obligation as
a stain upon both public and private honor; and we insist that the
debts of the Nation shall be jiaid with the same fairness and integrity
with which an honest man seeks to pay his individual liabilities.
We as8(M-r that no jn-osperity <an be real or durable that is
founded on a fictitious standard; that the value of paper currency,
whether issued by the Government or by banks, is derived from its
"promises to pay" and the credit that i>romise is worth; that the full
benefits of such a currency cannot be nnilized unless it is convertible
on demand into gold and silver; that a circulation of pai^er and coin
>
REPUBLKWN STATE CX)NVENTIONS. 531
interchangeable at par and at the will of the holder, has been proved
by experience to be the best known to commerce; that this country
is too great to submit to a subordimate place among (commercial
nations, and its people are too honest to be content with unredeemed
and irredeemable ])romises, and in the name of all the producing
(•lasses and of every honest workingman, we demand a currency that
is not only worth its fa(^e all over the T'uion, but will command
respect, recognition and its full value in every market in the world.
Michigan Republicans were the only ones in the West that were
entirely aggressive in their fight a<?ainst every form of financial heresy.
The New Yoik Times said editorially, the day after the Convention:
^The Michigan Republicans have done well. Their platform has
about it the clear ring of honest conviction, undulled by any half
hearted or halting compromise. So lucid and courageous an enun-
ciation of the financial creed of the Republican party has certainly
not been made this year, nor has the irreconcilable hostility of the
party to all forms of tampering with public credit and National
honor been so resolutely and judiciously stated as by the Detroit
Convention.''
The campaign that followed was in keeping with the platform.
Mr. Chandler's Confidential Secretary, George W. Partridge, was
appointed Sec? etary of the State Central Conunittee. He was admir-
ably e(]|uipped for the detailed work of that organization, leaving Mr.
Chandler free to take the stum]), which he did, with good results, in
all the leading cities of the State. Many joint debates were arranged,
among them a series between Oeneral Samuel F. Cary, the "father of
the Greenback party." and William Williams of Indiana, which
attracted wide attention. A number of distinguished speakers from
outside the St«ate were engaged for single meetings, including James
G. Rlaine, James A. Garfield and St(»wart L. Woodford. The result
was a magnifi(»eut victory, the Republicans electing their State ticket
by over 47,000 plurality, with an entire Congressional delegaticm, and
large majorities in both houses of the Legislature. As one result of
this victory the Democrats and "Nationals," as the Greenbackers
then called ihemselves, fused, or rather, it might be said that the
Nationals absorlunl the Democrats, in the next spring camj)aign. But
even at that, the splendid organization of the Republicans enabled
them to win, electing Su])reme Court Justice and two Regents of the
University by majorities ranging from 5,881 to 6,143.
In ISSO the fusion b(»twe(M» the DcMuocrats and Nationals was off
again. The two parti(»s nominated s(*j)arate tickets for Governor,
532 HISTORY OF THE REPITBLICAN PARTY.
and that gave the Roi)iibli(aii8 assurance of an easy campaign. At
their ConvenUon there was a very ])retty r^ee for the gubernatorial
nomination between David H. Jerome, Thomas W. Palmer, Rice A.
Beal, John T. Rich and Francis B. Stockbridge. The contest was
close and the <aiivassing active, but entirely good natured. The Con
vention was held at Jackson, August 5, with Roswell CI. Horr as
Temporary Chairman, and Colonel Henry M. Duftield as Permanent
Chairman. A long time was taken with the various nominating and
seconding speeches, and the first ballot, when, at last it was reached,
gave the following very even result:
John T. Rich 115
Rice A. Beal 107
Thomas \\ . Palmer 105
Francis B. Stockbridge 10.3
David H. Jerome. 102
Charles T. Gorham 16
E. G. D. Holden 1
The second ballot was about the same. Stockbridge began to fall
ot!' on the third ballot. Palmer on the sixth, and Beal on the eighth,
leaving the < ontest virtually between Rich and Jerome. It termin-
ated on the tenth, when Jerome had 318, Rich 2:^8 and Beal 4. The
candidates w-'ie all on the ground, and as they were called out, one
after the other, they gave very good examples of varied convention
oratory. Senator Palmer es])ecially captivated the audience with a
witty and i)hiloso]»hic sjjeech, c(unmencing with "One by one the
martyrs couk* before you.'- It was remarked by many that if he had
been alTorded a chance to make such a speech early in the Conven-
tion he would have been nominated. The ticket was filled out with
Moreau 8. Crosby, for Lieutenant Governor; Secretary of State,
William Jenney; Treasurer, Benjamin 1>. Pritchard; Auditor Gen-
eral, W. I. Latimer: Land Commissioner, James Neasmith; Attorney
General, Jacob J. Van Riper; Superintendent of Public Instruction.
