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THE  NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


THE  NEW 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


EDITORS 

LANSING  B.  BLOOM 
PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 


VOLUME  II 
1927 


PUBLISHED  QUARTERLY  BY 

THE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  NEW  MEXICO 

AT  THE  MUSEUM  PRESS 

SANTA  FE,  NEW  MEXICO 


Ju     30    '219 


CONTENTS 

NUMBER  1  —  JANUARY,  1927 

New  Mexico  in  the  Great  War  (concluded)  : 

IX.  Life  in  Camp  and  Cantonment  P.  A.  F.  Walter      3 

X.  At  the  Front Ashley  Pond      17 

XL    Th  Cost  and  the  Gain  .      .      Edgar  L.  Hewett    21 

Music  Teaching  in  New  Mexico  in  the  17th  Century 

Lota  M.  Spell    27 
Ofiate  and  the  Founding  of  New  Mexico  (cont'd) 

George  P.  Hammond    37 
First  Meeting  of  the  New  Mexico  Educational  Association 

P.  A.  F.  Walter    67 

The  Toll  Road  over  Raton  Pass  .      .        Bess  McKinnan    83 
In  Santa  Fe  during  the  Mexican  Regime     B.  M.  Read     90 

Necrology:  Fayette  S.  Curtis,  Jr 98 

For  a  Forest  Burial  (poem)       .  Margaret  Pond  101 

James  A.  French 101 

Notes  and  Comments 103 

NUMBER  2  —  APRIL,  1927 

Spanish  Arms  and  Armor  in  the  Southwest 

the  late  F.  S.  Curtis,  Jr.  107 
Ofiate  and  the  Founding  of  New  Mexico  (concluded) 

George  P.  Hammond  134 

Military  Escorts  on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail    Fred  S.  Perrine  175 
Biennial  Report  to  the  Governor,  1925-26 

Pres.  P.  A.  F.  Walter  194 
Trophies  of  the  Great  War      .      .      Lansing  B.  Bloom  205 

Necrology :     Major  George  H.  Pradt 208 

Reviews  and  Notes  214 


ERRATA 

p.  134,  1.  10,  read  order  to  make  the  most  of  the  new  dis- 
covery, Father  Escobar 

p.  242,  1.  24,  read  It  was  essentially  a  joint  expedition    .    . 

p.  263,  after  line  1,  read  on  entering  it.  In  the  valley  of  the 
said  pueblo  .  .  . 

p.  284,  interchange  lines  17  and  18. 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

Vol.   II.  January,  1927.  No.  1. 

NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GEEAT  WAR 

(Continued) 
IX    Life  in  Camp  and  Cantonment 

Community  life  wanes  in  proportion  to  growth  of  com- 
munity activity.  The  two  manifestations,  seemingly  so 
closely  related,  hold  each  other  in  check  or  in  balance,  as  it 
were.  The  more  that  the  functions  of  social  existence  are 
assigned  to  community  authority,  the  fewer  and  more  for- 
mal the  community  gatherings  and  the  more  general  be- 
comes individualism,  the  tendency  of  "each  man  for  him- 
self." The  result  is  that  a  few  gather  unto  themselves  the 
administration  of  community  affairs,  inevitable  reaction 
sets  in  and  the  cycle  begins  again  with  a  rebirth  of  com- 
munity life  which  immediately  sets  to  work  to  wrest  power 
from  the  few  who  have  usurped  it  and  to  restore  community 
activity.  That  being  achieved,  the  units  of  the  community 
once  more  relapse  into  the  individualism  which  permits 
the  community  to  do  everything  for  the  group  or  individual 
but  which  at  the  same  time  stifles  community  life. 

To  the  student  of  sociology,  life  in  camps  and  canton- 
ments during  the  Great  War,  was  of  intense  interest.  In 
this  life,  community  activity  had  reached  the  stage  where 
a  few  administered  everything  for  the  many,  provided  for 
their  daily  needs,  their  comforts,  their  play  and  even  their 
religious  needs.  What  was  the  reaction  of  the  mass  to  this 
benevolent  despotism  created  by  the  needs  of  Mars? 

At  first  the  mass  liked  it.    Relieved  of  the  necessity 


4  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  providing  for  themselves,  of  worrying  about  the  to- 
morrow or  what  to  do  next,  it  seemed  like  a  great  vacation, 
a  fine  lark,  such  as  many  men  dream  of  but  seldom  realize. 
The  mass  was  relieved  of  every  responsibility  for  com- 
munity activities  and  at  the  same  time  had  no  need  of 
worrying  about  individual  needs.  There  was  a  manifesta- 
tion of  community  life  as  a  result  such  as  America  had  not 
seen  since  the  days  that  town  meetings  and  quilting  parties 
regulated  life  in  New  England.  There  was  a  joyous,  good- 
natured  abandon  and  many  men  learned  for  the  first  time 
what  comradeship,  "My  bunkie,"  and  other  terms  met  with 
in,  literature  really  signify. 

However,  there  were  a  few  spirits  in  every  camp  and 
cantonment  who  at  once  chafed  under  the  restraint  of  even 
Che  most  benevolent  despotism.  Those  inclined  to  lawless- 
ness stole  out  of  camp,  overstayed  their  leaves  of  absence. 
The  charges  of  technical  desertion  were  comparatively 
many  and  insubordination  was  not  rare.  Those  of  con- 
structive mind  set  to  work  to  direct  community  activities 
and  there  were  such  things  as  "round  robins"  pointing  out 
defects-real  or  imaginary-in  camp  management,  suggesting 
innovations  of  improvements,  while  there  were  organized 
'groups  who  initiated  activities  such  as  were  not  specifically 
maintained  by  the  benevolent  despotism  of  camp  authority. 
How  far  this  would  have  gone  had  the  war  continued  or 
had  the  same  divisions  and  regiments  remained  in  their 
camps  and  cantonments  for  longer  periods,  is  an  interesting 
speculation  for  students  who  may  find  material  for  their 
research  in  studying  what  happened  in  Russia  and  later 
sporadically  in  some  of  the  other  belligerent  armies;  or 
they  might  consult  the  reports  made  to  the  governors  of 
middle  western  states  on  conditions  at  Camp  Cody  or  in  the 
investigation  of  conditions  at  Camp  Kearny  by  Governor 
W.  E.  Lindsey  of  New  Mexico. 

However,  the  average  recruit  accepted  unquestioning- 
ly  what  authority  prepared  for  him ;  he  obeyed  unhesitating- 
ly the  orders  issued;  readily  adapted  himself  to  the  new 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  5 

life;  enjoyed  it  without  reasoning  very  much  about  it,  and 
caught  a  glimpse  of  phases  of  human  existence  that  had  been 
a  closed  book  to  him  in  his  pre-war  relations. 

New  Mexicans  were  to  be  found  in  nearly  every  canton- 
ment and  camp.  They  were  scattered  through  some  twenty 
divisions  and  possibly  a  hundred  regiments.  As  all  the 
camps  and  cantonments  were  built  upon  the  some  models 
and  the  regulations  governing  were  made  by  the  War  De- 
partment at  Washington  without  much  consideration  of 
environment,  climate,  or  local  conditions,  life  was  very 
much  the  same  in  all  of  them  except  that  climate  and  en- 
vironment did  assert  themselves  as  they  always  do  in  the 
long  run,  and  as  one  may  learn  by  studying  the  health 
statistics  and  the  death  lists  with  the  causes  of  death  at  the 
various  sites.  Whether  one  chooses  therefore  Camp  Cody 
or  Camp  Kearny,  Camp  Funston  or  Camp  Mills,  for  a  de- 
scription of  the  life  of  the  men  in  training,  the  story  is 
much  the  same.  For  the  purposes  of  this  chapter,  a  sketch 
of  the  life  of  the  individual  and  of  the  group  at  Camp  Perry* 
is  perhaps,  as  typical  and  comprehensive  as  could  be  found. 

Camp  Perry  is  located  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie  un- 
der the  fitful  skies  of  the  Great  Lakes  region.  It  is  pretty 
much  isolated  and  far  from  the  town  and  city  life.  Port 
Clinton  is  the  nearest  village  and  Toledo  the  nearest  large 
city.  It  was  quite  inconvenient  to  reach  either,  involving 
a  railroad  or  automobile  trip  with  attendant  money  cost 
and  loss  of  time.  Drainage  and  sanitary  conditions  left 
much  to  be  desired.  On  rainy  days,  and  there  were  many 
such,  some  of  the  tents  occupied  by  the  men  stood  a  foot 
deep  in  water  or  mud.  Many  tents  had  no  floors  and  often 
leaked.  The  streets  of  the  camp  were  almost  bottomless 
when  the  downpour  was  heavy,  and  slippery  and  mucky 
for  days  afterwards. 

Here  was  gathered  every  nationality  and  every  stratum 
of  society  to  be  found  in  America.  On  one  side  of  the  camp 
were  student  officers  selected  from  practically  every  camp 
in  the  United  States,  who  had  been  commissioned  and  had 


6  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

shown  unusual  fitness  and  who  had  been  sent  there  for 
special  instruction  in  small  arms.  On  the  other  side  of  the 
Camp,  were  the  Marines  and  the  Sailors,  each  with  their 
band,  the  civilian  rifle  teams  representing  every  state  in 
the  Union,  and  squads  of  laborers  of  all  nationalities  and 
languages,  organized  into  development  battalions,  to  do 
"kitchen-police"  duty  and  the  menial  tasks  of  the  camp,  to 
work  the  roads,  tend  the  butts  at  practice,  unload  the 
freight  cars  and  trucks,  do  the  cleaning  and  the  polishing, 
and  whatever  tasks  required  mainly  muscular  strength. 

It  was  a  heterogeneous  mass,  yet  community  life  flour- 
ished. It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  there  was  no 
"melting  pot"  flavor  about  it.  Each  group  kept  much  to 
itself.  There  were  dances  for  officers,  for  instance,  and 
dances  for  privates.  There  was  an  officers'  mess  hall  and 
a  mess  hall  for  the  others  who  were  not  commissioned. 
There  were  camp  fires  for  marines  and  boxing  matches 
for  the  sailors.  The  civilian  rifle  teams  mingled  freely 
with  each  group  and  therefore  saw  more  of  every  aspect 
of  camp  life  than  did  the  average  private  or  officer  in  mili- 
tary service. 

The  absence  of  women  and  "women's  nursing"  was 
a  characteristic  of  camp  life  and  gave  it  an  aspect  that  was, 
an  answer  to  the  assertion  that  the  American  army  was 
"woman-raised"  and  therefore  effeminate.  For  the  few 
dances  given  in  camp,  matrons  and  girls  came  over  from 
Port  Clinton.  Only  occasionally  did  a  mother  or  sister  or 
a  sweetheart  find  her  way  to  Camp  and  these  happy  ones 
for  an  hour  or  so  marched  proudly  about  the  rifle  range 
or  sat  with  their  escorts  on  a  bench  in  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  hut, 
but  had  to  leave  camp  by  10  P.  M.  There  were  no  camp 
followers  in  the  sense  that  [European]  armies  had  known 
them  from  time  immemorial.  There  never  had  been  an 
army  with  such  lofty  moral  standards.  There  was  an  evi- 
dent absence  of  such  scandals  and  gossip  as  mar  social  life 
in  every  community  and  even  at  army  posts.  The  few 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  7 

sporadic  cases  which  occurred  happened  despite,   rather 
than  because  of,  camp  conditions. 

At  Camp  Perry  there  were  from  New  Mexico  several 
officers  who  had  just  come  from  the  Presidio  Training 
Camp,  including  Lieutenants  Caldwell  and  Chaves,  the 
Civilian  Rifle  Team,  consisting  of  sixteen  men,  and  a  num- 
ber of  older  officers  who  had  been  in  New  Mexico  and  were 
still  interested  in  its  progress. 

The  daily  routine  was  simple  and  as  a  rule  the  men 
fell  into  it  readily,  even  as  to  the  early  rising  and  the  pri- 
mitive life,  cheerfully  doing  without  many  of  the  conveni- 
ences that  ordinarily  are  deemed  essential.  A  New  Mexico 
writer  in  the  Santa  Fe  Daily  New  Mexican  of  September 
14,  1918,  gives  a  pen  picture  of  this  life  as  follows: 

"Democracy  as  it  works  out  in  the  United  States  is  ex- 
emplified daily  in  Camp  Perry.  Millionaire  stands  shoulder 
to  shoulder  with  pauper,  university  graduate  rubs  against 
the  self-made  man,  each  with  a  tin  dish  and  tin  cup  in  his 
hand,  each  takes  his  place  and  turn  in  the  lines  that  rushes 
hungrily  into  the  mess  hall  at  meal  time,  each  sits  on  the 
rough  board  bench  at  the  rough  table  and  dips  his  beans  or 
pudding  out  of  the  same  huge  tin  dish.  Enjoy  it?  You  bet 
your  life — the  millionaire  and  highbrow,  if  anything,  growl 
a  great  deal  less  than  the  "pobre."  At  night,  in  the  tepees  on 
the  iron  cots  with  the  tent  walls  flapping  gaily  like  sails 
of  a  ship  in  a  gale,  how  these  same  men  sleep  even  though 
at  home  insomnia  might  have  been  their  constant  com- 
panion. Reveille  at  5:10  A.  M.,  sounds  all  too  soon,  but 
out  and  up  they  jump,  shivering,  but  energetically  taking 
their  turns  in  carrying  the  buckets  of  water  from  the  hy- 
drants at  street  intersections  and  dashing  the  cold  water 
into  their  faces,  then  drilling  until  breakfast  at  6:15  A.  M. 
These  men  wouldn't  miss  the  experience  for  anything  that 
luxury  had  previously  thrown  into  their  laps.  They  thrive 
on  it,  gain  in  weight  and  health  and  exclaim  'This  is  the 
Life'!  And  they  mean  it. 

"What  if  the  life  is  strenuous  until  5  P.  M.,  shooting 


8  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

on  one  range  after  the  other,  lying  prone  in  oozy  mud  or 
kneeling  on  a  hard  bank?  The  rapid  fire,  crackling  like 
strings  of  fire-crackers,  sounds  all  day  from  the  lake  front 
with  the  deeper,  slower  fire  and  the  high-pitch  of  the  re- 
volver practice  breaking  out  spasmodically  in  all  directions. 
That  the  life  agrees  with  the  men,  the  ruddy  faces,  the 
sturdy  stride,  the  good  humor  on  every  side,  make  appar- 
ent. Among  3,  700  men  thus  far  there  are  only  five  hospital 
cases  and  some  wonder  how  these  five  broke  into  the  'sick 
list'  class! 

"Just  before  supper — and  it's  breakfast,  dinner,  and 
supper  in  camp,  no  fashionable  six  o'clock  dinner  schedule- 
the  Marine  Band  with  an  inimitable  drum  major  at  the 
head  marches  through  the  camp.  It  is  followed  by  a  'crack' 
military  band.  At  sunset  'retreat'  is  sounded  as  the  flag 
goes  down.  Each  and  all  of  the  3,700  men  drop  whatever 
they  may  be  doing  and  stand  at  'attention'  until  the  last 
strains  of  'The  Star  Spangled  Banner'  die  away  upon  the 
evening  air.  It  is  a  thrilling  moment,  ever  sacred  to  those 
who  cannot  help  thinking  of  the  men  whose  life-blood  has 
been  given  to  make  those  stripes  so  red,  whose  highest 
hopes  went  into  those  stars,  whose  sacrifice  has  made  them 
so  white,  whose  loyalty  unto  death  has  made  holy  the  blue. 
Tears  glisten  in  some  eyes  and  souls  are  stirred  with  emo- 
tion. It  is  indeed  a  glorious  privilege  to  be  an  American, 
either  native-born  or  adopted. 

"As  darkness  falls,  lights  gleam  through  hundreds  of 
tents  walls.  From  their  interior  come  songs  and  laughter, 
tinkling  mandolin  with  strumming  banjo  accompaniment. 
In  the  Oklahoma  tents,  next  to  the  four  tents  occupied  by 
the  New  Mexicans,  a  Kiowa  war  dance  is  being  performed ; 
the  minister  on  the  New  Mexico  team  sings  a  Jemez  Pueblo 
song.  Other  men  are  strolling  down  to  the  sandy  beach, 
perhaps  for  a  swim,  and  then  to  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  or  the 
Knights  of  Columbus  huts.  There  is  always  something 
doing,  something  clean,  wholesome,  something  that  cheers, 
something  that  recalls  home,  father,  mother,  wife,  sweet- 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  9 

heart,  sister,  brother,  son,  or  daughter.  Both  places  are 
always  crowded.  There  is  music  -  lots  of  it.  There  are 
books,  magazines  and  papers,  and  high  class  entertainment. 
Wednesday  is  'movie'  night.  Tonight  at  the  'Y'  is  a  con- 
cert by  a  professional  company.  Last  night  the  fun  opened 
with  a  'community  sing.'  It  is  a  veritable  revelation  to 
hear  hundreds  of  lusty,  masculine  voices  join  in  'Smile, 
Smile!'  or  in  the  gospel  and  the  army  songs.  Last  night 
they  tried  a  new  one,  'Ohio,'  a  state  song  that  has  a  fine 
swing  to  it.  Other  state  songs  were  called  for  and  'Miss 
Garrett's  'Oh,  Fair  New  Mexico,'  as  well  as  Mrs.  Bartlett's 
tuneful  'New  Mexico  Song/  caught  the  fancy  of  the  crowd. 
After  the  'sing,'  a  noted  elocutionist  recited  'Strong  Heart,' 
which  too  had  its  special  New  Mexico  appeal  because  of  its 
Indian  motive.  But  for  a  few  officers'  wives  in  the  front 
seat,  the  elocutionist  would  have  been  the  only  woman  in 
that  hall  so  crowded  with  men  that  they  sat  and  stood  on 
the  writing  tables  ranged  along  the  four  walls  of  the  room. 
Except  during  the  thunderous  applause  there  was  the  clos- 
est attention,  the  deepest  silence,  no  coming  late  or  leaving 
early.  The  speaker  declared  that  never  had  any  audience 
in  America  or  Europe  so  thrilled  her. 

"At  the  Knights  of  Columbus  hut  which  is  kept  neat 
as  a  pin  and  most  inviting  all  the  time,  with  a  hearty  wel- 
come for  every  one,  a  candlelight  dance  was  the  feature. 
A  few  young  women  from  Port  Clinton  chaperoned  by 
wives  of  officers  had  been  drafted  but  furnished  far  too 
few  partners  so  that  many  of  the  men  danced  with  each 
other.  Candles  sputtered  on  the  writing  tables  around  the 
walls  and  every  once  in  a  while  some  fun-loving  soldier 
would  seize  a  candle  and  make  the  rounds  of  the  girls, 
lighting  up  their  faces,  in  order  to  detect  his  promised  part- 
ner. The  music  was  martial  and  included  many  of  the 
newest  war  songs  woven  into  dance  music,  so  that  dancers 
and  spectators  would  join  in  singing  them,  the  effect  being 
inspiring  and  unforgetable. 

"At  the  same  time,  the  Marines  had  a  camp-fire  at 


10  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

which  the  commanding  officers  of  the  camp  and  the  New 
Mexico  team  were  the  guests  of  honor  and  squatted  on  low 
folding  stools  in  the  first  circle  around  the  burning  logs. 
The  entertainment  was  surprising  because  of  its  character. 
The  reputation  of  the  Marines  as  indomitable  fighters  so 
justified  by  subsequent  events,  led  the  crowd  to  expect  some- 
thing real  wild  and  wooly.  Instead,  the  opening  number 
was  a  recitation  by  E.  J.  Feemster,  a  mild-spoken,  mild- 
mannered,  and  mild-looking  New  Mexico  crack-shot  of  the 
U.  S.  Biological  Survey.  He  recited  "When  Ruby  played 
the  Piano."  No  one  present  seemed  to  think  the  number 
incongruous.  The  crowd  followed  every  word  and  sentence 
with  evident  interest.  The  men  laughed,  shouted  and  ap- 
plauded the  clever  impersonation.  Even  the  Colonel  wear- 
ing the  Croix  de  Guerre  and  other  decorations,  laughed 
until  tears  rolled  down  his  cheeks.  Then  came  a  sailor 
with  an  accordeon.  He  played  not  war  songs,  but  ballads 
of  home  and  mother.  The  marines  and  the  rest  of  the  crowd 
took  up  the  songs  with  vigor.  The  favorite  seemed  to  be 
"Silver  Threads  among  the  Gold,"  for  it  was  called  for  again 
and  again  and  each  time  it  was,  sung  with  increased  verve. 
Surely  an  inexplicable  revelation  of  American  character 
but  that  somehow  fitted  into  sentimental  traits  that  mani- 
fested themselves  unexpectedly  on  all  fronts  during  the 
war !  As  stated  editorially  in  the  Los  Angeles  Times : 

"In  the  finals  it  appears  that  the  favorite  hymn  of  the 
trenches  was  'Abide  With  Me.'  'Tis  a  grand  old  hymn 
and  the  wide  love  of  it  shows  there's  a  strain  of  rever- 
ence at  the  bottom  of  every  careless  and  impulsive 
heart.  It  will  be  with  us  long  after  the  jazz  stuff  has 
been  pigeon-holed  in  the  musical  morgue." 

"In  another  part  of  the  camp,  the  sailors  had  put  on  a 
boxing  bout  and  a  jiu-jitsu  exhibition.  The  affair  was 
conducted  with  the  orderliness  of  a  prayer  meeting.  At  9 
o'clock  'taps'  and  by  ten  'lights  out.'  Guards  paced  to  and 
fro  and  their  challenges  sounding  through  the  night  air 
proclaimed  eternal  vigilance  whether  earth  is  fair  with 
moonlight  or  shrouded  by  storms." 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  11 

Another  letter  by  a  New  Mexican  in  a  New  Mexico 
paper  describes  his  first  impressions  as  follows: 

"The  recruit  is  handed  an  Enfield  rifle  out  of  'cosmol- 
ine'  pickle.  It  oozes  and  drips  grease  all  over.  It  is  his 
task  to  clean  the  gun  and  it's  sure  some  fun  to  watch  how 
gingerly  some  men  grasp  the  gun  and  to  witness  their  evi- 
dent agony  in  cleaning  it,  a  good  two  or  three  hours  job. 
Incidentally  the  recruit  is  learning  more  than  perhaps  he 
ever  knew  before  about  guns.  Woe  to  him  if  at  inspection 
he  hasn't  cleaned  the  rifle  'in'ards'  and  'out'ards,  and  the 
inspecting  officer  finds  as  much  as  a  tuft  of  lint  in  the  bore. 
The  recruit's  next  experience  is  at  the  commissary  where 
he  is  doled  out  an  aluminum  kit  of  cup,  fork,  knife,  spoon, 
patent  plate  and  a  tin  wash  basin.  That  is  his  entire  eating 
and  washing  outfit  and  he  sometimes  failed  to  get  the  latter. 
At  first  it  takes  some  resourcefulness  to  make  these  few 
utensils  suffice  for  a  bountiful  breakfast  like  that  of  this 
morning  which  consisted  of  the  following  menu,  all  served 
at  once  however  and  not  in  courses,  so  that  you  had  to  pile 
it  all  on  the  plate,  the  lid,  and  in  the  cup : 

Grapes.  Dried  Apricots. 

Corn  Flakes,  Milk,  Sugar. 
Shirred  Eggs.  Hamburger. 

Jam. 

White  Bread,  Butter. 
Coffee,  Milk,  Sugar. 

"You  get  all  you  can  grab  and  pile  on  your  dishes.  The 
men,  it  is  certain,  often  gorged  themselves,  and  that  without 
suffering  any  discomfort.  Because  of  the  'nippy'  air  at 
6  a.  m.  the  hot  coffee  is  poured  down  by  the  pints.  As 
each  man  finishes,  he  takes  his  dirty  dishes  and  joins  a 
line  outside  to  take  his  turn  at  the  out-of-doors  dish- washing 
contrivance,  consisting  of  three  huge  galvanized  iron  tubs 
placed  on  a  primitive  brick  oven  heated  by  wood-fire.  Two 
of  the  tubs  are  filled  with  soap  water  steaming  hot,  while 
the  middle  tank  has  luke-warm  rinsing  water.  After  each 


12  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

man  has  swung"  his  dishes  in  the  hot  soap  water  several 
times  and  rinsed  them  he  lets  them  dry  in  his  tent. 

"Tonight  both  the  'Y'  and  the  'K.  of  C.'  huts  were  jam- 
med to  the  doorknobs.  A  Toledo  orchestra  and  'jazz'  band 
rendered  a  program  at  the  former  that  pleased  the  men. 
At  the  latter  there  was  an  officers'  dance  in  honor  of  the 
hundred  and  more  men  who  had  been  commissioned  that 
day.  At  the  'K.  of  C.'  hut  all  the  dances  take  place,  averag- 
ing three  or  four  a  week,  while  the  'Y'  is  the  center  for 
music,  lectures,  and  motion  pictures,  both  huts  being  thron- 
ged all  day  with  men  writing  home  or  reading  the  maga- 
zines and  books.  At  both  there  are  religious  services  every 
Sunday.  Three  thousand  letters  were  mailed  at  the  'Y.  M. 
C.  A/  yesterday.  Nine  of  every  ten  were  addressed  to 
women,  one  half  of  them  to  'Mrs/  and  the  other  half  to 
'Miss.'  The  'Y'  Secretary  made  the  actual  count.  Draw  your 
own  conclusions,  but  it  is  evident  that  mother,  wife,  sister, 
daughter  and  sweetheart  are  mighty  near  to  the  men's 
minds  while  they  are  at  the  'Y'  and  in  the  'K.  of  C.'  hut. 
"In  the  Officers'  Auditorium  above  their  mess  hall,  there 
are  lectures  of  a  technical  nature  every  evening.  Attend- 
ance is  compulsory.  Military  discipline  is  enforced  and 
yet,  before  the  lecturer  appears  on  the  platform,  the  men 
frolic  and  sing.  Some  one  has  said  that  Americans  unlike 
other  peoples  do  not  sing,  but  in  the  camps  there  was  sing- 
ing at  work,  at  play,  and  on  the  march.  It  did  one's  heart 
good  to  listen  to  those  young  officers  singing  the  college 
and  war  songs  and  at  times  gospel  hymns,  with  a  vim  that 
was  overwhelming  in  its  appeal.  Tonight,  a  British  of- 
ficer lectured  on  'Front  Line  Intelligence,'  revealing  an 
intricate  and  scientific  system  of  gathering  information 
about  the  enemy  that  requires  long  arid  careful  training 
of  men  with  special  qualifications.  Last  evening,  a  French 
officer  lectured  on  'Scouting,'  and  disclosed  that  there  is  a 
good  deal  more  of  science  and  technique  in  modern  warfare 
than  there  was  in  the  wars  of  other  days.  In  fact,  the 
fighting  forces  are  learning  new  wrinkles  continually  and 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  13 

the  reconnaissance  scout  is  becoming  a  highly  trained 
specialist.  An  American  lieutenant-colonel  gave  an  inter- 
esting lecture  on  'sighting/  'windage/  and  other  phases 
of  rifle  practice.  Like  all  the  other  lecturers  he  had  been 
in  the  actual  fighting  on  the  western  front.  A  staff-of- 
ficer, America's  greatest  authority  on  the  rifle,  the  author 
of  several  books  on  rifle  practice,  spoke  on  his  specialty. 
This  morning  in  a  group,  the  New  Mexicans  listened  to  a 
thorough  explanation  of  the  22-  and  45-  automatic  revolvers, 
wicked-looking  and  dangerous  weapons  at  short  range.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  officers  had  much  more  of  a  grind 
each  day  than  the  privates.  They  had  to  conform  to  many 
a  tradition  that  the  privates  had  left  behind  them  in  civi- 
lian life,  and  they  had  in  consequence  much  less  fun  out 
of  camp  life  than  did  their  men/' 

Merely  another  impression  of  Camp  Perry  as  described 
in  the  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  of  September  17:  'Today 
is  a  gloriously  sunny  day  and  many  were  the  visitors  to 
the  rifle  range,  which  is  a  vast,  lush-green  meadow,  bounded 
on  the  north  by  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie  and  rimmed  on 
the  east  and  west  with  groves  of  trees  and  fertile  fields. 
Above  head  circled  one  of  the  new  battle  planes  from  Camp 
Wright.  She  is  a  beauty  with  speed  of  150  miles  an  hour 
and  altitude  record  of  over  10,000  feet.  To  the  fore  and 
to  the  aft,  Lewis  machine-guns  are  mounted.  The  whirr 
of  the  engines  made  a  weird  accompaniment  to  the  uninter- 
rupted fire  on  the  various  ranges.  On  the  west  of  the  field 
a  nest  of  trenches,  sand-bag  embankments  and  concrete 
defense  works  had  been  built  for  instruction  purposes.  One 
force  of  infantry  was  trying  to  hold  them,  while  another 
force  was  attacking.  Nearby  is  a  ruined  'French  farm- 
house/ while  clumps  of  trees,  windbreaks,  stumps,  towers, 
tanks,  shell-holes,  etc.,  give  temporary  cover  to  the  attacking 
infantry.  To  the  south,  the  rows  upon  rows  of  tents  reflect 
the  rays  of  the  setting  sun.  Verily,  one  has  'seen  the  Glory 
of  the  Lord/  in  this  martial  scene  that  symbolizes  the  might 
of  a  great  Nation  enlisted  in  a  righteous  cause/* 


14  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  nerve  center  of  the  camp  was  in  a  modest  two  story 
frame  building  that  served  as  camp  headquarters.    It  was 
as  busy  as  a  beehive  with  clerks,  and  orderlies  dashing  to 
and  fro,  and  typewriters  clicked  in  every  room.    Regimental 
and  company  headquarters  were  in  tents.     The  telegraph 
offices  adjoined  the  headquarters  building.    Then  came  the 
postoffice  handling  as  vast  a  volume  of  mail  as  big  city 
offices  but  without  near  the  facilities  and  but  a  fraction 
of  the  room  and  comfort  to  be  found  in  any  second  class 
office.    Next  in  line,  on  the  main  street,  was  the  canteen 
and  it  was  thronged  all  day  long.    It  was  a  typical  country 
department  store,  in  which  one  could  buy  ice-cream  cones 
and  soft  drinks  and  it  was  astounding  how  much  of  these 
were  consumed  daily.    In  the  back  was  a  short  lunch  coun- 
ter and  it  simply  coined  money  despite  the  liberal  mess.  The 
Knights  of  Columbus,  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  huts,  the  railroad 
station,  the  officers'  mess  hall  and  auditorium,-a  substantial 
concrete  building, — were  all  on  this  street.    The  camp  was 
adequately  policed  and  there  was  a  noteworthy  absence  of 
crime  or  even  petty  offences.    It  is  a  high  tribute  to  Amer- 
ican manhood,  that  there  was  a  striking  camaraderie,  an 
avoidance  of  petty  meanness,  a  punctual  compliance  with 
the  rules  for  the  welfare  of  the  camp.    How  much  of  this 
spirit  the  men  took  with  them  into  civil  life  when  they  were 
mustered  out  it  is,  of  course,  hard  to  estimate,  but  it  justi- 
fied perhaps,  some  of  the  extravagant  predictions  one  heard 
of  the  change  that  the  War  would  bring  to  community  life 
and  community  activities. 

In  New  Mexico,  Camp  Cody,  with  more  than  30,000 
men  at  one  time,  revealed  other  angles  of  communal  life. 
The  men  coming  from  certain  states  being  grouped  together 
were  more  homogeneous.  They  came  mostly  from  sections 
of  the  United  States  which  in  topography  and  climate,  dif- 
fer very  much  from  the  country  round  about  Deming.  There 
was  some  complaint  about  dust  storms,  about  climatic 
rigors  that  the  men  had  not  expected  to  find  so  far  south. 
There  were  delays  in  providing  equipment  at  first,  and 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  15 

there  was  a  lack  of  ordinary  comforts,  all  of  which  was  re- 
flected in  the  camp  life.  There  were  occasional  incidents 
that  are  not  pleasant  to  record  and  which  made  work  for 
the  federal  courts.  There  was  much  grumbling,  so  much 
so,  that  investigations  were  made  personally  by  governors 
or  delegations  from  middle  western  states.  The  New  Mex- 
ico men  stationed  at  Camp  Cody  were  much  more  pleased 
with  the  Camp  than  were  the  middle  westerners.  In  most 
respects,  camp  life  at  Cody,  however,  was  very  much  as 
it  was  elsewhere,  with  the  United  War  Work  organizations 
looking  after  the  welfare  of  the  men,  providing  for  them 
amusements  and  comforts.  The  State  turned  over  to  the 
Camp  Community  Service  the  national  guard  armory  at 
Deming  which  was  transformed  into  a  club  for  the  men. 
Dr.  Walter  H.  Macpherson  in  charge  of  it  visited  cities 
in  the  Southwest  to  interest  the  public  in  his  work.  At 
Santa  Fe  he  made  a  stirring  address  at  the  New  Museum 
and  there  inaugurated  a  movement  to  send  out  traveling 
art  exhibits  to  Camp  Community  Clubs,  the  Museum  dis- 
patching one  of  the  first  of  such  exhibits  to  Deming,  whence 
it  went  to  the  Kkaki  Club  at  El  Paso.  Camp  Cody  had  its 
hostess  houses  with  the  Y.  W.  C.  A.  in  charge,  and  also 
an  A.  L.  A.  library  with  several  branches.  New  Mexico 
libraries  contributed  thousands  of  volumes  for  this  work, 
the  Camp  Cody  library  being  assigned  to  them  especially. 

Wherever  troops  were  stationed,  the  men  made  them- 
selves felt  in  the  life  of  nearby  communities.  In  New  Mex- 
ico, for  instance,  hundreds  of  officers  and  men  from  Camp 
Cody  made  the  pilgrimage  to  Santa  Fe  to-take  the  higher 
degrees  of  Scottish  Rite  Masonry  and  then  to  Albuquerque 
to  be  initiated  into  the  Shrine. 

Camp  Kearny  was  classed  as,  perhaps,  the  most  desir- 
able camp  of  all.  While  it  had  its  troubles  too,  and  worked 
for  the  first  few  months  under  decided  disadvantages,  to- 
ward the  end  of  the  war  it  became  a  model  camp,  and  from 
coast  to  coast  probably  nine  out  of  every  ten  men  would  have 
chosen  it  in  preference  to  others.  Many  of  the  New  Mexico 


16  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

men  were  at  this  camp,  and  here  especially,  development  bat- 
talions, improvement  and  Americanization  classes,  and  wel- 
fare work  reached  a  high  level. 

At  Camp  Kitchener,  Albuquerque,  established  by  the 
State  early  in  the  War  to  receive  the  recruits  for  the  fed- 
eralized  New  Mexico  national  guard,  camp  activities  were 
on  the  most  primitive  basis.  It  was  before  the  days  of 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  other  United  War  Work  on  the  elaborate 
scale  which  it  assumed  later.  The  buildings  and  equipment 
were  of  the  crudest,  although  the  best  that  could  be  pro- 
vided on  so  short  notice  and  with  inadequate  means.  Still 
the  men  enjoyed  it  and  retain  pleasant  memories  of  their 
sojourn  there. 

New  Mexico  had  its  student  army  training  schools  at 
the  University,  at  the  State  College,  mechanical  training 
classes  at  the  latter  also,  and  of  course,  capacity  work  con- 
tinued at  the  Military  Institute.  At  those  institutions,  life 
kept  much  of  the  aspect  of  college  days,  liberalized  at  one 
extreme  by  the  military  training,  and  made  more  rigid  at 
the  other  by  military  discipline,  but  flowing  on  from  day 
to  day  as  in  time  of  peace. 

There  were  isolated  posts  and  camps  along  the  Mexi- 
can border,  especially  at  Columbus  and  at  Hachita,  where 
many  of  the  agencies  that  made  life  pleasant  at  the  larger 
camps  and  cantonments  were  not  at  work  and  where  life 
at  times  grew  monotonous,  but  even  there  the  community 
spirit  asserted  itself  in  various  and  pleasant  forms. 

As  one  reads  the  columns  of  "Trench  and  Camp"  pub- 
lished in  the  larger  camps  and  cantonments,  or  talks  with 
the  men  who  have  been  mustered  out,  or  recalls  days  even 
amidst  the  discomforts  and  terrible  scenes  at  the  front, 
there  is  apt  to  be  born  the  wish  that  the  country  might  re- 
tain something  of  the  community  life  that  was  fostered 
under  the  aegis  of  war;  that  even  in  days  of  piping  peace, 
and  feverish  reconstruction,  there  might  be  an  annual 
gathering  of  men  in  camps  and  cantonments  to  lead  the 
life  of  the  open  under  the  discipline  and  with  the  simpli- 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  17 

city  of  camp  and  trench.  Among  the  right  sort  of  men,-and 
it  is  certain  that  most  men  are  of  the  right  sort,-there  was 
developed  something  fine  in  spirit,  something  big  in  out- 
look, which  in  New  Mexico  as  elsewhere  should  become  per- 
manent in  community  activities  and  that  should  be  made 
a  part  of  the  training  of  every  youth  before  he  essays  in- 
to life.  If  the  training  was  good  for  the  rigorous  demands 
of  war  it  certainly  would  be  beneficial  in  preparation  for 
the  multitudinous  tasks  of  peace. 

PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 


X      At  the  Front 

Twenty  miles  north  of  Toul,  France,  is  the  little  village 
of  Roulecourt.  There  it  was  my  privilege  as  a  Red  Cross 
out-post  Canteen  worker  to  see  a  number  of  our  New  Mex- 
ico boys  in  their  first  introduction  to  the  front.  It  was  a 
so-called  quiet  sector,  the  Kindergarten  of  war  in  France. 
There  the  1st  Division  and  the  26th  made  their  debut;  then 
the  82nd,  whose  officers  were  almost  entirely  made  up  of 
men  from  Georgia  and  Alabama,-ideal,  brave  Southern 
gentlemen,  whose  men  were  from  the  South  and  East.  Then 
to  my  delight  came  the  89th  —  so  many  of  whose  officers 
were  from  the  West  —  Gen.  Wood's  division,  compelled, 
however,  to  serve  without  him  —  trained  at  Camp  Funs- 
ton,  Kansas,  and  in  the  main  composed  of  farm  boys  from 
Kansas,  Iowa  and  Missouri  —  wonderful  men.  To  my  sur- 
prise, there  were  many  boys  from  New  Mexico  mingled  with 
these.  To  see  the  Mexican  boys  in  that  far  away  country, 
so  far  removed  from  the  quaint  little  villages  from  which 
the  greater  number  of  them  had  traveled  scarcely  fifty 
miles  before,  and  in  this  land  of  chilling  rain  —  a  desperate 
contrast  to  our  almost  perpetual  sunshine  --  gave  a  little 
stronger  tug  at  my  heart  strings  than  the  sight  of  our 
other  American  boys.  To  have  seen  those  faces  light  up 
2 


18  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

at  the  familiar  sound  of  "Como  Esta,  Amigo"  sprung  un- 
awares at  them  while  patrolling  a  lonesome  dark  road  in 
the  beating  rain,  is  never  to  be  forgotten.  There  were  boys 
from  Mora,  Las  Vegas,  Santa  Fe,  Las  Cruces  —  every  place 
in  New  Mexico  seemingly  represented  in  that  one  regiment 
in  my  district. 

Will  they  ever  forget  the  towns  of  Roulecourt,  Boucon- 
ville,  Rombecourt  and  Xivray?  Will  the  members  of  each 
battalion  of  the  356th  regiment  forget  the  first  dark  night 
when  it  formed  in  Roulecourt,  the  position  of  support,  to 
march  up  to  Bouconville  and  Rombecourt  from  which  they 
entered  the  front  line  trenches  for  the  first  time  —  muddy, 
wet,  chilled  through,  not  knowing  how  far  the  German 
trenches  were  away  (only  560  yards)  ?  Can  they  forget 
the  first  daylight  which  revealed  Mt.  Sec  a  little  more  than 
a  half  a  mile  away  —  the  supposedly  impregnable  position 
of  the  Boche?  Those  first  eight  days  in  the  trenches !  What 
a  relief  it  was  to  march  back  to  the  town  which  was  the 
position  of  rest  six  miles  back  of  Roulecourt!  I  hope,  too, 
they  have  not  forgotten  the  hot  chocolate  it  was  my  pri- 
vilege to  hand  out  to  them  as  they  passed  back  through 
Roulecourt  at  two  in  the  morning  —  tired  and  sleepy  from 
the  strain  of  those  first  days  and  nights  in  the  trenches. 
And  the  six  military  police  stationed  in  the  French  town 
of  Brussy  —  three  of  them  New  Mexico  boys  —  can  they 
forget  that  battered  village  and  the  picturesque  old  French 
fire  place  over  which  they  cooked  their  meals? 

One  can  imagine  the  natural  feeling  of  timidity  with 
which  those  boys  first  entered  the  dark,  muddy  ditches,  but 
it  is  almost  impossible  to  realize  the  change  in  them  after 
the  second  time  in,  the  confidence  and  then  the  eagerness 
with  which  they  awaited  the  final  step  in  their  war  train- 
ing —  going  over  the  top.  This  they  did  with  all  the  bravery 
we  had  expected  of  them  on  Sept.  12th,  the  start  of  the  San 
Mihiel  drive.  Part  of  this  Division,  in  which  were  a  num- 
ber of  our  New  Mexico  boys,  was  the  342nd  Machine  Gun 
Company,  stationed  in  the  woods  to  the  right  of  Roulecourt, 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  19 

located  at  intervals  in  little  groups,  each  group  with  a 
machine  gun,  waiting  for  many  days,  totally  ignorant  of 
what  the  next  move  would  be,  shelled  at  intervals  with  gas- 
and  shrapnel.  Many  of  these  little  machine  gun  posts  con- 
tained one  or  more  boys  from  this  State.  In  those  dismal 
woods  was  their  first  introduction  to  the  war,  and  although 
tame  in  comparison  to  the  real  hell  they  went  through  later, 
those  first  impressions  must  ever  remain  with  them.  Fur- 
ther to  our  right  other  regiments  of  the  89th  Division,  the 
353,  354  and  356,  were  badly  gassed  in  similar  woods. 
Eight  hundred  men  were  victims  of  it,  among  whom  were 
many  New  Mexico  boys.  All  this  was  before  the  begin- 
ning of  their  real  work  on  September  12th. 

The  little  town  of  Xivray  —  it  was  a  town  once  but 
then  only  picturesque  ruins  —  was  located  about  three 
hundred  yards  out  in  "No  Man's  Land,"  and  used  only 
as  an  observation  post  where  five  men  of  the  356th  were 
kept  posted  to  guard  against  surprise  attacks.  Tobacco, 
sweet  chocolate  and  magazines  looked  awfully  good  to  what- 
ever men  were  sojourning  there  for  the  three  day  watch. 
On  one  trip  there  I  was  accompanied  by  Marion  Barker 
of  Las  Vegas  of  the  356th  and  to  our  surprise  we  found  one 
of  the  five  guards  was  a  Pueblo  Indian  from  Laguna,  while 
the  sergeant  was  also  from  New  Mexico.  So  in  that  little 
out-post  in  "No  Man's  Land"  that  day,  out  of  seven  men, 
there  were  four  of  us  from  New  Mexico. 

I  must  not  forget  the  21st  Regiment  of  Railway  Engi- 
neers who  had  worked  so  faithfully  in  that  sector  from 
January  until  Sept.  12th,  doing  much  of  their  work  in  the 
same  interesting  woods  to  the  right  of  Roulecourt  in  which 
the  342nd  Machine  Gun  Company  was  located.  Many  of 
these  men  were  former  employees  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railway! 
Many  had  pulled  ttfains  through  our  New  Mexico  mount- 
ains. Oh,  the  pleasure  and  pride  to  see  them  in  that  ever 
dangerous,  man's  work,  night  and  day,  subject  to  aeroplane 
bombing,  and  artillery  fire!  The  derailments  on  that 
happy-go-lucky  but  all  important  little  narrow  guage  rail- 


20  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

way  were  much  more  frequent  than  on  our  dear  old  Santa 
Fe  system.  Those  of  us  from  New  Mexico  all  longed  for 
a  Harvey  House  meal  occasionally! 

At  Boullionville,  quite  near  Metz,  where  I  moved  to 
after  Sept.  12th,  a  small  flat  field  in  front  of  my  canteen 
was  occupied  by  the  supply  company  of  the  353th  regi- 
ment, 89th  Division.  Being  invited  to  eat  with  a  small 
group  about  a  cheerful  looking  camp  fire  I  was  delighted 
to  find  a  Spanish-American  boy  cooking  the  first  meal  I 
had  with  them.  They  took  turns  at  this,  however.  Later 
they  were  forced  to  abandon  this  field  as  a  picnic  ground 
because  the  Boche  formed  an  unpleasant  habit  of  dropping 
a  shell  or  two  on  the  flat  promptly  at  meal  times. 

Those  of  our  New  Mexico  boys  who  return  from  the 
front  — .  many  will  not  —  have  endured  what  is  impossible 
to  describe  adequately  to  those  who  had  not  the  privilege  of 
seeing  them  there  —  the  danger  of  the  submarine  and  that 
of  the  ever  present  German  aeroplane,  the  terrors  of  the 
awful  gas  and  the  discomfort  of  being  wet  and  chilled 
through,  week  after  week,  and  more  than  once  advancing 
through  dark  forests  with  a  rain  of  machine  gun  bullets 
pattering  around  them.  While  viewing  the  daily  aerial 
combats  and  when  looking  up  at  some  allied  plane  hover- 
ing above  us  for  our  protection,  we  could  not  help  wonder- 
ing if  among  those  aviators  there  might  not  be  a  New  Mex- 
ico boy.  Without  doubt  many  a  time  there  w(as  one  of 
them  hovering  15000  feet  up,  helping  protect,  among  others, 
boys  from  his  own  state. 

Let  us  never  forget  those  of  them  who  lie  buried  in 
France.  Let  us  never  cease  to  honor  those  who  return.  I 
shall  never  forget  the  one  or  cease  to  honor  the  other,  for 
I  have  seen  them  at  their  work. 

ASHLEY  POND 

NOTE.  It  would  please  the  writer  greatly  to  hear  from 
or  see  any  of  the  boys  he  met  who  may  remember  him  as 
the  Red  Cross  Lieut,  in  charge  of  out-post  No.  2  first  loc- 
ated at  Roulecourt  and  later  at  Boullionville.  Those  who 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  21 

may  remember  my  fellow  worker,  Lieut.  Fred  Barker,  will 
I  know  grieve  to  learn  that  he  was  killed  by  a  shell. 


XI     The  Cost  and  the  Gain 

A  final  appraisement  of  either  the  cost  or  the  gains 
of  such  an  enormous  enterprise  as  the  late  war,  is  impos- 
sible at  the  present  time.  Decades  must  elapse  and  con- 
clusions must  be  reached  in  the  calm  reflection  of  the  years. 
However  it  will  be  of  interest  and  possibly  profit  to  those 
who  study  the  Great  War  in  future  time  to  have  at  hand 
the  impressions  of  those  who  lived  in  the  great  years  of 
1914-18.  This  brief  chapter  will  merely  seek  to  reflect 
what  appears  to  be  the  sentiment  of  thinking  people  at 
this  time. 

What  the  war  cost  us  in  effort,  in  time  taken  from 
our  customary  occupations,  in  money  contributions  directly 
and  indirectly,  has  been  to  some  extent  set  forth  in  pre- 
vious chapters.  In  material  possessions  our  people  in  New 
Mexico  are  not  affluent.  The  average  wealth  per  capita  is 
low.  The  great  majority  live  by  simple  industrial  pur- 
suits —  small  farming,  stock  raising,  and  various  forms 
of  wage  earning. 

Nevertheless,  it  has  always  been  a  matter  of  note  that 
when  it  came  to  charity,  to  education  or  other  public  en- 
terprises, taxation  was  never  withheld  and  always  popular 
subscription  yielded  surprising  results.  When  the  time 
came  to  raise  the  large  sums  necessary  to  meet  the  quota 
imposed  by  the  various  war  services,  it  required  something 
more  than  blind  optimism,  it  required  downright  faith  in 
our  people;  and  that  faith  was  justified.  The  promptness 
and  excessive  measure  with  which  each  call  was  met  should 
stir  the  pride  of  every  New  Mexican.  And  when  one  thinks 
of  the  actual  privation  that  was  necessary  in  thousands  of 
instances  in  order  to  share  in  the  various  patriotic  services, 


22  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

one  must  feel  that  the  finest  and  noblest  in  all  our  national 
life  is  not  to  be  sought  in  far  and  exceptional  places,  but 
is  right  here  in  the  humble  homes  of  our  own  communities. 

However  gratifying  it  may  be  to  recall  the  liberality 
of  our  material  contributions,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
this  was  comparatively  insignificant.  War's  imperative 
call  is  for  men,  and  New  Mexico  responded  with  her  full 
quota.  Over  seventeen  thousand  lives  were  tendered  and 
of  these  five  hundred  and  one  were  given  up  in  the  service 
of  the  country.  These  are  New  Mexico's  immortals.  "To- 
morrow shall  be  the  flower  of  all  its  yesterdays"  runs  the 
Spanish  proverb.  Truly,  the  tomorrows  that  we  shall  en- 
joy will  be  fragrant  with  the  memory  of  the  true  and  faith- 
ful sons  of  New  Mexico  who  joined  the  almost  innumerable 
company  who  died  in  these  years  of  struggle. 

And  be  it  not  forgotten,  as  we  immortalize  the  heroes 
whose  lives  were  accepted  in  the  great  sacrifice,  that  nearly 
seventeen  thousand  more  freely  made  the  same  offer  and 
went  into  the  conflict  with  every  reason  to  expect  the  same 
sacrifice.  These  met,  like  true  men,  the  supreme  crisis  in 
our  history.  To  them,  sobered  by  heavy  responsibilities 
and  broadened  by  the  vision  of  wider  horizons,  we  of  the 
older  generation  can,  with  the  utmost  confidence,  submit 
the  civic  duties  of  the  future.  What  greater  safe-guard 
could  there  be  of  the  people  and  of  the  state  than  this  body 
of  men  disciplined  to  prompt  and  effective  action,  already 
tried  and  proven  in  a  great  crisis? 

When  we  count  the  cost  of  the  war,  we  may  write  off 
as  of  little  consequence,  all  save  the  lives  that  were  given. 
These  were  beyond  price.  No  one  can  estimate  the  value 
of  a  life  just  ready  to  face  the  duties  and  opportunities  of 
the  world.  What  futures  awaited  some  of  those  who  sleep 
on  European  battle  fields,  who  went  down  at  sea,  or  who 
died  in  preparation  for  the  day  of  action,  no  one  need  spec- 
ulate, for  no  greater  honor  could  have  come  to  any  one  of 
them,  no  greater  service  would  have  been  possible.  Through 
all  the  ages,  and  doubtless  it  will  ever  be  so,  death  on  the 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  23 

battlefield  in  defense  of  right  has  been  esteemed  the  su- 
preme glory  to  which  men  could  attain. 

In.  this  connection  there  is  one  glorious  fact  which 
should  be  known  in  every  home  in  this  land.  The  Board  of 
Historical  Service  for  New  Mexico  received  hundreds  of 
letters  from  the  parents,  wives,  and  sisters  of  the  young  men 
who  died  in  service  and  among  them  all,  no  matter  how 
awful  the  loss,  how  great  the  deprivation,  there  is  not  a 
single  instance  of  complaint  that  the  nation  asked  so  much, 
nor  of  regret  that  the  cherished  one  went  to  the  duty  that 
claimed  his  life.  On  the  contrary,  in  the  words  of  deepest 
grief  one  invariably  detects  the  note  of  exultant  glory  in 
the  life  bravely  given  for  country  and  humanity. 

In  all  the  records  of  this  war  there  will  be  none  more 
precious  than  the  letters  above  referred  to,  answering  our 
inquiries  concerning  the  boys  killed  in  action  or  who  died 
in  service  from  other  causes.  The  note  of  modest  affection 
and  pride,  and  that  of  restrained  religious  feeling  is  notice- 
ably prevalent.  "He  was  just  an  honest,  sober  Christian 
boy  who  loved  his  home  and  was  good  to  all  of  us.  Every- 
body liked  him.  He  was  so  anxious  to  go  that  he  could 
hardly  wait  to  be  called.  We  are  very  proud  of  our  soldier 
boy."  These  words  epitomize  these  letters.  They  reveal 
the  fact  that  there  were  spiritual  forces  in  this  war  that 
are  vital  to  its  history  which  may  not  be  overlooked  in  writ- 
ing the  record  for  posterity.  If  America  had  the  finest, 
cleanest  army  ever  put  into  the  field,  it  was  because  her 
soldiers  had  the  finest,  cleanest  homes  of  the  world  in  which 
to  develop  their  manhood. 

Thus  while  in  a  very  real  sense  we  find  the  cost  of  the 
war  immeasurable,  there  is  that  incalculable  compensation 
in  exalted  patriotism  and  consciousness  of  noble  sacrifice 
that  is  beyond  price. 

Turning  to  the  immediate  gains,  we  are  first  struck 
with  the  fact  that  from  the  standpoint  of  material  pro- 
fits, we  return  from  Europe  empty  handed.  Former  for- 
eign wars  have  yielded  us  enormous  possessions.  From 


24  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

this  one  we  do  not  expect  a  dollar  of  indemnity  for  the 
billions  spent,  nor  would  we  accept  the  cession  of  a  square- 
yard  of  territory.  It  would  seem  at  first  thought  an  enor- 
mous adventure  resulting  in  total  loss-. 

But  money  is  not  everything.  Its  limit  as  a  measure 
of  value  is  soon  reached.  Ultimate  worth  must  be  ex- 
pressed in  other  than  monetary  terms.  There  is  a  set  of 
values  that  are  both  economic  and  moral.  Of  this  class 
were  the  various  conservation  activities.  In  addition  to 
the  economic  considerations,  the  war  taught  us  that  waste, 
improvidence,  is  downright  immorality.  It  is  a  substantial 
gain  to  a  people  to  experience  the  satisfaction  of  laying 
something  by,  of  owning  something  that  will  safeguard  the 
future.  Investments  in  Liberty  Bonds  and  thrift  stamps 
and  the  conservation  of  food  and  other  materials  for  the 
general  good,  are  potent  factors  in  character  making. 

Closely  related  to  economic  conservation  is  the  question 
of  human  improvement.  Never  before  have  we  had  a 
thorough  appraisement  of  our  human  resources.  For  years 
systematic  evaluation  of  economic  resources  has  been  custo- 
mary. The  prospective  crops,  of  grain  and  live  stock,  are 
estimated  and  reported  months  in  advance,  but  there  has 
been  no  exact  knowledge  of  the  available  man  power  of 
the  country.  No  one  could  give  much  information  as  to 
the  condition  of  the  children  or  their  prospects  for  reaching 
useful  maturity.  The  unnecessary  loss  of  children  was  ap- 
palling; the  amount  of  preventable  disease  and  consequent 
misery  and  poverty  among  adults  no  less  so.  Of  a  million 
men  in  the  prime  of  life,  sacrcely  half  were  fit  for  duties 
requiring  high  efficiency. 

The  war  brought  these  questions  to  the  front  and  in 
such  an  imperative  way  that  they  at  once  ceased  to  be  debat- 
able and  commanded  instant  action.  The  army  called  for 
men  of  maximum  power ;  men  free  from  disease,  clear  eyed, 
alert  in  all  their  senses.  Health  was  promptly  made  obliga- 
tory. Army  traditions  of  long  standing  were  swept  away 
wholesale;  the  moral  code  of  the  soldier  became  higher 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  25 

than  that  of  the  college  student  of  past  years.  Army  life 
was  freer  from  vice  than  civilian  life.  Eagerly  our  young 
men  obeyed  the  call  to  physical  and  moral  cleanliness.  It 
became  the  pride  of  the  soldier.  It  seems  a  bit  strange 
that  it  was  not  to  the  colleges  and  universities  that  our 
young  men  went  to  learn  and  prize  the  highest  attributes 
of  manhood,  but  to  the  training  camp.  What  university 
executive  will  take  the  lead  in  demanding  that  student  life 
shall  be  as  clean  as  soldier  life  is  now  required  to  be? 

The  prospect  of  huge  losses  of  the  male  population 
turned  attention  to  the  saving  of  infant  life,  and  from  one 
end  of  the  country  to  the  other  the  physical  and  mental  ex- 
amination of  the  children  was  started.  As  a  result,  child- 
hood is  in  a  fair  way  to  get  a  square  deal.  The  right  of 
the  child  to  a  clean  ancestry,  to  a  wholesome  birth,  to  pro- 
tection from  infection,  to  freedom  from  physical,  mental 
and  moral  contamination  during  the  period  of  helplessness, 
to  sanitary  food  and  clothing  and  shelter,  and  to  education 
is  a  mandate  of  our  time.  The  state  that  lacks  child  con- 
servation laws  will  soon  be  considered  uncivilized.  Banish 
the  handicaps  of  childhood  —  bad  heredity,  infections,  mal- 
nutrition, ignorance,  and  the  fight  against  poverty  and 
crime  is  won. 

Women  gained  in  four  years  what  they  have  been 
struggling  centuries  to  obtain.  As  the  women  of  the  coun- 
try silently  stepped  into  place  in  every  line  of  activity,  short 
of  actual  battle,  and  with  marvelous  devotion  and  unsus- 
pected endurance  stood  up  to  the  hardest  tasks,  it  became 
obvious  that  here  was  a  line  of  defense  not  to  be  ignored. 
In  every  sense  they  were  fighters.  They  fought  to  send 
subsistence  to  the  front.  They  fought  disease.  They  fought 
for  the  lives  of  the  wounded.  They  toiled  with  needle  and 
sewing  machine  until  they  were  ready  to  drop,  but  none 
ever  fell.  If  called  to  danger  they  faced  it  boldly,  for  the 
risk  of  life  is  no  new  experience  to  them.  Courageous, 
determined,  quick-witted — they  were  from  the  first  like 
veterans  in  the  promptness  and  precision  with  which  they 


26  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

went  to  their  tasks.  They  did  not  wait  to  be  mobilized. 
"Drives"  were  not  necessary  to  spur  them  to  action.  They 
reached  to  the  uttermost  limits  of  the  war;  not  a  return- 
ing soldier  but  testifies  that  whether  in  camp  or  canton- 
ment, on  land  or  sea  or  in  the  air,  in  front  line  trenches 
and  in  the  valley  of  the  shadows,  he  was  never  beyond  the 
reach  of  what  women  were  doing  for  him.  In  the  fires  of 
this  conflict  mens'  souls  have  been  purged  and  the  New 
Chivalry  is  born.  Count  this  among  the  supreme  gains. 
It  is  safe  to  say  that  henceforth  no  civilized  country  will 
underrate  the  worth  of  its  women  in  public  affairs,  and 
even  in  war  their  place  will  be  as  important,  as  honorable, 
as  that  of  the  men. 

Accompanying  the  rapid  development  of  the  human 
welfare  movement,  it  was  inevitable  that  the  question  of 
state,  and  ultimately  of  national  prohibition,  should  come 
to  the  fore.  It  was  met  by  the  State  of  New  Mexico  a  few 
weeks  prior  to  our  coming  into  the  war  with  a  state  pro- 
hibition law,  to  be  followed  up,  as  everyone  knows,  in  the 
early  days  of  1919,  with  a  nation  wide  prohibition  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Looking 
back  over  the  ages  of  self-destruction,  of  inhuman  abuse 
of  women  and  children,  of  crime  in  every  form,  of  waste, 
and  disease  and  degeneracy  chargeable  to  the  liquor  busi- 
ness, it  seems  unbelievable  that  the  fight  should  have  been 
so  long  a  well  nigh  hopeless  one.  That  the  sudden  ending 
of  this  vast  curse  was  contemporaneous  with  the  great  war 
was  no  mere  chance.  It  required  the  discipline  of  that  vast 
conflict  to  plant  the  idea  of  race  preservation  in  the  public 
mind.  The  victory  of  prohibition  equals  the  triumph  over 
the  enemy.  In  material  gains  alone  it  has  already  paid  the 
cost  of  the  war. 

EDGAR  L.  HEWETT 


MUSIC  TEACHING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  27 


MUSIC  TEACHING  I'M  NEW  MEXICO  IN  TEE 
SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY 

The  Beginnings 
of  Music  Education  in  the  United  States 


Although  historians  of  American  music  have  unani- 
mously proclaimed  Boston  as  the  cradle  of  American  music 
and  music  education,  such  statements  have  been  made  only 
through  ignorance  of  facts  established  by  existing  Spanish 
historical  documents  which  give  that  honor  to  New  Mexico. 
It  has  merely  seemed  logical,  since  writers  of  United  States 
history  trace  all  movements  westward  from  the  Atlantic 
coast,  to  assume  that  music  education  should  have  followed 
the  same  general  direction.  Such  an  assumption,  however, 
disregards  the  fact  that  the  Spaniards  began  the  conquest 
of  North  America  a  century  before  the  English;  that  the 
Spanish  frontier  had  been  pushed  northward  from  Mexico 
City  to  beyond  the  Rio  Grande  before  the  Pilgrims  landed ; 
and  that  music  was  employed,  on  no  small  scale,  by  the 
Spaniards  as  a  means  of  conquest. 

While  the  Spaniards  were  musical  people,  it  was  not 
the  personal  tastes  of  the  conquistadores  which  determined 
the  attention  given  to  music  in  North  America  in  the  16th 
and  17th  centuries.  The  first  missionaries  who  landed  at 
Vera  Cruz  in  1523  found  that  music  was  one  of  the  most 
direct  and  effective  means  by  which  the  Indians  could  be 
induced  to  accept  the  semblances  of  Christianity  and  civil- 
ization. By  1527  Pedro  de  Gante  had  established  in  Mex- 
ico City  a  school  which  gave  special  attention  to  the  train- 
ing of  musicians.  In  this  institution,  especially  during  the 
next  half  century,  singers  and  players  of  many  instruments 
were  prepared  to  serve  the  church  in  its  missionary  ef- 


28  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

forts.1  Prayers  were  taught  to  the  natives  set  to  some 
familiar  chant;  orchestras  were  employed  to  add  charm  to 
the  services;  and  song  and  dance  were  encouraged  as 
diversions  among  the  people. 

As  the  mission  work  spread  beyond  the  Valley  of  Mex- 
ico, schools,  monasteries,  and  churches  continued  to  fur- 
ther the  efforts  of  church  officials  to  teach  the  natives 
music.  In  this  they  had  the  united  support  of  the  king 
and  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  In  response  to  petitions  of 
the  missionaries,  Charles  V  wrote  the  provincial  of  the 
Franciscans  in  Mexico  City  in  1540  to  send  out,  to  those 
best  fitted  to  use  them,  singers  and  players  of  reed  instru- 
ments "because  with  music  they  will  be  able  to  attract  the 
Indians  .  .  .  more  quickly  to  a  knowledge  of  our  Holy 
Faith."2  In  1573  a  decree  was  passed  directing  the  authori- 
ties in  Mexico  to  employ  music  of  singer  and  instruments 
for  the  purpose  of  "soothing,  pacifying,  and  influencing" 
the  Indians  who  were  indisposed  to  accept  peacefully  Ca- 
tholicism and  Spanish  rule.3  This  was  especially  applic- 
able to  the  Indians  of  northern  Mexico  who,  being  wand- 
ering tribes,  had  to  be  attracted  to  mission  life  before  there 
could  be  hope  of  educating  them  along  any  line. 

Five  years  before  Charles  V  authorized  the  sending 
of  singers  and  musicians  to  take  part  in  the  conquest,  news 
had  come  to  the  viceroy  of  Mexico  of  a  wonderland  far 
to  the  north.  Thither  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  wended  his 
way,  only  to  return  with  still  more  glowing  accounts. 
To  secure  this  region  for  the  Spanish  king,  Coronado  was 
sent  north  in  1540  with  an  army  of  followers.  Up  the  west 
coast  and  the  Yaqui  River,  then  across  the  Gila,  and  north- 
wards they  traveled  in  quest  of  the  Great  Quivira,  but  it 
was  only  a  lure;  Quivira  was  not  found.  Instead,  Indian 


1.  Spell,    L.,    "The    first    teacher    of    European    music    in    North    America,"    in 
Catholic    Historical   Quarterly,    New    Series,    II,       (Oct.    1922)     372-378. 

2.  Fraymentos   de   la   Cronica    de   la   Provincia   de    Franciscanos   de   Santiago   de 
Xalisco,   Tomo  I.     In  Coleccion  de  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,   reunidas 
y  publicados   por  el  Lie.   Eufemio   Mendoza    (Mexico,    1871),   333-334. 

3.  Recopilacion  de   Leyes  de   los   Reynos  de   las   Indias    (Madrid,    1681),    Lib.    I, 
tit.  I,  ley  iiii. 


MUSIC  TEACHING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  29 

towns  of  thatched  huts,  or  the  homes  of  the  pueblo  dwellers, 
met  the  disappointed  gaze  of  the  Spaniards  who  had  come 
in  search  of  gold,  jewels,  and  a  great  civilization.  After 
two  years  of  search  for  the  dream  city,  all  returned  to 
Mexico  except  a  few  priests  who  were  permitted  but  a 
short  lease  on  life  before  meeting  the  certain  doom  which 
awaited  a  European  among  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico. 
Among  the  victims  was  Juan  de  Padilla,  who  only  a  few 
years  before  had  been  active  in  training  Indian  singers  on 
the  western  frontier.4 

During  the  next  half  century  it  seemed  that  New  Mex- 
ico was  almost  forgotten  except  by  some  few  adventurers 
and  missionaries.  But  by  the  time  the  outlying  missions 
had  reached  the  Conchos  River  in  Chihuahua,  Onate,  a  con- 
quistador, braved  the  unoccupied  regions  beyond  and  en- 
tered New  Mexico.  With  him  went,  at  the  king's  expense, 
a  band  of  friars  supplied  with  bells  and  musical  instru- 
ments; these  Franciscans  were  scattered  among  the  Pue- 
blo Indians  as  soon  as  the  towns  were  reduced  to  submission. 
Their  efforts  at  pacification  were  but  a  repetition  of  those 
of  the  first  missionaries  in  the  Valley  of  Mexico,  but  due 
to  the  difference  in  type  of  the  Indians  with  whom  they 
labored  in  New  Mexico,  the  results  were  neither  so  rapid 
nor  so  remarkable. 

As  far  as  available  records  show,  the  first  music 
teacher  who  worked  within  the  confines  of  the  present 
United  States  was  a  Mexican,  Cristobal  de  Quinones,  who 
belonged  to  the  Franciscan  order.  He  probably  entered 
New  Mexico  as  a  member  of  Onate's  colony  between  1598 
and  1604,5  for  Vetancurt  tells  us  that  before  his  death  in 
1609,  he  had  learned  the  language  of  the  Queres  Indians, 
erected  the  church  and  monastery  at  San  Felipe,  installed 
an  organ  in  the  chapel  there,  and  taugh  many  of  the  natives 


4.  Tello,  Antonio,  Libra  Segundo  de  la  Cronica  Miscelanea    (Guadalajara,   1891), 
204.      Also    Fragmentos,    59;    and    Beaumont,    Pablo    de,    Cronica    de    la    Provincia    de 
los  Santos  Apostoles  S.  Pedro  y  S.   Pablo  de  Michoacdn    (Mexico,    1873),   III,   503-4. 

5.  Benavides,  Alonso,  The  Memorial  of  Fray  Alonso  de  Benavides  1630   (Chicago, 
1316),   198.     Notes  by  F.  W.  Hodge. 


30  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

so  successfully  that  they  were  skilled  singers  of  the  church 
services.8  At  the  time  that  Jamestown  was  founded,  and 
thirteen  years  before  the  Pilgrims  set  fort  on  the  Massa- 
chusetts coast,  New  Mexico  could  not  only  boast  of  a  music 
teacher  who  had  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  a  musical  educa- 
tion such  as  the  church  schools  of  that  day  afforded,  but 
was  in  possession  of  an  organ. 

The  next  music  teacher  of  record  in  New  Mexico  is 
Bernardo  de  Marta,  a  Spaniard  who  came  to  America  about 
1600.  He  was  sent  to  New  Mexico  in  1605.  One  of  the 
old  chroniclers  tells  us  that  "he  was  a  great  musician  and 
was  called  the  organist  of  the  skies ;  he  taugh  many  of  the 
natives  in  various  towns  to  play  and  sing."7  This  work 
he  continued  until  his  death  in  Zia,  September  18,  1635. 

Among  the  other  teachers  of  music  in  New  Mexico, 
Friar  Garcia  de  San  Francisco  y  Zuniga  deserves  especial 
mention.  He  was  in  New  Mexico  by  1630,  for  in  that  year 
he  was  left  in  charge  of  the  church  and  monastery  which 
his  companion,  Antonio  de  Arteaga,  founded  at  Senecu. 
In  this  church,  an  organ  was  installed  by  Friar  Garcia.' 
In  December,  1659,  he  founded  the  mission  of  Nuestra 
Senora  de  Guadalupe  at  El  Paso,  of  which  the  chapel  was 
dedicated  in  1668.  At  this  mission  Friar  Garcia  remained 
until  after  1671.  He  died  and  was  buried  at  Senecu  in 
1673."  While  no  direct  statement  has  been  found  that  Friar 
Garcia  had  an  organ  in  this  church,  or  that  he  engaged 
in  music  teaching  while  at  the  El  Paso  mission,  his  evident 
interest  in  the  music  of  the  church,  as  shown  by  the  in- 
stallation of  the  organ  at  Senecu,  suggests  that  he  did  no 
less  for  the  mission  which  he  served  for  over  ten  years. 

The  most  famous  of  the  missionaries  to  New  Mexico 
was  Alonso  de  Benavides,  whose  memorial  to  the  king  of 


6.  Vetancurt,   Agustin   de,   Menologio  Franciscano    (Mexico,    1698),   43. 

7.  /bid.,    103. 

8.  Vetancurt   Teatro  Mexicano,   Chronica,   pt.   4,   trat.   3.   cap.   xxviii,   98. 

9.  Ibid;   Hughes,   A.,    "The   Beginnings   of   Spanish   Settlements   in   the   El    Paso 
District,"   in   University  of  California  Publications  in  History,   I,   no   3,   306-309. 
See  also   notes  to   Ayer's   translation   of  the   Benavides   Memorial,   205. 


MUSIC  TEACHING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  31 

Spain  in  1630  gives  the  best  existing  account  of  the  province 
at  that  time.10  Santa  Fe  was  still  the  only  Spanish  settle- 
ment. There  were  friars  working  in  twenty-five  missions 
which  served  ninety  pueblos  comprising  some  60,000  In- 
dians. At  each  mission  a  school  similar  in  type  to  that  of 
Pedro  de  Gante  was  maintained  —  here  the  Indians  were 
taught  reading,  writing,  manual  arts,  singing  and  instru- 
mental music.  Monasteries  had  been  established  among 
the  various  tribes.  In  connection  with  each  monastery 
there  was  always  a  school  in  which  music  was  taught ;  some- 
times special  music  schools  were  maintained. 

Among  the  Piros  three  monasteries  had  been  founded ; 
one  at  Senecu — evidently  that  supplied  with  an  organ  by 
Friar  Garcia,  one  at  Pilabo,  and  one  at  Sevilleta.  Each 
of  these  had  under  its  charge  the  neighboring  pueblos.  In 
the  monasteries  the  friars  taught  singing,  reading  and  writ- 
ing, with  insistence  that  the  Indians  live  in  civilized  fash- 
ion.11 Among  the  Tiwas,  there  were  two  monasteries,  at 
San  Francisco  de  Sandia  and  at  San  Antonio  de  Isleta. 
"At  these,"  Benavides  says,  "there  are  schools  of  reading 
and  writing,  singing,  and  playing  all  instruments."12  These 
monasteries  and  their  chapels  were  especially  costly  and 
beautiful.  In  the  monastery  of  the  Pecos  district  the  In- 
dians were  well  trained  in  all  the  crafts,  in  reading,  writ- 
ing, singing,  and  instrument  playing.13  In  connection  with 
the  conversion  of  the  Navajo  Apaches,  the  use  of  bells, 
trumpets,  and  clarions  is  mentioned.  Benavides  comments 
here  on  the  success  of  the  missionaries  as  music  teachers, 
"for  it  is  [a  thing  for  which]  to  praise  the  Lord  to  see  in 
so  little  time  so  many  chapels  with  the  organ-chant.'"' 

Benavides  himself  commenced  the  church  and  monas- 


10.  Benavides,     Alonso,     The     Memorial   of     Fray     Alonso    de     Benavidet    1630 
(Chicago,    1916).      Translated  by   Mrs.   Ayer. 

11.  Ibid.,    17-19. 

12.  Ibid.,    19-20 

13.  Ibid.,    21-22 

14.  Ibid.,   67.   Cf.   Benj.   Read's  translation   in  his   History  of  New   Mexico,   pp. 
695    and    708.      He   translates    canto   de   6rgano   as    "singing    with   organ    accompani- 
ment."     Even   the   Ayer  translation   might   be   improved   here. 


32  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tery  at  Santa  Fe  in  1622.  Of  the  latter  he  tells  us  that  in 
1629  the  "Religious  teach  Spaniards  and  Indians  to  read 
and  write,  to  play  [instruments]  and  sing  .  .  . ."  As  evi- 
dence of  the  progress  wrought  by  Christian  teachings,  he 
says: 

.  .  .  and  the  boys  and  girls  who  always  come  morning 
and  evening  to  the  Doctrine,  attend  with  very  great  care 
[and]  without  fail ;  and  the  choristers  in  the  chapels  change 
about  by  their  weeks  [week  by  week],  and  sing  every  day 
in  the  church,  at  their  hours,  the  Morning  Mass,  High 
Mass,  and  Vespers,  with  great  punctuality.15 

From  such  evidence  it  seems  safe  to  conclude  that 
there  were  schools  in  New  Mexico  before  1630  in  which 
music  was  taught.  As  in  central  Mexico,  probably  more 
attention  was  given  to  music  than  to  any  other  subject  of 
the  curriculum ;  at  any  rate  it  is  reasonable  to  believe  that 
as  regards  the  instruments  taught  and  the  general  im- 
portance of  music  in  the  curriculum  of  the  monastic  schools, 
the  schools  of  New  Mexico  did  not  differ  materially  from 
other  schools  of  the  era  concerning  which  there  is  extant 
a  greater  wealth  of  data. 

Much  of  the  history  of  New  Mexico  after  1630  is  still 
unwritten,  but  various  items  gleaned  from  miscellaneous 
unpublished  documents  throw  some  light  on  the  progress 
of  the  work  of  the  church  in  connection  with  music.  In 
reporting  on  conditions  in  New  Mexico,  Juan  Prado,  a 
Franciscan,  states  that  the  Indians  were  taught  to  sing 
with  such  success  that  it  was  indeed  marvellous  to  find  so 
many  "bands  of  musicians  to  sing  with  the  organ"  and  the 
services  in  such  small  churches  performed  with  so  much 
care  and  devotion.18 

But  trouble  was  already  brewing  in  the  province.  The 
governors  and  the  representatives  of  the  church  were  not 


15.  Ibid.,   23  and  32. 

16.  Testimony   of   Juan    Prado   before   the   Inquisition,     Sept.    26,    1638,    in   His- 
torical Documents  relating   to  New  Mexico,   Nueva   Vizcaya,   and   Approaches   thereto, 
to    1773.     (Collected    by    Adolph    F.    A.    Bandelier    and    Fanny    Bandelier.      Edited    by 
C.  W.   Hackett.     Washington,    1923),   II.   In  press. 


MUSIC  TEACHING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  33 

in  accord:  and,  as  time  passed,  the  dissensions  increased. 
The  poor  Indians  bore  the  brunt  of  the  trouble.  In  their 
ignorance,  they  knew  not  which  master  to  obey,  but  found 
it  impossible  to  serve  both.  As  a  result,  the  efforts  of  the 
missionaries  in  the  educational  field  were  continually  ham- 
pered by  orders  of  the  governors;  the  Spaniards  were 
forced  to  side  with  one  or  the  other  faction.  As  early  as 
1639  the  cabildo  of  Santa  Fe  complained  to  the  viceroy  of 
Mexico  of  the  conduct  of  the  religious,  charging  that  they 
were  appropriating  church  funds  to  their  own  uses.  The 
report  proceeds: 

The  same  thing  occurs  in  other  things  that  are  given 
for  the  divine  worship  in  the  church  of  this  town,  for  they 
say  that  an  altar  ornament,  an  organ,  and  other  things 
have  been  given,  but  they  are  not  there.17 

So  the  breach  widened  as  the  years  passed,  until  the 
power  of  the  Inquisition  was  called  to  the  aid  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, and  the  governor  of  the  province,  Bernardo  de 
Mendizabal  (1657-1661),  was  impeached  and  taken  to  Mex- 
ico City  for  trial.  In  the  evidence  introduced,  he  was  accused 
by  the  friars  of  having  encouraged  the  Indians  in  the  con- 
tinuance of  their  worship  of  idols  and  other  forms  of  hea- 
thenism, such  as  dancing  the  Catzinas  —  a  dance  pro- 
nounced indecent  by  the  church,  but  which  Mendizabal 
characterized  as  harmless  and  innocent.  He  was  also  ac- 
cused of  preventing  the  singing  of  mass  by  having,  on  one 
occasion,  ordered  that  the  singers  who  were  sent  from 
Cuarac  to  the  Humanas  to  sing  for  a  special  festival  should 
be  given  fifty  lashes  each ;  the  natural  result  being  that  no 
more  singers  would  officiate  for  fear  of  receiving  a  similar 
punishment.  All  of  these  charges  Mendizabal  denied  on 
the  witness  stand;  he  asserted  that  the  churches  had  all 
the  volunteer  singers  they  could  use;  and  that,  in  addition 
to  a  singer  and  a  sacristan,  there  was  also  an  organist 


17.     Report  of  the  cabildo  of  Santa  Fe  to  the  viceroy,  Feb.  21,  1639,  in  Hackett, 
Hia.  Docs.  II. 


34  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

wherever  there  was  an  organ.  All  such  persons  were  ex- 
cused from  botyi  tribute  and  labor,  by  order  of  the  royal 
audiencia.-  He  proceeded  to  say  that  when  he  reached  Santa 
Fe  and  found  no  organ  in  the  church  there  —  a  condition 
he  found  very  improper  —  he  advised  the  church  authori- 
ties that,  if  the  instrument  was  not  too  expensive,  he  would 
pay  the  expense  of  bringing  one  there ;  in  any  case  that  he 
would  bear  half  of  the  expense.  Much  evidence  was  pres- 
ented by  both  sides,  but  before  a  verdict  was  reached, 
Mendizabal  died.18 

Another  document  setting  forth  the  grievances  of  the 
missionaries  and  some  of  the  accusations  against  them 
throws  some  light  on  the  means  sometimes  employed  in 
securing  funds  for  the  purchase  of  musical  instruments. 

Another  charge  is  brought  against  us,  it  being  said 
that  in  some  places  the  Religious  receive  a  few  antelope 
skins  in  exchange  for  sustenance  or  for  the  crop;  we  do 
not  deny  this  charge,  as  they  call  it,  but  indeed  it  is  in  very 
few  places  that  this  occurs,  and  where  it  happens  it  is  done 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  for  the  value  of  the  skins 
certain  ornaments,  trumpets,  and  organs.  For  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  pesos  a  year  are  not  sufficient  for  this  as 
we  have  to  buy  wine,  wax,  incense,  and  other  things,  nor 
would  it  be  fitting,  since  we  can  obtain  these  extra  things 
by  this  means,  for  us  to  insist  that  everything  should  be 
given  to  us  by  his  Majesty,  who  is  in  such  need.  The  same 
kind  of  calumny  is  current  this  year,  for  God  is  good  enough 
to  allow  certain  pine  nuts  to  grow  in  the  forests  of  five  or 
six  towns  in  this  country,  and  the  minister  is  accustomed 
to  ask  his  parishioners  to  gather  some  of  them  for  the 
churches,  giving  them  abundant  sustenance  while  they  are 
doing  this.  From  the  pine  nuts  which  are  gathered  and 
sent  to  Mexico  the  proceeds  are  given  to  God,  for  instance 
recently  there  was  bought  a  fine  orgain  for  the  convent  of 
Abo  ...  l9 

From  succeeding  events  it  seems  that  other  governors 
continued  to  regard  the  missionaries  as  enemies,  and  to 


18.  Hackett,    His.   Docs.,    II.      In   press. 

19.  Letter    of    the     father    custodio    and     definadores    of    New     Mexico    to    the 
Viceroy  of  New  Spain,   Nov.   11,   1659.   In   Hackett,   His.  Docs.,  II. 


MUSIC  TEACHING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  35 

breed  all  the  trouble  possible.  The  Indians  were  weary 
of  the  friction  between  the  governing  forces ;  perhaps  they 
were  weary  of  being  governed  at  all.  Uprisings  were  fre- 
quent, and  each  became  increasingly  dangerous  to  the  few 
Spaniards  and  missionaries  scattered  over  a  vast  extent 
of  territory  and  protected  by  but  few  troops.  Requests- 
were  made  to  the  viceroy  for  reinforcements,  but  before  any 
action  was  taken  by  the  never-too-speedy  government  in 
Mexico  City  —  it  was  too  late.  By  a  pre-arranged  plan,  the 
natives  rose  in  rebellion  in  1680,  killed  many  Spanish  set- 
tlers and  friars,  burned  their  homes,  missions,  monasteries 
and  churches,  and  drove  those  who  survived  down  the  Rio 
Grande.  Fifty  years  of  friction  between  the  state  and 
church  had  brought  its  reward.  The  Indians  were  tem- 
porarily free  once  more  from  both. 

During  the  last  two  decades  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury the  Spaniards  attempted  to  regain  control  of  New 
Mexico,  but  their  efforts  were  not  crowned  with  the  suc- 
cess which  had  marked  their  occupation  of  the  country  a 
century  before.  For  us,  the  only  interest  is  in  the  mon- 
asteries which  survived  the  rebellion.  Among  these  were 
Senecii,  Alamillo,  Sevilleta,  Isleta,  Alameda,  Puray,  and 
Sandia.  To  these  the  ever  hopeful  missionaries  returned 
to  take  up  anew  the  work  of  conversion  and  civilization. 
Music  teaching  was  continued,  but,  as  the  power  of  Spain 
declined,  there  was  not  the  money  to  carry  on  the  work 
as  widely  as  had  been  the  case  when  Spain  was  at  her 
height.  Fewer  teachers  could  be  detailed  to  give  musical 
instruction,  and  fewer  musical  instruments  were  shipped 
from  the  capital. 

Still,  the  earlier  efforts  are  worthy  of  notice.  Through 
them  European  music  was  introduced  into  the  United 
States.  The  first  European  music  teacher  and  the  first 
organ  ever  seen  north  of  the  Rio  Grande  were  to  be  found 
in  New  Mexico.  Before  1630,  many  schools  were  in  opera- 
tion which  included  music  in  their  curriculum.  The  first 


36  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

•boy-choirs  within  the  present  United  States  were  those 
which  supplied  the  music  for  the  mission  churches  of  New 
Mexico.  Churches  and  monasteries  were  supplied  with 
organs  wrhich  wrere  transported  overland  from  Mexico  City, 
a  six  months  trip  in  those  days.  A  century  before  Boston 
claims  to  have  had  an  organ  (1713)  there  were  many  organs 
in  the  "great  unknown  North,"  as  the  Spaniards  termed 
the  land  of  the  Pueblos.  As  far  as  Spanish  dominion  ex- 
tended, there  was  music.  And  as  in  no  other  respect  did 
Spain  leave  her  impress  more  indelibly  on  the  life  of  the 
people  whom  she  governed,  so  it  seems  unlikely  that  the 
music  of  the  natives  could  have  escaped  from  being  af- 
fected to  some  extent  by  the  music  of  the  Spaniards  which 
had  for  them  such  a  great  fascination.  It  may  be  that 
closer  study  of  the  music  of  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico 
will  reveal  many  traces  of  the  music  of  the  Spaniards  who 
were  their  first  European  teachers.  For  a  love  of  music 
was  a  characteristic  alike  of  the  conquered  Aztec,  the 
treacherous  Apache,  the  ceremony-loving  Pueblo,  and  the 
European  Spaniard  who  was  their  master  thru  three  cen- 
turies. 

LOTA  M.  SPELL 
The  University  of  Texas 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  37 

THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO 

(Continued) 
Chapter  IX 
The  Desertion  of  the  Colony6*1 

Oiiate's  Return  from  Quivira.  It  was  a  sadly  depleted 
capital  which  welcomed  the  governor  back  from  his  exten- 
sive search  for  new  and  wealthy  provinces  in  the  north. 
Nearly  all  the  inhabitants  of  San  Gabriel,  discouraged  and 
broken  in  fortune,  had  taken  advantage  of  his  absence  and 
escaped  to  Santa  Barbara.  The  poverty  of  the  land  and  the 
discipline  maintained  by  Onate  contributed  to  their  mis- 
fortune. The  story  of  this  episode  has  never  been  told  in 
detail.  Torquemada  gives  a  brief  account  of  the  escape  of 
the  settlers,  and  subsequent  writers  have  followed  his 
narrative.'32 

It  is  now  possible  to  add  to  this  story  some  of  the  de- 
tails. Two  lengthy  documents  from  the  Spanish  archives, 
and  drawn  up  by  two  opposing  groups,  give  biased  accounts 
of  New  Mexico  and  of  the  reasons  for  thus  fleeing  without 
authority.  The  one  is  a  dreary  account,  seeking  to  justify 
the  move.  The  other  pictures  New  Mexico  as  a  remarkable 
land  and  condemns  as  traitors  those  who  deserted.533 

Onate's  Admonition  to  the  Settlers.  Before  starting 
for  Quivira  care  had  been  taken  to  provide  for  the  perman- 
ence of  the  capital.  As  lieutenant-governor  and  captain- 


531.  This    chapter,    now   slightly   revised,    was    published    in    the   January,    1925, 
number   of  the   Quarterly   Journal   of   the   University   of   North    Dakota. 

532.  Torquemada,   Monarchia  Indiana,   I,    673 ;   cf.    Bancroft,    Arizona   and   New 
Mexico,    150-151;   Twitchell,   Leading   Facts   I,   330. 

533.  The  one  is  entitled:     Auto  del  gobernador  de  Nuevo  Mexico  y  diligencias 
para   que   se   levante   el   campo.      San    Gabriel,    September   7,    1601.      The   other   reads: 
Information   y   papeles   que   envid  la  gente   que   alia   quedo   haciendo   cargos   d   la   que 
asi  venia.     San  Gabriel,  October  2.   1601.     Both  are  in  A.  G.  I..   58-3-15. 


38  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

general  Onate  had  appointed  Francisco  de  Sosa  y  Penalosa, 
who  up  to  that  time  bore  the  rank  of  captain  and  royal 
ensign.  Penalosa  was  a  man  of  quality.  He  was  one  of 
those  with  the  largest  equipment  of  personal  property  of 
any  in  the  expedition.581  Onate,  however,  did  not  stop  here. 
He  took  the  precaution  personally  to  impress  those  who  re- 
mained with  the  great  importance  of  maintaining  the  settle- 
ment as  a  base  for  future  operations.  'To  all  those  who 
remained  here  the  governor,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  en- 
trusted the  protection  of  this  settlement  as  a  thing  of  great 
importance  for  the  service  of  his  majesty.""33  Penalosa 
failed  in  that  duty,  apparently  because  he  felt  that  it  was 
hopeless  to  remain  in  a  barren  province  and  that  the  move- 
ment to  desert  was  therefore  justifiable. 

Rebellion  in  the  Colony.  There  is  evidence  to  show  that 
rebellion  had  been  brewing  before  Onate  left  San  Gabriel 
in  June,  1601,  and  that  he  realized  the  danger.  Perhaps  he 
hoped  to  checkmate  the  plans  of  those  suspected  of  dis- 
loyalty by  taking  them  along  to  Quivira.  But  if  he  did 
succeed  in  catching  some,  others  with  equally  bad  motives 
escaped.  The  most  prominent  among  the  latter  were  the 
purveyor  Diego  de  Zubia,  and  captains  Pedro  Alonso  and 
Alonso  Quesada.  "Because  of  the  entreaties  of  the  religious 
he  left  them  in  this  settlement.588  There  they  soon  stirred 
up  the  glowing  embers  of  discontent  into  open  revolt. 

Before  sedition  broke  out  openly  secret  plans  for  de- 
serting were  cherished  by  some  of  the  leaders.  Zubia,  in 
particular,  was  anxious  to  leave,  and  soon  broached  the 
subject  to  Sergeant  Alonso  de  la  Vega.  Both  were  from 


534.  Penalosa    came    from    the    Chalchuites    mines.      He    joined    the    expedition 
when    it   was    first    organized,    and    had    remained    loyal   throughout    the    long    period 
of   suspension.      He    was    accompanied    by    his    wife,    Dona    Eufemia,    and    two    sons, 
Francisco  de  Sosa  Penalosa  and  Estevan  Yllan  de  Sosa,  aged  24  and  2i,  respectively. 
His  daughter  was  Zubia's  wife.     He  possessed  twelve  carts,    (Onate  had  only  twenty- 
four)    a   numerous   herd   of   live-stock,   and   a   large   retinue   of   servants. 

535.  Testimony  of  Sergeant  Alonso  de  la  Vega  on  article  seven,  in  Information 
y  papeles.     Six  witnesses   swore  that  Onate  had  personally   entrusted  them   with  the 
honor  of  guarding  the  capital. 

536.  Statement  of  La  Vega,  in  ibid.     This  would  indicate  that  the  missionaries 
were  aware  of  the  feeling   in  the   colony. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  39 

Durango.  At  an  opportune  moment  in  a  conversation  when 
the  topic  turned  to  matters  at  home  Zubia  exclaimed: 
"Senor  Vega,  your  grace  should  not  go  on  the  expedition 
[to  Quivira] ,  for  it  is  more  important  that  we  return  to  the 
land  of  peace."537 

Zubia  then  unfolded  his  plan.  It  happened  that  he 
was  troubled  with  a  boil  on  his  leg.  This  unpleasant  fact 
provided  him  with  an  excellent  excuse  for  going  to  Santo 
Domingo  to  see  a  surgeon,  the  lay  brother  Damian.  Once  at 
Santo  Domingo,  which  was  on  the  road  to  Mexico,  he  would 
feign  illness,  send  for  his  wife,  and  then,  being  fully  pre- 
pared, depart  for  New  Spain.  Vega  paid  no  attention  to 
his  scheming,  but  went  with  Ofiate  as  he  had  intended. 
After  having  gone  about  fifty  leagues,  however,  he  became 
ill  and  had  to  return.  Thereupon  he  was  at  once  approached 
by  Captains  Conde,  Cesar,  Alonso,  and  Zubia,  who  informed 
him  of  their  secret  preparations  for  going  away.  They 
were  merely  waiting  to  gather  some  wheat  before  start- 
ing. Again  Vega  declined  to  join  them,  but  within  two  or 
three  weeks  saw  that  most  of  the  soldiers,  aided  and  abet- 
ted by  the  friars,  were  publicly  talking  of  abandoning  the 
land.  By  that  time  these  leaders  had  succeeded  in  draw- 
ing practically  the  entire  population  of  the  colony  to  their 
support.538 

The  Movement  to  Desert.  It  naturally  took  some  time 
before  the  plotters  dared  to  make  their  schemes  public,  but 
they  do  not  seem  to  have  encountered  much  opposition.  About 
do  not  seem  to  have  encountered  much  opposition.  About 
two  months538  after  Onate's  departure  for  Quivira  they  had 
made  such  progress  that  public  meetings  were  being  held 
to  determine  what  course  of  action  to  pursue.  The  mis- 
sionaries took  a  prominent  part  in  these  matters.540  It  was 


537.  Ibid. 

538.  Ibid. 

539.  Onate   started   for    Quivira   on    June    23,    1601.      If   La    Vega   accompanied 
him   fifty  leagues   he   probably   returned   to   San    Gabriel   about   August   1,   or   shortly 
afterwards.     That  would  place  the  outbreak  in   the  latter  part  of   August. 

540.  Nearly   every   page   of   the   papers   sent   to   Mexico   both   by   those   who   de- 


40  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

soon  agreed  to  move  the  entire  settlement  to  some  better 
place,  and  to  inform  the  king  and  viceroy  of  the  legitimate 
reasons  for  leaving  New  Mexico. 

Early  in  September,  1601,  a  public  meeting  was  held 
in  the  church.  It  was  attended  by  the  officers,  soldiers,  and 
five  of  the  missionaries,  Fathers  San  Miguel,  Zamora, 
Izquierdo,  Peralta,  and  Damian  Escudero,  the  latter  a  lay 
brother.541  Two  other  missionaries  were  with  Onate.542 
Another  had  returned  to  Mexico  a  few  weeks  earlier.548 
leather  Oliva's  name  is  not  mentioned  at  all.  This  leaves 
only  Father  Escalona,  the  commissary,  unaccounted  for, 
it  seems.  That  he  was  fully  in  sympathy  with  the  move- 
ment to  leave  the  province  is  perfectly  clear.  He  declined 
to  take  an  active  part  in  the  movement,  probably  because 
of  his  official  position,  but  the  report  which  he  sent  to  his 
superiors  in  Mexico  left  no  doubt  of  his  feelings.  Starva- 
tion had  compelled  the  colony  to  go,  he  pleaded,  and  so  it 
"became  my  imperative  duty  to  allow  the  missionaries  who 
were  here  to  go  with  them  .  .  .  ;  and  they  do  not  go  with 
the  intent  of  leaving  and  abandoning  this  land  altogether, 
but  only  constrained  by  necessity."544 

The  gathering  was  held  in  order  to  draw  up  in  proper 
form  the  reasons  for  deserting.  The  missionaries  clearly 
took  the  initiative.  After  mass  had  been  said,  Father  San 
Miguel  made  a  speech  in  which  he  "discussed  many  causes, 
repeating  many  and  diverse  times,  that  it  was  right  that 
the  entire  army  should  leave."546  Penalosa  also  commented 
upon  the  agreement  of  the  soldiers  and  the  missionaries 


serted   and   those   who   remained    bears   witness   to   this   fact.      The   viceroy    made   the 
same   report   to    the   king.      "Discurso   y    proposicion,"    in    Col.    Doc.    Ined.,    XVI,    45 

541.  Statement    of    Penalosa,    September    7,    1601,    in    Auto    del    gobernador    de 
Nuevo  Mexico. 

542.  Fray   Francisco   de   Velasco   and   Fray    Pedro   de   Vergara.      "True   Account 
of  the  Expedition  of  Onate  Toward  the  East,"   in   Bolton,   Spanish  Exploration,   251. 

543.  Fray  Luis  de  Maironos,  who  had  been  sent  to  Mexico  with  reports.  Carin  de 
Don  Luis  de   Velasco  d  S.  M.,   March   22.    1601. 

544.  "Carta  de  Relacion,"   October   1,   1601,   in   Torquemada,   Monarchia  Indiana, 
I,  -374. 

545.  Statement    of    Penalosa,    September    7,    1601,    in    Auto    del    gobernador    de 
Nuevo  Mexico. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  41 

to  leave.518  He  thereupon  ordered  that  the  opinions  of  the 
latter  as  well  as  of  the  military  officials,  "who  were  ready 
to  follow  the  religious,"  should  be  taken  and  recorded. 

Testimony  of  the  Friars.  The  missionaries  were  first 
called  to  the  witness  stand  by  Penalosa  to  explain  their 
reasons  for  giving  up  the  work  of  converting  the  heathen.547 
The  vice-commissary,  Father  San  Miguel,  took  oath  in  due 
form  to  tell  the  truth  regarding  the  province  and  what  ought 
to  be  done  to  escape  its  misery.  He  charged,  and  seem- 
ingly with  truth,  that  instead  of  finding  a  spirit  of  kind- 
liness in  the  colony  toward  the  natives  they  were  treated 
with  utter  disregard.  The  result  was  that  the  Word  of 
God  was  blasphemed  and  not  blessed.  He  had  begun  to 
learn  four  of  the  native  languages  and  had  worked  hard 
to  secure  converts.518  In  these  efforts  he  had  experienced 
the  greatest  difficulty  because  the  soldiers  "leave  them 
nothing  in  their  houses,  no  wheat,  nothing  to  eat,  nothing 
that  is  alive." 

It  was  the  old  trouble,  the  military  offending  the  na- 
tives, making  it  extremely  difficult  for  the  missionaries 
to  do  anything.  Father  San  Miguel  testified  that  he  had 
seen  many  pueblos  entirely  deserted  because  of  fear  of  the 
soldiers,  and  the  cruelty  practised  by  them  when  coming 
to  rob  the  natives  of  their  food.  Remonstrances  against 
such  injustice  had  availed  nothing  because  "the  land  is 
so  poor  and  so  miserable  that  the  governor  has  not  been 
able  to  remedy"  the  situation.  He  confessed  that  Indian 
chiefs  had  been  tortured  and  many  killed  in  order  to  make 
them  tell  where  their  maize  was  concealed.  Thousands 


546.  "It    has    come   to    my   notice   that   many    captains,    officers    and    soldiers    of 
this  town,  in  agreement  with  the  missionaries  .    .    .    who  are  in  these  provinces,  have 
frequently  said  that  it  was  proper  for  the  service  of  God  our  Lord  and  his  majesty 
that  this  entire  capital  should  get   ready  and  depart "  Ibid. 

547.  Penalosa  was   present  in   the  church   while  this  testimony   was   taken.     He 
conducted   the   entire    proceeding   and    signed   the   declaration    made   by    each    witness. 
A   month   later   when   the   soldiers   who   remained   loyal   wished   to   take   testimony   to 
present   before   the   viceroy,    Penalosa   permitted    it,    but   otherwise   remained    aloof. 

548.  Testimony  of  Father  San  Miguel,  September  7,  1601,  in  Auto  del  gobernador 
de    Nuevo   Mexico.      Father    San    Miguel's    province    included    Pecos,    the    salines,    and 
the    Jumano    pueblos.      "Obediencia    y    vasallaje    a    su    Magestad    por    los    indios    del 


42  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  Indians  had  already  died  from  starvation.  They  had 
been  reduced  to  such  extremity  that  he  had  seen  them  eat- 
ing1 branches  of  trees,  earth,  charcoal  and  ashes.  That 
was  rather  gritty  food,  indeed.  "If  we  wait  much  longer 
the  natives,  and  all  who  are  in  the  province,  will  die  of 
starvation,  cold  and  nakedness."519 

Fray  Francisco  de  Zamora  gave  equally  discrediting 
testimony.  He  also  insisted  that  attempts  to  Christianize 
the  Indians  had  been  made,  but  that  the  poor  results  ob- 
tained, due  to  the  terrible  injuries  inflicted  on  the  natives 
by  the  soldiers  in  order  to  secure  food,  had  rendered  their 
labors  futile.  The  Christian  religion  had  been  degraded  and 
converts  were  few.550 

Father  Izquierdo  recounted  at  length  some  of  the  cala- 
mities which  had  befallen  the  miserable  natives.  In  addi- 
tion he  testified  that  some  of  the  settlers  had  spent  so  much 
money  in  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico  that  it  would  have 
been  enough  to  undertake  the  subjugation  of  another  pro- 
vince. In  return  for  these  sacrifices  there  was  no  com- 
pensation. On  the  contrary  they  had  been  compelled  to 
steal  the  food  and  blankets  which  the  natives  required  for 
their  own  needs.  The  only  alternative  to  this  procedure 
was  starvation  and  death,  or  the  desertion  of  the  province 
for  better  lands.551  Such  were  the  reasons  for  giving  up  the 
fight  for  souls  in  New  Mexico. 

The  Complaints  of  Four  Captains.  Following  the  mis- 
sionaries four  prominent  captains  related  to  Penalosa  their 
enormous  sacrifices.  The  treasurer  Alonso  Sanchez  testi- 
fied that  he  had  sold  his  extensive  possessions  near  Nombre 
de  Dios  at  a  sacrifice  in  order  to  join  Ofiate's  expedition 
with  his  entire  household.  Two  of  his  daughters  were 
married  to  officers  in  the  army;  three  who  were  not  mar- 
ried, and  two  sons  also  accompanied  the  expedition.  In 


pueblo   de   San   Juan   Baptista,"   in   Col.   Doc.   Incd.,   XVI,    113-114. 

549.  Testimony  of  Father  San   Miguel,   in   Auto  del  gobernador  de  Nuevo  Mex- 
ico. 

550.  Testimony  of  Father  Zamora,   in  ibid. 

551.  Testimony    of    Father    Izquierdo,    in    ibid. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  43 

New  Mexico  he  had  served  on  most  of  the  trips  of  explora- 
tion which  had  been  made  and  had  found  that  there  was 
no  chance  for  profit  in  the  land.  It  was  a  sterile  country 
without  gold  or  silver.5"'2 

The  purveyor-general,  Diego  de  Zubia,  an  inhabitant 
of  Durango,  hjad  soon  decided  to  join  Onate's  expedition, 
when  the  news  of  its  organization  reached  him.  He  sold 
his  large  estates,  normaly  worth  12,000  ducats,  married 
Dona  Juana  de  Trejo,  a  daughter  of  Captain  Sanchez,  and 
went  to  New  Mexico  on  his  honeymoon.553 

Captains  Bernabe  de  las  Casas  and  Gregorio  Cesar, 
both  of  Mexico,  told  of  joining  the  army  and  spending 
large  sums  of  money  in  the  enterprise.  All  had  finally 
been  reduced  to  the  same  level  in  a  state  of  abject  poverty, 
and  were  now  petitioning  the  king  to  have  mercy  upon 
them  by  permitting  their  return  to  New  Spain.554 

Penalosa  Sanctions  Desertion.  Pefialosa  was  in  a 
rather  uncomfortable  position  as  lieutenant-governor,  and 
in  his  communications  to  the  viceroy  tried  to  make  a  safe 
explanation  of  his  own  conduct  in  the  crisis.  He  could  not 
b$ame  Onate,  who  was  far  away  in  the  king's  service  in 
search  of  new  provinces  to  conquer.  He  could  not  hold 
the  missionaries  responsible  for  what  had  happened,  nor 
was  it  of  any  use  to  blame  the  soldiers.  They  took  sides 
with  the  missionaries,  or  alleged  that  the  things  condemned 
were  necessary  in  order  to  exist  in  such  a  fruitless  and 
sterile  region.555 

The  capital  was  thus  torn  with  dissension,  and  though 
it  was  Penalosa's  duty  to  preserve  order  he  did  nothing 
whatever  to  hinder  the  progress  of  the  rebellion.  We  must 
conclude,  therefore,  that  he  was  fully  in  accord  with  what 
was  going  on.  Nevertheless,  he  would  be  compelled  to  re- 


552.  Testimony  of  Captain  Alonso  Sanchez,  in  ibid. 

553.  Testimony  of  Diego  de  Zubia.   in  ibid.   Zubia  testified  that  he  was  captain 
and   alcalde  mayor  of  the   "province  of  Santa   Barbara"   when   Onate  began   recruit- 
ing  in   that   locality. 

554.  Testimony  of  Captains  Las  Casas  and  Cesar,  in  ibid. 

555.  Copia   de   una   carta   de   Francisco   de   Sosa    Penalosa    escrita   al   Con.de   de 
Monterey,   San   Gabriel,   October   1.   1601.     A.   G.   I..   58-3-15. 


44  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

main,  together  with  the  father-commissary,  and  such  as 
refused  to  desert  to  Santa  Barbara  till  relief  or  authority 
to  depart  should  come  from  Mexico.  Penalosa  appealed 
to  the  viceroy  that  unless  such  aid  was  received  within  five 
months  they  too  would  be  forced  to  desert.  Captain  Luis 
de  Velasco,  who  had  vigorously  urged  the  abandonment  of 
the  province,  was  delegated  to  present  the  information  in 
Mexico.556 

A  Part  of  the  Colony  Remains  Loyal.  The  few  faith- 
ful soldiers  who  remained  in  San  Gabriel,  indignant  at  the 
course  events  had  taken,  were  entirely  helpless  to  prevent 
the  deserters  from  carrying  out  their  plans.  They  did, 
however,  determine  to  present  their  side  of  the  case  to  the 
viceroy.  In  order  to  do  this  effectively  it  was  neccessary 
to  send  a  representative  to  Mexico,  and  for  this  purpose 
they  chose  Captain  Geronimo  Marquez.  Penalosa  readily 
granted  him  permission  to  go.557 

In  order  to  have  accurate  information  to  present  in 
Mexico,  Marquez  prepared  an  interrogatory  containing 
twenty  articles  on  which  testimony  was  taken.558  His  pur- 
pose was  to  counteract  the  information  being  sent  to  Mex- 
ico by  the  missionaries  and  others.  It  was  thus  necessary 
to  give  a  favorable  report  of  the  province,  and  this  was 
done  in  the  most  glowing  terms.  At  the  same  time  the 
loyal  soldiers  deplored  the  cowardice  of  the  deserters  and 
sought  to  brand  them  as  traitors. 

Besides  Penalsoa  and  the  father-commissary  there  ap- 
pear to  have  been  about  twenty-five  soldiers  in  the  group 
which  remained  in  San  Gabriel.559  Ten  of  these  appeared 


556.  Penalosa    characterized    Velasco    as    a    worthy    and    reliable    man    on    whom 
the    viceroy    could    depend.      Ibid.      Velasco    was    accompanied    by    Jusepe    Brondate, 
Marcelo    de   Espinosa,    Juan    de    Ortega,    and   the    licentiate    Gines    de    Herrera    Orta. 
They   departed    March    23,    1601.      See   their   testimony,    in    Copia   de   una   informacioii 
Que   hizo   Don   Francisco   de    Valverde. 

557.  Petition   of  the  soldiers   and   reply  of   Penalosa,   October   2,    1601,   in   Infor- 
macion  y   papeles. 

558.  "Interrogatorio"   of   Captain    Geronimo   Marquez,    in    ibid. 

559.  Petition    of   the    soldiers,    in    ibid.      They    were:    Alonso    Gomez    Montesinos, 
Bartolome    Romero,     Cristobal     Vaca,     Martin     Gomez,     Gonzalo     Hernandez,     Hernan 
Martin,   Acencio  de  Arechuelta,   Alonso  Varela,   Alonso  de   Chaves,    Pedro  de  Ar.gulo, 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  45 

as  witnesses  before  Captain  Marquez.  A  large  portion  of 
their  testimony  dealt  with  the  activities  of  the  friars.  On 
that  subject  Marquez  asked  each  witness  the  following 
question:  "Do  you  know  if  the  holy  Gospel  has  been 
preached  to  the  natives  of  this  land,  and  how  it  was  re- 
ceived by  those  who  understood  a  little."560 

The  First  Efforts  of  the  Missionaries.  In  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  testimony  of  all  the  witnesses  showed  passive 
or  outspoken  hostility  to  the  friars,  among  others,  their 
actions  can  quite  readily  be  understood.  All  stated  that 
the  Gospel  had  been  favorably  received  wherever  any 
preaching  had  been  done,  but  that  very  little  had  been  at- 
tempted. Captain  Cristobal  Vaca  insisted  that  the  friars 
had  never  gone  over  two  leagues  beyond  the  capital  to 
preach,  and  that  they  were  unwilling  to  do  so.  This  selfish 
spirit  was  emphasized  by  nearly  all  the  witnesses.581 

There  was  one  outstanding  exception.  Father  Alonso 
de  la  Oliva  at  Santo  Domingo  had  made  a  real  attempt  to 
bring  salvation  to  the  Indians.  Eight  soldiers  spoke  of  his 
work.  He  had  made  so  much  progress  that  at  the  sound 
of  a  bell  the  natives  would  gather  for  religious  instruction. 
At  Jemez  Father  Lugo  and  ja  lay  brother,  a  Mexican  In- 
dian, had  built  a  church  where  the  neophytes  also  assem- 
bled at  the  same  signal.  Captain  Romero,  who  had  been 
there,  stated  that  they  listened  to  the  preaching  of  the  lay 
brother  and  were  also  learning  the  prayers.562 

Among  the  Picuries  some  success  had  been  achieved 
by  another  lay  brother,  and  at  San  Ildef onso,  where  it  seems 
Father  San  Miguel  was  laboring,563  a  church  had  been  erec- 
ted. Moreover,  it  was  testified  that  one  of  the  soldiers, 


Juan  Luxan,  Baltasar  de  Monzon,  Diego  Diaz,  Juan  de  Medina,  Alvaro  Garcia, 
Alonso  Barba,  Rodrigo  Correa,  Juan  Perez,  Juan  de  Salas,  Juan  Lopez  Deguin, 
Pedro  Locero,  Juan  Fernandez,  Simon  Perez  de  Bustillo. 

560.  Article   two,    in    "Interrogators"    of    Captain    Marquez,    in    Information   y 
papeles. 

561.  Testimony  of  Captain  Vaca  and  others  on  article  two,   in  ibid. 

562.  Testimony  on  article  two,   in   ibid. 

563.  Testimony  of  Romero,   Montesinos,   and   Hernan   Martin   on   article  two,   in 
ibid.     Father  San  Miguel  never  went  to  his  own  field,  according  to  Captain  Brondate. 
See  his  testimony,  in  Copia  de  una  information  que  hizo  Don  Francisco  de  Valverde. 


46  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Hernan  Martin,  had  learned  the  language  of  the  Queres 
and  had  explained  matters  of  doctrine  to  them.  "If  the 
padres  had  fulfilled  their  duty  the  Indians  would  all  have 
been  Christians  by  this  time,"  exclaimed  Captain  Monte- 
sinos. 

Some  had  accepted  the  forms  of  Christianity,  notably 
the  natives  of  San  Juan.  A  few  days  before  the  talk  of 
leaving  the  province  broke  out,  two  baptismal  ceremonies 
had  been  held.  At  the  first  of  these  the  children  of  the 
women  led  into  slavery  at  Acoma,  and  those  near  the  capital 
who  served  the  Spaniards,  were  baptized,  and  the  next  set 
likewise  consisted  largely  of  women  slaves.  All  the  wit- 
nesses, some  of  whom  had  acted  as  sponsors,501  so  stated,  and 
added  that  the  neophytes  fled  when  they  learned  of  the  pro- 
posed abandonment  of  the  land.  They  feared  to  be  taken 
awajr  from  native  surroundings.  If  no  effort  should  be 
made  to  reassemble  these  converts,  said  the  soldiers,  in 
order  to  continue  their  instruction  in  the  faith  they  must 
inevitably  relapse  into  heathenism  very  soon.  All  of  these 
calamities,  they  maintained,  had  been  caused  by  the  deter- 
mination of  a  few  to  forsake  the  land.505 

In  the  bitterness  of  the  moment  the  loyal  soldiers  placed 
much  of  the  responsibility  for  this  state  of  affairs  on  the 
friars.  During  the  organization  of  the  expedition  and  after 
reaching  New  Mexico  they  had  always  told  the  colonists 
of  the -great  service  the  latter  were  doing  for  God  and  king 
by  staying  in  the  land  and  assisting  in  its  conversion.  The 
missionaries  had  compared  them  to  Christ's  Apostles  and 
urged  their  cooperation  in  Christianizing  the  natives.  That 
spirit  had  suddenly  changed,  was  the  charge,  and  the  padres 
had  used  their  great  influence  in  the  cause  of  desertion.586 

The  Ringleaders.    In  the  report  which  Marquez  carried 


564.  Hernan   Martin,   Martin   Gomez,   and   Alonso   Gomez   Montesinos. 

565.  Testimony    on    article   twenty,    in    Information   y   papeles. 

566.  Article  twelve  and  testimony,  in  ibid.     As  late  as  August  2,   1601,  Monterey 
had    apparently    received    no    idea    of    dissatisfaction    among    the    missionaries.      Up 
till   that   time   the   latter   had   simply    reported   that   there   were   many   docile   Indians 
who    were    desirous    of    becoming    Christians.      Monterey    d    S.    M.,    August    2,    1601, 
A.  G.  I., 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  47 

to  the  viceroy  an  effort  was  made  to  identify  those  who 
were  responsible  for  fomenting  dissension.  Four  captains, 
Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  Bernabe  de  las  Casas,  Alonso  de  Que- 
sada,  and  Gregorio  Cesar,  were  unanimously  acclaimed  as 
being  among  the  ringleaders.  Several  others  had  been 
working  with  them,  however.  Nine  of  the  witnesses  ac- 
cused Antonio  Conde,  eight  included  Zubia,  and  six  named 
Alonso  Sanchez  and  Pedro  Alonso  among  the  guilty.  The 
friars  were  specifically  mentioned  by  only  three  in  this 
connection.507  On  other  questions,  however,  five  told  of 
hearing  the  missionaries  preaching  desertion,  while  four 
others  stated  that  they  were  present  and  witnessed  all  that 
took  place  while  the  rebellion  was  developing.  The  tenth 
witness,  Juan  Sanchez,  reported  that  both  parties,  priests 
and  soldiers,  cast  the  blame  on  the  other  party .^  It  is 
clear  that  both  the  religious  and  military  authorities  were 
responsible  for  the  flight  of  the  colony. 