Cornelius A. Gower; Member of the State Board of Education, Edgar
Rexford. 11. P. Baldwin was Chairumn of the State Central Com-
mittee, and W. R. Bates was Secretary. The campaign was well con-
ducted, and the opposition was divided. A handsome plurality for
the whole ticket was the result, that for Jerome being 41,278.
Before the campaign of 1882 opened the temperance question
had become a disturbing factor in Republican politics. There w^as
a very strong demand for the submission of a Prohibitory Amend-
REPUBLKVVN STATE CONVENTIONS. 533
oieiit to the CoiiBtitulioii and the Kepublieans iu the hist Legislature
were coiinnitted almost unanimously to that. Governor Jerome,
although not at all obtrusive in expressing his opinion on the sub
jec*t, was known to be oi)posed to the amendment, and even to the
submission of it. His administration had been clean and able, but
he had nuide souh» enemies b^' his austerity of manner, and there
were grave doubts among observing Kepublirans of his ability to
carry the State again. When the Convention met in Kalamazoo,
August 30, 1JS82, there was a decided inclination to depart from the
two-term rule of the party and to nominate some other man. The
preference turned toward Thomas W. Talmer, and when he positively
refused the use of his name, there was a disposition among some to
place him in the field, even against his protest. This movement was
finally suppressed, i hough nearly one hundred delegates still insisted
upon voting for him. J. W. French was temporary Chairman of the
Convention and Thomas W. Palmer Permanent Chairman. The plat-
form, \>'hich was long, heartily indorsed (lovernor Jerome's admin-
istration, gave attention to a number of State and National affairs,
and had the following upon the prohibition (juestion:
It is a fundamental right of the people to alter, from time to
time, the organic law of the State, as new circumstances or growing
evils may require, laying its foundations on such principles and
organizing its jjowers in such a form as to them shall seem most
likely to elTect their safety and happiness. The evils of intemper
ance have bcM-ome so great that, in the name of patriotism, most
efficient mc^asures ought to be taken to r<*duce those evils to a mini-
mum, and as members of no political jiarty are wholly agreed as to
whether this can be best be done* by prohibition or regulation of the
traflic in intoxi<ating liquors; and as the i)eo])le are and ought to be
the final arbitrators of this questi(m; and as more than a hundred
thousand among the moral and intelligent people of the State have
asked by ])etition that that question be put to the people by sub-
mission to them of a prohibitory Constitutional Amendment; we
declare that we believe it would be wise and patriotic for the next
Legislature to submit such amendment to the direct vote of the
people, and we demand that it be so 8ubmitt<Mi.
\\ hen the time came for nominations, (lovernor Jerome's name
was presented by Captain E. I*. Allen, of Washtenaw, and sujqmrted
by half a dozen other counties. The vot(» stood as follows:
David H. Jerome 5f>l
Thomas W. Palmer 97
Francis H. Stockbridge 14
Benjamin F. Pritchard 10
Scattering 10
5:U HISTOKY OF THE REPUBLICWN PARTY.
Tilt' ticket was completed as follows: Lieutenant Governor.
Moreaii S. Crosby, of Kent; Secretary of State, Harry A. ("onant. of
Monroe; Treasurer, Edward H. Butler, of \Yayne; Auditor General,
William i\ Stevens, of Iosco; Land Commissioner, Minor S. Newell,
of Genesee; Attorney General, Jacob J. Van Kiper, of Berrien; SujH^r
intendent of Public Instruction, Varnuni B. (\)chran, of Marquette;
Member of the State Board of Education, Bela W. Jenks, of St. Clair.
The Democrats and Nationals nominated a Fusion ticket, headed
by Josiah W. Bej^ole, a former Republican Member of (Congress, and
afterwards one of the leaders in the Greenback movement. They made
the contest a bitterly personal one against <iOvernor Jerome, and
were aided by some Republicans. The straight Prohibition vote,
which was drawn chiefly from the Republicans, also increased from
1,114 in 1880 to 5,854 in this campaign. Cnder these combined influ-
ences Governor Jerome was delealed by 4,572 votes. The rest of the
Republican ticket was elected by pluralities ranging from 7,772 to
14,237.
In spite of the defeat of a part of the ticket in the fall of 1882,
and of the whole ticket in the sjuing of lS8:i, the Republicans came
together at Detroit, August i:i,. 1884, in one of the largest and most
enthusiastic gatherings ever held in the State. Early in the season
Cyrus G. Luce was counted on generally as the nominee for Governor,
but rather late in the canvass General R. A. Alger entered the field
(leneral Alger was comparatively new in politics, but put up a cam-
paign that had enough of the cavalry dash in it to soon make him an
important factor in the contest. \Vhen the Convention met it was,
by no means, anybody's tight, but by the time the preliminaries were
over, the Presidential Electors were named, the platform adopted
and the nominating speeches made, it was clear that General Alger
was in the lead. It required only one ballot to settle the matter,
Alger having 'Mi votes and Luce 24:j. Mr. Luce was then nominated
for Lieutenant (lovernor by acclamation, but declined, and the ticket
was comi)leted as follows: Lieutenant Governor, Archibald Buttars.
of Charlevoix; Secretary of State, Harry A. Conant, of Monroe; State
Treasurer, Edward H. Butler, of Wayne; Auditor General, William
C. Stevens, of Washtenaw; Land Commissioner, Minor S. Newell, of
Genesee; Sup(»rintendent of Public Instruction, Herschel R. Gass, of
Hillsdale; Attorney General, Moses Taggart, of Kent; Member of the
State Board of P^ducation, James F. Ballon, of Allegan. Jay A. Hub-
bell, of Houghton, was Temporary Chairman of the Convention, and
Edward S. Lacev, of Eaton, was IVrmanent Chairman.
REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 535
Edward S. La<ey was chosen Cluiirnian of the State Central
Committee, and Dr. A. W. Smith, of Adrian, was Secretar}-. The
<ampaign that followed was one of the most active ever conducted
here. Aside from meetings arranged by local workers, 1,850 meetings
were held under the auspices of the State Central Committee, who
also sent out 2,500,000 documents. Not only did they arrange for
this large number of meetings, but they provided an unusually long
list of speakers, including some of the best of the country. Mr. Blaine
included Michigan in his Western tour, accompanied by Frank
Plumlej', of Vermont; General John C. Fremont, and Walker Blaine.
He spoke in Detroit, Ypsilanti, Ann Arbor, Jackson, Albion, Mar-
shall, Battle Creek, Kalamazoo and Niles, (ieneral Alger and other
Michigan Kepublicans going with him either the whole or a part of
the way. Later in the camjiaign General Logan spent three days in
the State. The Democrats and Nationals again fused on Begole for
Governor and the Prohibitionists, with a very popular candidate,
polled an unprecedentedly large vote, but the whole Republican ticket
was elected.
In 1886 Governor Alger declined a second term, and Cj^rus G.
Luce was nominated for Governor by acclamation at a <'onvention
wliieh opened at Grand Rapids, August 25. There was an almost
entirely new deal on the rest of the tick<'t, which was placed in the
field with but very little in the way of contest, and which was as
follows: Lieutenant Governor, James H. McDonald, of Delta; Sec
retary of State, (iilbert K. Osmun, of Wayne; State Treasurer, George
L. Maltz, of Alpena; Auditor (ieneral, Henry 11. Aplin, of Bay; Attor-
ney General, Moses Taggart, of Kent; Land Commissioner, Roscoe
D. Dix, of Berrien; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Joseph
Estabrook, of Eaton; Member of State Board of Education, Samuel
S. Bab<()ck, of \\'ayne. Robei t E. Frazer was Temporary Chairman
ol the Convention and Austin Blair Permanent.