Making  Desertion  Compulsory.  Captain  Marquez  fur- 
ther charged  that  the  missionaries,  in  their  sermons  and 
discussions,  had  exhorted  the  soldiers  to  abandon  the  pro- 
vince. Geronimo  Hernandez  told  how  Fray  Lope  de 
Izquierdo  had  tried  to  bring  him  over  to  their  purpose  by 
stating  that  all  the  missionaries  wanted  to  go  to  Mexico. 
Later  he  heard  him  preach  the  same  message  from  the  pul- 
pit. Fray  San  Miguel  likewise  made  futile  efforts  to  change 
his  mind.'09 

The  captains  were  evidently  more  unscrupulous  than 
the  missionaries.  They  went  about  the  colony  practically 
compelling  everyone  to  sign  the  "roll  of  the  deserters."  It 
was  their  practise  to  take  someone  aside,  inform  him  that 
all  had  signed  with  the  exception  of  himself,  and  that  not  a 
soul  would  remain  behind.  Such  was  the  experience  of 
Alonso  de  la  Vega  who  was  taken  to  Fray  Lope's  cell  by 
Captain  Don  Luis  de  Velasco.  He  was  there  told  to  sign 


567.  Testimony  on  article  eleven,   in   Informacion  y  papeles. 

568.  Testimony  on  article   nine,   in   ibid. 

569.  Testimony  of  Geronimo  Hernandez,   in  ibid. 


48  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

as  he  was  the  only  one  who  had  not  done  so.  Geronimo 
Hernandez  and  Hernan  Martin  testified  that  they  were 
explicitly  informed  that  not  a  soul  would  remain,  not  even 
the  lieutenant-governor  nor  the  father-commissary.570  The 
royal  standard  would  no  longer  wave  over  the  capital  at 
San  Gabriel. 

By  such  means  did  the  party  of  desertion  formulate 
their  plans  to  give  up  New  Mexico.  However,  their  care- 
fully matured  efforts  broke  down  in  part.  When  it  was 
seen  that  some  were  reluctant  to  go  and  that  neither  Pena- 
losa  nor  Fray  Juan  de  Escalona  were  leaving,  as  had  been 
vouchsafed,  a  few  determined  to  stay.  Those  who  had  been 
hoodwinked  into  signing  the  deserter's  roll  now  cast  their 
lot  with  New  Mexico  and  Onate. 

The  Flight.  After  most  of  the  colonists  had  been  per- 
suaded to  leave,  the  group  forsook  New  Mexico  in  Septem- 
ber or  October,  1601.  Santa  Barbara  was  their  destination 
and  thither  they  hurried.371 

Onate  Returns  from  Quivira.  Meanwhile,  Onate  re- 
turned from  Quivira  late  in  the  following  November,  not 
a  whit  richer  than  when  he  set  out.  His  soldiers,  many  of 
whom  bore  the  marks  of  their  clash  with  the  Kansas  indians 
were  a  weary  band  of  knight-errants  indeed.  In  San  Ga- 
briel further  disappointment  was  in  store  for  Onate,  and 
he  must  have  listened  to  the  news  of  the  colony's  departure 
with  bitter  chagrin.  Just  as  new  hopes  had  appeared  on 
the  horizon,  to  take  advantage  of  which  more  men  were 
needed,  a  part  of  his  force  had  fled.  His  own  men  and 
horses  were  sadly  in  need  of  rest  and  there  were  neither 
to  take  their  places.  Nevertheless,  plans  were  soon  set  in 
motion  for  dealing  with  the  situation. 

The  Deserters  are  Condemned.  Judicial  proceedings 
were  instituted  against  the  deserters  and  they  were  sen- 
tenced "as  the  treason  against  his  majesty  demanded,"  ac- 


570.  See  their  testimony  on  article  ten,   in   ibid. 

571.  See  letters   of   Fathers    Escalona   and    San    Miguel   given    in    Torquemada's 
Monarchia  Indiana,   I,   676-678. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  49 

cording  to  Zaldivar.672  Father  San  Miguel  asserts  that  they 
were  to  be  beheaded.573  After  the  sentence  had  been  pro- 
nounced the  former  was  ordered  to  overtake  the  rebels 
and  bring  them  back.  But  he  was  too  late.  They  had  al- 
ready reached  Santa  Barbara.  There  they  had  been  taken 
care  of  by  Captain  Gordejuela  at  the  viceroy 's  order,574  and 
Zaldivar,  though  complaining  of  ill  health,  set  out  for  Mex- 
ico to  make  a  personal  report  to  the  viceroy.575  Should  he 
fail  to  secure  satisfaction  from  the  latter  he  planned  a 
trip  to  Spain  to  appeal  directly  to  the  king.576 

Serious  Charges  Against  Onate.  From  Santa  Barbara 
the  condemned  colonists  made  strenuous  efforts  to  save 
themselves.  Reports  were  made  painting  Ofiate  in  the 
blackest  colors.  Father  San  Miguel  informed  his  superior 
that  everyone  in  the  colony  was  compelled  to  bow  to  Onate's 
slightest  wish,  and  that  even  the  friars  were  forced  to  wor- 
ship him.  He  charged  that  the  land  was  inhospitable  and 
that  it  was  impossible  to  live  there  under  the  circumstances. 
The  governor,  in  order  not  to  lose 

his  reputation,  makes  use  of  a  thousand  falsehoods,  .  .  .' 
sends  thousands  of  souls  to  hell,  and  does  things  not  fit 
to  be  mentioned  by  Christians.  ...  In  all  the  expeditions 
he  has  butchered  many  Indians,  human  blood  has  been  shed, 
and  he  has  committed  thefts,  sackings,  and  other  atrocities. 
I  pray  that  God  may  grant  him  the  grace  to  do  penance 
for  all  his  deeds.577 

The  Viceroy  Consults  the  Theologians.    Monterey  did 
not  take  upon  himself  full  responsibility  for  settling  this 


572.  Vicente  de  Zaldivar  to  Monterey,  Sombrerete.   February  28,   1602.   A.   G.   I., 
58-3-15. 

573.  Letter  of  Father  San  Miguel,  in  Torquemada,  Monarchia  Indiana,  I,  677. 

574.  Some   had   preceded  the   others   and   informed   the   viceroy   of   their   action, 
and  he  then  ordered  them   detained  till  the  matter  could  be   investigated.     Copia  de 
un  capitulo  de   carta  del  virrey   de   Nueva   Espana   .     .     .     d  S.   M.,   March   8,    1602, 
A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15. 

575.  Zaldivar   to   Monterey,    February   28,    1602. 

576.  Zaldivar  to  Cristobal  de  Onate,  Luis  Nunez  Perez  and  Cristobal  de  Salazar, 
February   28,    1602,   A.   G.   I.,    58-3-15. 

577.  Letter  of  Father  San  Miguel,  in  Torquemada,  Monarchia  Indiana,  I,  676-677. 
Part  of  this  passage  is  quoted  by  Bolton  in  his   Spanish   Borderlands,   175. 

4 


50  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

delicate  matter.  On  the  contrary  he  consulted  various  theo- 
logians and  jurists.  He  wanted  to  know,  in  particular, 
whether  the  fleeing-  colonists  had  committed  the  crime  of 
desertion,  and  whether  some  of  them,  at  least,  ought  not 
to  be  punished.  The  wisemen  whom  he  consulted  held  that 
those  in  question  were  not  full-fledged  soldiers  but  settlers 
who  could  not  be  called  military  deserters.  Moreover,  as 
it  was  the  first  offense,  they  considered  it  best  to  spare 
them.578 

Nor  did  the  theologians  feel  that  the  escaped  colonists 
could  or  should  be  compelled  to  go  back  to  New  Mexico, 
even  if  they  were  given  supplies  and  provisions.  They  had 
exercised  an  inalienable  right  and  made  certain  accusations 
which  ought  to  be  investigated  by  some  higher  tribunal. 

Nevertheless,  they  felt  that  the  land  should  not  be  given 
up.  The  natives  who  had  already  been  Christianized  ought 
to  be  protected.  A  few  soldiers  might  be  sent  for  this  pur- 
pose, "not  as  an  army,  nor  with  the  clang  of  arms,"  but 
only  enough  to  protect  the  friars.  In  the  future  there  should 
be  no  restriction  on  communication  with  Mexico.  There 
ought  to  be  free  recourse  to  both  the  viceroy  and  audiencia 
in  Mexico,  as  well  as  to  the  king  and  Council  of  the  Indies 
in  Spain.579 

These  opinions  of  the  theologians  supported  the  vice- 
roy's first  move  to  protect  the  settlers  from  Onate's  wrath. 
Consequently  the  adelantado  never  got  back  his  colonists. 
The  complaints  wrhich  they  had  made  cast  a  serious  shadow 
on  his  reputation.  He  and  his  friends  made  efforts  to  dis- 
prove the  charges  and  to  regain  royal  favor,  but  only  with 
indifferent  success.  The  desertion  of  the  colony  and  the 
pent-up  opposition  which  it  unloosened  were  important 
factors  in  rvealing  the  true  nature  of  Onate's  achievement 
in  New  Mexico.  The  illusions  of  fabled  wealth  which  had 
circulated  generally  up  to  this  time  were  dispelled  and  the 
way  prepared  for  the  permanent  growth  of  New  Mexico 
as  a  missionary  field. 


578.     Copia  de  los  puntos  que  se  consultaron  d  teologos  y  juristos  .    .    .    y  tambien 
la  respuesta  de  los  dichos  geologos,   January   6  and   31,    1602,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15. 
579.     Ibid. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  51 

Chapter  X. 
Onate's  Difficulties  and  the  Expedition  to  California 

Prosperity  of  the  Colony.  In  the  account  of  the  flight 
of  Onate's  colonists  it  was  necessary  to  deal  with  much  of 
the  sordid  side  of  life  in  New  Mexico.  But  our  story  is 
not  all  of  that  nature.  At  times  we  find  pleasant  reports 
of  the  fertility  and  excellence  of  the  land.  Some  interesting 
facts  of  that  nature  were  sent  to  Mexico  in  1601.  It  was 
then  pointed  out  that  never  before  had  there  been  such 
ample  provisions  on  hand  in  the  colony.  The  harvest  that 
year  would  bring  the  Spaniards  fifteen  hundred  fanegas"'80 
of  wheat,  it  was  predicted.  This  was  only  five  hundred 
less  than  the  annual  requirements.  The  Indians  also  were 
harvesting  and  would  have  enough  to  tide  them  over. 
There  were  three  thousand  head  of  stock  in  the  province, 
and  the  gardens  were  full  of  fruits  and  vegetables.  In 
the  three  years  since  the  Spanish  occupation  greater 
amounts  of  grain  and  vegetables  had  been  grown  each  year. 
True,  the  harvest  was  not  yet  completed,  but  all  felt  as- 
sured of  a  heavy  yield. 

During  the  first  year  in  New  Mexico  Onate's  settlers 
seeded  only  seven  fanegas  of  wheat.  In  the  second  about 
fifty  fanegas  had  been  cultivated,  with  a  return  of  nearly 
one  thousand.  In  1601  almost  one  hundred  fanegas  had 
been  planted,  and  the  indications  pointed  to  a  good  harvest. 
The  situation  was  therefore  better  than  during  the  first 
year  when  they  had  to  rely  entirely  on  the  Indians  for 

:e.581 

Trouble  with  the  Jumanos.    Of  a  different  nature  was 


580.  A  fanega  contains  one  and  six-tenths   bu?hels. 

581.  Testimony    on    articles  thirteen    and    fourteen,    in    Informacion    y    papeles. 
This  testimony  is  given  by  those  who  refused  to  desert  New  Mexico.     It  is  therefore 
the    rosiest    side    of    the    picture.  But    even    so   they    admitted    that    some    corn    must 
still  be  furnished  by  the  Indians. 


52  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

a  conflict  with  the  Jumanos.  This  arose  when  five  soldiers 
fled  from  the  capital,  hoping  to  escape  to  New  Spain.  On 
the  way  the  Jumanos  attacked  them,  killing  two  of  the 
fugitives  and  over  twenty  of  their  horses.  Castaneda  and 
Santillan  were  the  victims."82  The  three  survivors,  whose 
names  are  not  given,  hurried  back  to  San  Gabriel  to  in- 
form the  governor  of  what  had  taken  place. 

Within  a  short  time  of  their  return  it  was  learned  that 
the  Jumanos  were  planning  to  attack  the  Spanish  capital, 
hoping  to  wipe  out  the  intruding  settlement.  When  this 
became  known  all  the  soldiers  petitioned  Onate  to  suspend 
his  proposed  journey  to  the  east  till  the  Jumanos  could  be 
punished  and  security  reestablished  in  the  province.  This 
request  was  granted  and  Zaldivar  was  accordingly  sent  to 
Abo,  here  called  a  Jumano  pueblo,  in  order  to  punish  those 
guilty  of  killing  the  Spaniards.583 

The  Indians  quickly  learned  that  Zaldivar  was  on  his 
way.  Calling  their  friends  they  assembled  in  the  pueblo 
of  Agualaco,'^  to  await  developments.  Zaldivar  approached 
the  place  without  suspecting  that  it  was  filled  with  enemies, 
due  to  the  fact  that  it  had  sent  friendly  representatives  to 
him.  As  he  was  nearing  the  pueblo  about  eight  hundred 
natives  suddenly  sallied  forth  and  compelled  his  force  to 
face  a  dangerous  attack.585  Such  an  insult  must  be  punished, 
otherwise  the  natives  would  become  insolent  and  haughty 
and  make  the  land  unsafe. 

Plans  for  the  battle  were  carefully  laid  and  the  soldiers 


582.  Article  sixteen  and  testimony,   in  ibid.     In  one  place  the  name  Salvatierra 
is  substituted  for   Castaneda,   but  there  is   no  record  of  a  man  by  that  name  in   the 
colony.     Santillan   reached   San   Gabriel   in   December,    1600,   with   the   reinforcements. 
Therefore  the  incident  occurred  after  that  time  —  and   before  June   23,   1601,   when 
Onate  went  to  Quivira. 

583.  Articles   sixteen   and   seventeen,    in    ibid.        "Para   que   fuse   a   los    jumanas 
al  pueblo  de  abo  a  castigar  a  los  delinquentes  .    .    .    .  "   Hodge  calls  Abo  a  Tompiros 
division  of  the  Piros.  Handbook,  I,  6. 

584.  Article   seventeen    and   testimony,    in    Informacion   y   papeles.      Agualaco    is 
doubtless  identical  with  the  Acolocu  mentioned  when  the  pueblos  rendered  obedience. 
It   was   said   to   be   in   a   province   called    Chealo.      See    "Obediencia   y   vasallaje    a   su 
Magestad   por   los   indios   del   pueblo   de   Acolocu,"    in    Col.   Doc.   Ined.,   XVI,    117-118. 
Hodge  places  that  province  in  the  vicinity  of  the  salines.   Handbook,   I,  239. 

585.  Article    seventeen,    in    Informacion   y   papeles. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  53 

sought  divine  aid  before  going-  into  battle.  Then  Zaldivar 
offered  peace  to  the  Indians,  promising  them  many  things 
if  this  offer  would  be  accepted,  but  nothing  came  of  it.  The 
Indians  hurled  rocks  and  arrows,  indicating  their  refusal 
of  the  terms.  The  battle  began  at  once.  It  lasted  six  days 
and  nights  before  the  natives  acknowledged  defeat.5"8  Nine 
hundred  had  been  killed,  and  their  pueblo  burned.  We  are 
told  that  Zaldivar  pardoned  all  the  men  and  women  en- 
gaged in  the  battle  save  those  most  guilty.  These  seem  to 
have  numbered  two  hundred,  nevertheless.587  One  captive 
wjas  given  to  each  soldier,  but  as  soon  as  they  had  been 
taken  to  San  Gabriel  many  fled.  Within  a  brief  period  all 
save  seven  or  eight  had  escaped.588 

Writing  in  March,  1601,  Captain  Velasco  reported  that 
this  struggle  with  the  Jumanos  was  very  recent,589  and  oc- 
curred because  they  refused  to  furnish  blankets  and  pro- 
visions. This  fray  is  not  to  be  confused  with  Onate's  tussle 
with  the  Jumanos  in  the  summer  of  1599,  when  Zaldivar 
was  on  his  way  to  the  South  Sea.  The  battle  described 
above  took  place  just  before  Onate  went  to  Quivira. 

Zaldivar  in  Mexico.  Following  these  events  and  the 
flight  of  the  colony  Vicente  de  Zaldivar  was  sent  to  Mex- 
ico with  requests  for  aid  and  support  in  order  to  maintain 
and  extend  what  had  already  been  won  in  New  Mexico.500 
He  asked  for  a  reinforcement  of  three  hundred  soldiers 
to  be  provided  at  the  king's  expense,  and  offered  to  add 
one  hundred  to  this  number  at  Onate's  cost.  More  mis- 
sionaries must  also  be  provided.  But  Monterey  and  the 
audiencia  threw  cold  water  on  these  plans  within  a  month, 
It  was  their  opinion  that  the  discovery  should  not  be  con- 


586.  Article    eighteen    and    testimony,    in    ibid.      Another    account    of    the    battle 
says  that   it  lasted  five  days   and   nights,   and   that   the   Indians   did   not  give  up   till 
their  water  supply   was   cut  off.     In   the   final  struggle  to   capture  that   point   about 
forty    Spaniards    were    wounded.      Zaldivar    was    one    of   them,    having    suffered    two 
wounds  and  a  broken  arm.     Petition  of  Vicente  de  Zaldivar,  1603,  A.  G.  I.,  103-3-23. 

587.  Carta  de  don  Luis  de  Velasco  a  S.  M.,   March  22,   1601. 

588.  Article   eighteen    and   testimony,    in    Informacion   y   papeles. 

589.  See  his   letter,   op.   cit. 

590.  He  arrived  for  Easter,  before  April  10,   1602. 


54  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tinued  at  such  expense,  but  that  the  region  already  pacified 
in  New  Mexico  should  be  maintained,  even  at  some  cost. 
It  presented  a  fine  field  for  missionary  endeavor,  and  would 
serve  as  a  base  "from  which  to  receive  news  of  the  settle- 
ments that  are  said  to  be  in  the  north  in  that  great  expanse 
of  country,  which  may  truly  be  said  to  constitute  a  large 
fraction  of  the  earth's  surface."501 

Onate  Appeals  to  the  King.  Meanwhile  it  should  be 
noted  that  Onate  had  long  maintained  an  agent  in  Spain, 
seeking  favors  from  the  king.  This  was  his  brother  Don 
Alonso,  who  was  procurator-general  of  the  miners  of  New 
Spain.592  He  was  in  Seville  in  March,  1600,  long  before  the 
desertion  of  Onate's  colony  or  before  the  new  province  be- 
gan to  look  like  a  profitless  venture.  He  brought  papers 
and  reports  from  New  Mexico,  and  strongly  urged  the  king 
to  favor  his  brother  Don  Juan.503  He  was  seeking  confirma- 
tion of  Ontate's  contract  as  made  with  Velasco  and  the 
restoration  of  the  limitations  made  by  the  Count  of  Mon- 
terey. He  insisted  that  his  brother  had  fully  met  his  obli- 
gations as  shown  by  the  Ulloa  inspection,  and  that  the  sub- 
sequent inspection  by  Salazar  was  not  fairly  conducted. 
"Only  by  the  mercy  of  God  could  Don  Juan  and  his  army 
bear  such  treatment.  For  this  reason  alone,  he  deserves 
that  your  highness  do  him  the  favor  of  confirming  said 
capitulations."  Don  Alonso  also  requested  that  the  title 
of  adelantado  be  given  his  brother.  He  had  earned  it,  and 
it  had  been  promised  before  the  conquest  was  undertaken.594 
Moreover  he  asked  that  missionaries  of  all  orders  be  per- 
mitted to  enter  New  Mexico.  He  insisted  that  no  trouble 
would  arise  if  the  Franciscans  were  limited  to  those  places 
then  in  their  possession.595 


591.  "Memorial   sobre   el   descubrimiento,"    in   Col  Doc.    Ined.,    XVI,    200-201. 

592.  Memorial  que  Don  Alonso  de  Onate  .    .     .    envia  a  S  M.,    [October  8,    1600] 
A.  G.  I.,  1-1-3/22. 

593.  Carta  a  S.  M.  de  Don  Alonso  de  Onate,   Seville,   March   2,    1600,   A.   G.   I., 
1-1-3/22. 

594.  Don    Alonso   to   the    president   of   the    Council   of   the    Indies,    in    Col.    Doc. 
Ined.,   XVI,   320-321. 

595.  Don    Alonso   de   Onate   to   the   king,    May   24,    1600,    in   ibid.,    XVI,    316-319. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  55 

The  Opinion  of  the  Council,  June,  1600.  These  mat- 
ters were  referred  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies  and  duly 
considered  by  it.  Monterey's  limitations  were  allowed  to 
stand  with  one  exception.  The  encomiendas  granted  in 
New  Mexico,  which  Monterey  had  ordered  confirmed  with- 
in three  years,  were  extended.  It  was  not  customary  to 
limit  them  and  the  members  of  the  Council  voted  to  free 
Onate  from  the  restriction.500 

The  Council  further  agreed  that  the  honor  of  becoming 
hidalgo  should  be  extended  to  the  descendants  of  those  who 
died  before  the  required  five  year  period  of  service  was 
up.  It  conceded  that  the  title  of  adelantado  should  be  given, 
in  justice,  to  Onate.  Of  the  numerous  additional  privileges 
requested  in  the  contract  made  with  Viceroy  Velasco,  which 
the  Council  also  passed  on,  some  were  partially  granted. 
The  royal  fifth  on  the  precious  metals  was  reduced  to  a 
tenth  for  twenty  years.  Exemption  from  the  alcabala  was 
allowed  for  twenty  years.  But  the  king's  decree  suspended 
all  these  matters  and  referred  them  to  the  Count  of  Mon- 
terey for  his  opinion.597 

Don  Alonso  fairly  bombarded  the  king  and  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Indies  with  letters  and  petitions.  He  charged 
that  Monterey  had  continually  sought  to  destroy  the  ex- 
pedition. It  was  for  that  reason  that  Onate's  contract  had 
been  limited,  that  Salazar  had  been  sent  to  hold  a  second 
inspection,  that  Father  Martinez  who  went  to  Mexico  for 
reinforcements,  was  detained  till  he  gave  up  in  disgust, 
and  that  the  whole  project  had  been  unnecessarily  delayed 
all  along.  He  pointed  out  anew  that  everything  limited  by 
the  Count  was  granted  in  the  royal  ordinances,  and  that 
there  was  accordingly  no  reason  for  withholding  these  con- 
cessions.598 

Opinion  of  the  Council,  October,  1601.  Nearly  a  year 
elapsed  before  the  king  ordered  the  Council  to  reconsider 


596.  El  Consejo  de  Indias  d  S.  M.,  June  9,  1600,  A.  G.  I..  1-1-3/22. 

597.  Royal  decree  in   response  to  ibid. 

598.  Two  memorials  of  Don  Alonso  de  Onate  [October  8,  1600],  A.  G.  I.,  1-1-3/22. 


56  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

this  question,  which  was  continually  being  urged  by  Onate's 
friends.  Accordingly  it  once  more  reviewed  the  modifica- 
tions made  by  the  Count  and  recommended  some  changes. 
The  Council  would  now  permit  Onate  to  be  immediately 
subject  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  except  that  appeal  in 
governmental  and  judicial  affairs  to  the  audiencia  of  New 
Galicia  must  be  permitted.  For  two  years  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  conquest  he  might  appoint  royal  officials  in 
New  Mexico  and  name  their  salary ;  he  might  recruit  troops 
with  the  viceroy's  sanction ;  bring  two  ships  to  his  province 
yearly,  again  with  the  viceroy's  approval ;  levy  the  tribute, 
without  consulting  the  prelates,  provided  it  did  not  exceed 
ten  reales  per  year  for  each  of  those  who  had  to  pay  it; 
and  exercise  absolute  freedom  in  giving  encomiendas.  The 
king,  however,  was  unwilling  to  concede  the  last  point,  and 
ordered  that  confirmation  must  be  sought  within  three 
years.509 

Don  Alonso  was  dissatisfied  with  the  king's  action  and 
immediately  presented  new  remonstrances.  He  ridiculed 
the  two  year  concession  for  appointing  officials  in  New 
Mexico,  as  the  conquest  had  begun  four  years  before  that 
was  ordered.  This  was  accordingly  changed  so  that  Onate 
could  name  the  officials  for  once  only.  In  regard  to  the 
right  of  giving  encomiendas  Don  Alonso  had  the  Council 
on  his  side.  It  agreed  that  Onate  or  his  friends  should 
not  be  obliged  to  ask  confirmation  of  their  encomiendas, 
"for  it  has  not  been  done,  nor  is  it  done  by  any  of  the  presi- 
dents or  governors  who  have  power  to  grant  encomiendas."8' 
Nevertheless  the  king  modified  the  Council's  decision  and 
required  the  encomenderos  to  ask  for  confirmation  within 
six  years.601 

The  partial  concessions  which  filtered  through  the 
king's  fingers  one  by  one  evidently  served  to  keep  Don 
Alonso  fighting  for  more.  At  any  rate  he  made  further 


599.  El  Consejo  d  S.  M.,  and  royal  decree,  October  17,   1601.  A.  G.  I.,   1-1-3/22. 

600.  Junta  particular  d  S.  M.,   November  24,    1601,   A.   G.   I.,   1-1-3/22. 

601.  Royal   decree   in    response   to   ibid. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  57 

requests  that  the  viceroy  be  instructed  to  send  soldiers  to 
Onate,  and  that  they  be  given  the  privileges  of  first  settlers. 
Moreover  it  was  again  asked  that  the  Carmelites  be  al- 
lowed to  enter  New  Mexico.  When  these  questions  were 
considered  by  the  Council  it  strongly  recommended  that 
Onate  be  given  the  necessary  reinforcements,  and  that  the 
other  requests  be  also  granted.602  Numerous  points  still  in 
doubt  had  just  been  referred  to  Monterey  for  his  opinion.603 

Onate's  Loss  of  Prestige.  On  this  occasion  the  de- 
cision of  the  Council  was  upheld  by  the  king  and  he  ordered 
that  it  be  carried  out.  This  was  on  June  22,  1602.604  But 
about  the  same  time  news  of  various  disorders  and  crimes 
said  to  have  been  committed  by  Onate  and  others  in  New 
Mexico  reached  Spain  and  was  considered  by  the  Council  on 
July  7,  1602.  Presumably  these  reports  dealt  with  the 
severe  punishments  Onate  had  inflicted,  and  other  irreg- 
ularities.605 The  upshot  of  it  all  was  that  the  king  ordered 
Monterey  to  make  a  secret  investigation.  If  Onate  was  so 
guilty  that  it  would  be  improper  to  leave  him  in  New  Mex- 
ico he  was  to  be  punished,  but  the  conversion  of  the  natives 
was  not  to  be  stopped  for  that  reason.606  In  view  of  such 
unfavorable  reports  the  king  countermanded  the  order  of 
June  22,  and  decreed  that  the  entire  business  then  sanc- 
tioned be  delayed607  It  is  just  possible  that  information  of 
the  desertion  of  the  colony  had  been  received  by  that  time 
and  influenced  his  decision. 

The  Title  of  Adelantado.  Before  these  disturbing  re- 
ports were  received  in  Spain  Don  Alonso  had  succeeded  in 
wringing  a  few  concessions  from  the  crown.  Early  in 
1602,  before  the  scandal  about  Onate  was  known  in  Spain, 


602.  Junta  particular,   June  22,    1602,   A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22. 

603.  Royal   cedula,   June   7,    1602,   A.    G.   I.,    139-1-2. 

604.  Royal  decree  in  response  to  junta  of  June  22,   1602,  A.   G.  I.,   1-1-3/22. 

605.  See   chapter   VIII   of   this   study. 

606.  El  Consejo  de  Indias  a  S.   M.,   April  22,   1603,    1-1-3/22. 

607.  Royal   decree,    August    12,    1602,    A.    G.    I.,    1-1-3/22.      The   viceroy    had    al- 
ready been   informed  of  the  above  orders,   for   he  shortly   reported  to  the  king   that 
he  had   refused  to   permit  the  entry   of  the   Carmelites   into   New   Mexico.      He   grave 
as   his    reason   the   danger   of   conflict   with   the    Franciscans.      Carta   d   su   Magestad 
del  vvrrey  de  Nueva  Espaiia,   December   12,   1602,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15. 


58  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

he  had  the  satisfaction  of  sending  a  bit  of  "glory"  to  his 
brother  in  New  Mexico.  It  was  the  title  of  adelantado 
which  the  king  then  conferred.  The  honor  was  to  last 
through  Onate's  lifetime  and  that  of  his  son  or  heir.808 

Moreover  his  independence  of  the  viceroy  and  audien- 
cia  of  Mexico  was  formally  decreed,  with  appeal  to  the 
audiencia  of  New  Galicia.609  The  right  to  levy  tribute  with- 
out consulting  the  religious  was  likewise  promulgated,  pro- 
vided it  did  not  exceed  ten  reales  a  year  for  each  tributary,810 
and  the  ennoblement  of  the  children  of  those  conquerors 
who  died  before  the  title  of  hidalgo  had  been  legally  won 
was  officially  sanctioned.811 

Monterey  Resents  the  King's  Action.  Viceroy  Mon- 
terey first  heard  of  these  concessions  through  Onate's 
friends  in  Mexico  in  the  fall  of  1602.  He  was  greatly  dis- 
pleased, particularly  that  Onate  had  been  freed  from  his 
control.  But  the  notification  was  not  official,  and  lacking 
such  notice  he  determined  to  act  as  formerly  in  regard  to 
New  Mexico.  The  audiencia  concurred  in  this  decision, 
and  Monterey  went  on  with  his  plans  of  sending  three  or 
four  friars  to  the  north.  New  Mexico  was  still  in  a  very 
precarious  situation  and  in  danger  of  being  deserted  by 
the  few  who  had  remained  there.612  The  missionaries  were 
shortly  sent,  probably  reaching  San  Gabriel  in  May,  1603. 
Besides  these  there  were  already  two  in  the  province,  we 
are  informed.813 

Zaldivar's  Pilgrimage  to  Spain.  When  Zaldivar  failed 
to  secure  the  desired  assistance  from  the  royal  officials  in 
Mexico  he  departed  for  Europe,  evidently  in  1602,  armed 
with  reports  on  New  Mexico  and  with  the  opinions  of  the 
audiencia  and  Monterey.  The  latter  urged  the  king  that 


608.  Royal  cedula,   February  7,   1602,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   397-399. 

609.  Royal  cedula,  July   8,  in  ibid.,   405. 

610.  Royal  cedula,   July   4,    1602,   in   ibid.,   403. 

611.  Royal  cedula,   July   8,    1602,   A.   G.   I.,    139-1-2. 

612.  Carta  d  su  Magestad  del  virrey  de  Nueva  Espana,   December   12,    1602. 

613.  Monterey  d  S.  M.,  May  28,  1603,  A.  G.  I.,  58-3-14.     Onate  had  made  urgent 
requests  that  the  Jesuits   be   allowed  to  enter  New  Mexico,   but   Monterey   refused   to 
permit  it. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  59 

the  maestre  de  campo  be  given  attention  at  once,  for  it  was 
expedient  that  a  decision  one  way  or  the  other  be  reached 
without  delay.8'4 

Zaldivar  soon  informed  the  crown  of  Ofiate's  dire  dis- 
tress. He  insisted,  in  particular,  that  there  were  too  few 
soldiers  to  continue  the  discovery.  Four  hundred  additional 
soldiers  would  not  be  too  many  to  reap  the  fruits  of  what 
had  already  been  discovered,  and  the  king  was  asked  to 
provide  three  hundred  of  these.  The  rest  would  be  furnished 
by  Onate,  even  though  his  expenses  for  the  past  six  years 
had  been  enormous.  But  in  spite  of  Zaldivar's  glowing  ac- 
counts of  New  Mexico  and  the  country  beyond,  the  Coun- 
cil was  not  convinced  that  such  a  heavy  drain  on  the  royal 
treasury  was  warranted.  The  reports  of  scandals  said  to 
have  been  committed  by  Onate  left  a  bad  impression.  It 
was  probably  for  that  reason  that  the  Council  refused  to 
consider  the  matter  and  recommended  that  the  entire  ques- 
tion of  New  Mexican  affairs  be  left  to  the  viceroy's  dis- 
cretion.615 The  responsibility  would  then  devolve  on  the 
Marquis  of  Montesclaros,  newly  appointed  viceroy  of  New 
Spain.918 

Though  unsuccessful  in  getting  the  crown  to  send  more 
men  to  New  Mexico,  Zaldivar's  voyage  was  not  entirely  in 
vain.  In  a  junta  de  guerra  of  May  23,  1603,  the  Council 
recommended  a  loan  of  thirty  or  forty  thousand  ducats  to 
Onate,  that  the  conversion  of  the  natives  might  not  be 
hindered.617  It  also  approved  his  plan  to  recruit  some  muske- 
teers and  shipwrights  in  Seville  and  San  Lucar,  as  there 
were  none  of  these  in  the  Indies.  He  was  only  allowed 
forty  men,  though  his  request  was  for  seventy.  They  were 
to  sail  with  the  fleet,  the  expense  of  their  passage  and 


614.  Carta    a    su    Magestad    del    virrey    de    Nuevo    Espana,    December    12,    1602. 
Vicente  de  Zaldivar  was  sargento  mayor  of  the  expedition  to  New  Mexico,   but   was 
also   given   the   title   of   maestre   de   campo   after   the    death    of   his   brother   Juan    at 
Acoma    in    December,    1598,    and    he   was    usually   referred   to    by    that   title   while    in 
Spain. 

615.  El   Consejo   de   Indias   d   S.    M.,    April   22,    1603,    A.    G.    I.,    1-1-3/22, 

616.  Montesclaros  reached  Mexico  in  September,  1603.     Bancroft,  Mexico,   III,   5. 

617.  La  Junta  de  Guerra  de  Indias  d  S.  M.,   May  23,   1603.   This   was  approved 
by   the   king,    but   I   have   no   record   that    it   was    carried   out. 


60  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

freight  being  paid  by  the  crown.  Only  fifteen  hundred 
ducats,  however,  could  be  expended  for  this  purpose.018 

The  Council  also  approved  Zaldivar's  request  for  two 
experienced  pilots  to  be  hired  at  Onate's  cost.  They  were 
to  be  used  in  making  voyages  of  discovery  on  the  North  or 
South  Seas.  In  addition  he  was  allowed  to  bring  a  quanti- 
ty of  military  equipment  with  the  fleet,  but  it  was  evi- 
dently purchased  at  his  own  cost.0'8 

Zaldivar  did  not  remain  long  in  Spain.  Little  had  been 
gained  and  he  departed  with  the  fleet  in  1603,  leaving  Don 
Alonso  to  represent  Onate's  interests  there.  Nor  had  he 
been  able  to  enlist  the  forty  musketeers,  shipwrights,  and 
two  pilots  before  the  fleet  sailed.  Don  Alonso  took  over 
the  task  and  requested  that  he  might  assume  the  privileges 
granted  to  Zaldivar.620  The  king  permitted  the  favor  and 
allowed  the  small  group  to  sail  in  December  or  January 
in  a  tender  of  eighty  tons.621  Moreover  it  was  decreed  that 
the  boat  might  bring  a  small  amount  of  merchandise  in 
order  to  make  the  trip  less  expensive.622 

Onate's  Residencia  is  Postponed.  When  Monterey  re- 
ceived the  orders  from  the  king  to  investigate  the  charges 
of  misconduct  preferred  against  Onate  he  should  normally 
have  ordered  the  latter's  residential  But  he  determined 
not  to  do  so,  with  the  approval  of  the  audiencia,  because 
of  the  danger  of  discrediting  the  new  region  so  thoroughly 
that  it  would  be  given  up  in  disgust.  He  felt  that  the  re- 
sidencia  could  be  held  with  fewer  disadvantages  some  time 
later.024  The  stand  taken  on  the  subject  was  approved  by 


618.  El  Consejo  de   Indias  d  S.   M.,  and   royal   decree,   May   17,    1603,   A.    G.    I., 
1-1-3/22;  cf.  royal  cedula  of  June  23,   1603,   in   Hackett,   Hwt.  Docs.,   407. 

619.  Authorized  in  two  cedulas  of  June  12  and  June  23,   1602,  A.  G.  I.,   139-1-2. 
The   equipment    consisted    of    sixty    harquebuses,    thirty    muskets,    one    hundred    coats 
of   mail,   one   hundred   cuishes,    fifty   helmets    with   beavers,    one   hundred    swords   and 
daggers,   fifty  buckskin   jackets  or  buckskin   for  making   them. 

620.  Don  Alonso  de  Onate  a,  la  Casa,  August  19,   1603,   A.  G.  I.,   139-1-2. 

621.  Royal  cedula,  September  8,   1603,  A.  G.  I.,   139-1-2. 

622.  A  la  Casa,  January   19,   1604,   A.   G.   I.,   139-1-2.     There  were  some  married 
men  among  those  enlisted  and  they  were  permitted  to  bring  their  wives  and  children. 

623.  The    residencia    was    an    official    investigation    to    determine    whether    an 
officer   had   been   true  to   his   trust. 

624.  Copia  de  los  advertimientos  generates  q  se  le  enviaron  al  virrey  Marques  df 
Montesclaros,   March   28,    1604,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  61 

the  crown,  and  when  Montesclaros  became  viceroy  he  was 
instructed  to  favor  the  New  Mexico  enterprise  as  the 
charges  against  Ofiate  were  uncertain.025 

Montesclaros  Reports  on  Neiu  Mexico.  Montesclaros 
soon  found  it  necessary  to  m&ke  a  complete  study  of  the 
affairs  relating  to  New  Mexico.  In  order  to  do  so  with  all 
possible  care  he  conferred  with  three  of  the  most  disinter- 
ested judges  of  the  audiencia  and  with  the  fiscal  in  secret 
sessions.  Criminal  as  well  as  other  charges  were  con- 
sidered and  a  report  drawn  up  and  sent  to  the  king.828  Some 
of  the  findings  of  this  committee  follow. 

The  conference  judged  that  the  land  and  its  inhabi- 
tants were,  on  the  whole,  poor.  It  reported  that  the  silver 
ore  sent  to  Mexico  by  Onate  contained  nothing  but  copper ; 
that  any  returns  from  the  province  were  dependent  on  the 
duration  of  the  occupation ;  that  Ofiate  would  not  be  able  to 
pay  even  the  fourth  of  the  cost  of  a  reinforcement  of  sol- 
diers ;  that  the  charges  against  him  were  not  bad,  but  suf- 
ficient that  he  should  not  continue  the  conquest;  that  a 
judge  or  alcalde  of  the  audiencia  ought  to  go  in  person  to 
report  on  the  province  and  its  mining  possibilities;  that 
such  an  official  should  have  power  to  take  Onate  and  his 
guilty  relatives  prisoners;  that  in  any  event  a  presidio 
should  be  established  in  New  Mexico;  that  if  Onate  was 
not  found  guilty  he  should  be  authorized  to  continue  the 
conquest ;  and  that  in  case  a  visitador  should  be  sent  either 
Doctor  Morga,  alcalde  of  the  audiencia,  or  the  licentiate 
Morquecho,  a  judge  of  the  same  tribunal,  or  both,  should 
be  named.  After  the  investigation,  neither  should  be  per- 
mitted to  return  to  the  audiencia.627 

The  Expedition  to  the  Gulf  of  California.  Onate's 
province  was  thus  coming  to  be  regarded  as  a  "white  ele- 
phant" which  would  have  to  be  supported  by  the  crown. 
No  wealth  in  gold,  silver,  or  precious  stones  had  been  found, 
nothing  but  a  fairly  large  number  of  half  naked  Indians. 


625.  Carlo,  del  Marques  de  Monteeclaros  a.  S.  M.,  March  81,  1605,  A.  G.  I.,  58-3-15. 

626.  Ibid.     The  opinion  of  the  junta  was  given  in  fourteen  numbered  paragraphs. 

627.  Ibid. 


62  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

His  rule  was  under  the  shadow  of  serious  mismanagement. 
But  there  was  yet  one  hope  of  overcoming  these  misfor- 
tunes. Plans  of  reaching  the  South  Sea  had  long  been  con- 
templated, and  Onate  assembled  his  depleted  force  in  pre- 
paration of  another  hunt  for  the  ''Golden  Fleece."628 

With  thirty  soldiers,  and  accompanied  by  Father  Esco- 
bar, the  commissary  of  the  missionaries,  and  Fray  Juan 
de  San  Buenaventura,  a  lay  brother,  he  left  San  Gabriel 
on  October  7,  1604,628  following  the  route  opened  by  Far- 
fan  and  Zaldivar  some  years  earlier.  The  party  passed 
through  the  province  of  Zufii,  fifty  leagues  from  San  Ga- 
briel,*10 then  went  northwest  to  Moqui,  twenty  leagues,  west 
to  the  Little  Colorado,  ten  leagues,  and  then  seventeen  lea- 
gues to  a  river  called  San  Antonio.  "It  ran  from  north  to 
south  between  great  mountain  chains."631'  On  this  stretch 
of  territory  they  had  passed  through  a  pine  forest  eight 
leagues  wide.632  Five  leagues  beyond  the  San  Antonio  river 
they  came  to  the  Sacramento  river.633  This  stream  flowed 
in  a  southeasterly  direction,  and  Escobar  stated  that  it  was 
in  that  place  that  Espejo  discovered  mines.634 

From  that  point  the  expedition  continued  westward 
nearly  sixteen  leagues,  till  the  river  called  San  Andres  was 
reached  on  November  30.6C3  This  was  Bill  Williams  Fork. 


628.  Cf.    Bolton,    "Father    Escobar's    Relation    of   the    Onate    Expedition    to    Cali- 
fornia," in  Catholic  Historical  Review,  V,  22.     Hereafter  cited  as  Escobar's  Relation. 

629.  Ibid.,   25.      "Journey   of   Onate  to   California   by   Land,     (Zarate,    1926),"    in 
Bolton,    Spanish   Exploration,    268-280.      Hereafter    cited    as    Zarate's    Relation.      Both 
Escobar's    and    Zarate's    accounts    have   been    carefully    translated    and    edited    by    Pro- 
fessor Bolton. 

630.  Escobar's    Relation,    op.    cit.,    V.    25.      Zarate    says    sixty    leagues.      See    his 
Relation,   in    Bolton,   Spanish   Exploration,    268. 

631.  Escobar's  Relation,  op.  cit.,  V,  26.     The  San  Antonio  was  perhaps  Sycamore 
Creek. 

632.  Zarate's   Relation,   op.   cit.,   269. 

633.  The   Sacramento   must   have    been   the    Rio    Verde.      That    identification    fits 
the    description.      Professor    Bolton    calls    the    San    Antonio    the    Rio    Verde,    but    that 
leaves    no   stream   to   compare    with    the    Sacramento,    and    he   attempts    none. 

634.  Escobar's    Relation,    op.    cit.,    V.    26.      Zarate   also   states    it    was   here   that 
"the  Spaniards  took  out  very  good  ores."      If  these  two  statements   are   correct  then 
Espejo's   mining  discovery,   later   visited   by   Farfan,   was   not  on   Bill   Williams   Fork, 
but  on  the  Verde. 

635.  Ibid.,   V.   27.    Professor   Bolton   notes  that  the   name  San   Andres   was   given 
to   one   of  the   richest   mines   discovered   by   the    Farfan    party.      Spanish   Exploration, 
271    note    1.      The    inference    is    that   there    is    some    relation    between    the    location    of 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  63 

It  was  followed  twenty  or  twenty-four  leagues,  the  two  ac- 
counts differ,  to  the  Colorado,  "which  they  sought  because 
of  the  reports  which  the  Indians  had  given. "68a  Regarding 
this  discovery  Father  Escobar  wrote :  "It  flows  ...  to  the 
sea  or  Gulf  of  California,  bearing  on  either  side  high  ranges, 
between  which  it  forms  a  very  wide  river  bottom,  all  densely 
populated  by  people  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  clear  to  the 
sea,  which  seemed  to  me  fifty  leagues  from  there."637 

Visiting  the  Indians  along  the  Colorado.  Before  start- 
ing down  the  river  Onate  sent  a  party  up  the  stream  to  visit 
the  Amacavas  Indians.  They  were  the  Mohave,368  who  fur- 
nished the  Spaniards  with  "maize,  frijoles,  and  calabashes, 
which  is  the  ordinary  food  of  all  the  people  of  their  river." 
They  did  not  seem  to  have  much  maize  in  spite  of  the  spaci- 
ous bottoms  along  the  river,  and  Escobiar  attributed  this 
to  their  laziness.  On  the  contrary  they  obtained  much  food 
from  mesquite  and  from  the  seeds  of  grass  which  they 
gathered  in  large  quantities.639 

Proceeding  down  the  river  the  Spaniards  came  to  the 
Bahacechas,  whose  rancheria  extended  seven  or  eight  lea- 
gues along  the  river  bottom.640  They  have  been  identified 
as  either  a  branch  of  the  Mohave  or  the  Huallapais.641  They 
told  more  about  a  lake,  called  the  lake  of  Copalla  by  the 
Mohaves,  which  was  supposed  to  be  in  a  populous  region.64' 
It  was  stated  that  the  people  who  lived  on  its  shores  wore 
bracelets  of  gold  and  other  golden  adornments.  When 
shown  some  silver  buttons  they  remarked  that  much  of 
that  metal  was  dug  "from  a  mountain  on  the  other  shore 
of  the  sea  in  front  of  an  island  five  days  from  where  we 

Farfan's  mines  and  the  river  mentioned.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  Escobar 
used  that  name  not  because  of  being  where  Farfan's  party  had  been,  but  because 
the  river  was  reached  on  Saint  Andrew's  day. 

636.  Zarate's  Relation,  op.  cit.,  271. 

637.  Escobar's  Relation,  op.  cit.,  V,   28. 

638.  Zarate's   Relation,    op.   cit.,    271.      They   are   identified   by    Bandelier.    Final 
Report,    I,    106,    110. 

639.  Escobar's    Relation,    op.    cit.,    V,    28. 

640.  Ibid.,   31. 

641.  Bandelier,   Final  Report,   I,   110. 

642.  As   Professor   Bolton   points   out   this   was   the   name   of   the   region    sought 
by   Ibarra   in    1563.     Spanish  Exploration,   211'  note   6. 


64  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

were  toward  which  they  pointed  in  the  west."  Zarate  de- 
scribes how  they  sailed  to  the  place  in  one  day.613  But  re- 
garding this  metal  Father  Escobar  was  uncertain.  He 
doubted  that  it  was  silver  because  of  its  reputed  abund- 
ance.844 

Continuing  down  the  river  the  party  observed  that  a 
large  stream,  called  the  Nombre  de  Jesus,  entered  the 
Colorado  from  the  southwest,  about  twenty  leagues  above 
the  sea.  This  was  the  Gila  river.  There  were  numerous 
rancherias  along  its  banks,  whose  inhabitants  planted 
maize,  frijoles,  and  calabashes  like  those  already  seen.  In 
addition  they  had  mantas  of  cotton  similar  to  those  seen 
in  New  Mexico.  These  people  were  called  Osera,  or  Ozaras, 
by  Escobar  and  Zarate  respectively.  They  were  probably 
the  Maricopas.6'5 

Onate  Reaches  the  South  Sea.  From  the  junction  of 
the  two  rivers  the  Spaniards  continued  to  the  sea  about 
twenty  leagues.  This  was  the  region  of  the  Yumas  and 
was  more  thickly  settled  than  any  seen  up  to  that  time.  They 
were  very  similar  in  speech  and  customs  to  those  already 
visited.  The  first  settlement,  called  Alebdoma  or  Halche- 
doma,  consisted  of  eight  rancherias,  the  following  had  nine, 
and  was  called  Coguana  or  Cohuana,  the  Yuma  proper.018 
Each  group  was  judged  to  contain  five  thousand  souls.  The 
next  settlement  was  called  Agalle  or  Haglli,  and  then  fol- 
lowed the  Agalecquamaya  or  Tlalliquamalla.647  These  two 
groups  had  a  total  estimated  population  of  another  five 
thousand  inhabitants.  The  last  settlement  which  extended 
to  the  sea  appeared  to  be  the  largest  of  all.  It  was  the 
Cocapa,  the  present  Cocopa.648 


643.  Zarate's   Relation,   op.   cit.,   274.     The  quotation   is   from   Escobar. 

644.  Escobar's  Relation,   op.   cit.,   V,   30-31. 

645.  Ibid.,   V,   32.     See  Bandelier,   Final  Report,   I,   110. 

646.  Escobar's   Relation,   op.   cit.,    V,   33.      The   second   form   of  the   tribal   name 
in  each  case  is  the  one  given  by  Zarate.     Zarate's  Relation,  op.  cit.,  276.     Bandelier, 
Final  Report,  I,  110.     Bandelier  is  the  authority  on  the  identification  of  these  tribes. 

647.  Escobar's   Relation,  op.  cit.,  V,   33.     This  last  tribe  was  the  Halliguamaya, 
identifiable  with  the  Quigyuma,   and  the   Haglli   were  evidently  a  part  of  the  same. 
Hodge,   Handbook,   I,   520. 

648.  Escobar's   Relation,   op.   cit.,   V,    33;    Zarate's   Relation,   op.   cit.,   276. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  65 

Here  the  party  camped  in  order  to  have  fresh  water. 
It  was  January  23,  1605.  With  part  of  his  men  and  the 
friars  Ofiate  proceeded  to  the  sea,  where  he  took  possession 
of  the  surrounding  land  and  water  for  the  king  of  Spain. 
From  the  accounts  which  the  Indians  gave  of  the  gulf  he 
formed  the  idea  that  California  was  an  island.  Then  he 
returned  to  the  camp  and  the  rest  of  the  soldiers  also  went 
to  the  mouth  of  the  river  to  verify  their  reports.649  There- 
upon began  the  long  march  back  to  New  Mexico.  On  the 
way  they  were  compelled  to  kill  some  of  their  horses  for 
food.  The  Indians  were  still  friendly  and  gave  them  pro- 
visions, but  "not  great  in  amount  nor  in  proportion  to  the 
great  multitude  of  the  people  nor  to  our  needs."650  Finally 
on  April  25,  1605,  they  reached  San  Gabriel,  "all  sound 
and  well,  and  not  a  man  missing."651 

Escobar's  Stories  of  Region  Beyond.  On  this  expedi- 
tion Onate's  men  had  heard  tales  which  should  have  aroused 
much  interest  in  the  region.  They  had  been  told  of  a  na- 
tion "who  had  ears  so  large  that  they  dragged  on  the 
ground,  and  big  enough  to  shelter  five  or  six  persons  un- 
der each  one."  Near  this  peculiar  tribe  was  another  whose 
inhabitants  had  only  one  foot.  There  was  still  another 
which  lived  on  the  banks  of  the  lake  of  Copalla  and  who 
slept  entirely  under  water.  Another  slept  in  trees,  and 
the  people  of  one  nearby  "sustained  themselves  solely  on 
the  odor  of  their  food."  Another  tribe  always  slept  stand- 
ing up  with  a  burden  on  the  head.  The  people  who  lived 
on  the  island  were  ruled  by  a  woman,  a  giantess,  but  she 
and  a  sister  were  the  only  survivors  of  their  race.  On  this 
island  all  the  men  were  bald  and  "with  them  the  monstrosi- 
ties ended."  Thus  wrote  Father  Escobar  who  duly  recorded 
these  stories.652 

Escobar  doubted  that  there  existed  so  many  monstrosi- 


649.  Ibid.,   278.     These  incidents   are  not  recorded   by   Escobar. 

650.  Escobar's   Relation,   op.   cit.,   V,   34. 

651.  Zarate's   Relation,   op.   cit.,   280. 

652.  Escobar's   Relation,   op.   cit.,   V,   37. 

5 


66  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ties  in  so  short  a  distance,  for  the  nations  mentioned  were 
all  said  to  live  on  one  river  only  twenty-five  or  thirty  lea- 
gues distant,  which  had  to  be  crossed  to  reach  the  island. 

But,  even  though  there  might  be  still  greater  doubt  of 
all  these  things,  it  seemed  yet  more  doubtful  to  remain  silent 
about  things  which,  if  discovered,  would  result,  I  believe,  in 
glory  to  God  and  in  service  to  the  King  our  Lord;  for  al- 
though the  things  in  themselves  may  be  so  rare  and  may 
never  before  have  been  seen,  to  any  one  who  will  consider 
the  wonders  which  God  constantly  performs  in  the  world, 
it  will  be  easy  to  believe  that  since  He  is  able  to  create  them 
He  may  have  done  so.6"* 

If  the  stories  recounted  by  Father  Escobar  caused 
astonishment  and  interest  that  was  probably  the  cause  for 
recording  them,  for,  he  continued : 

With  less  than  one  hundred  men  it  will  be  possible  to 
verify  the  truth  of  all  these  things,  both  of  the  silver  and 
the  tin,  or  whatever  metial  is  on  the  island;  of  the  gold, 
copper,  or  brass  bracelets  or  handcuffs  worn  by  the  In- 
dians of  the  Laguna;  ...  as  well  as  of  the  monstrosities 
reported  by  so  many  Indians  of  ten  different  nations,  scat- 
tered through  more  than  two  hundred  leagues,  some  say- 
ing that  they  had  seen  them  and  others  thJat  they  had  heard 
of  them.654 

When  Zarate  Salmeron  wrote  his  account  twenty  years 
later  of  Onate's  expedition  to  the  sea  he  refused  to  accept 
the  "prodigies  of  nature  which  God  has  created  between 
the  Buena  Esperanza  River  and  the  sea.  .  .  .  When  we  see 
them  we  will  affirm  them  under  oath ;  but  in  the  meantime 
I  refrain  from  mentioning  them,  and  pass  them  by  in 
silence."655 


653.  Ibid.,   V,   38. 

654.  Ibid. 

655.  Zarate's  Relation,  op.  cit.,  280. 


THE  FIRST  EDUCATIONAL  MEETING         67 


FIRST  MEETING  OF  THE  NEW  MEXICO 
EDUCATIONAL  ASSOCIATION 

(Address  before  the  History  and  Social  Science  Section  of 

the  New  Mexico  Educational  Association  at  Santa  Fe, 

November  5,  1926.) 

PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Three  points  should  be  emphasized  in  introducing  my 
subject:  "The  First  Meeting  of  the  Educational  Association 
of  New  Mexico."  They  are  not  new  but  they  bear  repetition, 
they  are  general  and  yet  material  to  this  and  other  papers 
of  this  meeting. 

1st.  Modern  historical  research  concerns  itself  pri- 
marily with  the  study  and  analysis  of  culture  movements. 
Chronological  data  and  biographical  detail  are  of  conse- 
quence in  so  far  as  they  are  aids  in  such  study  and  analysis. 
A  great  and  significant  culture  developed  for  a  thousand 
years  and  more,  here  in  the  Southwest,  without  leaving  us 
a  single  date  or  name.  Yet,  we  have  been  able  to  construct 
a  connected  story  of  the  people,  their  civilization,  their 
arts  and  handicrafts  and  draw  significant  lessons  from 
them.  It  is  evident  that  it  is  important  to  learn  the  causes 
of  the  inception,  development  and  decline  of  a  culture; — it 
may  be  merely  interesting  to  know  the  exact  date  and  names 
or  places  of  the  incidents  in  the  march  of  events. 

2nd.  The  teaching  of  local  and  contemporary  history 
should  precede  the  study  of  general,  and  possibly  national, 
history.  We  love  our  vales  and  hills  and  the  source  of  true 
patriotism  is  always  local.  The  significance  of  events  which 
have  happened  about  us  and  have  moulded  our  environment 
and  opinions  is  of  primary  importance  in  helping  to  deter- 
mine our  relation  to  the  body  politic,  to  the  world,  and  in 
the  interpretation  of  all  history. 

3rd.     The  history  of  education  in  the  Southwest  re- 


68  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

mains  to  be  written  and  it  is  more  important  relatively 
than  the  history  of  our  wars  or  of  our  governors.  Our 
historical  writers  occasionally  have  devoted  a  chapter  to 
education, — but  to  them  the  term  merely  meant  the  history 
of  our  present  school  systems.  They  have  overlooked  the 
fact  that  here  in  New  Mexico  for  two  thousand  years  and 
more  youth  has  been  taught  by  its  elders.  Sometimes  it 
seems  to  us  who  study  American  anthropology,  that  the 
methods  of  education  of  the  Pueblo  Indian,  a  thousand 
years  ago,  were  better  adapted  in  some  respects  to  his  needs, 
his  environment,  a  rational  philosophy,  than  are  the 
methods  of  today  adapted  to  the  youth  who  must  go  out  and 
make  his  own  terms  with  life.  The  methods  of  education, 
in  part  visual  by  means  of  miracle  plays,  of  the  Franciscans 
in  our  early  missionary  history,  and  the  teaching  of  youth 
under  the  Spanish  regime,  taken  as  a  whole,  seem  to  have 
resulted  in  stronger  moral  fibre  than  does  the  teaching  of 
this  day  when  parents  have  abandoned  that  field  altogether 
to  the  schools.  Even  in  the  parochial  school  system  one 
must  concede  advantages  which  thus  far  the  public  school 
system  does  not  offer,  with  a  result  that  is  lamentable 
should  we  accept  the  daily  news  items  in  our  papers  as  a 
cross-section  and  criterion  of  the  culture  and  civilization 
of  today. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  we  recognize  that  the  first  meeting 
of  the  Territorial  Educational  Association  held  in  Santa 
Fe  during  the  last  days  of  the  year  1886  marked  the  be- 
ginnings of  a  movement  in  education  which  has  resulted  in 
giving  the  commonwealth  an  excellent,  modern  school  sys- 
tem. The  beginnings  were  rather  insignificant  and  the 
setting  for  them  not  very  propitious.  Santa  Fe,  the  capital 
city,  although  it  boasted  of  putting  on  metropolitan  airs, 
as  was  stated  in  the  Santa  Fe  Daily  New  Mexican*  a  few 
days  before  that  convention,  was  nevertheless  merely  a 
village  of  scarce  five  thousand  people  who  lacked  the  facili- 
ties and  improvements  that  make  it  such  a  charming  place 


1.     Santa  Fe  Daily  New  Mexican,   December  29,   1886. 


THE  FIRST  EDUCATIONAL  MEETING         69 

of  residence  today.  It  is  true,  the  new  Capitol  which  was 
later  burned  by  incendiaries,  had  just  been  completed.  It 
was  a  Doric  temple,  four  stories  high,  set  down  amidst  one- 
story,  adobe,  flat-roofed  houses.  There  had  been  built  fac- 
ing the  public  plaza,  the  first  two-story  brick  business  build- 
ing, now  the  Masonic  Hall,  which  was  the  special  pride  of 
the  community,  but  there  were  only  a  few  board  sidewalks, 
no  paved  streets,  no  sewage  system,  few  modern  conveni- 
ences. The  Territory  itself  had  passed  the  100,000  mark 
in  population,2  but  on  the  entire  east  side  there  was  no  settle- 
ment of  consequence.  School  houses  were  few  and  far 
apart  and  the  revenue  raised  for  schools  would  not  be  suffi- 
cient today  for  the  school  expenditures  of  the  smallest  of 
New  Mexico's  thirty-one  counties. 

Still,  Santa  Fe  was  a  busy  and  crowded  place  in  the 
December  days  of  1886.  The  Territorial  legislature  was 
in  session  and  we  read  in  the  New  Mexican3  that  an  excur- 
sion of  seven  hundred  people,  in  nine  Pullman  sleepers,  was 
due  to  arrive.  That  the  convention  was  not  altogether  wel- 
come, we  learn  from  the  debates  in  the  legislative  House.4 
Representative  Kuchenbecker  offered  a  resolution  that  the 
free  use  of  the  House  chamber  be  granted  the  Association 
for  holding  its  sessions  for  three  evenings.  After  spirited 
discussions,  Mr.  Davis  moved  to  amend,  naming  Chief 
Justice  Long  and  others  as  responsible  should  the  house 
or  its  furniture  be  in  any  wise  marred  or  injured,  and  pro- 
hibiting the  charge  of  any  admission  fee  by  the  Association. 
Mr.  Leandro  Sanchez,  of  San  Miguel,  made  an  able  speech 
against  the  amendment,  speaking  eloquently  of  the  need  of 
stimulating  interest  in  educational  affairs  in  New  Mexico, 
and  advocating  the  adoption  of  Mr.  Kuchenbeckers'  motion. 
Mr.  Fort  and  Mr.  J.  L.  Rivera  also  spoke  in  support  of 
this  motion,  and  Messers.  Davis  and  Dame  of  Santa  Fe, 
and  Mr.  F.  P.  Chavez  of  Rio  Arriba  opposed  it  quite  as 


2.  Census    1880   gives    population    as    119,493. 

3.  Santa    Fe    Daily    New    Mexican,    December    31,    1886.      Also    idem,    December 
13  and  December   16,    1886. 

4.  Santa  Fe   Daily   New   Mexican,    December   29,    1886. 


70  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

strenuously.  The  motion  prevailed  by  the  close  vote  of  13 
to  10.  The  Association  met  only  once  in  the  Hall. 

There  was  a  feeling  locally  that  this  new  movement 
was  aimed  against  the  Church  schools  and  against  the  em- 
ployment of  the  servants  of  the  Church  as  teachers  in  the 
schools.5  It  was  also  feared  that  the  building  up  of  a  public 
school  system  would  result  in  heavy  taxation; — still,  there 
were  staunch  defenders. 

On  the  day  before  Christmas,  forty  years  ago,  the  Neiv 
Mexican6  published  the  following  editorial  which  I  feel 
certain  from  its  style,  was  written  by  the  late  Colonel  Max 
Frost,  although  he  was  not  then  as  yet  officially  connected 
with  the  paper: 

The  existing  school  system  can  be  greatly  improved, 
and  no  time  should  be  lost  in  so  doing.  We  shall  make  a 
few  suggestions,  which  we  hope  the  legislature  will  heed. 

A  responsible  head  should  be  provided  for.  To  that 
end,  the  office  of  territorial  superintendent  of  schools  should 
be  created;  he  should  have  complete  control  of  the  system 
And  of  the  county  superintendents,  and  should  have  an 
office  at  the  capital. 

A  normal  school  for  the  education  of  teachers  should  be 
established.  The  school  districts  should  be  authorized  to 
determine  the  levy  of  taxes  for  school  purposes,  and  should 
have  the  power  to  borrow  money  and  issue  bonds  to  pay 
for  the  erection  of  school  houses,  and  to  levy  a  specific  tax 
for  payment  of  same. 

Funds  should  be  apportioned  amongst  the  counties  and 
districts  according  to  actual  attendance  of  children.  County 
school  superintendents  should  be  under  the  supervision 
and  control  of  the  territorial  superintendent.  Fines  col- 
lected and  poll  taxes  paid  within  any  school  district  should 
be  expended  in  that  district.  A  uniform  system  for  teach- 
ing and  a  uniform  course  should  be  adopted  and  enforced 
in  all  public  schools. 

If  these  suggestions  are  adopted  and  the  present  law 


5.  History   of   Neiv   Mexico,    Pacific   States    Publishing    Co.    (1907),    pp.    53    and 
245. 

Leading   Facts  of  New   Mexican   History,    R.    E.   Twitchell,    1912,    p.    321 
Old  Santa  Fe,   Vol.   I,   No.   3,   pp.   248    (New  Mexico  under  Mexican   Adminis- 
tration,  Lansing  Bloom). 

6.  Santa    Fe    Daily    New    Mexican,    December    24,    1886. 


THE  FIRST  EDUCATIONAL  MEETING         71 

amended  accordingly,  great  benefit  will  result  from  such 
action  and  our  territory  will  then  have  a  very  good  and 
useful  school  system. 

Three  days  later,  Governor  Edmund  G.  Ross,  a  famous 
,and  unique  figure  in  Western  history,  in  his  message  to 
the  legislature  dared  to  advocate  woman's  suffrage  in 
educational  affairs  on  equal  terms  with  man's  suffrage. 
One  can  imagine  what  a  furore  this  created.  That  portion 
of  his  message  dealing  with  public  education  had  been 
inspired  by  those  who  fathered  the  Educational  Association, 
and  it  may  be  well  worth  repeating  even  at  this  time,  as 
it  was  in  part  the  foundation  upon  which  our  present 
school  system  has  been  reared.  Said  Governor  Ross  :7 

In  this  country  the  functions  of  government  rest  with 
and  upon  the  people.  They  constitute  in  an  essential  de- 
gree the  government.  The  officials  are  simply  the  agents 
who  are  selected  for  the  performance  of  specific  duties  of 
administration.  They  are  responsible  to  the  people  for  the 
methods  through  which  they  discharge  that  trust,  and  by 
our  ordinances  are  wisely  required  periodically  to  render 
to  the  people  an  account  of  their  stewardship  and  receive 
judgment.  The  citizen  is  sovereign,  responsible  only  to 
himself  and  to  his  country  for  the  exercise  of  that  function 
of  sovereignty.  He  owes  the  duty  to  his  country  as  well  as 
to  himself  to  exercise  that  function  with  integrity,  intelli- 
gence and  courage.  If  he  is  reckless,  ignorant  or  indif- 
ferent in  its  exercise,  he  perpetrates  a  crime  which  can  not 
but  return  in  disaster,  in  the  form  of  misgovernment,  to 
both  his  country  and  himself.  The  duties  of  citizenship 
constitute  a  sacred  obligation  which  no  man  can  consistently 
or  rightfully  ignore  so  long  as  he  accepts  the  protection 
of  the  law.  It  is  the  citizen  who  creates  the  law  and  estab- 
lishes all  the  ordinances  of  government,  political,  social, 
and  religious. 

It  therefore  becomes  a  pre-requisite,  in  this  of  all 
countries,  that  intelligent  education  shall  characterize  all 
the  walks  of  life,  and  to  see  that  this  is  properly  inculcated 
in  the  youth  of  the  state,  is  the  highest  duty  and  most 
sacred  function  of  government.  Ignorance  is  slavery, — 


7.      Santa   Fe   Daily  New   Mexican,    December   27,    1886. 


72  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

intelligent  education  is  freedom.  No  community  can  pros- 
per, and  no  nation  can  long-  preserve  its  liberty,  that  fails 
to  provide  for  the  education  of  its  youth.  No  man  can  be 
properly  equipped  for  the  intelligent  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  citizenship  without  a  reasonably  thorough  common  school 
education,  and  that  education  the  state  owes  it  to  itself  for 
its  own  protection,  as  well  as  to  its  youth,  to  provide. 

While  the  existing  school  law  is  a  marked  improvement 
upon  what  has  preceded  it,  there  are  yet  some  defects,  to 
which  I  desire  to  invite  your  attention,  and  to  suggest 
methods  for  their  remedy : 

1st.  Provide  for  a  territorial  superintendent  of  public 
instruction,  with  an  office  at  the  capital,  who  shall  have 
the  usual  jurisdiction  of  such  an  officer,  as  at  present  there 
is  no  head  to  the  system,  and  it  consequently  lacks  that  or- 
ganization and  coherency  ne'cessary  to  give  it  force  and  ef- 
fect. 

2nd.  Establish  a  normal  school  for  the  education  of 
the  teachers.  The  great  embarrassment  to  the  successful 
institution  of  public  schools,  at  this  time,  is  the  want  of 
competent  teachers,  possessing  not  only  proper  educational 
acquirements  fitting  them  to  teach  others,  but  also  the 
necessary  training  for  the  preservation  of  discipline 
and  the  art  of  successfully  imparting  their  knowledge  to 
others. 

3rd.  A  general  act  authorizing  the  school  districts, 
under  proper  regulations  and  restrictions,  to  determine  the 
amount  of  taxation  that  shall  be  levied  for  the  ensuing  year 
for  school  purposes,  and  the  power  to  create  school  district 
bonds  for  the  erection  of  school  houses  and  to  levy  a  speci- 
fied tax  for  payment  therefor. 

4th.  That  all  fines  imposed  by  justices  of  the  peace, 
and  all  poll  taxes,  be  appropriated  to  the  support  of  educa- 
tional institutions  in  the  school  district  in  which  such  fines 
are  imposed  and  such  poll  taxes  collected. 

5th.  That  section  1098  compiled  laws  of  1884  be 
amended  so  as  to  provide  for  the  apportionment  of  county 
school  moneys  in  August  and  February,  instead  of  June 
and  December,  as  now,  which  would  require  such  apportion- 
ment after  instead  of  before  the  settlements  of  collectors 
with  the  treasurers  and  county  commissioners.  As  now, 
school  moneys  are  practically  withheld  from  school  use 
several  months  in  the  year,  to  the  detriment  and  embar- 
rassment of  the  schools. 

Also  amend  section  1198  so  as  to  provide  that  the  an- 


THE  FIRST  EDUCATIONAL  MEETING         73 

nual  report  of  the  school  directors  shall  include  the  average 
actual  attendance  of  children  of  school  age  during  the  year, 
as  upon  these  reports  depend  the  official  correctness  of 
educational  statistics. 

6th.  Apportion  the  school  moneys  of  the  county  and 
district  according  to  actual  attendance. 

7th.  Provide  for  women  suffrage  in  school  affairs,  on 
equal  terms  with  manhood  suffrage.  This  proposition  I 
consider  one  of  paramount  importance  to  the  successful 
administration  of  any  public  school  system.  The  education 
of  the  children  of  the  community  can  not  be  intrusted  to 
safer  hands  than  their  mothers,  for  it  is  they  who  have  most 
at  stake  in  the  proper  moral  and  scholastic  education  of 
their  children,  and  in  the  preservation  of  that  degree  of 
public  order  which  only  such  education  can  best  promote 
and  conserve. 

With  these  emendations  to  our  public  school  system, 
together  with  such  others  as  the  wisdom  of  the  legislature 
will  naturally  suggest,  I  have  faith  that  in  a  very  few  years 
New  Mexico  will  be  able  to  present  for  the  emulation  of 
her  sister  states,  a  system  of  public  education  of  splendid 
and  effective  usefulness,  and  that  instead  of  being  pointed 
to,  as  now,  as  an  illustration  of  illiteracy,  her  people  will 
take  rank  with  the  highest  in  educational  attainments,  as 
they  now  do  in  loyalty,  in  manhood,  and  in  daring  enter- 
prise. 

Just  a  brief  reference  to  the  history  of  school  systems 
in  New  Mexico  preceding  the  first  convention  of  the  New 
Mexico  Educational  Association.  Historian  B.  M.  Read  tells 
us  that  the  first  school  in  New  Mexico  was  established  in 
1599  by  the  Franciscans.  This  same  chronicler8  states 
that  as  early  as  1721,  an  educational  convention  was  held 
in  Santa  Fe  to  consider  ways  and  means  to  establish  public 
schools  in  all  the  pueblos  as  well  as  Spanish  settlements, 
in  accordance  with  the  command  of  the  Spanish  King. 
Every  settlement  was  ordered  to  cultivate  a  corn  field  for 
the  benefit  of  the  teacher. 

In  1812,  Santa  Fe,  Albuquerque,  Taos,  Belen,  San  Mi- 
guel, and  Santa  Cruz  were  reported  to  have  a  public  school. 
In  Santa  Fe  the  teacher  was  paid  $500.00  a  year;  in  Albu- 


B.   M.    Read,   Illustrated  History  of  Neio  Mexico,    (1912)    pp.   326   and   533. 


74  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

querque  and  Santa  Cruz,  $300.00,  while  in  the  other  places 
the  emolument  was  $250.00  a  year.9 

In  1825,  the  Territorial  Deputation  granted  Rev.  Seb- 
astian Alvarez  a  salary  of  $1000.00  annually,  as  superin- 
tendent of  schools  of  Santa  Fe.  Don  Francisco  Ortiz,  of- 
fered free  of  rent  for  ten  years  a  building  in  which  the 
school  was  to  be  held.  In  1846,  but  one  public  school  with 
one  teacher  was  reported  in  New  Mexico,  which  at  that 
time  also  included  Arizona.  In  1850  a  public  school  law 
was  defeated  by  a  popular  vote  of  4981  to  35.  It  was  in 
1859  that  the  legislature  imposed  a  tax  of  fifty  cents  for 
each  child ;  the  justice  of  the  peace  to  employ  a  teacher,  and 
to  require  attendance  from  November  to  April.  The  pro- 
bate judge  was  to  act  as  superintendent.  After  the  Con- 
federates had  evacuated  Santa  Fe  and  the  Federal  troops 
had  again  taken  possession  of  the  capital,  the  office  of  su- 
perintendent of  schools  of  New  Mexico  was  created  by  leg- 
islative act  in  1863,10  and  the  governor,  the  secretary,  Bish- 
op Lamy  and  the  supreme  court  judges  composed  a  ter- 
itorial  board  of  education.  However,  the  superintendent's 
duties  were  perfunctory  and  in  1874,  in  order  to  give 
him  enough  to  live  on,  he  was  also  made  territorial  libra- 
rian. As  late  as  1885,  the  year  before  the  first  educational 
convention,  W.  S.  Burke,  superintendent  of  schools  of  Ber- 
nalillo  county,  which  at  that  time  included  what  is  now 
portion  of  Sandoval  and  McKinley  counties,  said  in  his  re- 
port:11 "There  is  not  a  school  in  the  county  owned  by  the 
district.  All  the  schools  thus  far  organized  are  conducted 
in  rooms  or  in  buildings  owned  by  churches  or  societies." 
The  Santa  Fe  Academy,  founded  in  1867,  was  incorporated 
in  1878;  the  Albuquerque  Academy  a  year  later,  and  the 
Las  Vegas  Academy  in  1880, — the  census  year  in  which 
it  was  reported  that  New  Mexico  had  162  schools,  46  school 


9.  Ibid.,   p.   535. 

10.  History  of  New  Mexico,   Pacific  States   Publishing   Co.    (1907)    page  247. 

11.  Ibid.,  P.  248  . 


THE  FIRST  EDUCATIONAL  MEETING         75 

buildings  and  an  average  attendance  of  3150  or  less  than 
twenty  per  school.    Says  one  of  our  histories  :12 

In  1886  when  the  school  law  was  inadequate  and  un- 
favorable to  the  spirit  of  development,  when  there  were  no 
schools  worthy  of  the  name,  private  institutions  were  strug- 
gling for  existence,  and  educational  interests  were  at  a  low 
ebb,  it  was  suggested  that  the  few  scattered  educators  be 
called  together  and  organized  for  united  effort  in  pushing 
forward  the  cause  of  education  in  this  great  neglected  por- 
tion of  our  country.  From  the  small  seeds  planted  then, 
has  grown  a  thrifty  tree  whose  branches  overshadow  the 
entire  Territory.  That  self-appointed  committee  corres- 
ponded with  others  interested  in  education  and  called  a 
meeting  for  Santa  Fe  in  the  holidays  of  December,  1886, 
when  the  present  Association  was  organized.  Its  conventions 
have  been  held  in  the  triangle  of  Santa  Fe,  Las  Vegas  and 
Albuquerque  with  marked  development  from  year  to  year 
in  the  character  of  its  work,  with  large  gains  in  attendance 
and  increasing  improvement  and  influence  as  a  factor  in 
shaping  the  educational  settlement  of  the  Territory.  The 
Association  has  used  its  power  for  better  school  legislation 
and  the  adoption  of  desirable  text  books.  Its  work  in 
general  is  that  of  the  older  state  associations  and  has  the 
same  objects  in  view  in  the  raising  of  the  teaching  profes- 
sion to  a  higher  standard,  and  the  advancement  of  educa- 
tional interests  and  the  cultivation  of  the  social  element 
among  its  workers.  The  distances  to  travel  to  reach  a 
point  of  meeting  in  New  Mexico  are  very  great  compared 
with  many  states,  but  our  educators  as  a  rule  are  wide 
awake  to  the  needs  of  their  work  and  meet  the  expenses  of 
time  and  travel  to  attend  the  association's  meetings  in  a 
way  which  is  a  credit  to  the  Territory. 

However,  growth  was  slow  and  it  was  in  1891  before 
the  first  adequate  educational  statute  became  a  law.13  Amado 
Chaves  was  chosen  the  first  territorial  superintendent  un- 
der this  enactment  and  it  is  a  pleasure  to  note  that  he  is 
still  among  us,  active,  and  keenly  alive  to  the  educational 
advancement  of  the  present  day.  In  1894  there  were  324 
male  and  222  female  teachers,  a  total  enrollment  of  21,471, 


12.  Illustrated  History  of  New  Mexico,  Lewis  Publishing  Co.    (1895),  pp.  121-122. 

13.  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexico  History,  R.  E.  Twitchell,    (1912,  pp.  507-508. 


76  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  an  average  attendance  of  16,987,  or  five  times  the  at- 
tendance of  fourteen  years  before.11 

The  movement  for  the  organization  of  the  present 
Educational  Association  had  its  inception  forty  years  ago.15 
During  the  territorial  fair  at  Albuquerque  in  the  fall  of 
1886,  several  educators  from  Santa  Fe,  including  Elliott 
Whipple,  superintendent  of  the  Ramona  Indian  School  at 
Santa  Fe,  Col  Wm.  M.  Berger  and  others,  went  to  Albuquer- 
que and  there  discussed  with  C.  E.  Hodgin,  F.  E.  Whitte- 
more  and  others  a  territorial  organization.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  meeting  in  the  office  of  Colonel  W.  M.  Berger, 
in  December,  1886. 

Many  of  us  remember  Colonel  Berger  as  a  knight- 
errant  in  many  movements  for  the  advancement  of  com- 
munity and  commonwealth.  Together  with  the  late  Gover- 
nor L.  Bradford  Prince,  he  probably  organized  more  socie- 
ties and  associations  and  incorporated  more  companies  for 
civic  and  public  improvements,  than  any  other  individual  so 
far  in  New  Mexico  history.  He  was  in  the  movement  that 
resulted  in  the  founding  of  the  University  of  New  Mexico 
in  Santa  Fe,  the  Ramona  Indian  School,  and  other  insti- 
tutions which  owed  to  him  and  Governor  Prince  their  in- 
ception. He  was  an  early  advocate  of  woman's  suffrage 
and  prohibition.  In  fact,  it  is  curious  to  read16  that  even 
forty  years  ago,  at  the  same  time  as  the  Educational  As- 
sociation was  organized,  Don  Guadalupe  Otero  and  E.  A. 
Dow  organized  a  branch  of  the  Catholic  temperance  move- 
ment and  that  the  Right  Reverend  J.  B.  Salpointe  formu- 
lated the  rules  and  regulations  for  the  society.  Colonel 
Berger  was  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law  in  Santa  Fe, 
and  at  the  meeting  in  his  office,  it  was  resolved  "that  the 
time  had  arrived  in  the  history  of  New  Mexico  when  some 
action  shall  be  taken  with  the  view  of  organizing  a  Terri- 


14.  Illustrated    History    of   New    Mexico,    Lewis    Publishing    Co.     (1895),    p.    112. 

15.  History   of  New   Mexico,    Pacific   States    Publishing   Co.    (1907),    p.    122. 

16.  Santa   Fe   Daily   New   Mexican,    December   28,    1886. 


THE  FIRST  EDUCATIONAL  MEETING         77 

torial  Educational  Association"  and  the  following  resolu- 
tions were  adopted:17 

Whereas —  We  acknowledge  in  the  foundation  of  all 
civil  governments  and  associations  one  of  the  chief  corner- 
stones should  be  popular  and  free  education  to  all  mankind, 
and 

Whereas — The  advancement  of  educational  interest  in 
any  State  or  community  can  best  be  accomplished  through 
regularly  organized  efforts,  whose  only  and  sole  aim  shall 
be  to  advise,  counsel  and  direct  the  best  modes  and  methods 
whereby  the  advantages,  privileges  and  opportunities  which 
are  attainable  may  be  utilized  and  directed  for  the  general 
good  of  all  concerned,  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved — That  a  convention  to  be  composed  of  all 
persons  in  the  territory  interested  in  educational  matters 
be  convened  at  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  on  Tuesday,  December 
28,  and  continue  until  the  30th  inst.,  for  the  purpose  of 
organizing  as  suggested  a  territorial  association. 

A  program  was  formulated  at  this  initial  meeting.  The 
first  session  of  the  committee  on  the  entertainment  of 
guests  was  held  on  Thursday  evening,  December  23rd,18  at 
the  office  of  J.  K.  Livingstone  over  the  Second  National 
Bank,  located  in  that  first  brick  business  block  on  the  plaza, 
of  which  Santa  Fe  was  so  proud,  and  which  is  still  one  of 
the  more  pretentious  structures  facing  the  Palace  of  the 
Governors. 

The  Association  met  in  the  First  Presbyterian  Church 
on  Tuesday  afternoon,  December  28th.  The  New  Mexican'9 
reports  that  even  more  educators  were  present  than  had 
been  anticipated.  However,  the  auditorium  of  the  church 
at  that  time  did  not  hold  more  than  a  hundred  people,  and 
not  more  than  forty  school  people  were  in  attendance.  An 
organization  was  effected  with  Professor  R.  W.  D.  Bryan, 
graduate  of  Lafayette  College,  an  Arctic  explorer,  govern- 
ment astronomer  with  the  ill  .  fated  Hall  Polar  Expedition, 
who  was  head  of  the  Albuquerque  Presbyterian  Indian 


17.  Santa  Fe  Daily  New  Mexican,   December   7,   1886. 

18.  Ibid.,    December    23,    1886. 

19.  Ibid.,    December   30,    1886. 


78  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

School  in  1886,  as  president.  Mr.  Bryan's  son  looked  in 
upon  the  convention  yesterday,  and  we  regret  that  Mrs. 
Bryan  could  not  be  with  us  today.  E.  L.  Cole  was  elected 
secretary  and  Miss  Carothers,  treasurer.  Telegraphic 
greetings  were  received  from  the  Indian  Educational  As- 
sociation and  acknowledged.  The  New  Mexican™  assures 
us  in  its  report  that  the  enthusiasm  and  the  interest  shown 
by  all,  removed  all  doubt  anyone  might  have  felt  as  to  the 
success  of  the  movement. 

Chief  Justice  E.  V.  Long,  who  is  one  of  the  few  sur- 
vivors of  that  first  meeting,  presented  clearly  and  forcibly, 
so  the  report  says,  the  need  of  popular  education,  especially 
in  New  Mexico.  I  had  hoped  that  this  grand  old  man,  who 
is  still  active  in  public  affairs,  would  come  over  from  Las 
Vegas  to  attend  this  session.  I  conversed  with  him  pleasant- 
ly but  a  few  days  ago.  More  than  ninety  years  of  age,  his 
tall,  willowy  form  is  as  straight  as  an  arrow,  his  eye  keen  as 
that  of  an  eagle  and  his  intellect  as  sparkling  as  it  was  in 
those  early  days  when  he  made  a  name  and  fame  for  him- 
self on  the  supreme  bench  of  the  commonwealth. 

The  need  of  history  in  the  schools  was  emphasized  in 
a  paper  on  "The  Place  of  History  in  the  Schools."  It  was 
given  by  P.  F.  Burke,  superintendent  of  the  Government 
Indian  School  at  Albuquerque.  Plans  for  a  government 
Indian  School  at  Santa  Fe  were  under  way  in  1886;  the 
first  buildings  of  St.  Catherine's  Indian  School  were  near- 
ing  completion.  Another  veteran  of  the  New  Mexico  Educa- 
tional world,  Dean  C.  E.  Hodgin,  whom  we  have  the  good 
fortune  to  have  here,  and  who  reviewed  so  delightfully, 
yesterday  afternoon,  incidents  of  that  first  meeting,  spoke 
on  the  following  afternoon,  and  presided  at  a  class  exer- 
cise. Later  he  presented  a  paper,  "The  True  Basis  of  Deter- 
mining Methods."  Dean  Hodgin  was  at  that  time  on  the 
faculty  of  Albuquerque  Academy,  and  soon  thereafter  be- 
came the  first  superintendent  of  Albuquerque's  schools, 
the  Academy  being  merged  into  the  public  school  system. 


20.      Ibid.,    December   30,    1886. 


THE  FIRST  EDUCATIONAL  MEETING         79 

Later,  Mr.  Hodgin  went  to  the  University,  where  he  long 
served  as  dean.     At  the  present  he  is  editor  of  the  New 
Mexico  School  Review,  New  Mexico's  only  periodical  de- 
voted exclusively  to  educational  interests.     As  editor  of 
various  University  publications,  as  educator,  philosopher, 
and  leader  in  civic  and  educational  movements,  this  youth- 
ful appearing,  kindly  veteran  has  merited  the  enconiums 
of  our  Association,  and  the  gratitude  of  the  commonwealth. 
E.  L.  Cole,  principal  of  the  Preparatory  Department 
of  the  University  of  New  Mexico  (Santa  Fe)  had  for  his 
subject  on  Thursday  forenoon,  December  30, :  "Temperance 
Instruction  in  School."     W.  H.  Ashley,  principal  of  the 
Las  Vegas  Academy,  spoke  on  the  "Elements  of  Success- 
ful Teaching."     "The  Function  of  the  Public  School"  was 
the  subject  of  F.  E.  Whittemore's  paper.     He  was  then 
principal  of  the  Albuquerque  Academy.     President  Bryan 
had  as  his  topic  "The  Education  of  the  Indian,"  and  in  the 
light  of  modern  discussion  of  the  Indian —  who  is  as  much 
of  a  problem  as  he  ever  was — it  is  to  be  regretted  that  we 
do  not  have  the  text  of  that  address,  which  undoubtedly  was 
ian  able  one.     Had  he  lived,  Mr.  Bryan  would  have  been 
74  years  old.    He  died  more  than  ten  years  ago. 

Santa  Fe  in  those  days  had  a  kindergarten,  and  Mrs. 
S.  E.  Carpenter,  who  had  charge  of  it,  staged  a  kinder- 
garten exercise  in  which  her  youthful  charges  acquitted 
themselves  admirably.  For  many  years  thereafter  kinder- 
gartens had  only  intermittent  place  in  Santa  Fe  or  any- 
where else  in  the  state.  Miss  L.  A.  Carothers,  principal 
of  the  Santa  Fe  Academy,  gave  a  class  exercise  in  geo- 
graphy, while  Miss  M.  E.  Dissette,  at  present  in  the  United 
States  Indian  School  service  at  Chilocco,  but  then  teacher 
in  the  Ramona  Indian  School  at  Santa  Fe,  was  in  charge 
of  a  class  exercise  by  her  Indian  girls.  I  had  hoped  that 
Miss  Dissette  would  be  here  today.  Her  enthusiasm  and 
work  among  Indian  youth  are  still  being  prized  by  the 
federal  authorities  and  she  is  untiringly  active  in  educa- 
tional affairs. 


80  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  evening  session  in  the  new  Capitol  must  have  been 
inspiring.  On  Wednesday  evening,  December  29th,  the 
Hon.  J.  P.  Victory,  later  attorney-general  of  the  Terri- 
tory, delivered  an  address,  taking  for  his  subject  "The 
Public  School,"  and  was  followed  by  Mr.  J.  M.  H.  Alarid, 
who  spoke  in  Spanish  on  the  same  topic.  That  it  had  its 
effect  is  evident,  for  on  the  following  day,  Judge  N.  B. 
Laughlin  introduced  in  the  state  legislature  Council  Bill 
No.  2,  to  create  the  office  of  Territorial  Superintendent 
of  Public  Schools,21  which  covered  some  of  the  recommenda- 
tions which  had  been  made  by  Governor  Ross. 

It  is  also  recorded  that  Walter  J.  Davis  presented  a 
vote  of  thanks  to  the  members  of  the  House  from  the  Terri- 
torial Educational  Association. 

On  the  evening  of  December  30th,  President  Bryan 
made  another  inspirational  address  "Battling  with  Ice- 
bergs." A  reception  to  the  visiting  delegates  followed — and 
that  it  was  a  brilliant  affair  goes  without  saying.  It  was 
in  the  hey-day  of  Santa  Fe  as  a  military  post,  and  the 
city  prided  itself  on  its  military  band  concerts,  and  the 
splendor  of  its  social  events. 

I  hold  in  my  hands  the  printed  program  of  this  meet- 
ing of  forty  years  ago.  It  was  presented  to  the  Historical 
Society  by  Col.  W.  M.  Berger  thirty  years  later.  To  those 
who  took  part  in  that  first  meeting  its  sight  will  no  doubt 
bring  poignant  memories.  We  find  among  those  on  com- 
mittees for  the  entertainment  of  this  convention,  Hilario 
Ortiz,  a  lawyer  who  died  several  years  ago,  Mrs.  M.  Jeune 
Warner,  who  for  many  years  was  organist  of  the  Presby- 
terian Church,  Rev.  0.  J.  Moore,  Mr.  Thomas,  Mrs.  Church, 
Miss  Rowland,  and  others. 

It  may  be  of  interest  to  know  that  in  those  days,  too, 
the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  Railroad  granted  a  one  and  one-fifth 
fare  for  the  round  trip,  that  the  committee  on  entertain- 
ment was  prepared  to  direct  delegates  to  suitable  board- 


21.     Ibid.,   December  30,   1886. 


THE  FIRST  EDUCATIONAL  MEETING         81 

ing  places  at  reasonable  rates,  and  that  the  delegates  from 
the  south,  returning  home,  had  to  wait  all  day  at  Lamy  for 
their  belated  train.  Dean  Hodgin  tells  how  the  delegates 
climbed  the  peak  from  which  the  sandstone  for  the  new 
Capitol  had  been  quarried,  and  amused  themselves  by  roll- 
ing boulders  down  the  steep  hill. 

It  was  a  modest  enough  beginning,  but  the  Association 
even  then  had  visions  of  growth  and  progress,  as  well  as 
of  the  triumph  of  the  ideals  it  espoused.  That  this  faith 
has  been  justified  is  abundantly  demonstrated  forty  years 
after  by  this  convention  of  which  we  are  a  part. 

The  following  is  a  reprint  of  the  program,  of  which 
only  two  copies  are  known  to  have  been  preserved,  one  in 
the  archives  of  the  New  Mexico  Historical  Society  and  the 
other  in  the  possession  of  Dean  C.  E.  Hodgin: 

PROGRAMME 
December  28  to  30,  1886. 

Tuesday,  December  28,  3  p.  m. — Organization  of  Associa- 
tion. 

Tuesday,  7:20  p.  m. — Citizens'  Meeting. 

Address  of  Welcome  by  Hon.  E.  G.  Ross,  Governor. 

Address  by  Hon.  E.  V.  Long,  Chief  Justice,  Subject,  "The 
need  of  the  hour." 

Wednesday,  December  29,  10  a.  m. — Address  by  the  presi- 
dent-elect. 

"The  Elements  of  Successful  Teaching,"  by  W.  H.  Ashley, 
(Principal  of  Las  Vegas  Academy). 

"The  Place  of  History  in  the  Schools,"  by  P.  F.  Burke, 
(Superintendent  of  Government  Indian  School,  Albu- 
querque) . 

Wednesday,  2  p.  m. — "Orthoepy  and  Reading,"  with  class 
exercise,  by  C.  E.  Hodgin,  (Teacher  in  Albuquerque 
Academy) . 

"The  Function  of  the  Public  School,"  by  F.  E.  Whitte- 
more,  (Principal  of  Albuquerque  Academy). 

Discussion  opened  by  Elliot  Whipple,  (Superintendent  of 
Ramona  School). 

Wednesday,  7 :30  p.  m.— Citizens'  Meeting. 

6 


82  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Address  by  John  P.  Victory,  Esq.  Subject,  "The  Public 
School." 

Address  in  Spanish  by  J.  M.  H.  Alarid,  Esq. 

Thursday,  December  30,  10  a.  m. — "Temperance  Instruction 
in  the  School,"  by  E.  L.  Cole,  (Principal  of  Prepara- 
tory Department  of  the  University  of  New  Mexico). 

Kindergarten  Exercise,  by  Mrs.  S.  E.  Carpenter,  (Santa 
Fe  Kindergarten  School). 

"The  Education  of  the  Indian,"  by  R.  W.  D.  Bryan,  (Super- 
intendent of  Albuquerque  Indian  School). 

Thursday,  2  p.  m.  Class  Exercise  in  Geography,  by  Miss 
L.  A.  Carothers,  (Principal  of  Santa  Fe  Academy). 

Class  Exercise  with  Indian  Girls,  by  Miss  M.  E.  Dissette, 
(Teacher  in  Ramona  School). 

"The  True  Basis  for  Determining  Methods,"  by  Prof  C.  E. 
Hodgin. 

Election  of  Officers  and  Miscellaneous  Business. 

Thursday,  7:30  p.  m.— Lecture  by  Prof.  R.  W.  D.  Bryan. 
Subject,  "Battling  with  Icebergs." 

Social  Reception  to  Delegates  by  Santa  Fe  Citizens. 


THE  RATON  PASS  TOLL  ROAD       83 


THE  TOLL  ROAD  OVER  RATON  PASS 

(Paper  read  before  the  Social  Science  Section,  N.  M.  E.A., 
at  Santa  Fe,  November  5,  1926) 

BESS  McKiNNAN 

One  of  the  unique  features  of  the  old  Santa  Fe  trail 
was  a  toll  road  maintained  by  "Uncle  Dick"  Wooton  over 
the  Raton  Pass.  The  marvelous  stories  of  the  huge  amounts 
of  money  taken  in  at  the  toll  gate  have  been  generally  be- 
lieved to  be  fabulous.  Old  timers  love  to  recall  "Uncle 
Dick's"  business  visits  to  Trinidad  on  the  Colorado  side  of 
the  Raton.  They  say  he  would  hitch  his  mules  and  wagon 
outside  the  combination  general  store  and  bank  and  carry 
in  a  whiskey  keg  full  of  silver  dollars  to  deposit.  An  old 
account  book,  recording  the  money  taken  in  at  the  toll  gate 
in  a  little  over  a  year,  gives  proof  that  "Uncle  Dick"  could 
have  taken  his  barrel  to  town  with  surprising  frequency. 

The  Raton  was  considered  the  worst  hazard  on  the 
Bent's  Fort  route  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail.  The  mountains 
were  first  called  Chuquirique  by  the  Indians  because  of  the 
great  numbers  of  small  rodents  found  in  them.  The  Span- 
ish form  Raton  replaced  the  more  difficult  Indian  word  for 
Rat.  Fremont  is  supposed  to  have  given  the  principal  crest 
the  name  of  Fisher's  Peak.1  The  first  expedition  made 
over  the  Santa  Fe  trail  of  which  there  is  a  known  account 
was  made  in  1739,  up  the  Missouri  past  the  Pawnee  vill- 
ages to  Santa  Fe — according  to  Mr.  Twitchell.2  The  first 
trip  made  strictly  for  trading  purposes  occurred  before 
1763.  The  mountain  or  Bent's  Fort  route  of  the  old  Santa 
Fe  trail  is  the  oldest.  The  first  expedition  following  the 
Cimarron  river  over  the  plains,  instead  of  following  the 


1.  Hall,   History  of  Colorado.     Vol.   4,   p.    192. 

2.  Twitchell,   The  Leading  Facts  of  Netv  Mexican  History.     Vol.  2,   pp.   92-3. 


84  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Arkansas  to  the  mountains,  was  made  in  1822.3  The  Bent's 
Fort  route  was  in  use  almost  a  century  before  the  Cim- 
arron  route.  Even  after  the  shorter  trail  was  established 
many  parties  preferred  the  longer  mountain  trail  to  the 
plains  trail  which  was  continually  menaced  by  the  Indians. 
There  are  many  accounts  of  the  crossing  of  the  Raton. 
It  was  originally  almost  impossible  for  wagons  to  go  over 
the  pass.4  The  experiences  of  the  Magoffin  party  which 
crossed  in  1846  were  generally  shared.  It  took  them  five 
days  to  make  the  fifteen  miles  through  the  Raton  Pass.5  To 
quote  from  the  diary  of  Susan  Shelby  Magoffin : 

Worse  and  worse  the  road !  They  are  taking  the  mules 
from  the  carriages  this  P.  M.  and  a  half  a  dozen  men  by 
bodily  exertions  £re  pulling  them  down  the  hills.  And  it 
takes  a  dozen  men  to  steady  a  wagon  with  all  its  wheels 
locked — and  for  one  who  is  some  distance  off  to  hear 
the  crash  it  makes  over  the  stones  is  truly  alarming.  Till 
I  rode  ahead  and  understood  the  business  I  supposed  that 
every  wagon  had  fallen  over  a  precipice.  We  came  to  camp 
about  half  an  hour  after  dusk,  having  accomplished  the 
great  travel  of  six  or  eight  hundred  yards  during  the  day." 

A  party  of  Col.  Kearny's  men  under  Capt.  Moore  had 
been  dispatched  ahead  of  the  Magoffin  party  to  repair  the 
road.7 

The  Toll  Road  over  Raton  Pass  was  built  by  Richard 
Lacy  Wooton,  second  only  to  Kit  Carson  as  an  Indian 
fighter,  according  to  Col.  Henry  Inman.8  It  occurred  to 
Wooton  that  he  could  turn  the  Pass  into  an  average  moun- 
tain road.  He  planned  to  make  money  out  of  the  project 
by  charging  toll  of  every  one  that  used  his  road.  The  Pass 
was  the  natural  highway  between  New  Mexico  and  Colorado 


3.  Ibid.,   p.   104. 

4.  Col.    H.    Inman,    The   Old   Santa   Fe    Trail,    (1898),    p.    347;      The   Diary    of 
Susan  Shelby  Magoffin,     Down  the  Santa  Fe   Trail  into  Mexico,   edited  by  Stella  M. 
Drumm    (1926),  p.  67. 

5.  Ibid.,   pp.    78-84. 

6.  Ibid.,  p.   80. 

7.  Ibid.,    p.    67. 

8.  Inman,   The  Old  Santa  Fe   Trail,   p.   341. 


THE  RATON  PASS  TOLL  ROAD  85 

and  would  be  used  by  the  overland  coaches  as  well  as  the 
caravans.9  "Uncle  Dick"  secured  charters  from  the  New 
Mexico  and  Colorado  legislatures  allowing  him  to  maintain 
such  a  toll  road.10 

There  is  no  record  of  such  a  charter  in  the  early  Terri- 
torial laws  of  New  Mexico.  There  was  a  law  passed  on 
February  1,  1873,  "concerning  the  Trinidad  and  Raton 
mountain  road,"  declaring, 

that  any  charter  which  may  be  held  or  owned  by  Richard 
Wooten  or  any  other  person  or  persons  under  the  general 
incorporation  act  of  this  territory  over  any  portion  of  the 
Trinidad  and  Raton  mountain  road  running  from  Red  River 
in  the  Territory  to  the  town  of  Trinidad  in  the  territory  of 
Colorado  and  passing  by  the  house  of  said  Richard  Wooten, 
shall  not  be  received  as  evidence  of  the  existence  nor  as 
the  charter  of  any  corporation  or  company  and  the  said 
charter  or  so  called  charter  is  hereby  declared  null  and 
void.11 

The  toll  gate  dates  from  about  1866.  In  the  spring 
of  that  year  "Uncle  Dick"  built  his  home  at  the  foot  of  the 
most  severe  grade  on  the  Colorado  side  of  the  Raton  Pass. 
To  quote  Colonel  Inman : 

The  Old  Trapper  had  imposed  on  himself  anything 
but  an  easy  task  in  constructing  his  toll  road.  There  were 
great  hill  sides  to  cut  out,  immense  ledges  of  rock  to  blast, 
bridges  to  be  built  by  the  dozen,  and  huge  trees  to  fell, 
besides  long  lines  of  difficult  grading  to  engineer. 

To  pay  for  his  expenditure  in  building  and  keeping 
the  road  in  repair  Wooten  charged  toll.  Uncle  Dick  thought 
his  the  only  toll-road  in  the  West.  The  early  Territorial 
laws  of  New  Mexico  prove  that  at  least  two  others  existed 
for  a  time.  The  privilege  to  construct  a  toll  road  over  Taos 
Mountain  was  granted  by  the  New  Mexico  Legislature  in 


9.  Ibid.,    pp.    347-8. 

10.  Ibid.,    p.    348. 

11.  Laws   of   New    Mexico,    1871-1872,    ch.    XXXIV,    p.    52. 


86  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

186312  to  be  withdrawn  in  1865.13  Another  act  allowed  a 
company  to  build  and  maintain  a  road  through  Mora 
Canon.11 

The  toll  road  had  five  classes  of  patrons:  employees 
of  the  stage  coach  company,  military  detachments,  Ameri- 
can freighters,  Mexicans,  and  Indians.  The  collection  of 
a  charge  for  the  use  of  a  road  was  beyond  the  Indian  com- 
prehension. They  usually  recognized  Wooton's  authority 
over  the  road  and  asked  permission  to  go  through  the  gate. 
Occasionally  they  left  gifts  but  as  a  rule  the  old  Indian 
fighter  was  too  wise  to  care  to  argue  with  them  about  a 
few  dollars  toll.  Uncle  Dick  claimed  that  the  Mexicans 
gave  him  the  most  trouble. 

There  are  many  interesting  stories  told  of  the  toll  road. 
The  Indian  troubles  of  1866-67  made  military  escorts  neces- 
sary for  the  protection  of  the  outfits.  One  large  caravan  of 
some  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons  under  the  military 
protection  of  Captain  Haley  and  a  company  of  Californians 
and  Mexicans  passed  through  soon  after  the  road  was 
finished.  The  grave  of  Corporal  Juan  Torres  stands  wit- 
ness to  this  visit.  The  corporal  was  murdered  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  Wooton  house  by  three  soldiers  whom  he 
had  ordered  bound  and  gagged  one  night  for  creating  a 
disturbance  at  a  fandango  in  Las  Vegas.  "Uncle  Dick" 
heard  the  death  cry  of  the  murdered  man  and  very  nar- 
rowly escaped  the  same  fate.  A  man  had  been  commis- 
sioned to  kill  him  in  case  he  interfered.15 

The  discovery  of  gold  in  the  Moreno  Valley  of  New 
Mexico  greatly  increased  the  travel  over  the  Toll  Road. 
It  was  estimated  by  the  Daily  Colorado  Tribune  of  Decem- 
ber 29,  1867,  that  "there  are  already  1000  Coloradoans  in 
those  mines  and  likely  to  be  ten  times  that  number  in  the 
Spring."16  Travel  became  so  heavy  that  a  daily  stage  line 


12.  Laws   of    Territory   of   New   Mexico,    1863-64,    p.    78. 

13.  Ibid.,    1865-66,    p.    172. 

14.  Ibid.,    1865,    Jan.    30. 

15.  Ibid.,    pp.    350-51. 

16.  Daily   Colorado    Tribune,    Dec.    29,    1867 ;    Our   Southern   Boundary. 


THE  RATON  PASS  TOLL  ROAD  87 

was  established,17  but  in  the  fall  of  '68  this  daily  stage  was 
not  arriving  daily  as  scheduled.  One  newspaper  comment 
reads,  "The  coaches  run  tolerably  regularly  and  generally 
with  passengers  and  mail  bag  but  seldom  a  through  mail 
oftener  than  tri-weekly.  Why?-Indians,  of  course."" 

Accounts  from  early  newspapers  of  Indian  troubles 
and  of  overland  coach  robberies  often  mention  the  toll  road. 
The  Pass  afforded  excellent  opportunities  for  such  lawless 
exploits,  but  outside  of  occasional  mention  in  contemporary 
accounts  there  has  been  almost  no  information  concerning 
the  management  of  the  toll  gate.  It  is  known  that  "Uncle 
Dick"  did  not  keep  accounts  of  the  tolls  received,  but  it  is 
not  generally  known  that  there  was  an  account  kept  for  a 
time  during  the  absence  of  "Uncle  Dick"  by  Wooton's 
partner,  George  C.  McBride, —  a  "List  of  Money  Taken  in 
at  Raton  Pass  Toll  Gate."19  This  yellowed  and  torn  little 
account  book  includes  a  brief  statement  of  the  total  amount 
of  money  taken  in  monthly  for  the  year  from  April  1,  1869, 
to  April  1,  1870,  and  a  detailed  account  of  the  daily 
amounts  received  from  December  1,  1869,  to  August  9, 1870. 
In  a  period  of  one  year,  three  months  and  nine  days,  Mc- 
Bride took  in  $9,193.64.  The  detailed  daily  account  for 
eight  months  makes  a  total  of  $3,378.28  for  the  toll  gate 
partners. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  items  making  up  this  amaz- 
ing income  from  the  toll  gate  business.  Of  all  the  charges 
made  the  toll  on  wagons  brought  in  the  most  money.  It  is 
impossible  to  say  exactly  how  many  wagons  passed  over 
the  Raton  because  many  tolls,  large  ones,  are  briefly  listed 
as  "tolls,"  "tolls,  etc.,"  "meals,  etc."  There  are  779  wagons 
that  are  listed  as  such  in  the  account.  In  all,  there  were 
probably  over  a  thousand  at  a  conservative  estimate.  The 
usual  charge  for  each  wagon  was  $1.50.  In  the  latter  part 
of  the  account  a  few  are  admitted  for  a  $1.00  toll.  These 
were  probably  light  wagons.  The  largest  single  toll  listed 


17.  Ibid.,    July   25,    1868. 

18.  Ibid.,   Oct.   29.    1868 Letter  from   Cimarron. 

19.  Account  of  Money  taken   in   by  George  C.   McBride,   p.   50. 


88  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

in  the  book  was  taken  in  from  a  caravan  of  twenty-seven 
wagons.20  Other  vehicles  mentioned  in  the  account  do  not 
total  much  toll.  There  are  thirteen  "buggies"21  and  one  cart.22 
A  charge  of  $1.50  was  usually  made  for  the  buggies  and 
the  cart  was  required  to  pay  $1.00  toll.  Horsemen  were 
charged  a  twenty-five  cent  fee.  The  list  includes  143  horse- 
men. The  "burros'"  were  given  the  same  rating  as  hose- 
men,  and  there  are  nine  in  the  account.23  Loose  stock,  cattle 
and  horses  alike,  were  charged  five  cents  a  head  This  gate 
fee  was  collected  on  175  horses24  and  some  213  head  of  cattle 
and  loose  stock.25  There  is  one  toll  charge  made  on  "lum- 
ber" brought  over  the  Pass.26 

McBride  included  in  his  itemized  account  money  re- 
ceived for  food,  lodging,  feed,  and  a  few  articles  purchased 
by  travelers.  Meals  were  given  at  the  rate  of  seventy-five 
cents  apiece.27  Meat  was  occasionally  needed.28  Other  food 
supplies  included  bread,29  sugar,  30  and  whiskey.31  There 
appears  to  have  been  a  slight  need  for  tobacco.32  Hay  was 
needed  for  the  animals  particularly  during  the  winter 
months  of  December,  January  and  February.33  There  is 
a  mention  made  of  the  sale  of  corn,34  horsefeed,35  and  oats.88 

There  were  few  purchases  made  outside  of  food  for  man 
and  beast.  Some  skins  were  sold  including  hides,37  ram 
hides,  and  a  bear  skin.  "Blankets  for  the  Mexican"  forms 


20.  Ibid.,   p.   67. 

21.  Buggies,"  Account  Book,  pp.  57,  58,  61,  64,  65,  66,  67,   79,  80,  81. 

22.  "Cart,"  ibid.,  p.   57. 

23.  "Burros,"   ibid.,   pp.   56,   58,   65,    79,   81,   82. 

24.  Ibid.,   pp.   54,   56,   59,   67,   73,   74,   76. 

25.  Ibid.,  pp.   66,  67,  68. 

26.  Ibid.,   p.   57. 

27.  Ibid.,   p.   75. 

28.  Mention  made  of  Meals,  ibid.,  p.  45. 

29.  Ibid.,   10  times. 

30.  Ibid.,    7    times. 

31.  Ibid.,    p.    63. 

32.  Ibid.,  pp.  51,  52. 

33.  Ibid.,   pp.   54,   55,   56,   57,   59,    60,   62,    63. 

34.  Ibid.,  pp.  51,  68. 

35.  Ibid.,   pp.   51,    57. 

36.  Ibid.,   p.    69. 

37.  Ibid.,   pp.   53,   61,   69,   77. 


THE  RATON  PASS  TOLL  ROAD  89 

one  item.38  Other  enumerated  articles  are :  a  knife,39  rope,40 
a  candle,41  and  matches.42 

A  fifty-cent  rent  was  usually  made  for  the  use  of  a 
bed.  In  December  the  toll-gate  keeper  took  in  an  odd  fee 
of  $2.50  "for  hauling*  team  up  mountain." 

Throughout  the  account,  names  of  patrons  appear. 
They  are  presumably  friends  of  McBride. 

Upon  the  return  of  "Uncle  Dick"  Wooton,  the  account 
was  taken  to  a  Trinidad  lawyer  for  a  division  of  the  money 
taken  in  during  the  Indian  fighter's  absence.  The  part- 
ners had  no  further  use  for  the  "List  of  money  taken  in 
at  Raton  Pass  Toll  Gate/'  The  book  became  the  property  of 
Mr.  de  Busk  whose  collection  of  unpublished  manuscripts  is 
invaluable.  The  original  is  now  in  the  historical  archives 
of  the  University  of  Colorado.  This  account  book  makes 
it  possible  to  confirm  with  substantial  proof,  the  stories 
of  the  immense  sums  of  money  taken  in  at  Raton  Pass 
Toll  Gate  on  the  old  Santa  Fe  Trail.  The  year  for  which 
we  have  the  account  has  many  indications  of  having  been 
an  unusually  slow  one.  Imagine  what  huge  amounts  the 
toll  gate  receipts  must  have  reached  during  the  gold  rush. 
"Uncle  Dick"  Wooton  must  then  have  found  his  whiskey 
keg  absolutely  inadequate,  acting  as  it  did  in  the  capacity 
of  a  wallet. 


38.  Ibid.,   p.   78. 

39.  Ibid.,   p.   78 

40.  Ibid.,  p.  56. 

41.  Ibid.,  p.   52. 

42.  Ibid.,   p.   54. 


90  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


IN  SANTA  FE  DURING  MEXICAN  REGIME 

(Interesting  'Chapter  on  the  City  of  Santa  Fe,  from  Ben- 
jamin M.  Read's  "Sidelights  of  New  Mexican  History" 
to  be  published  shortly.  Copyrighted  by  Author.) 

GOVERNOR  MARIANO  MARTINEZ  DE  LEJANZA.  -  THE  FIRST  CITY 
PARK  IN  NEW  MEXICO.  -  GOVERNOR  MARTINEZ  ASSAULTED  BY 
THE  UTES.  -  BULL  FIGHTING  AT  SANTA  FE.  -  THE  PYRAMID  IN 
THE  PLAZA  OF  SANTA  FE. 

The  detailed  account  of  the  important  events  indicated 
by  the  above  heading,  constitutes  the  last  annotations  made 
during  the  latter  days  of  his  life  by  the  able  and  disting- 
uished citizen  Don  Demetrio  Perez  for  my  exclusive  use, 
being  his  reminiscences  of  the  events  embraced  in  the  nar- 
rative. In  the  latter  days  of  June  A.  D.  1913,  Don  Deme- 
trio was  visiting  at  Santa  Fe,  the  Capital,  and  it  was  then, 
when  very  ill,  that  he  wrote  the  said  annotations  in  my 
own  house,  using  an  indelible  pencil  because  the  tremor  of 
his  hand  did  not  allow  the  use  of  a  pen.  But  the  weakness 
he  felt  did  not  permit  him  to  consign  to  paper  the  final 
phrase  with  which  he  intended  to  conclude  his  writing, 
and  he  could  not  even  sign  his  name. 