The platform touched upon the tarilT, labor and currency ques-
tions, upon polygamy and upon the Irish struggle for liome rule, and
had the following upon the Temix^rance question: **We believe that
when any considerable portion of the people of the State desire to
express themselves by voting \\\Hn\ a change in the organic; law they
ought to be allowed to do so in a Constitutional manner, and recog-
nizing the (»vils of intemperance and desiring to overcome these evils,
we believe the TemptM-ance question is one upon which that expres-
sion should be jiermitted. We further demand the thorough
5;i() HISTORY OF THE REPUBLirAN PARTY.
enfoiceuieiit of the present tax and police laws as they stand on the
statute books." Major (Jeorge H. Hopkins was Chairman of the
State Central Committee, and Harry C. Tillman was Secretary. The
whole Republican ticket was elected, Mr. Luce having 7,4:^2 plurality.
The I'rohibition vote reached 25,170, which was about 8,000 lar^^er
than that of two years earlier. Notwithstanding the large Temi>er-
ance vote, which was drawn nminly from the Republicans, that party
had something more than a two-thirds vote in both branches of the
Legislature, and was able to carry out its pledge to submit a Prohibi-
tory Amendment to the Constitution. This was done in time for the
vote to be taken upon it at the spring election. The proposition
received astonishingly large majorities in the villages and rural
districts of the Lower Peninsula, but was swamped by majorities
against it of 22,309 in Wayne County, 5,852 in Saginaw, and 4.855 in
Kent. Even with these large adverse majorities, which it was
believed were to some extent fraudulent, it lacked only 5,885 of carry-
ing, in a total vote of 862,775. After this defeat the legislature
passed a stringent law for taxing and regulating the liquor traffic,
and providing a Local Option Law under which prohibition by coun-
ties could be had. Under this law nearly half the counties of the
State voted for prohibition within the next thirtei*n months. The
Supreme Court, on the first test case, declared the Ix)cal Option Law
unconstitutional, in the form in which it was enacted, but pointed out
quite clearly a form of law, having the same purpose, that would
stand the test of the courts. The same court sustained the Tax and
Regulation Law, which has since become part of the settled policy
of the State in respect to this traflic.
At the next State Convention, which was held in Detroit, August
8, 1888, the following brief temperance plank was introduced: **\Ye
cordially endorse the progressive temperance legislation enacted by
the last Legislature, and regret that its full fruits were not realized,
owing to the technical defects in the laws, held by the Supreme Court
to be in conflict with the Constituti(m. We record ourselves as in
favor of the impartial enfon^ement of the temperance laws of the
State, and recommend to the next Legislature the re-enactment of a
Local Option Law that shall be free from Constitutional objections. '
This was oi)posed by a number of speakers in the Convention as
being too sp(Mitic. They thought it better to make a declaration
favoring "n^asonable temjHMance legislation," instead of confining the
l)arty to a single line of action. The resolution was, however, adopted
REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 5:i7
as introduced, and the next Legislature passed such an Act as is here
indicated. But by this time the Prohibition wave had begun to
recede, and only a few counties availed themselves of the law. The
straight Prohibition vote also began to fall otf, and the Temperance
(juestion, except so far as it atfected the vote for (lovernor in 1890,
ceased to have very great intluence upon Michigan elections.
The first day and evening of the Convention which met August 8,
1888, constituted more of a ratification meeting for the I^residential
nominations than a meeting for the pushing of business, though the
District caucuses completed their work. Major Charles W. Watkins,
of Kent, was Temporary Chairman and George A. Farr, of Ottawa,
was Permanent Chairman. The Governor, Lieutenant Governor,
Secretary of State, Treasurer, Auditor General, Land Commissioner
and Superintendent of Public Instruction were all renominated.
Stephen V. R. Trowbridge, of Ionia, was nominated for Attorney Gen-
eral, and Perry F. Powers, of Wexford, for Member of the State
Board of Education. In this campaign the Republicans, both in State
and Nation, were confident from the start. The Cleveland Adminis-
tration had given great dissatisfaction, while the Republican
candidates were entirely acceptable to the party. The result was a
fair plurality for the whole Republican ticket, both Electoral and
State, that for (rovernor Luce being 17,145.