At  the  beginning  of  July,  1913,  Don  Demetrio  returned 
to  his  residence  at  Las  Vegas,  N.  M.,  realizing  that  the  end 
of  his  days  was  approaching,  and  there  he  died  as  a  Christ- 
ian in  the  bosom  of  the  Catholic  Church  after  having  re- 
ceived the  last  sacraments,  on  the  10th  day  of  the  month 
of  December  of  the  said  year,  1913. 

Of  very  great  value  for  our  history  was  the  collabora- 
tion of  Don  Demetrio  in  the  preparation  of  my  "Illustrated 
History  of  New  Mexico,"  for  in  that  work  appears  the  re- 
lation of  the  tragical  death  of  Don  Albino  Perez,  who  was 
Governor  of  New  Mexico  in  the  year  1837,  year  of  the  in- 


SANTA  FE  DURING  MEXICAN  REGIME       91 

surrection  of  the  Chimayos,  when  the  said  Governor  was 
inhumanly  murdered  by  the  revolutionists  in  August  of  that 
same  year.  Don  Demetrio,  who  was  the  son  of  the  said 
Governor  Perez,  was  made  an  orphan  in  the  first  years  of 
his  life,  but  his  sterling  honesty  and  his  extraordinary 
capacity,  from  his  youth  up  secured  for  him  honorable  and 
lucrative  employment  in  public  life  and  in  the  commercial 
world.  A  large  part  of  the  narrative  relating  to  historical 
events  of  a  local  character  published  in  my  Illustrated  His- 
tory are  productions  of  the  illustrious  deceased,  and  so  I 
state  in  the  work. 

The  above  reflections  appeared  to  me  opportune  and 
indispensable  as  a  preface  or  introduction  to  the  narra- 
tive of  Don  Demetrio ;  in  order  that  the  reader  may  under- 
stand and  appreciate  the  historical  value  of  the  Reminis- 
cences. Here  follow  verbatim  the  words  of  Don  Demetrio : 

(TRANSLATION) 

Don  Mariano  Martinez  de  Lejanza,  Governor  and 
General  Commandant  of  the  Department  of  New  Mexico, 
was  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  Mexican  Republic 
to  succeed  Don  Manuel  Armijo  in  that  office,  and  arrived 
at  Santa  Fe,  according  to  my  recollection  in  the  spring  of 
the  year  1844,  accompanied  by  his  wife  Dona  Teresita, 
whom  I  had  the  honor  of  knowing  personally  some  time 
after  her  arrival  in  Santa  Fe.  Dona  Teresita  was  looking 
for  a  woman  to  make  her  some  clothes  and  for  washing 
and  ironing,  and  was  informed  that  my  maternal  grand- 
mother Dona  Guadalupe  Abrego  followed  the  occupation 
of  seamstress  and  that  my  mother  Dona  Trinidad  Trujillo 
washed  and  ironed  clothes,  and  with  that  object  in  view 
both  went  to  pur  house  in  Analco,  near  the  site  where  now 
stands  St.  Michael's  College.  I  was  then  a  little  over  7 
years  old.  The  General  asked  my  grandmother  about  my 
father  and  on  being  informed  that  I  was  the  son  of  Gover- 
nor Perez  made  me  go  near  him  and  treated  me  with  kind- 
ness and  affection,  and  asked  me  if  I  was  learning  to  read, 
and  I  answered  yes  and  that  I  was  beginning  to  spell,  and 
that  near  home  there  was  a  private  school  under  the  man- 
agement of  a  good  teacher  whose  name  was  Jose  Rafael 
Pacheco,  which  many  boys  attended.  The  General  told 


92  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

my  grandmother  to  buy  me  a  suit  of  clothes  better  than  the 
one  I  had  on,  and  gave  her  some  money  for  buying  the 
material  necessary  to  make  the  same.  They  continued 
visiting  us  from  time  to  time,  he  and  his  wife,  and  always 
giving  us  some  help  for  our  pressing  needs.  The  lady,  in 
particular,  used  to  visit  many  poor  families,  whom  she 
helped  with  provisions  and  clothing.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
General  Martinez  was  a  man  of  large  means  when  he  came 
to  New  Mexico,  for  otherwise  he  would  not  have  been  able 
to  use  so  much  liberality  in  order  to  make  such  heavy  ex- 
penses to  help  so  many  poor  people  if  he  had  made  such 
expenses  out  of  the  salary  and  emoluments  of  his  office 
in  the  service  of  the  government,  for  I  believe  these  were 
not  so  high,  and  could  hardly  be  enough  for  more  than  to 
live  with  the  decency  and  comfort  required  by  his  high 
position.  The  very  few  persons  living  yet  in  Santa  Fe 
may  remember  all  what  General  Martinez  did  for  the 
people's  benefit,  and  the  reforms  made  in  the  civil  and 
military  administration  in  the  very  brief  period  of  one 
year  which  was  the  duration  of  his  administration. 

THE  FIRST  TREES 

His  first  steps  were  taken  in  making  improvements 
within  the  plaza  square  where  there  was  not  a  single  tree 
nor  any  vegetation,  and  in  the  same  condition  were  the 
streets  running  out  of  the  square  in  different  directions. 
He  commanded  that  uncultivated  trees  be  brought  from 
the  mountain  east  of  Santa  Fe,  and  caused  them  to  be 
symmetrically  planted  around  the  Plaza  and  in  the 
streets.  For  the  irrigation  of  the  trees  he  ordered  that  an 
acequia  be  made  taking  the  water  from  a  spring  or  fountain 
located  in  the  Cienega,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Plaza,  from 
which  ran  sufficient  water  and  also  yielded  a  supply  for 
the  irrigation  of  the  gardens  planted  within  the  ample 
square  of  the  wall  where  the  barracks  of  the  soldiers  were 
constructed  with  some  dwelling  houses  for  their  families. 

In  addition,  General  Martinez  ordered  that  a  plot  of 
ground  be  selected  on  the  Northwest  side  of  the  city  for 
the  plantation  of  an  Alameda  or  Park  of  Recreation,  which 
land  was  chosen  by  himself  near  the  ancient  country  chapel 
of  the  Virgin  of  the  Rosary,  south  of  the  same,  wherein 
cottonwood  trees  and  shrubs  were  planted  which  flowered 
up  and  gave  wild  flowers,  also  brought  from  the  mount- 
ains and  El  Canon  of  the  Santa  Fe  river. 


SANTA  FE  DURING  MEXICAN  REGIME       93 

LA  ALAMEDA.  -  THE  FIRST  PARK 

For  the  irrigation  of  the  Alameda  he  ordered  that  a 
ditch  be  opened,  deep  enough,  at  the  foot  of  the  chain  of 
Hills  lying  on  the  north  side  of  the  Arroyo  Arenoso,  run- 
ning from  the  Canada  on  the  east,  where  runs  the  public 
road  which  goes  from  Santa  Fe  towards  the  Rio  de  Tesuque 
and  the  settlements  of  Rio  Arriba  and  Taos  Counties.  The 
taking  of  the  water  which  was  to  run  in  this  acequia  was 
made  from  the  outlet  of  the  Acequia  Madre  from  where 
the  cultivated  lands  on  the  north  side  of  the  Santa  Fe  river 
were  irrigated,  and  this  acequia  had  an  extension  of  at 
least  a  mile  and  a  half  to  the  Alameda.  At  the  same  time 
that  work  was  being  done  in  the  acequia,  the  work  also 
proceeded  on  the  Alameda,  levelling  the  land  and  forming 
streets  which  started  from  the  center  of  the  square  in 
different  directions,  an  adobe  wall  being  constructed  all 
around  the  square;  seats  were  placed  along  the  streets 
and  in  the  center  of  the  circle  reserved  for  a  cock  pit  where 
those  addicted  to  the  game  of  cock-fighting  congregated 
to  see  the  fights  between  the  animals,  in  which  game  money 
bets  were  made.  On  the  west  side,  outside  the  enclosure 
of  the  Alameda,  an  adobe  house  was  built  to  serve  as  resi- 
dence for  the  man  who  was  going  to  care  for  the  Alameda. 
(The  name  of  this  man,  according  to  reliable  information 
which  I  was  able  to  obtain  from  Don  Clemente  P.  Ortiz, 
an  aged  citizen  of  Santa  Fe  and  fellow  pupil  of  Don  Deme- 
trio  Perez,  was  Manuel,  nicknamed  "El  Marrujo."-  Benj. 
M.  Read.)  who  with  his  family  attended  to  the  irrigation 
of  the  trees.  In  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  the  trees 
and  shrubs  planted  therein  began  to  sprout  and  to  give 
forth  the  tender  branches  and  foliage,  and  after  two  or 
three  years  of  being  planted  their  ramage  served  as  a 
shade  during  the  hot  summer  days  for  the  persons  who 
sought  rest  and  comfort  under  their  shade,  and  the  same 
thing  was  done  under  the  shadow  of  the  cottonwood  trees 
found  in  the  Public  Plaza  and  the  streets.  The  butchers 
who  killed  sheep  placed  the  meat  on  perches  which  they 
placed  under  the  shade  of  the  cottonwoods  planted  in  front 
of  the  Old  Palace;  on  the  west  side,  under  the  spacious 
porch  of  the  Palace,  the  bakers  were  installed  together  with 
the  fruit  vendors  and  others  who  sold  their  diverse  kinds 
of  food  for  the  people  who  depended  on  the  market  for 
their  supply,  for  at  that  time  there  was  no  public  building 
for  the  sale  of  such  articles.  Besides  that,  there  were  several 


94  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

women  who  cooked  dinners  which  were  served  to  those 
who  wished  to  take  them  there,  and  under  the  shadow  of 
the  cottonwoods  the  tables  were  placed  for  the  boarders. 
Let  us  treat  of  another  improvement  of  more  importance 
inaugurated  by  Martinez. 

A  public  school  that  he  established  for  the  education 
of  the  young  under  the  charge  of  an  excellent  teacher,  an 
Englishman  whose  surname  was  Tatty,  in  whose  school 
there  was  taught  reading,  writing,  grammar,  arithmetic 
and  other  elementary  branches;  all  of  it  in  Spanish,  for 
the  teacher  knew  the  language  perfectly.  During  the  few 
months  that  this  school  existed,  the  young  men  who  at- 
tended made  good  progress  in  their  studies.  I  believe  the 
teacher  Tatty  was  a  Catholic  for  he  went  on  several  oc- 
casions to  high  Mass  on  Sundays  with  his  pupils  who 
marched  in  two  well  arranged  lines,  and  he  also  attended 
to  the  instructions  in  Christian  Doctrine  which  were  some- 
times given  in  the  Parochial  Church  of  St.  Francis.  This 
school  lasted  but  a  short  time  after,  he  (Gov.  Martinez) 
was  removed  from  his  post,  in  the  year  1845,  being  suc- 
ceeded by  General  Manuel  Armijo,  whose  discontinuation 
of  this  excellent  school  was  greatly  deplored  by  the  fathers 
of  family,  who  appreciated  in  a  high  degree  the  education  of 
their  children. 

AMUSEMENTS.  -  BULL  FIGHT.  -  REMOVAL  OF  THE  PYRAMID 
WHICH  EXISTED  IN  THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PLAZA  SQUARE 

In  June  of  1845,  in  order  that  the  people  of  the  Capital 
might  have  amusement  after  doing  their  labor  during  the 
week,  the  idea  was  conceived  of  constructing  a  bull  ring, 
in  order  ^hat  the  people  who,  with  rare  exceptions,  had 
never  seen  bull  fighting  in  New  Mexico,  might  have  an 
idea  of  that  diversion  and  admire  the  courage  of  the  bull- 
fighters confronting  the  furious  bulls,  as  it  was  the  custom 
in  the  cities  and  towns  of  the  Mexican  Republic.  Some 
men  were  sent  to  El  Paso  del  Norte  (Now  Ciudad  Juarez) 
to  invite  professional  bull-fighters  expert  in  that  art,  and 
seek  ferocious  bulls  with  the  fierceness  of  those  animals 
raised  in  the  desert  by  the  cattle  raisers  who  kept  them 
for  the  purpose  in  a  state  of  wildness  in  order  to  sell  them 
to  the  directors  of  bull  fights  in  Mexican  cities  and  towns, 
near  the  border.  Waiting  for  the  coming  of  the  Toreadores 
and  the  bulls  brought  by  them,  tall  boxes  were  constructed 
around  the  public  plaza,  made  with  strong  timber  and  well 


SANTA  FE  DURING  MEXICAN  REGIME        95 

secured  to  resist  the  hard  knocks  and  attacks  of  the  bulls 
when  they  went  after  the  banderilleros  who  entered  the 
ring  to  fight  with  the  bulls  until  they  vanquished  these 
infuriated  beasts,  leaving  them  on  the  scene  tired  or  dead 
from  the  darts  of  the  skillful  toreadores,  though  some 
times  it  happened  that  those  toreadores  who  fought  the 
bulls,  mounted  on  horses  trained  for  the  fighting,  who  in 
showing  the  slightest  carelessness  had  the  horses  they  rode 
killed  by  the  bulls  and  were  obliged  to  fight  on  foot  or 
escape  out  of  the  ring  by  scaling  the  posts. 

THE  PYRAMID 

I  think  it  proper  to  mention  here  that  before  the  con- 
struction of  the  stall  boxes  and  fence  around  the  Plaza 
there  was  in  its  center  a  Pyramid  that  had  existed  for 
many  years  and  that  was  built  after  the  independence  of 
Mexico  from  the  Spanish  rule.  This  pyramid  consisted  of  a 
log  or  post  measuring,  more  or  less,  fifty  feet  in  height,  hav- 
ing as  a  base  three  square  walls  around,  which  walls  were  in 
the  form  of  steps  for  ascension  and  descension.  The  first 
step  was  five  feet  high,  and  there  was  sufficient  space  on 
the  top  for  the  seating  of  several  persons  who  might  wish 
to  stay  there  for  diversion  or  rest;  but  most  of  the  time 
those  who  congregated  there  were  idle  and  evilly-inclined 
people,  drunkards  and  gamblers,  who  were  cause  of  scandal 
to  the  families,  although  they  were  often  arrested  by  the 
officers  of  the  law  and  kept  in  jail  until  sobered  up,  but 
the  penalty  and  confinement  did  not  deter  them  from  re- 
turning to  their  resting  place.  Governor  Martinez  being 
persuaded  that  the  pyramid  ought  to  be  removed  from 
there  ordered  its  destruction,  and  so  it  was  done,  though 
that  pyramid  was  a  memento  of  the  glorious  epoch  of  the 
independence  of  Mexico,  for  in  the  summit  of  the  post  there 
was  an  eagle  on  the  cactus  which  is  the  national  emblem. 

INVASION   OF  THE  CAPITAL  BY  THE  UTES.  -  THEIR  ATTEMPT 
TO  MURDER  GOVERNOR  MARTINEZ. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  month  of  September,  1845,  a 
crowd  of  Ute  Indians  entered  Santa  Fe,  having  come  from 
the  northern  part  of  New  Mexico,  where  that  savage  and 
sanguinary  tribe  dwelt  on  the  great  plains  and  deserts 
committing  depredations  on  the  settlements  on  the  northern 
border  against  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  Territory 


96  NEW,  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

who  followed  the  occupations  of  agriculture  and  cattle 
raising.  These  Indians,  in  the  same  way  as  the  other  bar- 
barous tribes  who  infested  all  parts  of  the  frontiers  of 
New  Mexico,  made  peace  and  were  quiet  for  a  time,  on 
condition  that  the  government  would  give  them  gratifica- 
tion or  presents  of  cloth  to  cover  partially  their  nudity, 
and  of  other  articles  of  which  they  made  use,  such  as 
tobacco,  knives,  looking  glasses,  string  of  beads  and  so 
on. 

The  crowd  of  Indians  that  entered  Santa  Fe  in  the 
afternoon  of  that  September  day,  as  said  before,  were 
mounted  on  good  horses  and  well  armed  with  lances,  bows 
and  arrows,  axes,  etc.,  and  on  entering  the  town  they 
demanded  that  a  place  be  assigned  to  them  to  pass  the  night, 
and  they  were  given  for  this  purpose  the  land  of  Dona 
Manuela  Baca,  mother  of  Captain  Don  Jesus  M.  Sena  y 
Baca,  on  the  Rio  Chiquito,  (at  corner  of  Shelby  and  Water 
street-  B.  M.  Read)  and  there  during  the  night  they  kept 
the  people  in  constant  alarm  with  their  warlike  songs  and 
continual  clamor  until  dawn,  and  before  the  rising  of  the 
sun  they  had  saddled  their  horses  and  three  of  their  head 
chiefs  commanded  them  to  stay  there  on  horse  back,  that 
they  were  going  to  visit  Governor  Martinez,  and  that  they 
be  ready  to  enter  the  public  square  when  they  heard  a  shout 
from  them  from  the  Plaza  after  seeing  the  General.  These 
head  chiefs  were  able  to  enter  without  being  seen  by  the 
sentinel  who  was  making  his  rounds  in  front  of  the  bar- 
racks situate  on  the  west  side  of  the  entrance  to  the  Gov- 
ernor's office,  who  had  gone  in  after  having  got  up  from 
bed  and  dressed,  and  there,  seated  in  a  chair  was  taken 
by  surprise  by  these  Indians  who  carried  in  their  arms 
some  of  the  articles  given  them  as  gratification  and  threw 
them  in  the  face  of  the  General,  attacking  him  with 
their  axes  and  knives,  raining  upon  him  blows  which 
he  was  able  to  ward  off  by  using  the  chair  on  which  he 
had  been  seated,  and  at  the  same  time  calling  for  help  on 
the  guards.  But  before  the  soldiers  of  the  guard  came 
in  he  had  the  assistance  of  his  valiant  wife,  Dona  Teresita, 
who  had  the  presence  of  mind  to  enter  the  office  carrying 
in  her  hand  the  General's  sword  and  gave  it  to  him  that 
he  might  defend  himself,  and  the  General  made  use  of 
the  weapon  wounding  one  of  the  Indians  named  Panesiyah, 
the  first  chief  of  the  Ute  tribe,  and  then  the  Indians  tried 
to  escape,  but  the  soldiers  of  the  guard  called  by  Dona 


SANTA  FE  DURING  MEXICAN  REGIME        9*7 

Teresita,  were  at  the  door  leading  to  the  Governor's  office 
and  there  they  killed  the  Indian  Panesiyah  and  wounded 
the  other  two  Indians,  who  though  wounded,  were  able  to 
escape  and  give  the  voice  of  alarm  to  their  warriors  who 
were  ready  to  enter  the  Plaza  and  to  kill  all  the  persons 
by  them  found  in  the  streets  and  in  the  Plaza.  The  soldiers 
of  the  garrison  were  already  there  well  prepared  with 
their  arms,  and  the  squadron  of  Dragoons  of  Vera  Cruz, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Don  Pedro  Mufiiz,  and  a  brief  but 
fierce  fight  ensued  which  resulted  in  the  death  of  many  of 
the  Indians,  and  only  one  soldier  was  seriously  wounded. 

Addenda.  -  After  I  had  written  these  lines  here  in 
Santa  Fe  where  I  have  come  from  my  residence  in  Las 
Vegas  in  search  of  relief 

Here  Don  Demetrio  could  not  end  the  last  words  of 
the  final  phrase  of  this  very  interesting  historical  narra- 
tive, though  from  the  few  words  he  wrote  in  his  "addenda" 
one  infers  without  difficulty,  that  he  had  something  more 
to  say,  which  perhaps,  he  had  forgotten,  and  that  when  it 
occurred  to  him  he  considered  it  of  sufficient  importance 
to  consign  it  to  paper,  but  his  strength  failed  him,  and  he 
dropped  the  pencil  telling  me  that  he  would  send  from  Las 
Vegas  some  other  annotations,  which  he  was  not  able  to 
do,  for  when  he  returned  to  his  residence  his  mortal  exist- 
ence terminated,  his  death  causing  the  State  of  New  Mex- 
ico the  loss  of  one  of  her  most  illustrious  sons  and  to  his- 
tory many  and  very  important  reminiscences.  May  the 
earth  be  light  on  him  and  may  his  soul  rest  in  peace  in  the 
mansion  of  the  just. 
December  15,  1926.  BENJAMIN  M.  READ, 

Santa  Fe,  N.  M. 


98  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

NECROLOGY 
FAYETTE  S.  CURTIS  JR. 

Fayette  S.  Curtis,  Jr.,  one  of  the  associate  editors  of 
The  New  Mexico  Historical  Review,  died  on  the  morning-  of 
November  4,  at  his  cottage  on  the  Los  Alamos  Ranch  School 
grounds,  twenty  miles  west  of  Santa  Fe.  Mr.  Curtis  had 
been  more  or  less  an  invalid  for  years  but  had  been  bed- 
fast only  a  short  time  and  the  end  came  with  unexpected 
suddenness,  just  a  day  before  he  was  to  have  delivered  an 
address  to  the  Historical  Section  of  the  New  Mexico 
Educational  Association  in  session  at  Santa  Fe.  Though 
only  thirty  years  of  age,  Mr.  Curtis  had  made  himself  a 
niame  as  a  Spanish  scholar,  an  authority  on  weapons  and 
as  a  historical  research  worker.  He  had  come  to  New  Mex- 
ico from  Yale  University  immediately  after  graduation, 
only  eight  years  before,  but  he  had  learned  to  love  the 
Southwest  with  a  zest  and  a  devotion  that  were  manifested 
on  every  possible  occasion. 

At  a  memorial  meeting  in  honor  of  Mr.  Curtis,  held 
by  the  New  Mexico  Historical  Society  in  the  Palace  of  the 
Governors  on  the  evening  of  November  16,  A.  J.  Connell, 
director  of  the  Los  Alamos  Ranch  School,  told  with  emotion 
of  the  arrival  of  Curtis  and  his  mother,  from  New  England 
to  take  hold  unassisted  of  the  scholastic  program  of 
the  Los  Alamos  Ranch  School  while  Mr.  Connell  looked 
after  the  business  and  administrative  end.  That  he  was  re- 
markably successful  is  evident  from  the  growth  and  char- 
acter of  the  school  of  which  he  was  headmaster  and  which 
is  today  famed  both  for  scholastic  attainment  and  as  an 
institution  of  unique  character  and  distinction.  Mr.  Connell 
related  how  young  Curtis  had  worked  his  way  through 
Yale  in  part  by  tutoring,  how  he  quickly  adapted  himself 
to  western  ways,  how  readily  he  gave  wise  counsel  and 


NECROLOGY  99 

how  loyally  he  submitted  to  authority  when  decision  went 
against  him,  manifesting  the  true  spirit  of  the  soldier  who 
has  learned  to  obey  without  question  and  also  to  exercise 
authority  with  firmness. 

Before  entering  Yale,  Curtis  had  graduated  from  Taft 
School  and  had  hoped  to  prepare  himself  for  West  Point 
but  his  frail  health  forbade.  Nevertheless,  he  devoted  him- 
self to  the  study  of  military  subjects,  especially  weapons 
and  armor,  and  made  himself  an  authority  on  that  subject. 
He  was  familiar  with  the  treasures  of  the  great  arsenals 
and  war  museums  of  the  world  and  rendered  the  Historical 
Society  of  New  Mexico  invaluable  service  by  cataloguing 
arid  describing  its  rich  collection  of  weapons.  During  the 
days  preceding  his  death  he  had  been  busy  with  his  illus- 
trated paper  on  "Spanish  Armor  and  Weapons  in  New  Mex- 
ico," his  bride  of  only  a  few  months,  Rosa  Margaret  Curtis, 
who  is  a  talented  artist,  making  the  drawings  for  the 
lantern  slides  and  illustrations  under  his  directions. 
When  he  realized  that  he  was  too  ill  to  present  the 
paper  at  the  Educational  Association  meeting,  he  sent 
his  associate  Mr.  Bosworth,  to  Santa  Fe  to  read  the  paper 
for  him,  but  Mr.  Bosworth  was  recalled  to  Otowi  by  the 
tidings  of  Mr.  Curtis'  death.  He  read  the  paper,  less  than 
two  weeks  later,  at  the  Curtis  memorial  meeting  in  the 
Palace.  It  will  be  published  during  the  current  year  by 
the  Review. 

A  scholarly  contribution,  "Influence  of  Weapons  on 
New  Mexico  History"  from  his  pen,  appeared  in  Number 
3  of  Volume  I  of  the  New  Mexico  Historical  Review.  At  a 
recent  meeting  of  the  Historical  Society  he  had  discussed 
most  interestingly,  the  trophies  of  the  Great  War  acquired 
by  New  Mexico  during  the  past  few  months.  Mr.  Curtis 
had  completed  a  translation  of  Villagras,  the  Spanish  poet- 
historian,  and  was  revising  and  annotating  it  for  the  His- 
torical Review,  when  death  overtook  him.  For  the  1926  Santa 
Fe  Fiesta  pageant,  he  had  written  the  scenario  and  dia- 


100          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

logues  covering  the  Kit  Carson  and  Jedediah  Smith  episode, 
as  well  as  the  drama  that  so  graphically  portrayed  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Southwest  by  the  first  men.  For  the  Fiesta 
of  1925,  he  had  prepared  part  of  the  pageantry  and  for 
weeks  preceding  each  event  had  given  time  and  energy  to 
train  those  who  took  part. 

In  all  things,  Mr.  Curtis  was  the  soul  of  honor.  Sin^ 
cere,  earnest,  gentle,  studious,  an  indefatigable  worker, 
modest,  unostentatious  and  straightforward,  he  was  greatly 
esteemed  and  beloved  by  those  with  whom  he  came  in  con- 
tact. 

In  accordance  with  his  wishes,  written  down  as  part 
of  a  mutual  agreement  with  Director  A.  J.  Connell,  the 
remains  of  Mr.  Curtis  were  consigned  to  earth  the  day  of 
his  death.  A  grave  was  blasted  into  the  tufa  of  the  Pajarito 
plateau,  on  the  edge  of  Otowi  Canyon,  not  far  from  the 
Institution  which  he  had  made  his  life-work.  The  body 
was  dressed  in  the  school  uniform,  wrapped  in  olive-drab 
blankets,  laid  on  a  pine  plank  and  lowered  upon  a  cushion  of 
pine  boughs  which  were  also  heaped  upon  the  beloved 
teacher.  At  sunset,  there  gathered  the  small  group  of 
mourners.  It  had  been  the  wish  of  Mr.  Curtis,  that  none 
of  the  pupils  of  the  school  be  asked  or  urged  to  attend  the 
funeral,  but  there  they  were  at  attention,  standing  beside 
their  horses,  silhouetted  against  the  sky.  The  saddled  but 
riderless  horse  of  Mr.  Curtis,  to  which  he  had  been  much 
attached,  was  held  by  one  of  the  boys.  Rev.  Walter  S.  Trow- 
bridge  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Faith,  read  the  Episcopal 
burial  service.  The  widow,  a  few  friends  including  the 
faculty  of  the  School,  were  the  other  witnesses  of  the  simple 
and  yet,  so  unforgettable,  obsequies.  The  peaks  of  the  Blood 
of  Christ  Mountains  to  the  east  were  purple  with  the  alpen^ 
glow  although  the  sun  had  set,  as  the  mourners  in  silence 
left  the  grave  under  the  pines  and  the  starry  sky. 

PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER. 


NECROLOGY  101 

FOR  A  FOREST  BURIAL 
(Courtesy  of  the  Southwest  Review) 

Choose  no  sad  words  to  speak  of  him.    He  lies 
In  ultimate  peace,  at  last  a  part  of  earth 
And  knows  no  death.    Through  her  he  comes  to  birth 

In  every  living  thing.    The  star-swept  skies 

Hold  no  strangeness  for  him.    He  is  one 

With  all  that  earth  brings  forth;  with  wind-touched 

trees ; 
And  shadow-lighted  hills  and  far-off  seas; 

With  mountains  painted  by  the  slanting  sun. 

For  him  no  close-sheared,  smug  funereal  mound 
And  cold  stone  monument — "Here  lieth  one 
Whom  now  we  mourn  because  his  life  is  done." 

Over  him  only  lies  the  sheltering  ground 

And  singing  trees  and  unimpeded  sky. 

"Dust  shall  return  to  dust"  is  what  they  say, 
But  also  life  to  life.    He  goes  his  way 

Knowing  it  is  no  bitter  thing  to  die 

Who  keenly  lived  and  knows  at  last  release 
Into  still  keener  life.     We  cannot  know 
Along  what  farther  trails  his  soul  will  go 

Gaily  adventuring:  what  depths  of  peace 

And  numerous  ways  of  immortality 

Death  opens  up  for  him.     But  we  are  sure 
He  gave  his  body  gladly  to  endure 

As  part  of  earth  and  many  a  shining  tree. 

Margaret  Pond 
Santa  Fe,  N.  M.,  November  6,  1926. 


JAMES  A.  FRENCH 

On  October  13th,  1926,  James  A.  French,  State  High- 
way Engineer  of  New  Mexico,  died  suddenly  while  in  his 
automobile  near  the  small  settlement  of  Encino  in  Torrance 
County. 


102          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Mr.  French  was  born  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  January 
27,  1866.  Among  his  relatives  was  Daniel  Chester  French, 
the  noted  sculptor.  After  attendance  in  the  public  schools 
at  Washington  and  Georgetown  University,  Mr.  French 
entered  the  employ  of  the  Union  Pacific  and  Chicago,  Bur- 
lington and  Quincy  Railroads  in  Colorado,  where  he  was 
with  location  and  construction  crews.  From  Colorado  he 
went  to  California,  and  for  a  time  was  assistant  State  En- 
gineer of  Santa  Barbara. 

From  1889  to  1891  he  was  assistant  on  surveys  of  the 
upper  Yukon  and  the  141st  meridian  boundary  survey  be- 
tween Alaska  and  the  Northwest  Territory,  for  the  U.  S. 
Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey.  He  then  became  interested  in 
irrigation  and  engineering  and  served  three  years  as  As- 
sistant and  Chief  Engineer  on  the  Sunnyside  Irrigation 
Canal  Project,  North  Yakima,  Washington,  and  as  As- 
sistant Engineer  on  the  Imperial  Valley  Irrigation  Project 
and  Diversion  Dam  at  Yuma,  Arizona.  From  1894  to  1902 
he  was  again  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  employed  by  the  En- 
gineering Department  in  the  planning  and  construction  of 
sewerage  and  storm  disposal  systems.  In  1903  he  was  as- 
signed as  Engineer  in  charge  of  Investigations  on  the  Rio 
Grande  and  proposed  Elephant  Butte  Reclamation  Project. 
From  1904  to  1906  he  was  Assistant  Construction  Engineer 
on  the  Corbett  Tunnel  near  Cody,  Wyoming,  a  part  of  the 
Shoshone  Dam  Project. 

He  then  returned  to  the  Rio  Grande,  where  he  was  with 
the  Elephant  Butte  Reclamation  Project  until  1912,  when 
Governor  MacDonald  appointed  him  State  Engineer.  For 
seven  years,  under  several  administrations,  he  continued 
his  work  of  developing  New  Mexico's  highway  system.  In 
1923  he  was  re-appointed  to  the  position  of  State  Highway 
Engineer. 

Mr.  French  had  made  many  friends  in  all  parts  of 
the  United  States  during  his  career,  but  was  especially  be- 
loved and  highly  esteemed  in  the  State  Capital  of  New  Mex- 
ico. He  leaves  a  widow  and  three  daughters.  Interment  was 
at  Santa  Fe.  W. 


NOTES  AND  COMMENTS  103 


NOTES  AND  COMMENTS 

Our  attention  is  called  to  the  following  typographical 
errors  in  the  printing  of  Dr.  Mecham's  paper  published 
by  the  Review  last  July,  "The  Second  Spanish  Expedition 
to  New  Mexico." 

p.  266,  line  23,  and  p.  267,  line  23,  read  Father  Agustin. 

p.  267,  note  7,  last  line  belongs  to  note  18,  p.  280. 

p.  268,  note  11,  read  Journey. 

p.  272.  note  26,  line  1,  read  south ;  line  3,  read  Rio. 

p.  272,  note  28,  line  2,  read  sixteenth. 

p.  273,  note  30,  line  2,  read  Report. 

p.  276,  line  13,  read  Piquina. 

p.  276,  lines  26  and  30,  read  Guajalotes. 

p.  278,  line  10,  read  The  people,  .    . 

p.  278.  line  19,  read  Cochiti. 

p.  279,  line  16,  read  La  Rinconda. 

p.  287,  line  5,  read  Yuque  Yunque. 

p.  283,  line  13,  period  after  "enclosure." 

p.  285,  lines  22  and  28,  read  Jemez. 

p.  286,  line  16,  read  Aconagua,  Coaquima,  Allico,  .  . 

p.  288,  note  83,  italicize  title  "Supplementary  Docu- 
ments .  .  " 

Due  to  certain  circumstances  at  the  time,  proof  was  not 
sent  to  Dr.  Mecham  nor  was  proper  proof-reading  of  this 
paper  done  at  the  Review.  The  omission  of  "Coaquima" 
on  page  286  was  especially  regrettable.  L.  B.  B. 

JEDEDIAH  SMITH  CENTENNARY 

The  old  adage  about  a  prophet  being  not  without  honor 
save  in  his  own  country  was  never  truer  than  in  the  case  of 
Jedediah  Strong  Smith,  declares  Dr.  Owen  C.  Coy,  associate 
professor  of  history  of  the  University  of  Southern  Cali- 
fornia and  curator  of  history  of  the  Los  Angeles  Museum. 

"Jedediah  Smith,  as  the  first  American  to  make  his 
way  overland  from  the  Mississippi  to  California,  was  not 


104          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

only  one  of  the  great  prophets  of  western  development,  but 
one  of  the  most  inspiring  characters  in  our  history  and  yet 
not  one  Californian  in  a  hundred,  the  beneficiaries  of  his 
daring,  his  hardships  and  his  suffering,  can  even  tell  who 
the  man  was,"  said  Dr.  Coy  yesterday. 

"The  Saturday  following  Thanksgiving  actually  marked 
the  one-hundredth  anniversary  of  the  arrival  of  the  in- 
trepid trapper  and  explorer  at  Mission  San  Gabriel,  and 
yet  the  day  passed  without  the  slightest  attention  being 
paid  to  its  centennial  significance.  Southern  California, 
most  of  all,  should  have  paid  him  a  tribute  because,  al- 
though he  explored  all  sections  of  the  State  he  first  entered 
California  through  the  Cajon  Pass  and  spent  his  first  three 
months  here  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Los  Angeles. 

DRAMA  TO  BE  GIVEN 

"Thoughtless  Southern  California  is  going  to  be  given 
an  opportunity  to  'save  its  face/  however/'  the  historian 
continued,  "and  that  opportunity  will  be  offered  by  the 
Historical  Society  of  Southern  California  next  Friday  and 
Saturday  evenings  at  Bovard  Auditorium,  University  of 
Southern  California  campus.  At  that  time  and  place  an 
elaborate  historical  drama  entitled  'Pathfinder  of  the  Sier- 
ras' will  be  presented  by  a  cast  of  seventy-five  with  an 
additional  hidden  chorus,  and  all  in  Smith's  honor.  The 
great  Jedediah  will  be  portrayed  by  John  Roche  of  the 
'Don  Juan'  cast.  Chief  Yowlache  will  take  part.  The 
play,  which  is  in  three  acts  and  six  scenes,  will  be  a  colorful 
and  accurate  story  of  Smith's  very  short,  but  very  thrill- 
ing and  adventurous  life.  Smith  was  killed  by  the  In- 
dians in  New  Mexico  when  but  33  years  of  age,  but  he  en- 
gaged in  more  than  twenty  battles  with  them  before  finally 
meeting  his  death." 

The  Jonathan  Club  has  given  over  the  large  corner 
storeroom  of  its  building  as  business  and  production  head- 
quarters.— Los  Angeles  Times. 


THE  LATE  F.  S.  CURTIS,  JR., 
Head  Master  Los  Alamos  Ranch  School 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

Vol.   II.  April,  1927.  No.    2. 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR  IN  THE  SOUTHWEST 

by  the  late 

F.  S.  CURTIS,  JR.1 

A  study  of  Spanish  arms  and  armor  in  the  Southwest 
is  one  which  presents  a  number  of  difficulties,  this  for 
several  reasons  of  which  not  the  least  is  the  small  amount 
of  actual  material  still  in  existence,  especially  on  the  armor 
side,  as  armor  plates  were  all  too  easy  to  cut  up  and  fabri- 
cate into  other  articles,  once  their  original  usefulness  was 
at  an  end.  A  further  hindrance  to  accurate  statement  is 
the  peculiarity  of  technical  terms  and  the  loose  use  of  them 
by  early  Spanish  writers.  Translators  have  often  added 
to  the  maze  by  failure  to  grasp  the  proper  significance  of 
technical  expressions  which  are  capable  of  several  inter- 
pretations and  on  the  whole  the  subject  matter  available 
is  in  a  rather  painful  state  of  disorder. 

The  present  paper  is  more  an  attempt  to  start  the  work 
of  clearing  up  the  disordered  conditions  of  our  present 
sources  and  general  information  that  to  state  categorically 
the  actual  arms  and  equipment  of  any  given  person  on  any 
specific  occasion.  It  is,  in  all  probability,  by  no  means  so 
free  from  error  as  a  strictly  scientific  monograph  should 
be,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  such  errors  as  may  occur  will 
arouse  not  only  comment  but  authoritative  correction  and 
a  more  extended  discussion  of  the  subject. 

The  plan  of  the  work  has  been  to  divide  the  Spanish 


1.  Mr.  Curtis  had  prepared  this  paper  for  the  history  section  of  the  State 
Educational  Association,  at  its  meeting  in  Santa  Fe,  Nov.  4-6.  It  was  read  at  the 
November  meeting  of  the  Society,  by  his  colleague,  Mr.  Bosworth.— The  editors. 


108          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

occupation  into  three  periods,  that  of  the  Exploration  and 
Conquest,  that  of  Revolution  and  Reconquest,  and  that 
from,  1693  to  1821,  here  called  for  convenience  the  Final 
Period.  Within  each  period  the  subject  matter  has  been 
divided  into  five  groups,  those  of  Swords,  Staff -Weapons, 
Projectile  Weapons  (a  designation  applying  only  to  guns, 
after  the  First  Period),  Helmets,  and  Armor,  with  a  slight 
discussion  of  Artillery  added,  that  branch  of  the  military 
service  having  failed  regularly  to  become  of  any  real  im- 
portance in  the  scope  of  our  inquiries. 

In  each  of  the  three  periods  such  actual  historical 
specimens  as  still  survive  have  been  examined  so  far  as 
available,  contemporary  documents  referring  to  armament 
taking  second  place  and  in  such  cases  as  were  covered  by 
neither  type  of  information  conclusions  have  been  drawn 
from  the  general  history  of  arms  and  armor  during  the 
period  in  question  or,  in  some  cases,  slightly  before  it,  a 
reasonable  allowance  being  thus  made  for  the  delay  in 
transmitting  a  knowledge  of  the  latest  improvements  to 
points  so  far  removed  from  their  source. 

Of  actual  equipment  of  the  various  expeditions  in  the 
Period  of  Conquest  we  know  unfortunately  little,  since  the 
members  not  only  were  markedly  more  able  with  sword 
than  with  pen  but  have  not  even  left  us  many  of  the  swords. 
As  would  naturally  be  expected,  the  Coronado  expedition 
is  much  better  documented  than  most,  and  the  Onate  En- 
trada  is  best  and  most  fully  described  of  all,  though  even 
in  the  latter  case  our  authors  might  very  well  be  more 
specific  in  the  information  given. 

Of  Coronado's  cavalry  Mota  Padilla  is  our  clearest 
informant,  telling  us  that  they  were  "armed  with  lances, 
swords  and  other  hand-weapons,  and  some  with  coats  of 
mail,  salades,  and  beavors,  some  of  iron  and  others  of  raw- 
hide, and  the  horse  with  bardings  of  native  cloth."  Of 
the  infantry  he  says,  'There  were  60  crossbowmen  and 
arquebusiers,  and  others  with  swords  and  shields."  He 
also  states  that  the  expedition  had  six  pedreros,  or  small 
cannon,  but  does  not  consider  it  worth  while  to  remark 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR  109 

further  on  these  weapons,  a  valuation  of  them  which  was 
probably  quite  accurate. 

This  account,  while  one  of  the  best,  really  tells  us  sur- 
prisingly little  of  Coronado's  forces  after  all,  and  does 
present  several  interesting  problems.  What,  if  any,  was 
the  armor  of  the  infantry?  And  there  is  very  little  indeed 
in  the  contemporary  writers  on  the  same  subject  that  will 
help  us  at  all  toward  an  answer  of  any  of  these  questions. 
A  general  survey  of  the  whole  field  of  arms  and  armor  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  however,  enables  us  to  fill  in  the 
gaps  of  Padilla's  account  and  to  answer  the  questions  he 
suggests  with  a  fair  probability  of  reasonable  accuracy. 

Coronado  himself  and  his  chief  officers  probably  went 
into  battle  clothed  in  full  armor  which  covered  them  from 
sole  to  crown,  discarding  the  less  important  portions  while 
on  the  march  and  at  all  times  protecting  themselves  by 
cloaks  from  the  effects  of  the  sun  shining  upon  their  steel 
cuirasses.  The  battle-helmet  was  probably  used  very  little 
except  when  action  was  imminent,  being  replaced  by  a 
broad  hat  that  was  secretly  reinforced  by  steel  bands  as 
will  presently  be  shown. 

For  arms  they  had  swords,  daggers  and  lances,  and 
very  possibly  made  use  of  the  dag  or  wheellock  pistol,  per- 
haps of  the  wheellock  carbine  as  well,  though  the  use  of  the 
matchlock  is  by  no  means  likely  because  of  the  inconveni- 
ence of  its  use  on  horseback. 

The  cavalry,  as  we  have  seen,  certainly  had  swords 
and  lances,  and  the  reference  to  other  "hand-weapons" 
may  mean  pistols  as  well,  and  quite  certainly  includes  dag- 
gers as  these  were  an  almost  invariable  adjunct  to  the 
sword.  That  they  wore  the  salade  type  of  helmet  is  a  cer- 
tainty, thanks  to  Padilla,  and  he  also  is  an  authority  for 
their  "coats  of  mail;"  but  what  exactly  does  that  phrase 
mean? 

Originally  the  term  "coat  of  mail"  meant  a  coat  or 
shirt  of  chain  mail  covering  the  wearer  from  neck  to  knees. 
This  garment,  however,  had  many  disadvantages,  and  had 
been  superseded  long  before  Coronado's  time  —  at  least 
in  military  circles  — >  by  a  coat  of  plate  or  cuirass.  This 


110          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

defence  was  commonly,  though  erroneously,  called  by  the 
name  of  its  predecessor,  a  usage  perhaps  not  unreasonable, 
as  it  served  the  same  purpose,  but  certainly  confusing  to 
one  in  search  of  really  accurate  knowledge.  Even  the  term 
"coat  of  plate"  is  not  as  accurate  as  might  be  desired,  for 
in  the  documents  dealing  with  Onate  we  several  times  dis- 
cover that  a  man  in  a  "coat  of  mail"  was  also  wearing 
cuishes  or  thigh-armor.  To  presume  that  Coronado's  caval- 
ry were  similarly  equipped  is  by  no  means  unreasonable, 
anf  if  we  add  to  the  picture  the  protection  for  the  arms 
which  seems  always  to  go  with  the  use  of  cuishes  we  have 
them  outfitted  in  what  is  technically  known  as  three-quar- 
ter armor,  covering  the  wearer  from  neck  to  knee,  from 
which  point  heavy  jack-boots  completed  the  protection. 

The  horses  are  clearly  stated  to  have  been  protected 
by  bardings,  or  long,  loose  draperies  which  hung  from 
the  saddle  and  harness  and  furnished  a  partial  protection 
against  arrows  and  lance-thrusts,  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that  the  horses  of  the  officers  had  additional  protection, 
on  forehead,  chest  and  croup,  from  steel  or  leathern  plates. 

We  have  already  learned  that  the  infantry  were  armed 
with  crossbows  and  muskets,  and  some  with  swords  and 
shields,  and  it  is  almost  a  certainty  that  the  pike,  the  great 
standby  of  European  infantry  could  hardly  have  been  ab- 
sent, while  the  halberd,  the  bill  and  the  poleaxe,  mentioned 
by  Villagra  as  part  of  Onate's  equipment,  must  almost 
necessarily  have  been  included  in  that  of  the  earlier  ex- 
pedition. In  regard  to  the  armor  of  the  infantry  we  are 
left  very  much  in  the  dark,  the  equipment  of  Fulano  de 
Tal2  and  Juan  Comosellama  being  invariably  of  very  little 
consequence  to  any  one  who  wrote  of  heroic  deeds  and  noble 
personages,  so  that  in  this  portion  of  the  field  we  are  pretty 
well  reduced  to  conjecture  and  deduction.  These  uncertain 
turns  offer  us  two  ansv/ers  in  respect  to  armor,  and  of  the 
two  both  may  very  well  be  correct,  as  army  equipment  in 
those  days  was  by  no  means  thoroughly  standardized,  either 


2.      A   Bit   of   the   author's   dry   humor, — Senor    "So   and    So"    and    "Juan    What's 
his  name," — Editors. 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR  111 

as  to  branches  of  the  service  or  even  as  to  undivided  com- 
panies. 

The  question  of  helmets  is  relatively  simple,  as  the 
morion  and  the  pikeman's  pot  were  in  almost  universal  use. 
In  Europe  the  infantryman  was,  when  possible,  equipped 
with  a  leather  jerkin,  a  steel  corselet,  and  (depending  from 
the  latter)  a  pair  of  tuilles,  steel  plates  which  hung  almost 
to  the  knee.  The  New  World,  however,  had  invented  a 
different  type  of  armor  which,  for  New  World  conditions, 
afforded  very  effective  protection.  This  was  a  coat  of 
tightly-quilted  cotton,  covering  the  wearer  to  the  middle  of 
the  thigh,  and  effective  to  a  large  extent  not  only  against 
the  piercing  effect  of  arrows  and  lances  but  also  against 
the  crushing  blows  of  clubs  and  stone-hammers.  The 
Spaniards  found  this  type  of  armor  in  use  among  the 
Aztecs,  and  it  is  hardly  to  be  doubted  that  its  advantages 
in  lightness,  mobility  and  relative  coolness  caused  its  adop- 
tion to  a  considerable  extent.  So  great  an  authority  as 
Charles  F.  Lummis  speaks  of  its  use  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  the  probability  that  at  least  some  of  Coronado's  in- 
fantry wore  it  is  reasonably  strong. 

The  artillery  of  the  whole  First  Period  was  fearfully 
crude,  inaccurate  and  undependable,  and  in  general  more 
effective  in  its  terrifying  sound  than  in  its  actual  destruc- 
tive power,  though  Villagra  does  report  an  instance,  in 
the  great  Acoma  fight,  where  a  pedrero  liberally  loaded  with 
spikes  did  very  respectable  execution. 

Ofiate's  expedition  is,  in  general,  by  far  the  best  docu- 
mented of  the  First  Period,  but  unfortunately  the  careless 
terminology  of  the  writers  has,  from  our  point  of  view, 
spoiled  or  made  very  difficult  much  of  what  they  tried  to 
convey.  Onate's  contract  specifies  a  large  number  of  mili- 
tary articles  to  be  provided,  among  which  we  find  leather 
shields,  lances,  halberds,  coats  of  mail,  cuishes,  helmets 
with  beavors,  horse-armor,  arquebuses,  swords,  daggers, 
complete  corselets"  —  i.  e.,  suits  of  full  armor  —  war- 
saddles  and  leathern  jackets,  and  his  competitor,  Don  Pedro 
Ponce  de  Leon  offers,  in  addition,  steel  shields  and  cross- 


112          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

bows.  We  also  learn  from  the  papers  of  De  Leon  that  flint 
arquebuses  were  used  in  the  Indies,  and  that  matchlocks 
were  waning-  in  popularity.  Dr.  Santiago  del  Riego,  in  a 
letter  to  the  King  regarding  Onate's  expedition,  says  of 
the  cavalry  that  at  least  every  other  man  is  to  have  helmet 
and  beavor,  a  coat  of  mail  with  cuishes,  horse  armor  and 
harguebus.  Vicente  de  Zaldivar  is  mentioned  as  having 
charge  of  seventy  arquebuses,  thirty  muskets  (probably 
match-lock),  a  hundred  coats  of  mail,  a  hundred  pair  of 
cuishes  and  fifty  leathern  jackets  or  hides  for  making  them. 
The  manifest  of  personal  property  taken  by  Don  Luis  de 
Velasco  adds  little  to  the  list  of  major  military  articles, 
but  is  interesting  in  its  mention  of  such  minor  ones  as 
powder-horn,  priming-horn,  screws  for  drawing  defective 
charges,  bullet-molds,  and  keys  for  winding  up  the  locks 
of  the  wheellock  arquebuse,  (an  item  which  has  evidently 
puzzled  translators  because  of  the  change  in  the  modern 
use  of  the  term  "Have." 

From  the  whole  mass  of  detail  furnished  we  may  as- 
semble the  conclusion  that  the  officers  were  armed  and 
armored  much  as  those  of  Coronado,  and  that  the  cavalry 
too,  had  changed  little  from  the  earlier  day  except  as  to 
being  armed  with  arquebuses.  As  to  the  infantry  we  are 
again  left  in  the  dark,  the  probability  being  that  this  arm 
of  the  service  in  Onate's  expedition  was  made  up  chiefly  of 
Thascalan  Indians.  Villagra,  in  Canto  xxvn  of  his  "His- 
tlascalan  Indians.  Villagra,  in  Canto  XXVII  of  his  "His- 
tory" gaves  a  fairly  complete  summary  of  the  weapons  mem- 
tioned  by  the  other  writers  quoted,  but  even  he,  complete 
and  even  verbose  as  he  generally  is,  has  nothing  to  say  of 
the  infantry. 

The  accompanying  plates  recapitulate  and  illustrate 
the  material  dealt  with  up  to  this  point,  and  to  some  ex- 
tent clarify  the  meaning  of  the  terms  used. 

In  Plate  I  we  have  a  group  of  swords  of  the  16th  cen- 
tury, numbers  1  and  4  being  used  by  the  infantry  numbers, 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR 


113 


2  and  3  by  either  mounted  or  dismounted  officers  and  re- 
quiring a  certain  knowledge  of  fencing  to  be  managed  ef- 
fectively. 

Plate  II  show  a  group  of  staff  weapons,  so  called 
because  affixed  to  the  end  of  a  staff  five  to  eight  feet  long. 
Number  1,  a  halberd,  was  in  theory  a  very  dangerous  weap- 
on, as  it  offered  possibilities  of  attack  with  the  cutting 
edge,  the  hammer,  hook  or  spike  opposite  the  blade,  and 
the  pike-point  at  the  top.  In  practice  it  survived  longer 
than  some  of  its  contemporaries,  but  was  outlived  by  both 
the  lance  and  pike,  illustrated  by  numbers  3  and  2  respec- 
tively. Both  of  these  latter  were  used  for  the  thrust  only, 
but  the  lance  was  for  the  use  of  cavalry  while  the  pike  was 
purely  an  infantry  weapon.  Numbers  4  and  5,  the  poleaxe 
and  bill,  were  also  for  dismounted  men.  Designed  to  crush 
and  shear  through  armor,  both  were  exceedingly  heavy 
and  developed  great  force  in  the  hands  of  a  skilled  bearer, 
but  that  fearsome  individual  had  to  be  allowed  liberal 
elbow-room  when  in  action  or  friends  were  likely  to  suf- 
fer equally  with  foes. 


114 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR 


115 


Plate  III  shows  a  series  of  projectile  weapons  which, 
in  date  of  invention,  cover  a  great  span  of  centuries  yet 
all  saw  use  together  during  the  First  Period  of  our  dis- 
cussion. Numbers  I  and  IA,  crossbows,  represent  the 
chief  projectile  weapon  of  the  European  continent  through- 
out the  Middle  Ages.  Bow  number  I  was  cocked  by  the 


116          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

oddly  designed  lever  shown  beside  it,  while  IA  submitted 
to  the  slower  but  more  dependable  process  of  tension  pro- 
duced by  the  crank  and  roller  shown,  the  bow  being  held 
upright  by  placing  a  foot  in  the  stirrup  provided  for  the* 
purpose.  Both  weapons  shot  the  short,  heavy  "bolts"  ex- 
emplified by  IB  and  1C,  the  former  being  especially  inter- 
esting because  of  replacing  the  fragile  feathering  by  nar- 
row vanes  of  leather. 

Number  2  on  this  plate,  the  matchlock,  is  one  of  the 
first  successful  types  of  gun.  The  piece  having  been  loaded 
from  the  muzzle,  the  pan  at  the  right  side  of  the  breech 
was  primed  with  fine  powder  which  was  then  jarred  into 
the  flash-passage  by  a  slap  of  the  hand  and  the  piece  was 
then  ready  to  fire.  The  firing  was  accomplished,  as  it  is 
to  this  day,  by  a  pull  of  the  trigger,  but  in  the  case  of  the 
matchlock  the  descending  hammer  carried  actual  fire,  name- 
ly the  lighted  end  of  a  slow-match  (the  slack  dropping 
around  the  gunstock  or  being  carried  in  the  musketeer's 
hand),  resultant  explosion  occurring  with  reasonable  cer- 
tainty inside  about  fifteen  seconds. 

Numbers  3,  4  and  4A  show  the  next  stage  in  gun-in- 
vention, the  wheellock  gun  together  with  an  enlargement 
of  its  peculiar  lock  and  the  key  which  was  used  to  wind 
it.  The  first  step  in  the  manipulation  of  the  wheellock 
was  the  same  as  in  its  predecessor,  to  ram  powder  and  ball 
down  the  muzzle,  and  similarly  the  second  was  to  prime  the 
pan  and  set  the  priming.  Next,  however,  came  an  opera- 
tion peculiar  to  the  wheellock,  that  of  winding.  The  key 
was  fitted  to  the  square  stem  projecting  from  the  center 
of  the  wheel  and  a  powerful  spring  on  the  inner  side  of 
the  lock  plate  was  wound  to  full  compression.  The  key 
was  then  removed  and  the  weapon  was  ready  for  action 
as  soon  as  the  hammer  was  cocked. 

The  wheel  was  either  notched  or  grooved  all  along  its 
circumference,  and  as  may  be  seen,  it  projected  into  the 
pan.  The  pull  of  the  trigger  not  only  snapped  the  flint  held 
in  the  jaws  of  the  hammer  down  on  the  edge  of  the  wheel 
but  also  released  the  coil-spring  so  that  the  wheel  revolved 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR 


117 


against  the  flint  with  great  rapidity  and  force,  insuring 
a  plentiful  shower  of  sparks  and  a  fairly  quick  and  certain 
explosion.  Needless  to  say  there  was  occasionally  more 
explosion  than  was  bargained  for,  owing  largely  to  uneven 
powder  and  an  undue  optimism  as  to  how  big  a  charge  the 
piece  would  carry,  to  say  nothing  of  a  shocking  liberality  in 
the  number  of  bullets  to  a  single  charge.  Villagra  records 
the  use  of  four  slugs  to  the  load  only  because  a  careless 
comrade  of  the  shooter  happened  to  receive  all  four  in  his 
person,  while  the  real  wonder  worthy  of  record  is  that  the 
gun  remained  intact. 

Number  5  shows  the  wheelock  or  dog  pistol,  similar 
in  mechanism  to  the  gun,  but  of  even  clumsier  design,  yet 
adjudged  a  "soveraygne  defense  in  sodayne  onfall  or  sur- 
prysall,  whanne  2  dagges  maye  well  save  thee  thye  lyfe 
twyse  over  ere  a  rappier  canne  bee  drawne." 

Plate  IV  shows  the  headgear  of  the  First  Period,  num- 


ber I  being  the  armet,  or  close-helmet,  used  by  the  officers, 
light,  fairly  comfortable,  and  provided  with  a  movable 
visor.  Numbers  2  and  2A  are  the  helmets  of  the  cavalry, 
2  being  a  salade  with  beavor  and  2A  a  burgonet.  3  and  4 


118 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


are,  respectively,  a  morion  and  a  pot-helmet  (or  pikeman's- 
pot),  both  largely  infantry  armor,  but  not  disdained  by 
officers  on  light  duty.  The  favorite  headgear  of  the  officer 
at  his  ease,  however,  was  the  reenforced  hat  shown 
at  No.  5,  where  the  protection  —  no  less  effective  because 
concealed  —  was  furnished  by  an  iron  band  encircling  the 
head  to  which  were  affixed  two  more,  one  crossing  the 
heiad  from  front  to  back  and  one  from  side  to  side,  all  well 
padded  and  sewn  firmly  inside  the  castor. 

Plate  V  shows  the  full,  the  three-quarter,  and  the  half 


suits  of  armor,  the  last  supplemented  by  a  leathern  jacket 
and  the  addition  of  tuilles.  The  three-quarter  suit  was 
also  pieced  out  with  leather,  as  the  boots  were  of  that  ma- 
terial, furnishing  a  protection  lighter  than  the  greaves  and 
sabbatons  of  the  full  suit  and  of  reasonable  effectiveness. 

By  the  time  our  Second  Period  is  under  way  condi- 
tions in  Europe  had  changed  to  such  an  extent  that  armor 
was  rapidly  fading  from  the  picture,  not  so  much  from 
the  development  of  firearms  as  from  the  introduction  (by 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR  119 

the  Great  Gustavus)  of  the  tactics  of  rapid  movement  and 
the  average  soldier's  perennial  distaste  for  lugging  around 
any  more  than  he  had  to.  For  the  European  soldier  this  was 
no  doubt  all  very  well ;  his  enemy  behaved  according  to 
rigidly  fixed  rules,  moved  on  easily  predictable  lines,  and 
there  was  seldom  a  marked  inequality  between  forces  that 
the  weaker  body  could  not  quickly  offset  by  retreat  to  a 
friendly  city-fort.  For  the  Spaniard  in  the  Southwest  the 
situation  was,  however,  not  the  same.  His  chief  enemy 
fought  according  to  no  rules  at  tall,  moved  in  a  fashion 
absolutely  impossible  to  foretell  from  one  minute  to  the  next 
and  with  a  speed  that  the  Spaniard  could  never  hope  to 
equal  except  in  dreams,  besides  which  the  Spaniard  was 
always  in  the  minority  and  the  distance  between  fortified 
places  was  always  extreme.  The  Spaniard,  then,  still 
needed  armor,  and  the  testimony  of  1680  tells  us  that  he 
needed  it  very  badly  indeed.  Armored  against  the  Indian 
arrows  and  equipped  with  firearms  the  Spaniard  could  still 
cut  his  way  through  swarms  of  Indians,  as  the  garrisons 
of  Santa  Fe  and  Isleta  showed,  but,  when  caught  without 
a  reasonable  supply  of  both,  the  success  of  the  Revolution- 
ists elsewhere  shows  on  what  the  Spanish  strength  depended, 
not  that  the  Spaniards  are  at  all  backward  in  stating  the 
facts  in  the  case,  either  for  Otermin's  papers  are  full  of  re- 
ferences to  the  scarcity  of  both  armor  and  arms  "as 
well  as  the  poor  condition  of  what  little  was  avail- 
able, and  Garcia's  main  reason  for  abandoning  Isleta 
was  the  hope  of  meeting  the  supply  train  from  Old  Mexico 
with  its  store  of  arms  and  munitions.  Even  the  recapture 
of  a  miserably  few  lances  and  leathern  jackets  from  the 
besiegers  of  Santa  Fe  was  a  matter  for  comment  on  Oter- 
min's  part,  and  well  it  might  have  been,  for  a  statement 
laid  before  him  later,  at  the  camp  of  Salinetas,  reveals  that 
out  of  some  2500  persons  present  only  36  men  were  pro- 
vided with  armor  while  most  had  not  even  leathern  jackets ; 
a  sword  and  musket  were  the  arms  of  most  of  the  155  men 
who  were  considered  "fit  for  service"  and  of  that  poor 
array  many  of  the  muskets  are  reported  as  broken  and 


120          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

dangerous  to  shoot.  To  describe  the  equipment  of  the  troops 
by  branches  of  the  service  was  probably  as  much  a  pro- 
blem to  poor  Otermin  as  to  a  more  modern  writer,  for  it 
wras  very  evidently  a  case  of  every  man  making  the  best 
of  what  he  had,  the  cavalryman  trusting  his  tottering 
steed  to  last  out  the  day,  the  infantryman  nursing  his 
broken  gun  with  strips  of  rawhide,  the  offirecrs  encourag- 
ing their  men  with  smiles  frozen  on  their  faces  while  they 
fingered  their  rosaries  in  prayer  for  courage  to  carry  on, 
and  everyone  thinking  of  the  armor  and  weapons  that  the 
Indians  had  captured. 

Of  the  expeditions  made  by  the  governors  between 
Otermin  and  De  Vargas  we  know  very  little  on  the  equip- 
ment side  except  for  the  fact  that  on  his  first  attempt  at 
reconquest  Otermin  supplied  somewhat  the  lack  of  armor 
of  the  conventional  pattern  by  making  some  from  boiled 
ox-hides,  an  ancient  process  which  had  been  obsolete  for 
years.  That  some  of  the  European  improvements  had 
reached  this  country  we  may  infer  from  the  more  frequent 
mention  of  artillery.  Of  the  equipment  of  De  Vargas,  also, 
we  know  little  specifically,  though  we  know  in  general  that 
his  troops  were  considered  well  fitted  out  for  their  work 
and  consisted  chiefly  of  cavalry. 

For  the  period  in  general  we  may  fairly  safely  say  that 
the  cavalry  wore  headpieces  —  usually  the  morion  —  body 
armor  ranging  from  three-quarter  to  the  cuirass  alone, 
and  heavy  leather  gauntlets  and  boots,  the  officers  being 
dressed  much  like  the  men  and  all  armed  with  lance,  sword, 
musket  and  possibly  pistols.  Infantry  seem  to  have  worn 
the  cuirass  and  leathern  jacket  with  morion  or  reenforced 
hat  and  carried  pikes,  halberds  and  muskets,  the  flintlock 
having  pretty  well  superseded  both  match  and  wheellocks. 
Shields  were  still  used  by  both  mounted  and  dismounted 
troops,  being  an  excellent  defense  against  arrows. 

Plate  VI  reveals  the  fact  that  the  swords  of  the  period 
were  rather  monotonously  similar,  all  running  to  the  double 
-edged  blade,  the  cup  guard  and  considerable  length. 
There  was  little  distinction  between  swords  for  military 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR 


121 


use  and  those  for  ordinary  wear,  or  between  the  cavalry 
sword  and  that  of  the  dismounted  man.  The  first  four 
illustrated  all  belong  to  this  more  or  less  standardized  type, 
while  the  fifth,  a  horseman's  blade,  differs  more  in  size  and 
elaboration  than  in  any  essential  detail. 


At  the  top  of  Plate  VII  we  have  the  head  of  a  lance 
(drawn  from  a  specimen  in  the  collections  of  the  Historical 
Society)  and  a  halberd,  these  two  articles  being  very  near- 
ly the  only  staff-weapons  in  common  use  in  the  Second 
Period  as  the  infantry  had  pretty  generally  abandoned  the 
pike,  etc.,  for  the  bayonet,  though  the  halberd  was  retained 
as  the  designation  of  the  sergeant.  Number  I  is  a  flint- 
lock musket  and  number  2  a  pistol  of  similar  mechanism, 
9 


122 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


number  IA  showing  the  singular  type  of  lock  common  to 
both  and  characteristic  of  the  period.  Both  weapons  were 
loaded  from  the  muzzle  and  primed  at  the  pan,  after  which 
the  pan-cover  was  shut  down.  The  piece  being  cocked  and 


the  trigger  pulled,  the  flint  held  in  the  jaws  of  the  hammer 
flew  upon  the  frizzen  (the  rectangular  piece  rising  at  right 
angles  to  the  pan-cover),  forced  open  the  pan  and  struck 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR  123 

a  shower  of  sparks  into  the  priming'.  That  the  jaws  of 
the  hammer  sometimes  served  a  purpose  not  originally 
intended  we  learn  from  the  Otermin  documents,  in  one  of 
which  it  appears  that  an  Indian  prisoner  showed  some  re- 
luctance towards  telling  his  captors  what  he  knew  of  the 
Revolution.  The  governor,  anxious  for  this  man's  testi- 
mony, ordered  a  gun  to  be  brought,  and,  the  flint  being 
removed,  the  thumb  of  the  recalcitrant  Indian  was  placed 
in  the  jaws  of  the  hammer.  A  few  turns  of  the  tightening- 
key  removed  the  reluctance  of  the  witness,  and  the  length 
of  his  deposition  would  suggest  that  he  had  no  desire  for 
a  repetition  of  his  experience. 

The  flint  blunderbuss  shown  in  Number  3  is  not  cert- 
ainly of  the  period  in  question,  the  lock  in  particular,  with 
its  mechanism  chiefly  concealed,  varying  sharply  from 
that  in  the  ])ieces  previously  considered.  The  general 
blunderbuss  type  however,  was  already  well  known  and 
peculiarly  useful  at  short  range  because  of  the  rapid  spread 
of  a  large  charge  of  projectiles,  and  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  blunderbuss  was  known  and  used  here  be- 
fore the  18th  century.  The  spring  bayonet  illustrated 
was  a  common  and  useful  addition  to  both  blunderbuss  and 
pistol  and  was  folded  back  along  the  top  of  the  barrel  when 
not  in  use. 

It  may  be  added  here  that  the  Historical  Society  of 
New  Mexico  is  particularly  fortunate  in  owning  a  number 
of  guns  of  the  type  shown  in  1  and  2.  Especially  ch&r- 
acteristic  of  its  origin  and  era  and  practically  unknown 
outside  the  Spanish  sphere  of  influence,  remarkably  easy 
to  construct,  fit  and  repair,  this  weapon  and  its  lock  are 
almost  an  embodiment  of  the  Spanish  colonist  from  the 
Pueblo  Revolution  to  the  19th  century. 

Plate  VIII  shows  such  armor  of  the  Second  Period  as 
was  developed  in  that  era,  much  armor  having,  beyond  a 
doubt,  continued  in  use  from  the  previous  epoch  as  well. 
No.  1  is  a  morion  of  somewhat  more  effective  design  than 
that  previously  shown,  and  was  used  by  both  mounted  and 
dismounted  troops.  No.  2,  a  suit  of  half-armor,  gives  pro- 


124 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


tection  to  the  upper  arm  and  thigh  as  well  as  the  body, 
the  lower  arm  being  covered  by  elbow-length  gauntlets  of 
heavy  leather  and  the  lower  leg  by  boots  of  similar  con- 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR  125 

struction.  No.  2A  is  half -armor  in  its  simplest  form,  con- 
sisting of  breast  and  back  plates  only,  and  protecting  only 
the  most  vital  organs  of  the  body.  No.  3  is  a  leathern  jack- 
et, reenforced  at  the  shoulder  and  equipped  with  lacings 
at  the  waist  to  give  a  tight  fit  and  so  prevent  folds  or 
wrinkles  in  which  the  point  of  a  weapon  might  catch.  No. 
4  is  a  shield  or  target,  made  of  leather  and  studded  with 
brass  nails.  Metal  shields  of  a  similar  pattern  were  also 
used  to  some  extent,  but  were  less  popular  as  giving  little 
more  protection  to  offset  the  greater  weight. 

The  last  period  to  be  considered  is  not  only  long  but 
one  full  of  change.  Enumeration  of  all  the  changes  thiat 
occurred  would  be  unduly  tiresome,  but  a  brief  survey  of 
the  more  important  ones  is  relevant  to  the  problem  in 
hand.  The  sword  worn  with  civilian  dress  became  lighter 
and  lighter,  and  the  use  of  the  edge  was  more  and  more 
discarded  for  that  of  the  point  until  we  have  the  small- 
sword or  court-sword,  and  at  last  the  civilian  abandons 
the  sword  entirely.  The  military  sword,  on  the  other  hand, 
becomes  somewhat  shorter  and  much  curved  and  we  have 
the  sabre,  using  the  edge  almost  exclusively  and  well  adapt- 
ed to  unskilled  use.  The  lance  becomes  slightly  shorter 
and  considerably  lighter,  and  the  pike  vanishes  from  most 
places  but  is  retained  where  poverty  is  a  governing  factor, 
as  in  our  Southwest.  The  Historical  Society  has,  also,  a 
most  interesting  proof  that  the  bill  had  not  entirely  dis- 
appeared, as  a  Spanish  type  of  sickle,  shaped  much  like 
the  bill,  in  the  collections  in  the  Governors'  Palace  is  so 
constructed  as  to  be  easily  available  for  use  as  such  a  weap- 
on. Home-made  lances  also  were  constructed  here,  the 
author  having  an  excellent  example  the  blade  of  which 
shows  signs  of  having  been  originally  a  file.  The  author 
also  owns  a  stone-headed  club  much  of  the  type  used  by 
the  Indians,  which,  according  to  the  former  owner,  was 
commonly  used  by  the  local  Spaniards  in  fighting  the  Nava- 
joes  and  Comanches.  The  flintlock  continued  to  reign  as 
the  weapon  of  the  regular  forces,  but  towards  the  end  of 
the  period  the  cap-lock  or  percussion-lock  gained  favor 


126          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

among  civilian  users,  while  the  militia  in  New  Mexico  had 
recourse  to  bows  and  arrows  to  an  extent  not  inconsider- 
able, Kendall,  in  his  account  of  the  Texas-Santa  Fe  Expedi- 
tion, mentioning  them  several  times.  Armor,  too,  was 
gradually  disappearing,  but  that  it  was  in  use  here  to  some 
extent  may  be  reasonably  supposed  when  we  learn  that  in 
the  American  Period  teamsters  hauling  hay  along  the  mili- 
tary road  from  the  Valle  Grande  to  Santa  Fe  wrapped 
cowhides  about  their  bodies  as  a  defense  from  the  arrows 
of  raiders. 

On  the  whole,  any  attempt  to  picture  the  military 
equipment  of  this  Final  Period  in  any  fixed  or  even  orderly 
manner  would  be  almost  impossible.  While  regular  troops 
had  a  fairly  definite  requirement  to  meet,  New  Mexico 
had  few  regulars,  and  the  militia  seem  to  have  armed 
themselves  as  best  they  could,  their  weapons  belonging  to 
all  periods  and  many  sources,  as  many  of  the  flint  and 
percussion  guns  of  this  era  were  imported  from  England 
and  Belgium,  as  well  as  a  few  from  the  United  States. 
Artillery,  which  had  been  brought  by  Napoleon  to  a  state 
of  efficiency  not  greatly  exceeded  until  after  our  Civil  War, 
was  of  little  use  in  the  type  of  fighting  common  in  the 
Southwest,  and  there  seem  to  have  been  very  few  pieces 
here. 

Plate  IX  shows  rather  clearly  the  sword  development 
in  the  Final  Period.  Numbers  1  and  2  are  already  lighter 
than  the  earlier  swords;  number  3  is  a  curious  half-way 
marker,  the  portion  nearest  the  hilt  being  wide  to  give 
strength  in  parrying  and  the  lower  two-thirds  of  the  blade 
being  very  narrow  to  give  lightness  and  mobility.  Number 
4  is  the  true  small-sword,  triangular  in  section,  weighing 
barely  a  pound  and  using  the  point  only.  Number  5  is  the 
heavy,  rather  clumsy  sabre  common  to  the  first  half  of 
the  Final  Period,  and  number  6,  a  sabre  of  the  latter  half, 
is  an  example  of  the  increasing  tendency  towards  lightness 
and  mobility. 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR  127 


128 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Plate  X  shows  the  final  group  of  staff  weapons.  Num- 
ber 1  is  the  homemade  lance  already  mentioned.    The  staff 


H 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR 


129 


is  pierced  near  the  balance,  very  evidently  for  a  thong  to 
prevent  loss,  and  the  curiouslj"  shaped  blade  is  so  shaped 
and  edged  as  to  insure  the  infliction  of  a  very  severe  wound. 
Number  2  is  the  combination  of  sickle  and  bill  referred 
to  previously,  and  number  3  the  club  or  macana.  Number 
4  is  a  pike  which  may  be  claimed  as  an  ancestor  of  the 
modern  sword-bayonet,  as  it  has  a  cutting  edge  in  addition 
to  its  point. 


Plate  XI,  number  1,  shows  one  of  the  English-made 
flint  muskets  which  were  imported  into  the  Southwest, 
the  whole  design  and  finish  of  the  piece  showing  marked 
advancement  beyond  the  weapons  of  the  Middle  Period. 
Number  2,  a  pistol  of  the  same  era  as  number  1,  also  shows 


130 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


the  improvement  in  workmanship  and  design  that  a  cen- 
tury or  more  had  brought  forth,  though  the  dangers  of 
more  graceful  construction  are  shown  by  the  broken  frizzen. 
Number  3  is  a  percussion  or  cap-lock  shotgun,  a  piece  in 
which  the  charge,  loaded  still  -from  the  muzzle,  was  fired 


by  the  hammer  exploding  a  bit  of  mercury  fulminate  con- 
tained in  the  head  of  a  small  copper  cap  that  was  fitted 
upon  the  nipple  shown  at  the  breech  of  the  gun. 

Plate  XII  is  really  a  continuation  of  Plate  XI,  showing 


SPANISH  ARMS  AND  ARMOR 


131 


a  cap-lock  pocket-pistol  and ''a  cap-lock  blunderbuss,  the 
latter  from  the  Borrowdale  Collection  and  an  exceptionally 
fine  specimen  of  gunsmithing.  The  dotted  line  along  the 
forestock  gives  a  rough  idea  of  the  lower  line  of  the  barrel. 


Plate  XIII  shows  four  examples  of  early  cannon,  the 
first  being  a  16th  century  piece,  unmounted,  the  second 
a  heavy  gun  of  the  same  century  on  a  field  mount,  the  third 
a  17th  century  piece  and  the  last  an  18th  century  example. 
All  are  markedly  heavy  and  clumsy,  the  chief  item  of  dif- 


132 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


ference  being  that  the  diameter  of  the  bore  increases  as 
time  goes  on. 

Plate  XIV  shows  the  contrast  between  the  First  and 
Final  Periods,  each  of  the  pieces  shown  been  classed  as 
"light  artillery"  in  its  own  century,  the  one  above  belong- 
ing to  the  16th  and  the  lower  to  the  19th.  The  first  weighed 
little  over  two  hundred  pounds  including  the  carriage  and 
could  be  carried  and  operated  by  a  crew  of  four  men.  The 


second  required  a  six-horse  team  and  a  gun  crew  of  six  to 
eight  men,  gun  and  carriage  weighing  about  two  thousand 


SPANISH  ARMS  £ND  ARMOR  133 

pounds.  The  early  piece  had  an  extreme  range  of  about 
500  yards,  the  latter  one  of  2,000  with  reasonable  accuracy. 
Elevation  or  depression  of  the  first  was  obtained  by  slid- 
ing backward  or  forward  the  quoin-block  indicated  by  the 
arrow  marked  "A".  In  the  second  these  operations  were 
performed  by  a  screw-mechanism  which  operated  with 
mathematical  precision,  besides  which  the  gunner's  judg- 
ment of  sighting  was  assisted  by  instruments  devised  for 
the  purpose. 

With  the  coming  of  the  American,  the  Spanish  influ- 
ence in  the  Southwest  soon  vanishes,  so  far  at  least  as  arms 
and  kindred  articles  are  concerned,  and  with  the  Ameri- 
can's devices  of  this  nature  we  are  not  here  concerned, 
since  they  have  been  dealt  with  elsewhere  and  by  more 
capable  hands.  The  story  of  the  arms  and  equipment  of 
the  Spaniard,  however,  is  no  more  than  opened  by  the 
present  discussion,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  with  the 
searching  of  more  manuscripts  and  the  discovery  and  re- 
cognition of  more  actual  early  specimens  it  may  some  day 
appear  in  the  full  and  detailed  fashion  to  which  its  im- 
portance entitles  it. 


134          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO 
Chapter  XI 

The  End  of  Onate's  Reign 

Escobar  Goes  to  Mexico  for  Aid.  With  the  completion 
of  the  expedition  to  California  Onate's  dream  of  reaching 
the  sea  had  at  last  been  realized.  A  fine  port  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Colorado  river  had  been  discovered,  and  it  was  "so 
large,"  says  Father  Zarate,  "that  more  than  a  thousand 
vessels  can  anchor  in  it  without  hindrance  to  one  another/" 
Moreover  great  numbers  of  peaceful  Indians  lived  in  the 
region  traversed.  These  would  provide  a  splendid  field 
for  missionary  activity,  and  this  was  not  unimportant.  In 
sent  to  report  to  the  viceroy." 7  But  hold !  Escobar  did  not 
bar,  at  the  request  of  all  the  settlers  in  New  Mexico,  was 
sent  to  report  to  the  vicery.057  But  hold !  Escobar  did  not 
go  alone.  Ofiate  accompanied  him,  going  as  far  as  San 
Bartolome  before  reporting  his  presence  or  purpose  to  the 
viceroy.""'"  It  was  of  no  avail,  however,  to  seek  a  personal 
audience  with  the  king's  representative.  Montesclaros  im- 
mediately ordered  him  back  to  New  Mexico,6'"'0  and  he  had 
to  be  content  with  the  efforts  of  others  in  his  behalf. 

The  Firm  Opposition  of  Montesclaros.  If  Montesclaros 
had  reported  unfavorably  on  New  Mexico  when  he  first 
studied  the  condition  of  the  province,  the  new  reports  sent 
by  Onate  regarding  the  sea  did  nothing  but  confirm  his 
convictions.  He  felt  that  any  good  which  might  come  from 
it  could  only  be  obtained  by  large  investments  which  the 
crown  must  provide.  To  any  such  program  his  opposition 
was  set. 

Further,  just  before  Escobar  arrived  Montesclaros  had 


656.  Zarate's    Relation,    in    Bolton,    Spanish   Exploration,    277. 

657.  Carta  d  su  Magestad  el  rey  del  cabildo  secular,  June  29,  1605.  A.  G.  I..  59-1-1. 

658.  Copia  da  carta  de  Don  Juan  de  Onate  al  Marques  de  Montesclaros,   August 
7,    1605.    A.    G.    I.,    58-3-9. 

659.  Copia  de  carta  del  Marques  de  Montesclaros   .     .     .     d  Don  Jaun  de   Ofiati, 
September   1,    1605.    A.    G.    I..   68-3-9. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  135 

been  compelled  to  send  two  friars,  and  supplies  for  three 
others,  to  New  Mexico  under  an  escort  of  twenty-four 
soldiers  with  half  a  year's  pay.  Such  reinforcements,  he 
informed  the  king,  would  have  to  be  sent  continually.™' 
Now  came  more  requests  for  assistance.  If  the  fortifica- 
tion of  the  newly  discovered  port  should  be  attempted  that 
would  involve  enormous  expense.  Montesclaros  believed 
that  the  poverty  of  the  northern  country  was  steadily  be- 
coming clearer.  Referring  to  Oiiate's  recent  expedition  to 
California  he  exclaimen :  "Nothing  but  naked  people,  false 
bits  of  coral,  and  four  pebbles,"  were  found.0"'  He  there- 
fore recommended  that  a  garrison  of  only  six  or  eight 
soldiers  should  be  left  to  guard  the  friars,  and  that  a 
thorough  exploration  should  be  made  of  the  gulf  to  see  if 
any  port  suitable  for  the  Philippine  service  might  exist. 
"May  your  m.ajesty  provide  what  is  most  suitable.  I  shall 
not  make  another  move  in  this  matter  without  specific 
orders,  for  I  actually  go  against  my  judgment.""'" 

The  Council  Recalls  0-nate—  The  opposition  of  the  new 
viceroy  soon  had  the  desired  effect  on  the  Council  of  the 
Indies.  Early  in  1606  it  reconsidered  the  affairs  relating 
to  New  Mexico  and  what  had  taken  place  during  the  past 
five  years.  The  Council  looked  at  the  question  in  a  very 
practical  manner.  In  view  of  the  questionable  conduct  of 
Onate,  Zaldivar,  and  a  number  of  captains  in  various  in- 
stances, and  in  view  of  the  poverty  of  the  land  and  its  naked 
and  primitive  inhabitants,  it  recommended  that  Montes- 
claros be  definitely  instructed  to  discontinue  the  conquest 
of  New  Mexico,  to  recall  Onate  for  some  good  cause,  dis- 
band his  soldiers,  and  detain  him  in  Mexico,  to  appoint  a 
reliable  arid  Christian  governor  in  his  place  who  would 


660.  Carta  del  Marques  de  Montesclaros  d  S.  M.,  October  28,  1605.  A.  G.  I., 
58-3-15.  The  names  of  the  friars  are  not  given. 

(561.  The  four  pebbles  refer  to  some  colored  stones  which  had  been  brought 
back  by  Oiiate's  men  for  examination. 

662.  Carta  del  Marques  de  Montesclaros  d  S.  M.,  October  28,  1605.  At  the 
same  time  Don  Alonso  de  Onate,  who  was  now  back  in  Mexico,  appealed  to  the 
king  for  paid  soldiers  in  order  that  the  province  be  not  abandoned.  Carta  d  S.  M., 
de  Don  Alonso  de  Onate,  October  29.  1605.  A.  G.  I.,  59-1-1. 


136          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

favor  the  conversion  of  the  natives,  and  to  permit  only  the 
friars  to  make  further  explorations.  Moreover  the  Coun- 
cil agreed  that  the  visitador  going  to  New  Spain  be  empow- 
ered to  investigate  the  crimes  attributed  to  Onate  and  his 
various  captains.003  It  was  a  sweeping  program,  marking 
a  complete  change  in  the  vacillating  policy  which  had  been 
followed  in  regard  to  Oriate  since  the  charges  of  misconduct 
h^ad  been  made  against  him.  The  king  gave  his  royal 
sanction  to  the  new  policy.0'34 

These  recommendations  were  not  promulgated  im- 
mediately. But  on  June  17,  1606,  a  cedula  was  dispatched 
to  Montesclaros,  embodying  the  Council's  plans.605  At  the 
same  time  a  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  the 
licentiate  Diego  Landeras  de  Velasco,  was  authorized  to 
investigate  thoroughly  the  crimes  said  to  have  been  per- 
petrated by  Onate  and  others,  and  to  pronounce  sentence. 
Appeal  to  the  Council  was  to  be  permitted.006 

Onate's  Resignation,  August  24,  1607.  Before  these 
developments  wrere  known  in  New  Mexico0137  a  complete 
change  had  come  over  the  little  settlement.  Onate  at  length 
realized  that  nothing  would  be  gained  by  remaining,  for  the 
meager  reinforcements  he  had  received  clearly  indicated 
that  royal  support  on  a  large  scale  would  never  be  given. 
For  that  reason  he  determined  to  give  up  the  project  and 
to  return  to  Mexico.  On  August  24,  1607,  his  letter  of 
resignation  was  tendered.  Therein  he  informed  the  viceroy 
that  "the  coming  of  the  missionaries  and  the  maestre  de 
campo  with  so  few  people  caused  such  dismay  among  those 
who  were  in  this  real"  that  strenuous  efforts  were  necessary 
to  preserve  the  settlement.  Onate  had  not  given  up  hope 
of  the  promised  aid,  in  order  to  take  advantage  of  the 


6G3._  Consulta  acerca  de  lo  que  ha  parecido  o  acreca  de  los  cxcesos  de  Don  Juan 
de  Onate  y  descubrimiento  del  Nuevo  Mexico,   January    19,    1606.   A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22. 

664.  Royal  decree   in   response   to   ibid. 

665.  Real  cedula  al  Marques  de  Montesclaros,  June  17,  1606.  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs., 
413-415. 

666.  Real  cedula  al  licenciado  Diego  Landeras,  June  17,  1606.  *A.  G.  I.,  87-5-1. 

667.  Such  seems  to  be  the  case,   though   there   was   time   enough   for  the   cedula 
to    reach    New    Mexico. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  137 

glorious  reports  from  the  interior  and  of  which  he  was 
sending-  an  account,  but  the  soldiers  were  so  wearied  and, 
"they  have  lived  on  hopes  so  long  that  they  neither  do  nor 
can  wait  any  longer."  The  friars,  Onate  reported,  did  not 
dare  continue  baptizinz  till  it  was  seen  what  was  to  be  done 
with  the  region.  He  and  his  relatives  had  spent  over  four 
hundred  thousand  pesos  and  were  unable  to  keep  up  the 
game  any  longer.  Moreover  as  it  was  important  that  the 
fruits  of  the  eleven  years  of  labor  in  extending  the  king's 
dominions  and  converting  the  natives  be  not  lost,  wrhich  was 
after  all  the  principal  object,  he  had  determined  to  resign 
in  order  that  a  man  able  to  carry  on  his  work  might  be 
appointed.  If  this  should  not  be  done  by  the  end  of  June, 
1608,  and  the  settlers  had  required  this  to  be  put  in  writing, 
he  would  be  obliged  to  give  them  permission  to  leave  New 
Mexico.605 

The  latter  had  drawn  up  a  similar  report.  From  the  time 
Onate's  army  was  organized  in  1595,  they  had  been  sub- 
jected to  continual  expenses.  They  had  suffered  the  great- 
est hardships  and  risks  and  were  ruined  in  fortune.  Hope 
in  the  country  beyond  had  not  been  lost.  They  still  believed 
that  the  dominions  of  his  majesty  might  be  greatly  ex- 
tended there.  But  they  had  been  reduced  to  a  condition 
of  such  extreme  necessity  that  it  was  impossible  to  remain. 
The  colonists  accordingly  agreed  to  Onate's  resignation, 
and  requested  the  king  that  a  man  of  means  be  appointed 
in  his  place,  or  aid  from  the  royal  treasury  be  extended 
him.  The  alternative  was  the  desertion  of  the  settlement 
by  June  30,  1608,  "for  there  will  not  be  anyone  able  to  wait 
a  day  longer."669 


668.  Copia  de  una  carta  que  el  gobernador  Don  Juan  de  Onate  scrivio  al  virrci- 
mi  senor  desde   el  real  de  San   Graviel  del  Nuevo  Mexico  a   veinte   de   Agosto   demill 
y  seiscientos  y   ocho    [siete]    aiios.      A   .    G.   I.,    58-3-16.      Before   writing   this    chapter 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  reading   Professor  Bolton's  article,   The   Last   Years  of  Onate'i: 
Rule   and   the   Founding   of   Santa   Fe,    MS. 

669.  Copia  de  carta   que  la  justicia  y   regimiento  y  demas   soldodos   <jue   asisten 
en  San  Graviel  del  Nuevo  Mexico  escrivieron  al  virrey  mi  senor  en  veinte  y  quatro  t?-1 
Agosto   de    1607   aiios.    A.    G.    I. 

10 


138          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

When  these  reports  were  received  in  Mexico  Montes- 
claros  was  no  longer  viceroy.  In  his  place  had  returned 
the  same  Velasco  who  had  initiated  the  Onate  expedition 
in  1595.670  He  now  held  a  junta  of  three  members  of  the 
audiencia  to  consider  the  recent  dispatches  from  New  Mex- 
ico. The  decision  of  this  conference  was  to  accept  Ofiate's 
resignation,  as  that  was  in  accordance  with  previous  orders 
to  Montesclaros.871  But  Onate  was  cautioned  not  to  leave 
without  further  orders,  which  should  be  in  his  hands  be- 
fore the  end  of  December,  1609,  at  the  latest.  To  depart 
earlier  would  make  him  liable  for  desertion.672  The  reason 
for  detaining  him  a  while  longer  was  that  the  king  had  to 
be  consulted  on  some  doubtful  points.  The  junta  further 
recommended  that  eight  soldiers,  paid  by  the  crown,  be  sent 
to  New  Mexico  with  these  messages,  and  that  Father 
Ximenez,  who  had  recently  returned  from  New  Mexico, 
be  authorized  to  go  with  them.  This  party  was  also  to 
bring  some  provisions  for  the  colony  till  its  fate  was  defi- 
nitely decided.673 

Juan  Martinez  de  Montoya  Replaces  Onate.  It  was 
now  necessary  to  choose  some  one  to  act  as  governor  of 
New  Mexico.  There  was  no  rush  of  wealthy  applicants 
as  there  had  been  in  1595,  and  Velasco  chose  one  of  Ofiate's 
captains,  Juan  Martinez  de  Montoya,  to  serve  in  that  capac- 
ity as  long  as  it  might  seem  desirable.  He  was  instructed 
to  promote  the  settlement  and  assist  in  the  conversion  of 
the  natives.  Further  entradas  against  hostile  Indians  were 
prohibited.  Only  the  missionaries  were  permitted  to  ven- 
ture forth,  and  this  only  in  case  there  were  sufficient  friars 


670.  Don   Luis   de   Velasco's   second   term   as   viceroy   of   New   Spain   lasted   from 
1607   till   1611.      Priestley,      The   Mexican   Nation,    146. 

671.  Auto   of   January    18,    1608,    in    Titulo   de   gobcrnador   de   las   provincias    del 
Nuevo  Mexico  en  Juan  Martinez  de  Montoya,  February  27,   1608.     A.   G.   I.,   58-3-16. 

672.  Copia  de  una  provision  real   por  la   qual   se   manda   a   Don  Juan  de   Onate 
no  saiga  de  las  provincias  de  la  Nueva  Mexico  por  el  tiempo  que   en  etla  se   conliene 
sin   hordcn  de   su  Magcstad,    February   27,    1608.    A.    G.    I.,    58-3-16. 

673.  Auto  of  January  18,  1603,  in  Titulo  de  gobcrnador  ...    en  Juan  Martinez 
dc  Montoya,   February   27,    16C8.     A   little  later  food,   cattle,   and   clothes   were   sent  to 
New  Mexico.      See   Carta   de   Don  Luis  de   Velasco   d  S.   M.,   June   20,    1608.    A.    G.    I., 
53-3-16. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  139 

to  minister  to  the  natives  who  were  peaceful  and  obedient. 
With  Onate  the  new  governor  was  to  remain  on  good  terms, 
seek  his  experienced  advice,  and  "honor  and  respect  him 
in  view  of  his  quality  and  age.."074 

The  above  order  was  evidently  opposed  by  Father 
Ximenez  because  of  the  prohibition  on  further  entradas. 
He  informed  the  viceroy  that  the  Spaniards  and  Christian 
Indians  were  regularly  harassed  by  the  Apaches,  who  des- 
troyed and  burned  the  pueblos,  waylaid  and  killed  the  na- 
tives, and  stole  the  horses  of  the  Spaniards.  In  order  to 
continue  the  conversion  and  uphold  the  reputation  of  the 
Spanish  arms  it  was  necessary  that  permission  be  given 
to  quell  such  disturbances.  To  meet  this  need  Velasco 
revoked  that  part  of  his  order  which  made  a  resort. to  arms 
unlawful,  and  granted  the  desired  privilege.67 

New  Mexico  in  the  Balance.  It  was  a  serious  question 
in  1608,  whether  New  Mexico  should  be  retained  as  past 
of  the  Spanish  Empire,  or  whether  it  should  be  given  up 
as  an  extravagant  and  unprofitable  possession.  On  March 
7,  1608,  Velasco  had  made  a  detailed  report  to  the  crown 
on  the  state  of  affairs  in  New  Mexico.670  At  that  time  Fray 
Lazaro  Ximenez  wras  in  New  Spain.  He  came  as  the  agent 
of  the  entire  colony  at  San  Gabriel,  religious  and  soldiers 
alike,  and  requested,  in  the  name  of  all,  that  permission 
be  given  to  leave  the  province,  or  that  sufficient  succor, 
both  of  men  and  provisions,  be  supplied  for  their  relief. 
Father  Ximenez  was  closely  questioned  by  the  officials  in 
Mexico  and  they  were  impressed  by  his  good  bearing.  He 
summed  up  the  reasons  for  desiring  to  leave  New  Mexico, 
and  they  were  of  the  following  nature.  The  harvest  of 
souls  had  been  small  and  was  likely  to  continue  thus  be- 
cause of  the  hostility  of  the  natives.  The  religious  had 


674.  Titulo  dc  gobernador  ...     en  Juan  Martinez  de  Montoya. 

675.  Mandamiento    para    que    el    gobernador    de    la,    Nuevo    Mexico    conforme    al 
numero    de   gentc   y   armas    que    obiere   en    aquel   presidio    procure    que    ande   squadra 
que   acuda   al   rernedio   de   los   daiios   que   liacer   los   yndios   Apaches   de   guerra   en   los 
amiyos   y   cavallada  dc   Spanoles,   etc.,   March   6,,    1608.    A.    G.    I.,    58-3-16. 

G76.      A    full   summary   of   it   is   given    in   El   Conscjo   de   Indias   d   S.    M.,   July    2, 
1608.      A.    G.    I.,    1-1-3/22. 


140          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

shown  little  disposition  to  learn  the  numerous  native  lang- 
uages. It  was  not  only  difficult,  but  practically  impossible, 
to  bring  supplies  from  Mexico  because  of  the  distance  and 
the  expense.  Soliders  would  not  serve  voluntarily  in  New 
Mexico,  for  there  was  no  hope  of  gain.  Consequently  it 
cost  between  450  and  500  pesos  each  to  maintain  them  there. 
No  gold  or  silver  mines  had  been  discovered,  it  was  a  barren 
land  altogether. 

The  Council  of  the  Indies  considered  the  whole  project 
carefully  and  recommended  in  effect  that  New  Mexico  be 
abandoned.077  There  was  just  one  thing  which  caused  some 
hesitation.  Was  it  right  to  desert  the  province  without 
making  some  provision  for  the  Christian  Indians  ?  It  seemed 
unjust  to  desert  them,  and  to  remove  them  bodily  to  some 
other  province  would  cause  great  hardship  and  suffering. 
No  final  decision  was  made  by  the  Council,  but  it  recom- 
mended that  they  remain  in  New  Mexico  if  some  mission- 
aries would  stay  there  voluntarily,  otherwise  the  Indians 
would  have  to  be  removed,  either  of  their  own  will  or  by 
force.  If  they  were  moved  they  would  be  exempt  from 
paying  tribute  for  twenty  years.  In  case  these  suggestions 
failed  theologians  and  jurists  in  Mexico  should  be  consulted 
as  to  whether  it  was  better  to  leave  the  converts  to  revert 
to  heathenism,  or  to  remove  them  by  force  and  save  their 
souls.67S 

The  question  of  removing  the  converts  and  abandon- 
ing the  province  took  a  new  turn  late  in  1608.  Father 
Ximenez,  who  had  gone  to  San  Gabriel  that  spring,  had 
returned,  evidently  early  in  December,  bringing  enthusi- 
astic reports  of  the  progress  made  that  summer.  Instead 
of  four  hundred  converts  there  were  now  said  to  be  seven 
thousand.  He  also  brought  some  samples  of  ore  to  be  tested 
for  their  silver  content.  This  news  compelled  the  viceroy 
to  consider  the  question  anew,  but  he  noted  that  the  saving 
of  souls  was  the  biggest  return  which  could  be  expected 


677.  Ibid.    Embodied  in  a  formal  cedula  on  September  13,   1608.  A.  G.'l..  58-3-16. 

678.  Ibid. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  141 

from  the  province  for  some  time.  As  it  was  without  gold 
or  silver  it  would  therefore  have  to  be  supported  by  the 
crown,  "because  no  one  comes  to  the  Indies  to  labor  and 
plow,  but  only  to  idle  and  eat."079 

Neiv  Mexico  Retained  by  Spain.  This  unexpected  de- 
velopment caused  the  king"  to  suspend  the  orders  of  July 
2  and  September  13,  1608,  giving  up  the  region,  but  he 
warned  "that  in  no  case  can  it  be  allowed  that  this  entrada 
be  made  by  the  soldiers  or  as  a  conquest."880  The  province 
was  now  taken  under  the  patronage  of  the  crown,csl  and 
Torquemada  joyfully  wrote:  "and  thus  we  understand  that 
the  conversion  will  now  be  a  success,  and  there  was  needed 
an  arm  as  powerful  as  is  that  of  the  King  our  Lord."6' 

In  accordance  with  the  king's  wish  not  to  give  up  New 
Mexico  Velasco  called  into  conference  the  licentiates  Don 
Pedro  de  Otalora,  Diego  Nunez  Morquecho,  and  Doctor 
Juan  Quesada  de  Figueroa,  of  the  audiencia,  to  consider 
the  reinforcements  which  would  have  to  be  provided.  It 
was  the  decision  of  this  group  to  maintain  about  fifty 
vecinos  in  New  Mexico.  There  were  then  sixty  there,  it 
was  stated,  and  thirty  of  these  were  to  be  armed.  For  the 
present  it  was  determined  to  send  twelve  soldiers  on  one 
year's  pay  to  the  province  and  to  provide  the  arms  necessary 


679.  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  d  S.  M.,  December  17,   1608.  A.  G.  I..   58-3-16.     There 
were   others    who   objected   to   giving   up    New   Mexico.      Fray    Francisco    de    Velasco 
humbly   petitioned    the   king   not   to   abandon    the    province,    but   to   erect    a    custodia 
there    instead,    and    to    reward    the    inhabitants    of    the    land.      His    reasons    for    not 
abandoning   the   land   were   as   follows.      The   fruits   of   Onate's    eleven    years    of   labor 
would    be    lost ;    the    Picuries,    Taos,    Pecos    and    Apache    Indians    were    seeking    the 
friendship    of    the    Spaniards ;    the    tribes    near   the    Spaniards    considered    them    self 
seekers,   and   if  they   deserted   this   would   be   true ;   the   friars   had   promised   the   na- 
tives security   in  their  land   and   homes   and   religious   instruction ;   there   was   a   great 
stretch    of   territory    beyond    New    Mexico    which    provided    unlimited    possibilities    for 
missionary    work ;    there    was    the    question    of    deserting    the    Christian    natives :    and 
finally    Velasco   said   there   were   over    30.000    natives    in    more   than    100    pueblos    who 
might   be   reached   by   the   friars.      Memorial   de   Fray   Francisco   de    Velasco   d   S.    M.. 
February    13.    1609.      A.    G.    I..    59-1-5.      It   was   evidently    written    in    Mexico. 

680.  Royal    decree    in    Viceroy    Velasco's    report    to    the    king    of    December    17. 
1608.      The   order   was    formally   dispatched    May    16,    1609.      Lo   que   se   respondio   al 
virrey  de  Nueba  Spana  en  16  de  Mayo  de  609  cerca  de  las  cosas  del  Nuebo  Mexico. 
A.   G.   I..   58-3-16. 

681.  The    royal    cedula   to   that    effect    was    not    issued    till    November    1,    1609. 
A.  G.  I.,  87-5-2. 

682.  Torquemada,    Monarchia    Indiana,    I,    678. 


142          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

for  ten  more.  To  carry  on  the  work  of  conversion  it  was 
determined  to  send  six  missionaries  and  two  lay  brothers, 
with  everything  necessary  for  the  journey,  all  at  the  king's 
cost.6*3  With  such  provision  for  continuing  the  work  begun 
in  New  Mexico  by  Onate,  Torquemada  had  cause  for  jubi- 
lation. 

Disobedience  in  San  Gabriel.  In  the  meantime  the 
colony  at  San  Gabriel  was  anxiously  awaiting  the  order  to 
depart.  Since  Montoya  had  been  named  governor,  Onate 
finally  received  permission  to  return  to  seek  compensation 
for  his  services,884  but  the  rest  of  the  settlement  had  to 
stay.685  When  the  new  governor  presented  his  commission 
in  the  cabildo,  it  is  interesting  to  note,  he  was  not  per- 
mitted to  exercise  the  duties  of  his  office,  for  reasons  which 
the  colonists  considered  sufficient.  They  then  turned  about 
and  elected  their  former  governor,  Onate,  but  he  declined 
to  accept.  Following  his  refusal  the  colonists  in  cabildo 
abierto,  or  town  meeting,  chose  his  son,,  Don  Cristobal, 
who  acted  as  governor  for  a  time. 

With  this  arrangement  the  viceroy  and  his  advisers 
were  not  satisfied.  Don  Cristobal  was  too  young  and  inex- 
perienced, "and  they  say  he  scarcely  knows  how  to  read 
and  write."  Nor  did  he  possess  the  wealth  necessary  to 
develop  the  land.  The  king  was  informed  that  a  governor 
with  suitable  salary  would  have  to  be  provided,  and  the 
viceroy  added  that  he  was  searching  for  a  suitable  candi- 
date.8sa  These  decisions  were  duly  approved  by  the  royal 
Council.  It  permitted  Velasco  to  name  the  governor's  sal- 


ess.     Aucto  sobre  lo  que  se  ha  mandado  que  lleven  al  Nueva  Mexico  los  padres 
Fray  Ldzaro  Ximenez  y  Fray   Ysidro  Ordonez,   January   29,    1609.   A.   G.    I.,    58-3-16. 

684.  Licencia   a   Don  Juan   de   Onate,    January   29,    1609.      A.    G.    I.,    58-3-16. 

685.  When   Peralta   was  going  to   New  Mexico   he   was   instructed  to   permit   no 
one   to   leave   the   province   except   those   absolutely    necessary    for    Onate's    safety    on 
the   trip   to   Mexico.      Lo   ultimamente   proveydo   sobre    que   se   conserbe   la   poblacion 
de  la  Nueva  Mexico,   September  28,   1609.   A.   G.   I.,    58-3-16. 

686.  Don  Luis  de   Velasco   a   S.   M.,   February   13,    1609.      A.    G.   I.,    58-3-16.    Cf. 
Carta  a  S.  M.  del  fiscal  Don  Francisco  de  Leoz  [February  2,  1609].  A.  G.  I.,  58-5-12. 
The   fiscal   states   that   it   was   the   interior   rather   than   the   South    Sea   which    Onate 
wanted   to   explore.      One   of   the   regions   he   had   heard   of   was   the   kingdom   of   los 
aijaoz. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  143 

ary  and  thanked  him  "for  the  zeal  with  which  he  manages 
the  things  for  the  service  of  the  Lord  and  the  exaltation 
of  the  faith."687 

Don  Pedro  Peralta  Becomes  Governor.  Before  March 
5,  1609,  the  viceroy  chose  Don  Pedro  de  Peralta  to  take 
Onate's  place  in  New  Mexico/88  His  appointment  marks 
a  new  step  in  the  development  of  the  province.  The  day 
of  the  get-rich-quick  adelantado  was  over,  and  a  settled 
policy  of  gradual  development  at  royal  expense  was  inau- 
gurated. The  viceroy  particularly  impressed  Peralta  with 
the  necessity  of  favoring  the  conversion  of  the  natives  and 
avoiding  expeditions  against  those  Indians  that  had  not 
yet  been  pacified.  Only  the  friars  were  to  be  permitted 
to  visit  such  tribes.  In  the  same  manner  he  was  urged 
to  found  the  new  capital  which  had  been  discussed,  in  order 
that  the  colonists  might  live  with  greater  security  and  reg- 
ularity. Peralta  was  given  a  salary  of  two  thousand  pesos,689 
and  the  sixteen  soldiers  who  were  to  accompany  him  were 
paid  four  hundred  and  fifty  pesos  each.  Some  of  these  had 
been  in  New  Mexico  before.690 

Instructions  to  Peralta.  Peralta  was  instructed  to 
leave  Mexico  city  in  the  shortest  time  possible  and  to  waste 
no  time  on  the  march  as  it  was  of  great  importance  that 
he  reach  New  Mexico  quickly.891  Having  arrived  in  the  new 
land  he  was  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  conditions  there 
and  "before  everything  else  carry  out  the  founding  and 
establishing  of  the  villa  contemplated."  He  was  to  permit 


687.  El   Consejo   de   Indias   a   S.    M.,    September    10,    1609.     A.    G.    I.,    1-1-3/22. 

688.  Libramiento  a  16  soldados  para  el  Nuevo  Mexico,  March  5,   1609.  A.   G.  I., 
58-3-16. 

689.  Provision  para  proveer  persona   en   lugar  de   Don  Juan  de   Onate,    March 
30,    1609.   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-16.      The   reading   of  the   document   would   indicate   that   the 
founding  of  a  new  capital  had  been  agitated  for  some  time. 

690.  On    September    28,    1609,    the    viceroy    instructed    Peralta    to    continue    his 
journey.      This   was    in    response   to   reports    recently   brought    from    New    Mexico   by 
Fray  Josepe  Tavera,   and   Ensign   Juan   de  la   Torre.     Peralta   had   by  that  time   left 
Mexico,   for  there   were   also   reports   from   him.      However,   we   are   not   informed   as 
to  what  place  he  had   reached.     Lo  ultimamente  proveydo   sobre   que   se   conserbe   la 
poblacion   de   la   Nueva   Mexico,    September   28,    1609. 

691.  Instruccion    a   Don    Pedro   de    Peralta    gobernador   y    capitan-g  eneral    de    la 
Nueva  Mexico  en  lugar  de  Don  Juan  de  Onate,  March  30,   1609. 


144          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  inhabitants  to  elect  four  regidores,  and  they  in  turn 
were  to  choose  two  alcaldes  ordinaries  annually.  A  plaza 
was  to  be  selected ,  where  the  public  buildings  would  be 
erected,  and  further  specific  orders  outlining  the  organi- 
zation of  the  new  city  were  detailed.  The  Indians  might 
be  given  in  encomienda,  though  those  given  by  Onate  were 
not  to  be  molested.  Moderation  was  urged  in  collecting 
tribute,  and  efforts  should  be  made  to  teach  the  Indians  the 
Spanish  language  in  order  to  overcome  the  difficulty  of 
the  many  native  tongues.602 

The  Founding  of  Santa  Fe,  1609.  The  villa  founded 
was  Santa  Fe.  It  is  unnecessary  to  recall  the  efforts  of 
numerous  writers  to  place  the  founding  of  Santa  Fe  around 
the  year  1605693.  It  was  not  established  until  1609,  that  is 
certain.  The  documents  used  in  this  chapter  cover  every 
year  to  that  time  and  there  is  no  reference  to  any  city  in 
New  Mexico  except  the  capital  at  San  Gabriel.  Just  when 
the  capital  was  transferred  to  the  new  site  at  Santa  Fe 
we  do  not  know.  Peralta's  instructions  in  regard  to  estab- 
lishing the  new  villa  were  very  definite,  and  he  probably 
effected  the  transfer  at  once.  That  is  as  much  as  we  are 
able  to  say  with  the  documentary  evidence  available.894 

A  Decade  of  Gradual  Progress.    Not  much  is  known 
of  New  Mexico  during  the  decade  following  the  founding 


692.  Ibid. 

693.  Professor    Bolton    has    such    a    summary    in    his    paper,    The    Last    Years 
of  Onate's  Rule  and  the  Founding  of  Santa   Fe,   MS.     Bancroft,   in   1889.   could  only 
state  that  Santa  Fe  was  founded  between   1605  and   1616.  Arizona  and  New  Mexico, 
158.     Bandelier,  in   1890,  was  convinced  of  the  date  1605.     Final  Report,   I,   124  note 
1.      He   later   changed   his   opinion   and   in    1893   thought   it   might   have   been    founded 
in    1608.      The    Gilded   Man,    286-287.      Twitchell,    in    1911,    clung    to    the    date    1605. 
Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History,   I,   332.      Prince  and  Read,   in   1912,   accepted 
the   same    conclusion.      Prince,    A    Concise    History    of    New   Mexico,    104.      Read,    Il- 
lustrated History  of  New  Mexico,  246.     Those  who  have  accepted  1605  as  the  correct 
date  have  relied  on  a  statement  of  Father  Posadas  who  wrote  eighty  years  after  the 
event  took  place.  Bloom,  in  1913,  first  advanced  the  date  1609,  which  was  accepted  by 
Twitchell    in    his    last    book,    The    Story    of    Old    Santa    Fe     (1925).      An    interesting 
discussion   of  the  point  is   found   in   the  quarterly   Old  Santa  Fe,   vol.   I,   9;   226-227; 
336-337.      See   also   Vaughan,    History   and   Government   of   New   Mexico,    52-53 ;   and 
Bolton,    Spanish   Borderlands,    177. 

694.  The    writer    among    others    has    diligently    searched    the    Spanish    archives 
for    some    information    to    clinch    the    matter,    but    without    success. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  145 

of  Santa  Fe.  The  only  references  to  the  province  in  the 
documents  available  concern  the  appointment  of  new  gover- 
nors and  the  question  of  expenses.  Moreover  these  notes 
are  very  meager  and  disappointing  in  content  when  we  re- 
call the  tendency  of  Spanish  officials  toward  voluminous 
correspondence  and  interminable  discussion.  In  1620  the 
king  instructed  the  Marquis  of  Guadalcazar,  who  was  vice- 
roy from  1612-1621,  to  cut  down  expenses  wherever  pos- 
sible, and  New  Mexico  felt  the  effect  of  that  order.  The 
king  required  that  the  expenses  of  the  Franciscans  in  New 
Mexico  be  reduced  to  the  same  amount  as  their  brethern 
in  Sinalosa  received.  Matters  were  adjusted  when  the 
provincial  of  the  Franciscans  agreed  to  cooperate,  and  the 
viceroy  reported  that  arrangement  to  the  king.695 

Some  progress  continued  to  be  made  in  spite  of  the 
obstacles  encountered.  By  1617  eleven  churches  had  been 
built  and  there  were  fourteen  thousand  converts  in  the 
province.  In  this  period  also  a  controversy  developed  be- 
tween the  royal  officials  and  the  ecclesiastical  authorities, 
"the  custodio  assuming  the  right  to  issue  excommunication 
against  the  governor,  the  latter  claiming  authority  to  ap- 
point petty  Indian  officials  at  the  missions  and  both  being 
charge  with  oppressive  exactions  of  labor  and  tribute  from 
the  natives."  The  matter  was  brought  to  the  attention  of 
the  audiencia  and  both  parties  were  rebuked.6"6 

In  February,  1621,  Guadalcazar  sent  a  lengthy  report 
to  Governor  Eulate  in  regard  to  these  matters.  Both  the 
custodian  and  the  governor  were  exhorted  to  stay  within 
their  proper  and  legal  bound  in  spiritual  and  temporal  af- 
fairs. When  the  elections  were  held  in  the  pueblos  both 
sets  of  officials  were  to  stay  away.  The  governor  was  re- 
quired not  to  meddle  in  matters  pertaining  to  the  friars. 
He  was  to  courtesy  in  case  any  of  the  religious  preached  in 
his  presence.  No  new  tributes  were  to  be  levied  without 
the  viceroy's  approval,  and  for  the  time  being  Zuni  and 


695.  El  Marques  de  Guadalcazar  d  S.  A/.,   February   19,   1620.    A.   G.   I.,   58-3-18. 
The  viceroy  stated  that  the  cost  of  each   reinforcement  sent  was  about  38,000   pesos. 

696.  Bancroft,    Arizona    and    New    Mexico,    159.      This    was    January    9,    1621. 


146          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Moqui  were  entirely  exempted  from  paying  any.  He  was 
to  see  that  friars  were  sent  to  the  churches  on  Sundays 
and  holidays  to  say  mass.  The  Indians  were  not  to  be 
treated  harshly.  Military  escorts  were  to  be  provided  the 
friars  whenever  they  deemed  it  necessary,  either  in  visiting 
the  pueblos  or  in  going  to  Mexico.  The  cattle  must  be  kept 
out  of  the  corn  fields  of  the  Indians.  And  a  proposal  to 
move  the  capital  at  Santa  Fe  to  some  other  point  was  pro- 
hibited without  further  orders.607 

By  1620  the  region  had  been  erected  into  a  custodia, 
and  seventeen  thousand  Indians  had  received  baptism.  The 
work  was  carried  on  by  sixteen  missionaries  supported  by 
the  crown.  There  was  a  monastery  in  Santa  Fe,  and  smal- 
ler ones  in  the  pueblos.998  By  1622  the  number  of  frairs  had 
been  increased  to  twenty-four,  six  of  whom  were  lay 
brothers609. 