The Convention of 1890 met in Detroit, August 27, and was
called to order by Major George H. Hoj)kins, Chairman of the old
State Central Committee. Judge P. T. \'an Zile was Temporary Chair-
man, and Austin Blair was Permanent Chairman. It had been
generally expected that John T. Rich, of Lapeer, would receive the
nomination for Governor, but James M. Turner, of Lansing, made a
sharp six weeks' canvass, and took the nomination by 499 votes to 455
for Mr. Rich. The rest of the ticket was: Lieutenant Governor,
William S. Linton, of Saginaw; Secretary of State, Washington
Gardner, of Calhoun; State Treasurer, Joseph B. Moore, of Wayne;
Auditor General, Theron F. Giddings, of Kalamazoo; Attorney ( Gen-
eral, Benjamin W. Huston, of Tuscola; Commissioner of State Land
Office, John C,. Berry; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Orr
Schurtz; Member of the State Board of Educaticm, James M. Ballon.
James McMillan was appointed Chairman of the State Central Com
mittee, of which W. R. Bates was Secretary. The platform was very
short, and the temperance plank in it was narrowed down to this:
"We reaffirm the position of the Republican party heretofore
538 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
expressed in its State platforms of 1886 and 1888 upon the Temper
anee question." Previous to the nomination Mr. Turner had not
been conspicuous in politics. The mass of the Kepublicans knew bul
little of him, but their opponents took pains that they should speedilv
And out a great deal too much. His record did not prove satisfaetory
to the temperance people, and in some other re8pe<-ts the campaign
became a defensive one. The Prohibition vote went up to 28,681, the*
largest ever polled, and most of the third party vote, which at this
time went under the names of Patrons of Industry, was cast for the
Democratic ticket. On the strength of this vote the Democratic can-
didate for Governor was elected by 11,520 plurality, and the other
candidates on the ticket by pluralities ranging from 887 on Treasurer
to 3,B3G on Member of the Hoard of Education. The Democrats had
a clear nmjority in the House of Representatives. In the Senate, at
the opening of the session, there were 14 Republicans, 14 Democrats
and 4 who were elected as Patrons of Industry. Of the latter one
generally vottMi with the Democrats and the other three maintained
an independent position. In order to secure control of the Senate
the Democrats took advantage of the absence of eight Republicans
at the State Convention in February, to unseat two of the Republican
Senators, and seat Democrats in their jilaces. A promise had been
given by the Democratic leaders that no matters political should be
brought up during the absence of the Republicans at Convention, but
the majority claimed that this promise was not binding upon them.
Aside from this bn^aking of a pledge the proceedings in the unseating
movement were in violation of half a dozen rules of parliamentary
procedure. In both cases documents were presented to the Senate
as reports of committees which the committers had never seen nor
'authorized; in some part of the proceedings in each case the minority
were denied recognition by the presiding officer; in the last case
Senators were recordf*d as present and voting when they were not in
the Senate Chamber, and the Journal was afterward falsified in order
to sustain the bogus vote; throughout the whole proceedings an
officer of the Democratic State Central Committee, but not a member
of the Senate, stood at the elbow of the ])residing officer and prompted
his rulings. The next day an attempt was made to deprive the minor-
ity of the right of protest guaranteed by the Constitution to every
Senator, and the Senate refused the rcipiest made by six of the Sena-
tors that their names be stricken otf the Journal where they
erroneously a])pean*d as voting in one of the cases. Finally the two
REPrBLlCAN RTATE CONVENTIONS. 539
Senatorfe who had been fraudulently declared entitled to seats were
surreptitiously sworn in early in the morning, and the same day
they voted on questions relating directly to their own cases.
With the majority thus obtained the Democrats passed an appor-
tionment Bill that was declared unconstitutional, and other extreme
partisan measures. The record, taken as a whole, was so unsavory
that the people wanted no more of the jiarty. The spring election
went Kepublican again, and the State kept going Republican by
majorities which in six out of the next eight years were larger than
ever before. From 1852 to the present time the State has had only
one Democratic Legislature, and one branch of that was made so by
fraud.
With the (Convention of 1892 commenced Hazen S. Pingree's
meteoric career in State politics, though it did not reach its zenith
till four years later. The Mayor's political and administrative sue
cesses in Detroit had been such as to warrant the expectation of a
notable career in a wider field, and with the solid backing of Wayne
County he appeared as a candidate for Governor at the (^^onvention
whi<h commenced its sessions at Saginaw, July 20. He was too
late, however, for that campaign, as John T. Rich was decidedly in
the lead. The only ballot taken at the Convention gave Rich 579V2>
Pingree 219 Vj, James O'Dounell 5, and Washington Gardner 1. The
ticket was completed by the nomination of J. Wight Giddings, of
Wexford, for Lieutenant (iovernor; John W. Jochim, of Marquette,
for Secretary of State; Joseph F. Hambitzer, of Houghton, for Treas-
urer; Stanley W. Turner, of Roscommon, Auditor (general; Gerrit
J. Diekema, of Ottawa, Attorney General; H. R. Pattengill, of Ingham,
Superintendent of Public Instruction; E. A. \\ ilson, of Van Buren,
Member of the Hoard of Education. Mark S. Hrewer was both Tem-
porary and Permanent Chairman, and James McMillan was Chairman
of the State Central Committee. In the election Rich's plurality
was 1(>,09().
In 1894 Mr. Rich was a candidate for renomination, and Mayor
Pingree again appeared in the field against him. The Convention
was held at (irand Rapids, July ai, with Philip T. Colgrove as Tem-
porary and I^ermanent Chairman. Mr. Pingree had the Wayne
delegation of lOG votes entirely devoted to him, but did not make as
much headway in other counties as he had anticipated, and the night
before the Convention it was decided that his name should not be
presented, and that tlie Wayne delegation should vote blank. This
540 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
plan, which brought no end of ridicule upon the delegation, was
carried out the next day. 15 members from other counties joining in
it. The one ballot taken for Governor gave Rich 710, Aaron T. Bliss
98, Blank 121. The ticket was Ulled out with the following: Lieu
tenant Governor, Alfred Milnes, of Branch; Secretary of State,
Washington (iardner, of Calhoun; State Treasurer, James M. Wilkin-
son, of Marcjuette; Auditor General, Stanley W. Turner, of
Roscommon; Attorney General, Fred A. Maynard, of Kent; Land
Comnussioner, William A. French, of Presque Isle; Superintendent
of Public Instruction, H. R. l^attengill, of Ingham; Member of the
State Board of Education, P(»rry F. Powers, of Wexford. The Silver
question appeared in this Convention in a mild resolution, which was
reported as follows: "We pledge the Republican party of Michigan
to use every effort in its i)ower to restore silver to its historic posi-
tion in the X'nited States hh a money metal." This, after a long
debate, was adopted. James McMillan was again Chairman of the
State Central Committee. The campaign resulted in a tidal wave
plurality of 106,81)2 for Rich, on a total vote of 416,8:^8.
There were those who said that the fiasco of Mayor Pingree's
candidacy in 1894 would end his career in that capacity, but he had
altogether too much vitality and virility to be kept down by one bad
break of his indiscreet supporters. At the Convention which com
menced its sessions in Grand Rapids, August 5, 1896, and over which
J. Wight Giddings presided, he was the leading candidate from the
start, and won the nomination on the fourth ballot, and that in spite
of the fact that the party was on a gold platform, and that he had
decided leanings toward free silver. The four ballots taken had the
following result:
12 8 4
Hazen S. Pingree, of Wayne 839 858 465 449
Aaron T. Bliss, of Saginaw 286 297 308 293
James O'Donnell, of Jackson SS 78 89 79
David D. Aitken, of Genesee 56 48 17 17
A. O. Wheeler, of Manistee 47 84 14
Harry A. Conant, of Monroe 22 17 5 2
Whole number of votes 8:58 827 8:58 840
Necessary to a choice 417 414 420 421
The ticket was completed with the following candidates: Lieu-
tenant Governor, Thomas B. Dunstan, of Houghton; Secretary of
State, Washington Gardner, of Calhoun; State Treasurer, George A.