Aside  from  the  missionary  activity  described  nothing 
occurred  in  New  Mexico  to  attract  the  attention  of  Spanish 
settlers.  The  rumors  of  mines  continued  to  be  circulated, 
but  the  viceroy  reported  that  they  had  not  yet  been  veri- 
fied with  any  certainty.  Santa  Fe  remained  the  only  Span- 
ish settlement,  and  it  contained  only  fifty  vecinos.  New 
governors  were  appointed  by  the  viceroy  every  four  years. 
Guadalcazar  felt  that  they  ought  to  serve  that  long  because 
the  trip  from  Mexico  was  too  costly  to  be  repeated  oftener. 
On  August  5,  1613,  el  almirante  Bernardino  de  Zavallos, 
was  named  to  succeed  Peralta  as  governor,  and  in  1617  his 
place  was  taken  by  Don  Juan  de  Eulate,  who  ruled  till 
1621.700 


697.  El   Marques    de    Guadalcazar    a    Don    Juan    de    Eulate,    February    5,    1621. 
A.   G.    I.,    58-3-18. 

698.  Guadalcazar    a    S.    M.,    May    27,    1620.      A.    G.    I.,    58-3-18.      "Los    quales 
tienen   un   convento   en   la   villa   de   Santa    Fee,    y   otros    mas    pequenos   en    los    dichos 
pueblos    de    yndios,    para    que    se    provee    todo    lo    necessario,    y    el    govierno    de    los 
religiosos    esta    reducido    a    una    custodia."    Bancroft,    Bolton,    and    others    state    that 
the  custodia  of  San   Pablo   was   established   in   1621. 

699.  Memoria    de    las   doctrinas    que    ay    en    esta   provincia   del    santo    evangelio, 
July    21,    1622.      A.    G.    I.,    96-4-2. 

700.  Guadalcazar   a   S.   M.,    May   27,    1620.    A.   G.    I.,    58-3-18.      The   date   of   the 
nomination  of  Zavallos  is  given  in  a  report  by  Martin  Lopez  de  Gauna,  May  20,  1619. 
A.   G.  I.,   58-3-18.     Bancroft,   following   Simpson,   says  the  governor   passed   El  Morro 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  147 

The  Punishment  and  Exile  of  Onate.  After  Peralta's 
appointment  as  governor  in  1609,  Onate  probably  did  not 
remain  long  in  New  Mexico.  In  fact  an  order  had  been 
issued  by  the  viceroy  requiring  him  to  depart  within  three 
months  of  Peralta's  arrival.  What  befell  him  in  Mexico 
during  the  next  few  years  can  only  be  imagined,  but  it  is 
clear  that  his  residencia  was  finally  carried  out.  In  1607 
Landeras  de  Velasco  had  been  authorized  to  investigate 
the  charges  against  him,  but  he  was  soon  excused  from 
carrying  out  the  task.  By  a  royal  cedula  of  December  9, 
1608,  the  same  order  was  then  given  to  the  licentiate  Don 
Juan  de  Villera,  but  as  the  visitation  could  not  be  held  till 
Onate  had  returned  nothing  was  done,  and  the  business 
was  turned  over  to  the  archbishop  Fray  Diego  Guerra. 
Before  February,  1612, 701  the  latter  commissioned  Don 
Francisco  de  Leoz,  the  alcalde  of  the  audiencia,  to  continue 
and  terminate  the  case,  and  he  accordingly  began  to  make 
the  necessary  investigations.  But  it  was  a  very  difficult 
matter,  "because  the  guilty  are  among  the  most  powerful 
and  most  widely  related  by  marriage  in  this  kingdom."  For 
that  reason,  evidently,  Don  Francisco  de  Leoz  was  relieved 
of  his  burden,  and  Viceroy  Gnadalcazar,  on  June  1,  1613, 
was  instructed  to  finish  the  business.702 

The  Marquis  of  Guadalcazar  had  been  appointed  vice- 
roy in  1612,  and  soon  fulfilled  the  king's  order  in  regard 
to  Onate's  case.  Don  Antonio  Morga,  one  of  the  members 
of  the  audiencia  whom  Montesclaros  had  recommended  for 
the  position,  was  appointed  legal  adviser,  and  soon  the  in- 
vestigation of  the  charges  against  Onate  as  well  as  those 
against  his  accomplices,  was  completed. 

Thirty  complaints  were  made  against  the  former  gov- 
ernor of  New  Mexico,  and  on  twelve  of  these  counts  he  was 


on  July  29,  1620,  and  gives  the  names  of  some  who  inscribed  their  names  on  the 
rock.  Bancroft,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  159.  Eulate  was  governor  till  1621, 
but  his  name  is  not  among  them 

701.  Archbishop   Guerra  died  in   February  of  that  year.   Priestley,    The  Mexican 
Nation,    146. 

702.  Real  cedula  al  Marques  de  Guadalcazar,   June   1,   1613.   A.   G.   I.,   A.   G.   I., 
87-5-2. 


148          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

held  guilty.  He  was  accused  of  giving  glowing  accounts 
of  the  land  when  it  was  really  poor;  he  had  prevented  the 
auditor-general  Gines  de  Herrera  Orta  and  others  from 
exercising  their  offices  granted  by  the  viceroy ;  he  had  called 
Monterey  his  deadly  enemy  and  spoken  ill  of  him ;  Salazar 
had  been  caricatured  by  the  mulattos  with  the  expedition 
while  it  was  at  the  San  Pedro  river;  robberies  had  been 
committed  by  the  soldiers  in  the  army  between  Zacatecas 
and  Santa  Barbara;  Penalosa  had  been  held  prisoner  till 
he  would  say  that  the  deserting  colonists  had  forced  him 
to  permit  their  departure ;  Onate  had  lived  shamefully  with 
women  in  the  colony;  he  was  responsible  for  the  death  of 
the  soldiers  hanged  by  Villagra  and  Marquez  near  Santa 
Barbara;  for  the  death  of  Captains  Pablo  de  Aguilar  and 
Alonso  de  Sosa;  for  the  hanging  of  two  Indians  at  Acoma 
without  cause;  and  for  the  indiscriminate  slaughter  of  in- 
nocent and  guilty  alike  when  Acoma  was  destroyed  by 
Zaldivar. 

For  these  crimes  Onate  was  condemned  to  perpetual 
banishment  from  New  Mexico,  to  exile  for  four  year  from 
the  city  of  Mexico  and  its  vicinity  for  five  leagues  around, 
to  pay  a  fine  of  six  thousand  Castilian  ducats  and  the  costs 
of  the  case.703 

The  Conviction  of  Onate's  Accomplices.  Vicente  de 
Zaldivar  was  convicted  of  the  death  of  Captain  Sosa;  of 
whipping  three  soldiers  rigorously  in  his  house ;  of  the  death 
of  Andres  Martin  near  San  Bartolome;  of  undue  severity 
against  the  Acoma  Indians;  and  some  other  charges.  He 
was  condemned  to  banishment  from  New  Mexico  for  eight 
years,  from  Mexico  City  and  vicinity  for  two  years,  to  pay 
a  fine  of  two  thousand  ducats  and  the  costs  of  the  case.701 

Villagra,  the  poet  and  historian  of  the  expedition  to 
New  Mexico,  was  also  among  the  guilty.  He  was  accused 
of  complicity  in  the  death  of  Manuel  Portugues  and  Juan 


703.  Sentencia    contra    el    adelantado    Don    Juan    de    Onate,    in    Testimonio    de 
las  sentencias,  May  16,   1614.  A.  G.  I.,   58-3-17. 

704.  Sentencia    contra    el   macstre   de    campo    Vicente    de    Zaldivar    Mendoza    in 
ibid. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  149 

Gonzales  near  Santa  Barbara,  who  had  fled  from  Onate's 
army,  and  of  writing  beautiful  but  untrue  accounts  of  the 
land  just  conquered.  He  had  to  suffer  exile  from  New 
Mexico  for  six  years,  banishment  from  Mexico  City  and 
vicinity  for  two  years  and  pay  the  expenses  of  the  trial.705 

Captain  Geronimo  Marquez  was  involved  in  the  death  of 
Manuel  Portugues  and  Juan  Gonzales,  and  of  killing  three 
others  and  some  Indians  before  reaching  New  Mexico.  He 
was  sentenced  to  perpetual  exile  from  New  Mexico,  to  exile 
from  New  Spain  for  ten  years,  and  to  pay  a  fine  of  five 
hundred  ducats.  In  addition  he  was  to  be  imprisoned  till 
the  fine  was  paid.709 

Four  other  captains  were  convicted  for  being  implic- 
ated in  the  deaths  of  Captains  Aguilar  and  Sosa.  They 
were:  Alonso  Nunez  de  Ynojosa,  Juan  de  Salas,  Alonso 
Gomez  and  Dionisio  (or  Domingo)  Banuelos,  and  were 
sentenced  to  perpetual  banishment  from  New  Mexico,  to 
exile  from  Mexico  City  and  vicinity  for  four  years,  with 
the  exception  of  Banuelos  whose  sentence  was  only  two 
years,  and  to  pay  a  fine  of  five  hundred  ducats  each.707 

There  were  three  others,  Francisco  Vido,  a  mestizo, 
Augustin,  an  Indian,  and  Luis  Bautista,  a  negro,  who  were 
also  convicted  of  aiding  in  the  murder  of  Captains  Aguiiar 
and  Sosa.  They  were  sentenced  to  exile  from  both  Ne^vv 
Mexico  and  New  Spain  and  to  two  hundred  lashes  in  the 
streets.  Augustin  escaped  with  one  hundred.708  In  that 
manner  the  arm  of  the  law  was  extended  to  distant  New 
Mexico  and  the  wrongs  committed  there  during  Onate's 
rule  rectified. 

Onate's  Reinstatement.  In  1622,  after  Guadalcazar's 
long  viceregal  rule  of  nine  years  was  over,  Onate  sought  to 
be  exonerated  of  the  judgment  rendered  against  him.  The 
audiencias  of  Mexico  and  Guadalajara  submitted  records 
of  the  services  of  the  Ofiate  family  for  the  king,  in  his  be- 


705.  Villagra's    sentence,    in    ibid. 

706.  Sentencia  contra  el  capitan  Geronimo  M'irquez,   in   ibid. 

707.  See  the  sentences  against  each  of  these  captains,  in  ibid. 

708.  See  the  sentences  against  each  one,  in  ibid. 


150          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

half.  He  had  already  paid  the  fine  and  had  not  violated 
the  sentence,  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies  recommended 
that  the  judgment  be  removed.  But  the  king  was  opposed 
and  withheld  his  sanction.709  Three  months  later  the  Coun- 
cil again  brought  the  subject  to  the  king's  attention,  only 
to  be  turned  aside  once  more.710  Onate  did  not  give  up, 
however,  and  made  new  appeals  to  the  Council.  But  though 
it  favored  leniency  the  king's  opposition  was  not  overcome.711 
This  is  all  the  evidence  available  regarding  Ofiate's 
pardon,  but  there  is  some  reason  for  believing  that  it  was 
granted  before  1624.  At  that  time  he  was  entrusted  with 
the  visitation  of  mines  in  Spain.  In  view  of  such  official 
favor  it  might  be  inferred  that  the  king  had  pardoned  his 
former  adelantado  of  New  Mexico,  the  title  which  he  still 
bore  at  that  time.712  But  the  evidence  is  circumstancial  and 
not  conclusive. 


709.  Consulta  en  el  Consejo  dc  Indias,  and  royal  decree,  April  6,   1622.    A.   G.  I., 
66-5-10. 

710.  Consulta  en  el  Consejo  de  Indias,   and  royal  decree,   July  2,    1622.   A.   G.   I., 
66-5-10. 

711.  Consulta  del  Consejo  de  Indias,  and  royal  decree,  November  25,  1622  A.  G.  I., 
66-5-10. 

712.  Royal    decree,    June    18,    1624.       A.    G.    I.,    58-3-2.      In    May,     1624,     Onate 
sought  compensation   for  his  services.     He  desired  membership   in  one  of  the  military 
orders    and    a    governmental    position    in    Mexico,    Guadalajara,    or    the    Philippines. 
For   that   reason    he   had   come   to    Spain    to    press    his    cause,    but    evidently    nothing 
was  done  at  that  time  in   regard  to  these  matters.     Consulta  del  Consejo  de  Indias, 
May  10,  1624.  A.  G.  I.,   1-1-3/22. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  151 


APPENDIX  A. 

Official  List  of  the  Soldiers  who  Accompanied 
Onate  to  New  Mexico  in  1598,  in  Alphabetic  Order. 

At  the  mines  of  Todos  Santos,  on  January  8,  1598,  and 
within  the  church  of  said  pueblo,  Senor  Juan  de  Frias 
Salazar  commissary-general  and  visitor-general  of  the 
people  on  the  expedition  to  New  Mexico  for  the  king  our 
lord  and  his  lieutenant  captain-general  took  the  muster- 
roll  and  made  a  list  of  the  people  that  Don  Juan  de  Onate, 
governor  and  captain-general  of  the  said  expedition, 
brought  forward  and  said  he  had  for  that  purpose  in  the 
following  manner.* 

(Aguilar)  Captain  Pablo  de  Aguilar  Hinojosa,  36 
years  old,  son  of  Juan  de  Hinojosa  Valderrama,  native  of 
Ecija,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  with  his  arms 
and  another  complete  outfit  which  he  gave  to  a  soldier. 

Pedro  Sanchez  de  Amiuro,  21  years  old,  son  of  Pedro 
Sanchez  de  Amiuro,  native  of  Ribadeo,  of  good  stature  beard 
growing,  a  wound  above  the  left  eye,  with  his  arms.  He 
said  he  was  a  native  of  Sombrerete. 

Luis  de  Araujo,  30  years  old,  son  of  Juan  Lopez  de 
Araujo,  native  of  the  city  of  Orense  in  Castile,  of  good  sta- 
ture, chestnut  colored  beard,  with  his  arms. 

Asensio  de  Arachuleta,  26  years  old,  son  of  Juanes  de 


*  In  this  list  arc  the  names  of  129  men,  130  including  Juan  de  Onate  the 
governor.  Peculiarly  enough  no  description  is  given  of  the  chief  leader  of  the 
enterprise.  The  number  of  soldiers  thus  agrees  with  the  "Memorial."  See  note 
332.  The  name  of  Onate's  son,  Cristobal,  nowhere  appears  in  the  official  records, 
though  Villagra  and  others  note  his  presence. 

It  is  possible  that  this  official  list  in  not  actually  complete,  for  occasionally  we 
find  the  names  of  soldiers  in  New  Mexico  who  do  not  appear  in  any  of  the  official 
records.  Some  of  these  instances  have  been  indicated  in  the  notes.  There  is  no  re- 
cord of  the  women  and  children  who  accompanied  the  men  on  this  expedition.  The 
doucmerit  from  which  this  list  was  taken  is  in  A.  G.  I.,  58-3-14. 


152          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Arachuleta,  native    of  Ybar,    of  medium    stature,    black 
bearded,  a  slight  wound  in  the  forehead,  with  his  arms. 

Diego  de  Ayardi,  son  of  Bartolome  de  Ayardi,  native 
of  Guadalajara  in  this  New  Spain,  tall  of  stature,  chestnut 
colored  beard,  pock-marked,  one  injured  finger  on  the  left 
hand,  without  arms  or  harquebus.  The  outfit  he  had  the 
governor  had  given  him,  he  said. 

Juan  del  Cazo  Baraona,  native  of  Mexico,  son  of  Sancho 
de  Baraona,  50  years  of  age,  graybearded,  appeared  with 
his  arms  and  the  other  things  he  had  declared,  except  an 
harquebus. 

Juan  Gonzales  de  Bargas,  son  of  Francisco  Martinez, 
native  of  Carmona,  of  medium  stature,  scant  beard,  one 
tooth  missing,  22  years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms  and  also 
a  short  jacket. 

Alvaro  de  Barrios,  son  of  Luis  Gonzales,  native  of 
Coimbra,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  with  a 
scar  on  the  right  side,  26  years  of  age,  with  a  complete  set 
of  arms  which  he  said  the  governor  had  given  him. 

Diego  Blandin,  son  of  Diego  Gonzales,  native  of  Coim- 
bra, of  good  stature,  grayish,  over  40  years  of  age,  with  a 
knee  length  coat  of  mail  from  the  governor  and  an  harque- 
bus and  sword  of  his  own. 

Captain  Juan  Gutierrez  Bocanegra,  son  of  Alonso  de 
Cuenca,  native  of  Villanueva  de  los  Infantes,  tall,  black- 
b^arded,  with  a  blow  from  a  stone  above  the  left  eye,  44 
years  of  age,  with  his  arms  and  extra  harquebus.  The 
other  things  he  gave  to  a  soldier. 

Captain  Joseph  de  Brondate,  son  of  Clemente  Gregorio 
Brondate,  native  of  Aragon,  of  medium  stature,  chestnut 
colored  beard,  over  25  years  of  age,  with  his  arms  includ- 
ing an  engraved  and  gilded  coat  of  armor. 

Juan  Perez  de  Bustillo,  40  years  of  age,  son  of  Simon 
Perez,  native  of  Mexico,  of  small  stature,  swarthy,  gray- 
bearded,  a  wart  on  the  left  side,  with  his  arms. 

Simon  de  Bustillo,  22  years  of  age,  son  of  Juan  Perez 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  153 

de  Bustillo,  native  of  Mexico,  swarthy,  little  beard,  freckly 
faced,  of  medium  stature,  appeared  with  his  arms.  He  said 
the  governor  had  given  him  his  outfit. 

Juan  Velazquez  de  Cavanillas,  son  of  Cristobal  de 
Hidalgo  de  Cavanillas,  native  of  Zalamea  de  la  Serena,  of 
small  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  24  years  old,  went 
with  arms,  except  cuishes,  which  he  said  the  governor  and 
maese  de  campo  had  given  him. 

Francisco  Cadino,  36  years  old,  son  of  Pedro  Cadino, 
native  of  the  town  of  Sailices  de  los  Gallegos,  of  good 
stature,  blackbearded,  freckly  faced,  [something  omitted  in 
original]  although  he  brought  them  [arms?]  he  said  the 
governor  had  given  them  to  him. 

Pedro  Lopez  Calvo,  son  of  Alvaro  Lopez  Calvo,  native 
of  Molina  Seca,  of  medium  stature,  a  large  wound  in  his 
forehead,  20  years  of  age,  with  all  his  necessary  arms. 

Juan  Camacho,  native  of  Trigueros,  son  of  Anton 
Sanchez,  a  man  of  good  stature,  graybearded,  50  years  of 
age,  appeared  with  his  arms  and  an  extra  coat  of  mail 
and  a  small  lance. 

Juan  Lopez  del  Canto,  25  years  old,  son  of  Pedro  Lopez 
del  Canto,  native  of  Mexico,  of  good  stature,  blackbearded. 
a  cross  in  his  forehead,  without  arms  except  for  a  suit 
consisting  of  coat  of  mail,  cuish  and  beaver  which  he  said 
the  governor  had  given  him. 

Ensign  Juan  de  Victoria  Carbajal,  son  of  Juan  de 
Carbajal,  native  of  the  town  of  Ayotepel  in  the  Marquisatc 
of  the  Valley,  of  medium  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard. 
37  years  of  age,  with  his  arms. 

Martin  Carrasco,  native  of  Zacatecas,  son  of  Martin 
Carrasco,  of  medium  stature,  bright  reddish  beard,  30  years 
of  age,  appeared  with  his  arms. 

Gonzalo  de  la  Carrera,  son  of  Lope  de  la  Carrera,  na- 
tive of  Alcalda  de  Henares,  of  medium  stature,  chestnut 
colored  beard,  25  years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms. 

11 


154          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Bernabe  de  las  Casas,  native  of  the  Isle  of  Teneriffe, 
tall  of  stature,  son  of  Miguel  de  las  Casas,  blackbearded,  25 
years  of  age,  appeared  with  his  arms  complete. 

Diego  de  Castaneda,  son  of  Juan  de  Castaiieda,  native 
of  Seville,  tall  of  stature,  beardless,  changeable  eyes,  19 
years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms  which  he  said  the  governor 
had  given  him. 

Francisco  Martinez  de  Castaneda,  son  of  Bartolome 
Martinez,  native  of  Berganza,  of  medium  stature,  beard- 
less, 18  years  old,  with  all  his  arms  which  he  said  the  gov- 
ernor had  given  him. 

Miguel  Montero  de  Castro,  son  of  Augustin  Montero  de 
Castro,  native  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  of  good  stature,  red- 
bearded,  reddish  eyes,  25  years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms. 

Juan  Catalan,  32  years  old  native  of  Barcelona,  son 
of  Antonio  de  la  Cruz,  bright  reddish  beard,  wounded  in 
the  right  arm,  appeared  with  his  arms. 

Captain  Gregorio  Cesar,  native  of  the  city  of  Cadiz, 
son  of  Cesar  Cesaar  (sic)  40  years  of  age,  of  good  stature, 
chestnut  colored  beard,  appeared  with  his  arms  and  a  set 
of  arms  which  he  had  declared  before  today.  He  said  he 
had  given  it  to  a  soldier  who  had  no  arms. 

Ensign  Diego  Nunez  de  Chaves,  30  years  old,  son  of 
Juan  de  Chaves,  native  of  Guadalcanal,  of  good  stature, 
chestnut  colored  beard,  some  of  his  upper  teeth  broken, 
with  his  arms. 

Juan  Velarde  Colodio,  son  of  Juan  Velarde  Colodio, 
native  of  Madrid,  of  medium  stature,  chestnut  colored 
beard,  28  years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms. 

Antonio  Conde,  son  of  Antonio  Conde  de  Herrera,  na- 
tive of  Xerez  de  la  Frontera,  tall  of  stature,  beardless,  18 
years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms  which  he  said  the  governor 
had  given  him. 

Francisco  Hernandez  Cordero,  22  years  of  age,  native 
of  Guadalaiara  in  New  Galicia,  son  of  Rodrigo  Fernandez 
Cordero,  of  good  stature,  beardless,  with  his  arms.  The 
beaver  was  given  him  by  the  governor,  he  said. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICI  155 

Marcos  Cortes,  son  of  Juan  Martinez,  native  of  Zala- 
mea  de  la  Serena,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard, 
with  a  wart  on  his  right  cheek,  30  years  old,  with  all  his 
arms. 

Juan  de  la  Cruz,  son  of  Juan  Rodriguez,  native  of  the 
Valle  de  Toluca,  partly  swarthy,  beardless,  tall  of  stature, 
19  years  of  age,  with  his  arms  and  an  extra  shield  which 
he  said  the  governor  had  given  him. 

Manuel  Diaz,  20  years  old,  son  of  Manuel  Diaz,  nja- 
tive  of  Talavera,  beardless,  of  good  stature,  fat,  with  his 
arms  except  cuishes. 

Juan  Perez  de  Donis,  secretario  de  gobernacion,  58  years 
old,  native  of  Cangas  de  Onis  in  Asturias,  son  of  Francisco 
Perez  Carreno,  of  medium  stature,  graybearded,  with  a 
wound  in  his  forehead. 

Captain  Felipe  de  Escalante,  47  years  of  age,  son  of 
Juan  de  Escalante  Castilla,  native  of  Laredo,  of  small  stat- 
ure, short  and  fat,  swarthy,  grayish,  with  his  arms  and 
other  things  he  had  declared. 

Don  Juan  Escarramad,  son  of  Don  Juan  Escarramacl, 
native  of  the  city  of  Murcia,  small  of  stature,  changeable 
eyes,  chestnut  colored  beard,  26  years  of  age,  with  his  arms. 

Captain  M^rcello  de  Espinosa,  21  years  old,  native  of 
Madrid,  son  of  Antonio  de  Espinosa,  of  good  stature,  chest- 
nut colored  beard,  appeared  with  his  arms.  The  other 
things  which  he  had  declared  he  had  gambled  away,  he  said. 

Captain  Marcos  Farfan  de  los  Godos,  40  years  of  age, 
son  of  Gines  Farfan  de  los  Godos,  native  of  Seville,  of  good 
stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  appeared  with  his  arms, 
and  the  other  things  which  he  declared  he  said  had  been 
given  to  his  soldiers. 

Manuel  Francisco,  30  years  old,  son  of  Francisco  Perez, 
native  of  Portugal,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard, 
and  one  finger  of  his  left  hand  half  withered,  with  his  arms. 

Francisco  Garcia,  native  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  son  of 


156          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Martin  Garcia,  of  good  stature,  redbearded,  35  years  old, 
appeared  with  his  arms. 

Marcos  Garcia,  38  years  old,  son  of  Tome  Garcia,  na- 
tive of  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  of  good  stature,  grayish, 
swarthy,  with  his  arms. 

Hernan  Martin  Gomez,  son  of  Hernan  Martin  Gomez, 
native  of  Valverde  de  Reina,  tall  of  stature,  very  grayish, 
with  his  arms  except  cuishes. 

Enisgn  Bartolome  Gonzalez,  son  of  Juan  Gonzalez,  na- 
tive of  the  Corral  de  Alamguer,  of  medium  stature,  chest- 
nut colored  beard,  29  years  of  age,  with  his  arms  and  what 
else  he  had  declared. 

Juan  Griego,  32  years  of  age,  son  of  Lazaro  Griego, 
native  of  Greece  in  Negropote,  of  good  stature,  graybeard, 
a  big  wound  in  the  forehead,  with  his  arms. 

Cristobal  Guillen,  son  of  Diego  Guillen,  native  of  Mex- 
ico, of  medium  stature,  beardless,  20  years  of  age,  with  his 
arms  which  he  said  the  governor  had  given  him. 

Francisco  Hernandez  Guillen,  native  of  Seville,  son  of 
Hernan  Perez,  of  good  stature,  redbearded,  grayish,  with 
a  mark  on  the  right  side,  50  years  of  age,  appeared  with 
his  arms  except  cuishes. 

Geronimo  de  Heredia,  38  years  old,  son  of  Diego  Her- 
nandez de  Heredia,  sargeant  of  Captain  Marquez'  company, 
native  of  Cordoba,  of  medium  stature,  reddish  beard,  a 
mark  above  his  left  eye-brow,  with  his  arms. 

Antonio  Hernandez,  33  years  of  age,  son  of  Francisco 
Simon,  native  of  Braga,  tall  of  stature,  chestnut  colored 
beard,  an  injury  on  two  fingers  of  the  right  hand,  with 
his  arms. 

Gonzalo  Hernandez,  son  of  Pedro  Alonso  Falcon,  native 
of  Coimbra,  of  good  stature,  gray-haired,  50  years  of  age, 
with  all  his  arms  and  an  extra  harquebus  and  some  cuishes. 

Bartolome  de  Herrera,  son  of  Miguel  de  Herrera,  na- 
tive of  Seville,  of  medium  stature,  beard  growing,  20  years 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  157 

of  age,  with  all  his  arms  which  he  said  the  governor  had 
given  him. 

Cristobal  de  Herrera,  son  of  Juan  de  Herrera,  native 
of  Xerez  de  la  Frontera,  tall  of  stature,  swarthy,  smooth- 
chinned,  19  years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms,  which  he  said 
the  governor  had  given  him. 

Ensign  Alonso  Nufiez  de,,  Hinojosa,  son  of  Alonso  de 
Santiago,  native  of  the  city  of  Plasencia,  redbearded,  of 
good  stature,  with  all  his  arms  which  he  said  the  governor 
had  given  him. 

Ensign  Domingo  de  Lezama,  27  years  of  age,  son  of 
Juan  de  Obregon,  native  of  Bilbao,  tall,  redbeared,  a  wound 
on  the  nose,  with  his  arms. 

Francisco  de  Ledesma,  native  of  Talavera  de  la  Reina, 
son  of  Juan  Fernandez  de  Ledesma,  of  medium  stature, 
black  bearded,  25  years  of  age,  appeared  with  his  arms  and 
an  extra  coat  of  mail. 

Juan  de  Leon,  native  of  Cadiz,  son  of  Antonio  de  Leon, 
says  he  is  a  native  of  Malaga,  of  good  stature,  redbearded, 
a  wart  on  the  right  cheek,  30  years  of  age,  appeared  with 
his  arms. 

Cristobal  Lopez,  40  years  old,  son  of  Diego  Lopez  de 
Aviles,  native  of  Aviles,  of  good  stature,  corpulent,  swarthy, 
blackbearded,  a  gash  above  the  left  eye,  with  his  arms  com- 
plete. He  said  he  was  a  mulatto. 

Juan  Lucas,  18  years  old,  son  of  Juan  Lucas,  native  of 
Puebla,  freckled,  of  good  stature,  beardless,  with  his  arms. 
He  said  the  governor  had  given  him  the  harquebus. 

Francisco  Martin,  native  of  Ayamonte,  son  of  Boni- 
facio Gomez,  of  good  stature,  aged  graybearded,  hairy,  60 
years  of  age,  appeared  with  his  arms  except  harquebus 
which  he  said  he  did  not  have. 

Hernan  Martin,  40  years  old,  son  of  Hernan  Martin 
Serrano,  native  of  Zacatecas,  tall  of  stature,  little  beard, 
pockmarked,  with  his  arms. 


158          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

•Hernan  Martin  son  of  Hernan  Martin  Gomez,  native 
of  Verlanga,  of  medium  stature,  beardless,  20  years  of  age, 
with  his  arms.  He  said  the  governor  gave  him  the  coat 
of  mail  and  harquebus. 

Alonso  Martinez,  native  of  Higuera  de  Bargas,  son  of 
Benito  Diaz,  of  medium  stature,  blackbearded,  scant  beard, 
46  years  of  age,  appeared  with  his  arms. 

Juan  Medel,  native  of  Ayamonte,  son  of  Fernan  Medel, 
graybearded,  small  of  stature,  43  years  of  age,  appeared 
with  his  arms. 

Captain  Alonso  Gomez  Montesinos,  38  years  old,  native 
of  the  town  of  Villanueva  de  los  Infantes,  son  of  Gonzalo 
Gomez,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  appeared 
with  his  arms. 

Baltasar  de  Monzon,  20  years  old,  son  of  Baltassar  de 
Monzon,  native  of  Mexico,  of  good  stature,  the  beard  grow- 
ing, with  his  arms  which  he  said  the  alguacil  real  had  given 
him. 

Juan  Moran,  son  of  Juan  Moran,  native  of  Mora  de 
Toro,  tall  of  stature,  chestnut  colored,  thin,  27  years  of  age, 
with  his  arms  except  harquebus  which  he  said  Captain 
Bocanegra  had  given  him. 

Lorenzo  de  Munuera,  28  years  old,  native  of  Villa  Car- 
rillo,  son  of  Gil  de  Munuera,  of  good  stature,  chestnut 
colored  beard,  with  his  arms  and  an  extra  coat  of  mail. 

Alonso  Naranjo,  42  years  old,  son  of  Diego  Carrasco, 
native  of  Valladolid  in  Castile,  of  good  stature,  tawny  beard, 
a  wound  in  the  face,  with  his  arms. 

Francisco  de  Olague,  son  of  Miguel  de  Olague,  native 
of  Panico,  with  a  mark  above  the  left  eye,  beardless,  of 
medium  stature,  17  years  of  age,  with  his  arms  which  he 
said  the  governor  had  given  him. 

Juan  de  Olague,  son  of  Miguel  de  Olague,  native  of 
Panico,  of  good  stature  and  figure,  beard  growing,  19  years 
of  age,  with  his  arms  which  he  said  the  governor  had  given 
him. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  159 

Juan  de  Pedraza,  30  years  old,  son  of  Alonso  Gonzalez, 
native  of  Cartaya,  swarthy,  tall,  blackbearded,  a  big  wound 
above  the  left  eye,  with  his  arms. 

Captain  Alonso  de  Sosa  Penalosa,  48  years  of  age,  na- 
tive of  Mexico,  son  of  Francisco  de  Sosa  Albornoz,  grayish, 
swarthy,  appeared  with  his  arms.  '  The  rest  which  he  had 
declared  he  had  given  to  a  soldier,  he  said. 

The  royal  ensign  Francisco  de  Sosa  Penalosa,  60  years 
old,  of  medium  stature,  graybearded,  son  of  Francisco  de 
Penalosa,  native  of  Avila,  appeared  with  his  arms  and  a 
strong  leather  jacket.  He  said  his  sons  were  bringing  the 
other  things  which  he  had  declared. 

Andres  Perez,  30  years  old,  son  of  Andres  de  Cavo, 
native  of  Tordesillas,  of  medium  stature,  chestnut  colored 
beard,  f«at,  with  his  arms  and  the  other  things  he  had  de- 
clared. 

Juan  Pineiro,  ensign,  son  of  Manuel  Pineiro,  native 
of  the  town  of  Fregenal,  of  medium  stature,  chestnut  colored 
beard,  30  years  old,  with  all  his  arms. 

Alonso  de  Quesada,  captain  of  a  company,  son  of  Don 
Pedro  de  Quesadia,  native  of  Mexico,  redbearded  32  years 
of  age,  with  his  arms  and  an  extra  coat  of  mail.  The  rest 
which  he  had  declared  he  had  given  to  a  soldier,  he  said. 

Francisco  Ramirez,  native  of  Cartaya,  son  of  Gomez 
de  Salazar,  small  of  stature,  redbearded,  blind  on  the  left 
eye,  24  years  of  age,  appeared  with  his  arms. 

Martin  Ramirez,  33  years  of  age,  native  of  Lepe,  son 
of  Juan  Leal,  a  man  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard, 
without  arms,  because  those  which  he  might  bring  the 
governor  was  to  provide. 

Juan  Ortiz  Requelmo,  28  years  old,  son  of  Juan  Lopez 
Ortega,  native  of  Seville,  of  short  stature,  chestnut  colored 
beard,  a  wound  above  the  left  eye,  with  his  arms. 

Pedro  de  los  Reyes,  18  years  old,  son  of  Sebastian  de 
los  Reyes,  native  of  Mexico,  beardless,  tall,  pockmarked, 


160          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVEW 

with  his  arms  given  him  by  Captain  Aguilar  except  sword 
which  he  did  not  have. 

Lorenzo  Salado  de  Rivedeneira,  native  of  Valladolid  in 
Castile,  of  medium  stature,  redbearded,  23  years  of  age, 
with  his  arms. 

Pedro  de  Ribas,  son  of  Juan  de  Ribas,  native  of  Puebla 
de  los  Angeles,  of  good  stature,  beardless,  20  years  old, 
with  all  his  arms  which  he  said  the  governor  had  given 
him,  except  sword  which  he  did  not  carry. 

Pedro  de  Rivera,  son  of  Francisco  Miguel  de  Rivera, 
native  of  Zacatecas,  of  medium  stature,  scant  blackish 
beard,  19  years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms. 

Alonso  del  Rio,  28  years  old,  son  of  Estevan  Arias,  na- 
tive of  Puerto  Real,  of  good  stature,  bright  reddish  beard, 
with  his  arms  and  one  cuish  which  he  said  the  governor 
had  given  him. 

Ensign  Pedro  Robledo.  60  years  old,  native  of  Maqueda, 
son  of  Ale  jo  Robeldo,  of  good  stature,  entirely  gray-haired, 
with  his  arms. 

Diego  Robledo,  27  years  old,  native  of  Maqueda,  son 
of  said  Pedro  Robledo  of  above,  of  good  stature,  redbearded, 
with  his  arms. 

Alonso  Robledo,  21  years  of  age,  son  of  Pedro  Robledo, 
native  of  Cimapan  in  New  Spain,  of  good  stature,  red- 
bearded,  with  his  arms. 

Pedro  Robledo,  20  years  old,  son  of  Pedro  Robledo, 
native  of  Temazcaltepeque,  of  good  stature,  scant  beard, 
appeared  with  his  arms. 

Francisco  Robledo,  18  years  old,  son  of  Pedro  Robledo, 
native  of  Valladolid  in  New  Spain,  smooth-chinned,  ap- 
peared with  his  arms  except  cuishes,  powder-flask  and  small 

flask. 

t 

Antonio  Rodriguez,  son  of  Silvestre  Juan  (sic) ,  native 
of  Canas  de  Senorio  in  Lisbon,  of  medium  stature,  chest- 


THE  FOUNDNG  OF  NEW  MEXICO  161 

nut  colored  beard,  28  years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms  which 
he  said  the  governor  had  given  him. 

Juan  Rodriguez  40  years  of  age,  native  of  the  city  of 
Oporto,  sn  of  Gonzalo  Gonzalez,  of  medium  stature,  grayish 
hair. 

Juan  Rodriguez,  son  of  Geronimo  Sanchez,  native  of 
Sombrerete,  tall  of  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  23  years 
old,  with  all  his  arms. 

Sebastian  Rodriguez,  son  of  Juan  Ruiz,  native  of  Car- 
taya,  of  good  stature,  redbearded,  long  mustache,  30  years 
old,  with  his  arms. 

Ensign  Bartolome  Romero,  35  years  old,  son  of 
Bartolome  Romero,  native  of  Corral  de  Alamguer,  of  good 
stature,  swarthy,  blackbearded,  with  his  arms. 

Captain  Juan  Moreno  de  la  Rua,  44  years  old,  son  of 
Hernando  Moreno  de  la  Rua,  native  of  Salamanca,  of  me- 
dium stature,  fat,  reddish  beard,  with  his  arms. 

Juan  de  Salas,  son  of  the  accountant  Alonso  Sanchez, 
beardless,  of  good  stature,  20  years  old,  with  his  arms. 

The  accountant  Alonso  Sanchez,  50  years  of  age,  na- 
tive of  the  town  of  Niebla  in  Castile,  son  of  Alonso  Mar- 
quez,  of  medium  stature,  graybearded,  appeared  with  his 
arms.  He  said  his  children  were  bringing  the  rest  of  the 
things  he  had  declared. 

Alonso  Sanchez,  son  of  the  accountant  Alonso  Sanchez, 
native  of  La  Puana,  of  good  stature,  beard  growing,  22  years 
old,  with  all  his  arms. 

Cristobal  Sanchez,  son  of  Geronimo  Sanchez,  native 
of  Sombrerete,  of  medium  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard, 
with  a  mark  on  his  nose  near  the  eye-brows,  27  years  of 
age,  with  his  arms. 

Francisco  Sanchez,  30  years  of  age,  soldier  of  the  said 
Captain  Alonso  Gomez,  native  of  Cartaya,  son  of  Diego  de 
Sanchez,  of  good  stature,  blackbearded. 


162          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Francisco  Sanchez,  son  of  Geronimo  Sanchez,  native 
of  Sombrerete,  of  good  stature,  beard  growing- — chestnut 
colored,  24  years  of  age,  with  his  arms. 

Matia  Sanchez,  son  of  Geronimo  Sanchez,  native  of 
Sombrerete,  of  good  stature,  beardless,  15  years  of  age, 
with  all  his  arms  which  he  said  the  governor  had  given  him. 

Pedro  Sanchez,  50  years  old,  native  of  Mexico,  son  of 
Hernan  Martin  de  Monrroy,  of  good  stature,  graybearded, 
appeared  with  his  arms  and  the  rest  he  had  declared. 

Pedro  de  San  Martin,  son  of  Antonio  de  San  Martin, 
native  of  Zacatecas,  of  good  stature,  swarthy,  blackbearded, 
pockmarked,  25  years  of  age,  without  arms  except  for  those 
he  brought,  which  included  coat  of  mail,  beaver,  harque- 
bus and  powder  flask.  He  said  the  governor  had  given 
them  to  him. 

Antonio  de  Sariiiana,  son  of  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Amiciro, 
native  of  Galicia,  small  of  stature,  scant  beard,  19  years 
old,  with  his  arms.  The  governor  gave  him  the  coat  of 
mail  and  beaver. 

Hernando  de  Segura,  27  years  of  age,  son  of  Francisco 
Diaz  de  Villalobos,  native  of  Condado  de  San  Juan  del 
Puerto,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  with  his 
arms  except  cuishes  and  powder-flasks. 

Sebastian  Serrano,  28  years  old,  native  of  Mexico,  son 
of  Juan  Alonso,  with  his  arms. 

Estevan  de  Sosa,  son  of  Francisco  de  Sosa  Penalosa, 
native  of  Havana,  tall  of  stature,  scant  beard,  21  years  of 
age,  with  all  his  arms,  which  are  the  ones  his  father  Fran- 
cisco de  Sosa  declared  besides  his  own. 

Francisco  Yllan  de  Sosa,  son  of  Francisco  de  Sosa 
Penalosa,  native  of  the  Valle  de  Altillo,  beard  growing,  tall 
of  stature,  23  years  of  age,  with  his  arms. 

Gaspar  Lopez  de  Tabara,  son  of  the  Comendador  Gas- 
par  Lopez  de  Tabara,  native  of  the  city  of  Lisbon,  alugacil 
real  of  the  said  expedition,  chestnut  colored  beard,  30  years 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  163 

old,  with  all  his  arms.    The  rest  which  he  declared  he  had 
given  to  a  soldier,  he  said. 

Lucas  de  Tordesillas,  son  of  Juan  de  Tordesillas,  native 
of  Zacatecas,  tall  of  stature,  fat,  swarthy,  blackbearded,  a 
mark  between  the  eye-brows,  30  years  of  age,  with  his  arms. 

Leonis  de  Trevino,  son  of  Baltasar  de  Banuelos,  native 
of  Zacatecas,  of  good  stature,  scant  reddish  beard,  26  years 
of  age,  with  arms,  for  although  he  brought  them  he  said 
the  governor  had  given  them  to  him. 

Alonso  Varela,  native  of  Santiago  de  Galicia,  of  good 
stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  30  years  old,  son  of  Pedro 
Varela,  appeared  with  his  arms. 

Pedro  Varela,  native  of  Santiago  de  Galicia,  son  of 
Pedro  Varela,  24  years  of  age,  of  good  stature,  redbearded, 
appeared  with  his  arms. 

Francisco  Vazquez,  native  of  Cartaya,  son  of  Alonso 
Alfran,  of  good  stature,  redbearded,  28  years  of  age,  ap- 
peared with  his  arms  and  and  extra  coat  of  mail. 

The  treasurer  Don  Luis  Gasco  de  Velasco,  28  years  old, 
son  of  Luis  Ximenez  Gasco,  native  of  the  city  of  Quenca, 
of  medium  stature,  redbearded,  appeared  with  his  arms. 

Rodrigo  Velman,  son  of  Francisco  Velman,  native  of 
Trimonia  Framenco,  of  medium  stature,  bright  reddish 
beard,  33  years  of  age,  with  his  arms  which  he  said  the 
governor  had  given  him. 

Francisco  Vido,  son  of  Geronimo  Vido,  native  of  Mex- 
ico, swarthy,  beardless,  of  medium  stature,  20  years  old, 
with  all  his  arms,  which  he  said  the  governor  had  given  him. 

Captain  Gaspar  de  Villagra,  son  of  Hernan  Perez  de 
Villagra,  native  of  Puebla  de  Los  Angeles,  of  medium  stat- 
ure, graybearded,  30  years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms. 

Francisco  de  Villalua,  son  of  Juan  Miguel  Galindo,  na- 
tive of  Cadiz,  beardless,  of  good  stature,  20  years  of  age, 
with  his  arms,  which  he  said  the  governor  had  given  him 
except  for  the  harquebus.  He  brought  a  scythe. 


164          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Miguel  Rodriguez  de  Villaviciosa,  son  of  Juanes  de 
Villaviciosa,  native  of  Rantaria,  of  medium  stature,  beard 
growing,  with  a  small  wound  above  the  left  eye-brow,  20 
years  old,  with  his  arms. 

Juan  Ximenez,  son  of  Francisco  Ximenez,  native  of 
Trujillo,  of  medium  stature,  blackbearded,  30  years  of  age, 
with  a  suit  and  sword  of  his  own  and  harquebus.  The  rest 
he  said  the  governor  had  given  him. 

Isidro  Xuarez,  son  of  Pedro  Xuarez  Montano,  native 
of  Xerez  de  los  Caballeros,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored 
beard,  20  years  of  age,  with  all  his  arms,  which  he  said  the 
governor  had  given  him. 

Hernando  de  Ynojos,  son  of  Juan  Ruiz,  native  of  Car- 
taya,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  36  years  of 
ag^  with  all  his  arms  and  the  other  things  which  he  and 
his  brother  Sebastian  Rodriguez  had  declared,  except  a  coat 
of  mail,  which  he  said  had  been  given  away. 

Leon  de  Ysasti,  son  of  Juanes  de  Ysasti,  native  of  the 
Valle  de  Haro,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  with 
a  small  wound  above  the  left  eye-brow,  23  years  of  age, 
with  his  arms. 

The  maestro  de  campo  Don  Juan  de  Zaldivar,  28  years 
of  age,  son  of  Vicente  de  Zaldivar,  native  of  the  city  of 
Zacatecas,  a  man  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard, 
appeared  with  his  arms  and  displayed  the  other  arms  which 
he  had  declared  except  an  harquebus  which  he  said  he  had 
given  to  a  soldier. 

The  sargento  mayor  Vicente  de  Zaldivar,  25  years  old, 
son  of  Vicente  de  Zaldivar,  native  of  Zacatecas,  of  medium 
stature,  chestnut  colored  beard,  appeared  with  his  arms. 

Rodrigo  Zapata,  son  of  Francisco  Hernandez  Piquete, 
native  of  Azuaga,  small  of  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard, 
with  two  or  three  marks  on  his  forehead,  23  years  of  age, 
with  all  his  arms. 

The  purveyor-  general  Diego  de  Zubia,  36  years  of  age, 
native  of  the  city  of  Guadalajara  in  New  Galicia,  son  of 
Juan  de  Zubia,  of  good  stature,  chestnut  colored  beard, 
with  a  wound  in  his  forehead,  appeared  with  his  arms. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  165 


APPENDIX  B. 

Official  List  of  the  People  who  Went  to 
New  Mexico  in  1600.* 

First  passed  Juan  Guerra  de  Resa,  lieutenant  adelan- 
tado,  governor  and  captain  general  of  New  Mexico,  on 
horseback,  the  reins  in  one  hand  with  a  staff  of  command 
in  the  other;  near  him  a  page  completely  equipped  with 
arms,  -  coat  of  mail,  buckskin  leather  jacket,  cuishes,  hel- 
met, beaver,  harquebus  and  a  horse  armed  in  tanned  buck- 
skins. 

Company  of  Captain  Bernabe  de  las  Casas. 

Captain  Bernabe  de  las  Casas,  who  goes  as  leader  of 
the  said  army.  He  departed  from  the  provinces  of  New 
Mexico  to  lead  the  people.  He  was  equipped  with  all  arms  - 
coat  of  mail,  cuishes,  helmet,  beaver,  cavalry  arms  and  was 
on  horseback  with  his  harquebus,  the  horse  armed  in  nat- 
ural bulls'  or  cows'  hides,  which  he  said  came  from  the 
church  of  Teneriffe  from  the  Canary  Islands.  He  was 
the  legitimate  son  of  Miguel  de  las  Casas ;  is  a  man  of  good 
stature,  swarthy  of  feature,  blackbearded,  30  years  of  age.* 

Bernabe  Benitez  de  Azebo,  son  of  Andres  Benitez,  a 
noble,  native  of  Alcazar  de  Cezeres,  fully  armed  like  the 
rest,  20  years  of  age,  tall  of  stature,  swarthy  of  feature, 
well  armed.  I  say  he  is  34  (sic) 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  la  Banda,  son  of  said  Ben- 
humea.**  with  his  arms  and  horse  like  the  others,  beard 
growing,  20  years  of  age. 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Benhumea,  son  of  Gonzalo  Fer- 
nandez de  Benhumea,  native  of  the  town  of  Cazalla,  grayish, 
short  of  stature,  53  years  of  age,  fully  armed  like  the  others. 


*  As   each   man   appeared   before   the   inspecting   officers    he   took    an    oath    that 
the  arms  were  his  own,   for  use  in   New  Mexico. 

*  There  are  80  soldiers   in  this   reinforcement,   including   Juan   Guerra   de   Resa. 
who   did   not   go  to   New   Mexico,    however.      Thus    Onate    fulfilled   the   bond   given    at 
Avino,   January  21,    1598.     See  ch.   v  of  this   study.      The  document   from   which  this 

list  was  taken  is  in  A.   G.  I.,   58-3-14. 

**     That   is,   Gonzalo   Fernandez   de   Benhumea. 


166          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Sebastian  de  Benhumea,  son  of  said  Benhumea,  with 
his  arms  like  the  rest,  18  years  of  age. 

Cristobal  de  Brito,  the  legitimate  son  of  Triminez  de 
la  Calle,  native  of  the  Isle  of  La  Palma,  tall  of  stature, 
blackbearded,  25  years  of  age,  fully  armed  like  the  others. 

Bernabe  de  las  Casas,  see  above. 

Juan  Ruiz  Caceres,  son  of  Pedro  Ruiz,  native  of  the 
Isle  of  La  Palma,  long-visaged,  well  bearded,  tall  of  stature, 
30  years  of  age,  fully  armed  like  the  others. 

Diego  de  Castellanos,  son  of  Domingo  de  Castellanos, 
native  of  Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  of  medium  stature,  beard- 
less, well  featured,  18  years  of  age,  completely  armed  like 
the  rest. 

Pedro  Gomez  Duran,  sargeant  of  the  said  company, 
equipped  with  all  arms  like  the  rest.  He  said  he  was  a 
native  of  Valverde  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Grand  Master 
of  Santiago,  the  legitimate  son  of  Hernan  Sanchez  Reco. 
He  is  a  robust  man,  of  good  feature,  50  years  old. 

Antonio  Fernandez,  son  of  Francisco  Simon.  He  is 
a  native  of  the  city  of  Braga,  tall  of  stature,  well  featured, 
35  years  old,  completely  equipped  with  arms  like  the  rest. 

Juan  Ruiz  Fernandez,  son  of  Hernando  Ruiz  de  Rojas, 
native  of  Espinosa  de  los  Monteros,  scant  beard,  of  good 
feature,  medium  stature,  23  years  of  age,  fully  armed  like 
the  others. 

Manuel  Ferrara,  soldier,  son  of  Manuel  Ferrara  de 
Figueroa,  native  of  Puebla  de  los  Angeles  of  New  Spain, 
of  good  stature  and  feature,  tall,  beard  growing,  20  years 
of  age,  fully  armed  like  the  rest. 

Gregorio  de  Figueroa,  son  of  Diego  Ruiz  de  Figueroa, 
native  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  short  of  stature,  beard  grow- 
ing, 21  years  old,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Domingo  Gutierrez,  the  legitimate  son  of  Domingo 
Gutierrez,  native  of  the  Isle  of  La  Palma,  short  of  stature, 
round-faced,  well  bearded,  30  years  of  age,  fully  armed  like 
the  others. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  167 


Juan  de  Guzman,  son  of  Luis  Andino,  native  of  the 
port  of  Santa  Maria,  short  of  stature,  swarthy  of  feature, 
20  years  old,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Captain  Antonio  Conde  de  Herrera,  saryento  mayor 
of  the  said  relief  force,  fully  equipped  with  arms,  personal 
and  horse,  including  harquebus,  native  of  Xerez  de  la 
Frontera  in  the  kingdom  of  Castile,  son  of  Xines  de  Herrera 
Corta. 

Garcia  Lucio,  soldier  of  the  said  company,  with  his 
arms  and  horse  like  the  rest,  the  legitimate  son  of  Rodrigo 
Lucio,  native  of  Alcantara,  rough  beard,  well  featured,  30 
years  old. 

Juan  Luxan,  son  of  Francisco  Rodriguez,  native  of  the 
Isle  of  La  Palma,  short  of  stature,  27  years  of  age,  armed 
like  the  others. 

Miguel  Martin,  son  of  Lucas  Martin,  native  of  the  city 
of  Escalona,  blue  eyed,  beard  growing,  22  years  of  age, 
equipped  with  arms  and  horse  like  the  rest. 

Baltasar    Martinez,   cogedor,   son  of   Juan     Sanchez, 

cogedor,  native  of  the  town  of  Vudia  in  the  kingdom  of 

Castile,  tall  of  stature,  well  featured,  beard  growing,  22 
years  old,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Captain  Geronimo  Marquez,  maese  de  campo  of  the 
said  relief  force,  with  his  arms,  both  personal  and  horse. 
He  said  he  was  a  native  of  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  the 
legitimate  son  of  Hernan  Munoz  Zamorano,  40  years  of 
age,  swarthy  of  feature,  blackbearded. 

Juan  Lopez  de  Medel,  son  of  Pedro  Lopez  de.  Medel, 
native  of  the  Isle  of  La  Palma,  tall  of  stature,  blackbearded, 
36  years  old,  armed  like  the  others. 

Antonio  Mexia,  son  of  Luis  Mexia,  native  of  the  city 
of  Seville,  18  years  of  age,  beardless,  of  good  countenance, 
fully  armed  like  the  rest. 

Bartolome  Montoya,  son  of  Francisco  de  Montoya,  na- 


168          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tive  of  Cantillana,  fully  armed,  blackbearded,  short  of  sta- 
ture, 28  years  of  age. 

Luis  Moreno,  ensign,  son  of  Luis  Fernandez  Moltaluo, 
native  of  the  Isle  of  Teneriffe,  well  featured,  tough  beard, 
tall  of  stature,  26  years  of  age,  fully  armed  like  the  rest. 

Juan  Munoz,  ensign,  enlisted  with  his  arms  and  horse 
like  the  rest,  with  a  standard  of  red  damask  in  the  hand 
having  two  emblems  of  Our  Lady  and  St.  James,  the  border 
of  gold  and  silk.  He  said  he  was  a  native  of  Xerez  de  la 
Frontera,  son  of  Cristobal  de  Bargas.  He  is  a  man  tall  of 
stature,  very  fat,  round-faced,  blackbearded,  40  years  of 
age. 

Francisco  Diaz  de  la  Pena,  son  of  Francisco  Diaz  de  la 
Pena,  native  of  the  city  of  Toledo,  beardless,  blue-eyed, 
short  of  stature,  18  years  old,  armed  like  the  others. 

Pedro  Rodriguez,  native  of  the  Isle  of  La  Palma,  short 
of  stature,  tough  beard,  of  good  feature,  30  years  old,  fully 
armed. 

Juan  Baptista  Ruato,  leader,  with  his  arms  and  horse 
like  the  rest,  native  of  the  Isle  of  Teneriffe,  the  legitimate 
son  of  Amador  Balez,  of  medium  stature,  fine  reddish 
countenance,  light  blue  eyes,  well  bearded,  30  years  of  age. 

Bartolome  Sanchez,  native  of  Llerena,  the  legitimate 
son  of  Bartolome  Sanchez,  equipped  with  all  arms  for 
person  and  horse  like  the  rest,  tough  beard,  well  featured, 
28  years  of  age. 

Bernabe  de  Santillan,  son  of  Hernando  de  Olivar,  na- 
tive of  Madrid,  tall,  beard  growing,  swarthy,  24  years  of 
age,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Tristan  Vaez,  son  of  Amador  Vaez,  native  of  Puebla 
de  los  Angeles,  of  this  New  Spain,  beard  growing,  short 
of  stature,  20  years  old,  fully  armed  like  the  rest. 

Juan  Rodriguez  Vellido,  son  of  Francisco  Nunez,  na- 
tive of  Xibraleon  in  Castile,  well  bearded,  with  a  scar  be- 
low the  left  eye,  40  years  of  age,  fully  armed  like  the  rest. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  169 

Estevan  Perez  de  Yranzo,  son  of  Vicente  Perez  de 
Yranzo,  native  of  the  town  of  San  Martin  in  New  Galicia, 
of  good  stature,  rough  beard,  fully  armed  like  the  others, 
30  years  of  age. 

Captain  Villagra's  List. 

Captain  Caspar  de  Villagra,  procurator-general  of  the 
expedition  was  armed  in  coat  of  mail,  cuishes,  iron  beaver 
and  had  a  short  lance.  The  horse  was  armed  in  bulls'  or 
cows'  hides.  He  made  a  demonstration  of  his  entire  com- 
pany. .  .  . 

Francisco  de  Algecira,  ensign,  son  of  the  licentiate 
Diego  de  Algecira  Ricaldo,  20  years  old,  of  good  feature, 
beard  growing,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Captain  Juan  de  Victoria  Carbajal,  who  went  to  the 
said  provinces  of  New  Mexico  and  is  now  returning  there- 
to, member  of  the  council  of  war.  He  is  a  son  of  Juan  de 
Carbajal,  well  featured,  with  a  mark  on  the  right  side  of 
the  face  above  the  eye,  38  years  of  age,  completely  armed 
like  the  others. 

Captain  Francisco  Donis,  the  legitimate  son  of  Caspar 
Donis,  native  of  Los  Angeles,  with  a  mark  in  his  forehead, 
of  good  stature,  tough  beard,  33  years  of  age,  armed  like 
the  rest. 

Cristobal  Gonzalez  de  Flores,  sargeant,  son  of  Antor. 
Alonso,  native  of  Seville,  blackbearded,  tall,  40  years  old, 
armed  like  the  others. 

Diego  Martinez  de  Guevara,  sargeant,  son  of  Benito 
Martinez  de  Guevara,  native  of  Burgos,  21  years  of  age, 
short  of  stature,  tough  beard,  blue-eyed,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Juan  de  Herrera,  son  of  Francisco  de  Herrera,  native 
of  the  city  of  Mexico,  medium  of  stature,  round-f  acfcd,  bearc" 
growing,  20  years  old,  armed  like  the  others. 

Juan  Lopez  Holguin,  ensign,  son  of  Juan  Lopez  Vil  - 
lasana,  native  of  Fuente  Obejuna,  of  good  stature,  black 
bearded,with  a  mark  on  the  left  eye,  40  years  old,  armed 
like  the  rest. 

12 


170          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Juan  de  Lara,  son  of  Francisco  de  Pineda,native  of 
Antequera,  20  years  old,  beardless,  blue-eyed,  medium  of 
stature,  armed  like  the  others. 

Captain  Juan  Martinez  de  Montoya,  son  of  Bartolome 
Martinez  de  Montoya,  native  of  the  town  of  Nava  la  Camella 
in  the  jurisdiction  of  Segovia  in  Castile,  tall,  of  good  fea- 
ture, blackbearded,  40  years  old,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Juan  Rangel,  ensign,  son  of  Cristobal  Gaspar  Anrri- 
quez,  native  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  25  years  of  age,  tall  of 
stature,  well  featured,  fully  equipped  with  arms  for  man 
and  horse  like  his  captain  [Villagra]  and  with  a  standard 
in  his  hands. 

Captain  Francisco  Rascon,  son  of  Francisco  Rascon, 
native  of  the  city  of  Los  Angeles  in  New  Spain,  tall  of  sta- 
ture, well  featured,  25  years  old,  armed  like  the  others. 

Don  Pedro  Gallegos  Truxillo,  ensign,  son  of  Garcia  de 
Truxillo  de  Gallegos,  native  of  Xerez  de  la  Frontera,  23 
years  of  age,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Captain  Cristobal  Vaca,  the  legitimate  son  of  Juan 
de  Vaca,  native  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  of  good  stature, 
swarthy,  well  featured,  33  years  of  age,  with  his  arms  like 
the  rest. 

Andres  Gutierrez  Valdivia,  ensign,  son  of  Cristobal 
Gutierrez  Valdivia,  native  of  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda. 
of  good  stature,  well  bearded,  swarthy  of  feature,  32  years 
old,  armed  like  the  others. 

Bias  de  Valdivia,  son  of  Juan  de  Valdivia,  native  of 
Seville,  beardless,  round-faced,  beard  growing,  20  years  of 
age,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Captain  Alonso  Vayo,  son  of  Juan  Dominguez,  native 
of  San  Juan  del  Puerto  in  Castile,  with  a  mark  on  the  left 
cheek,  tall,  25  years  of  age.  He  enlisted  with  a  buckskin 
leather  jacket,  adorned  coat  of  mail,  harquebus  and  came 
on  horseback,  behind  him  a  servant,  completely  armed, 
both  man  and  horse,  with  a  lance  in  the  hand.  He  requested 
that  he  be  given  testimony  of  this. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  171 

Alonso  de  la  Vega,  sergeant,  son  of  Juan  de  la  Vega, 
native  of  Carmona,  short  of  stature,  tough  beard,  26  years 
of  age,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Captain  Villagra,  see  above. 

Captain  Ortega's  List. 

Then  appeared  Captain  Juan  de  Ortega  with  a  squa- 
dron of  armed  men  on  horseback,  the  horses  also  being 
armed.  .  .  .  The  squadron  was  ordered  to  march  to  the 
encampment  [San  Bartolome].  This  was  done,  the  har- 
quebuses being  discharged  now  and  then.  The  commis- 
saries, having  seen  the  captain  and  force,  ordered  them  to 
place  themselves  face  to  face,  and  they  were  enrolled  in  the 
following  manner. 

Captain  Juan  de  Ortega,  son  of  Hernando  de  Ortega, 
native  of  Los  Angeles,  medium  of  stature,  of  good  feature, 
redbearded,  27  years  of  age.  He  enlisted  with  his  arms, 
harquebus,  coat  of  mail,  cuishes,  beaver,  dagger  and  sword, 
leather  shield  and  buckskin  jacket.  The  horse  was  armed 
in  bull's  or  cow's  hide. 

Juan  Alonso,  soldier,  son  of  Juan  Mendez,  native  of 
Seville,  of  good  stature,  well  bearded,  24  years  of  age,  armed 
like  the  rest. 

Diego  Hernandez  Barriga,  son  of  Juan  Fernandez,  na- 
tive of  Moguer,  a  well  built  man,  well  bearded,  25  years  of 
age,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Diego  Diez,  son  of  Diego  Diez,  native  of  Havana,  18 
years  old,  fat,  beardless,  armed  like  the  others. 

Isidro  Suarez  de  Figueroa,  ensign  of  this  company, 
son  of  Pedro  Suarez  Montano,  native  of  Xerez  de  los  Cabal- 
los.  He  came  from  New  Mexico.  He  is  of  good  stature, 
swarthy,  long-visaged,  recenty  bearded,  24  years  old,  with 
arms  similar  to  his  captain's 

Juan  Garcia,  native  of  Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  beard- 
less, thin,  20  years  old,  with  his  arms  like  the  others. 

Don  Alonso  de  Guzman,  sergeant  of  said  company,  son 


172          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  Antonio  de  Guzman,  native  of  Cuenca,  of  good  stature, 
well  bearded,  22  years  old,  fully  equipped  with  arms  for 
man  and  horse  like  the  rest. 

Juan  Jorge,  son  of  Juan  Jorge  Griego,  native  of  the 
town  of  Los  Lagos,  tall  of  stature,  swarthy,  35  years  of 
age,  armed  like  the  rest. 

Cristobal  de  Lizaga,  son  of  Juan  de  Lizaga,  native  of 
Tepez  in  New  Spain,  of  good  feature,  tall,  beardless,  22 
years  old,  with  his  arms. 

Mateo  Lopez,  son  of  Juan  Marcos,  native  of  Madrid, 
20  years  of  age,  beard  growing,  swarthy,  round-faced,  with 
his  arms. 

Antonio  de  Manzaneda,  son  of  Luis  de  Manzaneda,  na- 
tive of  Los  Angeles,  tall,  beardless,  18  years  old,  enlisted 
like  the  rest. 

Sebastian  Martin,  son  of  Francisco  Martin,  native  of 
Seville,  of  medium  stature,  beard  growing,  21  years  old, 
with  his  arms. 

Juan  Martinez,  son  of  Juan  Martinez,  native  of  Ta- 
lavera,  of  good  stature,  somewhat  bearded,  23  years  old, 
enlisted  with  his  arms  like  the  others. 

Juan  de  Melgar,  son  of  Lorenzo-  de  Melgar,  native  of 
Zacatecas,  tough  beard,  of  medium  stature,  lame  in  one  leg, 
26  years  of  age,  enlisted  armed  like  the  rest. 

Luis  de  Morales,  son  of  Francisco  de  Morales,  native 
of  Los  Angeles  in  New  Spain,  of  good  stature,  with  a  scar 
from  a  wound  on  the  left  side  of  the  beard,  23  years  old, 
with  his  arms. 

Captain  Juan  de  Ortega,  see  above. 

Francisco  Ruiz,  native  of  Espinosa  de  los  Monteros, 
20  years  old,  of  good  stature,  beard  growing,  enlisted  with 
his  arms. 

Francisco  Sanchez,  son  of  Juan  Sanchez,  native  of 
Mexico,  beardless,  of  good  feature,  18  years  old,  with  arms 
and  horse  like  the  rest. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  173 

Francisco  Suarez,  son  of  Diego  Suarez,  native  of  Gara- 
chico  on  the  Isle  of  Teneriffe,  of  good  feature,  tall,  beard 
growing,  20  years  old,  with  his  arms,  i.  e.,  coat  of  mail, 
beaver,  cuishes,  harquebus,  dagger,  sword,  and  horse  which 
was  armed  like  the  others. 

Of  the  following  nine  soldiers  we  have  no  descriptions. 
The  first  and  fifth  enrolled  late,  the  others  departed  early. 
Pedro  de  Angelo.  Juan  Gregorio. 

Juan  Fernandez.  Juan  Hurtado. 

Alvaro  Garcia.  Pedro  Perez. 

Simon  Garcia.  Robledo. 

Juan  Gil. 

List  of  Married  Women. 

Dona  Franciscia  Galindo,  wife  of  Captain  sargento 
mayor  Antonio  Conde  Herrera. 

Dofia  Anna  Galindo,  Dona  Geronima  Galindo  and  Dona 
Maria  Galindo,  sisters  of  the  said  Dona  Francisca,  un- 
married. 

Dona  Margarita  and  Domingo  de  Castellanos,  children 
of  the  said  captain. 

Juana  Gutierrez,  wife  of  Geronimo  Hernandez  de  Ben- 
humea. 

Dona  Anna  de  Mendoza,  daughter  of  Dona  Luisa  de 
Mendoza,  native  of  Mexico,  wife  of  the  ensign  Gregorio  de 
Figueroa. 

Dona  Anna  Ortiz,  daughter  of  Francisco  Pacheco,  wife 
of  Cristobal  Vaca,  native  of  Mexico.  Here  three  daughters 
and  son,  named  Juana  de  Zamora,  Ysabel  and  Maria  de 
Villarubia,  and  the  boy  Antonio.  She  brings  an  unmarried 
servant  Anna  Berdugo,  natives  of  Mexico. 

Francisca  de  Valles,  wife  of  Juan   Ruiz   Fernandez, 

Maria  de  Zamora,  legitimate  wife  of  Bartolome  de 
Montoya,  with  five  children,  three  boys  and  two  girls,  all 
under  sixteen,  named  Francisco,  Diego,  Joseph,  Lucia  and 
Petronilla. 


174          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Anna  India,  native  of  Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  and  Paul 
Hernandez,  her  natural  husband,  from  the  said  town,  with 
two  little  children,  Maria  and  Estevan;  servants  of  Juan 
Baptista. 

Juana  Fernandez,  unmarried,  sister  of  the  aforesaid, 
in  service  of  Juan  Baptista. 

Beatriz  de  los  Angeles,  unmarried,  servant  of  Cristobal 
de  Brito ;  and  Juan  Tarasco,  servant  of  the  same  man. 

Anna,  living  with  an  Indian  named  Francisco  belong- 
ing to  Captain  Bernabe  de  las  Casas. 

A  girl  named  Ines,  10  years  old. 

Maria,  unmarried,  servant  of  Juan  Lopez.  She  has 
a  girl  named  Mariana. 

Catalina,  sister  of  the  aforesaid  spinster.  She  has  a 
girl  called  Maria;  is  in  service  of  Juan  Lopez. 

Agustina,  her  sister,  married  to  Francisco  servant  of 
Juan  Lopez. 

Francisco,  an  Indian,  servant  of  Captain  Bernabe  de 
las  Casas. 

Francisca,  unmarried,  servant  of  Bartolome  Sanchez. 

Francisca  Ximenez,  unmarried,  servant  of  Juan  Lu- 
janes. 

A  girl  called  Maria. 

Madalena,  unmarried,  servant  of  Pedro  Rodriguez. 
Mateo,  a  mulatto,  in  service  of  Juan  Baptista  Ruano. 
Isabel,  a  mulatto  woman,  unmarried  and  free. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  175 

MILITARY  ESCORTS  ON  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL 
FRED  S.  PERRINE 

Without  doubt  the  romance  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  ap- 
peals to  a  great  many  readers  who  are  interested  in  the 
days  of  the  pioneer,  and  the  settlement  of  the  great  South- 
west. 

Covering  a  period  of  practically  three  decades,  the  his- 
tory of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  is  replete  with  Indian  attacks 
and  hair-raising  adventures. 

The  first  military  escort  furnished  the  Santa  Fe  trade 
by  the  federal  government,  was  in  1829,  when  four  com- 
panies of  the  6th  Infantry,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Bennett  Riley,  left  Jefferson  Barracks,  Mo.,  May  5,  1829, 
to  protect  a  caravan  of  about  79  men  and  38  wagons.  Riley's 
command  had  20  wagons  laden  with  flour,  and  4  ox-carts 
with  camp  equipment. 

The  best  contemporary  account  we  have  of  affairs  on 
the  Santa  Fe  Trail  is  Gregg's  "Commerce  of  the  Prairies," 
Early  Western  Travels  Series,  edited  by  Reuben  Gold 
Thwaites.  Gregg  states  as  follows,  Vol.  xix,  p.  187: 

"This  escort  under  Major  Riley,  and  one  composed  of 
about  sixty  dragoons,  commanded  by  Captain  Wharton,  in 
1834,  constituted  the  only  government  protection  ever  af- 
forded to  the  Santa  Fe  trade  until  1843,  when  large  escorts 
under  Captain  Cook  accompanied  two  different  caravans 
as  far  as  the  Arkansas  river,"  but  on  p.  107,  Vol.  xx,  he  con- 
tradicts himself  as  follows : 

"We  had  just  reached  the  extreme  edge  of  the  far 
famed,  'Cross  Timbers'  when  we  were  gratified  by  the 
arrival  of  forty  dragoons,  under  the  command  of  Lieut. 
Bowman,  who  had  orders  to  accompany  us  to  the  supposed 
boundaries  of  the  United  States."  This  was  in  1839,  and 
Gregg's  caravan,  this  year,  did  not  follow  the  regular  route 
to  Santa  Fe,  but  left  Van  Buren,  Arkansas,  crossing  the 


176          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Arkansas  River,  striking-  westerly  toward  the  North  fork 
of  the  Canadian,  which  they  struck  near  its  confluence  with 
the  Canadian.  Thence  westerly  along  the  north  bank  of 
the  Canadian  to  Santa  Fe,  which  was  practically  due  west 
from  Van  Buren. 

Of  the  first  military  escort,  under  Major  Riley  we  have 
his  official  report,  dated  Cantonment  Leavenworth,  Nov. 
22,  1829.  This  report  was  published  in  American  State 
Papers,  Military  Affairs,  Vol.  ix,  pp.  277-280,  but  in  a  gar- 
bled condition.  Efforts  are  now  being  made  to  ascertain  if 
the  original  manuscript  report  of  Major  Riley,  together  with 
the  communications  mentioned  in  his  report,  are  still  ex- 
tant in  the  records  of  the  War  Department. 

The  report  of  Major  Riley,  as  published  in  American 
State  Papers,  above  mentioned,  will  be  included  in  this 
article,  with  remarks  and  notations,  and  in  case  the  original 
reports  and  communications  are  located,  they  will  be  em- 
bodied in  a  later  article. 

Between  1829  and  1834,  there  are  no  government  re- 
cords showing  that  United  States  troops-  were  used  as  es- 
corts on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail,  although  the  following  appears 
in  the  St.  Louis  Republican,  under  date  of  April  23,  1832:* 

"Many  of  our  enterprising  young  men  have  already 
left,  and  others  are  preparing  to  take  their  departure  for 
Santa  Fe.  The  upper  country  will  also  send  out  an  un- 
usual number  of  traders.  They  are  to  rendezvous  at  the 
round  prairie,  near  the  Missouri  line,  on  the  15th  of  next 
month;  when  they  will  be  escorted  as  far  as  the  boundary 
between  the  U.  States  and  New  Spain,  by  a  detachment  of 
the  U.  S.  Army:' 

Other  than  Gregg's  "Commerce  of  the  Prairies,"  Niles 
"Weekly  Register,"  and  the  contemporary  files  of  the  St. 
Louis  newspapers,  give  the  most  information  of  the  doings 
along  the  Santa  Fe  Trail.  Many  papers  of  the  time  pro- 
tested against  the  furnishing  of  military  escorts  to  the 


*  Bancroft  in  "History  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,"  p.  335,  note  36,  states : 
"Chas.  Bent  is  named  as  capt.  of  a  caravan  of  93  wagons  in  '33,  escorted  by  a  com- 
pany of  rangers:"  giving  as  his  authority  Niles'  Register  xliv,  374. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  177 

trade  on  account  of  the  expense;  and  the  traders  banded 
themselves  together  for  their  mutual  protection  against 
the  Indians. 

The  next  military  escort  furnished  the  Santa  Fe  trade 
was  that  of  Company  A,  United  States  Dragoons,  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Clifton  Wharton,  in  1834.  Captain 
Wharton's  report,  which  has  never  been  published,  has 
been  unearthed  through  the  efforts  of  Hon.  Chas.  L.  Mc- 
Nary,  senior  senator  from  Oregon,  Mr.  Grant  Foreman, 
and  the  writer  of  this  article.  This  report  of  Captain 
Wharton  will  be  taken  up  after  the  Riley  report. 

Between  the  years  1834  and  1843,  a  hiatus  exists,  at 
least  as  far  as  government  records  are  concerned,  relative 
to  military  escorts  on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail. 

There  is  no  government  record  of  the  escort  furnished 
Gregg's  expedition  in  1839,  under  the  command  of  Lieuten- 
ant James  Monroe  Bowman,  and  as  far  as  the  writer  has 
been  able  to  ascertain,  Gregg  is  the  only  one  who  makes 
any  mention  of  it. 

The  next  record  of  United  States  troops  escorting 
Santa  Fe  caravans,  is  furnished  by  Gregg,  who  states; 
"Large  escorts  under  Captain  Cook*  accompanied  two  dif- 
ferent caravans,  as  far  as  the  Arkansas  river." 

The  writer  of  this  article  is  under  many  obligations 
to  Hon.  Chas.  L.  McNary,  U.  S.  Senator  from  Oregon,  Mr. 
Grant  Foreman  of  Muskogee,  Okla.,  and  Miss  Stella  M. 
Drumm,  of  the  Missouri  Historical  Society,  and  hereby 
heartily  acknowledges  the  same. 

Report  of  four  Companies  of  Sixth  regiment  of  the 
United  States  Infantry  which  left  Jefferson  Barracks  on 
the  5th  of  May  1829,  under  the  command  of  Brevet  Major 
Riley,1  of  the  United  States  army,  for  the  protection  of  the 
trade  of  Santa  Fe. 


*  This  was  Philip  St.  George  Cooke,  whose  experiences  during  the  escort  of 
the  caravans  referred  to,  are  found  in  his  "Scenes  and  Adventures  in  the  Army," 
now  out  of  print,  and  not  easily  available.  A  brief  resume  of  this  book  will  follow 
the  report  of  Captain  Wharton. 

1.  Bennett  Riley,  born  in  Maryland,  was  appointed  ensign  in  the  Rifles,  Jan. 
19,  1813.  After  serving  through  several  grades,  Captain  of  the  5th  Inf.,  June  1, 


178          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Cantonment  Leavenworth,  November  22,  1829. 

Sir :  I  have  the  honor  to  report  my  arrival  here  with 
the  United  States  troops  I  have  the  honor  to  command,  on 
the  8th  of  this  month,  all  well,  and  in  good  spirits,  but 
rather  thinly  clad  for  the  season.  The  command  left  this 
place  on  the  3d  of  June,  and  the  opposite  side  of  the  river 
on  the  4th.  The  reason  for  my  crossing  the  river  and  going 
to  the  other  side  I  have  already  stated  in  my  communica- 
tions to  the  department  that  is,  from  the  information  I 
could  get,  that  it  was  the  best  side;  but  on  my  return  I 
found  that  the  people  had  given  me  wrong  information  of 
the  road.  However,  we  had  little  or  no  trouble  except  with 
the  oxen,  they  being  of  different  ages,  some  old  and  some 
young,  and  not  used  to  be  put  together,  and  the  teamsters 
not  accustomed  to  drive  them.  All  these  things  combined 
troubled  us  a  little,  but  after  five  or  six  days  we  had  no 
trouble.  Nothing  occurred  worthy  of  notice  until  the  llth, 
when  a  cart,  which  had  been  purchased  by  the  assistant 
quartermaster,  Lee,2  broke  down,  and  on  examining  it  we 
found  that  the  inside  of  the  hubs  was  entirely  decayed,  and 
the  boxes  had  become  so  loose  that  it  could  not  be  repaired 
on  the  prairie. 

I  directed  my  assistant  quarter-master,  Lieutenant 
Brooke,3  to  have  it  left  behind,  rather  than  lose  time  by 
calling  a  board  or  trying  to  repair  it.  On  the  same  day 
we  fell  in  with  the  company  of  traders,  at  a  place  called 


1821.  Shortly  after  was  transferred  to  the  6th  Inf.,  and  after  that  he  served  in 
the  4th  and  2nd  Inf.,  until  he  was  appointed  Colonel  of  the  1st  Inf.,  on  Jan.  .31, 
1850.  He  served  through  the  Seminole  and  the  Mexican  Wars,  and  died  June  9,  1853. 

2.  Francis   Lee,   born   in    Pa.,   a   West   Point   graduate.      Served    in   the    7th,    4th 
and  6th   Inf.,  and  on   Oct.   18,   1855.   was   appointed   Colonel  of  the   2nd   Inf.      Served 
through   the   Mexican   War,   and   was   brevetted    for   gallant   and   meritorious    conduct 
in   this   conflict.     He  died   Jan.   19,    1859. 

3.  Francis   J.   Brooke,   was   born   in   Virginia,   graduated   from   West    Point,    class 
of  1826,  served  first  in  the  6th  Inf.,  then  in  the   7th   Inf.,   appointed   First  Lieuten- 
ant of  the  6th   Inf.,   on   May   6,   1835,   and   was   killed   in   a   battle   with   the   Seminole 
Indians   at   Okeechobee,    Fla.,    December   25,    1837. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  179 

Round  Grove,'  consisting  of  about  79  men  and  38  wagons, 
which  we  took  under  our  protection,  and  on  the  12th  left 
the  Grove.  (Please  to  see,  per  journal,  the  arrivals,  and 
departures,  and  progress  of  each  day.) 

On  the  20th  we  left  Council  Grove.5  After  going  some 
miles  we  found  a  piece  of  bark  stuck  up  in  the  road,  that 
had  written  on  it,  "The  Kansas  have  been  attacked  a  few 
days  since  by  the  Pawnee  Picks,  and  one  of  them  has  been 
killed."  We  saw  several  of  their  camps  as  we  passed  along, 
but  after  this  we  saw  but  one,  which  we  took  to  be  the  camp 
of  some  other  nation  of  Indians,  and  concluded  that  they 
had  gone  back ;  but  on  our  return  we  learned  that  they  had 
pushed  ahead  and  waited  for  me  at  Cow  Creek,6  the  place 
where  wre  saw  the  last  Indian  camp,  where  they  had  stayed 
two  or  three  days,  and  then,  being  out  of  provisions,  had 
crossed  the  Arkansas  lower  down  than  where  we  struck  it, 
and  had  gone  low  down  on  the  Semirone,7  so  that  we  missed 
them  altogether. 

I  had  followed  your  instructions  inviting  the  Kansas, 
loways,  and  Shawnese,  to  accompany  the  expedition  with- 
out pay  or  rations,  but  to  have  my  protection  on  their 
hunts,  but  received  no  answer  from  either  of  them;  if  I 
had,  I  should  have  sent  a  runner  ahead  to  inform  them  that 
my  command  was  at  hand.  In  a  few  days  after  that  we 
lost  six  horses  belonging  to  individuals,  and  some  of  the 


4.  Also   called   Lone   Elm,   and   The   Glen.      On   the  head   waters   of   Cedar   Creek, 
between    Olathe   and    Gardner,    Kan.,    about    35    miles    from   Independence.     Farnham, 
in   his    "Travels   in   the   Great   Western    Prairies"   calls   this    Elm    Grove.      This   point 
was   on   the   Oregon    Trail   as   well   as   the   Santa    Fe   Trail. 

5.  Council    Grove,    now    seat    of    Morris    County,    Kan.,    an    important    stop    on 
the    Santa    Fe    Trail.      Here   the    traders    met,    organized,    elected    officers,    etc.,    also 
here  were  generally  secured  timber  for  axles,   wagon  tongues,  etc.,   as  no  serviceable 
timber    was    to    be    obtained     further    west.      For     a    description    of    this     place    see 
"Thwaites*    Early    Western    Travels,"    Vol.    xix,   p.    201,    also   xxviii,    p.    63. 

6.  Distance    from    Independence,    according    to    Gregg,    about    249    miles.      Was 
similar    in    character    to    the    Little    Arkansas,    with    high    banks    and    miry    bottom. 
Flows   from   Barton   County,   southeast  across   Rice   County,   Kan.      Hutchinson,    Kan., 
is  at  its  confluence  with  the  Arkansas.     The  Santa  Fe  Trail  crossed  the  headwaters 
of   several   of   its   tributaries. 

7.  Cimarron    River,    also    called    Semirone,     Salt     Fork    of    the     Arkansas,    Red 
Fork,   Grand   Saline,   etc.,   was   at  most  times   entirely   dry,   water  flowing   under   the 
sand    except    in    times    of   freshets.      From    the    Arkansas    to    the    Cimarron    was    the 
most   dreaded   part   of   the   entire   trail. 


180          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

traders  reported  that  they  had  seen  signs  of  Indians,  which 
determined  me  to  abandon  the  idea  of  sending  an  express 
after  we  should  have  left  Turkey  Creek,8  which  you  will 
see  was  for  the  good  of  the  service.  On  the  9th  of  July 
we  arrived  at  Chauteau's  island9  where  the  traders  deter- 
mined to  cross  the  river.  The  next  day  I  received  the  en- 
closed communications,  marked  A  and  B.  The  next  day, 
the  llth,  I  delivered  them  the  enclosed  copy  of  a  letter  to 
the  governor  of  Santa  Fe,  marked  C,  and  received  the  en- 
closed communication,  marked  D.  The  .communication 
marked  D,  I  thought  was  requisite,  in  order  that  I  should 
know  where  and  when  they  were  to  meet  us.  They  crossed 
the  river  on  the  10th,  and  on  the  llth  I  went  across  to  see 
them,  and  at  about  one  o'clock  they  started. 

I  had  given  them  my  views  and  advice  of  the  manner 
they  should  proceed,  and  they  promised  to  adhere  to  it,  but 
it  was  soon  forgotten.  I  told  them  that  they  must  stick  to- 
gether, and  not  leave  their  wagons  more  than  one  hundred 
yards,  without  they  sent  out  a  party  to  hunt,  but  it  had  no 
effect;  for  at  about  half -past  six  of  the  same  evening  an 
express  arrived  from  them,  stating  that  Mr.  Lamme,10 
a  merchant  from  Liberty,11  was  killed,  and  they  were  only 


8.  Branch   of   the   Little   Arkansas    in    McPherson    County,    Kan.,    and    about    212 
miles    from    Independence,    according    to    Gregg.      There    were    two    or    three    Turkey 
Creeks   in   this   vicinity,    viz ;    Little    Turkey,    Big    Turkey,    and    Running    Turkey. 

9.  Chouteau's   Island   was   at  the   upper   ford   of  the   Arkansas   River,    just   above 
the    present    town    of    Hartland,    Kearny    Co.,    Kan.,    according    to    Thwaites'    "Early 
Western  Travels,"  Vol.  xix,  p.   185  ;  while  Coues,  in   Pike's  Expedition   Vol  ii,  p.   440 
states :    "Most   of   the  older   maps   mark   hereabout   the   large   island    in   the   Arkansas 
called   Chouteau's,    somewhat   W.    of  the   101st   Meridian,    and    apparently   near    Deer- 
field,"   and   he  further   states   as   follows,    in   the   "Journal   of  Jacob   Fowler,"    p.   32: 
"Chouteau's,    whose    name    was    long    borne    by    a    large    island    in    this    vicinity,    not 
easy  to  locate   exactly.      If  there  has   been   but  one  of  this   name,    Chouteau's   Island 
had   floated   a   good   many   miles   up    and   down   the   river,    at   least    in    books    I    have 
sought  on  the  subject.     Inman  locates  it  near  Cimarron,   Kansas,  p.  42,  at  the  mouth 
of  Big  Sandy  Creek,   Colo.,  on   p.   75  ;  and  his  map   agrees  with   the  latter  position." 

10.  Samuel  Craig  Lamme,  a  merchant  of  Franklin,   Mo., -who  had  recently   come 
thither  from  Harrison  County,  Ky.    (Thwaites'  "Early  Western  Travels,"  xix,  p.  186.) 

11.  Liberty,    Mo.,   the   county   seat  of   Clay   County,   was   settled   in    1822,    but   up 
to    1826    had   only   about   a    dozen    houses  :    it    was    incorporated    in    1829.      During    the 
Mormon    troubles    in    the    fourth    decade    of    the    nineteenth    century,    Liberty    rose    to 
prominence.      The    town    Is    set    back    about    six    miles    from    the    river,    on    the    high 
salubrious   uplands.      Liberty   Landing   on   the   river,    was,    in   the   days   of   the   Santa 
Fe    trade,    of    considerable    importance.     (Thwaites'    "Early    Western    Travels,"    Vol. 
xxii,    p.    249.) 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  181 

six  miles  off,  and  the  Indians  were  all  around  them,  and 
if  I  did  not  go  to  their  assistance  that  they  expected  to  be 
all  killed  and  scalped.  I  could  not  hesitate,  but  struck  my 
tents  immediately  and  commenced  crossing;  but,  unfort- 
unately for  my  oxen,  the  river  had  risen  about  two  feet 
during  the  day,  so  that  we  had  some  difficulty  in  getting 
across,  but  eventually  succeeded.  I  reached  them  with  the 
first  division,  composed  of  companies  A  and  B,  with  the 
six-pounder  and  ammunition  wagon,  at  about  eleven  o'clock 
at  night,  and  the  second  division,  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Wickliff e,12  in  about  an  hour  after,  with  companies 
F  and  H,  and  the  rest  of  the  baggage  and  wagons.  We 
found  them  in  a  very  dangerous  situation,  surrounded  by 
very  high  sand  hills,  with  deep  ravines  running  in  every 
direction;  so  that,  I  think,  if  they  had  been  attacked  by 
any  other  enemy  but  the  Indians  of  that  country  they  must 
have  been  all  killed  and  scalped ;  but  fortunately  for  them, 
in  the  midst  of  misfortune,  the  Indians  run  off  after  hav- 
ing killed  and  scalped  Mr.  Lamme.  As  soon  as  I  arrived 
I  selected  the  best  position  I  could,  and  remained  under 
arms  all  night,  but  saw  no  Indians. 

At  reveille  some  of  the  traders  gave  an  alarm,  and 
said  that  they  saw  the  Indians  in  great  numbers,  but  we 
could  see  nothing  of  them.  They  expressed  a  wish  that 
I  would  go  further  with  them.  I  consented  to  travel  with 
them  two  days,  or  until  they  should  reach  the  Semirone; 
they  appeared  to  be  very  well  satisfied,  and  after  burying 
Mr.  Lamme,  about  ten  o'clock  a.  m.  we  took  up  our  line  of 
march.  The  next  day,  the  13th,  we  reached  a  little  creek, 
where  there  was  good  grass  and  water,  which  was  very 
fortunate  for  us,  for  thirteen  yokes  of  oxen  had  given  out 
on  that  day.  We  rested  in  the  14th,  and  the  traders  stayed 
with  us,  when  in  the  evening  I  received  the  enclosed  com- 
munication, marked  E,  and  I  herewith  enclose  a  copy  of 
my  answer  to  all  their  communications.  We  parted  on  the 


12.  William  N.  Wickliffe  was  born  in  Kentucky,  and  his  military  service  was 
confined  to  the  6th  Inf.,  in  which  he  rose  to  a  Captaincy,  Feb.  15,  1826.  Ee  re- 
signed July  81,  1837. 


182          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

next  day  and  I  arrived  at  Chauteau's  island  on  the  16th, 
after  a  fatiguing  march  of  five  days  since  we  left  the  river. 
We  encamped  on  the  Mexican  side  for  six  or  eight  days, 
during  which  time  we  found  it  necessary  to  have  the  oxen 
unyoked  and  herded  in  good  grass.  We  re-crossed  at  the 
expiration  of  the  time  above  named  and  encamped  a  little 
above,  opposite  Chauteau's  island.  The  position  was  as 
good  as  we  could  get  at  that  point.  The  above  was  a  little 
too  near,  but  we  had  to  encamp  there  for  the  purpose  of 
giving  our  cattle  a  chance  of  gaining  strength  and  spirits, 
there  being  good  grass  and  wood  there.  We  remained  quiet 
until  the  Slst  of  July,  when  four  discharged  soldiers,  Sim- 
mons, Fry,  Colvin,  and  Gordon,  started  for  the  settlements. 
They,  had,  a  few  days  previous,  asked  my  advice  about 
going  in.  I  told  them  that  they  ought  not  to  think  of  such 
a  thing,  for  that  I  had  given  up  sending  expresses,  and 
that  was  a  proof  of  the  danger  but  they  added  that  they 
wyere  citizens,  and  to  do  as  they  pleased ;  but  if  they  wished 
to  stay  they  should  have  something  to  eat.  All  this  had  no 
effect;  they  wanted  to  go. 

I  wrote  to  the  department  and  told  you  everything, 
and  added  at  the  bottom  that  it  was  very  doubtful  if  you 
ever  got  the  letter.  At  night  of  that  day  three  of  them 
only  got  back  to  camp,  and  I  think  it  very  doubtful,  if  it 
had  not  been  for  a  hunting  party  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant  Searight,18  whether  any  of  them  would  have 
got  back  or  not.  They  stated  that  they  had  not  gone  more 
than  eight  or  ten  miles  when  they  discovered  about  thirty 
Indians  riding  across  the  river.  They  landed  and  soon 
galloped  up  to  them,  when  one  of  the  men  made  a  sign  of 
peace,  which  they  returned,  and  the  parties  shook  hands. 
Then  the  Indians  made  signs  for  them  to  go  across  the 
river,  which  they  declined,  and  started  on  their  journey, 
the  Indians  still  making  signs  for  them  to  cross  the  river. 


13.  Joseph  Dondaldson  Searight,  was  born  in  Maryland,  and  appointed  to 
West  Point  from  Pennsylvania.  He  graduated  in  the  class  of  1822,  and  served  in 
the  4th  and  6th  Inf.,  in  which  latter  regiment  he  rose  to  a  Captaincy,  Dec.  25, 
1837.  He  resigned  from  the  Army  November  7,  1845,  and  died  Jan.  22,  1885. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  183 

George  Gordon  looked  back  and  said  they  were  all  friends, 
and  that  he  would  go  and  shake  hands  with  them  again; 
the  others  told  him  not,  but  in  the  act  of  shaking  hands 
with  them  a  second  time,  he  was  killed  by  another  Indian 
with  a  gun.  The  other  three  immediately  took  off  their 
packs  and  prepared  to  defend  themselves.  The  Indians 
began  to  ride  round  and  cut  capers  on  their  horses;  the 
three  men  fired  one  at  a  time  at  them,  and  retreated  to- 
wards my  camp,  and  met  Lieutenant  Searight's  party. 
They  said  they  killed  one  of  the  Indians. 

The  next  day,  1st  August,  I  sent  Captain  Wickliffe, 
with  about  forty  or  fifty  men  and  one  of  the  discharged 
men,  in  search  of  the  body  of  Gordon,  and  he  returned  in 
the  evening  without  effecting  his  object.  The  man  that 
went  with  him  was  so  alarmed  that  he  could  not  find  the 
place.  On  the  3d,  in  the  morning,  I  determined  to  make 
another  search,  and  if  possible  to  find  and  bury  the  bones 
of  the  man  who  had  been  killed.  Accordingly,  I  ordered 
Lieutenant  Isard,11  acting  adjutant,  to  take  charge  of  a 
party  of  forty  men,  and  the  two  other  discharged  men,  to 
proceed,  search  for,  and  bury  the  bones  if  he  could  find 
them.  Whilst  he  was  absent  with  his  company,  between 
one  and  two  o'clock  p.  m.,  the  Indians  made  a  desperate 
charge  on  horseback  on  our  cattle  and  their  guard,  which 
was  about  four  or  five  hundred  yards  from  our  camp.  It 
was  a  perfect  level ;  there  was  nothing  to  obstruct  the  ad- 
vance of  anything,  or  prevent  us  from  seeing  at  the  first 
onset.  I  immediately  ordered  light  company  B.,  that  was 
armed  with  rifles  and  commanded  by  Captain  Pentland,16 
to  advance  and  skirmish  with  the  enemy  until  I  could  form 


14.  James    Farley    Izard,    born    in    Pennsylvania,    and    from    the    same    state    was 
appointed   to   West    Point,   graduating    in    the   class   of    1824.      He   served    in   the   2nd 
Inf.,  and  on  March  4,   1833,  received  a  commission  of  first  Lieutenant  in  the  Dragoon 
Regiment.     He  died  March  5,  1836,  from  wounds  received  on   Feb.  28,   1836,  in  action 
with   the  Seminole   Indians   at  Camp   Izard,    Fla. 

15.  Joseph    Pentland,    born    in     Pennsylvania,     appointed    to    West    Point    from 
the   same   state,    graduating    in    the    class    of    1818.      He    served   only    in    the    6th    Inf., 
receiving    his    appointment    as    Captain,    October    31,    1827,    and    was    dismissed    from 
the   Army,    April   22,    1830.      Died    in    1833. 


184          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  line,  thinking  at  the  time  that  they  intended  a  general 
attack.  Lieutenant  Cooke,10  with  his  guard,  was  ordered 
to  that  point,  for  the  cattle  guard  was  in  great  danger; 
but  the  promptness  of  the  movement  checked  the  charge 
of  the  enemy.  They  had,  however,  wounded  Samuel  Ar- 
rison,  a  private  in  grenadier  company  A,  6th  regiment. 
He  was  brought  in  by  some  of  light  company  B,  and  died 
of  his  wounds  a  few  hours  after.  These  wounds  were  nine 
in  number.  In  the  meantime  I  had  formed  company  H, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Waters,17  and  company  F,  com- 
manded by  Captain  Wickliffe,  and  marched  them  forward 
at  double  quick  time  towards  the  thickest  of  the  enemy; 
and  when  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  fired  a  volley. 
At  that  moment  I  discovered  that  the  Indians  were  around 
my  camp.  Lieutenant  Searight  was  playing  away  with  the 
six-pounder  with  good  effect,  and  changing  his  position  as 
circumstances  required.  I  gave  the  command  of  the  two 
companies  to  Captain  Wickliffe,  and  went  to  the  right  flank, 
where  I  directed  grenadier  company  A,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  Van  Swearingen,18  to  protect  it,  which  was 
promptly  executed.  In  the  meantime,  Captain  Wickliffe, 
with  great  presence  of  mind,  had  crossed  his  company  to 
the  island  to  protect  the  rear,  and  opened  a  fire  on  the 
enemy.  The  Indians,  seeing  that  we  were  well  guarded 
on  every  side,  began  to  gallop  around  and  to  move  off. 
Our  cattle  and  horses  had  taken  fright  at  the  first  onset, 
but  a  great  part  of  them  had  been  stopped  by  the  company 
in  the  rear.  On  the  right  flank  there  were  about  twenty, 
and  very  few  Indians  about  them.  I  thought  probably  they 


16.  Philip   St.   George  Cooke,   a  Virginian,   graduated   from   West   Point   in    1823. 
He   served   successively   in   the   6th   Inf.,    the    Dragoon    Regt,    2nd    Dragoons,    and   2nd 
Cav.      Served    in    the    Mexican    War,    and    through    the    Civil    War.      Was    brevetted 
twice  for  gallant  and  meritorious   conduct,   and   retired   a   Major   General   by   brevet, 
October  29,    1S73.     Died   March   20   1895. 

17.  George    Washington    Waters    of   Massachussets,    graduated    from    West    Point 
in   1819.      Served  only   in   the   6th   Inf.,   where  he   rose   to   the   rank   of   Captain.      Re- 
signed  April    30,    1837,    and   died    March    14,    1846. 

18.  Joseph    Van    Swearingen,    of    Maryland,    also    graduated    from    West    Point 
in    1819,    served   in   the    1st   and    later    in    the    6th    Inf.,    in    which    latter    regiment    he 
rose  to  the  rank  of  Captain.     He  was   killed  December  25,    1837,   in   battle   with   the 
Seminole   Indians   at   Ok.eech.obee,    Fla. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  135 

might  be  saved.  I  directed  Lieutenant  Van  Swearingen 
with  his  company  to  advance,  and  if  possible  to  recover 
them ;  after  he  had  got  some  distance  from  camp,  and  know- 
ing that  he  had  a  good  bugler  with  him,  I  ordered  my  bug- 
ler to  sound  double  quick,  he  did,  and  Lieutenant  Van 
Swearingen's  bugler  mistook  the  call,  and  the  company 
returned  without  the  cattle.  By  this  time  the  enemy  was 
retiring  after  a  loss  of  eight  killed  and  one  wounded.  Our 
loss,  one  man  wounded,  who  died  in  a  few  hours  after,  fifty- 
four  oxen,  ten  public  horses,  ten  private  horses,  and  a  few 
public  mules.  Think  what  our  feelings  must  have  been  to 
see  them  going  off  with  our  cattle  and  horses,  when  if  we 
had  been  mounted,  we  could  have  beaten  them  to  pieces: 
but  we  were  obliged  to  content  ourselves  with  whipping 
them  from  our  camp.  We  did  not  get  any  of  the  killed  or 
wounded,  but  we  saw  the  next  day  where  they  had  dragged 
them  off.  They  have  said  since  that  our  fire  from  the  big 
gun  killed  five  or  six.  Lieutenant  Brooke,  my  assistant  quar- 
ter master  and  commissary,  seeing  that  there  was  very  little 
to  do  in  the  staff,  shouldered  his  rifle,  marched  out  with 
the  companies,  and  fought  with  them.  The  pitching  of  our 
tents  was  according  to  regulations,  so  that  they  formed  ? 
square.  The  cannon  was  in  front  of  company  A,  on  the 
right  flank;  company  F,  in  the  rear;  companies  B  and  P 
on  the  left  flank.  Lieutenant  Brooke  very  promptly- 
marched  his  guard  to  its  proper  place  in  front,  after  he, 
with  his  guard,  had  assisted  in  charging  the  first  onset  oi 
the  enemy.  I  have  never  seen  officers  and  men  more  anx: 
ous  to  have  a  good  fight.  Every  officer  seemed  to  vie  with 
each  other  who  should  do  most  for  his  country.  After  all 
was  over  I  had  the  men  formed  and  gave  them  an  extn. 
gill,  and  signified  my  satisfaction  at  their  conduct.  Tru 
Indians  were  about  three  hundred  strong,  well  mounted, 
and  with  guns,  bows,  and  spears;  and  our  force  about  on 
hundred  and  thirty  or  forty.  Lieutenant  Izard  being  absen. 
with  his  command,  about  forty  men.  The  nation  or  nation,, 
we  could  not  tell,  but  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  there 
13 


186          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

was  a  part  of  the  Camanchies,  Arapahoes,  and  Hiaways, 
as  one  of  my  men's  tin  pans  was  found  with  some  of  these 
three  nations  that  attacked  the  traders  on  their  return,  as 
also  King's  powder  horn,  that  was  recognized  by  some  of 
my  men  when  they  showed  things  they  had  taken  from  the 
men  killed  in  battle.     We  moved  down  the  river  in  three 
or  four  days  after  this  affair.    On  the  10th  Corporal  Astor 
came  to  us  and  informed  us  that  he  and  Nation  had  been 
sent  with  an  express,  and  that  on  the  23d  July  they  were 
attacked  by  about  fifteen  Indians,  who  succeeded    in  get- 
ting the  mail  and  horses  and  wounding  them  both,  Nation 
dangerously,  by  a  spear  in  the  breast,  and  him  slightly  in 
the  wrist  by  an  arrow.    He  reported  that  Nation  then  laid 
sick  with  his  wound,  about  ten  miles  off,  and  that  he  had 
been  wandering  about  since  the  attack  of  the  23d  in  hopes 
of  finding  us.    He  also  stated  that  they  had  fed  on  snakes 
and  frogs  a  great  part  of  the  time.     He  says  that  some- 
where about  the  Council  Grove  they  saw  some  Indians  who 
showed  them  something  of  hostility,  but  did  not  attack 
them.    I  immediately  ordered  a  company  of  forty  men,  and 
Lieutenant  Swearingen  to  command  them,  and  to  take  a 
cart  and  bring  in  Nation.     He  returned  at  about  nine  or 
ten  o'clock  at  night  with  him ;  he  was  very  low ;  he  reports 
that  his  joy,  at  seeing  the  party,  was  beyond  expression; 
he  shed  tears,  and  tried  to  make  a  noise,  but  was  unable 
in  consequence  of  his  weakness.    The  next  day,  llth  August, 
between  10  and  11  o'clock  in  the  morning,  we  saw  some 
Indians  about  two  miles  and  a  half  from  the  camp,  walk- 
ing in  and  out  of  a  ravine;  and,  after  a  little,  saw  some 
leading  horses.    They  would  sometimes  come  up  the  river 
and  then  go  down  again.    It  was  evident  that  they  wanted 
to  decoy  us  from  our  camp.    I  had  sent  three  or  four  men 
across  the  river  a  little  above  our  camp,  to  lay  under  the 
bank,  about  four  or  five  hundred  yards,  for  the  purpose 
of  killing  buffalo,  which  I  had  done  every  day  since  we 
had  been  at  this  camp  with  a  great  deal  of  success.     On 
the  appearance  of  the  Indians  I  had  the  .recall  sounded, 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  187 

and  they  returned  and  reported  that  they  had  killed  three 
buffaloes.  The  Indians  having  disappeared,  about  one  or 
two  o'clock,  I  directed  a  party  of  sixteen  men,  an  officer, 
and  a  non-commissioned  officer  to  be  detailed,  and  to  take 
with  them  a  wagon  and  team  and  bring  in  the  buffaloes 
that  had  been  killed.  Shortly  after  Captain  Pentland  re- 
ported to  me  that  he  had  been  detailed  to  go  on  the  com- 
mand ;  I  directed  him  to  take  bugler  King,  of  company  A 
with  him  to  show  him  where  the  buffaloes  laid,  as  he  was 
one  of  the  party  which  assisted  in  killing  them;  which, 
with  the  teamster,  made  the  party  twenty  in  number.  I 
gave  him  instructions,  stating  that  he  had  seen  the  Indians 
in  the  morning,  and  that  he  must  keep  his  party  together 
and  not  be  dispersed ;  that  in  case  he  was  attacked  he  must 
fight  the  enemy,  and  that  I  should  support  him  in  a  very 
short  time;  but  added  again,  "keep  your  party  on  the  alert;" 
but,  instead  of  that,  as  soon  as  he  had  crossed  the  river, 
King  saw  a  buffalo  crossing  to  the  river,  and  obtained 
Captain  Pentland's  permission  to  leave  the  party  and  try 
to  get  a  shot  at  him.  In  the  meantime  our  camp  was  at- 
tacked by  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  Indians.  I  had  the 
command  turned  out  and  formed  as  before,  of  one  company 
on  each  side  of  the  square.  They  did  not,  however,  come 
within  musket  shot. 

Lieutenant  Searight  had  commenced  a  fire  with  the 
6-pounder  with  some  effect.  I  had  told  Captain  Wickliffe 
that  if  he  heard  a  fire  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  he, 
with  his  company,  must  move  to  support  Captain  Pent- 
land.  The  enemy  having  gathered  to  the  left  flank  of  the 
C.  P.  was  moved  to  that  point.  Captain  Wickliffe  marched 
in  the  direction  of  Captain  Pentland's  party.  When  he  ap- 
proached the  river  he  discovered  that  the  party  had  crossed 
to  a  sand  bank  near  the  side  of  the  river,  and  under- 
stood by  one  of  the  party  that  belonged  to  the  company 
that  King  had  been  killed.  On  my  hearing  that  King  was 
killed,  and  that  Captain  Pentland  had  retreated  across  the 
river,  I  despatched  my  adjutant,  Lieutenant  Izard,  to  direct 


188          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Captain  Wickliffe  to  cross  the  river  and  secure  the  body, 
thinking  that  they  had  in  the  skirmish  no  time  to  take  his 
scalp,  and  also  directed  Captain  Pentland,  with  his  party, 
to  support  him.  As  Captain  Wickliffe  crossed  the  river 
he  was  fired  at  by  about  fifteen  or  twenty  Indians,  and 
he  returned  the  fire  from  his  company.  He  then  saw  the 
wagon  and  team  running  down  the  river.  He  directed 
Captain  Pentland  to  recover  the  body  of  King  and  he  would 
with  his  company  recover  his  wagon  and  team,  after  ex- 
changing several  fires  with  the  enemy.  In  the  meantime 
Captain  Pentland  had  recovered  the  body  and  brought  it 
into  camp.  On  the  first  fire  of  Captain  Wickliffe,  I  directed 
company  B,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Sevier,11'  (his 
captain  being  on  detached  service  and  his  lieutenants  on 
guard,)  to  support  Captain  Wickliffe,  which  he  did,  and 
reached  the  point  of  support  in  about  four  or  five  minutes. 
Captain  Wickliffe  seeing  that  the  enemy  had  dispersed,  had 
the  buffaloes  cut  up  and  brought  into  camp.  It  is  said  by 
the  men,  and  I  believe,  that  there  was  not  more  than  fifteen 
or  twenty  Indians  on  that  side  of  the  river,  and  as  soon 
as  they  were  discovered  in  pursuit,  Captain  Pentland  ordered 
his  party  to  retreat.  There  are  two  instances  in  this  report 
in  support  of  my  opinion,  that  in  the  case  of  the  discharged 
soldiers,  when  four  were  attacked  by  thirty,  and  they  got 
off  safe,  after  they  showed  resistance,  and  the  case  of 
Arter  Nation,  two  attacked  by  fifteen,  and  when  a  show  of 
resistance  was.  made  they  went  off.  The  way  Nation  was 
killed  was  in  shaking  hands  with  them,  and  in  the  act  of 
giving  tobacco.  I  am  thus  particular  to  show  the  govern- 
ment that  I  have  done  the  best  in  my  power,  and  that  my 
arrangements  in  this  case  were  as  good  as  they  could  be, 
but  unfortunately  they  were  not  carried  into  effect  as  they 
will  be  seen  in  the  report.  The  loss  on  both  sides  was 


19.  Robert  Sevier,  of  Tennessee,  a  member  of  the  West  Point  class  of  1824, 
served  only  in  the  6th  Inf.,  being  appointed  First  Lieutenant  August  10,  1836, 
and  serving  as  regimental  Adjutant  till  his  resignation  on  October  31,  1837.  He 
died  May  16,  1879. 


MILITARY  ESORTS  189 

equal  in  number.  Mathew  King,  a  bugler  in  grenadier 
company  A,  6th  regiment ;  one  Indian  killed  by  the  6-poun- 
der  under  the  direction  of  Lieutenant  Searight. 

After  the  enemy  had  dispersed  I  directed  Captain 
Pentland  to  hand  in  a  written  report;  he  did,  and  I  have 
the  honor  to  enclose  it,  marked  K.  He  says  he  was  attacked. 
I  venture  to  assert  that  he  was  not  fired  on  by  the  enemy, 
neither  did  he  fire  at  them;  then  how  could  it  be  called 
.an  attack.  They  killed  King  about  two  or  three  hundred 
yards  from  the  party,  it  is  said.  He  says  in  his  report 
that  there  were  forty-six  or  fifty  Indians.  Admit  there 
were  in  the  name  of  God,  cannot  twenty  Americans  whip 
fifty  Indians?  I  answer  yes,  that  they  can  whip  one  hun- 
dred such  as  we  came  in  contact  with  in  that  country. 

After  this  we  kept  moving  every  day  to  get  grass  and 
to  find  buffalo,  which  we  had  the  good  fortune  to  find 
plenty  to  have  supplied  five  hundred  men.  It  was  not  fat, 
but  our  men  fattened  on  it.  They  had  as  much  as  they 
could  eat  the  whole  time,  and  half  ration  of  flour  and  salt. 
Nothing  of  moment  occurred  from  the  llth  of  August  un- 
til the  llth  of  October,  except  the  death  of  Nation,  which 
took  place  a  few  days  after  he  arrived.  The  last  of  Sep- 
tember and  first  of  October  we  were  engaged  in  overhaul- 
ing our  \vagons  and  carts.  By  a  board  of  officers  they 
have  condemned  five  wagons  and  three  carts,  which  they 
say  are  entirely  unfit  for  service.  There  being  no  pur- 
chasers, according  to  the  regulations,  I  ordered  them  to 
be  burned,  and  the  iron  cached  in  a  safe  place,  which  was 
done.  You  will  see  by  the  enclosed,  marked  D,  that  we 
meant  to  wait  until  the  10th  of  October,  but  we  staid  a  day 
longer,  and  did  not  move  until  the  llth.  Early  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  llth,  the  moment  this  transportation  having 
been  put  in  as  good  order  as  it  could  be  in  at  that  place, 
with  fifteen  day's  full  rations  of  pork,  beans,  salt,  vinegar, 
soap,  candles,  and  about  twenty-eight  days  of  flour  and 
bread,  with  about  thirty-two  of  dried  buffalo  meat,  which 
I  had  ordered  the  company  to  save  during  the  time  we  were 
lying  still. 


190          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

On  my  arrival  at  Chauteau's  island,  on  the  9th  of  July, 
I  had  directed  the  company  to  lay  by  fifteen  days  full 
rations,  in  order  that,  if  at  any  time  we  were  obliged  to 
abandon  the  expedition,  we  should  have  plenty  to  eat. 
Shortly  after  our  departure  on  the  llth  we  received  an 
express  from  the  traders,  stating  that  they  were  only  one 
days  march  from  us,  and  they  had  a  Spanish  escort  with 
them,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Viscarra.0" 
I  ordered  a  halt,  pitched  my  tents,  and  waited  for  their 
arrival,  which  was  on  the  next  day,  the  12th.  When  the 
colonel  got  nearly  across  the  river,  I  had  my  line  formed 
parallel  to  it,  and  received  him  with  presented  arms.  I  had 
sent  my  adjutant,  on  his  landing,  to  escort  him  down  to 
the  line.  After  he  had  passed  I  dismissed  the  battalion, 
and  received  and  welcomed  him  to  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  and  invited  him  and  the  secretary  of  state 
of  Santa  Fe  to  my  tent,  where  we  exchanged  civilities  and 
he  left  us  awhile  to  see  the  pitching  of  his  camp.  That 
evening  he  visited  some  of  the  officers,  and  appeared  to  be 
pleased.  The  next  day  I  had  a  short  battalion  drill,  and 
after  a  company  of  light  infantry  drill.  I  was  very  anxious 
to  show  the  character  of  the  American  troops,  and,  from 
his  and  the  secretary's  appearance,  I  succeeded.  In  the 
evening  he  had  his  troops  formed,  and  invited  me  and  my 
officers  to  accompany  him.  He  took  us  down  the  line,  they 
at  present  arms,  and  fired  several  time  with  a  brass  4-poun- 
der  which  he  had.  After  that  we  went  with  him  to  his 
marquee,  and  partook  of  an  excellent  cup  of  chocolate  and 
other  refreshments.  During  that  day  I  had  shown  him 
everything  about  my  camp.  He  was  particularly  pleased 
with  the  cannon,  the  carriage,  and  implements,  which  were 
entirely  different  from  his.  He  looked  at  it  several  times. 