REPI BLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 541
Steel, of Clinton; Auditor General, Roseoe 1). Dix, of Berrien; Attor-
ney General, Fred A. Maynard, of Kent; Land Commissioner,
William A. French, of Presciue Isle; Superintendent of Public Instruc-
tion, Jason E. Hammond, of Hillsdale*; Member of the State Board of
Education, James W. Simmons, of Shiawassee.
Mr. Pingree's nomination was received with an enthusiasm that
had not been seen in a Michigan State (Convention before for many
years, and his speech, when he came before the Convention, was
received with almost equal favor. The campaign that followed had
some curious phases. At the spring Convention for choosing dele-
gates to the National Convention, Dexter M. Ferry was elected
Chairman of the State Central Committee. He was strongly in
favor of a currency based on the gold standard and believed in making
the campaign fight mainly on that issue. Mr. Pingree did not wish
that question to be made prominent. Besides that he classed Mr.
Ferry among his political enemies on other grounds. The outcome
of it was that the State Central Committee conducted the National
and Congressional campaign on the gold currency and protective
tariff issues, and Mr. Pingree and his friends carried on the State
campaign mainly on his personal record and on State issues. The
opposition had a State ticket in the field composed of Democrats,
Populists and Silver Republicans. The result was a personal triumph
for Mr. Pingree, who had a plurality of S:^,400 on a total vote of
r,47,802. McKinley's plurality was 57,078. That of State officers
other than Governor ranged from 50, 445 to 62,894.
Governor Pingree, during his first term, may be said to have
created a new issue in State politics, that of equal taxation of all
property, including that of railroad companies, express companies,
telegra])h compani<»s and telephone companies. A bill, known as the
Atkinson Bill, intended to secure the taxation of corporations of the
classes mentioned, passed the Legislature and w^as signed by him,
but the Supreme Court, in a decision on another matter, declared, by
implication, that the Act was unconstitutional. That left the sub-
mission of a Constitutional Amendment as the only way in which the
purpose could be accomplished, and to that end the Governor directed
his most strenuous efforts, finally succeeding at a special session of
the Legislature, held in October, 1900.
The 1898 Convention met in Detroit, September 21, with Grant
Fellows as Temporary, and E. O. Grosvenor as Permanent Chairman.
Governor Pingree was renominated by acclamation with a Lieuten-
542 HISTORY OF THE REPl BLK AN PARTY.
ant Governor practicallv of his own selection. Among: the resolutions
adopted was one commending (rovernor Pingfree's patriotism and
enerfjy in his efforts to equip and send to the front Michigan's volun
teers; and especially commending his unselfish and fatherly devotion
to the int(»rests of the sick and dying soldiers of Michigan and the
bereaved families of the dead. Another was as follows: "We com-
mend the present Htate Administration for its earnest efforts in
favor of th(» equal and just taxation of the property of railroad, tele-
graph, telephone and express companies. We favor the immediate
repeal of Ihe tax upon the gross earnings of railroad companies and
favor a tax to be levied upon the true value of railroad, telegraph,
telephone and express companies' property, this value to be deter-
mined by a State board. The taxes collected therefrom shall be paid
into the Primary School Fund. We endorse the principles of the
Atkinson Bill and pledge the support of the Republican party
thereto.'
The ticket was completed with the following candidates: Lieu-
tenant Governor, Orrin W. Robinson, of Houghton; Secretary of
State, Justus S. Stearns, of Mason; Auditor General, Roscoe 1). Dix,
of Berrien; Attorney General, Hora<e M. Oren, of ('hipjjewa; State
Treasurer, George A. Steel, of (Minton; Land Gommissioner, William
A. French, of Pres<pie Isle; Superintendent of Public Instruction,
Jason E. Hammond, of Hillsdale; Regents of the Lniversity, EH R.
Sutton, of Wayn(\ and J. Byron Judkins, of Kent; Members of the
State Board of Education. E. F. Johnson, of Washtenaw, and F. A.
Piatt, of (Tcnesee. Gen. A. F. Marsh, of Allegan, was made Gbair-
man of the State Gentral Gommittt*e, a majority of which was friendly
to the Governor. The <an)paign was fought largely on the taxation
issue, and the election gave Pingree a plurality of 75,097, on a total
vote of 412,1(;4.