20.  Lieut-Col.  Jose  Antonio  Vizcarra  was  gefe  niUitar  of  New  Mexico  from 
October,  1822,  to  February,  1825,  and  also  gcfe  politico  from  November,  1822,  to 
September,  1823.  He  was  again  appointed  to  the  military  command  about  August, 
1829,  and  served  till  the  summer  of  1833.  See  the  quarterly,  Old  Santa  Fe,  I,  275 
and  index.  Further  data  on  Vizcarra,  given  by  Cooke,  (Scenes  and  Adventures  in 
the  Army,  pp.  84-88.)  are  quoted  freely  in  Twitchell,  Leading  Facts  of  N.  M.  Hist., 
II,  21-26. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  191 

He  said  he  was  very  sorry  that  we  did  not  come  into  Santa 
Fe.  The  secretary  handed  me  the  enclosed  document  (G) 
from  the  governor,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  10th  of  July. 
The  other  that  he  alludes  to  was  a  letter  of  introduction 
to  him  by  Mr.  Bent.21  The  documents  marked  H,  P,  T,  are 
the  returns  and  statements  of  his  force,  and  of  the  caravan 
which  he  had  under  his  command.  The  next  morning 
(13th)  we  parted,  he  for  Santa  Fe,  and  I  for  this  place, 
not  without  mutual  professions  of  friendship,  and  hopes 
of  seeing  each  other  in  the  Spanish  country  next  year.  The 
caravan  I  received  from  the  detachment  amounted  to  about 
two  hundred  thousand  dollars  worth,  probably  of  different 
kinds.  One  Spanish  family,  eight  or  ten  other  Spaniards, 
who  were  punished  by  their  laws  for  having  been  born  in 
old  Spain,  all  of  which,  in  my  humble  opinion,  would  have 
been  destroyed  and  the  people  killed  if  it  had  not  been  for 
the  Mexican  escort.  They  were  attacked,  as  it  was,  near 
the  Semirone  spring  on  their  return,  but  the  colonel,  with 
his  troops  and  Indians  beat  them  off.  He  lost  one  captain 
and  two  privates  killed  of  his  command.  The  traders  say 
that  they  killed  eight  Indians ;  but  there  are  several  stories 
about  it.  It  is  hard  to  know  which  to  believe,  but  it  is  cer- 
tain that  they  killed  some.  We  travelled  on  with  them 
under  our  protection  until  we  parted,  which  was  at  the 
Little  Arkansas."  On  the  fifth  or  sixth  day  after  we  started 
our  oxen  began  to  fail,  and  we  were  obliged  to  leave  some 
on  the  road  every  day  until  we  got  in.  I  cannot  account 
for  it,  unless  it  was  that  hard  night's  drive  across  the 
Arkansas,  or  after  the  attack  of  the  3d  of  August,  for  we 
had  to  keep  them  yoked  and  tied  to  the  wagon  wheels  every 
night  until  our  return;  and  another  thing  is,  that  we  had 
to  diminish  the  extent  of  range  from  necessity.  In  fact, 
it  was  impossible  to  protect  them  any  distance  from  camp. 


21.  This  was  undoubtedly  Colonel  Charles   Bent,   who  was  appointed  first  Ameri- 
can   governor    in    New    Mexico,    in    1846. 

22.  The   place    where   the    Santa    Fe    Trail   crossed   the'  Little    Arkansas,    was    be- 
low   Little    River,    in    Rice    County    Kan.,    and    was    estimated    by    Gregg    to    be    about 
229    miles    from    Independence.      Though    narrow    its    steep    banks    and    miry    bottom 
made   crossing   bad.     Wichita,    Kan.,   is   at  its   mouth. 


192          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

We  only  got  in  with  twenty-four  yokes,  and  most  of  them 
could  not  have  drawn  another  day.  Our  strong  ground 
for  the  above  reasons  being  correct  is,  that  I  let  Mr.  Bent 
have  a  yoke  on  the  10th •  of  July,  (that  was  not  in  those 
hard  times)  and  he  writes  in  that  he  went  through  to  Santa 
Fe  better  than  the  mules;  and  he  had  sent  them  back  to 
me  in  good  order,  but  they  were  stolen  or  strayed  in  the 
mountains.  I  let  Mr.  Bent  have  them  to  try  whether  oxen 
in  future,  if  we  could  get  them,  would  answer,  they  are 
so  much  cheaper.  One  team  of  three  yokes  of  oxen  will 
not  cost  more  than  two  mules.  On  the  8th  of  November, 
at  night,  got  to  the  end  of  our  journey  at  Cantonment 
Leaven  worth. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect  and  esteem, 
your  obedient  and  humble  servant. 

B.  RILEY,  Major  United  States  Army  commanding. 
Brigadier  General  Leavenworth. 

From  the  above  report  of  Major  Riley,  several  con- 
clusions may  be  drawn. 

It  is  safe  to  assume,  that  had  the  traders  carried  out 
his  instructions  with  regard  to  keeping  a  keen  lookout, 
keeping  together,  in  a  country  which  they  knew  to  be  dan- 
gerous, there  would,  in  all  probability,  have  been  no  at- 
tack by  the  Indians.  But  the  opportunity  was  too  good  to 
be  lost  on  the  part  of  the  hostiles.  The  fact  that  the  trad- 
ers had  left  their  escort  behind  them  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Arkansas  River,  and  advancing  as  they  evidently  were 
in  a  loose  formation,  they  were  an  easy  prey  to  any  band 
of  hostiles  in  the  vicinity. 

Major  Riley  had  given  good  advice,  but  was  it  heeded? 

The  fight  of  August  llth.,  would  undoubtedly  not  have 
occurred  except  for  the  disregard  of  orders  given  Captain 
Pentland  by  Major  Riley. 

Between  the  lines  of  the  report  of  this  day's  occur- 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  193 

rence,  can  be  read  Major  Riley's  implication  of  cowardice 
on  the  part  of  Captain  Pentland.  Riley  was  undoubtedly 
a  good  officer,  and  a  brave  one,  and  one  cannot  but  ad- 
mire his  vehemence  in  this  matter. 

According  to  Heitman's  Historical  Register,  from 
which  I  have  secured  the  records  of  the  various  officers 
mentioned  in  this  article,  Captain  Pentland  was  dismissed 
from  the  Army  April  22,  1830,  probably  as  a  direct  result 
of  this  report. 

(to  be  continued) 


194          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


BIENNIAL  REPORT 

TO 

THE  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  MEXICO 
1925-1926 

Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  January  3,  1927. 

HONORABLE  RICHARD  C.  DILLON, 
Governor, 
Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico. 

Sir: 

The  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico  during  the  past 
biennium,  1925  and  1926,  has  prospered  in  its  endeavors 
for  the  preservation  of  historical  records  and  objects,  in 
enlisting  the  interest  of  the  public  far  and  wide,  in  pub- 
lishing the  results  of  its  historical  research,  in  teaching 
history  and  inculcating  patriotism.  Its  work  has  reached 
out  to  every  portion  of  the  State  and  at  the  same  time  it 
is  building  up  a  treasure  house  of  inestimable  value  for 
the  present  and  future  generations.  Every  Commonwealth 
deems  it  a  public  duty  and  takes  justifiable  pride  in  pre- 
serving its  historical  records,  some  of  them  expending  many 
times  as  much  as  New  Mexico  can  afford,  in  order  to  main- 
tain historical  museums  and  societies.  Yet,  not  another 
commonwealth  has  such  a  wealth  of  historical  material,  so 
splendid  and  continuous  a  history,  so  glorious  a  record  of 
achievement.  In  its  historical  landmarks,  in  its  history, 
New  Mexico  has  an  asset  that  is  being  capitalized  to  a 
greater  extent  with  each  year  and  today  brings  into  the 
State  thousands  of  visitors,  untold  treasure  and  has  cen- 


REPORT  TO  GOVERNOR  195 

tered  the  attention  of  the  world  on  this  commonwealth,  its 
people  and  its  resources. 

The  membership  of  the  Historical  Society  has  more 
than  doubled  since  the  last  biennial  report.  It  can  be  multi- 
plied several  times  during  the  next  two  years  if  the  Society 
is  given  the  comparatively  small  appropriation  it  asks  for 
clerical  and  stenographic  help,  which  has  become  the  more 
necessary  because  of  the  increase  in  publication  so  ad- 
visable in  order  to  give  the  world  facts  regarding  New 
Mexico  history  and  traditions.  A  year  ago  was  begun  the 
publication  of  the  New  Mexico  Historical  Review,  a  quar- 
terly that  won  instant  recognition  and  which  is  carrying 
the  fame  of  New  Mexico  to  the  farthest  corners  of  the  earth. 
Its  success  is  most  gratifying  and  it  has  attracted  contri- 
butors of  eminence  from  other  parts  of  the  country,  con- 
tributors who  are  delving  into  archives  and  chronicles  to 
rescue  from  oblivion  New  Mexico  history  and  records  of 
much  interest.  Other  States  have  such  publications  and 
the  New  Mexico  Historical  Review  compares  favorably 
with  the  best  of  them.  None  of  the  contributors  are  paid 
for  their  articles  and  the  editors,  with  the  President  and 
and  the  Secretary  of  the  Society  in  charge,  give  their  time 
and  effort  without  cost  to  the  state.  In  addition  to  the 
Qu/arterly,  which  is  published  in  co-operation  with  the 
School  of  American  Research,  the  Society  has  issued  the 
customary  number  of  historical  monographs  and  pamphlets 
for  which  there  is  a  continuing  demand  and  which  preserve 
for  generations  to  come  something  of  the  record  of  the  men 
and  women  who  have  made  or  are  making  history  in  the 
Southwest. 

The  historical  exhibits  have  been  completely  rear- 
ranged during  the  past  two  years.  As  far  as  space  and 
means  permitted,  an  effort  has  been  made  to  classify  the 
exhibits,  to  arrange  them  chronologically  and  scientifically, 
to  label  them  properly  and  to  exclude  such  objects  as  do 
not  bear  on  the  history  of  the  Southwest.  When  more  room 
is  available,  it  is  planned  to  have  one  or  more  rooms  of  the 
Palace  furnished  in  period  style  so  that  a  complete  visuali- 


196          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

zation  of  life  in  early  days  may  be  brought  to  every  visitor 
and  especially  to  school  children  and  the  students  of  his- 
tory. The  cataloguing  of  the  fine  and  large  library  to 
which  many  important  additions  are  being  made  all  the 
time,  in  the  way  of  maps,  manuscripts  and  books,  has  been 
completed.  Such  units  as  the  historical  library  of  the  late 
Colonel  Ralph  E.  Twitchell  have  been  purchased.  Cata- 
logues of  dealers  in  old  books  are  scanned  diligently  and 
every  once  in  a  while  a  treasure  is  secured,  so  that  now  the 
historical  library  is  one  of  which  every  New  Mexican  may 
well  be  proud.  However,  it  is  inadequately  housed  and 
difficult  of  acess.  In  fact,  all  the  libraries  in  the  museum 
buildings  should  be  brought  together  and  given  the  care 
and  attention  of  a  professional  librarian,  one  who  would 
serve  students  and  the  general  public,  making  known  and 
securing  more  far-reaching  use  of  the  treasure  house  of 
New  Mexicana  and  of  historical,  anthropological,  archaeo- 
logical and  linguistic  lore  contained  in  the  thousands  of 
volumes.  In  its  class  it  is  unsurpassed  by  any  library  in 
the  Southwest.  The  transfer  of  the  archives  from  the  of- 
fice of  the  adjutant  general  to  the  State  Museum  and  the 
return  from  the  Congressional'  Library  of  the  Spanish 
aerhives,  have  made  the  combined  libraries  a  repository 
of  original  sources  of  great  value  not  only  to  students  of 
history  but  also  to  those  interested  in  social  sciences,  in 
genealogical  research  and  kindred  pursuits.  The  fact  that 
Secretary  Lansing  Bloom  has  been  enabled  to  aid  many 
veterans  of  Indian  and  other  wars  to  obtain  pensions  to 
which  they  were  rightfully  entitled,  and  to  aid  many  fami- 
lies to  verify  the  records  of  service  of  some  member,  in 
itself  has  repaid  the  State  many  times  the  modest  appro- 
priation made  for  the  maintenance  of  the  work.  These 
combined  libraries  also  include  the  official  record  of  the 
seventeen  thousand  and  more  men  and  women  from  New 
Mexico  who  served  in  the  Great  War.  That  this  record  is 
priceless  and  becomes  more  valuable  each  year,  needs  no 
argument.  However,  sufficient  means  should  be  provided 
to  keep  up  the  work  so  well  begun  by  the  Historical  Service. 


REPORT  TO  GOVERNOR  197 

With  a  more  liberal  appropriation,  many  records  and  books 
bearing  on  the  Southwest  and  its  history  could  be  rescued 
before  they  are  irretrievably  lost. 

The  Historical  Society  has  added  to  its  large  number 
of  portraits  of  Governors  and  other  notables  in  New  Mex- 
ico history,  paintings  by  the  artist,  Gerald  Cassidy;  of  Kit 
Carson;  Juan  Bautista  de  Anza,  the  Duke  of  Albuquerque 
and  of  Villagras.  These  works  of  art  will  be  appreciated 
more  and  more  as  the  years  go  by  and  as  room  is  provided 
for  more  artistic  and  satisfactory  display. 

An  important  piece  of  work  of  the  Historical  Society, 
without  cost  to  the  State  for  supervision  and  handling,  was 
the  distribution  of  trophies  of  the  Great  War  allotted  to 
the  State  by  the  War  Department.  The  variety  of  trophies, 
the  complexity  of  local  demands,  made  the  task  an  intricate 
one,  but  we  believe  it  was  handled  to  the  satisfaction  of 
everyone.  Every  town  and  city  of  the  State  and  every 
State  institution,  that  had  put  in  a  request,  now  is  in  pos- 
session of  trophies  of  the  Great  War  that  should  be  prized 
as  a  perpetual  heritage.  Too  much  praise  cannot  be  given 
the  Secretary,  Mr.  Bloom,  for  his  conscientious  and  com- 
petent handling  of  this  duty  assigned  to  the  Society  by 
legislative  act.  His  report  is  hereto  appended. 

The  Historical  Society  has  undertaken  the  placing  of 
bronze  tablets  with  the  names  of  the  fifty-one  martyrs  who 
gave  their  lives  so  that  Christianity  might  be  brought  to 
the  Indians  in  the  Southwest.  The  tablets  will  be  installed 
in  the  pediment  of  the  Cross  of  the  Martyrs  on  Cuma 
Heights,  overlooking  not  only  the  Capital  City  but  the  an- 
cient pueblo  world  as  far  west  as  Jemez,  as  far  south  as 
the  Manzanos,  east  to  the  magnificent  pinnacles  of  the  Blood 
of  Christ  Range  and  north  to  Abiquiu  Mountain  and  be- 
yond. The  dedication  of  these  tablets  is  to  take  place  on 
the  evening  of  August  4,  1927. 

As  far  as  possible,  regular  monthly  meetings  of  the 
Society  have  been  held.  Many  of  these  were  attended  by 
persons  of  distinction  from  a  distance.  During  the  annual 


198          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

convention  of  the  New  Mexico  Educational  Association,  a 
Kit  Carson  exhibit  by  the  Society  drew  thousands  to  the  His- 
torical Rooms.  Members  of  the  Society  presented  papers  be- 
fore various  sections  of  the  Convention.  Every  effort  is  be- 
ing made  at  all  times  to  be  of  assistance  to  teachers  in  the 
teaching  of  New  Mexico  history  in  the  public  as  well  as  pa- 
rochial and  private  schools  of  the  State.  At  every  meeting 
of  the  Society,  one  or  more  papers  or  talks  of  historical  in- 
terest were  given.  Among  these  have  been  the  following 
the  past  two  years: 

Hon.  F.  T.  Cheetham 

"Laws  of  Spain  in  New  Mexico" 
"First  American  Court  at  Taos" 
"Trial  of  the  Assassins  of  Governor  Bent" 
"Centenary  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail" 
"Los  Comanches" 

Col.  R.  E.  Twitchell 

"Exhibit  of  English  Documents  from  Cromwell's  Time 

to  the  Days  of  George  III" 
"De  Vargas  Papers" 

Miss  Blanche  Grant 

"One  Hundred  Years  Ago  in  Old  Taos" 
Fayette  S.  Curtis 

"The  Arms  Collections  of  the  New  Mexican  Historical 

Society" 

"Baltazar  de  Obregon" 
"New  Mexico  War  Trophies" 
"Spanish  Arms  and  Armor  in  the  Southwest" 

Sylvanus  G.  Morley 

"Documents   in   Mexico   City   Appertaining  to   Early 

History  of  New  Mexico" 
"Recent  Discoveries  in  the  Maya  Region  of  Yucatan" 

Lansing  Bloom 

"Apache  Campaign  of  1880" 
"Expedition  of  Pedro  Vial" 

"The  Early    Annals  of  the    New    Mexico    Historical 
Society,  1859-1863" 


REPORT  TO  GOVERNOR  199 

Etienne  B.  Renaud 

"Place  of  Man  in  Nature  from  Standpoint  of  Physical 
Anthropology" 

Paul  A.  F.  Walter 

"John    Mix    Stanley,    New    Mexico's  First    Portrait 

Painter" 

"Diary  of  E.  E.  Ayer" 
"The  Marmaduke  Expedition" 
"The  First  Meeting  of  the  New  Mexico  Educational 

Association  in  1886" 

Father  Theodosius  Meyer 

"Franciscan  Martyrs  in  New  Mexico" 
Miss  Bess  McKinnan 

"The  Raton  Toll  Road" 

Secretary  Bloom  has  just  returned  from  a  lecture  tour 
in  the  East  and  Middle  West  at  which  his  theme  was  "Span- 
iard and  Indian  in  the  Southwest." 

Two  memorial  meetings  were  held  during  the  past  two 
years,  one  for  Colonel  Ralph  E.  Twitchell,  the  President  of 
the  Society,  whose  death  robbed  New  Mexico  of  its  fore- 
most historical  writer  and  the  Historical  Society  of  a  Presi- 
dent who  had  during  a  few  years  given  it  wide  fame;  the 
other  for  Fayette  S.  Curtis,  who  was  an  indefatigable  re- 
search worker  in  New  Mexico  history  and  who  had  given 
abundant  promise  of  a  brilliant  career  as  a  historian  and 
writer.  The  death  of  Mrs.  L.  Bradford  Prince,  Col.  W.  M. 
Mills,  ex-Governor  W.  E.  Lindsey  and  Mr.  Roberts  Walker 
also  deprived  the  Society  of  life  members  and  generous 
friends. 

The  accessions  of  the  Society  during  the  past  two  years 
were  many,  most  of  them  being  by  gift.  The  display  of 
weapons  was  handsomely  augmented  by  the  Borrowdale 
Collection  placed  in  the  Society's  care  by  the  Museum  of 
New  Mexico  and  the  School  of  American  Research,  and  by 
the  addition  of  war  trophies,  so  that  it  is  now  the  most  com- 
plete in  this  part  of  the  United  States.  A  number  of  New 
Mexico  newspapers  continue  to  send  the  Society  their  pub- 


200          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

lications.  The  files  of  periodicals  possessed  by  the  Society 
are  of  great  value.  It  is  hoped  that  adequate  funds  will 
be  available  to  bind  them  substantially  and  sufficient  room 
to  make  them  accessible  to  visitors  to  the  Library. 

Exchanges  are  maintained  with  most  of  the  Western 
historical  magazines  and  with  Government  publications. 
Scattered  throughout  these  are  many  interesting  references 
-  historical  and  otherwise  -  to  New  Mexico.  These  will  be 
catalogued  eventually,  provided  sufficient  clerical  assist- 
ance is  provided  from  the  means  placed  at  the  disposal  of 
the  Society.  Many  books  from  publishers  and  authors  also 
come  as  donations  to  the  Library.  In  fact,  the  Society  is 
the  recipient  of  many  gifts,  which  otherwise  would  go  to 
beneficiaries  outside  of  the  State. 

A  glance  at  the  register  maintained  by  the  Society  will 
bear  evidence  to  the  increasing  number  of  visitors  from 
all  parts  of  the  earth,  who  find  the  Museum  and  library 
of  the  Society  of  interest  and  who  carry  away  with  them 
impressions  of  New  Mexico  and  its  past  that  must  redound 
to  the  credit  and  benefit  of  the  Commonwealth  and  its 
people.  Not  less  than  thirty  thousand  people,  it  is  esti- 
mated, view  the  historical  collections  each  year. 

One  cannot  express  in  money  values  the  worth  of  the 
achievements  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico,  but 
analysis  will  prove  that,  directly  and  indirectly,  it  has  been 
the  means  of  interesting  people  in  the  State  who  after- 
wards expended  large  sums  in  development  or  who  became 
residents  and  citizens  contributing  mightily  to  the  up  build- 
ing of  the  State.  That  it  has  raised  New  Mexico  in  the 
estimation  of  many  thousands  of  Americans,  is  also  certain. 
Quoting  from  the  President's  Inaugural  address: 

"It  might  be  well  at  this  time  to  set  forth  and  em- 
phasize briefly  the  objective  that  should  be  the  goal  of  the 
Historical  Society.  For  many  years  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  has  done  yeoman  work  under  enthusiastic 
leadership,  and  its  achievements  are  a  matter  of  record, 
although,  strange  to  say,  that  record  is  not  nearly  as  com- 
plete as  it  should  be.  A  historical  society,  so  it  has  been 


REPORT  TO  GOVERNOR  201 

recently  said,  and  I  quote  from  an  address  of  Director 
Arthur  C.  Parker  of  the  Rochester  Municipal  Museum,  'is 
an  organization  devoting  itself  to  the  task  of  recording, 
preserving,  interpreting  and  publishing  historical  records/ 
The  history  of  our  own  times  will  have  to  be  written  some 
day,  and  for  the  sake  of  the  future  historian  let  us  be  faith- 
ful in  preserving  the  official  records  of  the  present.  It  is 
indeed  a  pity  that  this  Society  does  not  have  in  its  archives 
the  official  papers  of  the  Governors  of  the  State,  and  that 
such  work  as  that  of  the  Historical  Service  during  the  War 
is  not  being  maintained  now.  The  Spanish  archives  re- 
cently returned  to  Santa  Fe  are  an  example  of  how  much 
more  punctiliously  the  forefathers  kept  official  records 
than  we  do.  One  of  the  objects  of  the  Society,  therefore, 
should  be  the  recording  of  present  day  history,  a  most  dif- 
ficult task  I  admit,  but  in  part  realized  by  keeping  up  files 
of  New  Mexico  newspapers  and  by  gathering  official  docu- 
ments. An  effort  should  be  made  to  obtain  the  official 
files  of  each  State  administration.  Possibly,  legislation 
might  be  had  that  would  prevent  the  burning  of  official 
letters,  such  as  the  press  reported  after  the  death  of  Presi- 
dent Harding.  Of  course,  the  records  of  our  own  meetings, 
memberships  and  acquisitions  should  be  models,  and  I  be- 
lieve will  be,  henceforth. 

"We  have  made  a  good  start  in  publishing  historical 
records,  and  it  is  my  faith  that  henceforth  this  Society  will 
always  maintain  a  periodical  publication  such  as  the  New 
Mexico  Historical  Review  which  will  make  available  to  all 
of  those  interested,  both  source  material  and  the  work  of 
those  who  are  writing  Southwestern  history.  As  a  rule, 
historical  publication  is  not  profitable,  and  much  interest- 
ing and  valuable  work  has  been  lost  for  lack  of  publication 

"The  indexing  of  the  vast  amount  of  historical  material 
that  this  Society  has  gathered  and  preserved,  and  to  which 
it  is  adding  daily,  has  been  begun  in  a  scientific  manner. 
That  it  should  be  continued  and  in  much  greater  detail  thar 
the  mere  enumeration  of  titles  of  books  and  authors,  ir 
advisable.  Much  material  of  consequence  never  appears 
in  book  form.  Again,  in  many  a  book  is  hidden  material 
not  suggested  by  title  but  which  throws  a  flood  of  light 
upon  a  given  historical  topic.  We  already  have  volunteers 
who  will  undertake  the  indexing  of  files  of  New  Mexico 
newspapers,  a  task  that  should  prove  most  interesting. 

"The  accumulation  of  historical  records  makes  neces 
sary  proper  safekeeping  of  such  archives.    Unfortunately, 
the  Historical  Society  does  not  command  vaults  or  even 

14 


202          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

adequate  library  room.  It  is  my  hope  that  the  next  two 
years  will  see  not  only  the  building-  of  a  wing-  across  the 
east  end  of  the  patio  of  the  Palace  of  the  Governors,  but 
also  the  acquisition  of  the  present  Armory  building  and 
connection  with  the  Public  Library  of  the  Santa  Fe  Wom- 
an's Board  of  Trade.  By  bringing  together  all  the  libra- 
ries, and  by  providing  proper  facilities  for  students  and 
readers,  something  will  have  been  achieved  for  the  Com- 
monwealth that  will  go  far  to  make  it  known  as  a  seat  of 
culture.  Fortunately,  the  buildings  mentioned  are  so  loc- 
ated that  there  are  no  insuperable  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  providing  adequate  space  and  co-ordination  at  compara- 
tively small  outlay.  A  concerted  effort  in  the  next  legis- 
lative assembly  may  bring  about  the  much  to  be  desired 
expansion  and  improvement.  Imagine  the  east  end  of  this 
venerable  building  extended  to  the  walls  of  the  Armory 
and  that  building  included  in  the  room  available  for  the 
Historical  Society,  its  library  and  archives  and  connected 
with  the  buildings  that  house  the  fine  accumulation,  not 
only  of  current  literature,  but  of  books  and  magazines  of 
current  history,  travel  and  science.  Let  us  make  that  one 
of  our  goals ! 

'•'Ordinarily,  it  is  not  the  business  of  a  Historical  Society 
to  maintain  a  museum,  but  force  of  circumstances  has  put 
the  Historical  Society  into  the  museum  business.  Here  is 
the  distinction:  'The  Historical  Society  is  concerned  with 
records  and  writings  of  and  about  men  and  events;  the 
museum  is  concerned  with  exhibiting:  actual  objects  and 
explaining  their  relations  and  meanings/  A  historical 
museum  therefore  is  mainly  concerned  with  the  exhibition 
of  objects  that  will  illumine  the  history  of  the  region  cov- 
ered. Fortunately,  too,  we  now  have  the  whole-hearted 
co-operation  of  the  State  Museum,  which  will  make  the 
task  of  maintaining  a  historical  museum  so  much  easier 
and  more  satisfactory.  In  time,  I  hope  to  see  at  least  one 
room  in  this  Palace  fitted  up  in  the  style  of  the  Spanish 
colonial  days.  As  far  as  possible,  we  are  arranging  ex- 
hibits chronologically,  so  that  a  person  entering  the  west 
end  of  the  Palace  will  logically  proceed  from  exhibits  il- 
lustrating the  culture  of  the  earliest  primitive  days  to  the 
exhibits  of  Pueblo  culture,  thence  to  Spanish  Colonial  and 
American  Occupation  periods,  the  Great  War  and  the  pres- 
ent day,  and  thence  into  the  Library  where  the  student 
may  find  everything  appertaining  to  New  Mexico,  a  libra- 
ry such  as  Dr.  J.  A.  Munk  has  collected  for  Arizona  and 
at  present  housed  in  the  Southwest  Museum  at  Los  Angeles. 


REPORT  TO  GOVERNOR  203 

Let  New  Mexico  never  lose  its  opportunity  to  possess  the 
most  complete  collection  of  New  Mexicana,  such  as  Arizona 
has  lost  to  California. 

"The  exhibits  should  be  arranged  scientifically  and 
placed  in  harmonious  cases  and  groups.  At  present,  un- 
fortunately again,  our  exhibits  are  too  crowded,  our  exhibi- 
tion cases  have  been  picked  up  at  random  from  bargain 
counters.  Our  labeling  should  be  as  precise  and  informa- 
tive as  that  to  be  found  in  the  best  museums  of  the  country. 
I  propose  that  a  beginning  should  be  made  at  once  that  will 
result  in  all  historical  material  being  brought  to  the  east 
end  of  the  Palace,  all  ethnological  material  to  the  central 
portion,  and  that  archaeological  exhibits  be  confined  to  the 
west  end  of  the  Palace  as  far  as  possible;  or,  that  a  new 
building  be  provided  for  them  and  the  entire  Palace  of 
the  Governors  be  given  to  history  and  historical  exhibits 
and  library.  Assurance  is  had  that  the  Museum  authorities 
will  not  only  cooperate  but  will  readily  transfer,  as  they 
already  have  in  part,  historical  material.  The  Pueblo 
Pottery  Fund  has  been  approached  for  the  loan  of  some 
of  its  finest  specimens  to  complete  our  pottery  exhibits. 
and  the  Museum  has  given  such  cases  as  it  could  spare  to 
be  placed  in  the  Pueblo  pottery  room.  However,  sooner 
or  later,  and  we  hope  that  it  will  be  soon,  the  Museum  should 
have  an  ethnological  building  for  the  display  of  pottery 
and  other  Indian  artifacts  and  art.  Can  you  not  visualize 
a  Museum  of  the  Southwest,  as  is  herewith  suggested, 
which  measures  up  to  the  best  in  the  country,  both  scienti- 
fically as  well  as  in  interest  and  beauty,  and  that  at  the 
same  time  is  as  distinctive  as  the  Palace  in  which  it  is  loc- 
ated? 

"Let  us  be  courageous  in  declining  objects  offered  us 
for  exhibit  that  have  nothing  to  do  with  New  Mexico  his- 
tory or  that  are  merely  curios.  We  cannot  hope  to  main- 
tain a  museum  of  natural  history,  or  of  industry,  or  of  art, 
or  even  of  archaeology.  Nor  do  we  want  to  maintain  what 
one  writer  has  characterized  as  'disorderly  collections  of 
junk/  Quoting  from  a  recent  number  of  'Museum  Work:' 
'Documents,  maps,  pictures  and  old  manuscripts  become  al- 
most forgotten,  and  an  ungodly  hodge-podge  of  good,  bad 
and  indifferent  things  -  principally  indifferent  -  assume 
great  importance  and  their  exhibit  becomes  the  jealous 
concern  of  the  historical  society.  Wander  through  the 
halls  of  one  of  the  oldest  historical  societies  in  America, 
that  in  the  metropolis  itself,  and  behold  Egyptian  mum- 
mies, sacred  bulls,  Indian  costumes,  and  other  extra-limi- 


204          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tal  material.  One  wonders  what  these  things  have  to  do 
with  the  history  of  Gotham.  The  time  to  standardize  has 
come,  the  day  of  the  curio  cabinet  has  gone/ 

"Fortunately,  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico 
has  but  little  material  that  is  not  of  value,  and  that  does 
not  appertain  to  the  history  and  culture  of  the  Southwest. 
The  fact  that  we  have  applications  for  membership  from 
almost  every  state  in  the  Union  and  even  from  abroad, 
attest  to  the  interest  and  esteem  in  which  this  organization 
is  held.  In  view  of  all  this,  should  we  not  set  ourselves 
a  goal  of  a  thousand  members  within  the  next  two  years? 
Surely,  every  person  of  education  and  culture  in  New  Mex- 
ico owes  it  to  himself  or  herself  to  be  interested  in  what 
we  are  doing  for  the  commonwealth,  and  we  are  justified 
in  asking  for  their  membership  and  support." 

In  conclusion,  the  President  desires  to  acknowledge 
the  great  value  to  the  Society  and  to  the  State  of  the  co- 
operation given  by  the  Museum  of  New  Mexico  and  the 
School  of  American  Research.  Not  only  has  the  Director 
Dr.  Edgar  L.  Hewett,  placed  at  the  service  of  the  Society 
the  time  and  work  of  its  Secretary,  Mr.  Lansing  Bloom, 
but  also  of  the  other  members  of  the  Museum  and  School 
staff.  With  their  aid,  exhibits  have  been  classified,  scienti- 
fically arranged  and  catalogued.  With  their  aid,  the  lib- 
raries housed  in  the  Palace  of  the  Governors  and  the  Art 
Museum  are  to  be  brought  together.  Possessions  and  ex- 
hibits of  the  Museum  and  School  of  greater  historical  in- 
terest than  of  archaeological  or  anthropological  importance, 
have  been  placed  in  the  care  of  the  Society  and  added  to 
its  displays.  Heat,  janitor  service  and  the  supervision  of 
the  Museum  superintendent  have  made  the  Historical 
Society  rooms  more  comfortable  and  presentable.  Best  of 
all,  there  is  now  complete  co-ordination  of  all  activities, 
doing  away  with  duplication,  waste  and  embarrassment, 
and  rendering  to  the  State  a  service  of  increasing  and  price- 
less value. 

Three  recommendations  the  President  would  make  to 
the  Governor  and  Legislative  Assembly: 

A  statute  providing  that  a  copy  of  every  official  re- 


REPORT  TO  GOVERNOR  205 

port,  document  and  publication  be  placed  in  the  historical 
library. 

A  more  liberal  appropriation  to  permit  the  Society  to 
perform  for  the  benefit  of  the  State  and  its  people  the  func- 
tions and  duties  of  a  well-conducted  historical  society  and 
museum. 

The  building  of  a  wing  to  the  Palace  of  the  Governors 
extending  across  the  east  end  of  the  Palace  patio,  from  the 
present  Museum  building  to  the  National  Guard  Armory, 
providing  vaults  for  manuscripts  and  precious  gifts,  and 
room  for  library  consolidation  together  with  adequate  and 
well-lighted  reading  room. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

President. 


TROPHIES  OF  THE  GREAT  WAR 

The  last  state  legislature  made  an  appropriation  of 
$1,500  for  the  receiving  and  distribution  of  the  war  trophies 
which  had  been  allocated  by  the  war  department  to  the 
State  of  New  Mexico,  and  the  officers  of  the  Historical 
Society  were  asked  to  handle  this  matter  for  the  state. 

As  soon  as  the  appropriation  was  available,  which  was 
in  the  early  spring  of  1926,  letters  were  sent  out  to  ascertain 
where  the  trophies  were  desired,  and  distribution  was  made 
upon  the  basis  of  the  replies  received. 

The  chief  difficulty  was  with  regard  to  the  major 
pieces  of  artillery.  A  total  of  twenty-five  were  asked  for, 
which  had  to  be  satisfied  with  only  six  which  had  been 
given  to  New  Mexico.  Requests  for  additional  pieces  were 
unsuccessful,  and  the  six  pieces  were  placed  as  follows: 

2  minnewerfers  with  mounts,  250  millimeter  E.  Las 

Vegas  and  the  State  University 
1  heavy  howitzer,  mounted,   150  millimeter  Military 

Institute 
1   short    howitzer,    mounted,    105    millimeter    State 

College 


206          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

1  light  field  gun,  mounted,  77  millimeter  Santa  Fe 

1  minnewerfer,  mounted,  76  millimeter  Silver  City 

The  balance  of  the  trophies,  683  items  in  all,  were  dis- 
tributed to  the  above  named  places  and  also  to  Dawson, 
Tucumcari,  El  Rito,  Bernalillo,  Gallup,  Belen,  Socorro, 
Willard,  Carrizozo,  Alamogordo,  ArtesiJa,  and  Carlsbad. 
In  July  the  chief  of  ordnance  advised  the  Historical  Society 
that  an  additional  lot  of  small  trophies  had  been  assigned 
to  New  Mexico.  These  were  received  and  distributed  in 
October  to  the  above  centers.  Some  duplicate  trophies, 
however,  have  been  held  by  the  Historical  Society  in  case 
other  towns  send  in  belated  requests  for  small  collections. 

The  entire  lot  consisted  chiefly  of  machine  guns  of 
various  types,  rifles,  sword  and  sabers,  Uhlan  lances,  hel- 
mets and  helmet  ornaments,  canteens,  gas  masks,  brass 
cartridge  cases  of  different  sizes,  steel  projectiles  of  two 
sizes,  grenade  throwers,  trench  lanterns,  wooden  and  metal 
ammunition  boxes,  "Gott  mit  Uns"  buckles,  and  a  number 
of  other  items. 

Besides  the  piece  of  field  artillery  for  Santa  Fe,  which 
was  placed  on  the  Catron  School  grounds,  a  representative 
collection  of  trophies  was  kept  for  exhibition  in  the  State 
Museum. 

This  collection  includes : 

1  trench  mortar,  German,  57  millimeter 

1  grenade  thrower 

1  aircraft  machine  gun,  German  Maxim 

2  machine  guns,  German  Maxim,  model  1908-15 
1  antitank  rifle,  German  Mauser,  13  millimeter 

1  gas  mask 

1  officer's  sword 

4  enlisted  men's  sabers 

1  brass  cartridge  case,  210  m/m  howitzer 

4  brass  cartridge  cases,  150  m/m  howitzer 

1  brass  cartridge  case,  173  m/m  railway 

8  steel  helmets 

1  Uhlan  helmet 


REPORT  TO  GOVERNOR  207 

2  Uhlan  lances 

5  canteens,  infantry  and  medical 
1  grenade,  potato  masher,  dummy 
10  steel  belt  boxes,  machine  gun 

6  wooden  belt  boxes,  machine  gun 
1  belt-loading  machine 

1  coffee  or  tea  container 
1  trench  lantern 
1  fuse,  inert 

1  flexible  saw,  leather  case 

20  belt  buckles,  "Gott  mit  Uns" 

2  eagle  ornaments,  helmet 

84  side  ornaments  for  helmet,  3  kinds 
6  projectiles,  173  m/m 

3  projectiles,  150  m/m 

1  Spanish  express  automatic  pistol 

1  Mauser  automatic  (shoulder  piece  serves  as  wooden 

holster) 

1  piece  of  body  armor 
29  bayonets,  plain  and  saw-tooth 
62  rifles  and  carbines 

These  trophies,  and  others  which  have  been  received 
at  the  State  Museum  by  gift  or  loan  from  Dr.  S.  D.  Swope, 
Miss  Helen  Straughn  and  others,  were  mostly  catalogued 
by  the  late  F.  S.  Curtis,  Jr.,  headmaster  of  Los  Alamos 
Ranch  School.  As  already  stated,  many  items  are  duplic- 
ates, but  the  miscellaneous  lot  of  rifles  and  carbines  shows 
a  surprising*  variety  when  classified  by  type,  arsenal  and 
model.  One  example  even  of  Japanese  make  has  been  iden- 
tified. 

So  far  as  present  case  and  floor  space  allow,  the  col- 
lection has  been  installed  in  the  War  Memorial  room  of 
the  Old  Palace  and  in  the  ethnological  room  of  the  His- 
torical Society.  In  the  latter  room  also  are  the  Borrow- 
dale  collection  of  weapons  and  the  similar  collection  belong- 
ing to  the  Historical  Society. 

LANSING  B.  BLOOM 


208          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

NECROLOGY 
MAJOR  GEORGE  H.  PRADT 

Major  George  H.  Pradt,  a  veteran  of  the  New  Mexico 
plains  in  the  early  70s,  passed  away  in  death  at  his  Laguna 
Pueblo  home  early  Sunday  morning,  January  9,  1927,  after 
an  illness  extending  over  a  period  of  several  years,  at  an 
advanced  age  in  life  — 80  years  and  over,  and  it  was  a  most 
active,  exciting  life. 

George  H.  Pradt,  in  after  years  known  as  Major  Pradt, 
in  after  years  known  as  Major  Pradt,  who  was  a  well-known 
surveyor  and  civil  engineer,  came  to  New  Mexico  as  early 
as  1869,  with  a  commission  in  his  pocket  to  make  a  survey 
of  the  Navajo  Indian  reservation  for  the  national  govern- 
ment, and  that  survey  was  harassed  by  a  number  of  hair- 
breadth escapes  from  scalping  knives,  not  only  from  small 
roving  bands  of  renegade  Navajoes  but  from  bands  of  mar- 
auding Apaches,  who  were  then  on  the  warpath. 

However,  Mr.  Pradt,  with  his  force  of  surveyors  and 
engineers,  found  a  warm  friend  in  the  Navajo  chief,  Ma- 
nuelito, and  thru  his  friendship  for  the  whites  the  Pradt 
party  completed  the  survey  of  that  reservation.  He  carried 
his  report  back  to  Washington,  where  it  was  used  in  after 
years  on  a  number  of  important  occasions  in  the  settlement 
of  disputes. 

In  1872  he  returned  to  New  Mexico,  located  at  Santa 
Fe,  and  soon  thereafter  became  attached  to  the  territorial 
surveyor  general's  office.  For  the  four  years  he  was  con- 
nected with  the  surveyor  general's  office,  he  was  principally 
engaged  in  government  surveying  and  civil  engineering  of 
public  lands,  reservations  and  the  like,  and  on  the  com- 
pletion of  the  survey  of  the  Laguna  Pueblo  Indian  reserva- 
tion, for  the  government  at  Washington  and  the  archives 
of  the  surveyor  general's  office  at  Santa  Fe,  he  took  up  his 
permanent  residence  at  Laguna  and  married  into  that  pue- 
blo of  Indians. 


NECROLOGY  209 

For  a  term  or  two  he  was  governor  of  the  Laguna  vil- 
lage, and  did  much  toward  cementing  a  lasting  friendship 
between  the  invaders  from  the  states  (the  whites)  and  the 
Pueblo  Indians. 

The  deceased  was  elected  surveyor  and  civil  engineer  of 
Valencia  county  during  the  regime  of  Hon  Tranquilino 
Luna,  who  was  then  in  the  congress  of  the  United  States 
from  New  Mexico,  and  besides  acting  for  that  county  did 
quite  a  bit  of  private  surveying  and  general  engineering 
work  for  others. 

He  was  often  called  into  conferences  by  Pitt  Ross  and 
other  early-day  surveyors  and  civil  engineers  of  Bernalillo 
county.  He  was  also  engaged  in  the  cattle  business,  and 
was  successful,  but  retired  from  this  business,  devoting 
most  of  his  time  thereafter  to  surveying  and  civil  engineer- 
ing, which  he  had  mastered,  and  to  general  merchandise 
and  post  trading,  he  being  connected  with  Walter  and  Ro- 
bert Marmon  in  this  business. 

George  H.  Pradt's  military  career  is  a  fine  one.  Dur- 
ing the  Civil  war  he  served  as  corporal  in  Company  A.  49th 
Wisconsin  Volunteer  infantry,  and  also  company  K  of  the 
40th  Wisconsin  Volunteer  infantry  participating  in  many 
engagements  along  the  Mississippi  river  in  Tennessee  and 
farther  south,  principally  against  bush  whackers. 

When  the  G.  K.  Warren  post,  G.  A.  R.,  was  organized 
in  Albuquerque  in  the  early  80s,  Mr.  Pradt  joined  the  local 
post,  and  altho  a  resident  of  Laguna  he  always  maintained 
pleasant  relations  with  his  old  army  comrades  whenever 
he  came  to  Albuquerque  to  attend  post  meetings. 

The  deceased  served  in  the  New  Mexico  militia,  besides 
organizing  a  company  of  Laguna  Indian  soldiers  to  hold 
the  village  against  marauding  Apaches  and  Navajoes,  and 
was  first  lieutenant  in  Company  I,  Second  regiment  of  in- 
fantry in  1882;  after  this  he  was  an  officer  in  the  First 
and  Second  regiments  of  cavalry.  New  Mexico  militia,  up 
to  1890. 

In  1892  he  was  appointed  major  and  inspector  of  rifle 


210          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

practice  on  the  territorial  governor's  staff,  and  served  two 
terms  on  the  staff  in  these  capacities.  During  these  excit- 
ing early  days  he  was  the  efficient  deputy  United  States 
marshal  out  west,  and  was  justice  of  the  peace,  in  the  name 
of  the  United  States,  for  several  terms  at  Laguna. 

Major  Pradt  was  born  in  Pennsylvania,  and  when  quite 
young  was  taken  to  Wisconsin  by  his  parents.  From  that 
state  he  came  to  New  Mexico. — W.  T.  McCreight. 

The  following  report  of  Major  George  H.  Pradt,  is 
published  through  the  courtesy  of  the  Hon.  Amado  Chaves, 
an  old  friend  of  Major  Pradt: 

REPORT  OF  OPERATIONS  DURING  THE  APACHE  CAMPAIGN 

OF  1885 

Laguna  N.  M.    July  10th  1885 
Lieut.  Col.  W.  G.  Marmon, 

1st  Cavalry  Regiment  N.  M.  V.  M. 
Commanding  Battalion 
Sir: 

I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of 
operations  of  the  troops  under  my  command,  during  the 
month  of  June  of  the  present  year.  Pursuant  to  orders, 
on  May  30th.  I  went  to  Grants  Station,  on  the  A.  &  P.  R.  R., 
where  I  met  Troops  Land  K  from  San  Mateo,  San  Rafael, 
commanded  respectively  by  Capt.  Dumas  Provencher  and 
First  Lieutenant  Ireneo  L.  Chaves.  I  assumed  command 
and  after  outfitting  with  provisions,  pack  animals,  amuni- 
tion  etc.,  marched  on  the  evening  of  June  2nd.  to  San  Rafael, 
4  miles,  where  thanks  to  the  liberal  spirit  of  the  citizens, 
the  command  was  provided  with  comfortable  quarters  for 
men  and  horses. 

The  route  from  San  Rafael  was  southeasterly  over  a 
good  wagon  road  across  the  Lava  bed,  thence  along  the  east 
edge  of  the  Lava  bed  to  the  Ceboilita  ranch,  a  distance  of 
25  miles :  Here  the  command  found  wood,  water  and  grass 
in  abundance.  From  the  Ceboilita  ranch  I  marched  with 
a  detail  of  ten  men  and  two  officers  by  trail  across  the 
mesa,  12  miles,  to  the  Cebolla  ranch,  for  the  purpose  of 
ascertaining  if  there  were  any  renegade  Navajos  in  the 
vicinity;  the  main  body  of  the  command  going  with  the 
pack  train  by  wagon  road  around  the  mesa,  about  20  miles : 
I  arrived  at  Cebolla  at  8  a.  m.  on  the  morning  of  June  4th., 


NECROLOGY  211 

and  found  8  herders  with  a  family  of  women  and  children ; 
The  herdsrs  were  all  armed  and  on  the  lookout  and  were 
expecting  an  attack  from  Apaches  at  any  moment. 

At  this  place  two  men  were  killed  and  a  woman  and 
child  taken  prisoners  during  the  last  raid  of  Victorious 
Apaches.  A  number  of  Navajos  were  with  the  Apaches  at 
the  time  and  took  part  in  the  murders  and  outrages  that 
were  committed,  as  appeared  by  the  testimony  of  the 
woman,  who  escaped  after  about  a  year's  captivity. 

At  4  p.  m.,  the  main  command  arrived  and  after  de- 
taching a  sergeant  and  seven  men  as  a  guard  for  the  Cebolla 
ranch  and  to  do  additional  scouting  in  the  vicinity,  I 
marched  south  over  a  good  trail  about  10  miles  and  went 
into  camp,  finding  good  wood  and  grass  but  no  water;  on 
the  5th  the  command  marched  by  the  Estacado  spring  to 
the  Belleville  ranch  on  the  Alampcita  creek  about  22  miles 
southeasterly,  over  a  rough  trail,  passing  a  good  spring 
about  half  way,  and  arrived  at  the  Belleview  ranch  at  4  p. 
m.  and  reported  for  further  orders.  On  the  6th,  I  marched 
over  a  good  wagon  road  ten  miles,  south,  to  the  Perea  spring 
near  the  summit  of  the  Gallinas  ranch,  where  I  established 
camp,  finding  abundance  of  wood  water  and  grass.  From 
this  point  scouting  parties  were  sent  out,  northeast  to  the 
Alamo  spring,  where  8  or  7  families  of  Navajos  are  farm- 
ing; south  to  the  San  Augustine  plains  and  southwest  to 
Baldwin's  ranch  in  the  Datil  range. 

A  number  of  settlers  leaving  this  part  of  the  new 
country  had  left  their  homes,  and  among  those  remaining  a 
feeling  of  insecurity  prevailed,  and  many  rumors  were  cur- 
rent as  to  the  movements  of  the  Apache.  On  the  10th,  Capt. 
Provencher  while  scouting  on  the  plains  south  of  the  Galli- 
nas ranch,  found  the  trail  of  4  mounted  horses  going  north 
towards  the  mountains;  he  followed  this  trail  until  it  was 
lost  in  the  rough  ground,  and  the  next  day  two  scouting 
parties  under  Capt.  Provencher  and  Lieut.  Chaves  were 
sent  out  to  find  out  if  possible  who  the  parties  were;  at 
the  same  time  reports  were  brought  in  to  camp,  that  a  party 
of  four  men  had  visited  several  places  in  the  vicinity  at 
night,  returning  immediately  to  the  roughest  part  of  the 
mountains;  The  search  for  this  party  was  kept  up  until 
I  was  satisfied  that  they  had  left  that  part  of  the  country. 
I  afterward  learned  that  they  had  gone  north  towards  the 
A.  &  P.  R.  R.,  and  one  of  them  a  renegade  Indian  from 
Laguna,  had  stolen  a  horse  near  Cubero  Station,  and  gone 
in  to  the  San  Mateo  mountains;  He  was  pursued  by  some 


212          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  people  of  the  neighborhood  and  killed,  and  the  horse 
recovered ;  Before  dying  he  boasted  that,  with  his  com- 
panions, he  had  committed  depredations  and  murders  in 
several  localities  in  the  vicinity  of  the  San  Mateo  range 
southwest  of  Fort  Craig  and  in  the  Black  Range  and  fur- 
ther west;  taking  advantage  of  the  Apache  outbreak  to 
make  a  raid  on  their  own  account.  From  these  circum- 
stances I  think  it  very  probable  that  the  men  said  to  have 
been  murdered  at  or  near  the  Cuchillo  Negro,  were  killed 
by  this  party,  and  that  the  other  depredations  further  west, 
and  attributed  to  the  Apaches,  were  committed  by  them. 

Scouting  parties  were  sent  also  to  the  Trinchera  on 
the  Rito  Quemado  road,  and  afterwards  the  main  portion 
of  the  command  was  taken  to  Magdalena  to  have  the  horses 
shod.  At  the  latter  place  I  met  Colonel  Blake  of  the  2nd. 
Cavalry,  N.  M.  V.  M.,  who  had  recently  returned  from  a 
scout  to  the  Mogollon  mountains.  I  learned  from  him 
that  no  traces  of  Apaches  had  been  seen  in  the  vicinity 
of  Magdalena  or  on  the  plains  west  and  south  from  there. 

After  returning  from  Magdalena,  scouting  parties 
were  sent  out  south  and  west  to  various  points  but  no  traces 
of  Apaches  were  found. 

On  the  21st.  a  letter  from  Adjutant  General  to  your- 
self was  brought  to  me  by  a  Laguna  Indian  courier,  direct- 
ing you  to  march  the  battalion  to  the  Railroad  and  disband. 

I  sent  four  men  from  Troop  I.  to  find  your  camp  and 
deliver  this  letter,  and  as  I  was  uncertain  where  you  could 
be  found,  decided  to  move  at  once  with  my  command.  Ac- 
cordingly the  several  scouting  parties  were  called  in  and  on 
the  evening  of  the  25th.  the  command  moved  north  about 
4  miles  and  camped.  On  the  26th.  the  trail  to  Acoma  wras 
taken  and  on  the  29th.  the  command  reached  Grants  Sta- 
tion. The  Adjutant  General  was  notified  as  soon  as  possible 
of  this  movement  and  he  approved  it  by  a  letter  of  the  23rd. 
inst.  The  command  was  disbanded  on  the  30th.  at  Grants 
Station. 

I  wish  to  express  my  thanks  to  Capt.  Dumas  Provencher 
and  to  Lieuts.  Ireneo  L.  Chaves,  Jose  Leon  Telles  and  Roman 
L.  Baca,  for  the  faithfulness  and  zeal  with  which  they  per- 
formed the  various  duties  of  the  campaign  and  for  the 
pleasant  social  relations  that  existed  between  us  through- 
out the  expedition. 

My  thanks  are  due  also  to  the  men  for  their  ready 
obedience  to  orders,  their  intelligent  co-operation  in  all 
movements  and  their  cheerful  endurance  of  the  hardships 


NECROLOGY  213 

attending  a  campaign  in  a  rough  and  comparatively  desert 
country. 

Very  Respectfully, 

Geo.  H.  Pradt. 
Major,  1st.  Regt.  N.  M.  V.  M. 

Family  records  show  Major  Pradt' s  descent  from  Isaac 
Stearn  born  in  Yorkshire,  England,  about  1600,  who  came 
over  in  the  Ship  Arabella  with  Gov.  Winthrop  in  1630  and 
settled  in  Watertown,  Massachusetts. 

Major  Pradt  was  born  April  28,  1864,  in  Jersey  Shore, 
Lycoming  County,  Pennsylvania. 
Military  Record. 

In  the  spring  of  1864  he  enlisted  in  the  40th.  Wisconsin 
Infantry  to  serve  100  days,  (Emergency  troops)  serving  as 
a  private  and  corporal.  His  company  was  made  up  of  school 
boys.  The  Regiment  was  stationed  at  Memphis,  Tennessee, 
where  it  did  picket  scout  and  train  guard  duty.  In  August 
they  fought  against  General  Forrest  and  captured  his  two 
gun  battery.  Pradt  was  slightly  injured  by  a  piece  of  shell. 

In  February,  1865,  he  enlisted  in  the  49th.  Wisconsin 
Infantry  as  a  private  but  was  on  detached  (clerical)  duty 
the  whole  time.  The  regiment  was  stationed  at  Rolla, 
Missouri,  on  guard  and  scout  duty.  Later  it  was  stationed 
at  St.  Louis,  awaiting  orders  to  go  with  General  Sheridan 
to  Mexico. 

In  New  Mexico,  Pradt  served  as  1st.  lieutenant  and 
captain  of  the  Laguna  Indian  Scouts  (Militia)  ;  afterwards 
as  major  and  lieutenant  colonel  in  a  New  Mexico  cavalry 
regiment.  He  spent  one  month  in  command  of  two  troops 
of  cavalry  in  the  Geronimo  Campaign,  also  scouted  at  vari- 
ous times  after  Apaches  and  train  robbers.  From  1877  to 
1887  he  was  major  on  the  governor's  staff  at  various  times. 
Dates  of  commissions  in  The  Volunteer  Militia  of  New 

Mexico : 

1    Under  Administration  of  L.  A.  Sheldon. 
April  10,  1882— First  Lieutenant,  Co.  "I,"  2d  Regt. 
February  10,  1883,— Captain  Co.  "I",  2d  Regt. 
October  1,  1883— Major,  1st  Cavalry. 


214          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

2  Under  Administration  of  E.  G.  Ross. 
November  10,  1885 — Lieutenant  Colonel. 

3  Under  Administration  of  L.  Bradford  Prince. 
August  24,  1890— Captain  Co.  "C,"  First  Regt. 

August  8,  1892— Major  on  Governor's  Staff  as  Inspector 
of  Rifle  Practice. 

4  Under  Administration  of  W.  T.  Thornton. 

July  14,   1893 — Major  on  Governor's  Staff  as   Inspector 

of  Rifle  Practice. 
Civilian  Appointments  in  New  Mexico: 

October  22,  1881 — United  States  Deputy  Surveyor  for  Dis- 
trict of  New  Mexico. 

August  28,  1885 — Justice  of  the  Peace,  Valencia  County. 

July,       1890 — Census  Enumerator,   Pueblo  of  Zuni. 

April  30,  1390— United  States  Deputy  Land  Surveyor,Dis- 
trict  of  New  Mexico. 

September  13,  1897 — United  States  Deputy  Marshal. 

November  17,  1898— -United  States  Deputy  Mineral  Sur- 
veyor. 

July  21,  1905— Notary  Public. 

November  2,  1907 — Court  Commissioner,  second  Judicial 
District  of  New  Mexico. 

July  10,  1909— Notary  Public. 

Major  Pradt  also  served  as  county  surveyor,  and  held 

various  other  county  appointments. 

P.  A.  F.  W. 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES 

St.  Francis  and  Franciscans  in  New  Mexico.  By  Rev. 
Theodosius  Meyer,  0.  F.  M.,  (The  Museum  Press,  Santa 
Fe,  1926)  44  pp.,  ill.,  $0.50.  This  booklet  has  been  a  labor 
of  love  on  the  part  of  Father  Theodosius,  based  upon  ex- 
tensive reading  and  study,  not  only  of  the  numerous  books 
already  published  upon  the  life  of  St.  Francis,  but  also  upon 
voluminous  old  church  records  of  New  Mexico.  The  author's 
purpose  has  been  to  give  a  sympathetic  sketch  of  the  foun- 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES  215 

der  of  this  great  order  and  an  analysis  of  his  character 
and  spirit  which  inspired  his  followers  to  their  heroic  labors 
in  the  Southwest,  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 
With  this  background,  Father  Theodosius  then  gives  what 
data  he  has  been  able  to  gather,  meager  in  some  cases  and 
yet  illuminative,  regarding  the  51  Franciscan  missionaries 
of  New  Mexico  who  suffered  martyrdom  during  the  period 
from  1542  to  1731.  Father  Theodosius  has  done  a  real 
service  in  this  piece  of  historical  research,  both  in  the  in- 
dividual sketches  and  in  the  two  tabulations  of  the  51 
martyrs  at  the  close. 

When  the  massive  "Cross  of  the  Martyrs"  (which 
overlooks  La  Villa  Real  de  la  Santa  Fe  de  San  Francisco 
from  the  eminence  north  of  the  city)  was  erected  some  years 
ago,  this  information  —  even  the  list  of  their  names  — 
was  not  available.  Bronze  tablets  carrying  the  51  names 
have  been  ordered  and  are  to  be  placed  on  the  Cress  this 
summer,  and  the  Historical  Society  hopes  to  secure  funds 
sufficient  also  to  place  a  flood-light  which  will  illuminate 
it  not  only  for  residents  but  for  travellers  many  miles  out  on 
the  highways  from  Las  Vegas  and  Albuquerque. 

The  total  cost  will  be  about  $500.00,  and  this  amount 
is  to  be  secured  by  the  sale  and  distribution  of  this  special 
publication,  as  well  as  by  contributions.  Orders  for  one  or 
more  copies,  and  contributions,  should  be  sent  to  the  His- 
torical Society,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico.  This  special  fund, 
at  this  writing  has  only  $42.50,  and  promptness  on  the  part 
of  those  who  wish  to  participate  will  be  appreciated. 

L.  B.  B. 

CUSTODIAN  OF  PUBLIC  ARCHIVES 

New  Mexico  is  one  of  the  few  states  which  have 
hitherto  made  no  provision  for  proper  care  of  their  public 
archives.  The  following  act,  passed  unanimously  by  house 
and  senate  in  the  recent  legislature  and  signed  by  the  gov- 
ernor, will  be  of  interest  to  members  of  the  Society  and 
students  of  the  Southwest.  Unfortunately  another  measure 
which  would  have  enable  the  State  Museum  and  the  His- 
torical Society  to  establish  a  unified  library  was  vetoed 


216          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

by  Governor  Dillon,  so  that  requests  for  transfer  of  public 
archives  must  be  seriously  limited  for  the  present.  How- 
ever, it  may  be  possible  to  make  a  beginning  in  this  im- 
portant service  to  the  state  and  to  historical  students. 

HOUSE  BILL  No.  338 

(introduced  by  R.  L.  Baca,  Clement  Hightower,  Alvan 
N.  White,  F.  T.  Cheetham,  and  0.  A.  Larrazolo) 

AN  ACT 

To  Provide  for  Care  of  Valuable  but  Non-current  Pu- 
lic  Records 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  New  Mexico: 

Section  1.  The  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico  is 
hereby  made  the  official  custodian  and  trustee  for  the  State 
of  New  Mexico  of  the  public  archives  of  whatever  kind 
which  may  be  transferred  to  it  from  any  public  office  of 
state,  county,  city,  or  otherwise. 

Section  2.  For  the  purpose  of  safe  custody,  better 
preservation  and  historical  study  of  such  archives,  any 
state,  county,  or  other  official  shall  transfer  to  the  His- 
torical Society  of  New  Mexico,  upon  its  request  and  in  its 
capacity  as  trustee  and  custodian  for  the  State,  any  non- 
current  records,  documents,  original  papers,  manuscripts, 
newspaper  files  or  printed  books  not  specifically  required 
by  law  to  be  retained  in  the  office  of  such  official  as  a  part 
of  the  public  records. 

Section  3.  On  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  Mexico  and 
its  trustee,  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico,  the  state 
attorney  general  may  replevin  any  papers,  books,  corres- 
pondence, etc.,  which  were  formerly  part  of  the  records 
or  files  of  any  public  office  in  the  Territory  or  State  of 
New  Mexico. 

Section  4.  Custodianship  by  the  Historical  Society  of 
New  Mexico  shall  be  legal  as  well  as  physical.  After  such 
transfer  of  any  records  or  other  material,  photostatic  or 
transcript  copies  thereof,  certified  by  the  secretary  or  other 
authorized  representative  of  the  Historical  Society,  shall 
have  all  the  force  and  effect  as  if  made  by  the  official 
originally  in  custody  of  them. 


ERRATUM 
Pg.  134,  line  10,  read: 
'•'order  to  make  the  most  of  the  new  discovery,  Father  Esco-' 


REV.  ELIGIUS  KUNKEL 

Rector  of  Saint  Francis  Cathedral,  Santa  Fe,  who  was  Drowned  while 
Seeking  to  Rescue  a  Girl  of  His  Parish 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

Vol.   II.  July,  1927.  No.  3 


THE  LAST  LEGAL  FRONTIER 

In  the  year  1926  sesquicentennials,  centennials,  semi- 
centennials and  other  similar  anniversaries  were  celebrated 
thruout  the  land  with  vim  and  eclat,  but  the  seventy-fifth 
anniversary  of  the  conquest  by  The  Common  Law  of  Eng- 
land of  its  last  frontier  on  the  continent  of  these  United 
States  passed  with  little  notice. 

It  was  on  the  12th  day  of  July,  1851,  that  the  legis- 
lature of  the  newly  organized  Territory  of  New  Mexico 
adopted  the  following  provision: 

"In  criminal  cases,  the  common  law,  as  recognized  by 
th  United  States  and  the  several  states  of  the  Union,  shall 
be  the  rule  of  practice-  and  decision." 

At  that  time  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico  included 
what  is  today  the  State  of  Arizona.  Thus  with  a  stroke  of 
the  pen  were  abolished  ideas  of  law  that  had  maintained 
themselves  in  the  remote  country  from  the  earliest  days 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  thus  fell  the  last  obstacle  to  the  sweep 
of  the  Common  Law  of  England  over  the  territory  of  the 
United  States.  The  conquest  had  commenced  on  the  east- 
ern shores  where  the  settlers  found  no  law  of  the  country 
available  for  their  civilization.  It  had  swept  west  with  the 
emigrants,  across  the  prairies  and  the  Mississippi.  No- 
where had  it  encountered  an  existing  body  of  law  that  might 
claim  equality  in  refinement.  In  Louisiana  the  civil  code 
of  France  and  of  Spain  had  been  in  use  prior  to  the  Loui- 
siana Purchase.  In  New  Mexico  and  California  the  civil 
law  of  Spain  was  well  established  when  the  Mexican  War 


220          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

severed  those  territories  from  Mexico.  But  nowhere  in 
the  West  or  in  the  Rocky  Mountain  states  had  there  been 
settlements  of  sufficient  size  or  importance  and  stability 
to  require  more  than  the  law  of  might  and  of  self -protec- 
tion. In  California  state  government  had  been  erected  with 
all  the  paraphernalia  of  the  accepted  American  manner, 
and  at  the  time  when  the  territorial  legislature  of  New 
Mexico  established  the  common  law  as  the  rule  of  practice 
and  decision  the  state  courts  of  California  were  already 
deciding  legal  disputes  by  that  standard.  New  Mexico 
was  therefore  the  last  frontier  of  the  Common  Law.  In 
view  of  the  fact  that  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Mexico  was 
then  but  three  years  of  age,  -that  before  this  time  the  bit- 
terest feeling  had  prevailed  between  the  two  peoples,  that 
the  Mexican  law,  its  theories  and  ideals,  were  quite  distinct 
from  the  logic  of  the  English  Common  Law,  it  is  interest- 
ing to  delve  into  the  past  and  discover  the  manner  in  which 
the  newly  made  American  citizens  adapted  themselves  to 
the  new  conception  of  law.  From  all  records  they  did  very 
well  indeed,  even  though  it  is  a  fact  that  the  spirit  of  the 
northern  law  has  always  remained  somewhat  strange  to 
this  southern  people  and  few  of  its  public  men  have  been 
able  to  grasp  clearly  that  which  de  Montesquieu  has  so  aptly 
called  "L'esprit  des  Lois." 

In  the  first  year  of  the  new  territorial  government 
there  were  three  judicial  districts  established  in  the  terri- 
tory, which  embraced  nine  counties.  The  counties  of  the 
southern  tier  were  Bernalillo,  Valencia,  Socorro  and  Doiia 
Ana  and  their  boundaries  ran  from  the  state  line  of  Cali- 
fornia east  to  the  state  line  of  Texas  a  distance  of  over  600 
miles.  It  was  a  sparsely  settled  country  with  villages  along 
the  course  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  a  few  pueblos  in  the 
mountains.  The  Third  Judicial  District  covered  approxi- 
mately 120,000  square  miles  and  most  of  this  immense 
territory  was  a  wilderness  almost  unknown.  The  circuit 
which  Abraham  Lincoln  followed  was  not  to  be  compared 
with  the  circuit  of  the  Third  Judicial  District,  which  had 
as  seats  of  its  court  Albuquerque,  Tome,  Socorro  and 


LAST  LEGAL  FRONTIER  221 

Mesilla.  All  of  these  then  were  little  villages  of  adobe,  one- 
story  houses  of  dried  clay.  It  took  over  two  weeks  to  travel 
from  Tome  in  the  Kingdom  of  Valencia  (as  it  was  known) 
to  Mesilla  on  the  Rio  Grande  near  the  Paso  del  Norte.  When 
the  court  went  south  it  had  to  cross  a  dry  hot  desert  known 
as  the  Jornada  del  Muerto  (journey  of  death)  and  the 
country  all  along  was  infested  with  hostile  Apache  In- 
dians. 

That  under  such  circumstances  any  records  whatever 
were  kept  is  remarkable,  and  that  they  were  not  lost  on 
these  journeys  is  providential.  They  are  still  almost  com- 
plete, and  a  peek  into  the  dusty  manuscripts  throws  inter- 
esting shadows  and  lights  on  the  days  when  the  Common 
Law  of  Fair  England  assumed  sway  over  the  swarthy  in- 
habitants of  the  Rio  Briavo  del  Norte. 

On  the  docket  of  the  court  for  the  County  of  Valencia 
cause  No.  5  has  left  a  record  in  the  flourishing  Spencerian 
hand  of  its  clerk,  Henry  Winslow.  It  is  the  kind  of  a  hand 
which  Edgar  Allen  Poe  would  probably  have  dismissed  as 
a  purely  clerical  one,  but  it  is  as  exact  as  a  steel  engraving. 
It  is  preserved  in  an  excellent  state,  and  tells  the  story  of 
the  bloody  crime  of  Felipe  Garcia,  whose  name  in  the  in- 
dictment was  spelled  in  the  nearest  Anglican  approach  to 
the  Castilian  spelling  as  "Phillipi  Garcia,"  an  idem  sonans 
which  was  not  questioned  by  the  defense. 

This  was  probably  the  first  murder  case  tried  under 
the  new  order  as  it  was  disposed  of  at  the  April  term  of 
court,  1852,  or  a  few  months  after  the  establishment  of 
the  county's  borders  by  the  legislature.  True  there  had 
been  trials  before  that,  but  they  were  practically  under 
martial  law  and  under  the  Kearny  Code  which  was  a  tem- 
porary code  created  by  Gen.  Kearny  in  order  to  meet  the 
exigencies  of  the  moment. 

The  crime  was  atrocious  according  to  the  indictment, 
which  was  presented  by  a  Grand  Jury  not  one  of  whom 
could  speak  English  and  who  were  utter  strangers  to  the 
stilted  language  of  the  Common  Law. 


222         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

That  Phillip!  Garcia,  late  of  the  County  of  Valencia, 
laborer,  not  having  the  fear  of  God  before  his  eyes  but  be- 
ing moved  and  seduced  by  the  instigation  of  the  Devil,  on 
the  Twenty-third  day  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord, 
One  thousand  Eight  Hundred  and  fifty-two — at  Tome — : 
upon  Thadeus  E.  C.  S.  Canter  with  a  certain  large  stick 
of  no  value —  two  mortal  wounds  three  inches  in  length 
and  one  in  depth — and  with  a  certain  case  knife,  made  of 
iron  and  steel  of  the  value  of  fifty  cents — the  throat  of 
the  said  Thadeus  E.  C.  S.  Canter-feloniously  wilfully  and  of 
his  malice  aforethought  did  strike  and  cut — and — give  unto 
3aid  Thadeus  E.  C.  S.  Canter  two  mortal  wounds  of  the 
length  of  two  inches  and  of  the  depth  of  five  inches — of 
which  said  mortal  wounds  the  said  Thadeus  E.  C.  S.  Can- 
ter languished  and  languishingly  did  live  for  three  hours 
and  did  die,  contrary  etc. 

Justice  was  swift  in  those  days,  even  if  the  law  was 
obscure  to  the  jurors,  even  if  the  instructions  of  the  judge, 
the  argument  of  the  counsel,  and  perhaps  some  of  the  evi- 
dence had  to  be  translated  into  the  Spanish  language,  using 
terms  that  were  only  vaguely  comprehended  by  the  jury. 
The  indictment  was  returned  on  the  27th  day  of  April,  on 
the  29th  of  April  the  wretch  was  tried,  according  to  the 
Act  of  Congress  establishing  the  territory,  by  a  jury  "of 
his  peers  and  the  law  of  the  land,"  and  on  the  same  date 
the  jury  returned  its  verdict  into  court.  It  was  written  on 
a  mere  slip  of  paper,  by  an  illiterate  hand  in  characters 
barely  legible: 

"We  the  jouro  find  Felipe  Garsilla  gilte  of  murder  and 
worthery  of  deth." 

James  Sullivan  the  foreman  was  probably  a  halfbreed. 

On  the  same  day  the  convicted  man  was  sentenced  to 
be  hanged  by  the  neck  until  he  be  dead  on  the  25th  day  of 
May,  1852,  at  high  noon.  The  clerk,  with  his  stencilled 
handwriting  issued  to  the  sheriff  on  that  very  day  the  writ 
of  execution.  Lacking  an  official  seal  he  certifies  that  he 
has  annexed  his  own  private  seal,  and  signs  with  a  flourish. 


rt.  v  '    Vt,..'^,,,~&     #* 

,  " :   .   /    r 


O 


m 


LAST  LEGAL  FRONTIER  223 

And  on  the  back  of  the  writ  appears  in  Spanish  the  return 
of  the  sheriff  which  is  translated  as  follows: 

Returned  and  executed  in  accordance  by  hanging  the 
defendant  by  the  neck  until  he  died  and  then  his  body  was 
put  under  the  ground  this  the  25th  day  of  May,  A.  D.  1852, 
in  Tome  at  the  hour  of  12  of  this»day  in  the  cemetery  of 
the  parish. 

Lorenzo  Labadi,  Sheriff 

Two  other  defendants  at  the  same  term  of  court  es- 
caped the  penalty  for  larceny  of  "one  hundred  thirty  nine 
Mexican  Silver  Dollars  of  the  value  of  One  Hundred  Thirty 
Nine  Dollars  of  currency  of  the  United  States."  The  men 
had  been  bound  over  by  one  Jose  Vigil,  who  styled  himself 
"Alcalde  del  Condado  de  Valencia,"  an  office  which  had 
been  abolished  by  the  Congressional  Act  establishing  the 
Territory,  but  a  name  which  was  so  burdened  with  tradi- 
tion, power  and  custom  that  it  was  eliminated  only  slowly. 
The  jury  rendered  a  long  verdict: 

Vvre,  those  of  the  jury,  have  unanimously  agreed  in  the 
cause  which  is  placed  in  cur  hands  as  jurors  to  judge  the 
cause  of  Carlos  Sanchez  against  the  Territory  of  New  Mex- 
ico in  which  we  find  him  without  guilt. 

A  longwinded  and  dilatory  way  to  tell  the  trembling  de- 
fendant that  he  is  not  guilty.  He  did  not  know  it  until  the 
last  two  words  of  this  ponderous  recital. 

The  court  then  discharged  the  jointly  indicted  but 
not  tried  co-defendant  Jose  Quintana  and  the  clerk's  notes 
read : 

"Quintana  arraigned  and  sentenced  by  the  court  to  go 
free." 

An  agreeable  sentence. 

That  in  those  early  days  the  merchants  took  good  care 
to  protect  themselves  against  peddlers  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  in  1853  the  docket  showed  three  prosecutions  for  "trad- 
ing without  a  lincese." 

No.  11  on  the  docket  was  a  contempt  case  against  a 


224         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

juror  for  not  appearing  at  the  proper  time.  In  view  of 
the  fact  that  the  county  was  600  miles  long  and  one  hundred 
miles  wide  such  failure  would  seem  to  have  been  excusable 
(and  perhaps  the  court  was  lenient.  At  any  rate  it  does  not 
appear  that  the  man  was  fined  or  imprisoned ;  one  can  not 
doubt  that  this  newly  made  American,  Miguel  Lucero  by 
name,  felt  relieved  at  escaping  the  majesty  of  the  "Ingles" 
law. 

The  territorial  form  of  government  had  not  been  long 
established  when  the  smarter  natives  began  to  realize  its 
possibilities.  The  office  of  probate  judge  became  the  most 
sought  after  political  office  because  its  jurisdiction  over 
crimes,  estates  and  other  matters  gave  the  incumbent  of 
this  office  great  power.  It  is  still  the  one  office  which  the 
politicians  of  both  parties  in  all  counties  of  Mexican  pop- 
ulation consider  the  property  of  the  Mexican  constituency. 
The  second  cause  on  the  civil  docket  of  Valencia  Kingdom 
was  an  election  contest  between  Francisco  Sanches  and 
Jose  Felipe  Castillo  for  this  office.  The  plaintiff  recovered 
judgment  for  the  office  and  his  costs  which  amounted  to 
the  sum  $153.09  for  which  execution  was  issued  and  re- 
turned satisfied.  Considering  the  emoluments  of  the  office, 
its  power  in  the  county,  the  opportunities  for  making  money 
which  it  offered,  this  sum  does  not  appear  high  as  a  gam- 
ble by  the  defendant  in  trying  to  keep  an  office  for  which 
he  was  evidently  defeated,  whether  honestly  or  not  is,  of 
course,  not  known. 

That  the  power  of  the  office  was  easily  abused  ap- 
pears from  the  case  of  the  Territory  vs.  this  same  success- 
ful contestant  in  which  he  was  charged  with  wilful  malad- 
ministration of  office  only  a  short  time  after  his  contest 
w;as  decided  in  his  favor.  The  indictment  recites  that  the 
defendant  fined  Filomeno  Sanches  $50.00  for  having  sold 
goods  and  merchandise  without  a  license  and  that  in  so 
doing  the  probate  judge  acted  "utterly  disregarding  the 
law  and  the  evidence  in  said  cause."  It  seems  likely  that 
Filomeno  was  a  political  opponent  of  the  probate  judge  who 
was  "getting  his"  for  that  crime,  and  that  the  U.  S.  district 


LAST  LEGAL  FRONTIER  225 

attorney  was  a  political  opponent  of  the  probate  judge  and 
a  partisan  of  Filomeno's  friends.  That  is  the  way  politics 
ran  in  those  days,  and  for  many  years  thereafter. 

There  are  still  in  New  Mexico  occasional  outbursts  of 
race  feeling,  and  the  race  issue  is  the  most  discussed  and 
the  most  dreaded  in  politics.  It  is  therefore  not  strange 
that  in  1852  only  three  years  after  the  peace  treaty  was 
signed  it  should  have  been  unhealthy  for  an  American  to 
get  into  difficulty  with  a  Mexican  and  remain  the  victor. 
This  is  what  happened  to  one  Charles  Fry.  According  to 
his  motion  for  a  continuance  he  killed  a  man  in  self  defense, 
a  native  of  one  of  the  villages  in  the  M-anzano  Mountains, 
who,  he  alleged  was  a  notoriously  bad  character,  who  had 
threatened  to  kill  the  defendant  and  would  have  killed  him, 
had  not  the  defendant  been  quicker  on  the  draw.  The  only 
witness  was  one  James  Cummings  who  lived  50  miles  away 
in  the  mountains  and  could  not  come  because  his  wife  had 
just  been  delivered  of  a  child.  Cummings'  letter  to  Dis- 
trict Attorney  Ashurst  recites  that  if  a  doctor  were  first 
sent  by  the  court  he  would  come  "as  quick  as  a  fleet  horse 
will  take  me."  It  took  two  days  to  get  this  letter  to  the 
court  where  it  was  read  in  open  session,  whereupon  the 
defendant's  motion  was  granted  and  on  habeas  corpus  he 
was  released  in  one  thousand  dollars  bond.  There  was 
then  no  statutory  bail,  but  the  courts  uniformly  fixed  bond 
on  habeas  corpus  in  murder  cases  at  one  thousand  dollars. 
The  bondsmen  of  Charly  Fry  evidently  got  worried  for  in 
October,  1854,  they  surrendered  him.  He  stayed  in  jail 
probably  but  a  little  while,  because  not  long  after  on  Novem- 
ber 8th  a  warrant  was  issued  for  his  apprehension.  How- 
ever, the  defendant  evidently  did  not  like  the  looks  of  the 
special  venires  he  had  seen  at  the  April  term  and  the  sheriff 
returned  the  warrant  "non  est  inventus."  In  1856  there 
was  another  warrant  and  after  that  the  record  is  silent. 
Charles  Fry  had  probably  sought  safety  among  his  own 
people  in  "The  States." 

The  first  appeal  from  a  conviction  for  crime  did  not 
reach  the  Territorial  Supreme  Court  until  January  Term, 


226         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

1855,  and  the  first  appeal  in  a  murder  case,  of  which  there 
is  any  record,  did  not  reach  the  court  until  January  Term, 
1857.  This  appeal  deserves  especial  mention  because  it 
was  from  a  conviction  for  murder  in  the  fifth  degree, 
though  it  does  not  appear  from  the  decision  just  what  the 
elements  of  this  degree  were.  However,  the  court  set  an 
example  which  might  well  be  followed  in  this  day  in  the 
courts  of  certain  states,  by  holding  that  where  there  was 
evidence  of  ill-will  between  the  defendant  and  the  deceased 
and  that  when  the  parties  were  about  35  yards  apart  the 
deceased  "took  his  gun  from  his  shoulder,  as  if  to  offend 
the  defendant,"  but  did  not  point  it  at  him,  there  was  no 
justification  for  the  killing.  Somewhat  different  from  the 
appeal  to  the  hip  pocket  movement  which  a  noted  minister 
of  the  Gospel  in  the  South  recently  invoked  in  defense  of 
a  killing. 

But  this  scarcity  of  criminal  cases  in  the  first  few 
years  of  the  territory  does  not  imply  that  there  was  not 
plenty  of  work  for  the  criminal  lawyers.  At  the  1859  term 
of  the  District  Court  in  Dona  Ana  County  not  less  than 
seven  murder  indictments  were  returned.  Some  of  these 
came  from  far  off  Tucson,  now  in  the  State  of  Arizona, 
and  at  that  time  about  the  only  settlement  of  consequence 
in  the  territory  now  covered  by  that  state. 

From  1862  until  1866  the  territory  was  practically 
under  martial  law,  first  the  Confederate  and  then  the  Union 
armies  controlling  it.  At  that  time  the  inhabitants  of  west- 
ern New  Mexico  sympathised  with  the  South  and  tried  to 
secede  and  set  up  a  separate  government,  and  for  a  while 
the  Bars  and  Stars  floated  over  Mesilla  as  the  Territorial 
Capitol.  Under  such  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that 
the  courts  functioned  meagerly,  There  is  as  an  example 
in  the  records  a  report  by  Jose  D.  Sena,  Captain  First  New 
Mexico  Volunteers,  as  President  of  a  Military  Board  of 
Investigation  into  the  killing  of  Juan  Jaramillo  a  citizen 
of  Valencia  County  by  Harvey  Twadell,  watchman  at  the 
orchard  of  a  man  named  Wilson  near  Los  Lunas.  It  was 
a  most  cowardly  affair  and  coldblooded  to  a  degree.  Twadell 


LAST  LEGAL  FRONTIER  227 

who  was  a  Southern  sympathiser,  shot  Jamarillo  twice 
from  ambush,  then  walked  over  to  where  the  wounded  man 
lay  on  his  face  and  shot  him  twice  in  the  back.  The  report 
says:  "after  having1  shot  Juan  Jaramillo,  aforesaid,  twice 
in  the  premises,  over  which  he  was  on  guard"  he  dragged 
the  body  to  an  irrigating  ditch  and  threw  it  in.  Twadell 
escaped  and  was  reported  to  have  joined  the  Texas  troops 
to  the  south. 

So,  during  the  civil  war,  the  Territorial  Supreme  Court 
found  itself  without  any  appeals,  or,  if  there  were  any, 
did  not  consider  them  until  January  term,  1866.  But,  as 
after  every  war,  there  was  a  great  increase  in  crime  in  the 
territory  in  the  next  decade  arid  this  was  promoted  by  the 
influx  in  the  seventies  and  eighties  of  an  adventurous  class 
of  fortune  hunters,  miners,  cattle  rustlers  from  Texas  and 
gamblers  from  everywhere. 

How  the  Common  Law  helped  in  bringing  out  of  this 
chaos  substantial  security  of  life,  liberty  and  property  is 
another  story.  It  began  in  1876  when  the  legislature  passed 
an  act  that  "in  all  the  courts  in  this  Territory  the  common 
law  as  recognized  in  the  United  States  of  America,  shall 
be  the  rule  of  practice  and  decision/'  And  it  is  still  at  work. 

EDWARD  D.  TITTMANN 


228         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


EARLY  WEAVING  IN  NEW  MEXICO 

It  is  not  easy  for  one  living  in  New  Mexico  in  the 
twentieth  century  to  think  himself  back  into  the  sixteenth 
century.  It  is  not  easy  properly  to  evaluate  the  effects 
which  European  civilization,  arriving  thru  the  first  Span- 
iards, had  upon  the  civilization  to  which  the  early  peoples 
of  this  country  had  already  attained. 

In  some  respects  the  shock  must  have  been  severe.  The 
early  Americans  were  still  in  the  Stone  Age  culturally 
speaking;  they  had  no  use,  or  even  knowledge,  of  copper, 
iron,  lead,  tin,  gold,  silver,  while  the  Spaniards  had  practi- 
cal knowledge  and  extensive  use  of  all  them.  Fire  they 
knew,  but  gunpowder — and  metal  weapons  which  used  fire 
to  kill — were  revolutionary  to  all  their  conceptions.  The 
turkey  they  had  domesticated,  but  here  came  the  Spaniards- 
with  horses,  cattle,  burros,  sheep,  goats,  hogs,  chickens. 
The  wheel  in  any  form  was  unknown  in  the  Southwest, 
but  carts  and  wagons  were  used  by  the  Spaniards  certainly 
from  the  time  of  the  first  colonization  and  perhaps  earlier. 

Where  there  was  some  approximation  between  the  two 
cultures,  however,  transition  in  tools  and  methods  was 
quickly  effected..  The  stone  axe  was  superseded  by  the  axe 
of  iron;  Spanish  mattock  and  hoe  took  the  place  of  the 
crude  digging  and  planting  implements  of  the  Pueblo  In- 
dians. Maize,  beans  and  squash  were  supplemented  by 
the  grains  and  fruits  brought  in  by  the  Spaniards. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  examples  of  such  transi- 
tion was  in  the  case  of  weaving,  which  is  known  to  have 
been  practiced  in  prehistoric  times  but  the  importance  of 
which  was  greatly  enhanced  by  the  bringing  in  of  sheep. 
We  know  from  the  earliest  records  that  cotton  was  being 
cultivated  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards;  and  kivas 
at  archaeological  sites  in  widely  separated  parts  of  the 


EARLY  WEAVING  IN  NEW  MEXICO          229 

Southwest,  upon  excavation,  give  evidence  that  they  had 
contained  weaving  frames.  How  far  back  into  the  remote 
past  this  phase  of  Pueblo  Indian  culture  extended  is  not 
known,  but  a  recent  publication"  has  an  illustration  of  a 
neolithic  loom  which  would  have  been  quite  understand- 
able to  a  Pueblo  Indian  of  Coronado's  time. 

For  a  detailed  description  of  the  loom  itself,  of  the 
spindles  and  other  implements  used,  and  of  the  technique 
of  weaving,  one  may  turn  to  the  article  by  Leslie  Spier,2 
written  from  notes  which  he  made  at  Zufii  in  1916.  In  all 
essential  details  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  art  of  weaving 
as  there  described  has  changed  very  little  from  what  it  was 
in  prehistoric  times. 

Coronado's  expedition  brought  sheep  into  New  Mex- 
ico in  1540  and  thus  a  new  medium  for  weaving  was  in- 
troduced. Castaiieda  tells  us  clearly  that  when  the  Coronado 
expedition  withdrew  in  April,  1542,  a  number  of  sheep  were 
taken  over  to  Pecos  to  be  left  with  Fray  Luis  de  Escalona, 
one  of  the  three  religious  who  elected  to  remain. 
Possibly  as  early  as  this,  the  Pueblo  Indians  acquired  a 
knowledge  of  the  use  of  wool ;  they  certainly  did  so  when 
sheep  in  larger  numbers  were  brought  in  by  Juan  de  Oiiate 
and  the  first  colonists  in  1598. 

In  the  Spanish  archives  at  Santa  Fe  there  is  not  much 
information  regarding  wool  and  weaving  until  towards  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  earliest  reference  is 
in  the  fragment  of  a  bando*  which  escaped  the  Pueblo  Re- 
volt of  1680,  in  which  Gov.  Pefialosa  Brizeno  in  1664  for- 
bade "the  masters  of  doctrine  to  employ  Indian  women  in 
spinning,  weaving  mantas,  stockings,  or  any  other  things 
without  express  license  from  me  or  from  him  who  may 
govern  in  my  place." 

Data  supplied  by  the  Spanish  archives  are  not  very 


1.  McCurcly,    Geo.    Grant,    Human    Origlnx,    II.    p.    1)7. 

2.  El    Palacio,    XVL    pp.    183-193,    quoting    American    Anthropologist, 

3.  Spanish    Archives;    of   N.    Mcx.,    no.    3. 


230          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

numerous  for  the  eighteenth  century.  A  land-grant  of  1701 
refers  to  a  small  tract  near  Bernalillo  at  a  place  on  the  Rio 
Grande  called  "Ancon  del  Tejedor,"  or  Weaver's  Bend. 
The  record  of  a  suit  in  1784  over  a  contract  to  deliver  wool 
gives  an  interesting  glimpse  into  colonial  life.  Scattered 
references  show  that  sheep  and  wool,  and  in  later  years 
some  manufactured  articles,  were  included  in  the  exports 
which  went  out  southwards  with  the  regular  cordon  in 
November  or  December  of  each  year. 

In  1737,  citizens  of  Albuquerque  petitioned  Governor 
Michelena  to  revoke  an  edict  of  August  24th  prohibiting 
the  sale  of  wool,  grain  or  cattle,  or  their  export.  They 
complained  of  the  danger  from  moths  and  rotting,  and  of 
the  hardship  which  enforcement  of  the  edict  would  cause 
them;  but  their  petition  was  refused/  Similar  requests 
of  May  22,  1744,  and  June  16,  1745,  from  settlers  of  Albu- 
querque to  Governor  Codallos  y  Rabal  that  they  be  allowed 
to  sell  their  clips  to  the  duen  or  mayor  domo  de  la  Requa 
from  Mexico  were  both  granted.5  A  later  edict,  promulgated 
on  April  14,  1777,  gives  some  understanding  of  the  wool 
situation  at  that  time.8 

DonPedro  Fermin  de  Mendinueta,  of  the  order  of 
Santiago,  Brigadier  of  the  Royal  Armies,  Governor  and 
Captain  general  of  this  kingdom  for  his  Majesty,  etc. 

Being  public  and  notorious  the  scarcity  at  present  suf- 
fered in  this  Kingdom  of  larger  and  smaller  stock,  oc- 
casioned by  the  exporting  of  these  two  species  which  was 
permitted  by  their  former  abundance ;  in  addition  to  which 
from  the  lack  of  the  former  [cattle]  results  also  the  lack 
of  oxen  which  are  necessary  for  the  cultivation  of  the  fields, 
and  from  the  lack  of  the  latter  [sheep]  results  the  lack  also 
of  mutton  and  wool,  because  by  the  exporting  of  this  species 
both  i$  sheep  and  in  uncarded  wool,  the  looms  on  which 
it  was  being  utilized  are  idle,  and  so  likewise  the  fact  that 
some  few  individuals  advance  the  buying  of  sheep  to  the 
year  before  they  are  born  so  as  to  fatten  and  resell  them 

4.  Ibid.,    no.    421. 

5.  Ibid.,    nos.    454,    465a. 

6.  /bit?,,   no.   697. 


EARLY  WEAVING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  231 

at  an  excessive  price  within  the  same  Kingdom  —  all  of 
which  is  contrary  to  the  public  weal  and  of  greatest  injury 
to  the  Republic  [sic] :  Therefore  by  this  present  Bando  I 
prohibit  the  export  of  said  herds  and  of  raw  wool  under 
the  penalties  incurred  by  those  who  contravene  the  supreme 
orders;  and  that  noone  may  allege  ignorance,  the  alcaldes 
may  ores  to  whom  is  directed  its  publication  in  their  respec- 
tive Jurisdictions  shall  do  it  in  the  accustomed  form,  and 
shall  return  it  to  this  superior  Jurisdiction  with  a  state- 
ment of  execution.  Given  in  this  Villa  of  Santa  Fee,  April 
14,  1777. 

Pedro  Fermin  de  Mendinueta 
By  order  of  the  Governor  and  Captain  General, 

Antonio  Moreto 

This  particular  copy  of  the  bando  was  sent  to  the 
alcalde  in  Albuquerque  and  shows  this  return-statement: 

In  this  Villa  de  San  Phelipe  de  Albuquerque,  on  April 
20,  1777,  I  Don  Francisco  Trebol  Navarro,  alcalde  mayor 
of  said  villa  and  its  jurisdiction  caused  to  be  proclaimed 
in  confirmation  I  have  entered  this  return;  and  I  signed 
it,  I  said  alcalde  mayor  with  the  witnesses  attending  me  with 
whom  I  officiate,  of  which  I  give  faith. 
Francisco  Trebol  Navarro 

Manuel  Zanes  Garuizo  Francisco  Suarez  Catalan 

Juan  Bautista  de  Anza  was  appointed  governor  in 
June  of  the  above  year  and  served  until  1788,  but  the  papers 
which  have  survived  from  these  years  are  rather  meager 
and  nothing  appears  bearing  on  our  subject.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Fernando  de  la  Concha  whose  active  interest  in 
the  production  of  wool  and  in  the  weaving  industry  is  shown 
by  one  of  the  papers.7 

The  Most  Excellent  Viceroy  Count  de  Revilla  Gigedo 
in  a  communication  of  November  25th  advises  me  as  fol- 
lows : 

"As  soon  as  I  have  been  informed  by  the  expediente 
upon  promoting  the  commerce  of  New  Mexico  and  the 
establishment  of  factories  of  coarse  weaves  in  the  same 


7.     Ibid.,  no.   1072a. 


232         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Province  with  the  facts  as  to  what  it  will  cost  to  send  im- 
plements and  intelligent  operatives,  I  will  report  to  His 
Majesty  recommending-  as  advantageous  and  very  adequate 
the  means  proposed  by  Your  Grace  in  your  communication 
of  October  27th  of  the  past  year. 

"It  is  one  of  the  things  which  may  be  granted  exemp- 
tion of  duties  on  fruits  and  effects  which  are  exported  by 
the  settlers  for  trading  in  Chihuahua  and  other  places  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  yet  of  however  little  value  is  that  which 
they  contribute  in  this  tax,  it  cannot  be  lifted  without  con- 
sulting His  Majesty  because  there  is  a  Royal  order  which 
prevents  such  licenses  being  granted.  .  . ." 

So  as  to  inform  you  of  the  points  contained  in  my  re- 
port above  cited,  in  the  order  enclosed  to  Your  Excellency, 
I  am  sending  you  a  copy  of  it;  and  with  regard  to  what 
I  enjoined  in  mine  of  January  28  that  you  should  prohibt 
the  exporting  and  slaughtering  of  the  females  of  whatever 
kind  of  stock  in  all  the  extent  of  that  Province,  allowing 
only  the  latter  in  the  case  of  the  old  ones  useless  for  breed- 
ing. Your  Grace  will  renew  the  same  provision  in  view  of 
the  decision  of  His  Excellency,  seeing  to  its  punctual  ob- 
servance. 

Having  learned  that  those  interested  are  accustomed 
to  export  many  sheep  among  the  droves  of  rams,  leaving 
their  tails  long  so  they  will  be  indistinguishable  from  those, 
Your  Grace  will  command  by  a  bando  to  be  published  that 
they  have  to  cut  them  within  a  definitely  fixed  length,  under 
penalty  of  losing  them  and  a  fine  of  ten  pesos  on  him  who 
fails  to  so  do,  or  if  later  he  should  take  any  sheep  out  of 
the  Province  whether  in  small  or  large  number,  since  this 
provision  is  to  be  complied  with  exactly  according  to  all 
its  tenor. 

God  guard  your  Grace  many  years.  Chihuagua,  Dec. 
18,  1789.  Jacobo  Ugarte  y  Loyola 

[To]  Sr.  Don  Fernando 
de  la  Concha 

Two  years  later  there  is  reference  in  de  la  Concha's 
correspondence  to  his  having  initiated  trade  by  the  Nava- 
joes  in  the  exporting  of  pelts  and  coarse  blankets.8  Fernando 
de  Chacon  became  governor  in  1794,  and  in  the  following 


8.      Ibid.,    no.    1176    . 


EARLY  WEAVING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  233 

year  he  was  writing  to  the  comandante  in  Chihuahua, 
The  Navajpes,  whom  you  suspect  may  have  aided  the 
Apaches  in  their  incursions,  have  since  the  death  of  their 
general  Antonio  been  irreconcilable  enemies,  to  such  a  de- 
gree that  with  us  they  have  observed  an  invariable  and 
sincere  peace.  These  Gentiles  are  not  in  a  state  of  coveting 
herds  (  of  sheep) ,  as  their  own  are  innumerable.  They  have 
increased  their  horse  herds  considerably;  they  sow  much 
and  on  good  fields ;  they  work  their  wool  with  more  delicacy 
and  taste  than  the  Spaniards.  Men  as  well  as  women  go 
decently  clothed ;  and  their  Captains  are  rarely  seen  without 
silver  jewelry;  they  are  more  adept  in  speaking  Castilian 
than  any  other  Gentile  nation;  so  that  they  really  seem 
"town"  Indians  much  more  than  those  who  have  been  re- 
duced. .  . . B 

On  Feb.  14,  1803,  Salcedo  in  Chihuahua  forwarded 
to  Governor  Chacon  a  royal  order,  dated  June  21,  1802, 
directing  him  to  send  to  the  consulate  in  Vera  Cruz  a  re- 
port as  to  agriculture,  industry,  the  arts,  and  trade  in  his 
territory.10  The  whole  of  this  report,  which  is  in  the  archives 
in  the  form  of  a  retain-copy,  is  of  groat  interest  in  its 
picture  of  New  Mexico  as  it  was  at  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  Several  parts  have  to  do  with  wool 
and  weaving.11 

Altho  the  Province  possesses  sufficient  large  stock  for 
labor,  what  abounds  most  is  the  raising  of  sheep,  since 
without  counting  what  is  consumed  within  the  Province 
from  one  year  to  another  there  goes  out  to  the  Province  of 
Vizcaya  and  lesser  presidios  from  25,000  to  26,000  sheep.  . . 

With  respect  to  arts  and  trades,  it  may  be  said  with 
propriety  that  there  are  none  in  this  Province,  there  being 
no  apprenticeship,  official  examination  for  master-work- 
men, any  formality  of  trades-unions,  or  other  things  custo- 
mary in  all  parts,  but  necessity  and  the  natural  industry 
of  these  inhabitants  has  led  them  to  exercise  some,  for 


9.  Ibid.,    no.    1335. 

10.  Ibid.,    no.    1644. 

11.  Ibid.,   no.    1670a. 

16 


234         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

example  weaving  in  wool,  shoemaker,  carpenter,  tailor, 
blacksmith,  and  mason  in  which  nearly  all  are  skilled.  The 
first  work  on  racks  narrow  bayetones  [baize],  long  fresadas 
[kind  of  blanket],  sarapes,  bay  etas,  sayal  [sackcloth],  and 
gergo  [carpeting],  which  weaves  they  color  with  indigo 
[anil]  and  Brazil  nut  which  they  import  from  the  outer 
country,  and  with  stains  and  herbs  which  they  know.  From 
cotton  they  make  a  kind  of  domestic  shirting  [manta]  of 
twisted  thread  closer  and  stronger  than  that  of  Puebla, 
cloths  for  tablecloths  and  stockings :  and  altho  by  the  pres- 
ent Government  said  workmen  in  wool  have  been  furnished 
with  models  of  fulling-mill  and  press  they  have  not  been 
able  to  make  use  of  the  one  or  the  other  machine,  on  pretext 
of  not  being  able  to  meet  the  expense.  .  . 

The  above  report  was  dated  at  Santa  Fe  on  August 
28,  1803.  On  October  20th  the  Viceroy,  Joseph  de  Yturri- 
garay,  in  Mexico  issued  a  bando,  five  copies  of  which  were 
forwarded  to  Governor  Chacon  from  Chihuahua  on  Decem- 
ber 16th.  It  appears  that  on  October  12,  1795,  the  king  in 
Spain  had  granted  a  ten  years'  suspension  of  customs  duties 
on  the  products  of  the  Province.  The  government  had 
now  decided  to  supplement  the  encouragement  thus  ex- 
tended by  establishing  an  annual  fair  at  some  point  in  the 
Province  of  Chihuahua  where  the  people  of  New  Mexico 
might  dispose  of  their  goods  quickly  and  to  good  advantage. 
It  had  also  been  decided  to  send  from  Mexico  artisans 
skilled  in  the  art  of  weaving,  that  the  industry  might  be 
introduced  and  promoted  in  that  country.  .  .  To  this  end 
workmen  would  be  chosen  of  skill  and  good  conduct  and 
especially  men  free  of  the  vice  of  drunkenness,  and  the 
Ministers  of  Army  and  Royal  Hacienda  would  proceed  to 
{advertise  for  and  to  contract  such  men  with  their  families. 
Implements  and  models  of  looms  were  to  be  sent  with  them ; 
and  their  contract  was  to  be  for  six  years.12 

It  was  nearly  two  years  before  the  superior  govern- 
ment succeeded  in  putting  this  decision  into  effect.  The 
contract  which  was  then  made  is  of  interest  in  many  of  its 
details.13 


12.  Ibid.,    no.    1G91. 

13.  Ibid.,   no.    IS 85. 


EARLY  WEAVING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  235 

The  Ministers  of  the  General  Treasury  of  Army 
and  Royal  Hacienda 

We  certify  that  in  consequence  of  the  Superior  Decree 
of  the  Most  Excellent  Viceroy  of  this  Kingdom  of  May  6th 
last,  goes  under  contract  to  the  Villa  of  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexico,  Don  Ygnacio  Ricardo  Bazan  certified  master  of 
weavers  and  his  brother  Don  Juan  Bazan  tradesman  of  the 
same  guild,  to  teach  their  art  to  the  youths  there,  under 
the  following  conditions: 

1st  that  they  shall  live  in  that  Villa  teaching  the  youths 
there  the  said  trade,  at  least  six  years  without  leaving 
there  until  they  have  approved  pupils  who  know  the 
art. 

2nd  that  eighteen  reales  daily  are  to  satisfy  the  master 
from  today  when  he  leaves  the  capital  until  he  shall 
have  fulfilled  his  contract,  out  of  which  he  has  to  sup- 
port himself  and  his  sons  in  New  Mexico. 

3rd  that  in  addition  to  the  eighteen  reales  daily  nine  reaies 
additional  are  to  be  paid  him  during  the  journey  and 
six  reales  for  each  of  his  sons  which  assignment  ceases 
upon  arrival  at  their  destination,  and  it  remains  then 
reduced  to  the  eighteen  reales. 

4th  that  he  is  to  be  given,  as  he  has  been  given,  a  horse 
with  saddle  and  bridle,  a  musket,  a  pair  of  blunder- 
busses, and  a  saber  for  the  road,  and  two  horses  saddled 
and  bridled  for  his  sons. 

5th  to  the  tradesman  Don  Juan  are  to  be  paid  from  today 
and  until  he  fulfill  his  contract  twelve  reales  daily  and 
six  during  the  journey,  a  horse  saddled  and  bridled 
having  been  given  him,  a  pair  of  blunderbusses  and 
a  saber. 

6th  they  have  been  given  the  implements  which  are  entered 
on  the  separate  list  of  account  of  the  Royal  Hacienda, 
for  the  practice  of  their  art,  they  having  to  equip,  also 
at  cost  of  the  Royal  Hacienda,  the  necessary  looms 
in  the  Villa  of  Santa  Fe. 

7th  that  the  transporting  of  those  implements  and  other 
equipage  is  also  at  the  expense  of  the  Hacienda,  four- 
teen reales  daily  being  paid  for  three  pack  mules  which 
have  been  given  them  provided  with  rope. 

8th  that  the  mozo  guide  who  takes  them  is  to  be  paid  one 
peso  daily  which  said  master  will  supply  him  on  ac- 
count of  the  Royal  Hacienda. 

9th   upon  arriving  in  New  Mexico  the  master  and  trades- 


238         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

man  shall  deliver  to  the  Governor  or  to  the  Justice 
of  the  Villa  the  five  horses  with  saddles,  bridles  and 
ropes,  the  three  mules  with  their  equipment,  the 
musket,  two  pairs  of  blunderbusses  and  two  sabers, 
and  in  case  any  beast  dies  on  the  road  they  shall  fur- 
nish the  Justice  with  a  certificate  or  other  document 
which  will  explain  the  nondelivery. 

10th  in  the  Villa  these  artisans  shall  be  provided  with  house 
and  supplies  at  a  just  price,  for  all  which  they  are  to 
pay  out  of  their  daily  allowance,  and  for  that  they  are 
to  receive  it  work-days  and  fiestas  without  exception. 

llth  they  must  be  supplied  with  what  may  be  considered 
regular  at  good  account  for  the  trip  from  here  to 
Zacatecas ;  in  Zacatecas  with  the  necessary  to  Durango. 
In  Durango  with  what  may  be  needed  to  the  next 
"box"  [treasury  office]  and  from  there  to  the  desti- 
nation,-with  respect  to  the  daily  allowances  of  the 
master  and  tradesman,  the  six  reales  daily  of  each 
of  the  two  sons,  and  one  peso  for  the  mozo,  and  four- 
teen reales  for  maintenance  of  the  beasts. 

12th  at  the  said  destination  they  are  to  present  also  the 
implements  which,  in  accord  with  the  accompanying 
note,  they  are  taking  to  equip  the  looms  and  commence 
their  work  and  teaching. 

13th  in  case  they  wish  to  withdraw  from  that  Province 
before  the  end  of  the  six  years,  the  daily  allowance 
shall  cease  and  nothing  shall  be  furnished  them  for 
their  return;  and  when  they  complete  the  six  years 
and  leave  approved  pupils  in  the  class  of  expert  trades- 
men, the  Superior  government  shall  grant,  as  may  be 
fitting  the  station  and  merit  of  the  master  and  trades- 
man, the  reward  which  should  be  accorded  them. 

Under  the  conditions  stated  are  going  to  New  Mexico 
the  said  Don  Ygnacio  Ricardo,  widower,  and  Don  Juan 
Bazan,  bachelor,  Spaniards,  and  two  youths,  sons  of  the 
first,  named  one  Francisco  Xavier  fourteen  years  of  age, 
and  the  other  Jose  Manuel  of  ten  years,  having  been  sup- 
plied with  three  hundred  pesos  by  this  General  Treasury 
for  their  provision  for  the  journey  at  good  cost.  And  that 
it  may  appear  where  it  may  be  proper,  there  may  be  noted 
below  what  may  be  supplied  them  at  the  other  offices 
[oaxas\  on  their  journey  until  they  arrive  at  their  desti- 
nation and  there  they  may  be  adjusted,  we  give  the  pres- 
ent certificate"  in  Mexico,  September  3,  1805. 

s  -oh  Mar'a  Lano  Joseph  de  Vildacola 


EARLY  WEAVING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  237 

Meanwhile  interested  citizens  in  Santa  Fe  had  held  a 
junta  in  June  on  the  matters  proposed  by  the  Viceroy's 
bando  of  Oct.  20,  1803,  and  in  consequence  Governor  Real 
Alencaster  had  written  on  July  1st,  and  wrote  again  on 
October  2nd,  urging  that  the  instructors  for  weaving  in 
wool  and  cotton  be  sent,  and  that  the  promised  annual  fair 
be  located  at  El  Paso  del  Norte.14  On  November  14th, 
Salcedo  simply  replied  that  he  had  referred  the  request 
to  the  viceroy.51  Not  until  November  20th  did  Alencaster 
acknowledge  receipt  of  the  terms  of  the  Bazan  contract, 
and  he  asked  that  two  thousand  pesos  be  set  aside  in  the 
Chihuahua  treasurey  to  meet  the  expenses  involved.18 

Unfortunately  there  is  a  break  in  the  record  from  this 
point  until  April  28,  1809,  when  Bazan  wrote  to  Acting 
Governor  Joseph  Manrrique  as  follows:17 

In  reply  to  your  communication  of  today  about  secur- 
ing samples  from  my  students  similar  and  conforming  to 
those  which  I  have  sent  to  the  Most  Excellent  Viceroy,  on 
November  24th  last,  I  must  say :  that,  you  asking  me  again 
for  other  samples  for  his  satisfaction,  according  to  the 
superior  order  of  the  Sr.  Comandante  General  of  February 
21st  last,  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  secure  them  with  the 
few  materials  which  I  have  left  of  Silk,  Cotton,  and  Wool, 
since  you  are  not  ignorant  that,  except  out  of  my  own 
pocket  I  have  no  other  resource  enabling  me  to  do  it,  from 
the  lack  of  assistance  which  to  date  has  been  given  me. 
Notwithstanding  this  impossibility  which  actually  exists, 
I  will  carry  out  all  that  your  are  pleased  to  impose  upon 
me  as  promptly  as  possible,  with  the  satisfaction  of  their 
being  worked  by  my  said  students;  for  which  I  beg  that 
you  will  be  pleased  to  name  one  or  two  persons  who  may 
come  by  your  order  to  witness  it,  if  so  you  esteem  it  fitting. 

God  guard  you  many  years.  Santa  Fee,  April  28,  1809. 

Ygn.  Ricardo  Bazan. 

[to]  Sr.  Governador  Interino 

Manrrique  asked,  the  two  alcaldes  of  Santa  Fe,  Antonio 

14.  Ibid.,  no.  1900. 

15.  Ibid.,  no.  1919. 

16.  Ibid.,  no.  1925. 

17.  Ibid.,  no.  2225. 


238         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Ortiz  and  Jose  Campo  Redondo,  to  be  present  at  the  test,  and 
when  on  August  31st  he  forwarded  the  samples  toSalcedo  he 
informed  him  that  the  pupils  had  made  them  by  themselves 
without  the  master  being  present.  In  reviewing  the  vari- 
ous expenditures  which  had  been  incurred  in  the  under- 
taking, he  mentioned  the  arrival  of  the  Bazans  on  March  3, 
1807,  so  that  the  instruction  which  they  had  given  had  been 
in  a  matter  of  two  years  instead  of  the  six  as  contracted. 
The  total  expenditure  as  figured  by  Manrrique  had 
amounted  to  date  to  9,215  pesos,  6  reales,  without  allow- 
ing1 for  their  additional  expenses  until  they  should  be  re- 
leased from  their  contract  by  the  authorities  in  Mexico, 
and  the  costs  of  their  return  journey  to  that  city.  As  the 
pupils  had  learned  all  that  the  Bazans  could  teach  them, 
he  therefore  recommended  that  they  be  released.18 

On  October  1st,  Salcedo  was  referring  the  whole  mat- 
ter to  the  viceroy,19  and  on  April  27,  1810,  he  advised  the 
governor  of  the  settlement  decided  by  the  authorities  in 
Mexico.80  Bazan  acknowledged  on  July  4th  receipt  of  this 
information  from  Manrrique.21  Remaining  references  to 
the  Bazans22  are  so  vague  as  to  be  of  little  value.  In  August 
1810,  Manrrique  asked  Bazan  for  information  regarding 
the  state  of  the  trade  in  the  Province  and  as  to  the  results 
of  his  instruction;  but  Bazan's  reply  is  not  now  in  the  re- 
cords. The  last  reference  seems  to  show  that  Bazan  was 
still  in  New  Mexico  at  the  end  of  1814. 

The  opinion  has  been  expressed  that  a  survival  of  the 
instruction  in  weaving  which  was  brought  into  New  Mex- 
ico by  the  Bazans  may  still  be  seen  in  the  famous  Chimayo 
blankets,  a  connection  which  will  be  of  interest  if  it  can  be 
established. 

LANSING  B.  BLOOM 


18.  Ibid.,  nos.  2249c,  2250. 

19.  Ibid.,  no.  2255. 

20.  Ibid.,  no.  2315. 

21.  Ibid.,  no.  2335. 

22.  Ibid.,  nos.  2354.  2565. 


EARLY  WEAVING  IN  NEW  MEXICO  239 

THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  TO 

NEW  MEXICO,  1581-1582 
GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND  and  AGAPITO  REY 

The  Gallegos  Relation  of  the  Expedition  made  by 
Father  Agustin  Rodriguez  and  Captain  Francisco  Sanchez 
Chamuscado.* 

INTRODUCTION 

In  following  the  Rodriguez  expedition  to  New  Mexico 
we  must  transport  ourselves  back  several  centuries,  back 
to  the  time  when  adventurous  Spaniards  looked  upon  this 
region  of  the  Southwest  in  which  we  live  as  concealing  with- 
in its  deserts,  mountains  'and  valleys,  treasures  equal  to 
those  taken  by  Cortes  from  the  Aztecs  in  Mexico  or  by 
Pizarro  from  the  Incas  in  Peru.  A  veil  of  mystery  hung 
over  the  land  which  it  took  decades  to  push  aside.  To  the 
Spaniard  it  was  the  Mystery  of  the  North,  where  hundreds 
of  noble  lives  were  lost  in  successive  efforts  to  penetrate 
its  baffling  secrets.  The  form  of  wealth  which  the  Span- 
iards sought,  however,  was  not  found.  He  wandered  amid 
regions  abounding  in  fur-bearing  animals,  over  lands  of 
great  fertility,  but  the  richness  of  these  resources  was  not 
appreciated.  He  sought  the  precious  metals  which  had 
presumably  been  hoarded  by  native  hands  for  ages  past. 
Yet  such  conditions  were  not  found  north  of  Mexico. 

It  will  be  necessary  for  us,  in  studying  the  Rodriguez 
expedition,  to  think  back  to  the  time  when  English  free- 


*The  introduction  and  the  annotations  are  by  Mr.  Hammond.  In  other  respects 
the  paper  is  a  joint  work.  In  the  translation  we  have  adhered  as  closely  as  possible 
to  the  original  Spanish.  Proper  names  are  spelled  as  they  appear  in  the  original. 
Added  material  has  been  indicated  by  brackets.  The  portion  of  the  manuscript 
containing  the  account  of  the  pueblos  has  been  compared  with  photostat  copies  of 
the  original  in  the  Archive  General  de  Indias  at  Seville. 


240         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

booters  sailed  the  Spanish  Main  and  waylaid  such  treasure 
ships  as  came  within  their  reach ;  to  the  time  when  English 
thoughts  of  colonizing  America  were  born  and  began  to 
take  definite  form.  The  two  episodes,  on  widely  separated 
and  little  known  frontiers,  transpired  at  the  same  time 
and  afford  an  interesting  illustration  of  the  priority  of 
Spanish  colonization  over  English. 

The  expedition  of  Father  Agustin  Rodriguez  and 
Captain  Francisco  Sanchez  Chamuscado  into  New  Mexico 
in  1581-1582,  is  of  particular  interest  because  it  started 
that  series  of  events  which  led  directly  to  the  permanent 
occupation  of  the  Rio  Grande  country  by  the  Spaniards. 
It  is  noteworthy  because  it  parallels  the  first  disastrous 
attempts  of  the  English  to  plant  colonies  on  the  Atlantic 
seaboard.  The  bold  sailor  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  brought 
a  colony  to  the  bleak  shores  of  Newfoundland  in  1583,  be- 
ing one  of  the  first  to  encourage  such  enterprises  having 
as  their  goal  the  occupation  of  the  mainland.  .  On  a  greater 
scale  was  the  work  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  who  from  1584- 
1587,  spent  much  ill-gotten  treasure  in  seeking  to  plant 
an  English  colony  at  Roanoke  Island,  off  the  North  Carolina 
coast.  It  was  the  most  pretentious  effort  in  that  direction 
before  the  founding  of  Jamestown  in  1607,  but  was  a  total 
failure. 

The  Rodriguez  expedition  was  perhaps  as  venturesome 
as  any  undertaken  by  Gilbert  or  Raleigh.  Not  even  the 
exploit  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  in  circumnavigating  the  globe 
puts  it  entirely  in  the  dark.  It  is  true  that  the  sea  held 
many  terrors  for  those  who  sailed  bravely  forth  in  their 
cockle-shell  boats,  but  the  desert  Indian  country  stretching 
from  southern  Chihuahua  indefinitely  northward,  was 
equally  exacting  of  those  who  ventured  into  its  midst.  Few 
indeed  had  attempted  it  before  the  period  when  Father 
Rodriguez  and  his  little  band  marched  off  in  1581.  There 
were  only  two,  Coronado  and  Ibarra. 

Francisco  Vasquez  Coronado,  governor  of  New  Galicia, 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  241 

had  invaded  this  red  man's  land  in  1540.1  His  force  was 
numbered  by  the  hundred,  and  by  dint  of  difficult  marches 
and  stiff  .  fighting  he  was  able  to  traverse  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora,  to  wander  through  Arizona,  New  Mexico  and  on 
to  Quivira  in  Kansas.  But  though  Coronado's  feat  looms 
large  in  the  sphere  of  exploration  and  of  romance,  it  was 
not  productive  of  any  worthwhile  or  permanent  results,  no 
more  than  was  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's  voyage  when  he 
was  swallowed  up  by  the  hungry  Atlantic  in  1583. 

Francisco  de  Ibarra,  just  a  quarter  century  after 
Coronado's  brave  band  had  gone  forth,  set  out  from  Sina- 
loa in  1565,  to  investigate  the  rumors  which  had  reached 
him  in  New  Vizcaya  of  the  Pueblo  region,  but  he  got  no 
farther  than  northern  Sonora  when  he  turned  east  into 
Chihuahua.  His  return  journey  was  fraught  with  so  many 
perils  that  the  party  had  despaired  of  reaching  civilized 
lands  again  before  a  way  out  of  their  difficulties  was  found.2 

The  fringe  of  settled  society  had  meanwhile  been  creep- 
ing forward  from  Mexico  northward.  By  the  time  our 
story  opens  it  had  reached  southern  Chihuahua.  Mining 
settlements  were  found  at  scattered  places,  at  Santa  Bar- 
bara, Inde,  San  Blartolome,  La  Puana  and  elsewhere.  To 
these  frontier  communities  came  at  times  rumors  from  the 
inland.  Prospectors  and  slave  hunters  were  always  to 
be  found  at  such  points,  and  through  these  adventurers 
new  reports  of  the  Pueblo  country  had  been  received.3  This 
news  led  to  results. 

At  San  Bartolome  was  stationed  a  friar,  Augustin 
Rodriguez,  who  was  stirred  with  missionary  zeal  by  the 
tales  of  a  settled  native  society  in  the  interior.  Others 
too  were  interested,  and  soon  Father  Rodriguez  went  to 


1.  See  Winship,  G.   P.   The  Coronado  Expedition.    (Bureau  of  American   Ethno- 
logy,  14th  annual  report,   Part  I,   1892-1893). 

2.  Baltasar  de   Obregon.     Historia  de   los   descubrimientos   antiguos  y   modernos 
de   la   Nueva   Espaiia,    1584.      Published    in    Mexico    in    1924    from    the    manuscript   in 
the   Archivo   General  de   Indias,    with   mutilated  title.      In   the   original   it    is   entitled 
Cronica,    comentario    y   relacion    de    los    descubrimientos    antiguos    y    modernos    de    la 
Nueva  Espana  y  Nuevo  Mexico,  1584.     Note  the  ommission  of  the  words  Nuevo  Mexico 
in   the  published   work. 

3.  Bolton,    Herbert    E.,    Spanish   Exploration   in    the    Southwest,    137-138. 


242         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Mexico,  1580,  to  seek  the  viceroy's  sanction  for  permission 
to  investigate  the  reports  of  the  new  land.  The  request 
was  granted.  Other  padres  might  also  go,  and  as  many 
as  twenty  soldiers,  "to  protect  them  and  as  company;" 
and  "they  might  take  some  things  for  barter."  Gallegos, 
in  the  document  here  presented  in  translation,  states  that 
the  project  had  been  discussed  by  the  soldiers  and  the  re- 
ligious. Obregon,  a  contemporary  chronicler,  records  the 
story  that  Father  Rodriguez  "was  the  author  and  principal 
agent  of  the  said  discovery.  He  solicited  and  obtained  the 
grant  and  commission  for  the  leader  and  the  people  who 
discovered  it,  (New  Mexico)  from  Don  Lorenzo  Suarez  de 
Mendoza  .  .  . ."  Again,  "as  he  was  the  principal  promoter 
of  the  said  expedition,  he  asked  for  two  friars  .  .  ."  etc.4 
This  evidence  indicates  the  predominant  part  played  by 
Father  Rodriguez,  which  is  of  the  same  tenor  as  the  vice- 
roy's letter  to  the  king  reporting  on  the  outcome  of  the  ex- 
pedition.5 Moreover  Gallegos,  in  his  account,  does  not  claim 
the  distinction  of  being  the  moving  spirit  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  expedition,  either  for  himself  or  Chamuscado. 

The  reason  that  Father  Rodriguez  was  sent  to  inter- 
view the  viceroy  was  that  the  old  conquering  expeditions 
were  tuboo,  and  it  was  practically  necessary  for  entradas 
to  be  made  under  missionary  disguise.  It  was  essentially 
a  joint  expedition,  all  parts  thereof  obvious,  and  so  is  that 
of  the  soldiers.  They  were  to  protect  the  former,  but  they 
were  also  allowed  to  trade.  That  opened  great  opportuni- 
ties which  they  did  not  fail  to  appreciate. 

The  party  consisted  of  three  friars,  Fathers  Augustin 
Rodriguez,  Francisco  Lopez,  and  Juan  de  Santa  Maria.  In 
addition  there  were  nine  soldiers,  of  whom  Francisco 
Sanchez  Chamuscado  was  the  leader,  and  nineteen  Indian 
servants.  Six  hundred  head  of  stock,  were  taken  along, 
ninety  horses,  provisions,  and  articles  for  barter. 

On  June  5,  1581,  the  party  left  Santa  Barbara  and  the 


4.  Obregon,   op.  cit.,   Book   II,   prologue. 

5.  The  letter  is  translated   in   Bolton,   op.   cit.,   158-160. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  243 

next  clay  San  Gregorio.  They  followed  the  San  Gregorio 
river,  the  present  Rio  de  Parral,  to  its  junction  with  the 
Rio  de  Florido,  then  along  the  Florido  for  the  short  distance 
till  it  empties  into  the  Conchos,  and  then  along  the  course 
of  the  Conchos  to  its  junction  with  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
on  up  to  the  region  of  the  pueblos. 

Two  different  Indian  nations  were  met  with  before 
coming  to  the  Rio  Grande.  The  first  Wjas  the  Conchos 
and  a  related  tribe  the  Raya,  who  spoke  the  same  language. 
Obregon  calls  them  Pataros.  Aside  from  that  his  account 
tallies  with  the  one  by  Gallegos.  They  occupied  a  region 
extending  about  fifty  leagues  along  the  Conchos  river. 
While  among  them  the  latitude  was  taken  and  was  found 
to  be  29  degrees.  Gallegos  has  left  us  a  description  of 
these  tribes.  .  He  characterizes  them  as  lazy,  dirty  and  lack- 
ing in  clothing. 

Leaving  the  Conchos  nation  the  Spaniards  entered  the 
lands  of  the  Cabri,  called  also  Pazaguantes  by  later  chroni- 
clers. The  Cabri  were  distinctly  superior  in  customs  to 
those  previously  encountered,  being  better  looking,  in- 
telligent and  energetic.  These  people  feared  the  Spaniards 
and  fled  to  the  hills.  They  had  had  experience  with  the 
slave  hunting  parties  and  it  was  with  some  difficulty  that 
they  were  persuaded  of  the  friendly  intentions  of  Father 
Rodriguez  and  his  companions. 

Proceeding  onward  through  an  inhospitable  region 
the  party  approached  still  another  tribe  called  Amotomanco 
by  Gallegos,  Los  Rayados  by  Obregon,  and  Otomoaco  by 
Luxan  who  accompanied  the  Espejo  expedition  in  1583." 
They  lived  in  substantial  adobe  houses,  the  first  Indians 
along  the  route  who  occupied  permanent  dwellings.  "They 
are  brave,  comely,  handsome  of  countenance,  noble  and 
well  disposed,"  says  Obregon.  They  too  were  full  of  fear 
at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  but  were  quieted  when  their 
good  intentions  were  explained.  This  group  of  natives  be- 
longed to  the  Jumano  family  and  occupied  an  extensive 


6.     Obregon,  op.  cit.,  Book  II,  ch  II ;  Luxan's  "Entrada,"  in  Bolton,  op.  cit.,  174. 


244         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

area  near  the  junction  of  the  Conchos  and  the  Rio  Grande 
rivers. 

From  Santa  Barbara  to  the  Rio  Grande  the  explorers 
had  marched  "seventy  or  eighty  leagues,  rather  more  than 
less,"  says  Gallegos.  This  reckoning  corresponds  very  well 
with  the  facts. 

The  Jumanos  delighted  the  Spaniards  with  stories  of 
clothed  people  living  in  large  houses  farther  on.  They  had 
reference  to  the  Rio  Grande  valley  which  they  called  Valle 
de  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Concepcion.  To  reach  it  they  left 
the  valley  of  the  Conchos  and  struck  across  to  the  larger 
river  a  few  leagues  above  their  junction.  They  continued 
up  the  west  fyank  of  the  Rio  Grande  till  they  reached  the 
first  towns.  There  is  no  record  of  their  crossing  the  river 
before  this. 

Besides  hearing  of  settled  natives  the  Sp'aniards  were 
excited  by  other  things.  Bits  of  copper,  a  piece  of  iron, 
white  and  colored  coral  were  observed.  And  above  all  there 
were  other  Indians  a  distance  of  thirteen  days  up  the  river, 
who  spun  and  wove  cotton  into  blankets  with  which  they 
covered  their  bodies,  so  ran  the  reports.  The  Spaniards 
were  greatly  encouraged. 

Here  among  the  Jumanos  in  the  Rio  Grande  valley 
they  obtained  reports  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  who  had  wandered 
from  Texas  and  reached  Culiacan  in  1536.  "They  affirmed 
that  many  years  before  there  had  passed  through  their 
lands  and  towns  four  bearded  men,  resembling  them  in 
their  ways,  speech  and  color."  And  Gallegos  concludes: 
"By  the  descriptions  they  gave  us  we  saw  plainly  and  openly 
that  it  must  have  been  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  be- 
cause according  to  his  relation  he  had  come  by  way  of  these 
people."7 

Continuing  up  the  river  for  nine  days  they  came  to  a 
place  called  the  Valle  de  Carneros,  because  of  the  large 
rams'  horns  found  there.  Another  nine  days  march  brought 
them  to  the  Valle  de  la  Madalena,  the  end  of  Jumano  terri- 

7.     Some  hold  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca   and  his   companions   crossed   farther   north, 
above  the  international  boundary,   but  this   is   not   generally    conceded   by    historians. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  245 

tory.  Thus  far  the  natives  had  accompanied  them  in  large 
numbers,  entertaining  them  with  ceremonies  which  Gallegos 
describes  for  us.  Before  departing  they  explained  that 
in  five  days  more  they  would  come  to  the  region  of  cotton 
and  permanent  houses.  But  Gallegos  was  doubtful,  and 
noted  that  "as  they  were  Indians  they  might  be  lying,  for 
they  are  Indians,  people  who  are  born  liars  and  who  are 
in  the  habit  of  always  telling  falsehoods/' 

His  fears  were  soon  realized.  Two  days  later  other 
Indians  were  met.  They  were  the  Caguates,  so  called  by 
Luxan.  They  said  the  Pueblo  country  was  seven  days 
distant  and  protested  they  knew,  for  they  had  been  there. 
This  was  done  by  signs  as  they  had  no  interpreter  for  this 
nation.  Three  days  later  they  came  to  an  uninhabited 
swampy  region  which  they  named  Valle  de  los  Valientes. 
It  was  south  of  El  Paso. 

Now  came  a  period  of  severe  trial.  For  fifteen  days 
they  continued  forward.  The  land  was  uninhabited  and 
waste.  All  the  Indians  were  evidently  liars ;  the  discourage- 
ment of  the  party  was  great.  Gallegos  reports  they  had 
marched  seventy  leagues  since  leaving  human  beings.  All 
were  about  ready  to  turn  back,  but  first  they  determined 
to  make  a  reconnaisance  and  success  crowned  their  efforts. 
Two  settlements  of  astonished  natives  were  found,  but  they 
fled  to  the  mountains  and  a  heavy  shower  precluded  pur- 
suit. Their  object  was  attained,  however,  for  on  the  re- 
turn a  lone  Indian  was  captured.  By  signs  he  confirmed 
the  reports  of  the  Pueblo  country.  All  thoughts  of  re- 
treating were  now  given  up.  The  march  was  resumed, 
and  very  shortly,  on  August  21,  1581,  they  came  upon  the 
first  of  the  many  pueblos  soon  to  be  seen.  They  called  it 
San  Felipe.  It  had  forty-five  houses  of  two  and  three 
stories.  Here  possession  was  taken  of  the  land  for  the  king 
of  Spain.  It  was  in  the  San  Marcial  region,  more  definitely 
near  the  site  of  Fort  Craig.  It  was  a  Piro  village. 

A  period  of  great  expectation  for  the  explorers  dawned 
as  they  entered  the  settled  region.  Numerous  pueblos 
were  visited.  Others  were  heard  of  which  they  did  not 


246         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

have  time  to  investigate.  Gallegos  has  left  us  a  veritable 
census  of  New  Mexico  as  it  was  in  1581.  He  mentions  all 
the  pueblos  visited  and  gives  the  number  of  houses  and 
their  height.  He  also  specifies  on  which  side  of  the  river 
they  were  situated.  A  fairly  good  idea  of  their  location 
can  be  obtained  with  the  aid  of  archaeological  data.8 

Only  a  general  survey  of  the  final  movements  of  the 
Rodriguez  party  need  be  given  here.  The  Piros  pueblos 
extended  as  far  as  Sevilleta.  The  natives  cultivated  corn, 
beans,  calabashes  and  cotton.  The  adobe  houses  were  well 
planned,  says  our  chronicler,  and  decorated.  The  people 
had  much  crockery  "and  of  better  quality  than  that  of  New 
Sp/ain." 

Among  the  Tiguas  who  were  north  of  the  Piros,  similar 
though  better  conditions  prevailed.  These  pueblos  were 
numerous  and  shielded  a  large  population.  The  pueblo 
called  Puaray  (Sandia)  recurs  most  frequently  in  the 
subsequent  movements  of  the  Spaniards.  By  September 
2,  1581,  they  reached  the  northern  limits  of  Tigua  territory 
and  entered  the  lands  of  the  Queres,  visiting  Santo  Domin- 
go, Cochiti  and  other  pueblos.  Next  they  struck  off  from 
the  Rio  Grande  and  explored  up  the  Santa  Fe  river,  where 
were  several  pueblos,  going  from  thence  to  the  Galisteo 
valley.  Here  Father  Juan  de  Santa  Maria  determined  to 
return  to  Mexico  and  did  so  alone  over  the  protests  of  the 
soldiers.  Malpartida  they  called  the  pueblo  from  which 
he  set  out,  for  he  met  death  three  days  later,  as  was  subse- 
quently ascertained.  Returning  to  the  Rio  Grande  valley 
the  party  continued  up  the  river  into  Tewa  territory,  visit- 
ing the  pueblos  from  San  Ildefonso  to  Taos.  From  the 
description  it  seems  probable  that  Taos  was  the  northern- 
most pueblo  explored. 

Following  this  movement  into  the  upper  parts  of  the 
Rio  Grande  valley  the  Spaniards  descended  the  river,  care- 
fully explored  the  Galisteo  valley  and  made  a  march  to  the 

8.  Such  a  description  is  given  in  the  notes  accompanying  the  body  of  this 
paper,  based  on  Dr.  J.  Lloyd  Mecham's  study  of  their  location.  See  New  Mexico 
Historical  Review,  I,  265-291. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  247 

Pecos  river  and  on  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Canadian  in 
search  of  buffalo,  which  they  called  "las  vacas."  From 
this  exploration  they  returned  to  explore  the  Jemez  valley 
and  shortly  thereafter  went  west  to  Acoma  and  Zuni.  They 
heard  of  the  Moqui  pueblos  in  northeastern  Arizona  but 
were  unable  to  visit  them  due  to  a  shortage  of  provisions. 

From  Zuni  the  soldiers  made  their  way  back  to  Puaray 
over  the  same  route  as  they  had  come,  and  then  made  still 
another  jaunt,  this  time  to  the  saline  pueblos  east  of  the 
Manzano  mountains.  A  number  of  towns  were  explored, 
but  they  were  unable  to  follow  up  all  the  reports  given 
them.  Accordingly  it  was  now  deemed  best  to  return  to 
Mexico  to  report  to  the  viceroy,  as  a  thorough  exploration 
of  the  province  had  been  made.  But  the  two  remaining 
friars  would  not  go.  They  were  intent  on  preaching  the 
Gospel  in  the  newfound  land,  and  the  soldiers,  in  spite  of 
all  remonstrances,  were  forced  to  leave  without  Fathers 
Rodriguez  and  Lopez.  The  former  departed  January  31, 
1582. 

The  return  to  New  Spain  was  down  the  Rio  Grande 
valley,  over  the  route  already  familiar.  On  the  way  Captain 
Chamuscado,  who  was  well  up  in  years,  became  ill.  When 
he  was  no  longer  able  to  ride  his  horse  a  litter,  strung  be- 
tween two  horses,  was  constructed  for  him,  but  his  days 
were  numbered.  Perhaps  life  was  shortened  by  the  bleeding 
operations  performed.  He  finally  succumbed  when  about 
thirty  leagues  from  Santa  Barbara. 

Such  in  outline  is  the  accomplishment  of  the  Rodriguez 
expedition.  Of  much  interest  also  are  the  accounts  of  the 
customs  and  ceremonials  of  the  pueblo  Indians.  The  Span- 
iards had  no  interpreter,  but  they  communicated  by  signs 
and  carefully  observed  the  life  of  the  natives.  A  full  des- 
cription is  given  of  one  of  the  ceremonies  "which  they  per- 
form to  bring  rain  when  there  is  a  lack  of  water  for  their 
corn  fields  .  .  .  ."  Both  prayers  sticks  and  snakes  played 
a  prominent  part  in  the  "dance."  Gallegos  also  has  some- 
thing to  say  concerning  their  marriage  rites,  even  telling 


248         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

us  the  point  of  the  speeches  made.  On  the  whole,  however, 
he  holds  pretty  closely  to  what  was  actually  observed. 

Regarding  the  census  given  by  Gallegos  a  comment 
must  be  m^de.  He  describes  a  total  of  fifty-seven  pueblos. 
They  varied  from  two  to  seven  stories,  the  majority  being 
of  two  and  three  stories.  If  we  can  accept  Gallegos'  figures 
regarding  the  number  of  houses  in  each  pueblo,  there  were 
slightly  over  6,000  houses  in  these  fifty-seven  towns.  At 
only  one  time  does  he  indicate  the  number  of  rooms  in  each 
house,  and  that  is  when  describing  Zuni.  These  he  reported 
to  contain  as  high  as  eight  rooms  or  more  per  house.  If 
these  figures  are  worth  anything  at  all  they  would  indicate 
a  larger  population  in  the  Pueblo  region  at  the  time  of  the 
coming  of  the  Spaniards  than  has  been  commonly  accepted. 
It  is  doubtful  that  any  very  definite  conclusions  can  be 
drawn  from  Gallegos'  figures,  but  they  throw  more  light 
on  the  question  of  the  native  population  than  do  other  sour- 
ces. 

Thus  had  the  Rodriguez  expedition  "discovered"  a  vast 
region  in  which  the  natives  had  attained  an  advanced  stage 
of  culture.  The  reports  sent  to  Mexico  were  received  with 
somewhat  of  the  same  enthusiasm  as  had  the  stories  of 
Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  over  forty  years  earlier.  The  "other 
Mexico"  had  at  last  been  found,  and  the  official  machinery 
of  the  viceroyalty  was  soon  set  in  motion  to  effect  its  sub- 
jugation. It  was  not  till  1595,  however,  that  Don  Juan  de 
Onate  of  Zacatecas  finally  won  the  right  to  carry  out  the 
mission.  The  practical  consequences  of  the  Rodriguez  ex- 
pedition were  thus  to  bring  about  the  addition  of  a  new 
province  to  the  Spanish  Empire  in  America. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  249 


RELATION1  OF  THE  EXPEDITION  AND  EVENTS  ACCOMPLISHED  BY 
FRANCISCO  SANCHEZ  CHAMUSCADO  WITH  EIGHT  SOLDIER-COMPANIONS 
IN  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  MEXICO  AND  NEW  LANDS,  ADDRESSED  TO 
HIS  EXCELLENCY  DON  LORENZO  SuAREZ  DE  MENDOZA,  COUNT  OP 
CORUNA,  VICEROY,  GOVERNOR  AND  CAPTAIN-GENERAL  OF  THIS  NEW 
SPAIN,  BY  HERNAN  GALLEGOS,  NOTARY  AND  DISCOVERER.* 

Since  I  began  serving  his  majesty  in  my  youth  in  this  New 
Spain  in  military  matters,  most  excellent  prince,  in  the  new  king- 
dom of  Galicia  and  in  that  of  Vizcaya  in  company  with  some  captains, 
against  the  Chichimecos  Indians  -  marauders  -  who  have  caused  so 
much  damage  in  these  kingdoms,  there  has  grown  upon  me  constantly 
as  the  years  have  passed  the  particular  desire  to  serve  my  king  and 
lord  in  some  important  cause  worthy  of  my  desire.  Since  there 
was  offered  to  Francisco  Sanchez  Chamuscado  the  expedition  which 
he  carried  out  in  the  discovery  of  New  Mexico  and  the  new  land, 
which  had  been  sought  for  so  many  years,  and  as  he  had  communi- 
cated with  me  about  it,  I  saw  there  was  presented  to  me  an  opport- 
unity commensurate  with  my  purpose  and  ambition.  After  having 
pointed  out  and  deliberated  upon  the  inconveniences  and  diffi- 
culties that  would  be  met  in  an  undertaking  of  such  magnitude  we 
determined,  together  with  seven  other  companions,  with  whom  the 
enterprise  [was  discussed]  to  carry  out  the  said  expedition,  having 
for  its  ultimate  object  the  service  of  God  our  Lord,  the  preaching 
of  His  law  and  gospel  to  every  being  and  the  furtherance  of  the 
royal  crown  of  Castile. 

After  discussing  this  with  some  religious  of  the  Francisc.an  Order 
who  in  good  spirit  offered  themselves  for  the  said  expedition,  with 
the  previous  permission  and  authority  of  his  excellency,3  we  set  out 
from  the  valley  of  San  Gregorio  of  the  jurisdiction  and  district  of 


1.  Relacion   y   concudio   in   the   original.      A   copy   of   the   manuscript   is    in    the 
Edward   E,   Ayer  Collection   in   the   Newberry   Library,    Chicago. 

2.  The    original    manuscript    is    prefaced    by    the    following    paragraphs : 
"Entry    of    New    Mexico    made    by    Francisco    Sanchez    Chamuscado    in    June 

of    (15)81.      Certification    of    the    treasurer    Juan    de    Aranda,    of    a    relation    found 
among  the  papers  of  the  archbishop  of  Mexico  and  president  of  the  Council. 

"I,  Juan  de  Aranda,  treasurer  of  his  majesty  in  this  New  Spain,  certify 
that  in  a  book  written  by  hand,  left  in  my  power  with  other  books  and  papers  by 
the  death  and  will  of  Don  Pedro  Moya  de  Contreras,  late  archbishop  of  Mexico, 
governor  and  visitor  in  this  New  Spain  and  president  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies 
of  which  he  was  secretary  and  testamentary,  was  found  this  written  account  of 
the  following  tenor." 

3.  The  viceroy  of  New  Spain,   Lorenzo  Suarez   de   Mendoza   y   Figueroa    count 

17 


250         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  mines  and  town  of  Santa  Barbara  in  the  kingdom  of  Vizcaya.4 
[We  were]  three  friars  of  the  said  order  and  nine  soldier-companions 
with  our  own  arms  and  horses  and  supported  at  our  own  cost.3  The 
justifiable  fear  of  the  dangers  which  were  met  we  anticipated; 
dangers  due  to  war,  to  the  innumerable  barbarous  people  found  along 
the  way,  to  the  hardships  resulting  from  lack  of  food,  and  to  the 
privations  and  deserted  lands  that  were  feared  on  such  a  long 
journey  due  to  the  small  number  that  made  up  the  party.  We  left 
fortified  with  the  hope  of  attaining  temporal  and  eternal  reward. 
Following  the  example  of  the  nine  men  of  fame6  we  set  out  with  a 
spirit  of  determination  to  die  or  to  discover  the  desired  land.  We 
continued  the  said  journey  till  we  reached  the  land. 

On  this  expedition  I  noted  the  important  things  and  events  in 
this  discovery  and  in  this  province,  and  after  I  had  helped  to  the 
best  of  my  little  strength  it  seemed  to  me  that  I  was  net  even  then 
doing  all  I  should.  I  also  wished  to  employ  the  little  talent  that 
God  gave  me  in  something  that  would  be  of  service  to  God  our 
Lord  and  his  majesty,  in  order  that  there  should  not  remain  with 
me  anything  I  could  offer.  Thus  while  doing  my  duty  as  a  soldier,  in 
the  spare  moments  I  had,  I  wrote  in  a  brief  treatise  [the  account  of] 
the  said  discovery  and  expedition  which  v/e  carried  out,  and  the 
important  events  which  took  place  in  it,  as  well  as  some  customs 
and  rituals  that  we  learned  from  the  natives.  I  decided  to  divide 
it  into  chapters  and  to  dedicate  it  to  his  excellency.7 

Although  it  may  seem  boldness  on  my  part,  because  I  was  born 
and  brought  up  in  humble  surroundings,  I  was  nevertheless  en- 
couraged by  the  case  of  the  poor  widow  mentioned  in  the  Gospel, 
who  was  praised  by  the  Lord  for  the  two  coins  which  she  offered 
in  the  temple.  She  was  not  belittled  because  she  did  not  give  much, 
but  on  the  contrary  was  held  in  greater  esteem.8  As  a  result  of 
this  reflection  and  finding  myself  in  possession  of  two  farthings 
capital,  I  offered  them  to  his  excellency  and  risked  them  in  this 
undertaking.  Mindful  of  the  fact  that  I  gave  all  I  had  and  con- 
sidering the  good  will  with  which  I  offered  it  [I  hope]  you  will  take 
it  under  your  protection,  because  your  excellency  has  such  a  great 

of  La  Coruna.     He  ruled  from  October  4,  1580  to  June,   1582.  Priestly,   The  Mexican 
Nation,    88-89. 

4.  The  party  left   San  ,Gregorio  on   June   6,   having   departed   from   Santa   Bar- 
bara the  day   previous.      See  below,   p.    4 ;   and    Bolton,    Spanish   Exploration   in   the 
Southwest,    145,    154. 

5.  For  the  names  of  those  in  the  party,  see  below,  p.   3. 

6.  The   nine   men    of    fame   were:    three    Jews,    Josne,    David    and    Judas    Mac- 
cabee ;  three  gentiles,    Alexander,   Hector  and   Julius   Caesar ;   three   Christians,    King 
Arthur,   Charlemagne  and  Godfrey  of  Bouillon. 

7.  The   viceroy. 

8.  See  Mark,  ch.  12,  verse  42. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  251 

part  in  the  enterprise  under  discussion,  for  by  your  support  and 
during  your  time  in  office  there  has  been  discovered  that  which 
had  been  so  greatly  desired  by  our  predecessors.  This  has  not  been 
accomplished  without  the  special  providence  of  God.  May  He  pro- 
tect your  very  excellent  person  for  many  happy  years  and  prosper 
your  state  as  your  excellency  deserves,  and  as  I  your  humble  servant 
desire. 

[Chapter  I]  Account  of  the  persons,  who  at  their  own  expense, 
furnishing  their  own  arms  and  horses,  went  forth  seeking  to  dis- 
cover New  Mexico  and  other  lands  where  God  our  Lord  should  be 
pleased  to  direct  them,  in  order  that  His  holy  faith  might  be  taught 
and  His  gospel  spread  throughout  the  lands  which  they  as  your 
loyal  vassals  might  thus  discover  in  His  holy  service  and  in  the  in- 
terest of  the  royal  crown. 

These  people  were:  Francisco  Sanchez  Chainuscado,  leader  of 
the  expedition;  Hernan  Gallegos,  your  representative  in  the  said 
expedition;  Pedro  de  Bustamente;  Felipe  de  Escalante;  Pedro  Her- 
rera;  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Fuensalida;  Hernando  Barrado;  and  Juan 
Sanchez.9  In  order  to  carry  out  this  said  expedition  and  their  good 
purpose  of  spreading  the  said  Holy  Gospel  they  took  along  Fray 
Francisco  Lopez,  superior,  Fray  Juan  de  Santa  Maria,  preachers, 
and  Fray  Augustin,10  lay-brother,  friars  of  the  order  of  St.  Francis 
of  the  monastery  of  New  Spain  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  Starting 
on  the  said  expedition  all  set  out  together  from  the  valley  of  San 
Gregorio,  district  and  jurisdiction  of  the  mines  of  Santa  Barbara 
in  New  Vizcaya,  on  the  sixth  day  of  the  month  of  June  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  fifteen  hundred  and  eighty-one.11 

Setting  out  on  the  said  journey  they  marched  down  the  river 
named  San  Gregorio  until  they  came  to  the  junction  of  this  stream 
with  the  river  called  Conchas  and  the  river  Florido,  which  are 
twelve  leagues  more  or  less  from  Santa  Barbara  and  from  the  place 
where  they  began  the  said  journey.  Leaving  the  junction  of  these 
rivers  they  determined  to  follow  the  largest  river  which  they  might 
find,  and  thus  they  followed  the  river  Conchas.  Marching  down 
stream  of  this  said  river  there  came  to  them  many  Indians,  na- 
tives of  the  said  Conchas  [river  region].  In  a  distance  of  over 
fifty  leagues  which  they  marched  down  this  river  they  were  well 
received  by  the  said  Indians.  After  leaving  the  Concha  nation  they 
came  to  the  Raya,  another  nation  of  people  who  inhabit  the  same 
land  and  use  the  same  language  as  the  Conchas.  In  this  territory 


9.  There    were    nine    soldiers    in    the    party    altogether.      The    name    of    Pedro 
Sanchez   de    Chaves    is    here   omitted.      See   below,    pp.    19,    41.      Dr.    Mecham    in    his 
paper    on    "The    Second    Spanish    Expedition    to    New    Mexico,"    confuses    the    name 
Herrera  to  Heviera.  New  Mexico  Historical  Review,  I,   268. 

10.  Fray   Augustin   Rodriguez. 

11.  Cf.  note  4  above. 


252         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  Raya  the  latitude  was  taken  and  they  found  they  were  at 
twenty-nine  degrees.3-'  They  always  had  [guides]  who  led  them 
through  these  two  nations.  Numerous  people,  men  as  well  as  women, 
accompanied  them.  They  came  out  to  meet  them  with  many  pres- 
ents of  ground  mesquite,  as  it  is  commonly  called  by  the  Spaniards, 
because  it  is  a  fruit  which  resembles  the  honey-mesquite,  and  quanti- 
ties of  honey-mesquite  and  calabashes.  These  people  are  poorly 
mannered.  They  go  about  naked  like  savages.  They  are  lazy,  cap- 
able of  little  work,  and  dirty.  These  people  sustain  themselves  with 
quantities  of  calabashes,  ground  mesquite,  mushrooms,  prickly  pears, 
and  fish  from  the  said  river.  These  people  call  water  "bod,"  corn 
"fonet,"  and  they  are  named  "Yoslli." 

Chapter  [II]  Telling  of  their  departure  from  the  said  Raya, 
of  their  penetration  of  the  interior,  and  of  the  manner  in  which 
they  were  received  by  the  Indians. 

When  they  started  out  they  marched  down  the  aforesaid  river.13 
After  they  had  traveled  five  leagues  more  or  less,  they  were  met 
by  numerous  Indians  of  the  Cabris  nation,  who  speak  a  different 
language  than  the  previous  Concha.  The  said  Indians  and  people 
of  the  Cabris  nation  are  very  handsome,  very  spirited,  very  active 
and  more  intelligent  than  the  people  previously  met.  They  are  of 
large  stature.  Their  faces,  arms  and  bodies  are  striped  with  pleas- 
ing lines.14  These  people  are  cleaner  and  more  modest  than  the 
Concha.  They  cultivate  quantities  of  calabashes  and  beans  in  the 
proper  season.  They  go  about  naked  liked  those  met  before.  They 
wear  their  hair  in  the  shape  of  skullcaps.  These  Indians  gave  them 
large  amounts  of  calabashes,  ground  mesquite,  prickly  pears,  beans 
and  mushrooms,  which  is  what  they  have  for  their  food  all  the  year 
round. 

They  brought  them  these  presents  on  account  of  the  news  they 
had  received  as  to  how  the  Spaniards  were  going  to  reconcile  them 
with  their  enemies  with  whom  they  carried  on  war,  and  to  make 
them  friends  of  the  Spaniards.  For  it  seemed  that  the  other  people 
had  fled  into  the  sierra  for  fear  of  the  Spaniards,  because  the  latter 
had  taken  and  carried  off  many  of  their  people  during  the  raids  of 


12.  Dr.    Mecham    says    the    explorers    were    among    the    Pazaguantes,    or    Cabri, 
when    these    observations    were    taken.      This    statement    is    unwarranted,    for    they 
were  among   the   people   called    Raya   by    Gallegos,    who    were    of   the    same    stock    as 
the   Conchos  and  spoke  the  same  language.   Op.   cit.,   269. 

13.  The  Conchos  river. 

14.  This    was    a    Jumano    characteristic    and    indicates    that    the    Cabri    were    a 
division  of  the  Jumanos   rather  than   a  distinct  unit,    as   Dr.   Mecham   seems   to   be- 
lieve.    He  states  that  the  Spaniards  marched  about  forty  miles  through  their  lands, 
evidently  basing  his  statement  on   Luxan's  account  of  the  Espejo  expedition.   Cf.   p. 
173  note  3  of  Bolton,  Op.  cit.,  Mecham,  op.   cit.,   269. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  253 

the  captains  who  had  sallied  forth  by  orders  of  Francisco  and  Diego 
de  Ibarra.15  They  had  caused  them  much  harm.  In  order  to  pacify 
the  land  and  to  reassure  those  people  as  well  as  the  rest,  they  gave 
them  to  understand  through  the  interpreter  they  brought  along,  that 
the  men  there  present  had  not  come  for  any  other  purpose  than  to 
restore  friendship  with  their  enemies  and  to  help  them  in  their  wars 
and  struggles;  to  lend  them  to  protection  and  aid  they  should  need 
against  their  foes.  They  were  told  not  to  fear  the  Spaniards  be- 
cause they  would  not  cause  them  any  further  harm.  This  was  the 
reason  they  had  come  there.  In  the  future  no  Spaniards  would 
come  except  to  be  their  friends,  provided  they  behaved  well,  for 
on  the  contrary  they  would  kill  them  all.  If  they  wanted  to  avenge 
the  taking  of  their  friends,  relatives,  children  and  women  they 
should  come  forth  quickly,  come  out  into  the  open,  for  those  eight 
men  there  present,  who  had  come  to  see  them,  would  avenge  the 
other  Spaniards. 

This  fearlessness  shown  by  the  said  Spaniards  toward  the  na- 
tives was  primarily  to  intimidate  them  so  that  the  news  should 
spread.  Many  harquebuses  were  fired.  The  natives  were  very 
much  frightened  at  the  discharge  of  the  harquebuses.  They  replied 
that  they  did  not  wish  to  have  any  quarrel  with  the  Spaniards,  but 
instead  wanted  to  be  their  friends;  that  they  preferred  to  be  aided 
in  their  wars;  and  though  they  had  been  somewhat  afraid  of  them 
they  would  not  be  so  in  the  future,  but  on  the  other  hand  they  would 
take  pleasure  in  not  offending  them  in  any  way,  and  that  they,  the 
Spaniards,  should  do  likewise;  that  they  did  not  wish  to  fight  them 
because  they  soon  became  demoralized.  God  was  pleased  to  instill 
this  fear  in  these  and  the  other  natives,  because  the  above-mentioned 
Spaniards  knew  very  well  they  were  not  sufficient  to  withstand  such 
a  large  number  of  people  unless  it  was  with  the  aid  of  the  Lord. 
With  this  confidence  they  had  started  on  the  said  expedition. 

After  all  this  conversation  we  told  the  said  Indians,  in  order  that 
they  might  know  that  the  Spaniards  were  their  friends  and  would 
not  cause  them  any  further  harm  or  take  away  more  of  their  people, 
that  they  would  place  a  cross  X  in  their  rancherias,  and  that  in  case 
Spaniards  came  intending  to  harm  or  take  away  more  of  their  people, 
that  they  would  place  a  cross  X.  The  said  Indians  were  very  much 
pleased  by  this  and  showed  their  appreciation  in  such  a  way  that 
they  embraced  the  Spaniards  and  promised  not  to  remove  the  said 
cross  X  from  their  towns  and  rancherias.  When  the  said  Spaniards 
had  placed  a  cross  X  in  the  said  rancherias,  when  so  placed,  the 


15.  Slave  hunting  raids  beyond  the  older  settlements  were  one  of  the  ever  pres- 
ent evils  of  frontier  society  in  the  Spanish  colonies.  The  practise  began  in  the 
early  days  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  and  persisted  in  spite  of  hostile  legislation, 
notably  the  laws  of  1573  regulating  new  conquests. 


254         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

natives  were  much  pleased.  They  raised  their  hands  toward  the 
sun  because  they  had  been  told  they  were  children  of  the  sun. 

The  Spaniards  asked  them  if  there  were  clothed  people  beyond 
their  nation,  if  there  was  corn  and  if  there  were  settled  people,  be- 
cause we  wished  to  see  them  and  wanted  to  send  them  notice  that 
we  were  coming.  They  replied  that  farther  on,  very  far  from  there, 
they  had  heard  that  there  were  many  brave  people  with  many  houses 
and  that  there  was  much  corn,  beans  and  calabashes  and  that  the 
people  wore  clothes  like  themselves.  In  view  of  the  answer  of  the 
said  Indians  notice  was  sent  throughout  the  land. 

Chapter  III.  How  we  sent  notice  of  our  coming  througout  the 
land. 

We  left  that  place18  after  sending  word  through  the  land  that 
we  were  coming  to  restore  peace  between  them  and  those  with  whom 
they  carried  on  war,  for  we  understood  they  waged  war  with  one 
another.  Marching  down  the  same  river17  we  entered  and  crossed 
many  very  dense  ridges  that  were  traversed  only  with  great  diffi- 
culty by  our  beasts  of  burden.  It  became  necessary  to  lift  up  some 
of  them,  because  some  rolled  down  and  others  became  exhausted  and 
collapsed.  This  resulted  from  our  not  knowing  the  way.  But  God 
was  pleased  to  give  us  patience  and  endurance  to  bear  the  hardship; 
and  as  these  are  things  directed  by  His  hand  we  offered  our  thanks 
to  Him.  When  we  had  descended  the  said  mountain  we  came  to 
the  river,  which  was  reached  only  after  crossing  the  ridge.  This 
sierra  must  be  about  a  league  across,  but  the  difficult  part  is  short, 
only  about  an  harquebus  shot  across.  This  includes  climbing  to  the 
summit  and  descending. 

Marching  down  the  said  river  we  met  the  messengers  we  had 
sent  to  notify  the  land  [of  our  coming].  As  soon  as  the  messengers 
reached  us  we  halted  on  the  bank  of  the  said  river  in  order  to  find 
out  first  what  the  messengers  had  to  say.  A  short  time  later  there 
came  to  us  many  Indians,  men  and  women;  the  men  were  very  hand- 
some and  the  women  beautiful.  We  asked  them  what  the  name  of 
their  language  was,  because  to  us  it  seemed  different  from  the  one 
we  had  met  before,  although  they  understand  one  another.18  They 
answered  that  it  was  called  "Amotomanco."  They  call  water  "abad;" 
corn  "teoy;"  and  beans  "ayaguate."  They  are  striped  people  and 
very  merry.  They  live  in  houses  made  of  paling  plastered  with 
mud.  However  they  go  about  naked  like  the  people  we  met  earlier. 
They  cultivate  very  little  corn,  but  calabashes  and  beans  in  quanti- 

16.  That   is,   the  territory  of  the    Cabri   Indians. 

17.  The  Conchos. 

18.  This    indicates    a    relationship    between    the    Cabri    and    the    Amotomanco, 
as    suggested    above.    Cf.    note    14.    The    latter    were    the    Jumanos.      They    occupied 
the    region    at    the    junction    of   the    Conchos    and    the    Rio    Grande    rivers,    Mecham 
gives  their  name  as  Otomoacos,   following  Luxan's  report.   Mecham,  op.   cit.,   270. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  255 

ties.  They  live  on  these  provisions,  though  their  natural  food  is 
mushrooms.  These  people  received  us  very  well  and  gave  us  of  the 
provisions  they  had,  which  were:  calabashes,  ground  mesquite,  beans, 
prickly  pears  and  also  mushrooms. 

These  people  were  disturbed  and  fearful  of  the  Spaniards  on 
acount  of  what  they  had  heard,  and  so  they  complained  to  us.  We 
reassured  and  quieted  them  through  the  Indian  interpreters  that  we 
brought  along.  We  let  them  know  that  the  Spaniards  would  not 
come  to  cause  them  any  further  harm,  because  we  had  been  sent 
for  that  purpose  by  the  great  Lord.  They  were  much  pleased  at  this 
and  became  cheerful.  They  carry  very  fine  weapons;  Turkish  bows 
and  very  good  cowhide  shields. 

After  this  we  had  brought  before  us  two  old  Indians  who  seemed 
to  be  caciques  of  that  land,  in  order  to  inform  ourselves  concerning 
the  land  and  people  to  be  found  farther  on.  We  asked  them  in  the 
tongue  of  the  interpreter  we  took  along  what  kind  of  people  there 
were  farther  on  in  the  land  near  their  people.  They  replied  that 
in  their  land  were  many  people  of  their  tongue;  and  from  what  they 
indicated  that  nation  extended  for  over  one  hundred  leagues;  that 
many  more  people  were  to  be  found  beyond  their  land;  and  that 
along  a  river  which  is  three  leagues  distant  from  the  mentioned 
Conchas  river,  going  up  this  river  toward  the  north,  they  had  been 
told  of  many  people  who  wore  clothes  like  ourselves,  and  that  there 
was  much  cotton  and  quantities  of  corn,  beans  and  calabashes.  In 
order  to  see  the  size  of  the  river  they  had  mentioned  and  to  find  out 
if  it  was  as  they  had  pictured  it  to  us,  we  decided  to  go  to  it,  although 
the  route  we  determined  to  follow  was  not  the  one  toward  the  north 
indicated  to  us  by  the  Indians. 

Through  other  questions  that  we  put  to  them  we  were  informed 
that  in  the  interior  there  were  many  clothed  people  living  in  very 
large  houses.  They  almost  seemed  to  indicate  to  us  that  those  people 
spoke  the  Mexican  language,  but  being  Indians  we  did  not  believe 
that  concerning  the  language,  but  we  did  believe  the  rest.  We  were 
very  much  pleased  by  all  these  things,  and  we  gave  many  thanks  to 
God  our  Lord  for  the  news  and  information  which  the  natives  of 
that  land  had  given  us  in  order  that  the  Holy  Gospel  might  be 
planted  for  the  salvation  of  the  souls  in  idolatry.  From  this  river 
to  that  of  San  Gregorio,  from  which  we  left  to  undertake  this  ex- 
pedition, there  must  be  seventy  or  eighty  leagues,  rather  more  than 
less.  The  land  is  all  wretched,  dry  and  unproductive,  the  worst 
encountered  on  the  whole  trip,  on  account  of  ignorance  of  the  land. 

Chapter  IV.  How  we  obtained  further  details  of  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  inland  and  its  inhabitants,  as  well  as  of  the  cities 
and  of  the  cattle.19 


19.     The  cattle  were  of  course  the  buffalo. 


256         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

We  continued  marching  in  the  direction  the  Indians  had  indi- 
cated to  us  on  the  day  before,  taking  along  guides  who  led  and  took 
us  to  the  river  of  which  they  had  informed  us  the  previous  day. 
This  said  river  formed  a  valley,  the  best  and  most  pleasing  that  was 
seen  and  explored  on  the  trip.  The  said  valley  we  named  Valle  de 
Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Concepcion.20  In  this  river  and  valley  we 
found  many  people  of  the  same  tongue  we  had  passed  the  day  be- 
fore,21 and  the  houses  in  which  they  live.  It  was  a  permanent  settle- 
ment and  the  people  were  very  clean,  handsome  and  warlike,  the 
best  featured  we  had  encountered  thus  far.  Standing  on  top  of  their 
houses  they  showed  great  merriment  on  seeing  us.  These  houses 
resemble  those  of  the  Mexicans,  except  that  they  are  made  of  paling. 
They  build  them  square.  They  put  up  the  bases  and  upon  these  they 
place  timbers,  the  thickness  of  a  man's  thigh.  Then  they  add  the 
pales,  and  plaster  them  with  mud.  Close  to  them  they  have  their 
granaries  built  of  willow,  after  the  fashion  of  the  Mexicans,  where 
they  keep  their  provisions  and  their  harvest  of  mesquite  and  other 
things.  They  brought  us  presents  of  the  things  they  had,  for  they 
are  people  who  cultivate  and  harvest  like  the  people  previously  met. 

In  order  to  inform  ourselves  and  get  further  details  of  the  re- 
ports that  had  been  given  us  before,  it  was  necessary  to  stop  in  this 
said  valley  for  almost  a  day.  We  sent  for  many  people  and  they 
soon  came;  and  like  the  people  we  had  met  before  they  had  already 
been  taught  to  kiss  the  hands  of  the  missionaries  that  we  brought 
with  us.  And,  in  order  that  they  should  do  so,  we  first  kissed  their 
hands22  so  that  the  natives  would  follow  the  example.  The  natives 
then  kissed  their  hands  and  raised  theirs  to  heaven  and  blew  toward 
the  sky,  because  we  informed  them  that  those  fathers  we  brought 
with  us  were  children  of  the  sun,  that  they  had  come  down  from 
heaven,  and  that  we  were  their  children,  and  they  believed  it  ac- 
cordingly. 

These  people  are  very  well  disposed.  To  judge  from  the  way 
they  acted,  the  labor  that  might  be  expended  in  teaching  them  will 
bear  fruit.  They  will  be  well  inclined  toward  any  good  thing  and 
will  remain  attached  to  it.  However  I  think  that  as  a  naked  and 
barbarous  people  they  will  be  difficult  to  settle  and  congregate  in 
towns,  because  they  are  savage  people.23 

In  this  valley  an  Indian  was  found  who  seemed  to  be  the  cacique. 


20.  It   was  the   Rio   Grande.      Different   names   were  applied   to   it   at   different 
places. 

21.  Namely  Jumanos. 

22.  The  hands   of  the   missionaries. 

23.  The  Spaniards  found  it  comparatively  easy  to   conquer,   exploit  and   civilize 
the   Indians   living    in    settled   towns    or   communities    as    in    Mexico.      It    was    a    dif- 
ferent matter  with  the  wild  tribes  farther  north,  for  they  must  be  subduel  and  con- 
gregated   in    towns    before    Christianization    or    exploitation    was    possible. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  257 

The  others  obeyed  him  to  such  an  extent  that  they  carried  a  seat 
that  he  could  sit  down.  It  consisted  of  a  very  large  tanned  cow- 
hide. These  people  possess  many  hides  and  live  in  definite  places. 
In  this  settlement  we  placed  a  cross  X.  This  pueblo  had  eight  large 
square  houses  inhabited  by  many  people,  over  three  hundred  persons 
in  number. 

To  reach  this  river  we  left  the  Conchos  at  our  back  on  our  right 
toward  the  south.  This  river  is  the  largest  to  be  found  in  the  Indies. 
From  the  Vera  Cruz  river  to  this  one,  no  other  [river]  was  seen. 
It  is  lined  with  numerous  trees.  The  valleys  are  fine  for  the  culti- 
vation of  anything  whatsoever,  for  grain,  trees,  for  ranches  or  cattle 
raising. 

Chapter  V.  How  we  were  further  informed  in  regard  to  the 
land  by  means  of  trinkets  which  the  natives  had  with  them. 

In  this  said  valley  of  Concepcion24  we  saw  a  piece  of  copper 
which  an  Indian  carried  about  his  neck  tied  with  some  cotton 
threads.25  Another  carried  a  copper  sleigh-bell.  We  asked  them 
where  they  had  obtained  those  things  and  they  told  us  it  was  from 
the  west  and  pointed  in  that  direction.  They  call  copper  "porba."28 
We  noticed  likewise  that  some  of  the  Indians  who  came  to  meet  and 
see  us  carried  white  and  colored  coral,  although  not  of  fine  quality, 
suspended  from  the  nose ;  they  also  had  turquoises.  We  further  asked 
them  where  they  had  obtained  it,  and  they  replied  by  giving  us  to 
understand  that  it  was  from  the  sea,  as  they  pointed  that  way.. 

We  inquired  from  these  and  many  other  Indians  whether  they 
knew  from  observation  or  hearsay,  what  there  was  in  the  interior, 
if  there  was  logwood,  corn  and  many  people.  They  told  us  that 
thirteen  days  from  the  Concepcion  river,  marching  up  stream,  were 
many  clothed  people  who  cultivated  and  gathered  much  corn,  cala- 
bashes and  beans,  and  much  cotton  which  they  spun,  wove  and  made 
into  blankets  with  which  they  covered  and  clothed  themselves,  the 
women  as  well  as  the  men;  they  added  that  they  wore  shirts.  They 
showed  by  signs  how  they  cultivated  the  land.  This  pleased  us  very 
much.  Asking  them  whether  they  had  been  there  they  replied  they 
had  not,  but  that  they  had  heard  about  it  long  ago  from  the  people 
who  killed  the  cattle  and  that  they  considered  it  very  certain. 

In  view  of  this  we  gave  many  thanks  to  God  our  Lord  for  such 
good  information  as  they  had  given  us  there  and  for  the  news  con- 
cerning the  provisions  of  corn,  which  was  the  thing  we  most  desired. 


24.  Rio   Grande. 

25.  Copper  was   in   general  use  among  the   Indians   before  the   coming   of  the 
white    men.      Native    copper    was    found    in    small    quantities    in    Arizona    and    New 
Mexico    and    elsewhere,    though    probably    not    utilized    to    any    considerable    extent. 
Hodge,  F.  W.  Handbook  of  Indians  North  of  Mexico,  I.  343-344. 

26.  Obregon   has  it   "payla." 


258         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

For  as  long  as  we  did  not  lack  corn  and  food  we  would  march  on  un- 
til we  came  to  the  end  of  the  land,  till  we  saw  all  that  was  to  be 
discovered  and  examined  in  it,  [especially]  the  people  with  per- 
manent houses,  in  order  that  the  Holy  Gospel  should  be  planted  and 
taught,  for  this  was  our  main  purpose  when  we  set  out  on  the  said 
expedition.  We  were  also  influenced  by  the  reports  of  the  people 
given  to  us  by  the  former  and  present  Indians.  As  they  were  said 
to  have  very  large  high  houses  with  stairways  we  thought  they 
might  have  been  the  Mexican  people,  but  we  considered  this  false. 
[We  were  also  influenced  by]  the  accounts  of  those  who  had  entered 
to  discover,  and  who  had  written  chronicles,  which  we  had  taken 
along,27  and  we  were  informed  that  the  said  settled  people  were 
very  brave  and  very  numerous,  but  that  did  not  discourage  us  from 
going  ahead. 

While  we  were  in  this  situation  we  saw  another  Indian  who 
brought  us  an  iron  bar  about  three  yards  long28  and  shaped  like 
those  possessed  by  the  Mexican  Indians.  On  asking  him  where  he 
had  secured  that  valuable  article  they  all  pointed  in  the  direction 
where  they  had  said  the  clothed  and  settled  people  were  located.  We 
were  very  much  pleased  with  this  additional  information. 

We  were  followed  and  accompanied  by  many  people,  who  ap- 
proached our  horses  and  rubbed  their  bodies  against  their  haunches, 
raising  their  hands  to  heaven  and  blowing  with  their  mouths  toward 
the  sky.  They  did  this  because  they,  as  the  others  before,  had  been 
told  that  those  whom  we  brought  with  us,  that  is,  the  friars,  were 
children  of  God  and  that  we  were  brothers  and  their  children,  and 
they  believed  it.  We  told  them  that  we  came  only  to  visit  them, 
to  see  how  they  were  and  to  pass  on.  They  were  very  pleased  at 
what  we  told  them  and  brought  us  many  presents  of  prickly  pears, 
ground  mesquite  and  calabashes.  They  offered  us  of  the  things 
they  had,  feathers,  tanned  cowhides,  deerskins  and  other  things. 
They  seemed  to  be  happy. 

We  asked  them  if  any  men  like  us  had  passed  that  way,  and 
they  replied  that  long  time  ago  four  Christians  had  passed  through 
there.  By  the  descriptions  they  gave  us  we  saw  plainly  and  openly 
that  it  must  have  been  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  because  ac- 
cording to  his  relation  he  had  come  by  way  of  these  people.  How- 
ever we  now  had  additional  information  of  very  fine  things  and  of 
great  importance  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  did  not  have.  Therefore 


27.  The  reference  is  to  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  relation.  Cf.  Bustamente's  Declaration, 
in  Bolton,  op.  cil.,   144. 

28.  The  Spanish  reads,   "  .    .    .    y  nos  trajo  un  hierro  como  de  tres  cuartas  de 
medir." 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  259 

we  considered  it  an  event  directed  by  the  hand  of  the  Lord  that  so 
few  men  had  dared  to  go  among  such  a  multitude  of  barbarous  and 
idolatrous  people.  For  there  was  not  a  day  that  we  marched  up  the 
said  Concepcion  river  that  we  did  not  have  with  us  upwards  of  three 
hundred  souls  day  and  night.  But  as  these  are  things  guided  by 
the  Lord  we  nourished  great  hopes  of  emerging  victorious  and  of 
preaching  the  Gospel,  for  this  was  our  aim. 

Chapter  VI.  Concerning  the  land  and  valleys  discovered  and 
the  information  we  gathered. 

After  marching  nine  days  up  the  said  river  we  came  to  a  beauti- 
ful valley  which  we  named  Valle  de  los  Carneros.29  This  valley  is 
twelve  leagues  from  that  of  Concepcion.  It  was  given  this  name 
because  on  passing  through  this  valley  we  discoverd  an  abandoned 
rancheria  where  we  found  many  horns  of  rams  which  appeared  to 
weigh  upward  of  sixteen  pounds  each.  It  was  marvelous,  for  these 
horns  were  larger  than  those  of  steers.  Marching  another  nine  days 
we  came  to  another  valley  along  the  same  river  which  we  called 
[Valle]  de  la  Madalena.30  Here  we  were  told  of  some  mines  and  we 
went  to  examine  them.  They  seemed  of  no  importance.  Nevertheless 
the  people  who  accompanied  us  led  us  to  them. 

Many  natives  accompanied  us  as  far  as  this  valley.  Here  they 
definitely  informed  us  of  what  was  to  be  found  and  left  us.  They 
told  us  that  farther  on  was  another  language,  a  nation  of  people 
who  were  their  enemies,  and  that  they  did  not  dare  to  go  there  in 
order  that  the  others  should  not  think  they  were  going  to  fight  and 
harm  them.  Since  we  realized  that  they  were  right,  and  as  we  wanted 
to  please  them  since  they  had  done  this  for  us,  it  was  just  to  please 
them.  Moreover  they  and  their  wives  offered  us  their  Turkish 
bows,  arrows,  feathers  and  other  things  they  had,  such  as  cowhides, 
deerskins  and  the  provisions  they  possessed.  This  they  offered  and 
gave  us  so  willingly  that  we  felt  like  giving  many  thanks  to  God. 

They  accompanied  us  at  night  and  performed  dances  for  us. 
This  nation  has  a  rhythm  in  its  dances,  resembling  the  negroes' 
dances,  which  they  bring  about  by  beating  some  skins  attached  to 
a  vessel  in  the  fashion  of  a  tambourine.  On  doing  this  they  rise 
and  perform  their  dances  to  the  rhythm  of  the  music  like  merry- 
andrews.  They  raise  their  hands  toward  the  sun  and  sing  a  dance 
tune  in  their  language,  "ayia  canima."  They  do  this  with  much 
compass  and  harmony,  in  such  a  way  that  though  there  are  three 
hundred  men  in  a  dance,  it  seems  as  if  it  were  being  sung  and  danced 
by  one  only,  due  to  the  good  harmony  and  measure  with  which  they 
do  it. 


29.  It   was  the   Rio   Grande. 

30.  The  Rio  Grande  again.     It   was  the  last  region   inhabited   by  the  Jumanos. 
as   is   evident   from   the   next   few   lines    in    Gallegos*    report. 


260         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

They  went  away  from  us  much  pleased.  Before  we  parted  from 
them  we  asked  them  where  there  was  corn,  clothed  people  and  per- 
manent houses,  which  was  what  we  most  desired.  They  answered 
that  five  days  from  there,  up  the  aforesaid  river,  were  those  things 
about  which  we  had  inquired.  It  pleased  us  very  much  to  see  that 
the  town  for  which  we  had  inquired,  and  which  they  told  us  of,  was 
so  near.  This  cheered  us  greatly,  but  on  the  other  hand  we  could 
not  help  being  somewhat  apprehensive  that  as  they  were  Indians 
they  might  be  lying,  for  they  are  Indians,  people  who  are  born  liars 
and  who  are  in  the  habit  of  always  telling  falsehoods.  We  asked 
them  again  and  they  re-affirmed  what  they  had  told  us  before.  It 
was  the  truth.  Seeing  this  we  commended  ourselves  to  God  and 
went  on. 

After  two  days  we  came  to  another  nation  of  well  inclined  people 
and  fine  men  who  received  us  well  and  offered  us  of  what  they  pos- 
sessed in  the  same  manner  as  the  others  had  done  before.31  These 
people  call  the  arrow  "ocae,"  the  name  given  to  the  bamboo  by  the 
Mexicans.  Among  the  things  presented  they  gave  us  two  bonnets 
made  of  numerous  macaw  feathers.  We  asked  them  if  they  knew 
anything  of  the  inland,  if  there  were  settled  people  who  wore  cot- 
ton blankets,  like  the  one  we  brought  along  to  show  them,  and  if 
they  ate  corn,  and  other  questions  we  had  asked  the  people  before. 
We  asked  them  how  many  days  distant  those  people  were,  warning 
them  to  tell  us  the  truth,  for  otherwise  we  would  tell  the  sun  to 
become  angry.  They  replied  to  what  we  had  asked,  saying  they  had 
heard  and  knew  for  sure  that  in  the  interior  were  many  clothed  and 
settled  people  who  lived  in  large  houses  three  and  four  stories  high. 
They  told  us  this  by  means  of  signs,  because  we  did  not  have  an  in- 
terpreter for  this  nation. 

[They  added]  "that  the  said  people  cultivated  large  areas  of 
land  and  harvested  corn,  .  .  .  calabashes  and  beans  of  many  kinds; 
that  they  had  birds,  and  blankets  of  cotton  which  they  wore,  for 
they  cultivated  and  gathered  large  quantities  of  it,  indicating  that 
the  bolls  were  as  large  as  one's  fist.  [They  said]  they  wore  shoes 
and  that  they  made  crockery  from  which  they  ate,  and  that  the  said 
pueblo  was  seven  days  distant.  Since  the  previous  people  had  told 
us  it  was  five  days  off  we  asked  them  why  they  said  seven.  They 
answered  that  those  who  formerly  told  us  about  it,  did  not  know 
and  had  lied.  They  did  not  know  as  much  about  it  as  they  them- 
selves did,  because  they  had  seen  it.  We  were  much  relieved  by 
this,  as  well  as  by  the  good  news  they  had  given.  Moreover  they 
told  us  that  the  people  farther  on,  who  were  numerous,  very  brave 


81.  These  were  called  Caguates,  or  Caguases,  by  Luxan.  Neither  Gallegos, 
Obregon  nor  Espejo  give  the  name,  as  Meacham's  paper  would  seem  to  indicate 
See  Luxan's  Entrada  A.  G.  I..  1-1-3/22;  and  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  271  and  note  22. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  261 

and  warlike,  fought  with  them  a  great  deal,  for  they  were  not  of 
their  nation;  that  for  three  days  we  would  not  see  any  people,  but 
that  at  the  end  of  the  three  days  we  would  soon  meet  many  clothed 
people,  who  gathered  corn,  beans,  calabashes  and  cotton  in  abundance. 
In  view  of  this  we  took  leave  of  them. 

On  the  next  morning  we  left  this  place  and  marched  down22  the 
river  another  three  days  without  seeing  any  people,  and  came  to  a 
valley  of  swamps,  which  extends  over  eight  leagues.  This  is  a  valley 
suitable  for  ranches  and  for  the  cultivation  of  anything  that  might 
be  desired.  We  named  it  the  Valle  de  los  Valientes.33  We  found  it 
uninhabited. 

Chapter  VII.  Concerning  the  land  which  was  traversed  without 
meeting  anyone,  as  it  was  uninhabited. 

On  leaving  the  Valle  de  los  Valientes  we  marched  another  four 
days  in  order  to  see  the  settlement  of  which  they  had  informed  us. 
We  did  not  locate  it,  so  we  thought  the  Indians  had  deceived  us,  but 
we  did  not  lose  courage  on  that  account.  We  continued  forward, 
going  up  the  same  river  another  five  days  to  see  if  we  could  locate 
or  find  the  place  of  which  they  had  told  us  before.  We  found  nothing 
after  fifteen  days  of  travel.  We  decided  to  assemble  and  express 
our  views  concerning  the  situation,  as  to  whether  we  should  return 
to  the  land  of  the  Christians,  for  according  to  what  the  natives  had 
told  us  we  were  lost.  They  had  said  [the  settlements]  were  seven 
days  away,  others  had  said  five,  and  we  had  marched  for  fifteen 
days  through  deserted  land  without  seeing  anyone.  We  had  lost 
our  way.  We  did  not  know  where  we  were  going  and  we  were  with- 
out a  guide  and  without  provisions  to  go  farther,  because  since  leav- 
ing human  beings  we  had  traveled  over  seventy  leagues  through 
uninhabited  country. 

We  decided  to  make  a  sortie  and  follow  a  path  we  had  found 
the  day  before.  Those  who  left  on  this  party  were  Father  Fray 
Juan  de  Santa  Maria,  Hernan  Gallegos,  Pedro  de  Bustamente,  Pedro 
Sanchez  de  Fuensalida  and  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Chaves.  We  left  the 
camp  and  marched  through  a  plain  for  over  two  leagues  until  we 
came  to  the  end  of  it  and  reached  a  sierra.  On  entering  it  we  saw 
and  found  an  Indian  and  two  inhabited  ranches.  Taking  our  horses 
and  arms  we  went  in  that  direction.  We  discovered  many  people 
who,  seeing  that  we  came  after  them,  fled  toward  the  mountains. 
While  running  after  them  such  a  heavy  shower  fell  upon  us  that 
we  were  helpless  and  unable  to  make  use  of  our  horses.  On  this 
account  we  could  not  seize  any  Indian  who  might  inform  and  un- 


32.  A   mistake   in   the   manuscript   for    "up   the   river." 

33.  This  swampy  region   begins  near  Guadalupe  and  extends   up  the  west  side 
of  the  Rio  Grande  to  near  El  Paso.     See   Mecham,   op   cit.,   272   note  23. 


262         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

deceive  us  as  to  whether  there  existed  that  which  we  had  been  told 
of  before  and  for  which  we  were  searching. 

On  the  way  back  to  the  camp  God  was  pleased  that  we  should 
find  an  Indian  about  forty  years  of  age.  We  thought  this  had 
occurred  by  the  will  of  God  because  we  had  decided  to  turn  back. 
And  as  the  Lord  is  so  merciful  He  remembered  us  so  that  our  good 
purpose,  for  it  was  in  His  holy  service,  should  not  be  stopped,  but 
on  the  contrary  should  be  furthered.  He  sent  us  the  Indian  who 
informed  us  of  what  there  was  in  the  interior,  of  the  many  houses, 
the  numerous  clothed  people,  the  abundant  corn,  beans,  calabashes, 
cotton  and  turkeys;  that  the  people  wore  clothes  and  that  the  houses 
were  three  and  four  stories  high.  He  gave  us  this  good  news  by 
means  of  signs,  for  in  no  other  way  could  we  understand  him.  The 
report  brought  us  great  joy  and  we  gave  many  thanks  to  God  our 
Lord  for  so  many  favors  and  for  bringing  us  succor  in  the  moment 
of  greatest  need. 

Chapter  VIII.  How  we  left,  accompanied  by  the  Indian,  and 
went  in  search  of  the  houses  of  corn. 

When  we  had  learned  what  there  was  farther  on  from  the  ac- 
count given  us  by  the  Indian,  we  went  on,  taking  this  very  Indian 
as  guide.  Up  the  same  river  we  came  to  an  abandoned  pueblo  that 
had  been  inhabited  by  large  numbers  of  people,  who  must  have  been 
very  advanced,  judging  by  the  buildings/14  The  discovery  was  of 
great  importance  if  these  people  could  be  located,  because  the  said 
pueblo  was  walled-in.  The  houses  were  of  mud-walls  and  adobes 
and  three  stories  high,  as  it  appeared,  because  they  had  fallen  down 
on  account  of  the  rains  and  seemed  to  have  been  abandoned  for  a 
long  time.  We  halted  here  for  the  night.  We  asked  the  guide  whom 
we  took  along  where  that  which  he  had  told  us  about  was  located. 
He  indicated  that  it  was  about  two  leaagues  away  and  that  he  wanted 
to  go  there  to  notify  the  people  so  they  would  bring  us  corn  and 
other  things  which  they  had.  By  agreement  of  all  the  said  Indian 
was  sent,  .but  as  he  was  of  a  different  nation  it  seemed  that  he  did 
not  go  to  the  pueblo  he  had  mentioned. 

On  the  following  morning  we  left  the  abandoned  pueblo  and 
after  marching  the  two  leagues  which  the  said  Indian  had  told  us 
of  we  came  to  a  pueblo  of  many  houses  three  stories  high  where  we 
did  not  find  any  people.30  They  had  left  the  night  before  because 
they  had  noticed  us.  We  found  in  the  houses  many  turkeys  and 


34.  This   pueblo,    consisting   of  about   45   houses   of  two   and   three   stories,    was 
reached  on  August  21,    1581.     It  was   called   San   Felipe.     See  below,   p.    50.     It  was 
a  Piro  village  in  the  region  of   San  Marcial,   Bandelier,   Adolph   F.   A.   Final  Report 
of    Investigations   among    the    Indians   of   the   Southwestern    United    States,    II,    252. 
Dr.  Mecham  thinks  it  may  have  been  near  the  site  of  Fort  Craig.   Op.  Cit.,   273. 

35.  It   was   called   San    Miguel,   though   Gallegos   later   says    it   was   a   two   story 
pueblo.     See  below,   p.    50. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  263 

much  cotton  and  corn.  We  did  not  find  any  people  in  the  pueblo 
we  found  many  fields  of  corn  like  that  of  Mexico,  and  also  fields 
planted  to  beans,  calabashes  and  cotton.  We  did  not  dare  touch 
any  of  their  property  in  order  that  they  should  understand  we  did 
not  mean  to  harm  them.  We  found  the  houses  very  well  planned, 
square  and  built  of  mud-walls.  [They  were]  whitewashed  in  the  in- 
terior and  decorated  with  many  monsters  and  other  animals  and  pic- 
tures of  persons.  [These  people]  showed  more  neatness  and  care 
in  their  houses  than  was  observed  by  the  Mexicans  in  theirs  when 
they  were  conquered.  They  have  much  crockery,  such  as  pots,  large 
earthen  jars  and  flat  pans,30  all  painted  and  of  better  quality  than 
that  of  New  Spain. 

We  endeavored  to  locate  the  people  in  order  to  pacify  and  in- 
duce them  to  accept  peace.  This  was  done  and  they  were  appealed 
to  by  peaceful  means,  for  otherwise  we  would  have  been  unable  to 
see  their  land.  Nevertheless  if  they  had  attempted  to  prevent  our 
coming  we  would  have  entered  by  force,  in  order  to  see  their  land 
and  what  it  contained,  because  we  had  already  endured  many  hard- 
ships. But  God  was  pleased  that  some  Indians  should  come  to  us. 
Then  we  sent  them  away  peacefully,  telling  them  to  make  the  sign 
of  the  cross  with  their  hands  as  an  indication  that  we  did  not  wish 
to  harm  them.  The  news  that  we  were  coming  peacefully  spread 
to  such  an  extent  that  there  was  not  a  day  that  we  were  not  sur- 
rounded and  accompanied  by  over  twelve  thousand  men.37  Here 
we  informed  ourselves  concerning  the  land  and  the  Indians.  They 
showed  us  that  there  were  in  their  nation  twenty  odd  pueblos  and 
that  farther  on  was  another  nation  with  which  they  were  at  war. 
In  view  of  this  we  continued  up  the  river,  which  we  named  the 
Guadalquivir  river,  as  it  was  so  large,  full  of  water,  very  wide  and 
swift.88 

After  passing  these  pueblos  of  the  first  nation  we  come  to  a 
pueblo  of  many  large  houses  three  and  four  stories  high.  [They  were] 
plastered  on  the  inside  and  the  windows  were  very  square.  All  the 
houses  were  painted  in  many  designs  and  colors.  We  marched 
through  this  nation  for  four  days,39  constantly  passing  many  pue- 
blos, for  there  were  days  when  we  passed  two  of  them.  [We  went  on] 
until  we  reached  the  frontier  of  another  nation,40  bordering  on  that 
pueblo.  When  we  reached  the  said  line  and  the  other  nation  we 
halted  two  days  in  order  to  inform  ourselves  of  what  there  was 


36.  The  Spanish  reads,  alias,   tinajas,   comales. 

37.  Our  manuscript   says   twelve  thousand.    Mecham   gives    it   as   two   thousand. 
Op.   cit.,   273    . 

38.  A  full  list  of  the  pueblos  visited  is  given  in  this  relation  beging  on  p.  50. 

39.  They   were   still   among   the   Piros. 

40.  The   Tiguas. 


264         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

farther  inland,  that  we  might  proceed  with  the  journey.  There 
we  were  further  acquainted  with  what  there  was  in  the  interior. 
We  learned  that  there  was  a  large  population,  at  which  we  were 
much  pleased.  We  gave  many  thanks  to  God  because  though  only 
so  few  men  had  come  He  had  been  pleased  to  bring  us  such  good 
tidings.  For,  before  this  time  numerous  Spaniards  with  ample 
commissions  from  viceroys  of  New  Spain  had  entered  the  land  in 
search  of  the  said  discovery  and  settlement,  and  they  had  not  found 
it.41  Thus  we  understood  that  the  project  was  directed  by  the  hand 
of  God  in  wishing  us  to  meet  so  many  people  and  such  a  settlement 
where  the  Holy  Gospel  might  be  planted  in  order  that  the  natives 
there  might  come  to  the  true  knowledge.  Thus  we  went  ahead  very 
happy  and  joyful. 

These  people  support  themselves  by  means  of  corn,  beans  and 
calabashes.  They  make  tortillas  and  catoles  with  buffalo  meat  and 
turkeys,  because  they  have  large  numbers  of  the  latter.  There  is 
not  an  Indian  who  does  not  have  his  corral  in  which  he  keeps  his 
turkeys.  Each  one  holds  a  flock  of  one  hundred  birds.  These 
people  use  campeche  and  cotton  blankets,  for  they  have  large  cotton 
fields.  They  raise  large  numbers  of  small  shaggy  dogs,  which  how- 
ever are  not  like  those  owned  by  the  Spaniards.  They  build  under- 
ground huts  for  them  in  which  they  keep  them. 

Chapter  IX.  How  we  left  the  said  frontier  and  entered  another 
nation  of  people,  and  of  the  reception  we  were  accorded. 

After  leaving  this  nation42  the  Indians  took  us  to  a  large  pue- 
blo of  the  other  nation.  They  received  us,  making  the  sign  of  the 
cross  with  their  hands  as  a  sign  of  peace,  as  the  people  before  had 
done.  As  the  news  spread,  the  procedure  in  this  pueblo  was  fol- 
lowed in  the  others.  We  entered  this  pueblo  and  they  gave  us  much 
corn.  They  showed  us  many  pots  and  other  earthenware  containers 
very  well  painted.  [They  brought]  quantities  of  calabashes  and 
beans  for  us  to  eat.  We  took  little  of  this  now  so  that  they  -hould 
not  think  we  were  coming  to  eat  a  great  deal  and  in  order  not  to 
give  them  the  impression  that  we  did  not  want  it.  They  make  it 
a  point  among  themselves  that  if  one  does  not  take  what  they  give 
they  consider  it  disparaging.  One  must  take  what  they  give,  and 
after  taking  it  may  throw  it  away  wherever  desired.  Should  one 
throw  it  to  the  ground,  and  though  it  be  a  thing  they  can  utilize, 
they  will  not  pick  it  up.  On  the  contrary  they  will  sooner  let  it  rot 
where  it  is  discarded.  This  is  the  practise  among  them.  Thus,  as 


41.  Gallegos   here  refers   to  the  expeditions   of   Coronado   in    1540  and   of   Fran- 
cisco de   Ibarra   in    1565.      After    Coronado's   expedition   the   account    of    it   was    soon 
so   thoroughly    confused    that    he    was    not    supposed    to    have    reached    New    Mexico . 
See  Bancroft,   Arizona  and  New   Mexico,    70. 

42.  The  party  is  now  leaving  the  Piros  country  and  entering  the  Tigua  towns. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  265 

we  understood  their  custom,  we  took  something  of  what  they  gave  us. 
Moreover  we  did  this  to  get  them  into  the  habit  of  giving  of  their 
free  will  without  being  asked.  Accordingly  they  all  brought  what 
they  could.  The  food  supply  of  tortillas  of  corn,  catoles,  calabashes 
and  beans  which  they  brought  was  such  that  enough  was  left  over 
every  day  to  feed  five  hundred  men.  Part  of  this  [surplus]  they 
carried  for  us.  The  women  made  tortillas  similar  to  those  of  New 
Spain.  They  make  them  of  beans  also.  There  are  likewise  in  these 
pueblos,  houses  of  three  and  four  stories  similar  to  the  ones  we  had 
seen  before.  But  the  farther  one  goes  into  the  interior  the  larger  are 
the  pueblos  and  the  houses,  and  the  more  numerous  the  people. 

The  way  they  build  their  houses,  which  are  square,  is  as  fol- 
lows. They  bake  the  clay;  they  build  the  walls  narrow;  they  make 
adobes  for  the  doorways.  The  lumber  used  is  pine  and  willow. 
They  use  many  timbers  ten  and  twelve  feet  long.  They  provide 
them  [the  houses]  with  movable  ladders  by  means  of  which  they 
climb  to  their  quarters.  They  are  movable  wooden  ladders,  for 
when  they  retire  at  night  they  lift  them  up,  since  they  wage  war 
with  one  another. 

These  people  are  clothed  like  the  others.  I  wish  to  describe  here 
their  garments,  because,  for  a  barbarous  people,  it  is  the  best  attire 
that  has  been  found  among  them.  It  is  as  follows.  The  men  have 
their  hair  cut  in  the  fashion  of  caps,  so  that  they  leave  on  their 
caps,  I  mean  on  the  crown  of  their  heads,  a  sort  of  skull  cap  formed 
by  their  own  hair.  Others  wear  their  hair  long,  to  the  shoulders, 
as  the  Indians  of  New  Spain  formerly  did.  Some  adorn  themselves 
with  painted  cotton  pieces  of  cloth  three  spans  long  and  two  thirds 
wide,  with  which  they  cover  their  privy  parts.  Over  this  they  wear, 
fastened  at  the  shoulders,  a  blanket  of  the  same  material,  painted 
with  many  figures  and  colors.  It  reaches  to  their  knees  like  the 
clothes  of  the  Mexicans.  Some,  in  fact  most  of  them,  wear  cotton 
shirts,  hand  painted  and  embroidered,  that  are  very  charming.  They 
wear  shoes.  Below  the  waist  the  women  wear  cotton  skirts,  colored 
and  embroidered,  and  above,  a  blanket  of  the  same  material,  painted 
and  worked  like  those  used  by  the  men.  They  wear  it  after  the 
fashion  of  the  Jewish  women.  They  girth  themselves  over  it  with 
cotton  sashes  adorned  with  tassels.  They  comb  their  hair,  which  is 
long. 

These  people  are  handsome  and  white.  They  are  very  industri- 
ous, for  only  the  men  attend  to  the  work  of  their  corn  fields.  The 
day  hardly  breaks  before  they  go  about  with  their  hoes  in  their  hands. 
The  women  busy  themselves  and  work  only  in  the  preparation  of  food 
and  in  making  and  painting  their  crockery  and  their  chucubites,  in 
which  they  make  their  bread.  These  vessels  are  so  good  and  fine  that 
18 


266         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

it  is  worth  seeing  how  these  chucubites  are  made,  as  good,  and  even 
better,  than  the  ones  that  are  made  in  Portugal.  They  make  their 
earthen  jars  in  which  they  carry  and  keep  their  water.  They  are 
very  large,  and  they  cover  them  with  lids  of  the  same  material. 
They  have  their  milling  stones  on  which  they  grind  their  corn  and 
other  things.  These  are  similar  to  those  in  New  Spain,  except  that 
they  always  keep  them  in  the  same  place,  and  the  women,  if  they 
have  daughters,  compel  them  to  do  the  grinding.  They  are  a  very 
cleanly  people.  The  men  bear  burdens  and  not  the  women.  The 
manner  of  carrying  burdens,  sleeping  eating  and  sitting  down  is 
the  same  as  that  of  the  Mexicans,  both  for  men  and  women.  How- 
ever they  carry  the  water  in  a  different  way.  They  make  a  palm 
knee-cushion  similar  to  those  of  Old  Castile,  put  it  on  the  head,  and 
on  top  of  it  they  place  and  carry  the  water.  It  is  all  very  interest- 
ing. 

The  women  part  their  hair  like  the  Spanish  people.  Some  have 
light  hair,  which  is  surprising.  The  girls  do  not  go  outside  of  their 
rooms  except  when  permitted  by  their  parents.  They  are  very  obedi- 
ent. They  marry  early,  for  from  what  we  saw,  the  women  are 
given  husbands  seventeen  years  of  age.  The  men  have  one  wife 
and  no  more.  The  women  are  the  ones  who  spin,  weave,  decorate 
and  paint.  Some  do  it  as  well  as  the  men.  They  bathe  frequently. 
Their  baths  are  as  good  as  those  of  New  Spain.  In  all  the  valleys 
and  land  that  I  have  seen  there  are  one  hundred  pueblos.  It  [this 
land]  was  named  Provincia  de  San  Felipe  Possession  of  it  was 
taken  in  the  name  of  his  majesty  by  commission  of  his  excellency 
Don  Lorenzo  Suarez  de  Mendoza,  count  of  Coruna,  viceroy,  governor 
and  captain-general  of  New  Spain. 

These  people  call  corn  "cunque;"  water  "pica;"  the  turkey  "dire;" 
and  women  "ayu."  When  they  want  to  drink  they  say  "sesa."  They 
call  the  cotton  blanket  .  .  .  [there  is  a  blank].  Their  language 
is  easily  learned.  They  are  the  most  domestic  and  industrious  people, 
the  best  craftsmen  found  in  New  Spain.  Accordingly  had  we  brought 
along  interpreters,  some  of  them  would  have  become  Christians, 
because  they  are  a  very  intelligent  people  and  willing  to  serve. 

Chapter  X.  How  we  were  informed  of  the  cattle  and  what 
distance  there  was  from  the  province  and  settlement  to  the  place 
and  land  where  they  were. 

While  we  were  at  the  pueblo  which  we  named  Malpartida,43 
a  league  from  the  discovery  that  was  found  and  which  was  called 
San  Mateo,  we  asked  if  there  were  many  metals,  showing  them  the 


43.  It  was  so  named  because  Father  Santa  Maria  set  out  from  that  place  on 
his  return  to  Mexico  and  met  martyrdom  a  few  days  later.  See  below,  p.  40  ff. 
It  was  the  westernmost  pueblo  in  the  Galisteo  valley.  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  map  facing 
272. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  267 

samples  we  brought  for  that  purpose  and  asking  them  to  take  us 
where  the  metals  were.  They  immediately  brought  us  a  large  quantity 
of  metals  of  different  kinds.  They  brought  samples  of  a  copperish 
steel-like  metal.  This  mineral  was  rich,  as  it  appeared.  It  assayed 
about  twenty  maravedis  per  hundred- weight.  The  other  metals 
assayed  less.  We  asked  them  where-from  they  brought  those  metals. 
They  gave  us  to  understand  that  close  by,  near  the  province  and 
pueblo,  were  many  metals,  and  they  thought  that  part  of  them  came 
from  there.41  We  went  to  see  them,  and  mines  of  different  metals 
were  discovered.  These  Indians  pointed  out  to  us  that  the  Indians 
in  the  region  of  the  cattle  gave  them  some  of  those  metals. 

Some  of  these  people  are  striped.  As  they  told  us  of  the  cattle 
we  asked  them  what  sort  of  people  it  was  that  lived  in  the  region 
of  the  cattle,  whether  they  had  houses  and  cultivated  corn;  whether 
they  wore  clothes;  and  how  many  days  the  cattle  were  from  that 
place,  because  we  wanted  to  go  and  see  them.  [We  told  them]  we 
would  reconcile  them  with  those  people.  They  indicated  to  us  that 
the  people  were  not  striped;  that  they  live  on  game  and  eat  nothing 
except  meat  of  the  cattle  during  the  winter;  that  during  the  rainy 
seasrn  they  go  in  search  of  prickly  pears  and  dates;  that  they  do 
not  have  houses,  only  huts  of  cattle-hides;  that  they  move  from 
place  to  place;  that  they  were  their  enemies,  but  they  also  came  to 
their  pueblos  with  articles  of  barter,  such  as  deerskins  and  cattle- 
hides,  for  making  footwear,  and  with  a  large  amount  of  meat  in 
exchange  for  corn  and  blankets;  that  in  this  way,  by  conversing  with 
one  another,  they  came  to  understand  their  language. 

When  we  heard  this  and  the  report  of  the  cattle,  we  decided 
to  find  them,  and  to  explore  the  land  in  which  they  are  found.  For 
we  realized  that  a  place  where  there  were  so  many  cattle,  as  they 
reported,  must  have  good  grazing.  They  had  to  live  in  a  good  coun- 
try with  many  plains  and  plenty  of  water,  according  to  the  num- 
ber of  cattle  the  natives  told  us  there  were.  Taking  handfuls  of 
dirt  they  said  there  were  many  and  that  there  were  many  rivers, 
waterholes  and  swamps  where  the  cattle  roamed.  Thus  we  were 
much  pleased  on  account  of  the  news  they  had  given  us.  In  reply 
to  our  questions  they  answered  that  the  said  cattle  were  two  days 
from  that  place.  We  questioned  them  why  they  were  so  far  from 
the  said  cattle.  They  replied  that  it  was  on  account  of  the  corn  fields 
and  cultivated  lands,  so  the  cattle  would  not  eat  them,  for  during 
certain  seasons  of  the  year  the  cattle  came  within  eight  leagues 
of  the  settlement.  They  said  that  the  Indians  who  followed  the 
cattle  were  very  brave  people  that  they  used  many  arrows,  and 


44.     This  mineral  discovery  was  in  the  Cerrillos  district.     Bandelier,  op.  cit.,  II, 
93-94. 


268         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

that  they  would  kill  us.  But  God  our  Lord  inspired  us  with  such 
courage  that  we  paid  no  attention  to  what  they  told  us,  and  we  de- 
cided to  go  and  see  the  said  cattle.  We  told  them  that  inasmuch 
as  the  said  cattle  were  so  near,  some  of  them  should  accompany  us 
and  that  we  would  kill  game  for  them.  They  answered  that  they 
did  not  want  to,  because  the  people  were  their  enemies,  that  they 
were  bad  people  and  that  they  would  kill  each  other  and  start  trouble. 
As  we  were  too  few  to  force  them  to  go  with  us,  we  did  not  dare  do 
so,  preferring  to  travel  without  a  guide  by  the  route  they  had  indi- 
cated to  us. 

(To  be  concluded) 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  269 

MILITARY  ESCORTS  ON  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL 
(Continued) 

By 
FRED  S.  PERRINE 

(The  first  military  escort  furnished  the  Santa  Fe  trade  by  the 
federal  government,  was  in  1829,  when  four  companies  of  the  Sixth 
Infanry,  under  the  command  of  Major  Bennett  Riley,  left  Jefferson 
Barracks,  Mo.  May  5,  1829,  to  protect  a  caravan  of  about  79  men  and 
38  wagons.  Major  Riley's  report  was  published  in  the  April  number 
of  the  New  Mexico  Historical  Review.  The  next  military  escort 
furnished  the  Santa  Fe  trade  was  that  of  Company  A,  United  States 
Dragoons,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Clifton  Wharton,  in 
1834.  Captain  Wharton's  report,  which  has  never  been  published 
before,  was  unearthed  through  the  efforts  of  Hon.  Chas.  L.  McNary, 
senior  U.  S.  Senator  from  Oregon,  Mr.  Grant  Foreman  and  Mr. 
Fred  S.  Perrine,  and  is  herewith  published. — Editor.) 

Report  of  Captain  Clifton  Wharton,  Company  A,  United  States 
Dragoon  Regiment,  covering  the  Campaign  of  1834,  of  this  escort 
to  the  Santa  Fe  Caravan  of  that  year,  under  the  command  of  Josiah 
Gregg. 

Fort  Gibson,  21st  July  1834. 
Sir. 

I  have  the  honor  to  report  to  the  commanding  Genl., 
the  return  of  my  company  to  this  post,1  and  to  submit  for 
his  information  the  following  narrative  of  circumstances 
connected  with  my  late  march. 

In  obedience  to  orders  directing  me  to  conduct  my  com- 
pany by  the  most  direct  and  practicable  route  to  Cow  Creek2 


1.  Fort    Gibson    was    established    1824    on    the    left    bank    of    the    Neosho    River, 
near   its   mouth,   by   Color.el   Mathew    Arbuckle.      At   first   this    site   was    in    Arkansas 
Territory,    then    by    a    change    of    boundaries    in    the    Cherokee    Territory.       Several 
attempts    were   made   between    1834    and    1838    to    have   the   garrison    moved    to    Fort 
Smith.     It  was   finally  abandoned   in   1857. 

2.  According    to    Gregg    in    his'    Commerce    of    the    Prairies     (Early    Western 
Travels    Series,    vol.    xx,    p.    93)       Cow    Creek    was    located    about    249    miles    from 


270         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

at  the  point  where  it  intersects  the  trace  to  Santa  fee,  and 
thence  to  escort  the  traders  destined  for  Santafee  to  the 
supposed  boundary  of  the  U.  States,  I  took  up  the  line  of 
march  on  the  13th  of  May  last  for  the  Ossage  agency3  hav- 
ing satisfied  myself  on  diligent  enquiry  that  the  most  direct 
rute  up  the  Arkansas  valley  as  was  suggested,  was  an  im- 
practicable one,  encumbered  as  I  was  by  a  waggon,  and 
that  the  one  by  the  Agency  although  not  entirely  direct 
would  prove  by  far  the  best  rute. 

On  the  19th  of  May*  I  met  Lieut  Burguin4  of  the 
Dragoons  whom  the  Genl.,  had  sent  to  Franklin  Mo.5  to 
enquire  of  the  traders  whether  they  desired  an  escort  and 
at  what  period  they  would  probably  set  out  on  their  journey, 
and  from  him  was  pleased  to  learn  that  the  .prospect  was 
good  of  my  being  able  to  intercept  them.  On  the  21st  of 
May  I  reached  the  agency.  At  that  place*  I  was  under 
the  necessity  of  halting  two  days  for  the  purpose  of  mak- 
ing sundry  repairs  to  the  waggon  attached  to  the  command, 
to  shoe  some  horses  and  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  several 
beeves  of  the  commifsariat  which  had  strfayed  off  on  the 
night  of  the  22d.  Our  exertions  to  apprehend  them  hav- 
ing proved  ineffectual,  the  march  was  resumed  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  24th  of  May  the  company  encamped  about  3 
miles  beyond  the  town  of  the  Little  Ossages.6  As  from  this 


Independence,  and  he  also  states  in  vol.  xix,  pp.  207-208,  "after  digging,  bridging, 
shouldering  the  wheels,  with  the  usual  accompaniment  of  whooping,  swearing 
and  cracking  of  whips,  we  soon  got  safely  across."  Hutchinson,  Kansas,  is  located 
at  its  confluence  with  the  Arkansas. 

3.  The  site   of  the   Osage   Agency   in    1834   has   not   been    definitely   located.      It 
was    probably    in    the    immediate    vicinity    of    the    Harmony    Mission    on    the    Osage 
River   in   Missouri. 

4.  John   Henry  K.   Burgwin,   who  was  born   in   North   Carolina,   graduated   from 
West  Point  in  the  class  of  1826,  and  served  three  years   in  the  2nd  Inf.     On   March 
4,    1833    was    appointed   to   the    Dragoon    Regiment,    and    received    his    commission    as 
Captain    in    this    regiment    July    31,    1837.      He    died    Feby.    7,    1847    of    wounds    re- 
ceived on  the  4th.,  in  the  assault  on   Pueblo  de   Taos,   New   Mexico. 

5.  Franklin,    Mo.,    was    the    starting    point    of    very    many    of    the    Santa    Fe 
caravans,   and  furnished  a   large  number  of  the  Santa   Fe  traders. 

6.  Coues    in   Pike's   Explorations,    vol,    ii.    p.    394,    states   that   the   town    of   the 
Little    Ossages    was    located    near    the    Kansas-Missouri    boundary    line,    Northeast    of 
Fort   Scott,   Kan.,   while   in   Thwaites    Early    Western   Travels,    vol.    xvi,    p.    283,    this 
village    is    located    three    miles    from    the    Great    Osage    village    and    on    the    Neosho 
River. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  271 

point  there  was  no  trail  by  which  I  could  direct  my  march 
I  here  procured  an  Indian  guide.  The  character  of  the 
country  convinced  me  that  the  speediest  way  to  reach  Cow 
Creek  would  be  to  strike  the  Santafee  trace  at  the  nearest 
point  of  it  with  the  view  of  availing  myself  of  a  beaten  and 
good  road,  but  knowing  that  in  endeavouring  to  reach  it 
at  such  point  there  would  be  some  danger  of  falling  in  the 
rear  of  the  traders  I  directed  my  course  for  the  South  fork 
of  the  Neosho  river7  instead  of  for  Council  grove8  on  the 
North  fork  which  would  have  been  the  nearest  point  and 
one  at  which  the  traders  usually  halt  a  few  days  to  organise 
themselves,  to  make  repairs  &c.  .  .  . 

By  this  course  I  thought  I  should  expedite  my  move- 
ment, and  at  the  same  time  increase  the  chance  of  strik- 
ing the  tract  at  a  point  in  advance  of  the  Caravan.  The  re- 
sult proved  satisfactory,  as  on  reaching  on  the  3d  of  June 
the  old  trace  of  the  Caravan  where  it  is  intersected  by  the 
South  fork  of  the  Neosho,  I  discovered  that  the  traders 
must  be  in  my  rear.  On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  June* 
I  dispatched  two  men  of  the  command  back  on  the  trace 
with  orders  to  proceed  to  the  distance  of  seventy  or  eighty 
miles  with  the  view  of  learning  the  position  of  the  Caravan, 
and  when  it  would  probably  reach  my  then  encampment, 
that  I  might  be  better  able  to  decide,  having  regard  to  my 
means  of  subsistence,  whether  to  await  its  arrival  or  to 
proceed  immediately  to  the  Buffalo  region. 

The  delay  until  I  could  get  such  information  was 
necef sary  to  recruit  the  horses  of  the  command  very  much 
impaired  by  the  great  exertions  made  to  reach  the  trace 
in  time  to  effect  the  object  for  which  my  company  had 
been  ordered  in  to  the  field.  Owing  to  the  lof s  of  the  horses 
of  the  two  men  detached  on  this  errand  the  first  night  after 
their  departure  my  efforts  to  communicate  with  the  traders 
were  not  only  frustrated  but  I  was  delayed  rather  longer 


7.  By    the    South    Fork    of    the    Neosho    River,    Wharton    evidently    means    the 
present    Cottonwood    River.      He    is    evidently    following    the    same    trail    from    the 
Osage   villages   to   the   Arkansas,   as    was   followed   by    Pike   in    1807-08. 

8.  See    Riley's    Report,    Note    5. 


272          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

than  I  desired  to  be  by  exertions  which  proved  ineffectual 
to  apprehend  the  astray  horses.* 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  18th  of  June9  the  Caravan, 
consisting  of  nearly  a  hundred  waggons,  reached  us.  I 
immediately  proffered  the  service  of  my  company  as  an 
escort  (Appendix  No.  1)*  and  they  were  accepted. 

On  the  morning  of  the  10th  the  Caravan  proceeded  on 
its  route.  No  incident  worth  mentioning  occured  until  the 
night  of  the  17th  of  June.  The  Caravan  had  halted  on 
the  right  bank  of  Walnut  creek10  a  tributary  stream  of  the 
Arkansas,  my  own  encampment  being  between  the  creek 
and  the  waggons.  Late  in  the  night  one  of  my  sentinels 
having  fired  his  rifle,  which  discharge  was  followed  by 
a  fire  from  a  part  of  the  Guard  which  had  hastened  to 
the  sentinel's  post,  the  company  was  immediately  formed 
and  promptly  proceeded  to  the  spot  where  the  alarm  had 
been  given. 

No  enemy,  however,  was  discovered,  and  an  imprefsion 
was  consequently  created  that  the  alarm  was  a  false  one. 
But  subsequent  occurrences  satisfied  me  that  the  Guard 
had  not  only  been  vigilant,  but  correct  when  they  afserted 
that  they  had  fired  on  individuals  approaching  the  Camp 
in  a  Stealthy  manner.  On  the  ensuing  morning  mockasin 
tracks  were  discovered  in  the  vicinity  of  the  spot  where 
the  alarm  had  been  given,  and  Indians,  who  proved  to  be 
of  the  Kansas  tribe,  actually  came  to  the  camp.  In  the 
course  of  the  morning,  the  Caravan  being  still  at  a  halt, 
several  individuals  and  among  them  my  Ossage  interpreter 
went  in  search  of  Buffaloe.  Having  espied  Indians  they 
returned  in  haste  to  the  Camp  followed  for  a  while  by  the 
Indians  in  quick  pursuit.  On  hearing  of  this  seemingly 
hostile  approach  I  hastened  with  my  company  to  the  point 
apparently  of  danger.  The  Indians  soon  came  in  view  rid- 


9.  Evidently   should    be   the    8th    of   June. 

10.  Walnut   Creek,   according  to   Thwaites   in   Early   Western   Travel   Series   vol. 
xvi,   p.   229   note   107,   a   large   stream   flowing   east    from    Lane   through    Ness,    Rush 
and    Barton    counties,    and    reaching    the    Arkansas    four    miles    below    the    town    of 
Great   Bend,    Kansas. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  273 

ing  slowly  with  our  interpreter  at  their  head,  a  fact  that 
of  course  convinced  me  that  they  were  of  some  friendly 
tribe.  A  disposition  to  fire  on  them  was  notwithstanding 
evinced  by  several  irresponsible  persons  attached  to  the 
Caravan  who  had  hastened  to  meet  them  and  which  I  had 
some  difficulty  in  subdoing,  the  persons  concerned  having 
insisted  that  these  Indians  should  not  approach  the  Cara- 
van. Recognising  the  Indians  as  Konsas,  a  people  with 
whom  we  have  a  treaty  and  among  whom  resides  an  agency 
of  our  Government,  their  approach  too  being  in  a  friendly 
manner,  for  what  had  been  construed  into  hostility  on 
their  part,  in  their  pursuit  of  some  of  the  traders  they 
accounted  for  by  saying  that  their  only  object  was  to  over- 
take them  to  convince  them  that  they  were  friends,  a  fact 
they  at  length  succeeded  in  communicating  to  the  Inter- 
preter by  some  signals  made  to  him.  I  felt  that  as  an  of- 
ficer of  the  Army  I  could  not  witnefs  without  a  remons- 
trance any  act  towards  them  on  the  part  of  our  Citizens 
which  would  have  a  tendency  to  disturb  the  pacific  re- 
lations existing  between  them  and  our  Government.  Hav- 
ing shaken  hands  with  these  Indians  I  conducted  them, 
from  a  regard  to  the  view  of  the  traders  who  objected  to 
their  approaching  the  Caravan,  to  a  spot  some  distance 
from  the  waggons  and  there  had  a  talk  with  them. 

This  party  with  which  there  was  a  Chief  having  left 
us,  I  was  visited  in  the  afternoon  by  another  small  party 
of  the  same  tribe  having  a  Chief  at  its  head  also.  He 
brought  with  him  a  treaty  made  between  the  Konsas  and 
our  Government  which  he  desired  me  to  read.  I  recognised 
it  as  an  authentic  document,  told  him  so,  and  afsured  him 
of  our  friendly  disposition,  which  it  was  evident  the  scene 
of  the  morning  had  led  him  to  doubt.  I  mentioned  to  him 
the  presence  of  Indians  near  our  encampment  the  night  be- 
fore, and  exprefsed  my  belief  that  they  were  some  of  his 
people.  The  afsured  me  it  was  not  the  case ;  I  am  notwith- 
standing, however,  persuaded  that  a  small  party  of  the 
Konsas,  probably  without  the  approbation  or  knowledge  of 


274          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

their  Chiefs,  had  approached  the  Caravan  the  night  pre- 
vious with  a  view  to  steal  horses  an  object  which  was 
frustrated  by  the  vigilance  of  my  guard. 

We  took  up  the  line  of  march  again  on  the  19th  of 
June.  On  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  the  month  on  the 
ridge  of  hills  bordering  the  valley  of  the  Arkansas  and 
while  approaching  the  point  where  the  Santafee  trace  is 
intersected  by  the  Arkansas,  information  was  commun- 
icated to  me  that  the  Indians,  supposed  to  be  the  Com- 
anches,  were  ahead  of  us,  that  they  had  pursued  two 
traders  who  had  been  in  advance,  and  that  they  were  com- 
ing towards  us.  I  immediately  conducted  my  company 
forward  with  the  view,  if  I  could  not  from  the  very  small 
number  of  men  disposable,  about  forty  succefsfully  resist 
an  attack,  at  least  to  hold  the  savages  in  check  long  enough 
to  enable  the  Caravan  to  form  a  square.  I  soon  met  the 
Indians  who  were  in  the  act  of  forming  something  like  a 
line.  I  immediately  ordered  the  company  into  line  also 
with  the  intention  of  making  a  charge,  we  were  then  within 
sixty  feet  of  each  other,  but  at  this  moment  the  Comanches, 
for  such  they  proved  to  be,  became  loud  and  active  in  their 
profefsions  of  friendship,,  some  calling  out  in  Spanish 
"buenos  amigos,  buenos  amigos,  good  friends,  good  friends," 
while  another  was  equally  clamorus  exclaiming  in  broken 
English,  "how  do  you  do,  how  do  you  do." 

They  also  unfolded  a  flag  a  Spanish  one  which  it  was 
evident  they  intended  as  a  token  of  peace.  Not  content 
with  these  friendly  demonstrations  some  of  them  dis- 
mounted, and,  having  thrown  their  weapons  on  the  ground, 
approached  us  offering  their  hands,  while  others  discharged 
their  guns  in  the  air.  Such  overtures  of  peace  amounting 
almost  to  subjection  I  felt  bound  to  regard,  and  accordingly 
refrained  from  hostilities.  The  Indians  retired,  but  not 
without  a  close  observation  on  our  part,  the  Caravan  moved 
forward  again,  and  in  a  very  short  time  we  reached  that 
point  where  the  waggons  crofs  the  Arkansas,  and  then  en- 
camped; The  number  of  Camanches,  (known  to  the  In- 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  275 

dians  generally  by  the  name  of  Patokas)  whom  we  had 
met  was  about  forty,  encamped,  however  about  a  mile  dis- 
tant and  on  the  opposite  shore  there  were  others  making 
in  all  probably  about  one  hundred  warriors.  After  we  had 
pitched  our  tents  a  few  of  the  traders  fell  in  with  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  river  a  similar  number  of  Indians.  The 
meeting  was  represented  to  me  as  quite  a  friendly  one,  and 
I  consequently  determined  to  avail  myself  of  the  first  op- 
portunity that  offered  to  hold  a  council  with  these  people 
whom  United  States  troops  had  now  met,  I  believe,  for  the 
second  time  only,  and  for  the  first  in  a  spirit  of  amity.11 
This  opportunity  was  soon  afforded  by  the  presence  on  the 
other  shore  and  directly  opposite  to  us  of  four  or  five  of 
the  Comanches  calling  out  to  us  in  a  seemingly  friendly 
manner  in  their  own  language.  Accompanied  by  one  of 
the  officers  of  my  command  and  by  the  Captain  of  the 
traders,  I  crofsed  the  river,  met  the  Comanches  and  shook 
hands  with  them.  Through  a  man  whom  I  had  along  with 
me  and  who  had  once  been  a  few  months  in  their  villages 
they  exprefsed  their  desire  that  we  should  visit  their  en- 
campment, offering  as  an  inducement  a  plenty  of  fat  Buf- 
falo meat  with  which  they  would  make  a  feast  for  us.  I 
had  commenced  my  endeavours  to  have  a  talk  with  them 
when  they  became  alarmed  by  the  numbers  whose  curiosity 
had  induced  them  to  crofs  from  our  side  of  the  river  and 
who  were  approaching  us.  The  Indians  at  first  manifested 
a  wish  to  retire  but  on  my  urging  them  to  stay,  they  dis- 
patched off  a  mefsenger,  and  ere  long  a  large  number  was 
seen  leaving  their  camp,  and  approaching  us  on  foot  with  a 
flag  displayed. 

On  ther  stating  that  the  principal  Chief  was  not  then 
present,  and  their  desire  that  we  should  see  him  I  proposed 
to  them  that  in  the  afternoon  five  individuals  of  each  party 
and  only  five,  should  meet  on  their  side  of  the  river  with 
a  view  of  having  a  friendly  talk  and  a  Smoke. 


11.  Referring  undoubtedly  to  the  escort  of  1829  under  Major  Bennett  Riley. 
An  instance  that  would  go  to  show  that  there  had  been  no  federal  escort  furnished 
Santa  Fe  traders,  between  1829,  and  the  present  escort  of  1834. 


276          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

On  their  af  senting  to  this  proposal  I  returned  to  Camp. 
A  short  time  after  this  interview,  the  Indians,  whom  I  have 
mentioned  as  having  been  seen  advancing  from  their  Camp 
with  a  flag  displayed,  having  in  the  meantime  reached 
the  point  where  I  had  just  had  the  meeting  alluded  to,  I 
was  informed  that  many  of  the  traders  were  in  the  act  of 
conducting  a  piece  of  artillery  to  a  point  opposite  that  at 
which  the  Indians  were  Quietly  standing  in  a  large  group 
with  the  avowed  intention  of  firing  on  them.  I  hastened 
immediately  to  the  Captain  of  the  Caravan  to  remonstrate 
against  the  measure,  not  only  as  a  violation  of  my  pledge 
of  a  friendly  disposition  towards  the  Indians  and  one  which 
would  effectually  prevent  the  meeting  which  I  had  proposed 
should  take  place  between  us,  as  an  act  of  positive  cruelty. 

While  I  was  engaged  thus  on  this  subject,  one  of  the 
officers  of  my  company  fearing  the  rashness  of  the  traders 
dragging  the  cannon  forward  would  precipitate  difficulties 
from  which  it  would  not  be  easy  to  extricate  them,  hastened 
to  the  spot  to  which  the  piece  of  ordnance  had  been  drawn 
and  urgently  protested  against  any  hostile  act  towards 
the  Indians  on  the  opposite  shore.  He  received  in  reply 
much  personal  abuse  with  even  threats  of  personal  violence. 
The  Captain  of  the  traders  at  this  juncture  interfered  and 
the  act  contemplated  was  not  carried  into  execution.  I 
have  introduced  for  the  General's  notice  this  incident  to 
show  him  the  difficulty  of  preserving  harmony  between  a 
military  escort  and  a  set  of  irresponsible  individuals  such 
as  those  who  were  concerned  in  the  measure  alluded,  to  for 
I  have  pleasure  in  adding  that  none  of  the  many  intelligent 
and  respectable  persons  interested  in  the  Caravan  took  any 
part  in  the  scene  I  have  been  describing.  The  termination 
of  this  affair  was  followed  by  a  disappointment  w7hich  has 
been  a  source  of  great  regret  to  me.  I  had  entertained 
strong  hopes  of  effecting  much  good  at  the  meeting  to  take 
place  in  the  afternoon  between  the  Comanches  and  my- 
self. It  is  true  I  had  no  special  authority  to  hold  a  council 
with,  or,  to  make  overtures  or  promises  to,  the  Indian  tribes 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  277 

whom  I  might  meet  on  my  march,  I  conceived,  however,  it 
would  not  be  transcending  my  duty  on  all  proper  occasions 
to  endeavour  to  imprefs  on  the  minds  of  the  Indians  the 
desire  of  our  Government  to  be  at  peace  with  them,  and 
that  they  should  be  at  peace  with  each  other.  In  further- 
ance of  this  opinion  it  was  my  intention  to  have  said  to 
the  Comanches,  that  our  people  and  theirs  had  little  ac- 
quaintance with  each  other,  that  we  had  heard  of  them, 
however,  and  desired  to  be  their  friends  if  they  would  act 
in  such  a  manner  towards  our  people  as  to  justify  our 
friendship.  Having  heard  an  opinion  exprefsed  before  I 
left  this  Post,  that  the  command  which  it  was  designed  to 
send  into  the  Pawnee  Pict  country  this  summer  would  be 
so  large  a  one  as  effectually  to  prevent  any  meeting 
whether  pacific  or  otherwise  between  it  and  the  Pawnees, 
for  the  reason  that  the  latter  would  disperse  and  avoid  the 
former  from  apprehension;  and  knowing  the  desire  felt 
to  effect  through  that  command  the  liberation  of  the  Ran- 
ger Abbey,12  supposed  to  be  yet  alive  and  in  captivity  among 
those  savages,  I  thought  the  occasion  a  most  fortunate  and 
opportune  one,  to  promote  what  I  conceived  to  be  the  views 
of  the  Government  in  the  case,  and  to  serve  the  cause  of 
humanity  I  had  therefore  intended  to  say  also  to  the  Coman- 
ches, neighbours  of  the  Pawnee  Picts,  and  frequently  mis- 
taken for  them,  that  there  were  a  great  many  of  our  people 
coming  soon  towards  their  country,  that  they  were  friendly 
disposed  towards  them,  and  that  therefore  should  they  hear 
of,  or  see  those  people  of  ours  they  must  not  be  alarmed  and 
run  away,  but  they  should  go  forward  and  meet  them  and 
shake  hands,  and  have  a  talk  with  them,  and  that  the  other 
kindred  tribes  ought  to  do  the  same.  It  was  not  my  in- 
tention to  have  said  a  word  about  the  special  objects  of  the 


12.  The  expedition  here  mentioned  was  under  the  command  of  General  Henry 
Leavenworth,  but  after  his  death  on  July  21,  1834.,  the  campaign  was  successfully 
brought  to  an  end  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Henry  Dodge.  The  expedition 
was  made  for  the  express  purpose  of  recovering  from  the  Indians,  Matthew  Wright 
Martin,  a  white  boy,  and  Ranger  George  B.  Abbay,  both  of  whom  had  been 
captured  in  1833.  See  Chronicles  of  Oklahoma,  vol.  ii,  number  3,  "Journal  of 
Hugh  Evans,"  edited  by  Fred  S.  Perrine,  for  particulars  regarding  this  expedition. 