The State Gonventi<m for 1IMK> met at Grand Rapids, June 27,
with Daniel P. Markey, of Port Huron, in the chair, both as TemiK)r-
ary and Permanent Presiding ()tli<er. There were three active
candidates for tlu» nomination for Governor, the friends of each
claiming that their favorite had the lead. There were also three
others witl; a smaller following, but each hoping that in case of a
deadlock among the favorites he might inherit the strength of one of
them. The candidates, in the order in which they stood on the first
ballot, were: Aaron T. Bliss, of Saginaw; Dexter M. Ferry, of Wayne:
Justus S. Stearns, of Mason; Ghase S. Osborn, of Chipi>ewa; James
REIMHLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS. 54;5
O'Donneil, of Jaekson; Milo 1). Campbell, of Branch. It took nine-
teen ballots to nominate, the following being the figures:
* a 1 1
BALLOTS. ^ s:- i c o r-
?5 fe «• o c ;.
First 259 251 215 Gl 42 i:\
Second 273 259 209 52 .S5 13
Third 279 271 210 :W 35 13
Fourth 277 272 211 33 34 13
Fifth 278 274 209 33 33 13
Sixth 280 279 210 34 25 13
Seventh 276 28:5 210 34 23 13
Eighth 273 290 200 34 24 13
Ninth 280 294 198 30 26 13
Tenth 280 290 206 27 25 13
Eleventh 279 283 202 35 28 13
Twelfth 281 282 200 29 29 14
Thirteenth 290 275 203 29 30 13
Fourteenth 290 263 206 28 39 13
Fifteenth 28:^ 261 203 28 53 13
Sixteenth 293 251 195 29 60 13
Seventeenth 299 249 191 26 63 13
Eighteenth 326 96 181 31 194 13
Nineteenth 595 95 7 9 135
Total number of votes in the ( 'Onvention 841
Necessary to a ('hoice 421
The remainder of the ticket was as follows: Lieutenant <tov-
ernor, O. W. Kobinscm, of Houghton; Auditor General, Perry F.
I'owers, of Wexford; Secretary of State, Fred M. Warner, of Oakland;
State Treasurer, Daniel McCoy, of Kent; Commissioner of State
Land Office, E. A. Wildey, of Van TUiren; Attorney General, Horace
M. Oren, of Chippewa; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Delos
Fall, of Calhoun; Member of the State Board of Education, James H.
Thom])son, of Osceola.
The jilatform, which was short, declared **allegiance to the gold
standard, believing that the free and unlimited coinage of silver by
this Nation alone would bring about untold disasters.'' It also had
the following upon the tax question which (lovernor Pingree had
brought so much to the front: *'The Republican Party renews its
allegiance to the prin<i])le of ecpml and uniform taxation. All prop-
erty owners in the State, whether individuals, co-partners, or
544 HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
(•ori)oration8, should coutribute their just share to the public burden
and expense; and we demand that every dollar of wealth shall be
taxtni equally with every other. \Ve favor the prompt rei>eal of all
special railroad charters ^rantin^ to any railroad in the State si>e<-ial
privileges. \Ve believe that all the railroads of the State should do
business under the same general laws.''
Hon. (lerrit J. Diekema, of Holland, Ottawa County, wa« chosen
Chairman of the State Central Committee, and 1>. E. Alward, of Clare,
was again chosen Secretary. Rooms for headquarters were secured
in Detroit. The distribution of documents commem-ed about August
10th, and the speaking <*ampaign a month later. The Nati<mal and
State Central Committees together sent out 105 sj^eakers who held
1,024 political meetings in Michigan, and there was a large distribu-
tion of documents. The PenuxTats nominated ^Villiam C. Maybury,
an exce])ti(mally strong <andidate, for Ciovernor. He nmde a ]>ei-
sonal canvass and kept the Republican plurality on that ottice down
to about SO.OOO. On the other State officers the pluralities were in
the neighborhood of 9S,000 and on President it was lt>5,lf>8. The
defeat of the Dennxrats wjis so sweeping that pnmiinent men of their
party began, forthwith, to di8<uss plans for a reorganization, with
new leaders and a new declaration of principles, before venturing
upon another campaign.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
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