278          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

command  in  visiting  that  section  of  country,  but  to  prevent 
the  frustration  of  those  objects  by  any  alarm  on  the  part 
of  the  Indians  causing  them  to  avoid  the  command.  But 
the  opportunity  to  make  these  statements  I  lost.  While 
engaged  in  writing  in  my  tent,  the  Captain  of  the  Caravan, 
who  was  present  when  the  contemplated  meeting  was 
agreed  upon,  on  seeing  some  Indians  again  on  the  opposite 
shore,  without  giving  me  any  notice  crofsed  over,  as  I  was 
informed,  with  precisely  four  individuals  thus  making  the 
number  it  was  agreed  should  attend  the  meeting  on  our 
part.  He  met  the  Comanches,  and,  as  I  was  told,  having 
laconically  said  to  them,  "We  are  disposed  to  be  friends, 
but  you  must  keep  off,  and  if  you  do  not,  the  Soldiers, 
meaning  my  command,  will  fire  upon  you,"  returned  to 
camp,  the  Indians  retiring  also.  Thus,  Sir,  was  my  object 
in  this  matter  entirely  defeated,  an  object,  which  I  thought, 
if  attained,  would  have  efsentially  promoted  the  views  of 
the  commanding  General,  and  views  which  he  had  very 
much  at  heart.13 

Having  now  reached  the  generally  supposed  boundary 
line  of  the  country  beyond  which  no  escort  had  hereto- 
fore, with  one  exception,  ever  passed,  it  became  proper  that 
I  should  duly  survey  all  circumstances  effecting  the  wel- 
fare of  my  command  at  so  great  a  distance  as  it  was  from 
aid  or  supplies,  as  well  as  those  connected  with  the  safety  of 
the  Caravan.  Accordingly  on  the  26th  of  June  I  ordered 
a  Board  of  officers  to  report  on  the  condition  of  the  waggon 
and  waggon  horses  attached  to  the  command.  The  Board 


13.  This  is  but  another  instance  showing  that  while  asking  military  aid  and 
escort,  the  traders  were  inclined  to  paddle  their  own  canoe.  The  above  instance  re- 
corded by  Captain  Wharton,  of  members  of  the  caravan  placing  a  piece  of  artil- 
lery in  position  to  annihilate  a  band  of  Indians  who  were  professedly  friendly,  is 
only  one  of  a  great  many  of  similar  intent.  While  Gregg,  who  was  supposed  to 
oe  an  honorable  man,  evidently  deprecated  the  length  to  which  some  of  his  men 
had  gone  on  this  occasion,  he  showed  his  true  colors  later  in  the  day,  by  crossing 
the  river,  meeting  the  Indians  who  were  undoubtedly  awaiting  the  arrival  of 
Captain  Wharton  for  a  peace  talk  and  smoke,  and,  unknown  to  Captain  Wharton, 
telling  the  Indians,  assembled  for  a  council  with  an  officer  of  the  United  States 
Army,  that  they  had  better  keep  away,  or  the  soldiers  would  fire  on  them. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  279 

pronounced  both  "unfit  for  the  service  that  will  be  required 
of  them"— (Appendix  No.  2)* 

In  answer  to  a  call  on  the  afsistant  comifsary  for  a 
statement  of  provisions  on  hand,  th&t  officer  reported 
"four  barrells  of  flour,  fifty  pounds  of  pork  about,  from 
twenty  to  thirty  pounds  of  sugar,  from  eighty  to  one  hun- 
dred pounds  of  coffee."  By  a  remark  of  the  Commifsary 
(Appendix  No.  3)*  it  would  seem  that  at  this  time  even 
at  the  reduced  allowance  on  which  the  command  [had] 
been  for  some  time  previously  the  quantity  of  flour  was 
not  equal  to  twenty  days  supply. 

The  condition  of  the  company  and  pack  horses  I  as- 
certained myself.  The  former  were  very  much  reduced  in 
flesh  and  proportionably  debilitated ;  the  latter  were  equal- 
ly so,  some  of  them  having  also  such  diseased  backs  as 
to  make  them  incapable  of  bearing  but  the  most  trifling 
weight,  -  two  were  positively  unfit  for  service.  In  reflect- 
ing next  on  the  dangers  to  which  the  Caravan  might  be 
exposed  on  the  residue  of  its  route,  I  felt  that  it  would  be 
my  duty,  as  it  would  have  been  my  inclination,  to  continue 
with  it  so  long  as  a  foe  was  menacing,  it,  and  even  after 
that  foe  h(ad  retired  to  accompany  it,  should  future  danger 
justly  be  apprehended,  to  such  a  point  as  my  supplies  and 
my  orders  would  allow  me  to  proceed,  taking  care,  in  re- 
ference to  my  orders,  that  in  exercising  any  discretion 
which  they  allowed  me,  I  did  not  violate  any  injunction 
with  reguard  to  which  I  had  no  discretion  given  me.  The 
recent  friendly  demonstrations  of  the  Comanches  induced 
me  to  think  that  the  traders  were  in  no  danger  of  an  attack 
from  them.  Two  or  three  stragglers  from  the  Caravan,  it 
was  not  improbable,  would  incur  risk  from  meeting  a  small 
party  of  that  people  but  I  did  not  believe  with  due  cir- 
cumspection, avoiding  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  and 
exercising  a  proper  vigilance,  the  Caravan  had  much  to 
fear,  for  I  was  told  by  the  traders  themselves  that  there 
never  yet  had  been  any  deliberate  or  formidable  attack 
attempted  against  them  by  the  savage  tribes  through  whose 


280          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

hunting  grounds  the  Caravan  yearly  pafsed.  It  was  after 
I  had  the  friendly  interview  with  some  of  the  Comanches 
alluded  to  in  another  part  of  this  communication  that  I 
addrefsed  the  Captain  of  the  traders  a  letter  stating  how 
far  the  nature  of  my  orders  and  the  state  of  my  supplies 
would  allow  me  to  accompany  him.  (Appendix  No.  4)  * 

On  the  following  morning,  the  27th  of  June,  the  Cara- 
van crofsed  the  Arkansas  accompanied  by  my  command, 
and  in  the  course  of  the  day  I  received  a  letter  in  reply  to 
mine  of  the  day  before.  (Appendix  No.  5)* 

In  his  communication  my  attention  is  called  to  certain 
rumours  of  an  intended  attack  on  the  Caravan.  These 
rumours  I  had  heard  after  joining  the  traders,  and  only  re- 
garded them  as  rumours,  and  to  which  it  seemed  to  me 
evident  the  tnaders  themselves  had  not  attached  much 
importance,  as  they  had  heard  them  before  leaving  Mif- 
souri,  had  made  no  unusual  preparations  for  defense  in 
consequence  of  them,  indeed,  had  set  out  with  an  [no]  ex- 
pectation of  having  an  escort  as  usual  on  their  route,  for 
the  meeting  with  my  company  w-as  entirely  unlocked  for. 
The  Afsertion  of  Captain  Gregg  that  the  Comanches  were 
seen  at  the  time  of  his  writing  me  menacing  the  Camp, 
looking  from  all  sides  into  it  I  am  at  a  lofs  to  account  for. 
The  waggons  effected  the  pafsage  of  the  river,  a  tedious 
operation,  without  the  least  molestation,  a  few  Comanches 
at  a  considerable  distance  off  looking  on,  no  doubt,  in  a 
spirit  of  curiosity,  and  it  was  not  until  we  were  entirely 
over,  as  if  in  fear  of  some  attack  from  us,  that  they  ven- 
tured down  into  the  valley.  They  then  descended,  the 
party  consisting  of  not  more  than  ten  or  twelve,  to  our 
late  encampment,  and,  like  true  Indians,  endeavoured  to 
find  such  things  as  had  been  abandoned  by  us.  Through 
the  subsequent  part  of  the  day  I  saw  nothing  of  them,  but 
I  heard  that  a  small  party  of  the  traders  taking  a  flag 
with  them  with  the  view  of  decoying  the  Indians  from 
their  Camp,  about  two  miles  below  ours,  had  set  out  with 
the  intention  of  firing  on  the  Comanches  should  they  sue- 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  281 

ceed  in  getting  those  Indians  from  their  own  encampment., 
Captain  Gregg,  having  in  his  letter,  in  view  of  the  dan- 
gers he  apprehended  to  the  Caravan,  requested  me  to  af- 
ford it  protection  to  the  utmost  limit  of  my  discretion,  I 
determined  at  once  to  apprise  him  of  the  point  beyond 
which  under  any  circumstances  I  could  not  accompany  the 
Caravan,  and  accordingly  addrefsed  him  another  communi- 
cation (Appendix  6)  *  informing  him  that  point  was  where 
the  Santafee  trace  is  intersected  by  the  Semirone  river, 
a  stream  which  I  believe  is  considered  clearly  within  the 
limits  of  Mexico.  To  have  gone  beyond  that  point  I  would 
have  been  under  the  necef sity,  owing  to  the  condition  of  my 
horses  and  the  state  of  my  supplies,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
cruiting the  former  and  of  replenishing  the  latter,  of  taking 
my  company  into  the  very  settlements  of  Mexico,  (See 
appendix  Capt.  Smith's  Letter  )  *  a  step  which  would  have 
been  a  flagrant  violation  of  my  instructions,  as  I  was 
directed  "not  on  any  account"  to  go  "within  what  may  be 
clearly  and  fairly  known  to  be  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Mexi- 
can Republic."  The  gentleman  to  whom  this  last  letter 
was  addrefsed,  having  on  the  way  of  its  reception  resigned 
his  office  as  Captain,  the  communication  was  handed  to 
his  succefsor  from  whom  I  received  one  in  reply  (Appendix 
No.  7)  *  In  this  reply  a  desire  is  exprefsed  that  I  would 
accompany  the  Caravan  as  far  as  the  Canadian  fork  of 
the  Arkansas,  called,  I  was  told,  the  Rio  Colorado  by  the 
Mexicans,  but  if  I  could  not  proceed  so  far  the  services 
of  my  company  are  declined.  As  I  had  already  stated  the 
reasons  which  would  prevent  my  going  so  far  it  now  only 
remained  for  me  to  make  my  arrangements  for  a  return 
march.  Accordingly,  I  directed  the  waggon  of  the  Qrmas- 
ters  department  to  be  sold,  as  also  all  stores,  tools,  medicnes, 
&c.,  not  actually  indispensable,  a  measure  rendered  necef- 
sary  by  the  very  limited  means  of  transportation  left  me. 
On  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  June  the  Caravan  proceeded 
on  its  journey,  no  Comianches,  or  other  Indians,  since 
early  on  the  previous  morning  having  been  seen,  indeed 
19 


282          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  Comanches  broke  up  their  encampment  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  27th,  and,  as  I  was  informed  by  some  of  my 
men,  who  were  on  the  lookout,  went  off  in  an  Easterly 
direction.  After  seeing  the  traders  off  I  recrofsed  the 
Arkansas  with  my  command,  and  took  up  the  line  of  march 
for  this  place.  On  the  13th  inst.  I  reached  the  Ossage 
agency  and  on  the  19th  arrived  at  this  post,  my  last  ifsue 
of  flour  having  been  made  the  day  before.  The  horses 
are  nearly  broken  down  many  entirely  so  two  I  was  obliged 
to  leave  behind,  one  at  the  agency,  the  other  at  an  Indian 
village  on, this  side. 

On  my  return  march  between  the  Arkansas  and  the 
Pawnee  fork  of  that  river  I  met  a  party  of  the  Pawnee 
Mahaus,  a  people  whom  the  Santafee  traders  look  upon 
as  decided  enemies.  To  us,  however,  they  acted  in  the 
most  friendly  manner,  insisting  on  our  halting  to  have  a 
talk  and  smoke  with  them.  Having  acceeded  to  their 
wishes  a  council  was  regularly  held  at  which  the  pro- 
fefsions  of  friendship  usual  on  such  occasions  were  cheer- 
fully exchanged.  Between  Walnut  and  Cow  creeks  two 
tributary  streams  of  the  Arkansas  I  met  the  Konsas  and 
the  Little  Ossage.  They  also  were  very  friendly. 

On  parting  with  the  traders  I  found  it  was  not  practic- 
able to  have  "an  exprefs  understanding  with  them  as  to 
the  time  they  will  return"  as  was  required  of  me  in  the 
orders  I  received  from  Col.  Dodge.  Various  interests  and 
views  are  connected  with  this  trade.  Some  proprietors 
dispose  of  their  goods  by  wholesale,  others  add  to  the  stock 
of  a  regular  establishment  in  Santafee,  others  again  stop 
at  Tous,  while  there  are  many  who  penetrating  into  the 
settlements  more  in  the  interior  of  the  country  there  vend 
their  merchandise  &c  by  retail,  hence  it  is  not  pofsible  for 
them  to  say  with  certainty  until  they  reach  Santafee  when 
they  will  set  out  on  their  return.  This  much,  however,  I 
learned ;  that  it  would  take  about  thirty  days  from  the  time 
of  the  departure  of  the  Caravan  from  the  Arkansas  for  it 
to  reach  Santafee,  that  generally  the  traders  stop  in  Mexico 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  283 

about  six  weeks,  and  that  on  their  return  their  movements 
are  much  more  expeditious  than  on  going  out.     Allowing 
them  thirty  days  from  the  28th  of  June  for  the  residue 
of  their  journey  out,  six  weeks  for  delay  in  Mexico,  and 
twenty  days  to  return  as  far  as  the  Arkansas,  an  escort 
might  meet  them  where  they  crofs  that  river  between  the 
25th  of  Sept  and  the  7th  of  Oct  next.     It  is  my  opinion 
that  no  escort  on  the  Caravan  need  accompany  it  farther 
on  its  route  than  Walnut  creek;  there  I  am  told,  the  wag- 
gons usually  begin  to  separate  and  thereafter  little  or  no 
danger  is  apprehended.     From  Walnut  creek  a  nearly  due 
East  course  will  conduct  an  escort,  on  its  return,  to  Cow 
creek,  thence  to  the  little  Arkansas,  and  thence  by  the  well 
beaten  trail  of  the  little  Ossages  to  the  little  Ossage  town 
which  is  but  fifteen  miles  from  the  residence  of  the  agent. 
It  was  by  this  route  I  returned  myself  without  meeting  any 
difficulties  on  it.    It  is  not  a  practicable  one  for  a  waggon, 
and  in  a  very  high  stage  of  water  might  give  some  trouble 
even  to  horsemen,  as  streams  are  crof sed  not  very  far  from 
their  mouths.    It  would  always,  however,  be  in  the  power 
of  a  commander  to  take  a  parallel  line  higher  up  stream 
without  extending  his  route  much  should  he  find  the  waters 
low  down  presenting  obstacles  to  his  advance.     An  escort 
going  out  from  this  place  to  accompany  the  Caravan  on  its 
outward  journey  I  would  advise  to  proceed  as  far  as  the 
little  Arkansas  before  halting  for  the  traders.     No  pro- 
tection, I  think,  would  be  needed  by  them  before  their  ar- 
rival at  that  point,  and  there  Buffaloe  are  to  be  found  and 
the  grazing  is  good.     While  speaking  of  the  route,  I  beg 
leave  to  say  a  few  words  on  the  subject  of  the  necefsity 
of  an  escort.    So  long  as  the  Indian  tribes  within  our  ter- 
ritory are  at  peace  with  us  and  each  other  I  do  not  think 
the  Caravan  has  to  fear  any  regular  attack  on  it  within  our 
boundary  unlefs  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  it,  and  then 
only  from  those  tribes  of  Indians  with  whom  we  have  little 
intercourse.    Horse  thieves  may  follow  it,  and  a  small  party 
of  young  warriors  might  rob  a  straggling  trader  even  near 


284          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  limits  of  Mifsouri,  but  past  experience  shows  that  any 
organized  regular  attack  is  not  to  be  apprehended.  It  is 
between  the  Arkansas  river  and  the  Rio  Colorado  indeed  to 
within  seventy  miles  of  Santafee  that  the  greatest  danger 
exists,  and  the  fact,  that  all  protection  but  that  afforded 
by  a  few  Mexican  Troops,  who  proceed  no  farther  north 
than  the  Rio  Colorado,  is  withdrawn  at  the  moment  peril 
commences,  acts  morally,  I  think,  to  place  the  traders  in 
a  worse  situation  for  defense  against  that  danger  than  they 
would  be  if  no  escort  had  previously  accompanied  them,  for 
while  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops  inspires  confidence  in 
the  Indians,  their  previous  presence  will  have  the  effect  of 
qausing  a  habit  of  negligence  and  lack  of  vigilance  on  the 
part  of  the  traders  which  present  danger  would  scarce  prove 
a  timely  remedy  for.  If,  therefore,  the  trade  is  deemed  of 
sufficient  importance  to  the  people  of  both  countries,  it  is 
made  between  our  Government  and  that  of  Mexico  for  its 
greatly  to  be  desired,  that  some  special  arrangement  was 
due  protection  after  it  shall  have  p^afsed  the  supposed 
boundary  of  our  Country  and  ere  the  Caravan  shall  have 
reached  the  settlements  of  Mexico,  either  by  allowing  our 
troops  to  go  to  said  settlements  there  to  remain  until  the 
return  of  the  Caravan,  or  by  causing  the  Mexican  troops 
to  meet  those  of  the  United  States  on  the  supposed  boundary 
line  of  the  two  Countries. 

I  propose  sending  to  the  Genl.  so  soon  as  my  health, 
which  has  been  indifferent  since  my  return,  will  allow  me, 
extracts  from  a  private  journal  kept  by  me  during  the 
march.  These  extracts  will  embrace  all  the  information 
I  could  gather  on  such  points  as  the  Genl.  desired  infor- 
mation and  which  he  directed  I  should  cause  to  be  noted 
in  a  journal. 

In  closing  this  report  I  feel  it  due  to  the  officers  and 
men  of  my  late  Command  to  say,  that  on  the  several  oc- 
casions on  which  they  were  suddenly  called  out  by  alarms 
in  Camp  they  repaired  to  their  Posts  with  an  alacrity  which 
would  have  done  credit  to  much  older  Soldiers,  conduct, 
which,  added  to  the  coolnefs  they  displayed  in  such  in- 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  285 

stances,  inspired  me  with  a  degree  of  confidence  in  them 
calculated  to  supply  any  want  of  numbers  to  meet  an  op- 
posing foe.  To  Lieut.  Luptons'  energy,  promptness  and 
ingenuity  as  afsistant  Commifsary  and  Acting  Qrmaster 
I  was  particularly  indebted  for  facilities  in  both  the  De- 
partments of  which  he  had  charge.  He  will  be  found  an 
active  Staff  officer  on  any  subsequent  occasion  requiring 
services  of  him  in  that  capacity.  Finally,  Sir,  I  refer  the 
Genl.  to  two  communications  addrefsed  to  me  by  the  Santa- 
fee  traders  on  the  eve  of  our  separation.  (Appendix  Nos. 
8&9)* 

If  to  the  approbation  of  my  fellow  citizens,  as  ex- 
prefsed  in  these  documents  I  may  be  able  to  add  that  of 
the  Commanding  Genl.    I  shall  be  amply  compensated  for 
no  inconsiderable  fatigue  and  exposure  on  my  late  march. 
I  am,  Sir,  respectfully 
your  ob  ser, 
(signed)  Clifton  Wharton 

Cap  of  Dragoons 
Lieut  H.  Swartwout 
A.  D.  C.  Act  aj  ad  Genl 
Fort  Towson. 

P.  S.  In  the  appendix  will  be  found  copies  of  orders  ifsued 
on  the  March.  C.  W. 

A  copy  of  these  two  letters,  (Nos.  8  and  9)  was  printed 
in  the  St.  Louis  Republican,  dated  August  26,  1834.  The 
text  of  the  letters  as  printed  is  the  same  as  shown  above, 
but  there  is  a  little  discrepancy  in  the  initials  and  names 
of  the  signers  of  letter  No.  9.  As  shown  in  the  Republican 
the  signers  were ; 

T.  J.  Boggs  James  Sutton 

J.  L.  Collins  P.  A.  Masure 

Saml.  Miller  Brossard 

Jas.  B.  Turley  J.  G.  Smith 

J.  T.  Wood  A.  J.  Rains 

Wm.  Hook  Ed  Charless 

Josiah  Gregg 


286          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

I  am  very  deeply  indebted  to  Miss  Stella  M.  Drumm,  Li- 
brarian of  the  Missouri  Historical  Society  for  the  follow- 
ing information  regarding  a  few  of  these  signers,  as  fol- 
lows: 

Thomas  J.  Boggs,  was  a  son  of  Gov.  Lilburn  W.  Boggs, 
and  was  a  great  friend  of  Kit  Carson.  He  was  in  the  Santa 
Fe  trade  for  many  years,  spending  the  most  of  his  time  in 
and  around  Fort  Bent. 

P.  A.  Masure  was  Dr.  Philippe  Auguste  Masure,  born 
in  Belgium  and  came  to  St.  Louis  about  1827.  In  1846  Dr. 
Masure  went  to  Santa  Fe,  and  seems  to  have  remained  in 
New  Mexico  or  Mexico,  the  remainder  of  his  life,  for  I 
find  no  record  of  his  having  ever  returned. 

Edward  Charless,  was  born  in  Philadelphia  April  12, 
1799.  Married  Miss  Jane  Stoddard  at  St.  Charles,  Mo.,  in 
March  1823,  and  died  June  22,  1848. 

Brassard,  I  think  must  be  Brosseau,  as  there  were  two 
men  of  that  name  living  in  St.  Louis  in  1833,  and  no  Bras- 
sard. 

A.  J.  Rains  carried  the  title  of  Major,  and  made  a 
trip  to  California  in  the  early  thirties,  returning  to  St.  Louis 
in  August,  1833. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Captain  Wharton,  seems 
to  imply,  that  there  were  other  Government  escorts  fur- 
nished the  Santa  Fe  trade,  prior  to  1834,  and  in  addition 
to  the  escort  under  Major  Riley,  in  1829,  for  he  states  in 
letter  No.  4  to  Captain  Gregg:  "My  company  of  Dragoons, 
having  accompanied  as  an  escort  ...  so  far  as  the  sup- 
posed boundary  line  of  the  United  States,  and  beyond  which 
line  no  previous  escort  ivith  one  exception,  has  felt  itself 
at  liberty  to  pass  .  .  .  .  "  Here  Captain  Wharton  distinct- 
ly states  that  one  other  escort,  had  crossed  this  line,  and 
infers  that  other  escorts  had  come  only  as  far  as  this  line. 
He  again  states;  "The  traders  themselves  .  .  .  had  set 
out  with  no  expectation  of  having  an  escort  as  usual  on  their 
route,"  here  implying  that  escorts  had  usually  been  fur- 
nished. Had  only  one  escort  ever  been  furnished,  that  of 
Major  Riley  in  1829,  no  mention  could  have  been  made  of 
the  usual  escort;  and  again  Gregg  in  his  letter  of  the  27th 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  287 

of  June  to  Captain  Wharton  says:  "although  it  is  well 
known  that  your  Company  is  beyond  Comparison  the  small- 
est escort  that  has  heretofore  accompanied  a  'Santa  Fe' 
expedition,  ....  yet  .  .  .  the  Protection  it  has  afforded 
us  has  been  equal  to  that  of  any  previous  escort." 

From  the  evidence  at  hand  it  is  safe  to  assume  that 
other  escorts  were  furnished  the  Santa  Fe  trade  between 
the  years  1829  and  1834,  although  the  War  Department, 
are  seemingly  unable  to  show  any  records  of  such  escorts. 

The  next  government  escort  of  which  we  have  know- 
ledge, was  furnished  evidently  for  two  different  caravans 
in  1843,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Philip  St.  George 
Cooke,  of  the  1st  Regiment  of  Dragoons. 

Dr.  Reuben  Gold  Thwaites,  in  Gregg's  Commerce  of 
the  Prairies,  Early  Western  Series,  vol.  xix  p.  187,  states 
regarding  Captain  Cooke:  "his  first  active  service  was 
connected  with  the  Black  Hjawk  War  in  1832,"  but  we  find 
him  performing  very  active  service  with  Major  Riley  in 
the  capacity  of  2nd  Lieutenant  in  the  6th  Infantry  in  1829. 

Cooke  writes  of  the  Riley  escort  in  1829  in  his  Scenes 
and  Adventures  in  the  Army  (New  York  1857  and  Phil- 
adelphia 1859),  and  before  taking  up  the  escorts  of  1843 
it  possibly  might  be  well  to  see  what  he  has  to  say  relative 
to  the  escort  of  1829.  A  brief  resume  of  his  experiences 
with  Major  Riley  follows: 

Four  companies  of  the  6th  Infantry  were  ordered 
filled  up,  officers  and  men  by  selection,  and  were  ordered 
to  march  as  the  first  escort  of  the  annual  caravan  of  tra- 
ders, going  and  returning  between  Western  Missouri  and 
Santa  Fe.  This  detachment  left  Jefferson  Barracks,  Mo., 
May  4,  1829,  and  arrived  ten  days  later  at  Cantonment 
Leavenworth.  They  were  not  to  march  for  a  week  or  two, 
as  arrangements  for  meeting  the  traders  at  Round  Grove 
some  fifty  miles  west  had  already  been  made.  On  the 
fifth  of  June  they  started,  marched  seven  miles  the  first 
day  to  a  point  where  half  of  the  baggiage  wagons  were 


288          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

stuck  in  the  Little  Platte  River  for  the  night.  For  break- 
fast the  next  morning  the  mess  to  which  Lieutenant  Cooke 
belonged  regaled  themselves  on  "cub"  meat. 

A  laborious  march  of  five  days  more  brought  them 
to  the  limits  of  the  "Grand  Prairie."  Here  was  the  last 

house  on  the  route,  occupied  by  "old  Major  C ," 

sub-agent  of  the  Deljawares. 

The  next  days'  march  of  twenty-six  miles  was  a  dry 
one  with  no  water  until  they  arrived  that  night  at  Round 
Grove.  The  caravan  of  traders  was  here  met,  about  seventy 
in  number  with  about  half  as  many  wagons,  with  mule 
and  a  few  horse  teams.  The  caravan  was  here  organized 
and  Mr.  B of  St.  Louis  was  elected  Captain. 

Marching  from  15  to  20  miles  a  day  for  five  or  six 
3ays,  the  caravan  and  its  escort  arrived  at  Council  Grove, 
"a  beautiful  piece  of  timber,  through  which  runs  the 
Neosho  River."  After  leaving  Council  Grove  the  monotony 
of  the  prairie  was  only  occasionally  relieved  by  a  fringe 
of  trees  along  a  creek  bottom.  Near  the  first  cry  of  "buf- 
faloe  buffaloe"  was  heard. 

After  leaving  the  Cottonwood  branch  of  the  Arkansas, 
the  first  night's  encampment  was  on  Raccoon  Creek,  which 
was  the  last  creek  they  saw  on  the  way  out.  After  travel- 
ing something  like  130  miles,  in  view  of  the  Arkansas,  or 
"its  adjoining  scenery,"  they  reached  the  valley  of  the  up- 
per Arkansas  it  being  about  a  mile  wide;  mile  after  mile 
of  the  prairie  was  black  with  buffalo.  One  entire  morning 
was  spent  passing  through  herds  of  buffalo,  who  opened 
in  front  and  closed  up  in  the  rear  of  the  caravan,  leaving 
a  clear  path  of  scarcely  300  yards.  This  same  morning  the 
caravan  was  charged  by  a  buffalo  bull,  who  although  fired 
at  by  the  officers,  and  chased  by  the  dogs,  dashed  between 
two  wagons,  frightening  the  oxen,  only  to  fall  dead  in  a 
few  seconds. 

About  the  middle  of  July,  Chouteau's  Island,  the  limit 
of  the  escort's  march,  was  descried.  This  beautiful  island 
was  carpeted  with  green  grass  and  covered  by  "leafy 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  289 

groves."     The   Arkansas   River   was   here  the   boundary 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico. 

This  was  the  first  caravan  on  which  any  oxen  had 
been  used,  and  this  year  they  were  used  by  the  military 
escort  only.  The  traders  had  mule  and  horse  teams.  Cooke 
says;  "our  oxen  were  an  experiment  and  it  succeeded  ad- 
mirably." 

Here  the  caravan  was  to  leave  its  escort  and  proceed 
toward  Santa  Fe  alone.  The  escort  encamped  on  the  North 
side  of  the  Arkansas  near  ia  grove  of  timber  where  grass 
and  fuel  were  to  be  obtained,  and  intended  passing  the 
summer  in  this  vicinity,  awaiting  the  return  of  the  caravan 
from  Santa  Fe.  A  few  hours  after  the  departure  of  the 
caravan,  a  number  of  horsemen  were  seen  riding  furiously 
toward  Major  Riley's  camp.  They  brought  the  news  that 
the  caravan  had  been  attacked  by  an  innumerable  host  of 
Indians  at  a  distance  of  five  or  six  miles  from  the  camp. 
Major  Riley  hesitated  not  a  moment,  camp  was  broken 
and  "tents  vanished  as  if  by  magic." 

After  spilling  a  cup  of  hot  coffee  in  his  shoe,  which  re- 
sulted in  the  skin  coming  off  his  foot  with  his  stocking, 
Cooke  was  placed  in  command  of  the  rear  guard.  The 
escort  reached  the  caravan  at  a  little  after  midnight  and 
found  everything  quiet,  and  it  remained  so  until  dawn.  At 
the  break  of  day  it  was  seen  that  the  encampment  was 
in  a  virtual  cul-de-sac.  A  natural  amphitheatre,  surrounded 
by  sand  hills,  about  fifty  feet  high  and  all  within  gun  shot, 
with  a  very  narrow  entrance,  and  a  smaller  outlet.  Camp 
was  moved,  and  the  hills  were  occupied. 

It  seems  that  some  mounted  traders  had  ridden  on 
ahead  of  the  caravan  notwithstanding  they  had  been  ad- 
vised to  keep  close  together;  and  had  been  surrounded  by 
about  50  Indians.  All  fled  with  the  exception  of  "a  Mr. 
Lamb"  as  Cooke  says,  the  largest  capitalist  and  owner 
of  the  company.  It  was  decided  that  the  escort  accompany 
the  traders  one  day  further.  At  noon,  a  terrific  sand  storm 
came  up.  After  advancing  about  ten  miles  further  a  little 


290          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

grass  and  water  was  found,  also  a  few  buffalo.  In  the 
nearly  dry  pools  of  water  the  small  fish  were  dead,  killed 
by  the  intense  heat  of  the  sun. 

The  next  morning  Major  Riley  determined  to  march 
no  farther.  The  traders  held  a  council  and  about  half  of 
them  decided  to  remain  behind  and  spend  the  summer  with 
the  escort,  but  they  were  soon  shamed  out  of  this  decision. 
At  day-break  following,  the  escort  started  to  return  to 
their  camp  at  Chouteau's  Island.  No  further  adventures 
were  had  on  the  way,  except  one  night  a  sentinel  fired  a 
shot  at  a  dog,  but  missed.  This  alarm  however  turned  out 
the  men. 

Cooke  states  that  the  vicinity  of  Chouteau's  Island 
was  further  remarkable,  for  a  "timbered  bottom"  which 
stands  "opposite  its  foot  on  the  American  side."  They 
had  seen  no  other  timber  since  leaving  Council  Grove,  300 
miles  back. 

While  encamped  at  the  Island,  the  terms  of  enlistment 
of  four  men  expired,  and  against  the  wishes  of  the  com- 
mander, and  the  advice  of  their  friends,  they  started  to 
walk  back  to  Missouri,  on  August  1.  The  same  night  three 
of  them  returned.  The  fourth  had  been  killed  about  15 
miles  from  the  camp,  while  in  the  act  of  shaking  hands 
and  giving  tobacco  to  some  supposedly  friendly  Indians  who 
had  met  them. 

On  the  2nd  Captain  Wickliffe  with  Lieutenant  Cooke 
and  50  men,  and  one  of  the  three  survivors  were  ordered 
to  search  for  the  body  of  the  murdered  man  and  bury  it. 
Their  guide  however  became  bewildered  and  could  not  locate 
the  spot  where  they  had  been  attacked. 

On  the  3rd  another  party  under  Lieutenant  Izard 
recovered  the  remains  and  buried  them.  On  this  same 
day  Cooke  heard  a  "great  yelling  and  uproar"  and  saw 
the  horses  and  cattle  being  stampeded  by  about  400  to  500 
Indians.  The  6  pounder  was  fired  at  them  and  "the  grape 
shot  struck  like  hail"  around  them,  but  did  not  seem  to 
hit  any  one.  The  Indians  managed  to  drive  off  some  of 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  291 

the  livestock  of  the  command  without  much  other  damage 
being  done. 

When  the  camp  had  been  established  at  Chouteau's 
Island,  the  men  had  dug  and  constructed  wells  with  flour 
barrels,  clear  and  cool  water  being  struck  at  from  two 
to  four  feet.  One  well  was  dug  in  front  of  each  company. 
Sod  fireplaces  had  also  been  built,  which  had  net-work 
platforms  of  buffalo  hide  stretched  for  the  purpose  of 
smoking  and  drying  buffalo  meat.  These  platforms  also 
served  as  a  defense  against  mounted  men. 

On  August  11,  camp  was  removed  down  the  river  a 
few  miles  for  better  grazing  for  the  horses  and  cattle. 
This  same  day  Captain  Pentland  with  18  men  and  wagon 
and  team  were  sent  across  the  river  after  buffalo,  which 
were  about  half  a  mile  away.  As  Indians  had  been  seen, 
Captain  Wickliffe  had  been  ordered  to  support  Captain 
Pentland  in  case  he  was  attacked.  One  of  the  men,  Bug- 
ler King,  was  shot  and  killed  by  the  Indians,  and  Captain 
Wickliffe's  company  was  fired  upon  when  they  reached 
a  sand  bar  in  the  middle  of  the  river  on  their  way  to  the 
support  of  Captain  Pentland.  King  was  killed  and  scalped, 
and  his  body  was  left  on  the  field  by  Captain  Pentland  and 
his  detail.  That  night,  Aug.  11,  there  was  a  terrific  storm, 
as  Cooke  states,  "there  came  a  falling  flood,  the  roar  of 
whose  approach  appalled  our  shaken  hearts."  The  next 
c£ay  Bugler  King  was  buried. 

The  condition  of  the  escort  was  "humiliating,"  sur- 
rounded as  they  were  by  "these  rascally  redskins"  who 
by  means  of  their  horses  could  "tantalize  us  and  yet  elude 
all  our  efforts." 

It  was  learned  afterward  from  some  Mexican  traders 
that  the  caravan  had  been  spied  upon  the  whole  route  from 
Council  Grove  and  that  the  Indians  had  thought  the  oxen 
were  "white  buffalo."  After  the  cattle  had  been  stampeded 
and  some  killed  by  the  Indians  on  the  3rd,  it  was  found 
that  the  Indians  had  cut  out  all  the  white  spots  on  the  oxen 
they  had  killed  and  taken  these  pieces  away  with  them. 
They  were  very  likely  considered  "big  medicine." 


292          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

While  waiting  for  the  return  of  the  caravan  from 
Santa  Fe,  time  hung  very  heavily  on  the  command.  There 
were  only  two  or  three  books  in  the  camp,  and  the  men 
spent  most  of  their  time  making  powder  horns  from  the 
horns  of  the  buffalo.  Some  were  very  beautifully  carved, 
polished  and  inlaid  with  bone,  The  evenings  were  spent 
around  the  camp  fire  telling  "yarns," 

Near  the  end  of  August,  a  white  man  was  seen  ap- 
proaching the  camp  on  foot.  He  was  recognized  as  Corporal 
Arter,  who  had  been  left  at  Cantonment  Leavenworth. 
With  a  companion  he  had  been  sent  with  dispatches  by 
General  Leavenworth.  A  few  days  before  they  had  beepn 
beset  by  a  band  of  Indians,  and  Nation,  Arter's  companion, 
had  been  wounded  by  a  spear  thrust,  as  he  was  in  the  act 
of  shaking  hands  and  giving  tobacco  to  the  Indians.  Arter 
had  stood  off  the  Indians,  helped  him  to  the  river,  built  him 
a  shelter,  and  started  off  on  foot  to  reach  the  camp  of  the 
escort.  A  detachment  was  sent  out  and  found  Nation 
about  12  to  15  miles  from  the  camp.  He  lingered  some 
weeks  and  then  passed  away. 

The  10th  of  October  had  been  named  by  the  traders, 
and  agreed  upon  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  escort, 
as  the  very  day,  which  the  escort  would  wait.  The  10th  of 
October  arrived,  and  no  caravan,  and  although  the  weather 
was  decidedly  colder,  it  was  decided  to  wait  one  day  more. 
Bright  and  early  on  the  morning  of  the  12th  the  start  on 
the  return  trip  was  made.  About  nine  o'clock  horsemen 
were  seen  following  the  escort  at  full  speed.  The  battalion 
halted  and  formed  for  action.  It  was  then  seen  that  the 
riders  were  white  men.  The  caravan  was  a  few  miles 
beyond  the  river,  and  was  accompanied  by  a  Mexican  es- 
cort under  Colonel  "Viscarro,'16  Inspector  General  of  the 
Mexican  Army.  A  few  days  before  that  they  had  been  met 
by  several  hundreds  of  Arapahoes  and  Comanches  "(our 
old  friends),"  on  foot,  who  were  evidently  on  a  horse  steal- 
ing expedition. 


16.     See  N.  Mex.  Hist.  Rev.,   ii,   p.   190,  note  20. 


MILITARL  ESCORTS  293 

While  talking  with  these  Indians,  one  of  the  Chiefs 
with  whom  Colonel  Viscarro  was  talking,  leveled  his  gun 
and  fired  at  Colonel  Viscarro.  One  of  the  Colonel's  Indians 
sprang  between  them,  and  received  the  bullet  in  his  heart. 
His  brother,  standing  near,  stabbed  the  chief  in  the  back 
as  he  turned  to  escape,  and  another  chief  was  shot  by  an 
American.  The  Indians  then  fled.  It  was  not  ascertained 
whether  or  not  the  Mexican  Regulars  shed  any  blood  on 
this  occasion,  but  on  the  other  hand  "we  were  assured  that 
the  cruelty  and  barbarity  of  some  of  the  Americans  dis- 
gusted even  the  Mexicans  and  Spaniards ;  That  they  scalped 
one  Indian  at  least,  who  had  life  enough  left  to  contend 
against  it,  though  without  arms;  and  they  undoubtedly 
took  the  skin  from  some  bodies,  and  stretched  it  on  their 
wagons.  I,  myself,  saw  several  scalps  dangling  as  ornaments 
to  the  bridle  of  a  trader." 

Being  rejoined  by  the  caravan,  the  return  march  was 
again  taken  up  on  October  14,  and  on  November  8th,  "our 
tatterdemalion  veterans"  marched  into  Cantonment  Leaven- 
worth. 

In  giving  the  details  of  the  trips  of  1843,  Cooke  breaks 
away  from  a  narrative  style,  and  what  information  he  gives, 
comes  to  us  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue  between  a  friend 
and  himself.  We  will  give  the  salient  points  in  his  own 
words. 

Sept.  1  Six  miles  from  Council  Grove.  Waiting  for 
the  caravan  to  come  up.  Today  we  arrived  at  Council 
Grove  and  were  received  with  presented  arms  by  a  company 

of  dragoons,  -  which  makes  a  fourth Hundreds  of 

wagons,  and  nearly  all  of  them  have  Mexican  owners.  Look 
at  the  men,  they  show  ivories  as  white  as  negroes;  they 
are  Indians,  but  New  Mexicans  as  well,  and  speak  Spanish. 
Herds  of  mules  in  every  valley,  on  every  hill,  and  hundreds 
of  oxen  too.  .  .  It  is  unhealthy  here,  many  who  have  stayed 
a  week  are  sick;  the  dragoon  company  has  been  waiting 
three  days,  and  they  are  already  suffering. 

Sept.  3.  Diamond  Spring,  a  true  "Diamond  of  the  De- 
sert," a  Pearl  of  the  Prairie-were  pearls  but  as  transparent 
as  its  cold  and  crystal  waters. 

Cottonwood  Fork,  Sept.  6.  I  find  Mr.  Robidoux  here, 


294          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

with  a  dozen  light  horse  carts;  he  has  a  trading  house 
three  hundred  miles  beyond  Santa  Fe.  .  .  .  This,  Turkey 
Creek,  which  I  left  this  morning,  should  have  a  truer  name ; 
it  is  a  cold  and  rainy  place,  without  fuel,  and  no  turkey  or 
other  living  thing  did  I  ever  see  there,  save  a  squad  of 
horse-stealing  Indians,  which  we  once  surprised  at  dark, 
after  a  forced  march.  Three  months  ago  we  had  nearly 
frozen  there  in  the  rain.  .  .  . 

Antelopes,  the  first  we  had  seen.  There  are  four  of 
them ;  twro  are  this  year's  fawns.  What  fidelity  in  brutes. 
They  are  a  family.  It  is  here  we  first  saw  some  in  June. 

Sept.  9.  All  day  it  has  rained  again.  We  have  been 
lying  still  trying  to  keep  dry  and  warm,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Little  Arkansas.  There  are  a  few  green  trees  and 
bushes,  but  little  fuel.  Worst  of  all  is  the  case  of  the  poor 
horses-they  are  starving  and  freezing  before  our  eyes,  for 
the  grass  is  very  coarse  and  poor.  .  .  Fiercer  and  colder 
rages  the  storm ;  faster  pours  the  pitiless  rain :  it  does  us 
more  injury  than  a  forced  march  of  sixty  miles;-  and  the 
traders !  Where  are  they  ? 

Sept.  11.  A  squadron  of  dragoons  came  last  evening 
from  the  South;  according  to  them  with  orders  to  relieve 
us ;  but  they  are  broken  down  and  on  the  back  track.  Hav- 
ing pretty  thoroughly  exhausted  the  prairie  plum  crop, 
and  the  buffalo  being  washed  away  to  far  hill  tops,  they 
were  now  prone  to  the  land  of  pork  and  beans. 

Sept.  12.  Even  until  this  morning  did  the  cold  rainy 
weather  hold  out.  Now,  it  is  gloriously  clear,  and  the  wind 
settled  at  the  northwest.  .  .  .  This  is  the  fifth  day  that 
the  caravan  has  been  coming  forty  three  miles,  and  I  know 
not  where  they  are,  but  have  sent  to  see.. 

Sept.  14.  Owl  Creek,  a  bright  noonday,  a  fresh  breeze 
rattling  among  the  shining  green  leaves  overhead,  belie 
the  ill-omened  name.  *  *  The  traders  have  managed  to 
bring  up  to  the  Little  Arkansas,  about  one  fourth  of  the 
wagons:  forty  three  miles  in  six  days. 

Sept.  17.  We  have  had  some  luck  in  incidents  on  this 
desert;  or,  the  'trace'  is  growing  a  frequented  highway. 
The  day  before  yesterday  eight  horsemen  approached  the 
camp  from  the  west.  I  thought  they  were  Indians,  or  pos- 
sibly, part  of  a  Mexican  escort.  Before  they  were  recog- 
nized, another  column  of  horse,  apparently,  rapidly  ap- 
proached. .  .  They  were  the  spring  caravan  on  their  re- 


MILITARY  ESORTS  295 

turn,  and  a  drove  of  mules  were  the  column  of  horse.  They 
bring  the  certain  news  of  their  having  reached  Santa  Fe 
in  safety.  They  returned  by  Bent's  Fort,  and  so  can  give  us 
Aittle  information  of  the  dangerous  part  of  the  direct  route 
vvhich  the  present  caravan  is  to  follow. 

Sept.  18.  (Arkansas  River) 

Sept.  21.  Coon  Creek-Phoebus!  What  a  name.  There 
is  a  tribe  of  them :  long  crooked  shallow  beds,  with  a  string 
of  pools  in  each,  and  if  it  be  a  dry  time,  they  are  rendered 
undrinkable  by  the  buffalo;  this  is  the  'same  coon'  where 
there  was  no  grass  in  the  summer,  but  now  it  is  better ;  .  . 

Sept.  22.  Delightful,  truly,  to  escort  two  hundred 
wagons  with  twelve  owners,  independently  disposed,  and 
sharply  interested  in  carrying  out  different  views  of  emer- 
gencies ;  the  failure  of  water,  grass  or  fuel." 

And  so  runs  the  story  of  the  Escort  of  1843.  On 
October  1st.,  Cooke  received  a  letter  from  the  traders, 
stating  that  they  required  his  escort  to  "Red  River"  -  near- 
ly to  Santa  Fe;  and  a  little  later  a  confidential  messenger 
arrived,  and  secretly  advised  Cooke,  that  the  escort  need 
go  no  further  than  the  regular  crossing  of  the  Arkansas, 
as  long  as  Mr.  Bent  was  kept  in  ignorance  of  the  fact,  that 
the  caravan  was  to  proceed  from  the  Arkansas  to  Santa  Fe, 
without  an  escort! 

The  caravan,  at  last  arrived  at  the  crossing  of  the 
Arkansas,  where  it  was  met  by  another  messenger,  who 
stated  that  there  was  a  Mexican  escort  waiting  a  few  miles 
above.  "They  were  50  lancers-an  advance  party — '  a  for- 
lorn hope'  of  150  more,  who  would  not  trust  their  carcasses 
on  this  disputed  ground,  further  than  the  Cimerone." 

The  next  morning,  leaving  the  baggage,  I  marched  to 
the  crossing  in  my  best  style;  on  our  approach  we  saw  the 
Mexicans  beyond  the  river,  saddle  and  mount;  but  on  our 
dismounting,  they  were  dismissed.  The  Adjutant  rode  over 
to  make  inquiries,  and  invite  them  to  cross  and  spend  the 
day  with  us.  Their  commander  declined,  with  the  pointed 
excuse,  that  he  was  ordered  on  no  account  to  cross  'the 
boundary5.  .  .  .  Receiving  their  hint  with  a  good  grace,  as 
soon  as  the  caravan  was  over,  we  mounted  in  order  of  battle 
and  as  a  significant  salute,  fired  a  round  from  the  howitzer 
battery;  the  shells  were  directed  in  ricochet  down  a  fine 


296          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

reach  of  the  river  between  us,  and  after  a  dozen  beautiful 
rebounds,  exploded  under  water,  to  the  manifest  astonish- 
ment of  the  aboriginees  amongst  our  suspicious  allies. 
Then,  turning  our  faces  homeward,  we  filed  off,-returned 
and  slept  in  the  camp  where  we  had  left  our  baggage. 

After  a  cold  journey  the  command  arrived  at  Fort 
Leavenworth,  the  date  not  being  stated. 

Thus  the  history  of  the  escort  to  the  Santa  Fe  Caravan 
of  1843. 


*     On  the  15th  of  May,   1834  the  following:  order  was   issued; — 

Camp    Prior. 
(Order   No.    5)  May    15th    1834. 

I.  This   Command   is   now  beyond   the   last   civilized   settlement   on   this    frontier 
and  altho'   not  in   an   enemy's   country,   is   neverthelefs   thrown   on   its   own   exertions 
to   sustain   itself   as   well  by  a   careful   preservation    of  the   means    it   has   of   subsist- 
ence &  defense,   as   by   a   watchful   foresight   to   increase   its   supplies,   and   to   add   to 
the   ability   of   protecting   itself   economy   then    becomes    indispensable   and    is    strictly 
enjoyed.     Rations  must  scrupulously  be  taken  care  of,  and  in   no  case  will  anything 
be    heedlesfly   thrown    away,    altho'    not    required    for    immediate    consumption ;      The 
ammunition   of  the   Command   is   of  a   value   only   to   be   estimated   by   the   utter   im- 
pofsibility  of  replacing   it,   if  it  shall  have  been   expended   before  our   return   to   our 
post,    for  besides   being   necefsary    for   our   defence   against    Hostile    Attacks,    it    may 
prove    indespensable    as    a    means    to    procure    subsistence.       Every    attention    must 
therefore   be   paid   to   its   preservation    from   damage   or    waste,    all    use   of    it,    unlefs 
by   the    positive    Sanction    of    the    Commanding    Officer    is    prohibited.      If    any    man 
shall    be    found    on    inspection    of    his    ammunition,    to    have    suffered    it    to    become 
damaged,  or  to  have   wasted   it,  besides  the  exposure   of   himself   without   the   means 
of   defence   to   an    enemy,    he   shall   suffer    most    Certainly    the    privation    of    food    in 
proportion   to  his   neglect   or   waste   should   the   command   ever   be   obliged   to    depend 
on   hunting   for   their   subsistence,    and    in    addition    he   must   incur   the    penalty    pre- 
scribed by  the  "Articles  of  War"   in   such  cases. 

II.  Two   Hunters   will   be   selected    occasionally    to    provide    Game    for   the    Com- 
mand.     They    will   taken    from    the    number    of   those    who    are    the    best    Marksmen, 
and    most    accoustomed    to    Hunt.      They    will    be    very    careful    not    to    consume    the 
ammunition   by   indiscreet   or   uncertain    shots,    and    will   on    no   account   throw   away 
either   powder   or   ball   when    they    unload.      Pistol    Cartridges    will    not    be    made   use 
of    by    the    Hunters,    nor    by    any    of    the    Command,    except    when    necefsary    to    use 
the    Pistol.      The    Hunters    will    deliver    whatever    game    they    may    procure    to    the 
Ajt.    Com.   of   Sub   for   ifsue  to  the   Command. 

III.  The  officer   in   charge  of  the   ordnance  stores,    will   ifsue   as   occasion   may 
require  what   may  be  necefsary   for  the   Hunters,   all  lead   thus    ifsued   and   not   con- 
sumed will  be  turned  over  by  each  set  of  Hunters  when  relieved  to  their  succefsors. 

(Signed) 

C.  Wharton 
Capt.    Comm. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  297 

(Extract    from    Order    No.    6)  Camp    Repair, 

18th    May    1834 

I.  Until    further    orders    the    guard    will    consist    of    a    non-commifsioned    of- 
ficer  &   six   privates,    and   will   be   posted   at   retreat   one   sentinel   will    be   on    Horse 
back,    and   one   on    foot.    The    former   will    ride   around   the   entire    range   of    Horses, 
with    a    view    of    keeping    them    within    prescribed    limits,    and    the    latter    will    walk 
among  them  for  the  purpose  of  securing  them  if  they  should  become  loose,   and  of 
quieting   them    if   they   should   by    any   cause   get    frightened.      In    case   the    Sentinels 
should  be   unable  to  arrest  a  horse  that   may  have   broken   away,   they   will   call   out 
"The   Guard,    a   horse    loose."    when    the    commander   of   the   guard    will    make    every 
exertion    with   his   men   to  apprehend  the   astray   horse,    or   horses,    &   if  the    danger 
of  escape   be  great  he   will   arouse  the   Company. 

II.  The    Ajt.    Com.,    of    Subsistence,    will    cause    one    of    the    Beef    drivers    to 
watch  the  Beeves  at  night,  but  in  addition  to  said  watch,  the  guard  is  also  charged 
with  a  care  of  the  Beeves  by  night  as   in   the  case  of  Horses ;     The   Sentinels   will 
not   be   withdrawn    until   morning   Stable    Call. 

III.  The    Stable    Call    will    be    sounded    immediately    after    reveille    when    each 
man   will  ascertain  that  his   horse   is   secure   &   proceed   to   clean   him,   and   here   the 
Commanding    Officer    reminds    the    men    of    his    Company    that    they    cannot    devote 
too  much   attention   to  the   security   &   care   of  their  horses.      Not  only   convenience, 
but  safety  &  even  subsistence  May  depend  on  such  exertions  ; 

V.  Immediately    after   the   termination    of    the   days    march    the    horses    will    be 
picketted.      15    minutes    before    retreat,    the    Stable    Call    will    be    sounded    when    the 
horses    will    be    hobbled    or    otherwise    well    secured    for    the    night.      The    Stable    call 
will  again   sound   15  minutes  before  Tattoo,   when  every  man   will  minutely  examine 
the    means    he    has    taken    to    Secure    his    horse.,      No    signal    will    be    sounded    for 
Dinner,  but  each  Squad  will  dine  as  soon  as  the  meal  can  be  prepared.     The  meal, 
however,  will  not  be  taken  as  an  excuse  for  the  neglect  of  the  Stable,  or  any  other 
duties. 

VI.  The  actg  asst  Qr  Master  will  see  that  the   waggoner  &    pack  men   attend 
at  the  prescribed  hours  to  the  security  &  care  of  their  Horses  in  the  service  of  the 
Qr   Master   Department. 

(Signed) 

C.    Wharton, 

Capt.    Commanding 

*      (Order  N.  7.)  Camp  near  the  Osage  Agency. 

May    23rd    1834. 

I.  The   asst    Commifsary   of   Sup ;    will    report    in    writing    to'  the    Commanding 
Officer,    the    circumstances    attending    the    lofs    of    the    four    Beef    Cattle    which    es- 
caped  during  the   last   night.      Stating   whether  the    watch    was    with   the    Beeves   as 
directed   in   paragraph   2nd  of  order   No.   6.   and   if  there   was   any   neglect   of  duty, 
who  was  guilty  of  it. 

II.  The    inattention    to    Signals    &    the    grofs    neglect    of    duty    of    some    of    the 
Non-Comifsioned    officers,    induced    the    Commanding    officer    to    direct    that    Order 
No.   6   be  again   read  to  the   Command,   after   which   second   reading,    the   Command- 
ing   Oi'ficer    will    make    an    example    of    the    first    individual    who    in    any    particular 
disobeys    it. 

(Signed) 
C.   Wharton, 

Capt.    Commanding 

(Order   No.   8.)  Camp    near  the   Osage   Agency. 

May   23rd    1834. 

I.     A  detail  of  an  Officer  of  the  day  will  be  made,  from  which  no  officer  will 
be    exempt.    The    Commanding    Officer    officiates    as    such    today,    and    will    be    re- 

20 


298          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


lieved   by  the  next  Officer   in   rank,   and   the  latter   by   the   junior  officer   relieving 
each  other  in  this  order  without  a  special  detail. 

II.  The  officer  of  the  day  will  visit  the  guard  &  sentinels  twice  during  the 
night,  once  between  Tattoo,  &  12  Oclock,  and  again  between  1  O'clock  and  re- 
veille, and  will  also  on  such  occasions  pafs  among  and  around  the  entire  range 
of  Horses.  Causing  the  Guard  to  secure  properly  any  that  may  have  got  loose, 
and  to  disengage  such  as  may  have  got  thrown  by,  or  entangled  in,  their  grazing 
halters. 

The  duties  prescribed  by  the  general  regulations  for  the  Officer  of  the  day  he 
will  perform  as  a  matter  of  course. 

(Signed) 
C.    Wharton, 

Capt.    Commanding 

*       (Order    No.    10.  Camp    Neotio    4th    June    1834. 

I.  Sergt    Glenn    accompanied    by    one    of    the    hunters    to    the    Command    will 
proceed  immediately  to  the  point  where  the  trace  to  Santa  Fe  intersects  the  North 
fork  of  the  Neotio  River,  with  a  view  of  ascertaining  whether  the  traders  to  Santa 
Fe,    are   at   that    point,    &    for   the    purpose    of    delivering    to    them    dispatches    from 
the  Commanding  Officer. 

II.  Should   the  traders   not   have   reached   there   on    the   arrival   of   Sergt    Glenn 
at  the  North  fork,  he  will  proceed  fifty  miles  farther  on   the  trace  with  a  view  to 
ascertain    their    position.      Failing    still    to    find    them    he    will    return    forthwith    to 
this    encampment.      If   however    he   should    succeed    in    meeting    them    he    will    deliver 
to   them   the  document,   with    which   he   will   be   entrusted,    and   after    receiving   their 
reply  return  with  it  to  this  place. 

(Signed) 
C.   Wharton, 

Capt.    Commanding 

While  awaiting  the  return  of  Sergeant  Glenn,  a  full  inspection  of  the  troops  was 
made  as   per   the   following   order ; — 
(Order   No.    11.)  Camp    Neotio   June    4th    1834. 

I.  A   minute   inspection    of   Arms,    ammunition,    &   accoutrements    will   be   made 
tomorrow    morning    at    halfpast    8    O'clock    and    immediately    thereafter    the    condi- 
tion   of    the    horses    will    be    ascertained,    for    which    purpose    they    will    be    paraded 
unsaddled.      The    horses    belonging    to    the    Qr    Masters    Dept ;    will    be    inspected    by 
the    Actg    Ast    Qr    Master,    such    horses    as    may    have    received    any    injury    on    the 
March   will  be  strictly  attended  to,   by  those  in   whose  charge  they  are,   respectively, 
that    they    may    be   speedily    prepared,    for    the    long    &    fatiguing    march.      Frequent 
Bathing    of   the    Back    in    cold    water    is    recommended    in    cases    where    the    Horse's 
back   has   sustained   injury   from   the  saddle. 

II.  The    Acting    Asst.      Qr    Master    will    have    prepared    a    suitable    number    of 
wooden   posts   for  the  support  of   the   Picket   rope,    and   a   number   of   picket   stakes 
of   strong   timber,    adequate   to   the   security    of   all   the    horses    &    Mules    attached    to 
the    Command.      For    this    Object    men    already    detailed    in    the    Qr    Master's    depart- 
ment   will    be    employed    in    addition    to    whom,    two    Carpenters,    if    necefsary,    will 
also  be  detailed. 

(Signed) 

C.  Wharton. 

Captain  Commanding. 

*     (Order  No.  12.)  Camp  Vigilance,  on  the  Cow  Creek. 

June  14th  1834. 
I.      The   guard    until    further    orders    will    consist    of   a    Sergeant,    Corporal,    and 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  299 

twelve   prhates,    and    all   r.on-   commifsioned    officers   &   privates,    on    whatever    duty 
or  detail,   will  be  subject  to  detail   for   guard. 

II.  No  signals  until  otherwise  ordered,  except  ir   case  of  alarms,  will  be  blown 
except    in    the    day   time,    but    Chiefs    of    Squads    at   the    hours    at    which    the    Stable 
Call,    Retreat,    &   Tattoo  have  heretofore   been   sounded   at  &   after   sundown    will   on 
being   so   directed  by  the   1st   Sergeant   turn   out   their   respective   squads   to   roll   Call 
&  to  secure  the  horses,   All  horses   must  be  tied  to  a   picket.     The  greatest   care   & 
Vigilance  must  be  used  to  prevent  the  horses  breaking  away   in  case  of  alarms,   and 
to    be    prepared   to   defend    the   trade   entrusted   to    the    protection    of    his    Command 
in    the    event    of    its    being    suddenly    called    out.      Each    man    will    lay    his    arms    & 
accoutrements  ready  to  grasp  them   in  an   instance,  and  on  turning  out  unexpectedly 
the  Company  will  form  in  one  rank  immediately  in  front  of  the  tents. 

III.  With  a  view  of  making  the  supply  of  Flour  hold  out  as  long  as  practicable 
the  ration  will  be  reduced  one  fourth,  so  long  as  the  Hunters  are  unable  to  furnish 
an   abundant  supply  of  fresh   meat,   and   in   making   sales   to  officers   the   Ast   Com- 
mifsary   will  make  a  corresponding  reduction   in   the   Article  of  flour. 

(Signed) 

C.  Wharton. 

Captain   Commanding. 

*  Captain    Wharton    includes    with    his    report,    certain    communications    which 
passed    between    him    and   the    leaders    of   the    Santa    Fe    Caravan.      He    has    marked 
them    Appendix   No    1-2-3-etc.,   and    we   will    use   them   as    foot   notes   to   make   them 
easier  to  refer  to.      (Appendix  No.  1) 

Camp    Neosho   June   9th    1834. 
Sir; 

In  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Spot  where  the  Santafe  traders  halted  last 
evening  is  encamped  a  Company  of  U.  S.  Dragoons,  consisting  of  fifty  men.  As 
the  Commander  of  said  Company  I  offer  the  protection  which  such  force  may- 
be able  to  render  to  the  Caravan,  in  which  yourself  and  others  are  interested 
against  the  attacks  of  hostile  Indians  on  such  portion  of  your  route  to  Santafe  as 
I  am  authorized  to  advance  with  you. 

I  should  be  glad  to  know  the  wishes  of  the  traders  on   the  subject. 
Respectfully 

Yr  ob  Servt 

(Signed)    Clifton    Wharton 

Captn  of  Draggons 
To  Capt  Josiah  Gregg 
Commanding  Caravan 
to   Santa   Fe 

*  Appendix  No.   2. 

Proceedings  of  a  board  of  Survey  held  at  Camp  Livingston  by  virtue  of  the 
following  order. 

Order  No.  14  Camp  Comanche 

26th   June   1834. 

I.  A  Board  of  Survey  to  consist  of  Lts.  Lupton   &  Watson,  will  convene  today 
at  such  time  as  the  senior  officer  of  the  Board  may  direct,  and  proceed  to  examine 
into    the    Condition    of    the    waggon,    and    the    waggon    horses    appertaining    to    the 
Qr  Mr.   Dept,  and  attached  to  this   Command. 

II.  The    Board    in    making    up    its    opinion    of    the    aforesaid    means    of    trans- 
portation   for    service,    will    take    into    consideration    the    distance    of    this    Command 
from    its    proper    post    the    nature    of    the    Country    over    which    the    march    will    be 
made  &c  the  character  of  the  subsistence  which   can  alone  be  found   for  horses. 

III.      The    report    [Board]    will    make    its    report    to    the    Commanding    officer 


300          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

in   writing,   and   in    case   members   of  the   Board   should   disagree   in    Sentiment,    each 
will   report  his   opinion. 

(Signed) 

C.  Wharton. 

Captain  Commanding. 
Camp   Livingston   June   26th    1834. 
The   Board   met   as   above   ordered   at   2   Oc   P.    M. 

The  Board  after  a  minute  examination  of  the  waggon,  and  waggon  horses, 
are  of  opinion,  that  they  are  unfit  for  the  service  that  will  be  required  of  them. 

(Signed)  14  (Signed)  15 

John    L.    Watson  L.    P.    Lupton 

Lt  Drgns  Lt  of  Dragoons 

Recorder  of  Board  President  of  Board. 

*  (No.   3)  Camp   on   the   Arkansas. 
Sir;  June  27th    1834. 

I  have  the  honor  to  report  the  following  quantity  of  Subsistence  now  on   hand. 
Four  Barrells  of  Flour 
From  20  to  30  Ibs  of  Sugar 
From  80  to   100  Ibs  of  Coffee 
Three  bushels   of   Salt 
Fifty  pounds  of  Pork    (about) 

The  flour  now  on  hand  will  subsist  this  Command  at  the  present  rate  of 
issue,  nearly  20  days  &  by  a  very  small  reduction  in  the  rations,  it  might  be  made 
to  hold  out  fully  that  time.- 

Very    respectfully 
Yr  Ob  Servant 

(Signed)    L.   P.  Lupton 
Lt    Dragoons 

A.   A.   C.   S. 
Captn  C.  Wharton 
U.   S.   Dragoons    Commanding. 

*  (No.  4)  Camp   Livingston  on  the  Arkansas   River 

Sir;  June  26th   1834. 

My  company  of  Dragoons  having  accompanied  as  an  escort  the  Caravan  bound 
for  Santafe  in  Mexico  so  far  as  the  supposed  boundary  line  of  the  United  States, 
and  beyond  which  line  no  previous  escort  with  one  exception,  has  felt  itself  at 
liberty  to  pafs,  it  becomes  my  duty  to  respect  such  line  although  not  clearly  as- 
certained, and  to  fall  back  unlefs  imperious  circumstances  should  justfy  my  pro- 
ceeding farther  with  you. 

The  distance  however,  which  my  instructions,  under  any  circumstances,  would 
allow  me  to  go  with  the  Caravan  beyond  the  supposed  boundary  of  the  Country 
with  a  view  to  its  protection,  would  be  merely  so  far  as  some  point  not  beyond 
what  might  be  justly  considered  the  vicinity  of  said  boundary.  I  am  aware,  that 
you  do  not  consider  the  Caravan  safe,  until  you  reach  a  point  very  far  beyond 
said  vicinage,  indeed  that  it  is  exposed  to  danger  from  hostile  Indians,  even  within 
the  well  known  limits  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  but  to  accompany  you  to  so  re- 


14.  John    L.    Watson    of    Virgina,    was    appointed    to    the    Mounted    Rangers 
March    5,    1833,    and    on    Sept.     19,     1833,    was    appointed    2nd    Lieutenant    of    the 
Dragoon  Regiment.     He  resigned  June   30,   1835,   and   died   November  21,    1835. 

15.  Lancaster    P.    Lupton,    was   born    in    New    York    state   and   graduated    from 
West   Point   in   the   class   of   1825.      Served   in   the    3rd   Inf.,    and   on    March    4,    1833, 
was    appointed    1st    lieutenant    in    the    Dragoon    Regiment.      He    resigned    March    31, 
1836,   and  died   August  2,    1885. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  301 


mote  a  point  would  be  utterly  impofsible,  as  I  am  directed  not  on  any  account  to  go 
with    my    command    within   the    jurisdiction    of   the    Mexican    Republic. 

Should  I  escort  the  Caravan  until  it  shall  have  been  met  by  the  Mexican  Troops 
at  the  point  to  which  they  usually  advance  to  meet  it,  say  the  Rio  Colorado,  I 
should  not  only  then  be  within  the  well  known  limits  of  Mexico,  but  be  under 
the  urgent  necefsity  of  approaching  the  very  Settlements  of  that  republic  to  obtain 
supplies,  such  as  I  now  have  on  hand  being  barely  sufficient  to  sustain  my  com- 
mand twenty  days  and  to  recruit  my  horses  now  nearly  broken  down,  by  an  al- 
ready long  march.  Such  a  measure  would  be  evidently  contrary  to  my  instruc- 
tions ;  calculated  to  displease  the  Mexico  Government,  and  to  cause  therefore  the 
disapprobation  of  our  own.  With  this  statement  of  the  limited  distance  I  can 
accompany  the  Caravan  with  U.  S.  Troops  beyond  the  Arkansas  River,  the  sup- 
posed boundary  of  the  Country,  I  desire  to  know  whether  to  such  extent  you  need 
the  Services  of  my  Command. 

I    am    Respectfully 

Your    Obt    Servt 

(Signed)    Clifton    Wharton 

Captn    of   Dragoons 
To   Capt   Josiah   Gregg 
Commanding   Caravan   to 
Santa    Fe. 

*     (No.    5) 

Camp   Livingston   on  the   Arkansas. 
Sir;  June    27th    1834. 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  Communication,  pro- 
posing such  farther  continuance  of  the  escort  under  your  Command  as  would  be 
consistent  with  your  orders. 

Desirous  of  having  my  own  individual  wish  supported  by  the  Company,  I  took 
the  liberty  of  laying  your  letter  before  them,  and  received  the  unanimous  direction 
to  request  that  you  would  continue  your  protection  to  the  Caravan  to  the  ut- 
most limits  of  your  discretion.  You  have  been  good  enough  to  let  me  know  the 
tenour  of  your  orders  from  the  War  Department,  without  presuming  into  dis- 
cufsion  as  to  their  Construction  which  I  could  not  decorously  do,  I  will  Simply 
allude  to  the  circumstances  which  seem  to  indicate  unusual  danger.  We  were 
prepared  by  reports  before  we  left  Mifsouri  to  expect  it.  Information  from  a  most 
respectable  Quarter  apprised  us  of  the  encampment  on  the  road  in  advance  of  us 
of  the  Arick  Karas  with  an  exprefs  view  to  the  annoyance  of  this  trade.  From 
this  tribe,  once  in  actual  war  with  the  United  States,  and  maintaining  since  a 
very  equivocal  relation,  we  have  nothing  to  expect  but  hostility,  I  need  not  allude 
to  their  strength  &  means  of  annoyance,  as  they  are  already  known  to  you. 

The  Comanches  are  known  to  be  hostile  by  long  and  fatal  experience.  It  has 
not  been  usual  however  to  find  them  in  our  limits ;  yet  you  were  yourself  witnefs 
yesterday  to  the  attempt  of  a  war  party  to  cut  off  two  of  our  Company,  who  were 
in  advance  of  the  Caravan  on  the  road  they  even  now  menace  us,  are  looking 
from  all  sides  into  our  Camp.  That  they  came  to  our  crofsing  place  with  the 
expectation  of  meeting  us  is  rendered  certain  by  their  contradictory  &  inconsistent 
Statement.  While  they  pretended  only  to  be  hunting,  they  were  as  you  know  pre- 
pared with  an  english  flag  evidently  to  give  them  an  opportunity  of  talking  with 
&  misleading  us,  for  the  fact  is.  well  known  that  they  regard  no  engagement  as 
sacred,  but  deem  it  allowable  to  use  all  means  of  deceiving  &  defeating  their 
enemies.  From  their  unusual  appearance  here  &  their  strange  deportment  yester- 
day, I  can  scarcely  doubt  but  that  their  movements  are  directed  by  an  intelligence 
acquainted  with  the  Character  &  habits  of  Americans,  and  with  our  mode  of 
marching  and  encamping.  I  mention  this  circumstance  in  connection  with  a 
rumour  which  prevailed  in  Mifsouri  before  our  departure,  and  which  you  have 


302          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

heard,  but  to  which  I  cannot  officially  allude,  without  pofsibly  doing  wrong  to 
an  individual  who  is  entitled  to  justice  at  least. 

In  conclusion,  Sir,  I  will  remark  that  all  indications  lead  us  to  the  beuef  that 
we  will  b°  exposed  to  the  most  menacing  danger. 

With  the  afsistance  of  your  company,  the  Caravan  and  the  lives  of  our  Citizens 
will  be  ensured,  and  we  appeal  to  you  as  an  American  Officer  to  afford  u*  all 

pofsible  aid. 

Very    Respectfully 

Yr   humble    Servant 
(Signed)  Josiah    Gregg,    Captn 

Clifton   Wharton  Esq  of  the   Caravan. 

Captain    of    Dragoons. 

*    (No  6)  -  Camp   of  the   U.   S.   Dragoons,    on   the   South 

side  of  the  Arkansas  river,  June  27th  1834. 

I  hasten  to  reply  to  your  communication  of  this  date,  in  answer  to  that  I 
had  the  honor  to  make  to  you  yesterday,  on  the  subject  of  accompanying  the 
Caravan  bound  for  Santa  Fe  farther  on  its  route.  You  exprefs  the  wish  of  the 
Company  of  Traders,  that  I  would  continue  the  protection  of  my  command  to  the 
Caravan,  "to  the  utmost  limits  of  your  (my)  discretion."  Having  made  known 
to  you  in  my  letter  of  yesterday  the  tenor  of  my  instructions  in  reference  to 
the  point  to  which  under  the  most  imperious  circumstances,  the  troops  of  the 
U.  S.  under  my  command,  could  accompany  you  beyond  the  supposed  boundary 
line  of  our  country,  it  now  only  remains  for  me  to  say,  that  the  utmost  extent 
to  which  I  can  pofsibly  proceed  with  you  will  be  the  spot  at  which  the  route  of 
the  Caravan  is  intersected  by  the  Semiroiie  River.  I  believe  it  is  not  doubted  that, 
that  water  course  is  within  the  ascertained  limits  of  Mexico,  and  in  going  even  so 
far  with  you  I  shall  be  transcending  the  letter  of  my  orders,  the  risk  of  censure 
for  which  I  will  encounter  cheerfully  as  the  fault,  if  it  be  one,  will  have  grown 
out  of  a  desire  to  serve  my  Countrymen  to  the  limited  extent  of  my  means  to 
promote  their  views.  To  go  farther  with  you  would  impose  upon  me  the  necefsity 
of  violating  the  very  spirit  of  my  orders,  for  the  reason  made  known  to  you  in  my 
note  of  yesterday,  a  violation  which  in  reference  to  the  bearing  of  National  Law  on 
the  subject  might  be  made  a  matter  of  moment  by  the  Country  whose  territory 
would  be  entered  by  Foreign  Troops,  should  I  undertake  thus  to  violate  those 
orders.  I  spoke  yesterday  of  the  nearly  exhausted  state  of  my  supplies,  but  I 
was  not  aware  until  this  morning,  when  1  received  an  official  report  from  the 
officer  in  charge  of  them,  that  the  most  important  part  of  them  were  so  low 
as  they  really  are,  -  of  one  article,  most  efsential,  I  have  lefs  than  2  days  rations  - 
and  of  another  still  more  important  I  have  only  20  days  rations,  even  although 
I  have  reduced  the  allowance  per  day  6f  that  article. 

I  do  not  design  to  treat  lightly  that  part  of  your  communication  in  which 
you  allude  to  anticipated  attacks  by  Hostile  Indians  supposed  to  be  in  advance 
of  the  Caravan  &  to  the  display  of  the  Commanches  yesterday  in  our  presence,  when 
1  refrain  from  entering  into  the  exprefsion  of  any  opinions  on  the  matter,  Yet 
I  cannot  omit  remarking,  that  although  the  first  demonstrations  of  the  Commanches 
yesterday,  were  menacing  to  two  of  the  gentlemen  in  advance  of  the  Caravan, 
their  general  deportment  when  approached  was  professedly  friendly,  a  deport- 
ment which  I  by  agreement  with  them  designed  to  avail  myself  of,  to  effect  what 
I  thought  would  be  beneficial  to  the  Caravan,  and  I  was  confident  would  pro- 
mote Certain  views  of  our  Government  in  relation  to  the  Commanches  &  Pawnee 
Picts,  when  my  objects  were  frustrated  by  the  Hostile  demonstrations  of  Certain 
persons  attached  to  the  Caravan  who  even  went  so  far  as  to  advance  a  piece  of 
artillery  and  to  avow  their  determination  to  discharge  it  at  a  body  of  Commanches, 
separated  from  us  by  the  width  of  the  Arkansas  river  and  whose  demonstrations 
•f  friendship,  whether  sincere  or  not  were  loud  and  frequent. 


MILITARY  ESCORTS  303 

This  step  on  the  part  of  the  party  concerned  was  followed  by  the  most  abusive 
language  to  one  of  my  officers,  who  while  I  was  absent  in  pursuit  of  yourself 
to  exprefs  my  disapprobation  of  the  hostility  contemplated,  thought  it  his  duty 
to  repair  to  the  spot  to  which  the  Cannon  had  been  drawn  &  to  protest  against 
the  determination  which  had  been  avowed  to  fire  against  the  Indians  on  the  op- 
posite shore.  I  advert  to  this  circumstance,  Sir,  in  justice  to  the  officer  in  ques- 
tion, than  whom,  no  one  attached  to  my  command  has  evinced  a  greater  desire 
to  serve  your  Company  in  the  way  of  his  profefsion. 

I    am,    Respectfully, 

Yr    Ob,     Servt 

(Signed)  Clifton    Wharton 

To  Josiah  Gregg  Esq.  Capt  Dragoons. 

Capt   of   the   Trading    Company 
bound   for   Santa    Fe 

P.    S.    Having    just    heard    that    you    had    resigned    the    Office    of    Captain    of    the 
Traders,  I  request  that  you  will  hand  this  letter  to  your  succefsor,  C.  W. 

*     (No.    7)  Camp    Livingston    27th    June    1834. 

Clifton    Wharton    Esq. 
Captn    U.    S.    Dragoons. 

Your  letter  of  today  addrefsed  to  Josiah  Gregg,  Captain  of  the  Santa  Fe 
Caravan,  has  been  handed  to  me  since  his  resignation  &  contents  noted.  It  is  the 
general  wish  of  the  Company,  that  you  accompany  them  until  they  reach  the 
Mexican  Troops,  which  will  be  at  the  Canadian  fork  of  the  Arkansas,  One  Hun- 
dred &  fifty  miles  of  Santafe. 

But  as  your  orders  are  such  that  you  cannot  accompany  us  that  far,  (when 
you  would  be  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Mexican  Frontier  and  supplies  easily  obtained) 
I  cannot  insist,  nor  is  it  the  wish  of  those  I  represent  that  you  should  accompany 
us  any  further  as  in  so  doing  you  would  render  your  Company  unfit  for  a  re- 
turn until  the  fall,  as  it  is  almost  impofsible  to  cross  the  Plains  from  this  point 
to  the  Semirone,  and  return  immediately,  there  always  being  a  great  scarcity  of 
grafs  &  water  between  those  two  points. 

I  regret  that  our  government  has  not  had  an  understanding  with  the  Mexican 
Republic,  so  as  to  admit  our  troops  to  protect  their  Citizens  and  their  property 
after  crofsing  the  lines  of  the  two  Republics,  for  as  things  are  we  are  without 
protection  for  a  distance  of  about  Three  Hundred  miles  lying  between  the  Arkansas, 
and  Canadian  fork,  the  most  dangerous  part  of  the  Route.  I  hope  Sir  from 
what  you  have  already  been  an  eye  witness  to,  and  the  danger  of  a  continual 
alarm  or  harafs  by  our  kind  foes,  you  will  be  enabled  to  make  such  a  report,  as 
to  insure  us  a  protection  through  the  most  dangerous  part  of  our  Route. 

Yrs   Respectfully 
(Signed)  I.    G.   Smith   Capt   Santafe   Caravan 

(No.   8)  Camp  of  the  Santa   Fe   Caravan   On   the   South   of 

Arkansas   River, 

June    27th     1834. 
Sir; 

I  had  seriously  hoped  that  you  would  be  able  to  accompany  us  with  your 
escort  at  least  a  few  days  longer  on  our  march ;  and  therefore  much  regret  to 
learn  that  you  have  determined  to  return  directly  from  this  place.  I  am,  how- 
ever, perfectly  satisfied  that  imperious  circumstances  in  conjunction  with  the 
nature  of  your  orders,  are  the  sole  cause  of  your  not  proceeding  further  with  us. 
Yes,  Sir,  I  regret  to  see  that  it  would  be  utterly  impossible  for  you  to  advance 
beyond  this  place  with  the  Caravan,  without  incurring  a  risk  which  no  one  could 
wish ;  while  at  the  same  time,  we  have  had  every  reason  to  be  convinced  of  your 
sincere  &  unceasing  desire  to  lend  us  every  possible  aid  in  case  of  danger.  For 


304          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

who  could  have  witnefsed,  without  being  confident  of  this  fact,  the  promptness  of 
your  Company  in  getting  to  arms  and  advancing  to  the  point  of  expectant  attack 
on  the  night  of  the  alarm  at  Walnut  Creek?  Nor  were  we  lefs  struck  with  the 
readinefs  with  which  you  acted  on  the  occasion  of  yesterday,  when  a  party  of 
Comanches  were  seen  approaching  the  Caravan. 

Indeed,  although  it  is  well  known  that  your  Company  is  beyond  Comparison 
the  smallest  escort  that  has  heretofore  accompanied  a  "Santa  Fe"  expedition  yet 
it  is  universally  admitted  that  the  Protection  it  has  afforded  us  has  been  equal 
to  that  of  any  previous  escort,  owing  to  the  uncommon  vigilance  of  your  Command. 

Thus,  Sir,  justice  to  my  feelings  not  only  as  as  individual,  but  as  Command- 
ing officer  (though  unworthy)  of  the  Caravan  during  your  march  with  us  from 
Cotton  Wood  to  this  point,  has  compelled  us  to  make  these  remarks-thus  in  some 
degree  to  express  the  so  justly  merited  gratitude  and  acknowledgements  of,  Sir, 

Yr  truly  Obt  Servant, 
(Signed)  Josiah    Gregg 

To  Captain   C.   Wharton. 

(No.    9)  Camp    Livingston    Crofsing    of    the    Arkansas. 

June    27th    1834. 

In  behalf  of  the  traders  engaged  in  the  Santa  Fe  trade,  and  those  immediately 
concerned  with  the  Caravan,  we  the  undersigned  return  our  thanks  to  you  and 
the  officers  under  your  command  for  your  untired  and  constant  solicitude  for  the 
safety  of  the  Caravan  and  the  very  efficient  disposition  of  your  Company  and 
Guard  while  on  March  for  its  protection,  and  assure  you  that  although  your  com- 
pany was  small,  the  protection  afforded  us,  has  been  as  efficient  as  when  greater 
numbers  have  accompanied  us. 

We  regret  that  we  are  so  soon  to  part,  but  Sir,  our  best  wishes  are  with  you 
and  hope  you  may  reach  your  barracks  with  safety. 

We  are   Respectfully 

Your  Mo   Obt   Servt 
(Signed) 

T.    I.   Boggs  P.    A.    Masure 

I.   L.   Collins  Ed  Charlefs. 

Sam    Miller  A.  I.   Raines 

I.   B.   Turley  I.   G.   Smith 

I.   T.   Wood  Brassard 

W.   Hook 
Josiah  Gregg 

To   Cap    Clifton    Wharton  • 

U.  S.  Dragoons 


NECROLOGY  305 


NECROLOGY 

R.  R.  PRATT.  The  superintendent  of  the  New  Mexico  School  for 
the  Blind  at  Alamogordo,  for  eighteen  years.  R.  R.  Pratt  died  at 
the  School  on  April  11,  after  a  ten  days  illness  with  pneumonia. 
He  was  a  native  of  Delaware,  and  before  taking  charge  of  the  New 
Mexico  School  had  been  connected  with  the  Blind  School  at  Pitts- 
burgh, Penna. 

ELLEN  S.  PALEN.  Mrs.  Ellen  S.  Palen,  widow  of  the  late  Rufus 
J.  Palen,  for  many  years  president  of  the  First  National  Bank  at 
Santa  Fe,  died  at  the  age  of  almost  83  years,  on  June  14,  at  her 
home  in  Santa  Fe.  Despite  her  advanced  years  she  was  active  up 
to  a  few  days  before  her  death.  Mrs.  Palen  was  born  August  9, 
1844,  in  New  York  City,  the  daughter  of  Rev.  and  Mrs.  William 
Thomas  Webbe,  natives  of  England.  She  married  Major  Palen  in 
1878,  accompanying  him  to  Santa  Fe,  where  she  became  interested 
in  the  civic  activities  of  those  early  days  and  remained  steadfast 
in  her  loyalty  and  support  of  such  pioneer  organizations  as  The 
Woman's  Board  of  Trade,  The  Fifteen  Club,  and  was  especially 
instrumental  in  the  upbuilding  of  Santa  Fe's  public  library.  Reared 
in  the  home  of  an  Episcopal  clergyman,  she  was  devoted  to  The 
Church  of  the  Holy  Faith  in  Santa  Fe,  and  only  recently  made  pos- 
sible through  her  gifts  the  building  of  the  Carol  Palen  Memorial, 
a  parish  house  dedicated  to  the  memory  of  her  daughter  who  died 
fifteen  years  ago.  The  funeral  took  place  on  Saturday,  June  18, 
in  Fairview  Cementery,  the  god's  acre  to  whose  beautification  she 
had  devoted  much  effort  and  time. 

REV.  ELIGIUS  KUNKEL.  On  Memorial  Day,  May  30,  Rev.  Father 
Eligius  Kunkel,  rector  of  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Francis,  was  drowned 
while  vainly  endeavoring  to  save  a  parishioner  of  his,  Ernestine 
Chaves,  from  drowning.  But  the  evening  before  he  had  been  one  of 
the  clergymen  officiating  at  the  Santa  Fe  High  School  Baccalaureate 
services  in  the  St.  Francis  Auditorium  of  the  Museum  of  New  Mexico. 
The  prayer  and  benediction  pronounced  then  were  remarked  upon 
by  many  of  his  listeners,  because  of  their  beautiful  spirit  and  broad 
tolerance.  The  next  morning  he  set  out  for  the  hills  at  the  sources 
of  the  Tesuque  river  with  young  folks  of  his  parish.  Boating  on 
a  small  lake  was  one  of  the  sports  of  the  day  and  it  was  while 
in  the  boat  with  two  boys  and  a  girl,  that  the  tragedy  came  when 


306          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  boat  upset  throwing  all  the  occupants  into  the  icy  waters.  The 
boys  reached  shore,  but  the  girl  sank  and  Father  Kunkel  in  seeking 
to  save  her  gave  his  life.  Father  Kunkel  was  born  in  Streator, 
111.,  of  German  parentage.  His  father  more  than  eighty  years  old, 
survives  him.  The  Rev.  Kunkel  took  his  Franciscan  novitiate  at 
Mount  Airy,  Ohio.  He  studied  philosophy  at  St.  Bernard's  Col- 
lege in  Ohio  and  at  Louisville,  Ky.  Four  years  more  of  study  in 
St.  Francis  convent  at  Oldenburg,  Indiana,  followed.  He  was  or- 
dained in  1901  and  celebrated  his  silver  jubilee  late  last  year.  In 
New  Mexico  he  had  been  missionary  priest  at  the  pueblo  of  Jemez, 
and  in  charge  of  parishes  at  Carlsbad  and  Gallup  coming  to  Santa 
Fe  nearly  seven  years  ago.  That  his  coming  also  brought  a  new 
spirit  of  service  and  progress  to  the  old  Cathedral  church  and  that 
at  the  same  time  he  won  the  friendship  of  the  people  of  the  City  as 
a  whole,  is  the  testimony  of  the  local  clergy  and  businessmen. 

WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON  LLEWELLYN.  A  unique  and  influential 
character  passed  from  the  stage  in  New  Mexico  in  the  death  at  the 
Beaumont  Hospital  at  El  Paso  on  Saturday,  June  11,  of  Colonel 
William  Henry  Harrison  Llewellyn  of  Las  Cruces.  He  was  born 
77  years  ago  in  Minnesota  of  Welsh  ancestry  although  his  parents 
had  gone  to  the  Northwest  from  Virginia.  In  1885  he  moved  to 
Las  Cruces.  He  had  been  agent  for  the  Mescalero  Apaches  and 
many  are  the  anecdotes  that  are  told  of  his  activities  during  those 
exciting  days.  Appointed  district  attorney  by  President  Arthur 
he  took  a  leading  part  in  Republican  politics.  Repeatedly  elected 
to  the  legislature  both  in  territorial  days  and  after  statehood,  he 
was  speaker  one  term  and  also  served  in  the  constitutional  con- 
vention. When  the  Spanish- American  war  broke  out  Llewellyn  helped 
to  recruit  Troop  G  of  the  Rough  Riders  and  took  part  in  the  battle 
of  San  Juan  Hill.  Becoming  ill  with  yellow  fever  he  was  taken  to 
Montauk  Point  and  thence  to  the  Presbyterian  Hospital  in  New  York 
City.  The  friendship  of  President  Roosevelt  for  Llewellyn  helped 
to  make  history  in  New  Mexico.  Colonel  Llewellyn  is  survived  by 
four  sons  and  two  daughters.  The  funeral  took  place  at  Las  Cruces 
on  Sunday,  June  12. 

COLONEL  EDWARD  E.  AYER.  New  Mexico  and  the  Museum 
lost  a  warm  friend  in  the  death  of  Col.  Edward  E.  Ayer.  On  his 
frequent  trips  across  the  Continent,  he  would  always  revisit  the 
scenes  of  his  military  days,  when  during  the  Civil  War,  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  California  Column,  he  nursed  back  to  health  one  of  his 
officers  who  was  stricken  with  smallpox  while  in  the  Palace  of  the 


NECROLOGY  307 

Governors  at  Santa  Fe.  A  few  years  ago,  Colonel  Ayer  presented 
to  El  Palacio  Press  the  plates  of  Mrs.  Ayer's  translation  of  Benavidez, 
a  beautiful  piece  of  work  of  which  a  limited  edition  was  printed. 
He  was  a  close  reader  of  El  Palacio  and  the  New  Mexico  His- 
torical Review,  and  was  much  interested  in  Museum  affairs.  Edv/ard 
Everett  Ayer  was  born  in  Kenosha,  Wisconsin,  November  16,  1841, 
the  son  of  Elbridge  Gerry  and  Mary  Titcomb  Ayer.  After  attend- 
ing the  public  schools,  he  made  his  way  to  the  Pacific  Coast  in  1860 
and  was  one  of  the  first,  if  not  the  first  to  volunteer  and  enlist 
in  the  Federal  Army  in  California  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War. 
He  served  against  the  Indians  and  became  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  resources  of  the  Southwest.  The  foundations  for  his  wealth 
were  laid  by  acquiring  timberlands  and  operating  a  lumber  mill 
at  Flagstaff,  Arizona.  He  was  a  pioneer  in  the  business  of  furnish- 
ing wooden  crossties  for  the  transcontinental  railroads.  Right  after 
the  Civil  War,  he  married  Emma  Augusta  Burbank,  who  was  his 
faithful  companion  on  many  travels  which  included  all  parts  of  the 
world.  She  is  the  author  of  several  works  of  travel  and  the  notable 
translation  of  Benavidez.  Colonel  Ayer  will  be  always  remembered 
as  the  donor  of  the  Ayer  collection  of  Americana  to  the  Newberry 
Library,  Chicago,  a  collection  which  is  especially  rich  in  its  works 
on  the  Spanish  Southwest  and  the  American  Indian.  Colonel  Ayer 
knew  the  Indian,  and  his  report  on  the  Menonimees  is  a  classic,  but 
he  never  sympathized  with  the  romantic  attitude  of  so  many  so- 
called  friends  of  the  Indians,  for  his  views  on  the  subject  were  in- 
tensely practical.  He  also  presented  libraries  on  ornithology  and 
ichthyology  to  the  Newberry  Library.  Among  his  other  public  gifts 
were  fine  collections  of  Indian  accoutrements  and  a  pewter  collec- 
tion to  the  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  of  Chicago,  and  it 
is  there  that  the  writer  first  met  him,  astonished  by  his  intense 
interest  in  the  collections  of  the  Museum  and  his  clear  understand- 
ing of  the  place  of  museums  and  art  galleries  in  the  life  of  the  people. 
Colonel  Ayer  was  a  director  of  the  Field  Museum,  of  the  Art  Insti- 
tute of  Chicago,  one  of  the  most  energetic  directors  of  the  League 
to  Save  the  Red  Woods  in  California,  a  life  member  of  the  Chicago 
Historical  Society.  Colonel  Ayer's  death  occurred  in  California. — W. 

DR.  GEORGE  W.  HARRISON.  From  Hollywood,  Calif.,  conies  word 
of  the  death  of  Dr.  George  W.  Harrison,  for  many  years  prominent 
in  civic  affairs  and  business  circles  of  Albuquerque,  N.  M.  Mrs. 
Harrison,  who  survives  him  was  Margarita  Otero,  daughter  of  the 
late  Mariano  S.  Otero,  who  in  his  day  was  a  dominating  figure 
politically  in  New  Mexico. 


308          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES 

The  Overland  Mail,  By  Le  Roy  Hafen,  Ph.  D.  (The  A. 
H.  Clark  Co.,  Cleveland,  1926  261  pp.  Illustrated.)— "Pro- 
moter of  Settlement  and  Precursor  of  Railroad"  is  the  sub- 
title that  Dr.  Leroy  R.  Hafen  gives  his  book  reviewing  the 
history  of  "The  Overland  Mail"  from  1849  to  1869.  The 
volume  which  is  handsomely  printed  and  bound,  is  dedi- 
cated to  Dr.  Hafen's  wife  "whose  assistance  and  encourage- 
ment had  made  this  study  possible  and  its  preparation 
enjoyable."  The  typography  is  by  The  Torch  Press  of 
Cedar  Rapids,  Iowa.  The  illustrations  are  eight  in  number 
including  a  map  of  the  Overland  Mail  Routes,  1849-1869. 
The  author  does  not  give  much  space  to  thrilling  details 
which  emphasize  the  romance  of  the  Winning  of  the  West, 
but  sketches  in  a  broad  way  "the  story  of  the  extension 
of  the  postal  service  into  the  Trans-Mississippi  region  and 
to  the  Pacific  Coast."  His  statements  are  well  authentic- 
ated and  annotated  with  references  to  official  documents 
and  historical  sources  of  which  there  is  no  lack  as  the  period 
covers  falls  well  within  days  of  extensive  publicity  in  press 
and  other  publications  readily  available  to  the  historical 
research  worker.  Dr.  Hafen  has  done  his  work  well,  so 
well,  that  his  book  might  be  accepted  as  the  final  word  on 
this  phase  of  American  history.  The  establishment  and 
early  development  of  the  postal  service  in  the  English 
colonies  and  then  in  the  new  republic,  is  covered  in  the  pre- 
liminary chapter.  It  is  stated  that  the  first  step  towards 
a  domestic  post  connecting  the  several  colonies  was  taken 
in  1672,  when  Governor  Lovelace  of  New  York  decreed 
that  a  post  should  go  monthly  between  New  York  and 
Boston.  The  author  might  have  thrown  in  an  interesting 
paragraph  telling  something  of  early  methods  of  communi- 
cation between  New  Mexico  and  the  Spanish  domain  to  the 
south  of  the  Rio  Grande,  since  the  Overland  Mail,  the  sub- 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES  309 

ject  of  the  book,  had  such  important  ramifications  to  and 
through  the  Southwest.  Still,  the  connection  between  the 
beginnings  of  a  mail  service  in  New  Mexico  and  the  Over- 
land Mail  that  had  its  beginnings  in  1849  over  the  Santa 
Fe  Trail  is  very  remote.  It  is  these  beginnings  that  are 
described  in  the  second  chapter.  Private  enterprise  had 
established  early  in  1848  a  letter  express  by  land  from  Cali- 
fornia to  Independence,  Missouri,  the  charge  for  letters 
being  fifty  cents  and  for  newspapers  twelve  cents.  "April 
17,  1848,  the  military  authorities  dispatched  'Kit'  Carson 
with  the  first  United  States  mail  ever  carried  overland 
from  the  Pacific  to  the  Atlantic."  "The  route  from  Inde- 
pendence, Missouri,  via  Bent's  Fort,  to  Santa  Fe,  was 
created  a  post  route  by  the  act  of  March  3,  1847,  and  ser- 
vice was  to  be  established  upon  it  as  soon  as  it  could  be 
done  from  the  postal  revenues  arising  therefrom.  In  1849 
a  Mr.  Haywood  carried  the  mail  between  Independence 
and  Santa  Fe."  The  author  describes  fully  the  route  taken. 
The  service  was  at  first  monthly  but  in  1853  was  made 
semi-monthly,  the  mail  contract  being  given  to  Jacob  Hall 
at  $39,999  per  year.  The  monthly  mail  route  from  San 
Antonio,  Texas,  to  Santa  Fe  passed  from  David  Wasson 
into  the  hands  of  George  H.  Giddings,  who  received  $33,500 
per  year  "for  monthly  service  in  two-horse  coaches,  through 
in  twenty-five  days."  However,  it  was  "The  Butterfield 
Overland  Mail"  to  which  the  fourth  chapter  is  devoted, 
which  inaugurated  the  palmy  days  of  the  Overland  Mail 
and  provided  regular  mail  facilities  to  the  Pacific  Coast. 
By  1859,  six  mail  lines  to  the  Pacifc  Coast  had  been  estab- 
lished. The  gross  annual  disbursements  for  these  six  lines 
were  $2,184,697  while  the  receipts  were  but  $339,747.34. 
Bitter  debate  raged  over  the  question  whether  the  mail 
should  be  self-supporting  or  should  be  considered  a  pioneer- 
ing agency.  There  were  periodical  fits  of  economy  and 
reduction  in  the  frequency  of  the  service  on  some  of  the 
lines  but  when  the  Civil  War  came,  the  view  that  the  Over- 
land Mail  "should  act  as  a  pioneering  agency,  leading  the 


310          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

emigration,  encouraging  settlement,  and  making  safe  the 
routes  of  travel,"  prevailed.  The  famous  Pony  Express 
marked  the  path  for  the  first  transcontinental  railroad. 
"It  showed  the  conquest  of  the  West  in  one  of  its  most 
spectacular  phases,  and  is  an  act  in  the  great  Western 
drama  that  will  always  be  recalled  and  reenacted  as  one 
of  our  precious  heritages."  The  fight  for  a  daily  mail  on 
the  Central  Route  resulted  in  the  million  dollar  contract 
with  Butterfield.  It  was  on  July  1,  1861,  that  the  first 
coach  of  the  daily  overland  mail  left  Saint  Joseph,  reaching 
San  Francisco  on  July  18.  It  marked  the  beginning  of  the 
decline  of  the  Overland  Mail  for  railroad  construction 
across  the  Continent  was  pushed  with  vigor,  Congress  pass- 
ing the  Pacific  Railroad  bill  just  one  year  later.  The  author 
devotes  an  entire  chapter  (No.  IX)  to  the  Indian  peril. 
Indian  depredations  culminated  during  the  Civil  War.  The 
Confederate  States  were  unsuccessful  in  maintaining  an 
overland  mail  and  for  obvious  reasons.  At  the  conclusion 
of  the  Civil  War  "the  overland  mail  reached  its  greatest 
proportions  and  achieved  its  greatest  success."  Ben  Holla- 
day  was  the  famous  president  of  the  Overland  Stage  line 
)and  the  author  tells  his  romantic  story  quite  fully.  Says 
Dr.  Haf en : 

"One  can  hardly  imagine  worse  punishment  than  rid- 
ing day  and  night  continuously  for  twenty  days  in  a 
crowded  coach.  One  passenger  draws  this  pen  picture:  , 

'A  through  ticket  and  fifteen  inches  of  seat,  with  a 
fat  man  on  one  side,  a  poor  widow  on  the  other,  a  baby 
on  your  lap,  a  bandbox  over  your  head,  and  three  or  four 
more  persons  immediately  in  front,  leaning  against  your 
knee,  makes  the  picture,  as  well  as  your  sleeping  place  for 
the  trip*  Another  traveler  tells  how  certain  passengers 
put  hay  on  the  flat  top  of  the  coach,  put  their  blankets  over, 
strapped  themselves  on  by  ropes  tied  to  the  railings,  and 
got  good  sleep  while  the  passengers  inside,  packed  like 
sardines  got  none/ 

In  1866,  Holladay  disposed  of  his  entire  overland  mail 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES  311 

holdings  and  Wells,  Fargo  and  Company  became  the  dom- 
inating factor  in  the  Overland  Mail  field.  The  end  was 
in  sight:  "When  the  golden  spike  was  driven  at  Promon- 
tory Point  on  May  10,  1869,  the  farewell  note  was  struck. 
The  continent  was  spanned  with  steel  and  the  Overland 
stage-coach  was  replaced  forever." 

Dr.  Hafen  has  achieved  a  scholarly  work.  His  book 
will  probably  become  a  classic.  It  should  also  attract  the 
general  reader,  but  to  the  student  of  American  history,  and 
especially  of  the  West,  it  is  indispensable. — W. 

Francisco  de  Ibarra  and  Nueva  Vizcaya,  by  J.  Lloyd  Mecham, 
associate  professor  of  government,  University  of  Texas.  Duke  Uni- 
versity Press,  1927.  Pp.  ix,  265,  2  maps,  bibl.  and  index) 

Antonio  de  Mendoza,  First  Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  by  Arthur 
Scott  Aiton,  associate  professor  of  history,  University  of  Michigan. 
(Duke  University  Press,  1927.  Pp.  xii,  240,  3  plates,  bibl.  and  index) 

Students  of  the  Southwest  who  wish  really  to  understand  the 
peoples  of  Indian  and  Spanish  descent,  their  cultures  and  types  of 
civilization,  their  ways  of  thinking  and  of  living,  will  welcome  any 
scholarly  study  of  historical  origins  and  background,  and  of  early 
institutions.  These  two  books,  recently  from  the  Duke  University 
Press  at  Durham,  North  Carolina,  are  studies  of  this  character  and 
are  notable  contributions  along  the  lines  indicated. 

One's  imagination  is  stirred  in  reading  of  the  deeds  of  a  grizzled 
conquistador  like  Don  Diego  de  Vargas  who  recovered  for  King  and 
Mother  Church  the  realm  of  New  Mexico  and  was  over  seventy 
years  of  age  when  he  contracted  his  last  sickness  while  in  person 
leading  a  campaign  against  hostile  Apaches;  but  here,  on  the  other 
hand,  we  learn  that  Francisco  de  Ibarra,  while  a  youth  of  barely 
sixteen  years,  was  already  an  explorer  and  conquistador,  a  governor 
and  captain-general.  And  altho  he  died  at  the  early  age  of  thirty- 
six  (of  what  the  author  assumes  to  have  been  tuberculosis),  his 
accomplishments  in  the  period  of  twenty  years  played  a  very  im- 
portant part  in  pushing  northward  the  frontier  of  New  Spain,  and 
in  preparing  the  way  for  the  subsequent  conquest  and  colonizing 
of  New  Mexico.  Beloved  of  his  soldiers,  devout  son  of  Mother  Church, 
loyal  servant  of  his  king,  Ibarra  nevertheless  was  false  and  treacher- 
ous and  ruthless  at  times  —  perhaps  we  may  say  he  was  a  man  of 
his  age.  The  analysis  of  his  character  and  achievements  as  given 
by  Professor  Mecham  impresses  one  as  fair  and  well  balanced  in 


312          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

view  of  all  the  facts  as  presented.  Ibarra  well  earned  his  title  "the 
phoenix  of  the  explorers"  and  was  characterized  by  Viceroy  Velasco 
as  "un  hombre  virtuoso  y  bastante." 

The  book  by  Professor  Aiton  also  is  a  study  of  history  thru 
biography,  and  interprets  in  a  readable  and  fascinating  way  the 
occasion  for,  and  initiating  of,  such  Spanish  institutions  as  the 
audiencia,  viceroy,  and  real  hacienda.  Not  the  least  absorbing  is 
the  account  of  the  testing  of  Mendoza's  viceregal  administration 
in  the  Mixton  War  and  in  the  efforts  from  within  government  cir- 
cles to  oust  him.  "The  first  and,  from  many  points  of  view,  the 
ablest  of  a  long  line  of  imperial  agents  in  the  New  World  .  .  . 
Mendoza's  success  was  in  the  main  due  to  three  things:  his  states- 
manship, and  the  reasonable  use  he  made  of  the  wide  powers  of 
his  office." 

The  bibliography  in  each  publication  carries  a  considerable  list 
of  manuscript  material;  in  the  lists  of  printed  sources  some  of 
the  titles  could  be  of  little  help  to  discriminating  students  of  these 
subjects.  Very  few  typographical  slips  have  been  noticed  and  the 
book  is  excellent.  In  Ibarra  (p. 17)  the  turkey  has  been  omitted 
from  domesticated  animals;  page  53  seems  to  have  "one"  for  "on"; 
and  on  page  56  the  estimated  weight  of  El  Cerro  del  Mercado  hardly 
corresponds  to  its  reported  mass,  —  whose  the  estimate  was  is  not 
clear.  The  careful  notes  and  index  in  each  book  will  be  appreciated 
by  any  critical  reader. 

L.  B.  B. 

History  of  Agriculture  in  Colorado,  by  Alvin  T.  Steinel  and  D. 
W.  Working,  Collaborator.  (Published  by  the  State  Agricultural 
College,  Fort  Collins.  Pp.  659,  illus). 

There  is  opportunity  right  now  for  historical  writers  to  com- 
pile the  story  of  agriculture  in  the  Southwest,  somewhat  along  the 
lines  of  the  recently  published  History  of  Agriculture  in  Colorado, 
a  well-printed  and  abundantly  illustrated  volume  published  by  the 
press  of  The  Colorado  State  College  of  Agriculture  at  Fort  Collins. 
In  New  Mexico,  the  beginnings  of  agriculture  and  irrigation  can  be 
taken  back  a  thousand  years  and  more,  while  the  period  covered  by 
the  Colorado  history  is  from  1858  to  1926,  although  there  are  al- 
lusions to  prehistoric  husbandry.  Three  years  were  given  for 
research  and  the  work  .of  gathering  data  for  the  history.  In  the 
foreword,  credit  is  given  to  Jean  Allard  Jeancon,  formerly  of  Santa 
Fe,  but  later  curator  of  archaeology  and  ethnology  of  the  Color-ado 
Historical  and  Natural  History  Society.  Of  him  it  is  written:  "Mr. 
Jeancon's  guidance  was  along  archaeological  lines,  especially  relat- 
ing to  the  extent  of  ancient  irrigation  and  the  practices  and  methods 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES  313 

of  aboriginal  farmers  of  the  arid  Southwest,  including  a  large  sec- 
tion of  what  is  now  Colorado.  Mr.  Jeancon,  in  his  service  for  the 
Smithsonian  Institute  at  Washington  and  later  as  director  of  archaeo- 
logical and  ethnological  research  for  the  state  of  Colorado,  has  un- 
earthed evidences  of  agriculture  by  irrigation  that  throw  new  light 
on  the  life  of  the  ancients.  It  was  the  inspiration  of  his  work  that 
enabled  the  author,  in  the  chapter  on  irrigation,  to  give  this  his- 
torical record  its  proper  setting,  fixing  a  new  mark  for  the  begin- 
nings that  takes  nothing  from  the  record  of  achievements  of  the 
recent  Anglo-Saxon  settlement,  but  leaves  for  the  present  generation 
of  students,  an  impressive  lesson  as  to  the  age  of  the  so-called  new 
world  and  the  stage  reached  by  civilizations  that  have  vanished." 

It  must  be  remembered  that,  for  three  centuries  Colorado  was 
considered  part  of  the  Spanish  domain,  at  least  by  the  authorities 
to  the  south,  and  that  up  to  comparatively  recent  years,  southern 
Colorado  was  an  integral  part  of  New  Mexico.  It  is  therefore  not 
surprising  to  read  that  the  beginning  of  present-day  agriculture  in 
Colorado  must  be  ascribed  to  the  people  of  Spanish  descent  in  the 
San  Luis  Valley.  As  early  as  1849  there  were  Spanish  settlements 
in  that  valley  while  San  Luis,  San  Pedro,  San  Acacio  and  Guadalupe 
were  founded  soon  thereafter.  Says  the  author:  "The  settlers 
who  came  to  Guadalupe  in  October,  1854,  under  the  leadership  of  Jose 
Maria  Jaques  brought  with  them  horses,  cows  and  oxen,  sheep  and 
goats.  In  the  following  March,  the  Indians  stole  their  stock,  and 
they  had  to  supply  themselves  again  from  older  settlements  south 
of  the  Colorado-New  Mexico  line.  With  their  new  supply  of  live- 
stock, chickens  were  brought  in  for  the  first  time.  The  first  Mexi- 
can mill  was  built  on  the  Conejos  river  in  1856  by  Mr.  Jaques,  and 
was  run  by  water  power.  Previously,  the  settlers  had  obtained  their 
flour  and  corn  meal  from  Taos  or  from  San  Luis,  where  power 
grinding  had  been  begun  at  an  earlier  date.  However,  from  the 
time  the  first  grain  was  grown  in  1855,  the  Mexican  women  did 
grinding  on  metates  with  handstones  called  Manos — a  practice  that 
was  continued  for  some  years  after  the  power  mill  was  in  operation." 

In  the  following  chapter,  the  rural  life  of  the  pioneers  is  de- 
scribed and  then  comes  a  chapter  devoted  to  the  early  years  of 
statehood  and  one  on  the  relation  of  the  new  settlers  and  the  In- 
dian. Then  follow  the  Sand  Creek  Massacre  and  the  Trouble  with 
the  Utes,  telling  the  story  of  the  assassination  of  Nathan  C.  Meeker 
of  whom  it  is  said  "Meeker's  approach,  with  plows,  harrows,  mowers 
and  other  agricultural  implements  was  looked  upon  with  disdain 
by  the  braves,  who  knew  naught  of  the  dignity  of  labor.  Work  was 
for  squaws.  To  expect  braves  to  farm  was  adding  insult  to  in- 

21 


314          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

jury."  So  the  gray-headed  philanthropist  was  dragged  about  the 
agency  grounds  by  a  log  chain  about  his  neck  and  with  a  barrel 
stave  driven  down  his  throat,  while  nine  other  men  were  also  mas- 
sacred, and  Mrs.  Meeker,  her  daughter  Josephine,  Mrs.  Price,  wife 
of  an  employee,  and  two  children,  were  carried  into  captivity  after 
the  agency  buildings  had  been  pillaged  and  burned. 

Most  interesting  is  the  story  of  the  live-stock  industry.  Here 
too,  the  beginnings  go  back  to  New  Mexico.  "Texas  cattle  came 
from  Spanish  foundation  stock,  their  native  home  being  the  Anda- 
lusian  plain.  Three  centuries  of  rustling  in  Mexico  had  not  im- 
proved them.  They  were  as  unlike  American  and  English  bred 
beef  as  though  a  separate  species.  They  were  light-bodied,  long- 
legged,  thin,  with  elongated  heads,  narrow  muzzles,  wide-spreading 
curved  horns,  measuring  five  feet  or  more  between  tips."  The 
scale  of  values  in  Texas  during  1865  was  $2  a  head  for  yearlings, 
$3  to  $4  for  two  year-olds,  $5  to  $6  for  three  year  olds,  $6  to  $7 
for  four  year  olds.  On  this  basis  the  drover  could  exchange  cattle 
for  goods,  allowing  the  merchant  a  profit  of  400  to  500  per  cent. 
Seventy-five  head  would  buy  a  good  saddle  horse  and  a  two-horse 
wagon  could  be  obtained  for  one  hundred  head  of  long-horns.  Market 
reports  in  1893  showed  western  sheep  selling  at  Chicago  at  $1  to 
$2  a  hundred  pounds,  the  producer  losing  a  dollar  a  head  on  every 
animal  marketed.  Entire  bands  in  the  Western  range  were  being 
sacrified  at  $1.25  to  $1.50  a  head,  prices  that  matched  the  figures 
at  which  Colorado  ranchmen  had  purchased  their  foundation  herds 
from  the  Mexicans  twenty-five  years  before.  This  condition  threa- 
tened again  in  1921,  when  "it  was  estimated  that  fifty  million  dol- 
lars had  been  squeezed  out  of  livestock  values  in  twelve  months  in 
Colorado." 

The  sixth  chapter  tells  the  story  of  irrigation.  The  first  court 
decrees  for  irrigation  rights  in  Colorado  streams  were  granted 
to  Spanish-American  users  in  1852.  "Irrigation  in  Spain  goes  back 
to  the  invasion  of  the  Moors,  who  brought  the  practice  from  Africa 
about  the  tenth  century."  Hon.  Amado  Chaves  of  Santa  Fe  is 
cited  in  the  definition  of  "aguardiente"  as  grape  brandy,  and  he 
tells  how  his  grandfather  Pablo  Labadie  made  the  finest  "aguar- 
diente" in  the  province.  However  "farming  did  not  advance  under 
Spanish-American  rule  in  the  Southwest.  The  crude  implements 
used  in  the  remote  years  when  the  first  settlers  followed  the  ex- 
plorers from  Mexico  northward  were  still  in  use  by  the  emigrants 
who  settled  at  San  Luis  and  Guadalupe.  Plows  were  made  of 
pinon  timber  with  a  spruce  pole  for  a  beam,  to  which  oxen  were 
yoked.  Grain  was  sowed  by  hand  and  plowed  under.  Goats  trod  out 


BEVIEWS  AND  NOTES  315 

the  grain  on  the  thrashing  floor."  On  the  other  hand,  progress  came 
so  rapidly  after  statehood  that  canal  building  was  overdone  and 
failures  and  bankruptcies  follows.  Of  interest  too,  is  the  story  of 
Rio  Grande  litigation,  the  Kansas-Colorado  suit  and  the  Wyoming- 
Colorado  case,  especially  in  light  of  pending  water  controversies 
with  New  Mexico. 

"Dry  Land  Farming  Completes  the  Conquest  of  Plains"  is 
heading  of  Chapter  VII,  and  it  seems  as  if  Colorado  has  been  more 
successful  than  New  Mexico  thus  far  in  making  dry  land  yield 
without  irrigation.  However,  "It  was  no  sudden  process,  but  a 
slow  development  which  was  marked  by  trial  and  error."  Today, 
Colorado  has  twelve  million  acres  in  dry  farms.  In  1925,  it  grew 
winter  wheat  by  dry  farming  on  828,553  acres;  it  had  119,384  acres 
in  summer  wheat;  1,365,594  acres  in  corn;  312,380  acres  in  barley; 
128,330  acres  in  oats;  118,000  acres  in  rye;  266,271  acres  in  beans; 
15,280  acres  in  potatoes,  and  12,000  acres  in  broom  corn.  Yet,  there 
were  twelve  million  acres  more  suitable  for  dry  farming  that  were 
lying  unutilized. 

"History  of  Sugar  Beet  Production,"  tells  another  story 
development  which  should  be  repeated  some  day  in  New  Mexico. 
"All  the  gold  and  silver  that  have  ever  been  taken  from  the  mount- 
ains of  Colorado,  or  that  may  still  be  awaiting  the  touch  of  the 
pick  and  drill,  cannot  compare  in  value  to  the  wealth  already  pro- 
duced in  twenty-five  years  by  the  beet  crop,  and  yet  to  come,  for 
unlike  mining,  good  farming  does  not  impair  prospective  yields,  and 
a  well-nourished  soil  insures  continuous  production." 

The  chapter  on  "Economic  Development  of  Agriculture  is  hnport- 
ant,  while  one  of  the  most  interesting  phases  of  the  history  of  husbn- 
dry  in  Colorado  is  to  be  found  under  "Agricultural  Colonies  and  Colo- 
nization of  Labor."  "Crop  Chronology  and  Events"  brings  out  that  the 
first  wheat  was  of  Spanish  origin  and  was  known  as  "Sonora 
wheat."  It  furnished  the  bread  for  Denver  in  that  city's  early  days. 
"Development  of  Fruit  and  Vegetable  Growing,"  "Research  and 
Experimentation,"  and  "Agricultural  Education,"  are  the  conclud- 
ing chapters,  all  indicating  that  the  volume  is  an  important  con- 
tribution not  only  to  history  but  also  to  the  science  of  economics. 
Incidentally  it  is  replete  with  romance,  beautiful  descriptive  pass- 
ages and  practical  wisdom. — W. 

Riata  and  Spurs.  .  Reviewers  have  been  kind  and  generous  in 
their  treatment  of  "Riata  and  Spurs"  by  Charles  A.  Siringo,  the 
"Cowboy  Detective,"  for  many  years  a  resident  of  Santa  Fe  but 
now  of  Hollywood,  California.  The  book  is  a  recent  one  from  the 
press  of  Houghton  Mifflin  Company  and  is  dedicated  to  Aloys  B. 


316          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Renehan,  a  Santa  Fe  attorney  who  in  his  youth  perpetrated  a  volume 
of  poems  and  who  befriended  Siringo,  in  whose  make-up  also  runs 
a  streak  of  romanticism  and  rhythm.  The  book  is  an  amplification 
of  earlier  volumes  printed  by  the  New  Mexican  Printing  Corporation 
of  Santa  Fe.  Governor  Gifford  Pinchot  of  Pennsylvania  has  written 
an  introduction  to  the  275  page  book  illustrated  with  halftones 
from  photographs  including  several  of  the  author.  Pinchot  says: 
"Charlie  Siringo's  story  of  his  life  is  one  of  the  best,  if  not  the  best, 
of  all  the  books  about  the  Old  West,  when  cowpunchers  actually 
punched  cows,  that  ever  passed  under  my  eye.  I  am  more  than  glad 
that  some  account  of  what  he  has  done  and  seen  and  gone  through 
is  now  to  reach  a  wider  audience." 

It  is  a  strangely  fascinating  narrative  that  Siringo  tells.  An 
autobiography  in  which  the  "I"  predominates  is  not  rare,  but  in  this 
instance  it  seems  an  altogether  impersonal  "I,"  a  paradox  indeed. 
Without  batting:  an  eye  he  relates  incident  upon  incident,  not  always 
creditable  to  himself,  without  embellishment  or  studied  climax,  and 
thus  gives  an  illumining  picture  of  the  days  and  the  places  of  which 
he  was  a  part.  Incidents  which  would  mean  a  book  by  some  other 
writer  are  barely  given  a  short  paragraph.  Again  and  again,  the 
author  faces  death  nonchalantly  and  escapes  disaster  by  a  hair's 
breadth  without  using  a  superlative  or  an  exclamation.  Writing  of 
"The  Toughest  Town  on  Earth,"  for  instance,  he  says:  "Riding  up 
the  main  street  Ferris  and  I  saw  twenty-five  mounted  cowboys, 
holding  rifles  in  their  hands,  and  facing  one  of  the  half-dozen  saloons, 
adjoining  each  other,  on  that  side  of  the  street.  In  passing  the 
armed  crowd  one  of  them  recognized  me.  Calling  me  by  name  he 
said:  'Fall  in  line  quick,  h~l  is  going  to  pop  in  a  few  minutes.' 
We  jerked  our  Winchester  rifles  from  the  scabbards  and  fell  in  line, 
like  most  any  other  fool  cowboys  would  have  done.  In  a  moment 
Clay  Allison,  the  man-killer,  came  out  of  the  saloons  holding  a  pistol 
in  his  hand.  With  him  was  Mr.  McNulty,  owner  of  the  large  Pan- 
handle 'Turkey  Track'  cattle  outfit.  Clay  was  hunting  for  some 
of  the  town  policemen,  or  the  city  marshal,  so  as  to  wipe  them  off 
the  face  of  the  earth.  His  twenty-five  cowboy  friends  had  promised 
to  help  him  clean  up  Dodge  City.  After  all  the  saloons  had  been 
searched,  Mr.  McNulty  succeeded  in  getting  Clay  to  bed  at  the  Bob 
Wright  Hotel.  Then  we  all  dispersed.  Soon  after,  the  city  law 
officers  began  to  crawl  out  of  their  hiding  places,  and  appear  on 
the  streets."  "The  History  of  Billy  the  Kid,"  "Strikers  and  Scabs," 
"Blind  Postoffices,"  "The  Salting  of  the  Mudsill  Mine,"  "The  Power 
of  John  Barleycorn,"  "Saved  by  Whiskey,"  are  some  of  the  startling 
sub-titles  but  one  vainly  looks  for  mock-heroics,  or  color,  or  atmos- 
phere—it is  a  dispassionate  recitation  of  a  participant  on  the  witness 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES  317 

stand,  a  super-history  from  which  historians  draw  the  very  things 
that  the  story  as  told  by  Siringo  lacks.  It  is  a  he-man's  book  which 
one  must  read  to  get  the  proper  perspective  of  the  West  that  has 
passed. — W. 

Minnesota  History.  "The  Old  Savanna  Portage"  by  Irving  Har- 
low  Hart,  and  "The  English  Colony  at  Fairmont  in  the  Seventies," 
are  the  two  leading  historical  studies  in  Minnesota  History  for  June. 
"From  a  time  far  back  beyond  the  dawn  of  historical  knowledge, 
there  was  probably  a  portage  route  between  the  two  streams  which 
drain  Savanne  and  Wolf  lakes,"  for  it  is  there  that  the  waters  of 
the  Mississippi  come  closest  to  those  of  the  St.  Lawrence  basin.  It 
is  the  relocation  of  this  portage  and  trail  last  year  by  the  author 
and  his  companion  that  furnishes  the  material  for  the  first  essay. 
The  author  of  the  second  study  is  a  resident  of  London  who  recalls 
the  vicissitudes  of  &  small  English  colony  in  the  wilds  of  Minnesota 
fifty  and  more  years  ag«.  "Campaigning:  with  Seward  in  I860,"  is 
an  interesting  and  perhaps,  important  contribution,  for  it  was  said 
in  those  days  by  Seward:  "We  look  to  you  of  the  Northwest  to 
finally  decide  whether  thig  is  to  be  a  land  of  slavery  or  of  freedom," 
while  a  historian  (William  E.  Dodd)  is  quoted  who  believed  that 
the  Northwest  was  the  critical  contested  area  of  the  1860  election 
and  that  the  contest  was  won  by  the  Republicans  "only  on  a  narrow 
margin  by  the  votes  of  the  foreigners  whom  the  railroads  poured 
in  great  numbers  into  the  contested  region."  Charles  Francis  Adams 
and  his  son,  of  the  same  name,  were  with  Seward,  and  part  of  the 
journal  kept  by  the  latter  is  quoted.  The  early  history  of  the  tele- 
graph in  Minnesota,  Swiss  settlement  in  Minnesota,  the  Minnesota 
marker  in  the  Washington  Monument,  and  Alexander  Faribault,  are 
subjects  of  short  sketches. — W. 

Hispanic  American  Historical  Review.  The  Duke  University 
Press  of  Durham,  North  Carolina,  is  making  most  notable  contri- 
butions to  Hispano-American  history.  Its  Historical  Review,  pub- 
lished quarterly,  is  replete  with  original  material.  The  May  num- 
ber furnishes  a  valuable  "Selected  Descriptive  Bibliographical  List 
on  The  Northern  Expansion  of  New  Spain  1522-1822"  by  J.  Lloyd 
Mecham.  Professor  Mecham  in  the  preceding  number  contributes 
"The  Real  de  Minas  as  a  Political  Institution."  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  "little  opportunity  was  given  the  Spanish  miner  to 
experiment  in  self-government  for  the  sufficient  reason  that  he 
was  so  closely  watched  by  his  central  government.  The  mining 
branch  of  the  colonial  government  was  so  efficiently  organized  that 
royal  control  was  asserted  immediately  after  a  discovery  was  made. 


318          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

.  .  .  Never  were  the  Spanish  minors  in  doubt  regarding  the  re- 
quisite steps  to  be  taken  after  a  discovery;  this  was  all  carefully 
laid  down  in  the  mining  laws."  Other  titles  in  the  two  numbers 
thus  far  published  this  year  are:  "Britain's  Role  in  the  Early 
Relation  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico;"  "French  Opinion  of 
the  Spanish-American  War,"  which  emphasizes  again  that  French 
opinion  was  altogether  adverse  to  the  United  States  and  would  have 
welcomed  European  intervention  or  even  a  European  coalition  against 
this  country;  "The  United  States  and  the  Dominican  Republic;'' 
"Fernandez  de  Lizard!  as  a  Pamphleteer;"  "The  Genesis  of  Royal 
Government  in  the  Spanish  Indies;"  "Confederate  Exiles  to  Brazil;" 
and  "The  Lost  Archives  of  Miranda." 

Missippi  Valley  Historical  Revieiv,  In  the  last  two  issues  of 
The  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Review,  those  for  March  and  June, 
the  following  are  the  chief  tie*es:  "Spanish  Exploration  of  the 
Upper  Missouri,  being  documents  from  the  Bancroft  Library,  Zenon 
Trudeau  reporting  to  the  Baron  de  Carondelet  in  1792:  "These 
Mandan  also  have  communication  with  the  Spaniards  or  with  na- 
tions that  know  them  because  they  have  saddles  and  bridles  in 
Mexican  style  for  their  horses,  as  well  as  other  articles  which  this 
same  de  la  Iglesia  saw;"  "Judicial  Review  in  Early  Ohio;"  "Roose- 
velt and  the  Elections  of  1884  and  1888;"  "Sergeant  Sutherland's 
Ride  an  Incident  of  the  Nez;"  "Jacquez  d'Eglise  on  the  Upper 
Missouri;"  "The  Life  of  the  Common  Soldier  in  the  Union  Army;" 
"The  Operation  of  the  Land  Laws  in  the  Minnesota  Iron  District;" 
"William  Henry  Harrison  in  the  War  of  1812;  "The  Federal  Civil 
Service  under  President  Jackson;"  "A  Visit  to  Kansas  in  1857;" 
"The  Last  Letters  of  a  Frontiersman  in  Search  of  a  Fortune;"  and 
"The  Military  Occupation  on  Green  Bay." 

Louisiana  Historical  Quarterly.  The  April  issue  of  The  Louisi- 
ana Historical  Quarterly  is  a  Lafayette  number,  the  first  three 
articles  of  the  issue  being  "Lafayette,  His  Visit  to  New  Orleans 
in  1825;"  "Celebration  by  the  Louisiana  Historical  Society  of  the 
Centennial  Anniversary  of  the  Visit  of  Lafayette;"  "Dedication  of 
the  Lafeyett  Public  School  in  New  Orleans."  Other  contributions 
are:  "Bienville's  Claims  against  the  Company  of  the  Indies  for 
Back  Salary,  1737;"  "Jackson  and  the  Louisiana  Legislature  1814- 
1815;"  "Report  of  the  Committee  of  Inquiry  of  the  Military  Mea- 
sures Executed  against  the  Legislature  of  Louisiana,  December  28, 
1814;"  "Records  of  the  Superior  Council  of  Louisiana,"  and  "Index 
to  the  Spanish  Judicial  Records  of  Louisiana."  This  last  named 
which  is  being  run  in  instalments  of  which  twelve  have  been  pub- 
lished previously,  is  not  a  mere  compilation  of  titles  but  a  complete 
review  of  each  case.  It  is  by  Laura  L.  Porteous. 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES  319 

Awerican  Historical  Review.  A  fascinating  study  of  "The 
Blight  on  Early  Modern  Civilization"  is  contributed  to  the  April 
number  of  "The  American  Historical  Review"  by  Lynn  Thorndyke. 
Herbert  D.  Foster  contributes  a  study  of  "International  Calvinism 
through  John  Locke  and  the  Revolution  of  1688;"  Marcus  L.  Hansen 
writes  of  "The  History  of  American  Immigration  as  a  Field  for 
Research."  "The  Papers  of  the  American  Fur  Company:  a  Brief 
Estimate  of  their  Significance,"  "Byzantine  Studies  in  Russia,"  "The 
First  Philanthropic  Organization  in  America,"  "A  Society  for  the 
Preservation  of  Liberty,  1874,"  and  "H.  L.  Bulwer  on  the  Death 
of  President  Taylor"  are  other  titles.  Much  space  is  given  to  book 
reviews  including  Woodward's  sensational  "George  Washington,  the 
Image  and  the  Man,"  which  incidentally  also  seeks  to  detract  from 
the  popular  estimate  of  other  Revolutionary  heroes. 

Oregon  Historical  Quarterly.  "Nova  Albion  and  New  England;" 
"England  and  Oregon  Treaty,  1846;"  "The  Currency  Question  in 
Oregon  during  the  Civil  War  Period;"  "The  Indians  of  Oregon-- 
Geographic Distribution  of  Linguistic  Families;"  "The  Oregon  Con- 
stitution and  Proceedings  and  Debates  of  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention of  1857;"  and  "Oregon  Geographic  Names;"  are  the  sub- 
jects to  which  the  March  number  of  The  Oregon  Historical  Quarterly 
devotes  itself. 

Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics.  "Boundaries  of  Iowa," 
by  Erick  McKinley  Erikson,  "Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  in  Iowa,"  by 
Hubert  H.  Hoeltje,  and  "The  Influence  of  Natural  Environment 
in  North  Central  Iowa,"  by  William  Julius  Berry,  are  the  principal 
titles  in  the  April  issue  of  The  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Politics, 
while  in  the  July  number  Henry  Arnold  Bennett  writes  on  "Fish 
and  Game  Legislation  in  Iowa,"  and  Earle  D.  Ross  on  "The  Evolu- 
tion of  the  Agricultural  Fair  in  the  Northwest." 

"Los  Moros  at  Santa  Cruz.  Flashing  swords,  curveting  steeds, 
gay  banners  and  blue  and  cerise  trappings  gave  a  large  audience 
a  thrill  at  Alcalde,  when  a  band  of  young  men  from  Santa  Cruz 
headed  by  the  junior  Mestas,  performed  the  ancient  miracle  play  or 
pageant,  "Los  Moros"  depicting  the  conflict  between  the  Spaniards 
and  the  Moors.  This  was  first  staged  by  Onate's  men  at  San  Gabriel 
near  Chamita,  the  one-time  Spanish  capital  now  vanished  into  limbo 
and  tumble-down  adobe  ruins.  The  manuscript  has  been  handed 
down  from  generation  to  generation,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  olden 
administrative  center  of  the  Spanish  crown  in  New  Mexico.  It  was 
presented  with  the  aid  and  encouragement  of  Miss  Mary  Hunter  of 
Santa  Fe  and  Santa  Cruz,  and  the  boys  deserve  great  credit  for  the 


320          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

spirited  manner  in  which  the  play  was  given.  In  a  ring  around  the 
edge  of  the  picturesque  plaza  of  Alcalde — with  the  pueblo-like  village 
mounting  tier  on  tier  in  the  background  toward  the  lava  wall  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande —  were  perhaps  20  or  30  autos  which  brought  visitors 
from  Santa  Fe  and  up  and  down  the  valley.  Inside  the  car  circle 
were  spectators  on  foot,  gala-dressed  natives  and  Indians,  men  and 
women,  boys  and  girls  and  babies,  tourists  and  ranchers.  In  the 
center  of  the  plaza  rose  a  white  altar  surmounted  by  a  white  cross; 
in  front  of  it  reposed  a  smaller  red  cross,  the  battle  cross  of  the 
Spaniards,  which  was  carried  by  the  "conquistadores"  as  they  circled 
and  charged,  clashing  old  sabres  and  bright  new  swords  with  the 
Orientals.  Pending  the  time  when  these  native  youths  are  letter- 
perfect  in  their  parts,  a  prompter  stood  before  the  altar.  The  parti- 
cipants entered  into  the  spirit  of  the  old  play  magnificently.  Little 
attempt  was  made  at  elaborate  costuming,  but  the  effect  was  spec- 
tacular enough.  An  orchestra  with  two  banjos,  a  violin  and  a  snare 
drum  furnished  music.  The  glossy  horses  pawed  and  pranced  and 
leaped  under  the  impetus  of  long-roweled  Spanish  spurs.  When 
"Marcha!"  was  sounded  they  fell  into  weaving  battle-lines  round 
and  round  the  altar,  to  the  sound  of  shouting  and  the  clang  of  arms. 
There  are  many  lines  in  the  play,  martial  and  inspiring  in  sonor- 
ous Spanish,  and  it  was  half  an  hour  or  three  quarters  before  the 
commander  of  the  Saracen  hordes  fell  on  his  knees  in  submission 
before  the  white  cross.  Color  wars  added  when  an  American  Legion 
truck  bearing  much  bunting  and  a  gorgous  American  flag  charged 
into  the  Plaza.  Over  all  a  brilliant  sun,  with  occasional  battalions 
of  dust  clouds  advancing  before  the  southern  wind.  To  the  east  the 
faint  white  cross  of  snow  in  the  clefts  of  the  Truchas,  to  the  west 
the  far  stretching  living  green  of  the  Rio  Grande-Chama  valley, 
the  fertile  paradise  which  the  shrewdly-choosing  Spaniards,  selected 
for  their  center  of  provincial  government.  While  the  cameras  were 
clicking  many  Santa  Feans  agreed  that  every  possible  effort  should 
be  made  to  include  this  ancient  miracle  play  in  the  Santa  Fe  Fiesta, 
given  by  the  same  young  men  who  have  inherited  it  and  kept  it  alive. 
A  little  aid  in  costuming  and  more  rehearsals  and  it  will  be  perfect; 
an  authentic  part  of  the  Fiesta. — Santa  Fe  New  Mexican. 

Loretto  Jubilee.  The  diamond  jubilee  of  Loretto  Academy  in 
Santa  Fe  was  celebrated  May  17,  18,  19  and  20.  White  and  gold 
were  the  decorations  for  the  auspicious  occasion,  which  included  a 
series  of  interesting  exercises.  Distinguished  visitors  included  three 
members  of  the  Loretto  Council,  Rev.  Mother  Vicaress  Mother  Mary 
Thomas,  Mother  M.  Bridget,  both  former  superiors;  Mother  M. 
Rosine,  Mother  M.  Albertina,  Mother  M.  Barbain. 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

Vol.   II.  October  1927.  No.  4. 

MANUEL  LISA 

ONE  OF  THE  EARLIEST  TRADERS 
ON  THE  MISSOURI  RIVER 

Among  the  early  trappers  and  fur  traders  of  the  west, 
the  Chouteaus,  the  Sublettes,  the  Bents,  Ashley,  Fitzpatrick, 
Bridger,  Wyeth,  some  of  Astor's  agents,  Captain  Bonne- 
ville  and  others  are  well  known  and  should  be,  for,  con- 
sidering their  deeds  in  unexplored  country  and  combatting 
obstacles  of  many  kinds,  these  men  were  giants  in  their 
day.  But  one  of  the  earliest  traders  and  post-builders  was 
Manuel  Lisa.  He  is  a  man  that  we  today  seldom  hear 
about,  but  in  his  day  he  was  one  of  the  boldest  and  most 
enterprising. 

Manuel  Lisa  was  born  of  Spanish  parentage  in  New 
Orleans  about  the  year  1772.  Of  his  early  life  there  is 
little  on  record.  At  the  age  of  twenty  he  was  trading  on 
the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries.  He  came  to  St.  Louis 
in  1798  and  that  year  entered  into  a  contract  with  Roubi- 
doux,  one  of  the  old  Indian  traders. 

He  early  showed  his  aggressive  spirit  by  joining  with 
others  in  a  protest  to  Governor  Trudeau,  against  the  mono- 
poly granted  and  enjoyed  by  a  few  giving  them  control  of 
the  Indian  trade  of  the  Missouri.  The  Chouteaus  were 
about  the  only  ones  not  affected  by  this  arrangement; 
they  were  old  on  the  river  and  too  well  established.  In 
fact  they  were  a  small  monopoly  in  themselves.  The  peti- 
tion for  granting  open  trade  had  no  result.  With  the  trans- 


324          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

fer  of  the  territory  to  the  United  States  this  monopoly 
collapsed. 

A  little  later,  Lisa  and  two  others  obtained  from  the 
Spanish  government  the  exclusive  right  to  trade  with  the 
Osage  Indians.  For  a  number  of  years  this  trade  had  been 
controlled  by  the  Chouteaus,  and  their  influence  was  so 
strong  that  on  Lisa's  appointment  they  were  able  to  induce 
a  large  part  of  the  tribe  to  leave  the  Missouri  and  move  over 
to  the  Arkansas  River  where  the  former  were  strongly 
entrenched.  This  action  caused  a  split  in  the  Osage  Na- 
tion that  took  some  time  to  heal.  Lisa  held  the  grant  only 
one  year. 

We  next  hear  of  Lisa  in  trouble.  He  was  always  a 
man  strong  in  his  convictions,  and  never  afraid  to  attack 
even  the  mighty.  For  a  strong  letter  of  complaint  to  the 
Spanish  Governor  Delassus,  the  last  of  that  succession, 
he  was  put  in  the  calaboose  for  a  time. 

With  the  ending  of  his  monopoly  of  the  Osage  trade, 
Lisa  cast  his  eyes  towards  Santa  Fe.  With  wise  foresight 
he  saw  the  prospect  of  rich  trade  with  the  Spanish  Provin- 
ces and  this  was  amply  justified  later  when  the  Santa  Fe 
Trail  became  a  great  avenue  to  market.  The  new  American 
governor,  Gen.  James  Wilkinson,  always  an  enemy  of  Lisa, 
successsfully  thwarted  his  plans.  He  somehow  learned  of 
Lisa's  intentions  and  in  a  letter  to  Captain  Zebulon  M. 
Pike  then  on  his  famous  exploring  expedition  to  the  south- 
west, he  called  Lisa  an  intriguer  and  outlining  his  plans,  or- 
dered Pike  to  take  "all  prudent  and  lawful  means  to  blow 
them  up."  It  may  be  possible  that  Wilkinson  feared  to  have 
Lisa  reach  Santa  Fe,  for  once  there,  speaking  the  language 
and  mingling  with  the  officials,  he  might  learn  something 
of  the  governor's  intrigues. 

In  1806  Lewis  and  Qark  returned  from  their  historic 
journey  to  the  Pacific  and  the  news  they  brought  caused 
the  eyes  of  the  St.  Louis  traders  to  wander  up  the  Missouri 
River.  The  headwaters  of  this  river  were  a  virgin  field 
for  the  taking  of  furs  and  peltries  and  one  of  the  first  to 
grasp  the  importance  of  this  fact  was  Manuel  Lisa. 


MANUEL  LISA  325 

Fur  was  the  incentive  of  much  of  the  early  explora- 
tion and  advance.  It  was  the  first  article  of  trade  of  all 
the  early  western  towns  and  cities.  St.  Louis  was  founded 
by  Laclede  Ligoust  as  a  depot  and  headquarters  for  trade 
with  the  Indians  who  were  the  big  gatherers  of  fur,  and 
to  this  day  the  city  ranks  high  as  a  center  of  the  fur  trade. 
Fur  was  the  principal  business  of  the  day  and  all  the  big 
men  were  in  it  in  one  form  or  another.  Even  before  the 
coming  of  Laclede,  French  coureurs  de  bois  and  half-breed 
whites  had  pushed  up  the  Missouri  and  its  tributaries  at 
least  as  far  as  Kansas  City  and  possibly  beyond.  After 
1764  a  greater  number  pressed  farther  into  the  interior. 

While  Lisa  was  not  the  first  trader  to  go  up  the  river, 
he  was  the  first  to  realize  that  the  men  before  him  were 
doing  big  business  on  a  small  scale,  and  to  see  the  possibil- 
ities of  doing  big  business  by  having  permanent  posts  in 
the  country  and  carrying  large  stocks  of  goods.  This  re- 
quired capital  and  this  he  was  able  to  command. 

In  1807  Lisa  with  one  keelboat  and  outfit  made  his 
first  trip  up  the  Missouri.  Near  the  Platte  River  it  was 
his  good  fortune  to  meet  a  man  who  had  made  the  journey 
with  Lewis  and  Clark — John  Colter,iand  who  was  on  his  way 
down  the  river.  Colter  had  been  in  the  country  where 
Lisa  was  anxious  to  trade,  and  this  making  him  an  im- 
portant man  to  have,  Lisa  offered  him  inducements  and 
persuaded  him  to  turn  back  and  face  the  wilderness  once 
more. 

Above  the  friendly  Omahas,  Lisa  had  to  pass  the  coun- 
try of  six  or  seven  tribes  which  might  prove  hostile,  and 
on  this  trip  trouble  was  had  with  the  Arikaras,  Mandans 
and  Assiniboines.  However  a  show  of  force  with  two  of 
them  and  persuasion  with  the  other,  got  him  by  safely. 

Two  other  expeditions  started  up  the  river  shortly 
after  Lisa  left  St.  Louis.  One  under  the  command  of  En- 
sign Pryor  who  was  escorting  back  to  his  village  the  Man- 
dan  Chief  Shehaka,  who  had  been  brought  down  to  St. 
Louis  the  previous  year  by  Lewis  and  Clark;  the  other, 
a  trading  venture  in  charge  of  Pierre  Chouteau.  This 


326          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

united  party  had  a  fight  with  the  Arikaras  and  were  com- 
pelled to  return  to  St.  Louis.  It  was  claimed  that  Lisa 
had  instigated  the  Indians  in  this  affair.  Remembering 
the  treatment  he  had  received  from  the  Chouteaus  in  his 
dealings  with  the  Osage,  possibly  he  was  interested  in 
blocking  Pierre,  who  returned  to  St.  Louis  in  high  dudgeon. 

This  first  expedition  was  known  as  that  of  Lisa  and 
Druillard,  the  latter  the  "Drewyer"  of  the  Lewis  and  Clark 
expedition.  Their  first  post  was  built  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Big  Horn  River  and  was  known  under  different  names, 
but  "Fort  Manuel"  and  "Fort  Lisa"  were  the  most  familiar. 
This  was  the  first  permanent  house  built  in  what  was 
afterwards  the  State  of  Montana,  and  Lisa  was  the  first 
settler  in  the  state.  However  a  mistake  was  made  in  es- 
tablishing a  post  at  this  point.  The  intention  was  to  trade 
with  the  Blackfeet,  the  big  gatherers  of  fur,  but  settling 
in  the  country  of  the  Crows  the  others  took  umbrage,  and 
partly  from  fear  of  the  Crows  refused  to  come  to  trade. 

The  winter  was  spent  at  the  new  post  and  during  the 
time  Colter  was  sent  out  to  find  the  Blackfeet  and  induce 
them  to  come  in  and  trade,  and  it  w&s  on  this  memorable 
trip  that  he  discovered  the  wonders  of  the  Yellowstone 
Park  which  in  disbelief  and  derision  were  called  "Colter's 
Hell." 

On  the  whole  Lisa  was  successful  in  this  his  first  ven- 
ture on  the  upper  river  and  on  his  return  to  St.  Louis  the 
result  was  exploited.  His  competitors  and  rivals,  and 
among  them  the  Chouteaus,  quickly  recognized  the  fact 
that  this  bold  and  resourceful  man  was  one  to  be  reckoned 
with,  and  with  good  business  judgment,  rather  than  oppose 
him,  they  organized  the  St.  Louis  Missouri  Fur  Company 
and  Lisa  was  made  a  partner. 

On  Lisa's  next  trip  in  1809  he  returned  to  his  village 
the  Mandan  Chief  Shehaka,  wife  and  child.  Posts  were 
built  at  the  village  of  the  Gros  Ventres  and  at  the  Three 
Forks  of  the  Missouri  in  the  midst  of  the  Blackfoot  coun- 
try. This  latter  on  account  of  the  hostility  of  the  Indians 
was  abandoned  in  about  a  year  or  two.  The  Blackfeet  were 


MANUEL  LISA  327 

the  most  troublesome  of  all  the  Indians.  They  would  be 
met  with  in  various  parts  of  the  country  and  this  led  to 
the  opinion  that  they  were  a  very  large  tribe  and  occupied 
a  big  home  section,  but  this  was  not  a  fact;  they  were 
great  travelers  and  while  after  horses,  buffalo  or  on  the 
war  path,  might  be  met  with  hundreds  of  miles  from  the 
head  waters  of  the  Missouri,  thus  giving  this  impression. 

The  expedition  of  1810  was  not  a  successful  one. 
George  Druillard,  a  very  capable  man,  had  been  killed  by 
the  Indians  and  the  posts  at  the  Big  Horn  and  the  Forks 
abandoned.  The  Indians  were  very  troublesome  and  Major 
Andrew  Henry  went  to  the  western  slope  of  the  mountains 
in  hope  of  trapping  unmolested. 

The  expedition  of  the  following  year  is  notable  for 
the  great  race  up  the  river.  The  Indians  were  showing 
signs  of  hostility  possibly  urged  by  British  emissaries,  and 
as  the  Astoria  Overland  Party  under  the  leadership  of 
Wilson  Price  Hunt  was  going  up  the  river  Lisa  was  anxious 
to  travel  with  them  for  mutual  protection.  Some  friction 
arose  between  the  two  leaders  and  Hunt,  and  some  others 
with  him  recalling  that  it  was  claimed  that  Lisa  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  failure  of  Pierre  Chouteau's  venture  a 
couple  of  years  before,  made  a  start  a  good  two  weeks 
ahead  of  him.  Lisa,  notwithstanding  his  big  handicap, 
with  one  keelboat  manned  by  a  picked  crew,  made  an  heroic 
effort  and  caught  up  with  Hunt  just  beyond  the  Sioux 
territory.  This  ranks  as  one  of  the  greatest  races  in  his- 
tory; it  lasted  two  months  and  twelve  hundred  miles  were 
covered.  No  trouble  was  experienced  with  the  Indians  and 
the  rival  leaders  patched  up  their  differences.  Luckily 
there  was  an  historian  with  each  party  to  preserve  the 
story  of  the  race  and  later,  Washington  Irving  retold  the 
story  in  his  classic  "Astoria."  Lisa  picked  up  Major  Henry 
and  his  men  who  had  returned  from  beyond  the  mountains 
and  returned  to  St.  Louis. 

By  this  time  Lisa  was  a  man  of  importance  in  St. 
Louis.  In  the  tax  list  for  1811  he  stands  among  the  few 
that  were  assessed  for  over  2000  dollars.  At  that  time 


328          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

there  were  but  nineteen  carriages  of  pleasure  of  which 
he  owned  two.  He  was  one  of  the  organizers  of  what  was 
probably  the  first  business  bank  but  it  proved  a  losing 
venture  and  Lisa  lost  considerable  money.  Moses  Austin 
was  an  associate  and  it  is  claimed  that  the  loss  of  his  money 
turned  his  thoughts  to  the  scheme  of  colonizing  Texas. 
Later,  Lisa  in  partnership  with  two  others  started  a  steam 
mill  company.  Lisa  was  never  a  single  track  man ;  he  was 
always  open  to  a  business  proposition. 

In  1812  Lisa  with  two  boats  again  went  up  the  river, 
and  it  was  on  this  trip  that  Fort  Lisa  a  few  miles  above 
the  present  city  of  Omaha  was  built,  and  it  remained  an 
important  post  for  a  long  time.  On  the  way  up,  the  Arik- 
aras  through  jealousy  of  the  chiefs,  became  aggressive. 
The  women  and  children  were  ordered  away  from  the  boats 
which  was  not  a  friendly  sign.  Lisa  and  his  men  pre- 
pared for  trouble,  but  the  leader  was  nor,  a  man  to  sit 
tight.  With  ten  men  he  went  ashore  and  sent  for  the  chiefs 
to  explain  their  conduct.  It  was  a  matter  of  some  receiv- 
ing presents  and  others  none.  They  were  also  desirous  of 
having  a  trading  post  established  with  them.  Agreement 
was  arrived  at,  matters  were  adjusted  and  all  was  peace 
again. 

Four  or  five  parties  were  sent  out  to  trade  with  vari- 
ous tribes  and  one  under  Charles  Sanguinet  was  sent  to 
the  Arkansas  River  to  trade  with  the  Arapaho  Indians. 
This  in  reality  was  only  part  of  the  scheme.  They  were 
to  try  and  get  in  touch  with  the  Spanish  traders  from 
the  south  and  were  fortified  with  a  letter  to  the  Spanish.* 
Two  years  previously,  Lisa  had  sent  out  a  party  with  the 
same  intentions  and  no  word  having  been  had  of  them, 
it  was  part  of  the  errand  of  this  later  party  to  locate  the 
missing  ones.  Some  of  the  men  in  this  first  party  never 
returned.  The  time  was  not  ripe  for  trading  with  the 
Spanish  and  nothing  came  of  the  effort.  Some  men  of 

*     For  this  letter,  see  Bolton,  H.  E.,  "New  Light  on  Manuel  Lisa  and  the  Spanish 
Fur  Trade,"   Southwestern  Historical  Quarterly,   XVII,   61-66. — Ed: 


MANUEL  LISA  329 

another  party  were  taken  by  the  Spanish  and  held  prisoners 
for  ten  years. 

On  this  trip  Lisa  had  a  journal-keeping  clerk,  Luttig 
by  name,  who  wintered  in  the  country  and  who  gives  us 
a  glimpse  of  Sakakawea,  the  Shoshone  woman,  the  wife  of 
Charboneau,  who  guided  Lewis  and  Clark  on  their  me- 
morable journey  across  the  Rockies.  The  woman  died  of 
"putrid  fever"  that  winter. 

Reading  old  journals  of  fur-trading  days  gives  some 
idea  of  the  amount  of  game  at  that  time.  In  journeying 
up  the  river  and  after  leaving  the  settlements,  hunters 
were  put  ashore  every  day  and  numbers  of  deer,  elk,  bear 
and  (farther  up)  buffalo  were  killed  for  food.  Bracken- 
ridge,  who  made  the  voyage  up  the  river  in  1811,  tells 
about  seeing  several  thousand  buffalo  in  a  frightful  battle 
among  themselves.  "The  noise  grew  to  a  tremendous  roar- 
ing, such  as  to  deafen  us." 

While  Lisa  was  away  on  this  voyage,  at  a  meeting  of 
the  company  he  was  dropped  as  a  director  and  changes  were 
made  in  the  arrangements  of  the  company.  However, 
on  Lisa's  return  the  following  year,  it  was  decided  to  dis- 
solve the  company.  Lisa's  enemies  were  in  the  majority 
and  had  their  way. 

War  with  Great  Britian  had  been  declared  while  Lisa 
was  up  the  river,  but  on  his  return  he  offered  his  services 
and  was  appointed  a  captain  of  an  infantry  company.  He 
also  became  active  in  town  affairs  and  was  made  a  bridge 
commissioner. 

On  the  dissolution  of  the  company,  Lisia  formed  an 
association  with  Captain  Theodore  Hunt,  a  fellow  bridge 
commissioner,  and  boats  were  sent  up  -the  river,  but  on 
account  of  the  war  and  the  unrest  of  the  Indians,  trade 
was  declining.  The  increasing  number  of  traders  was  a 
contributing  cause.  The  fur  business  remained  in  a  lang- 
uishing condition  for  a  matter  of  ten  years  but  up  to  the 
time  of  his  death,  Lisa  could  always  command  his  big  pro- 
portion of  the  trade. 

Governor  Clark  with  good  judgment  appointed  Lisa 


330          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sub-agent  for  the  Indians  on  the  Missouri  and  during  the 
war  of  1812  this  proved  of  inestimable  value  to  the  growing 
nation  and  prevented  the  massacre  and  devastation  of 
many  of  the  northern  towns.  Outside  of  possibly  the 
Chouteaus,  no  man  had  greater  influence  with  the  Indians 
than  Lisa.  The  northern  Sioux  through  long  association 
with  the  British  trading  companies  were  naturally  strong- 
ly attached  to  their  cause  and  needed  little  urging  to  at- 
tack, but  Lisa  with  adroitness  and  use  of  his  "fine  Spanish 
hand"  was  able  to  detach  the  southern  bands  so  that  every 
time  the  northern  Indians  started  on  a  drive,  runners  would 
reach  them  with  the  word  that  the  others  were  marching 
to  attack  their  villages,  obliging  them  to  turn  back  and 
making  their  attempts  abortive. 

The  value  of  Lisa's  services  are  best  shown  in  a  letter 
to  his  son,  by  Joseph  Renville,  the  British  guide  and  inter- 
preter with  the  Sioux  during  the  war,  part  of  which  is  as 
follows : 

During  the  was  of  1812  the  Americans  from  St.  Louis 
stirred  up  much  trouble  between  the  Tetons  and  the  Santees, 
and  it  seemed  as  if  there  was  to  be  civil  war  in  the  Dakota 
Confederacy.  Manuel  Lisa  was  the  American  Agent  and 
he  set  the  Tetons  against  the  Santees  because  the  latter 
supported  the  English.  That  is  the  reason  the  Santees 
could  not  help  the  English  more.  Every  time  they  started 
out  to  go  to  the  lakes  and  Canada,  runners  would  come  and 
tell  them  that  the  Tetons  were  coming  to  destroy  their 
families  and  they  were  compelled  to  return  to  their  homes 
to  protect  their  women  and  children.  Lisa  had  his  post 
either  on  American  Island,  where  Chamberlain  now  is,  or 
on  Cedar  Island  ,above  the  big  bend  of  the  Missouri.  He 
had  a  big  post  there  and  the  Tetons  were  not  nearly  so 
poor  as  were  the  Santees,  for  they  had  plenty  of  buffalo 
meat  and  Lisa  bought  all  their  furs.  Lisa  was  a  very 
smart  man,  and  he  managed  things  so  that  all  of  the  money 
and  work  of  Dickson  (the  British  agent)  to  get  the  Santees 
to  fight  was  lost.  He  got  one  of  our  men  (Tamaha,  the 
one-eyed  Sioux)  to  spy  on  his  own  people  and  let  him  know 
all  that  was  being  done.  Lisa  was  met  several  times  after 


MANUEL  LISA  331 

the  war  and  he  boasted  about  the  way  he  managed  the 
Tetons. 

An  example  of  Lisa's  standing  with  the  Indians  is 
shown  in  his  bringing  to  St.  Louis  in  1815  some  forty-three 
friendly  chiefs  and  headmen  for  a  visit  and  to  make  treaties. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  throughout  his  business  career, 
Lisa  was  beset  with  enemies  and  rivals.  But  in  no  deal 
or  controversy  was  he  ever  worsted.  He  also  had  life-long 
friends  such  as  Governor  Clark  and  other  important  men, 
and  men  remained  in  his  employ  year  after  year.  Immel, 
who  was  one  of  his  best  traders  remained  with  him  up  to 
his  death.  Lisa  was  suspected  and  accused  of  various  things 
such  as  instigating  the  Indians  against  rival  traders,  but 
honest  investigation  fails  to  show  any  basis  for  the  claims. 
That  the  man  was  a  Spaniard  and  very  successful,  had 
much  to  do  with  this  pronounced  jealousy.  General  Ashley 
in  1822,  either  by  raising  the  caches  or  bribing  his  men, 
obtained  the  furs  belonging  to  Peter  Skeen  Ogden  of  the 
British  Northwest  Company  and  thus  laid  the  foundation 
of  his  fortune.  A  similar  act  on  the  part  of  Lisa  the 
Spaniard  would  have  been  execrated,  but  in  the  other  it 
was  merely  considered  sharp  practice. 

Lisa  resigned  his  agency  in  1817  and  in  his  letter  to 
Governor  Clark  declared  himself  and  protested  against 
certain  calumnies  which  usually  attach  to  successful  men. 

Someone  has  written  that  Lewis  and  Clark  were  the 
trail-makers  and  Lisa  the  trade-maker.  The  former  laid 
the  foundation  of  scientific  geographic  exploration  of  the 
far  west,  and  the  latter  the  foundation  of  a  great  industry. 
All  of  Lisa's  expeditions  were  attended  by  discoveries. 
There  was  no  Indian  village  of  importance  on  the  Missouri 
at  which  he  did  not  at  some  time  have  a  trading-post  or 
fort. 

Lisa  was  an  all-around  man  and  Brackenridge  in  his 
famous  journal  describes  him  as  "a  man  of  bold  and  dar- 
ing character,  with  an  energy  and  spirit  of  enterprise 
like  that  of  Cortez  or  Pizarro.  There  is  no  one  better 
acquainted  with  the  Indian  character  and  trade,  and  few 


332          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

are  his  equals  in  persevering  indefatigable  industry."  In 
trading  with  the  Indians  or  passing  through  their  country 
he  always  displayed  great  judgment.  When  promises  or 
presents  would  suffice,  they  were  freely  given;  if  a  show 
of  force  was  the  only  way  out,  it  was  promptly  offered. 
His  life  was  threatened  many  times  by  both  whites  and 
reds,  but  he  proved  a  fearless  man  and  never  felt  the  need 
of  ordering,  as  did  Kenneth  McKenzie  at  Fort  Union,  a 
shirt  of  mail.  Once  on  receiving  word  that  the  Sioux  had 
broken  out  in  open  hostility  the  men  all  looked  glum  and 
dispirited,  but  not  Lisa  who  would  seize  an  oar  or  the  helm, 
make  an  encouraging  speech,  send  around  the  grog  and 
raise  the  song. 

Lisa  had  in  all  three  wives,  two  white  and  one  Mitain 
the  daughter  of  an  Omaha  chief.  His  last  wife,  of  the 
important  Hempstead  family  and  known  as  Aunt  Manuel, 
survived  him  a  number  of  years.  He  had  no  children  by 
his  white  wives,  but  there  were  some  by  the  other  and  the 
strain  was  continued  from  that  connection. 

Lisa  returned  from  his  last  trip  in  April,  1820,  and 
in  August  of  that  year  passed  away. 

By  his  labor  and  enterprise,  Lisa  had  risen  to  a  high 
position  in  St.  Louis  and  was  second  to  none  in  big  busi- 
ness and  the  affairs  of  that  day.  Had  he  lived  a  few  more 
years  and  his  plans  been  fulfilled,  he  would  have  achieved 
great  riches,  but  the  end  coming  rather  suddenly,  he  prob- 
ably left  little  in  the  way  of  quick  assets. 

Coming  to  St.  Louis  a  comparative  stranger  where 
the  families  were  closely  related  and  quickly  jumping  to 
a  position  of  prominence  in  the  principal  industry  of  the 
day,  had  much  to  do  with  the  envy  and  antagonism  which 
quickly  attached  to  him.  He  was  a  leader,  never  a  fol- 
lower, and  with  definite  objects  in  view,  he  hewed  in 
straight  lines.  No  man  ever  worked  harder,  and  Colonel 
Chittenden  estimates  that  in  his  journeys  up  the  Missouri 
he  traveled  at  least  26,000  miles,  and  this  on  a  river  diffi- 
cult of  navigation. 

Many  men  who  have  done  less  in  the  way  of  industry 


MANUEL  LISA  333 

and  service  to  the  country  have  been  honored  in  one  way 
or  another,  and  it  remains  for  the  State  of  Missouri  to 
awaken  to  this  knowledge  and  redeem  its  neglect  by  a 
memorial  of  some  importance  to  Manuel  Lisa,  the  man 
who  did  heroic  work  in  the  upbuilding  of  the  state  in  its 
youth. 

In  writing  this  article  I  have  made  use  of  the  written 
words  of  Bnackenridge,  Luttig,  Chittenden  and  Douglas 
and  hereby  make  grateful  acknowledgement. 

CHARLES  A.  GIANINI 
Poland, 
New  York. 


334          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  TO 
NEW  MEXICO,  1581-1582 

(Concluded) 
GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND  AND  AGAPITO  REY 

Chapter  XI.  How  we  left  the  settlement  to  go  in  search  of 
the  cattle,  and  the  route  we  took. 

On  the  twenty-eight  day  of  the  month  of  September  of  the  said 
year  we  left  the  settlement  and  province  of  San  Felipe4"'  to  go  in 
search  of  the  cattle,  in  view  of  the  news  that  the  natives  had  given 
us  of  them.  On  the  first  day  we  marched  six  leagues  through  plains 
with  very  good  pasture  for  cattle.48  Accordingly  we  thought  the 
Indians  had  not  told  the  truth,  because  we  noticed  the  pasture  un- 
touched by  cattle  and  tracks  of  them  that  seemed  very  old. 
This  day  we  slept  without  drinking  a  drop  of  water,  both  men  and 
horses.  This  occasioned  much  hardship.  In  such  a  situation  we 
feared  that  our  animals  would  become  exhausted. 

On  the  following  day  we  marched  over  a  mountain  with  many 
pine  trees.  It  appeared  to  be  the  largest  mountain  that  had  been 
disco\ered  in  New  Spain.  It  had  groves  of  pine,  carine  and  cypress 
trees.  Then  after  five  leagues  we  came  to  an  extensive  region  of 
rolling  ground  where  we  found  a  large  baoin  of  rain  water.  Here 
the  horses,  which  were  somewhat  tired  out  from  the  previous  day, 
drank.  We  stopped  here  for  the  night. 

We  left  on  the  following  day  and  continued  to  march  through 
plains.  When  we  had  traveled  seven  leagues  night  came,  and  we 
went  without  water  as  on  the  preceding  day.  So  we  thought  we 
were  lost,  due  to  the  lack  of  water  and  because  the  Indians  had 
told  us  the  cattle  were  two  days  away  from  the  settlement.  We 
had  traveled  three  good  days,  and  as  we  failed  to  locate  them  we 
thought  we  were  lost.  But  great  was  the  courage  which  God  our 


45.  San   Felipe   was   not   only   the   name   applied   to   the   first   pueblo   discovered 
by  the  party  in  New  Mexico,  but  also  the  general  name  for  the  entire   province. 

46.  The   party   set   out   from   the    pueblo   of    Piedra   Ila   in   the    Galisteo    valley. 
Gallegos    states    they    returned    to    the    pueblo    from    which    they    had    started,    and 
a     little     later     names     the     pueblo.         See     below.        Obregon      makes       the     same 
statement    about    returning    to    Piedra    Ita,    the    pueblo    from     which    they    started 
though   he   also   makes   the  general   and   misleading   remark  that    "they    set   out   from 
the  river  Guadalquivir  and  the  town  of  Malpartida."     Pt.  II,  ch.  vi  and  vii. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  335 

Lord  inspired  in  us.  emboldening  us  to  penetrate  strange  and  hostile 
lands. 

The  next  morning  after  marching  a  league  God  was  pleased 
that  we  should  hit  upon  a  pool  containing  a  great  deal  of  brackish 
water,  which  was  located  in  a  dale  forming  a  plain.  We  stopped 
here  to  refresh  the  animals  from  the  fatigue  of  the  foregoing  day. 
On  the  following  morning  we  continued  our  march  along  this  dale, 
and  all  along  it  we  found  pools  of  very  briny  water.  So  we  called 
it  Valle  de  San  Miguel,  because  we  reached  it  on  the  day  of  the 
blessed  Saint  Michael.  This  valley  is  suitable  for  sheep.  It  is  the 
best  that  has  been  discovered  in  New  Spain.  On  that  day  we  marched 
five  leagues  down  this  valley  and  came  to  a  very  large  pool  of 
water  where  we  halted  for  the  night.  We  noticed  that  numerous 
people  had  left  this  place  the  preceding  day  and  we  found  many 
tracks  of  the  cattle.  For  this  reason  we  thought  they  must  be  the 
people  who  follow  the  cattle,  and  that  we  were  close  to  the  latter. 
This  pleased  us  very  much,  due  to  our  desire  to  see  them. 

The  next  morning  after  traveling  a  league  we  came  to  a  river 
of  much  water  and  many  trees  which  we  named  Rio  de  Santo 
Domingo.47  This  is  a  river  of  brackish  water  suitable  for  cattle. 
Accordingly  we  thought  the  cattle  would  be  along  this  river,  because 
a  river  as  good  :ts  this  one  could  not  fail  to  be  frequented  by  cattle. 
For,  all  along  the  way  we  had  found  tracks  of  cattle. 

Marching  down  this  same  river  four  leagues  we  came  upon  a 
column  of  smoke  which  we  had  noticed.  We  wanted  to  see  whether 
there  were  people  there  from  whom  we  could  inquire  concerning 
the  cattle.  We  came  upon  a  rancheria  located  on  this  river.  In 
it  we  found  fifty  huts  and  tents  made  of  hides  with  strong  white 
awnings  after  the  fashion  of  army  tents.  Here  we  were  met  by 
over  four  hundred  warlike  men  armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  They 
asked  us  by  means  of  signs  what  we  wanted.  We  told  them  we 
were  coming  to  visit  them  and  that  they  were  our  friends.  Never- 
theless they  were  intent  on  shooting  arrows  at  us.  We  had  decided 
to  attack  them,  but  did  not  do  so  as  we  waited  to  see  whether  they 
desired  peace.  We  restrained  ourselves,  although  we  were  on  the 
point  of  breaking  off  with  them  if  they  so  desired,  for  there  was 
no  fear  in  us.  We  withdrew  our  force  to  see  what  the  outcome 
would  be.  Then  we  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  with  our  hands  as 
a  sign  of  peace,  and  the  Lord  was  pleased  to  inspire  them  with 
fear  and  to  increase  our  courage.  When  they  saw  we  were  mak- 
ing the  sign  of  the  cross  as  an  indication  of  peace  they  too  made 
the  sign  to  signify  peace.  Moreover  they  welcomed  us  to  their 


47.     It  was  the  Pecos,  perhaps  near  Anton  Chico.     Mecham,  op.  cit.,  284. 


336          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

land  and  rancheria.  Then  Father  Fray  Augustin  Rodriguez  dis- 
mounted and  gave  them  a  cross  to  kiss,  which  he  wore  at  his  neck, 
in  order  to  let  them  know  we  were  children  of  the  sun  and  that  we 
were  coming  to  visit  them.  They  soon  began  to  rejoice  and  to  make 
merry,  and  to  give  of  what  they  possessed. 

We  stopped  that  day  in  this  rancheria.  We  called  the  atten- 
tion of  all  the  Indians  and  then  discharged  an  harquebus  among 
them.  They  were  terrified  by  the  loud  report  and  fell  to  the  ground 
as  if  stunned.  It  was  God  our  Lord  who  inspired  such  fear  of  an 
harquebus  in  these  Indians,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  there  were  two 
thousand  men  together.  They  asked  us  not  to  fire  any  more  har- 
quebuses, because  it  greatly  frightened  and  scared  th*»m.\  We  were 
very  much  pleased  by  this,  although  we  did  not  let  them  notice  it. 
We  asked  them  where  the  cattle  were,  and  they  told  us  that  two 
days  farther  on  were  large  numbers  of  them,  as  many,  so  they 
indicated,  as  there  was  grass  on  the  plain.  They  described  to  us 
the  land  where  the  cattle  roamed.  No  one  wished  to  come  along 
with  us.  Thus  we  saw  that  we  had  strayed  and  had  not  followed 
the  route  that  the  Indians  of  the  pueblos  had  told  us  of. 

These  naked  people  wear  only  cattle-hides  and  deerskins,  with 
which  they  cover  themselves.  They  sustain  themselves  on  the  meat 
of  the  cattle  which  they  come  to  eat  at  this  season.  During  the 
rainy  season  they  go  in  search  of  prickly  pears  and  dates.  They 
have  dogs  which  carry  loads  of  two  or  three  arrobas.^  They  provide 
them  with  leather  pack-saddles,  poitrels  and  cruppers.  They  tie 
them  to  one  another  like  a  pack  train.  They  put  maguey  ropes  on 
them  for  halters.  They  travel  three  or  four  leagues  per  day.  They 
are  medium  sized  shaggy  dogs. 

On  the  following  morning  we  marched  down  this  very  river.  As 
we  found  no  cattle  after  two  days  travel,  we  wandered  on  bewildered. 
It  was  not  advisable  to  travel  over  plains  like  those  without  guides, 
so  we  returned  to  the  river  by  command  of  our  leader.  We  went 
to  the  rancheria,  where  we  had  left  many  people,  in  order  to  get 
an  Indian  from  them,  either  willingly  or  by  force,  to  take  us  to  the 
cattle.  This  was  done  and  we  went  to  the  said  rancheriia  and  an 
Indian  was  apprehended  and  taken.  He  was  brought  to  the  camp 
and  we  delivered  him  to  our  said  leader  so  that  we  could  start  at 
once  and  continue  the  journey  to  the  cattle.  Seeing  that  the  In- 
dians of  this  rancheria  had  become  angry  we  decided  to  fully  pre- 
pare ourselves  for  battle,  as  we  were  in  the  habit  of  doing  under 
such  circumstances,  and  to  keep  careful  vigil,  even  though  we  were 
tired,  because  we  had  been  keeping  guard  for  six  months.  This 


48.     An  arroba  is  25  pounds. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  337 

annoyed  us  a  great  deal,  for  one  can  well  imagine  that  keeping 
guard  every  night  for  a  whole  year  was  not  only  enough  to  exhaust 
eight  men,  but  forty,  not  to  consider  our  small  number. 

Then  in  the  morning  we  started  with  the  guide  and  marched 
laboriously  for  three  days,  because  we  lacked  water  during  this 
time,  until  we  reached  a  place  where  we  found  some  small  pools  of 
water  where  the  Indians  were  accustomed  to  drink.  We  opened 
them  by  means  of  hoes,  for  they  did  not  contain  enough  water  for 
one  of  our  animals.  God  was  pleased  that  as  these  pools  were  opened 
so  much  water  flowed  from  them  that  it  was  sufficient  to  satisfy 
ten  thousand  horses.  We  named  these  water  pools  Ojos  Zarcos. 
Traces  of  the  cattle  were  found  here.  A  beast  was  killed.  It  was 
the  first  that  had  been  seen  on  the  trip.  This  inclined  us  to  be- 
lieve that  the  cattle  were  nearby.  The  next  day  we  stopped  at  the 
said  pools  in  order  to  refresh  our  horses,  which  were  tired  out  from 
the  previous  day.  We  had  gone  without  water  for  over  forty  hours, 
and  if  we  had  lacked  it  another  day  we  should  have  perished,  But 
that  is  why  God  our  Lord  is  merciful,  for  in  the  time  of  greatest 
need,  He  gives  aid,  and  this  was  especially  so  at  that  time. 

We  asked  the  guide  whom  we  took  along  where  the  other  cattle 
were,  of  which  he  said  there  were  many.  He  answered  that  we 
would  see  them  the  next  day,  that  they  were  at  a  water  hole  and 
that  there  were  many  of  them.  So  on  the  following  day,  which  was 
the  ninth  day  of  the  month  of  October  of  the  said  year,  we  reached 
some  lagoons  of  very  brackish  water.  Here  we  found  many  pools 
of  briny  water  along  a  valley  that  extends  from  these  lagoons  to- 
ward the  place  where  the  sun  rises.  We  named  this  valley  Los 
Llanos  de  San  Francisco  and  Aguas  Zarcas,  because  it  formed  such 
good  plains.49  In  these  plains  is  a  water  hole,  the  best  to  be  found 
in  New  Spain  for  people  afflicted  with  dropsy. 

In  these  plains  and  lagoons  we  found  numerous  cattle,  which 
were  seen  in  great  herds  and  flocks  of  over  five  hundred  head, 
both  cows  and  bulls.  They  are  as  large  as  the  cattle  of  New  Spain. 
They  are  humpbacked  and  woolly;  the  horns  short  and  black,  the 
head  large.  The  bulls  have  beards  resembling  he-goats.  They  are 
fairly  swift.  They  run  like  pigs.  They  are  so  large  that  when 
they  stand  in  the  midst  of  a  plain  they  resemble  ships  at  sea  or 
carts  on  land.  According  to  our  estimate  and  of  those  who  dis- 
covered them,  they  must  weigh  over  forty  arrobas  each  after  they 
are  three  years  old  or  more.  Their  meat  is  delicious,  and  to  our 
taste  as  palatable  as  that  of  our  cattle. 


49.     The  Spaniards  had  reached  some  place  on   the  headwaters   of  the  Candian 
river. 

23 


338          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

We  killed  forty  head  for  our  use  by  means  of  the  harquebuses. 
They  are  easily  killed,  for  no  matter  where  wounded  they  soon  stop, 
and  on  stopping  they  are  killed.  There  is  such  a  large  number  of 
cattle  that  there  were  days  when  we  saw  upward  of  three  thousand 
bulls.  The  reason  there  are  so  many  bulls  together  is  that  at  a 
certain  season  of  the  year  the  bulls  separate  from  the  cows.  They 
have  very  fine  wool,  suitable  for  any  purpose,  and  their  hides  are 
the  best  that  have  been  found  on  cattle  discovered  up  to  the  pres- 
ent time. 

Here  in  this  valley  we  were  informed  that  the  said  valley  and 
its  water  extended  to  the  river  where  the  great  bulk  of  the  cattle 
roamed,  which,  according  to  the  natives,  cover  the  fields  in  astound- 
ing manner.  The  leader  and  the  discoverers  decided  to  go  and  see 
this  river  they  spoke  about.50  Later  we  decided  it  was  not  a  good 
plan,  because  we  were  running  short  of  supplies.  Had  it  not  been 
for  this  drawback  and  for  our  desire  to  come  back  to  inform  his 
majesty  of  what  had  thus  been  discovered,  we  would  have  gone  on 
to  explore  the  said  river. 

Thus  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  the  month  of  October  of  the  said 
year  we  left  this  valley  of  San  Francisco  on  our  way  back  to  the 
pueblo  from  which  we  had  started.  From  the  settlement  to  the 
location  of  the  cattle  we  traversed  forty  leagues  of  difficult  road. 
We  were  on  the  point  of  perishing  for  lack  of  water  and  for  having 
failed  to  obtain  a  guide  at  the  said  settlement.  We  learned  that 
from  the  settlement  to  the  cattle  are  two  days  of  travel,  more  or 
less,  following  the  route  of  which  the  said  Indians  had  told  us. 
We  came  back  over  the  same  route  we  had  followed  on  our  first 
incursion,  because  we  knew  of  no  other. 

We  sent  ahead  the  Indian  we  had  taken  as  guide  from  the 
rancheria.  He  was  well  laden  with  meat  and  very  happy  because 
he  had  seen  us  kill  the  cattle.  Indeed  it  seemed  as  if  the  will  of 
God  had  planned  that  no  one  should  fire  his  harquebus  at  the  cattle 
without  felling  one.  This  greatly  astonished  the  guide  who  had  led 
us  to  the  said  cattle.  When  he  was  gone  he  told  of  what  he  had 
seen  us  do;  how  we  killed  the  cattle,  and  other  things.  In  view  of 
this  the  whole  rancheria  which  we  had  left  behind  and  from  which 
we  had  taken  the  said  guide  by  force  came  to  meet  us  peacefully. 
They  said  that  they  wanted  to  take  us  to  the  cattle,  that  they  would 
take  us  to  a  place  where  there  were  many  of  them,  as  they  showed 
us  by  signs.  We  gave  them  part  of  what  we  had,  viz.,  of  the  meat, 
to  those  who  seemed  to  be  caciques,  for  they  stand  out  readily.  We 
told  them  we  would  return  shortly.  They  were  much  pleased  by 


50.     The  reference  is  to  the  Canadian   river  TalJey. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  339 

this  and  gave  us  to  understand  that  they  would  await  us.  Thus  we 
left  them.  However  we  were  on  our  guard,  in  order  that  under 
the  pretext  of  friendship  and  peace  which  they  showed  us  they 
should  not  want  to  avenge  the  seizure  of  the  guide  whom  we  had 
taken  from  them  to  go  to  the  cattle.  He  was  one  of  their  own  people. 
Thus  we  returned  to  the  said  settlement. 

Chapter  XII.  Telling  how  upo?i  our  arrival  at  the  said  settle- 
ment we  gave  orders  that  they  should  provide  us  with  food  supplies. 

When  we  arrived  at  the  said  settlement,  at  the  pueblo  which 
we  named  Piedra  Alta,51  we  decided  that  at  that  pueblo  we  would 
start  (51a)  to  explain  how  we  had  run  short  of  provisions,  in  order 
that  the  natives  of  the  said  pueblo  and  of  the  others,  should  give  us 
the  food  and  provisions  we  needed  for  cur  support.  Moreover  if 
they  gave  us  these  things  in  this  pueblo  they  would  be  given  to  us 
everywhere  in  the  province.  For  up  to  that  time  they  had  not  been 
asked  for  anything  for  our  maintenance. 

We  all  assembled  to  speak  to  our  leader  in  order  to  determine 
the  method  which  should  be  used  in  gathering  the  provisions.  It 
was  decided  that  first  of  all  they  should  be  told  by  means  of  signs 
that  we  had  run  out  of  the  supplies  which  we  had  brought  for  our 
support,  and  since  they  had  plenty  they  should  give  us  some  of  it 
because  we  wanted  to  go  away.  When  they  saw  this  and  that  the 
supplies  we  had  brought  had  been  exhausted  they  thought  of  catch- 
ing us  and  killing  us  by  starvation,  and  they  acted  as  if  deaf.  We 
told  our  leader  that  the  natives  had  paid  no  attention  to  us,  that 
they  pretended  not  to  understand  us.  To  this  our  leader  replied 
that  it  was  not  proper  to  take  it  from  them  by  force,  for  we  saw 
plainly  that  the  people  were  very  numerous  in  these  pueblos,  that 
they  would  give  the  warning  and  that  within  an  hour  three  thousand 
men  would  gather  and  kill  us.  Seeing  that  our  leader  had  replied 
in  those  words  the  said  soldier  answered  that  inasmuch  as  he  had 
authority  to  take  from  them  the  provisions  we  needed  for  ourselves 
as  well  as  for  our  horses  he  should  make  use  of  it,  because  we  wanted 
to  die  fighting,  not  from  starvation,  since  we  were  in  a  country  with 
plenty  of  food.  The  said  leader  rejoined  that  we  could  do  what 
we  thought  best,  provided  there  should  not  be  any  disturbance  in 
the  country  and  that  they  should  give  us  the  provisions  willingly, 
because  he  was  ill. 

When  our  men  saw  that  the  native  Indians  were  becoming  hostile 
to  our  request  seven  companions  and  our  leader,  who  rose  from  the 


51.     A  mistake  in  the  manuscript  for  Piedra  Ita.     For  location,  see  note  100. 
61a.     The  Spanish  reads :   "   .    .    .    ee  empezase  a  dar  cuenta.     .      ." 


340          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

illness  afflicting  him,  armed  themselves  and  went  to  the  said  pue- 
blo with  their  arms  and  horses  in  readiness  for  war.  When  the 
Indians  saw  we  were  armed  they  withdrew  into  their  houses,  en- 
tering and  fortifying  themselves  in  the  said  pueblo,  which  was  com- 
posed of  three  hundred  three  and  four  story  houses  all  of  stone.58 
The  said  Spaniards  seeing  that  tha  Indians  had  retired  to  their 
houses  entered  the  town,  and  carrying  a  cross  X  in  their  hands 
asked  them  to  give  them  some  ground  corn  flour  because  they  had 
nothing  to  eat.  They  understood  it,  but  held  back,  not  wishing  to 
give  it.  Seeing  the  evil  intentions  which  the  Indians  harbored,  some 
of  our  men  fired  a  few  harquebuses,  pretending  to  aim  at  them  in 
order  that  through  fear  they  might  be  intimidated  into  giving  us 
the  food  we  needed,  and  in  order  that  they  should  understand  that 
they  had  to  give  it  to  us  either  willingly  or  by  force. 

In  order  that  no  one  should  complain  of  having  much  and  another 
little  the  said  soldiers  decided  that  each  house  should  contribute  a 
little.  For  this  purpose  a  measure  was  made  which  contained  about 
half  an  almud53  of  ground  corn  flour.  Then  the  natives,  because 
of  their  fear  of  us  and  of  the  harquebuses  and  because  they  saw 
that  they  roared  a  great  deal  and  spat  fire  like  lightning,  thought 
that  we  were  immortal,  since  we  had  told  them  we  were  children 
of  the  sun  and  that  the  sun  had  given  them  to  us  for  our  defense. 
Thus  all  the  Indians  of  the  said  town  brought  us  much  ground  corn 
from  every  house.  As  we  did  not  ask  them  for  anything  else  except 
food  for  ourselves  they  all  gave  something  and  told  us  they  were 
our  friends.  However  the  friendship  they  showed  for  us  was  due 
more  to  fear  than  to  anything  else.  We  were  on  our  guard  lest 
that  as  Indians  they  should  treacherously  plan  some  trick  to  hit 
us  in  the  head. 

Since  they  had  given  us  nine  loads  of  flour  at  that  town  as  a 
present  the  news  spread  throughout  the  province,  and  thus  we  were 
given  exactly  the  same  amount,  no  more  nor  less,  at  the  other  towns. 
Accordingly  we  did  not  lack  food  during  the  entire  trip.  We  gave 
many  thanks  to  God  for  this  and  for  the  many  favors  He  had 
granted  us,  which  enabled  us  never  to  lack  provisions.  Thus  they 
gave  us  supplies  as  tribute  in  all  the  pueblos,  and  they  are  accustomed 
to  it,  so  that  they  will  not  resent  giving  it  when  someone  goes  to 
start  settlements  [among  them].  Together  with  the  supply  of  corn 
and  flour  which  they  had  given  us  they  gave  us  large  numbers  of 
turkeys,  for  they  have  large  flocks  of  them  and  do  not  value  them 
highly.  Of  the  provisions  they  offered  and  gave  us  we  took  only 


52.  Hence  the  name,  Piedra  Ita. 

53.  The  almud  is  an  old  measure  equal  to  about  an  English  peck. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  341 

what  was  necessary,  and  what  was  left  over  we  returned  to  them. 
This  pleased  them  very  much  and  they  told  us  they  were  our  friends 
and  that  they  would  give  us  food  and  whatever  we  might  need. 
They  did  this  due  to  fear  rather  than  because  they  desired  to  give 
it  to  us. 

Chapter  XIII.  Concerning  how  they  desired  to  kill  us,  the 
gathering  that  was  held  and  how  they  began  to  lose  their  fear  of 
us. 

After  what  has  been  related  above  had  taken  place  and  after 
they  had  given  us  what  we  needed  for  our  support  the  natives  deter- 
mined, as  Indians,  to  seize  us  treacherously  during  the  night  and 
kill  us  if  they  could.  The  cause  was  that  after  seeing  the  settle- 
ment, and  being  very  much  pleased  with  it,  Father  Fray  Juan  de 
Santa  Maria,  one  of  the  religious  in  the  party,  decided  to  return 
to  the  land  of  the  Christians  to  give  an  account  and  report  of  what 
had  been  discovered  to  his  prelate  and  his  excellency.6*  Everyone 
condemned  his  determination  as  being  neither  right  for  him  nor  for 
the  said  soldiers,  [and  said]  that  he  should  not  go,  because  he  was 
placing  us  in  great  danger  and  was  going  through  hostile  territory, 
and  because  we  had  not  yet  examined  the  nature  of  the  land.  [We 
said]  that  he  should  wait  until  we  had  seen  everything  about  which 
the  natives  had  informed  us,  that  we  should  go  to  see  the  cattle 
in  order  that  a  complete  report  of  all  this  might  be  taken  to  his 
prelate  and  to  his  excellency,  for  any  account  that  he  could  give  was 
insignificant  as  we  had  not  seen  the  best  part.  To  this  advice  of- 
fered him  Fray  Juan  de  Santa  Maria  replied  that  he  was  determined 
to  go  to  the  Christian  land,  to  leave  and  report  on  what  he  had 
seen.  His  departure  brought  about  disturbance  in  the  land  and 
caused  us  much  harm.  Without  being  given  permission  by  his 
superior  he  left  the  party  on  the  eve  of  the  day  of  Our  Lady  of 
September.55 

When  the  natives  saw  that  the  friar  was  leaving  us  they  be- 
came alarmed,  believing  he  was  going  to  bring  Christians  to  put 
the  natives  out  of  their  homes,  for  they  asked  us  by  means  of  signs 
where  that  man  was  going  all  alone.  We  tried  to  dissuade  them 


54.  Father  Santa   Maria's   departure  from   New   Mexico  took  place  on   Septem- 
ber 8,   1581.     On  September  10  an  affidavit  of  his  leave-taking  was  made.  A.   G.   I., 
68-3-9.      A   translation    of  this   document    may   be    found    in    Southwestern   Historical 
Quarterly,    XXIX,    224-231.      His    departure   thus    occurred    before    the    expedition    to 
the   buffalo   plains,    which   was   not   begun    till    September   28. 

55.  By    "Nuestra    Seiiora    de    Septiembre"    Gallegos    refers    to    the    birthday    of 
the  Blessed   Virgin   Mary,   September   8.    September   is   her  holy   name.    The   Book   of 
Days,    R.    Chambers,    ed.,    II,    323. 


342          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

from  the  malevolent  thoughts  which  they  had  exhibited,  but  this 
did  not  prevent  the  Indians  from  evil  doings,  as  they  were  Indians. 
The  evil  was  that  they  followed  the  said  friar  and  after  two  or 
three  days  travel  from  us  they  kilted  him.  We  heard  of  this  when 
we  returned  from  the  cattle,  for  until  then  we  knew  nothing.  Even 
though  the  natives  told  us  they  had  killed  him  in  the  sierra,  which 
we  named  the  Sierra  Morena,  we  pretended  not  to  understand  it. 
Seeing  that  we  paid  no  attention  to  the  death  of  the  said  friar  and 
that  they  had  killed  him  so  easily  they  thought  they  would  kill  us 
just  as  easily.  From  then  on  they  knew  we  were  mortal,  because 
up  to  that  time  they  had  thought  us  immortal.58 

When  we  saw  the  natives  had  killed  the  said  friar  and  that 
they  intended  to  do  the  same  thing  to  us  we  decided  to  withdraw 
gradually.  We  stopped  at  a  pueblo  which  we  named  Malpartida, 
from  which  at  a  distance  of  a  league  we  discovered  some  mineral 
deposits.  While  we  were  at  this  pueblo  other  Indians  from  the 
pueblo  which  we  named  Malagon  killed  three  of  our  horses."7  We 
soon  missed  them  and  learned  how  the  Indians  of  the  district  of 
Malagon  had  killed  them.  When  the  leader  and  the  soldiers  saw 


56.  A  controversy  has  been  indulged  in  by  some,  especially  by  Dr.  J.  L. 
Mecham  and  Father  Zephyrin  Engelhardt,  O  F.  M.,  relative  to  this  expedition. 
Mr.  Mecham  speaks  of  the  "Chamuscado-Rodriguez  exploring  party,"  indicating 
that  the  missionary  purpose  of  the  group  was  only  of  secondary  interest.  Father 
Engelhardt  says,  "There  was  no  such  exploring  party  with  Brother  Rodriguez  a 
member."  He  would  have  us  believe  that  the  missionaries  were  the  leaders  of 
the  enterprise,  while  Chamuscado  and  the  soldiers  were  to  act  as  their  protectors. 
Mecham's  view  is  more  nearly  the  opposite.  As  a  matter  of  fact  our  information 
regarding  the  organization  of  the  expedition  is  scant.  Perhaps  the  true  explana- 
tion lies  somewhere  between  these  extremes.  The  soldiers  certainly  did  not  pay 
their  own  expenses  on  such  an  expedition  merely  for  the  honor  of  guarding  the 
friars.  They  were  also  interested  in  prospecting,  in  material  gain.  The  reason  that 
they  accompanied  the  missionaries  was  that  the  laws  of  1573,  regulating  new 
conquests,  forbade  the  customary  marauding  expeditions  into  new  territory.  Hence- 
forth explorations  must  be  conducted  under  the  guise  of  missionary  enterprises.  They 
had  accordingly  seized  the  opportunity  offered  in  1581  to  go  to  New  Mexico  in 
the  company  of  the  friars  and  as  their  protectors.  Or.ce  in  New  Mexico  they 
were  determined  to  see  all  that  there  was  to  be  seen  in  the  province,  whereas  the 
friars  were  more  interested  in  spreading  the  Holy  Gospel.  From  then  on  their 
interests  diverged.  See  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  2Go  ff;  also  his  "Supplementary  Docu- 
ments relating  to  the  Chamuscado-Rodriguez  Expedition,"  in  Southwestern  His- 
torical Quarterly.  XXIX,  224-231  ;  Father  Zephyrin  Engelhardt,  O.  F.  M.,  "El 
Yllustre  Senor  Xamuscado,"  in  ibid.,  XIX,  296-300.  Also,  Catholic  Piisiorical  Re.- 
view,  and  The  Southwestern  Catholic,  Jan.  6  and  13,  1922,  for  further  comment 
by  Father  Engelhardt. 

57.  Malagon,  near  Malpartida,  was  probably  identical  with  San  Lazaro,  a 
pueblo  ruin  twelve  miles  southwest  of  Lamy.  Mecham,  "The  Second  Spanish  Ex- 
pedition," op.  cit.,  283. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  343 

this  they58  determined  that  a  case  like  that  should  not  go  unpunished. 
The  said  leader  ordered  five  of  the  party,  Pedro  de  Bustamente, 
Hernan  Gallegos,  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Chaves,  Felipe  de  Escalante 
and  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Fuensalida,  to  go  to  the  town  of  Malagon, 
where  it  was  reported  they  had  killed  the  three  horses,  to  discover 
and  bring  before  him  the  guilty,  either  peacefully  or  by  force,  and 
to  make  some  arrests  at  the  said  pueblo  in  order  to  intimidate  the 
natives. 

When  the  soldiers  saw  what  their  leader  had  ordered  the  five 
afore-mentioned  comrades,  the  latter  armed  themselves  and  their 
horses  and  went  to  the  said  pueblo  of  Malagon  which  they  found 
had  eighty  houses  of  three  and  four  stories  with  plazas  arid  streets. 
Entering  it  in  fighting  order  and  as  men  who  were  angry  they  asked 
the  said  Indians  on  top  of  the  houses  in  the  said  pueblo, — who  were 
the  ones  that  had  killed  the  horses  that  we  missed.  In  order  to  ward 
off  the  harm  that  might  befall  them  they  replied  they  had  done  no 
such  thing.  As  soon  as  we  saw  that  they  replied  they  had  not  done 
it,  we  discharged  the  harquebuses  to  make  them  believe  we  wanted 
to  kill  them.  We  incurred  great  risk  in  doing  this,  for  [we  were  only] 
five  men  to  invest  eighty  houses  in  which  there  were  over  a  thousand 
souis.  When  we  had  fired  our  harquebuses  they  entered  their  houses 
frightened  and  stayed  there.  To  placate  us  they  threw  many  dead 
turkeys  down  the  corridors  to  us,  but  we  decided  not  to  take  them 
that  they  might  know  we  were  angry.  Then  we  asked  twenty  or 
thirty  men  who  appeared  up  on  the  roof  and  who  seemed  to  be  chief- 
tains of  the  pueblo  -  the  cacique  among  them  -  to  give  us  the  horses 
or  those  who  had  killed  them.  To  this  they  replied  that  the  people 
from  that  pueblo  had  not  done  it  and  they  asked  us  not  to  be  angry, 
for  they  were  our  friends. 

Since  they  did  not  deliver  those  who  had  killed  them  Hernan 
Gallegos,  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Fuensalida  and  Fedro  de  Bustamente 
dismounted  and  went  up  to  the  houses  to  see  if  they  could  find  any 
trace  of  the  flesh  of  the  horses.  The  other  men  guarded  the  pueblo 
so  that  their  companions  should  not  run  any  risk.  Then  Hernan 
Gallegos  and  Pedro  de  Bustamente  found  pieces  of  horseflesh  in  two 
houses  of  the  said  pueblo.  At  once  they  came  out  and  notified  the 
other  comrades  of  the  discovery  of  the  flesh.  Next  the  harquebuses 
were  fired  once  more  and  the  Indians,  seeing  what  we  did,  were  more 
frightened  than  emboldened,  since  we  had  done  as  we  wished  with 
such  determination.  Then  the  said  Hernan  Gallegos  and  Pedro  de 
Bustamente  mounted,  and  all  five  men  holding  horseflesh  in  their 
hands,  again  asked  the  Indians  who  were  looking  at  them,  who,  of 


58.     The  Spanish   form   is   "we.' 


344          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

their  number  had  killed  those  horses  whose  flesh  we  had  found 
there.  [We  told  them]  to  give  us  the  Indians  who  had  killed  them 
because  we  wanted  to  kill  them  or  take  them  to  our  leader  that  he 
might  have  them  put  to  death.  Furthermore  if  they  did  not  want 
to  give  them  up  we  would  have  to  kill  them  all.  [We  challenged 
them]  to  come  out  of  the  pueblo  into  the  open  to  see  whether  they 
were  brave  men.  They  were  very  sad  and  answered  that  they  did 
not  want  to  fight  with  us,  for  we  were  brave  men,  that  in  the  next 
pueblo  were  the  Indians  who  had  killed  our  horses,  thinking  they 
were  cattle  like  theirs. 

Then  the  said  soldiers  attacked  the  pueblo  again  in  order  to 
capture  some  Indians.  The  said  Indians  took  refuge  in  the  said 
pueblo  and  some  of  them  hurled  themselves  from  the  corridors  into 
the  open  in  order  to  escape.  Hernan  Gallegos  and  Pedro  de  Busta- 
mente  rushed  after  them  and  each  took  his  Indian  by  the  hair.  The 
natives  were  very  swift,  but  the  horses  overtook  them.  After  ap- 
prehending them  they  and  the  other  soldiers  took  them  to  the  camp, 
where  the  said  leader  was,  so  that  in  view  of  the  crime  which  the 
natives  had  committed  they  might  be  chastised,  both  as  a  punish- 
ment for  them  and  as  an  example  for  the  others. 

Before  this  and  before  returning  to  the  said  camp  we  decided 
to  set  fire  to  the  pueblo  so  they  should  know  they  must  not  perpe- 
trate such  a  crime  again.  The  mentioned  Pedro  de  Bustamente  then 
picked  up  a  bit  of  hay,  fire  was  started  by  means  of  the  harquebus, 
and  he  wanted  to  set  fire  to  the  said  pueblo.  But  it  was  not  allowed 
by  the  other  companions  that  the  town  should  be  burned  and  so 
many  people  perish,  in  order  that  what  had  been  done  by  eight 
should  not  be  atoned  for  by  all.69 

Thus  we  returned  to  the  said  camp*0  with  the  said  prisoners 
and  delivered  them  to  our  leader,  who  ordered  that  they  should  be 
beheaded  on  the  morning  of  the  following  day.  To  this  the  said 
soldiers  replied,  warning  him  to  consider  what  it  meant  to  imprison 
those  Indians  for  a  day;  that  it  was  not  good  policy;  that  if  they 
were  to  be  executed  it  should  be  done  at  once,  for  there  were  over 
a  thousand  men  in  the  camp  who  would  attempt  some  wickedness 
on  account  of  the  imprisonment  of  said  Indians.  When  the  said 
leader  saw  that  what  the  said  soldiers  told  him  was  right  he  ordered 
that  Pedro  de  Bustamente  together  with  the  escribano  and  the  other 
soldiers  should  place  a  block  in  the  middle  of  the  plaza  of  the  said 


59.  That   is,   by  those   who  might  subsequently   come   to   New   Mexico. 

60.  At    the    pueblo    of    Malpartida,    Mecham    states    that    they    returned    to    the 
pueblo  of   Galisteo,   op.   cit.,    285.      This   is   clearly   erroneous,    as    Gallegos    explicitly 
states   they    were   at    Malpartida.      See   above. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  345 

camp,  where  the  other  Indians  were  watching,  and  that  their  heads 
should  be  severed  with  a  cutlass  as  punishment  for  them  and  as 
an  example  for  the  others.  This  was  carried  out  as  ordered.61  How- 
ever as  the  religious  had  decided  to  remain  in  that  settlement  it 
was  determined  to  do  it  in  such  a  way  that  at  the  time  when  the 
said  Indians  were  to  be  beheaded  they  [the  friars]  should  rush  out 
to  free  them,  assail  us  and  take  them  away  from  us  in  order  that 
they  might  love  them.  [This  was  done]  because  they  wished  and 
were  determined  to  remain  in  that  land.  It  was  planned  in  such 
a  way  that  at  the  moment  when  they  went  to  cut  off  the  heads  of 
the  Indians  the  friars  came  out  in  flowing  robes  and  removed  the 
Indians  from  the  block.  As  we  pretended  that  we  were  going  to 
take  them,  the  Indians  who  were  watching  immediately  took  hold 
of  the  said  friars  and  Indians  and  carried  them  away  to  their  houses 
because  of  the  great  support  they  had  found  in  the  religious.  Due 
to  what  had  been  done  and  attempted  the  natives  becajne  so  terri- 
fied of  us  that  it  was  surprising  how  they  trembled.  This  was  willed 
by  God  on  high  because  our  forces  were  small. 

On  the  morning  of  the  next  day  there  came  from  the  town  of 
Malagon  many  Indians  laden  with  much  food  and  many  turkeys  for 
our  support.  [They  entreated  us]  not  to  be  angry  with  them,  for 
they  would  not  do  it  again.'2  In  the  future  they  would  watch  and 
round  up  the  horses  so  that  none  would  be  lost.  [They  assured  us] 
that  they  were  our  friends.  We  were  very  much  pleased  at  this, 
although  we  did  not  let  them  know  about  it,  in  order  that  they  and 
the  others  might  fear  us  more  than  they  did. 

A  few  days  later  they  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  killing  us. 
But  that  did  not  deter  us  from  going  to  explore  the  land  in  order 
to  verify  the  information  that  had  been  given  us.  When  we  left 
and  [again]  when  we  returned  to  the  said  camp  we  realized  plainly 
and  definitely  they  wanted  to  kill  us  and  that  the  people  were  gather- 
ing for  that  purpose.  We  decided  to  take  precautions  and  to  keep 
watch  very  carefully  as  we  had  done  up  to  that  time.  As  we  did  this 
with  more  zeal  than  in  the  past  the  natives  became  aware  of  it.  If 
they  had  shown  us  great  friendship  before  this,  adding  [to  this  zeal] 
the  fear  they  had  of  us,  they  showed  much  more  now.  We  came  to 
know  clearly  from  these  very  people  that  they  wanted  to  kill  us. 
We  wanted  to  attack  and  kill  them  and  burn  some  of  their  small 
pueblos  even  though  we  should  perish  in  the  attempt  in  order  that 
they  might  fear  the  Spaniards.  We  challenged  them  many  times 
so  that  they  might  know  there  was  no  cowardice  in  us.  But  as  the 


61-     That  is,  the  chopping  block  was  set  up  in  the  plaza ;  no  heads  were  cut  off. 
62       Viz.,  they   would   not  kill  any  more  horses. 


346          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

friars  had  decided  to  remain  in  the  said  settlement  we  sometimes, 
in  fact  most  of  the  time,  relinquished  our  rights  in  order  that  the 
fathers  might  be  left  happy  in  this  province.  Nevertheless  their 
stay  was  against  the  judgment  of  all,  because  the  natives  had  killed 
the  other  father  and  because  they  were  to  remain  among  so  many 
idolatrous  people. 

EVIL  PRAC-  The  rituals  performed  by  the  people  of  this  settlement 
TISES  OF  were  not  learned,  except  that  when  some  one  dies  they 
THESE  PEG-  dance  and  rejoice,  for  they  say  the  one  who  dies  goes  to 
PLE.  him  whom  they  worship.  They  cast  them  in  caves  like 

cellars  which  they  have.  Every  year  on  designated  days  they  offer 
and  throw  many  things  at  the  foot  of  the  cellars  where  they  place 
these  bodies. 

The  mitotes  which  they  perform  to  bring  rain  when  there  is  a 
lack  of  water  for  their  irrigated  corn  fields  are  of  the  following  na- 
ture."3 During  the  month  of  December  they  begin  to  perform  their 
dances.  They  continue  more  than  four  months  at  intervals  of  a  certain 
number  of  days,  every  fifteen  days,  I  believe.  The  mitotes  are  general, 
for  the  people  gather  in  large  numbers,  only  the  men,  the  women 
never.  They  begin  in  the  morning  and  last  until  evening  and  are 
held  around  a  mosque  which  they  have  for  this  purpose.  [They  con- 
tinue] throughout  the  night.  An  Indian  chosen  for  the  purpose 
sits  in  the  midst  of  them  and  they  dance  before  him.  Close  to  this 
Indian  are  six  Indians  holding  fifteen  or  twenty  sticks.64  They  walk 
about  and  dance.  At  each  dance  one  of  them  steps  out  and  puts 
seven  sticks  into  his  mouth  which  are  three  spans  in  length  and 
two  fingers  in  width.  When  he  finishes  putting  them  in  and  tak- 
ing them  out  of  his  mouth  he  remains  as  if  fatigued.  Then  he  dances 
with  two  or  three  of  the  said  sticks  in  his  mouth.  Next  they  give 
the  one  who  is  sitting  as  'lord'  seven  lashes  with  some  whips  made 
for  the  purpose  of  light  flexible  willows.  These  lashes  are  given 
him  by  the  Indians  who  stand  close  to  him,  for  he  has  six  Indians 
on  each  side,  so  that  at  each  dance  they  give  him  thicty-six  lashes. 
These  lashes  are  given  in  such  a  manner  that  they  draw  blood,  mak- 
ing him  look  like  a  Disciplinant.  When  they  have  administered 
these  seven  lashes  they  continue  to  dance  and  to  give  him  an  equal 
number  of  lashes  until  they  make  him  bleed  in  such  a  way  that  his 


63.  In   the   main   the   ior>g   and   intricate   ceremonies,    including   the   dance    cere- 
monies,    performed    by    the    Indians    of    the    southwest    are     invocations     for     rain, 
bountiful    harvests    and    the    creation    of    life.      See    Hodge,    Handbook,    I,    382 :    and 
Farrand,   L.   Basis  of  American   History,   187. 

64.  These  are  prayer  sticks.      Without   them   the   prayer   would   be   ineffectual. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  347 

blood  flows  as  if  they  had  bled  him.  [They  do  this]  until  he  begins 
to  collapse.  But  in  spite  of  this  he  shows  no  sign  of  pain.  On  the 
contrary  he  speaks  to  a  large  snake  as  thick  as  an  arm  and  which 
coils  up  when  it  wants  to  talk.  The  whipped  'lord'  cslls  to  it,  and 
it  answers  in  such  a  manner  that  it  can  be  understood.  We  thought 
this  might  have  been  the  devil  who  has  them  enslaved.  For  this 
reason  God  our  Lord  willed  that  this  settlement  and  its  idolatrous 
people  should  be  discovered  in  order  that  they  might  come  to  the 
true  knowledge. 

Furthermore  at  these  mitotes  two  Indians  carrying  two  vipers 
in  their  hands  walk  around  in  their  midst.  The  vipers  are  real, 
for  one  can  hear  the  rattles  which  these  snakes  have.  They  coil 
around  the  neck  and  creep  all  over  the  body.  They  come  dancing 
and  performing  their  motions  toward  the  place  where  the  lashed 
man  is,  whom  they  acknowledge  and  obey  as  'lord'  on  that  occasion. 
They  hold  the  vipers  in  their  hands  and  falling  on  their  knees  before 
the  flayed  one  give  him  the  two  snakes.  He  takes  them  and  they 
creep  up  his  arms  toward  his  body,  making  a  great  deal  of  noise 
with  their  rattles,  and  they  wind  about  his  neck.  Then  the  flayed 
one  rises,  swings  around  quickly  and  the  snakes  fall  to  the  ground 
and  coil  up.  Then  they  are  picked  up  by  those  who  brought  them, 
who,  kneeling  take  them  and  put  them  in  their  mouths  and  disappear 
through  a  little  door  which  they  have. 

When  this  is  over  two  domestics  come  there.  These  go  around 
among  the  natives  howling  in  startling  and  depressing  manner. 
As  soon  as  this  mitote  is  over  the  one  who  has  been  lashed  gives  a 
certain  number  of  sticks  adorned  with  many  plumes,  that  they  may 
place  them  in  the  corn  fields  and  water  pools,  because  these  people 
worship  and  offer  sacrifice  before  the  water  holes.  They  do  this  and 
say  that  they  will  then  never  lack  water.  The  ones  who  suffer  the 
flaying  remain  so  badly  lacerated  that  their  wounds  do  not  heal 
in  two  months.  They  are  so  neat  and  well  adorned  in  these  mitotes 
and  dances  that  it  is  a  thing  worth  seeing. 

The  custom  of  their  marriages  is  described  here  so  that  it  may 
be  seen  how  much  ability  God  our  Lord  has  bestowed  upon  the  people 
of  this  settlement.65  It  is  that  whenever  anyone  wishes  to  marry 
according  to  their  practise  all  his  relatives  and  part  of  the  settle- 
ment assemble  and  perform  their  dances.  The  marriage  and  the 
festivities  last  more  than  three  days.  The  first  thing  they  give 
them  is  a  house  in  which  they  may  live.  This  is  given  to  them  as 
a  dowry  by  the  father  and  mother-in-law,  parents  of  the  bride.  The 


65.     Regarding:  marriage  customs  of  the  pueblo  Indians,   see  Hodge,   Handbook, 
I,   809;   and   Farrand,   op.   cit.,    185-18H. 


348          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

house  is  two,  three  or  four  stories  high.  In  these  stories  they  have 
eight  or  ten  rooms.  The  newly  married  couple  are  seated  on  a  bench. 
At  the  side  of  the  bride  stands  an  Indian  woman  as  bridesmaid  and 
on  the  side  of  the  groom  stands  a  male  Indian  who  act  as  grooms- 
man. Separated  from  them  stands  an  old  man  of  many  days,  very 
well  dressed  in  painted  and  worked  blankets.  He  acts  as  the  priest, 
and  tells  them  from  time  to  time  to  kiss  and  embrace  and  they  do 
as  the  old  man  tells  them. 

They  place  before  them  their  painted  and  adorned  blankets  and 
the  groom  clothes  his  bride  with  her  blankets  and  she  places  his  on 
him  in  such  a  way  that  they  clothe  one  another.  Then  the  old  man 
talks.  As  we  did  not  know  the  language  we  did  not  understand 
what  he  was  saying.  But  by  the  motions  we  understood  he  was 
telling  them  that  they  should  love  each  other  very  much,  for  that 
was  the  purpose  for  which  they  had  been  united.  When  this  is  over 
they  place  before  the  bride  a  millstone,  a  pot,  a  flat  earthenware 
pan,  vessels,  chucubites,  and  the  metate  in  her  hand.  The  old  man 
tells  the  bride  that  those  things  placed  before  and  given  her,  which 
are  all  entirely  new,  signify  that  with  them  she  is  to  grind  and 
prepare  food  for  her  husband;  that  she  is  to  feed  him  and  to  pre- 
pare two  meals  for  him  every  day,  one  in  the  morning  and  the  other 
in  the  afternoon.  They  dine  and  retire  early  and  rise  before  day- 
break. She  answers  she  will  do  so. 

Then  he  speaks  to  the  groom.  They  place  before  him  a  Turkish 
bow,  a  lance,  club  and  shield.  These  things  are  to  signify  to  him 
that  with  those  weapons  he  is  to  defend  his  home  and  to  protect  his 
wife  and  children.  They  give  him  his  crate  and  mecapaF*  for  carry- 
ing burdens.  Then  they  place  a  hoe  in  his  hand  to  signify  that  with 
it  he  has  to  till  and  cultivate  the  soil  and  gather  corn  to  support 
his  wife  and  children.  He  answers  that  he  will  do  everything  in- 
dicated. Moreover  they  give  him  lands  in  which  to  plant  corn.  Then 
the  dances  continue.  Afterward  they  are  taken  to  their  house.  All 
that  day  there  is  food  in  plenty.  This  consists  of  turkeys,  beef, 
tomales,  tortillas  and  other  things.  The  order  with  which  they  do 
what  has  been  described  above  is  astounding.  For  a  barbarous 
people  the  neatness  they  observe  in  everything  is  surprising. 

Account  of  the  pueblos  that  were  seen,  of  the  names  they  bear 
and  which  were  given  them  because  of  ignorance  of  the  language  of 
the  people,  atfd  of  the  information  gathered  [concerning  the  land} 
farther  on. 

First  a  pueblo    [was  found],  the  first  to  be  seen,  which  was 


66.     It  is  a  leather  band   with  ropes   use«l  by   porters. 


A  PAGE  OF  THE  GALLEGOS  RELATION 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  349 

named  San  Phelipe.87  It  had  about  forty-five  houses  two  and  three 
stories  high.98  In  this  pueblo  possession  was  taken  of  the  whole  pro- 
vince for  his  majesty,  on  the  twenty-first  day  of  the  month  of  August 
in  the  year  fifteen  hundred  and  eighty-one.  From  this  pueblo  they 
began  to  discover  all  the  other  pueblos  and  provinces.  It  is  located 
along  a  river  which  we  named  the  Guadalquivir  river,89  of  which 
the  natives  had  told  us. 

Likewise,  close  to  this  pueblo  of  San  Phelipe,  on  the  same  side 
of  the  river  where  the  first  pueblo  is  located,  another  pueblo  was 
found  about  two  leagues  distant,  containing  about  forty-seven  two 
story  houses.  It  was  named  San  Miguel.70 

On  the  opposite  bank  of  this  river,  across  from  the  pueblo  of 
San  Miguel,  is  another  pueblo  which  has  twenty-five  houses  two 
stories  high.  It  was  named  Santiago.71 

Likewise,  above  this  pueblo  of  San  Miguel  there  was  found 
another  pueblo  containing  about  forty  two  story  houses.  It  was 
named  San  Juan.72 

Likewise,  on  the  other  side  of  the  said  river,  opposite  the  pueblo 
of  San  Juan,  another  pueblo  was  found  containing  about  thirty-five 
two  story  houses.  It  was  named  Piastla.73 

On  this  same  bank,  above  the  said  Piastia,  there  was  found 
another  pueblo  of  about  eighty-five  two  story  houses  built  around 
two  plazas.  It  was  named  Pifia.  This  pueblo  is  located  in  a  large 
meadow  formed  by  the  said  river. 

Farther  up  along  this  river,  on  the  side  of  the  Sierra  Morena, 
another  pueblo  was  found  which  was  named  Elota.7*  It  has  four- 
teen houses  two  stories  high. 

On  the  same  bank  farther  up  the  river  another  pueblo  was  dis- 
covered which  was  called  El  Hosso.75  It  has  fifty  houses  two  stories 
high. 

Near  this  pueblo,  on  the  said  shore,  on  a  basin  formed  by  this 


67.  The  Spaniards   were  coming  up  the   west  side  of  the  Rio   Grande.     There 
is  no  mention  in  any  of  the  documents  that  they  crossed  the  Rio  Grande. 

68.  It  was  one  of  the   Piro   villages   in  the  San   Marcial  region,   perhaps   near 
Fort   Craig.     Mecham,    "The   Second   Spanish   Expedition,"      op.    cit.,    273.     In   this 
very  valuable  paper  Dr.  Mecham  has  attempted  to  locate  practically  all  the  pueblos 
mentioned   by   Gallegos.     His   findings   will   be   briefly   given   in   these   notes. 

69.  The  Rio  Grande. 

70.  Identical   with    Trenaquel.     Me-:ham,    ov-   cit.,   273. 

71.  Identical   with   Qualacu.     Ibid. 

72.  Seemingly   identical   with   Senecu,   located   at   San   Antonio.     Ibid.,   274. 

73.  It  compares  with  San   Pascual.   Ibid. 

74.  Piiia  and   Elota  were  in  the  Socorro  district.   Ibid.,   275. 

75.  It  seems  to  agree  with  Alamillo  in  locations.  Ibid. 


350          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

same  bank  of  the  river,  another  pueblo  containing  fourteen  houses 
two  stories  high  was  found.  It  was  named  La  Pedrosa.78 

Along  this  said  river  another  pueblo  of  twenty-five  two  story 
houses  was  discovered.  It  was  named  Fonsitlan. 

Moreover  along  this  river  another  pueblo  containing  twenty-five 
two  story  houses  was  found.  It  was  named  Pueblo  Nuevo.77  It  was 
given  this  name  because  the  building  of  this  new  town  was  just  be- 
gun. 

Above  the  said  pueblo  of  Ponsitlan  another  pueblo  was  dis- 
covered. It  had  fifteen  houses  two  stories  high.  It  was  named 
Caxtole.78 

On  the  opposite  bank  of  this  river,  facing  the  pueblo  of  Caxtole, 
another  pueblo  containing  one  hundred  two  story  houses  was  found. 
It  was  named  Piquinaguatengo.78 

On  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  on  the  side  of  the  Sierra 
Morena,  there  is  another  pueblo  of  forty  houses  two  stories  high. 
It  was  named  Mexicalcingo. 

Above  this  pueblo  there  was  discovered  another  one  that  had 
seventy  houses  two  arid  three  stories  high.  This  pueblo  is  divided 
into  two  sections,  the  one  being  an  harquebus  shot  distant  from 
the  other.  It  was  named  Tomatlan. 

Fronting  this  pueblo  of  Tomatlan,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
river,  another  pueblo  which  had  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  two 
and  three  story  houses  was  found.  It  was  named  Taxumulco.xo 

Up  the  river,  above  the  pueblo  of  Taxun:ulco,  there  was  dis- 
covered another  pueblo  containing  one  hundred  houses  of  two  and 
three  stories.  It  was  named  Santa  Catalina.*1 

Up  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  toward  the  Sierra  Morena, 
another  pueblo  containing  fifty  two  story  houses  was  found.  It  was 
named  San  Mattheo.82 

Likewise,  above  the  pueblo  of  San  Mattheo,  another  pueblo  of 


76.  La   Pedrosa   was   only   two   harquebus   shots   distant   from    El   Osso.    Ibid 

77.  Both    Ponsitlan   and   Pueblo   Nuevo,   the   last   of   the   Piro   villages,    were    on 
the    east    bank    of    the    Rio    Grande,    one    of    them    probably    being:    identical    with 
Sevilleta.  Ibid. 

78.  This  is  the  first  of  the  Tigua  villages,  located  on  the  east  side  of  the  river. 

79.  Mecham   identifies   Piquina-guatengo   with    the   pueblo   of   San    Clemente,   on 
the  present  site  of  Los  Lunas.  Ibid.,   276. 

80.  Taxamulco  was  probably  identical  with  Iselta.     Ibid. 

81.  This  pueblo  agrees   with   Alameda   in   location.      As    Professor   Hackett   haa 
shown  it  was  west  of  the  river  in  1681.  Ibid;  and  Hackett,  C.  W.  "The  Location  of 
the  Tigua  pueblos  of  Alameda,    Puaray,   and   Sandia,    1680-1681,"    in   Old   Santa   Fe, 
II,  381  ff. 

82.  San   Mateo  was  the  Puaray  of   1680.    Mecham,   op.   cit.,   277. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  351 

one  hundred  and  twenty-three  houses  of  two  and  three  stories  was 
encountered.  It  was  named  Puaray.88 

On  the  bank  oi  the  river  there  was  found  another  pueblo  con- 
taining [there  is  a  blank]  of  two  and  three  stories.84  It  was  named 
San  Pedro.  This  pueblo  is  above  Santa  Catalina. 

Above  the  pueblo  of  San  Fedro  another  pueuio  of  forty  houses 
two  and  three  stories  high  was  discovered.  It  was  named  Analco. 

Above  the  said  pueblo  of  Analco  another  pueblo  with  eighty-four 
two  and  three  story  houses  was  found.  It  was  named  Cuhacan. 

Above  the  said  pueblo  of  Culiacan  there  is  another  pueblo  con- 
taining one  hundred  houses  two  and  three  stories  high.  It  was 
named  Villarrasa. 

Likewise,  above  the  pueblo  of  Viilarrasa  is  another  pueblo  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty -four  two  and  three  story  houses.  It  was 
named  La  Palma. 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the  said  river,  above  the  pueblo  called 
Puaray,  there  was  found  another  pueblo  of  twenty  houses  two  stories 
high.  It  was  named  Zenpoala.85 

Above  this  pueblo  of  Sempoala  there  was  another  pueblo  that 
contained  seventy-seven  houses  of  two  and  three  stories.  It  was 
named  Nompe. 

On  the  same  side,  up  the  said  river,  another  pueblo  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty-three  two  and  three  story  houses  was  found. 
It  was  named  Malpais.  It  was  given  this  name  because  it  is  close 
to  a  malpais. 

Likewise,  above  this  pueblo  of  Malpais,  up  the  river,  there  was 
found  another  pueblo  which  had  one  hundred  and  forty-five 
houses  of  two  and  three  stories.  It  was  named  Caseres.R8  Possession 
of  it  was  taken  for  his  majesty  on  the  second  day  of  September  of 
the  said  year. 

Further,  above  this  town  of  Caseres  another  pueblo  which  had 
sixty  houses  of  two  and  three  stories  was  found.  It  was  named 
Campos.87 

Likewise,  opposite  this  pueblo  of  Campos,  on  the  other  side  of 


83.  Mecham    thinks    that    Gallegos*    Puaray    was    identical    with    Sandia,    which 
was   one   league   above   the   Puaray   of   1680.      Ibid.,   and   Hackett,   op.   cit.,    383. 

84.  Mecham    says    its    contained    62    houses.    Op.    cit.,    277. 

85.  These    pueblos,    Analco,    Culiacan,    Villarassa,    La    Palma,    and    Sempoala, 
were  in  the  region   opposite  Bernalillo.     Mecham,   op.   cit.,   277. 

86.  Nompe,  Malpais  and  Caseres  ware  probably  between  Sandia  and  Bernalillo, 
on  the  east  bank  of  the  river.     Ibid..  277-278. 

87.  Campos   was   the  first  Queres   pueblo   seen.     It   was   near  the   present   site 
of  Santo   Domingo.   Ibid.,   278. 


352          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  river,  there  was  found  another  pueblo  which  had  eighty  houses 
of  two  and  three  stories.  It  was  named  Palomares.88 

Again,  up  the  river,  another  pueblo  of  two  hundred  and  thirty 
houses  of  two  and  three  stories  was  discovered.  It  was  named 
Medina  de  la  Torre.89 

Near  this  town  of  Medina  de  la  Torre,  on  the  northern  bank, 
along  a  stream  that  empties  into  the  Guadalquivir  river,  near  the 
said  pueblo  of  Medina  de  la  Torre,  there  was  found  a  valley  which 
was  called  Atotonilco,  in  which  four  pueblos  were  found.90  The 
first  was  named  Guatitlan.  It  contained  seventy-six  houses  of 
two,  three  and  four  stories.  The  second  was  called  La  Guarda.  It 
had  one  hundred  houses  of  three  and  four  stories.  The  third  was 
named  Valladolid.  It  had  two  hundred  houses  of  three  and  four 
stories.  In  this  pueblo  possession  was  taken  for  his  majesty  on  the 
sixth  day  of  the  said  month  and  year.  The  fourth  town,  which 
contains  sixty  houses  three  and  four  stories  high,  was  named  La 
Rinconada,  because  it  is  in  a  turn  of  the  valley. 

On  up  this  Guadalquivir  river,  above  Medina  de  la  Torre,  another 
pueblo  was  found  on  the  river  bank  which  had  forty  houses  of  two 
stories.  It  was  named  Castilleja.*1 

Likewise,  up  the  said  river  another  pueblo  was  discovered  which 
had  two  hundred  houses  three  and  four  stories  high.  It  was  named 
Castildabid.92 

Further,  up  the  said  river  there  was  found  another  pueblo  that 
had  ninety  houses  of  two  and  three  stories.  It  was  named  Suchipila. 

Above  the  pueblo  of  Suchipila  there  was  found  another  pueblo 
of  eighty  houses  three  and  four  stories  high.  It  was  named  Talavan.*3 

Likewise,  up  the  said  river,  along  a  large  stream  apart  from 
the  river  on  the  northern  side,  there  was  discovered  another  pueblo 
which  had  five  hundred  houses  from  one  to  seven  stories  high.  It 
was  called  La  Nueba  Tlascala.94  It  was  taken  in  the  name  of  his 
majesty.  At  this  pueblo  they  said  that  farther  on  were  other  pue- 


88.  The  probable  location  was  near  Cubero.     [bid. 

89.  Identical  with  Cochiti.     Ibid.,  279. 

90.  The  party  had  turned  up  the  Santa  Fe  river. 

91.  Dr.   Mecham   mistakenly   says  that   Gallegos  gave  this   pueblo  no   name.     It 
was   perhaps   San    Ildefonso.      Ibid.,    281. 

92.  It  was  on  the  present  site  of  San  Juan,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Chama 
river.      Ibid. 

93.  Suchipila   and   Talavan    were   north   of   Castildabid.   Mecham   thinks   one   of 
them    was    Picuries,   but   Mr.    L.    B.    Bloom    of   the    New    Mexico    Historical    Society 
disagrees  on  the  ground  that  it  was  too  far  from  the  river.     Ibid. 

94.  This  was  evidently  Taos. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  353 

bios,  which  they  indicated  by  signs  to  be  very  large.90  They  were 
not  visited  due  to  lack  of  time. 

Likewise,  there  was  discovered  a  stream  carrying  much  water 
which  flows  into  the  Guadalquivir  river  from  the  south.96  This  said 
stream  forms  a  valley  which,  as  it  was  so  good  and  luxuriant,  was 
named  Valle  Visiosa.  In  it  three  pueblos  were  discovered.  The  first 
is  close  to  the  said  river,  opposite  the  pueblo  of  Castildabid.  It  has 
two  hundred  houses  three  and  four  stories  high.  It  was  named 
Castilblanco.97 

Further,  the  second  pueblo  had  two  hundred  houses  of  three 
and  four  stories.  It  was  named  Buena  Vista. 

Likewise,  the  third  pueblo  had  sixty  houses  three  stories  high. 
It  was  named  La  Barranca.98  At  this  pueblo  of  La  Barranca  in- 
formation was  obtained  to  the  effect  that  in  this  valley,  at  a  distance 
of  three  days  up  the  river,  there  were  thirteen  pueblos.  The  natives 
indicated  that  they  were  located  toward  the  south.  These  pueblos 
were  not  visited  because  the  discoverers  were  very  few,  and  be- 
cause the  supplies  we  carried  had  given  out. 

Further,  another  valley  was  discovered  five  leagues  from  the 
said  Guadalquivir  river.  This  was  named  Valle  de  San  Mattheo." 


95.  Perhaps    the    Spaniards    misunderstood    the    Indians.      At    least    they    had 
reached   the   greatest   of   the    pueblo    establishments    in    Taos. 

96.  From   the   west.      It   was   the   Chama   river. 

97.  This    may    be    identified    with    Chamita,    north    of    the    Chama.      The    ques- 
tion   as   to   whether  there   was   a   pueblo   south   of   the    Chama   near   the   Rio   Grande 
has  aroused  much  discussion.     The  celebrated  Martinez  map  shows  that  San  Gabriel, 
Onate's    capital,    was    south    of   the    Chama,    while    another    pueblo,    Chama,    was    on 
the    north    side.      The    New    Mexico    historians,    Twitchell,    Bloom    and    others,    insist 
that  the  map  must  be  in  error  as   no  archaeological  sites   have  ever  been   identified 
south   of  the   confluence   of   the   Chama   and   the   Rio   Grande,      They   hold   that   both 
were  north  of  the  Chama,  the  map  being  too  small  to  locate  them  in  their  proper 
places.     Mecham   evidently   assumes,   though   he   does    not   say   so,   that   Gallegos   sub- 
stantiates this  view,  as  he  places   Buena  Vista  and   La  Barranca,   the  other  pueblos 
visited,  higher  up  the  Chama.     Perhaps  he  is  right.     W«?  know  that  ruins  have  been 
found    above    Chamita.      And    there    is    nothing    in    the    report    of    Galiegos    to    show 
that    they     might     have     been     elsewhere.       Captain     Espinosa,     in     describing     San 
Gabriel   in    1601,   gives    an    equally   tantalising   account.      He   says   there    was    a    pue- 
blo   right    across    the    Rio    Grande    from    San    Gabriel,     (which    was    San    Juan)    and 
that  is   all  he  has  to   report.     He  does   not   indicate   whether   the   capital   was   north 
or  south  of  the  Chama.      Perhaps   that  would   show  that  there   were   no   other   pue- 
blos   in   the    immediate   vicinity.      Such    reasoning    as    this    is    however    not   conclusvie 
in  disproving  the  data  given  in  the  Martinez  map.     See  Mecham,   op.   cit.,   282  and 
note  63 ;   Bolton,   Spanish  Exploration,   212  ;  testimony  of   Captain   Marcelo   Espinosa 
in  the  Valverde  Inquiry. 

98.  Buena  Vista  and  La  Barranca  were  probably  situated  up  the  Chama  river, 
above   Castilblanco.      Mecham,    op.   cit.,   282. 

99.  The   Spa  :iards   had    now   descended   the    Rio    Grande   to   the    Galisteo    valley 
which   they    christened   San   Mateo.      They    were    led    in    that   direction    by   reports   of 
the  buffalo. 

24 


354          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Four  pueblos  were  discovered  here,  the  first  of  which  had  three 
hundred  houses  five  stories  high.  It  was  named  Piedra  Quita.100 
It  was  given  this  name  because  all  of  it  is  of  rock. 

The  second  pueblo  had  one  hundred  and  forty  houses  four 
stories  high.  It  was  named  Galisteo.101 

The  third  pueblo  had  one  hundred  houses  three  stories  high.  It 
was  named  Malpartida.102 

The  fourth  pueblo  had  eighty  houses  three  stories  high.  It  was 
named  Malagon.108  At  this  pueblo  we  were  informed  that  on  the 
slopes  of  the  Sierra  Morena  were  two  large  pueblos,  which  were 
not  visited  on  account  of  incidents  that  prevented  it. 

FAMOUS  Back  of  the  Sierra  Morena  some  salines  were  found  which 
SALINES  extended  for  five  leagues.  These  are  the  best  salines  ever 
discovered  by  Christians.  The  salt  resembles  the  salt  of  the  sea.  At 
thes  Salines  five  pueblos  were  found.  The  first  had  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  houses  two  stories  high.  It  was  named  Zacatula. 

The  second  had  two  hundred  houses  of  two  and  three  stories. 
It  was  named  Ruiseco. 

The  third  pueblo  had  ninety  houses  of  three  stories.  It  was 
named  La  Mesa. 

The  fourth  pueblo  had  ninety-five  houses  two  and  three  stories 
high.  It  was  named  La  Hoya. 

The  fifth  pueblo  had  sixty-five  houses  two  and  three  stories 
high.  It  was  named  Franca  Vila.104  At  this  pueblo  we  were  in- 
formed that  away  from  the  salines  were  three  very  large  pueblos. 
According  to  their  indications  they  seemed  to  be  large  cities.105  They 
were  not  visited  due  to  the  heavy  snowfall  which  the  discoverers 
experienced  at  that  time. 

Likewise,  from  the  pueblo  of  Caceres  the  soldier-explorers  went 
to  discover  a  valley  of  which  the  said  leader  and  chief  had  been  given 
great  reports.  This  valley  was  said  to  be  five  leagues  from  the 
said  river  Guadalquivir.  This  valley  [Pueblo]  was  named  Puerto 
Frio.  This  pueblo  is  in  a  ravine  close  to  a  river  of  water  that 
flows  near  this  pueblo. 


100.  Piedra  Ita  (Quita)  is  identical  with  San  Cristobal,  the  estemmost  puebio 
in  the  Galisteo  valley.  Ibid.,  283.  The  manuscript  reads  Piedra  hita,  but  the  "hita" 
has  been  crossed  out  and  "duita"  written  in  above. 

101.  It  was  identical  with  the  puoblo  ruin  of  the  same  name.        Ibid. 

102.  Malpartida,   from   which    Father   Santa   Maria   set   out  toward    New   Spain, 
was  the  same  as  San  Marcos,  four  miles  northeast  of  Cerrillos.     Ibid. 

103.  Malagon  agrees   with   San    Lay,aro   in    location.      It    is   a   small   puebio   ruin 
twelve  miles   southwest   of   Lamy.      Ibid. 

104.  Mocham    concludes    that    these    puebios    were    Tigua    villages    situated    be- 
tween   Chilili    and    Manzano. 

105.  Probably    Abo,   Tonabo,   and    Tabira.    Ibid.,    288. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  355 

Likewise,  in  the  Valle  de  Santiago  another  pueblo  with  one 
hundred  houses  two  and  three  stories  high  was  found.  It  was  named 
Barios.1""  In  this  pueblo  of  Bafios  the  discoverers  were  told  that  up 
that  very  valley  were  thirteen  pueblos,  which  were  not  visited  on 
account  of  the  heavy  snowfalls. 

Further,  the  said  lord  chief  and  soldiers  were  informed  that 
thirty-five  leagues  from  the  said  river  Guadalquivir  were  many 
pueblos  and  a  mineral  deposit.  In  view  of  this  the  said  leader  sent 
the  said  explorers  and  conquerors  to  visit  and  explore  the  land  and 
to  learn  the  truth.  On  leaving  the  said  pueblo107  in  the  direction 
the  natives  had  mentioned,  and  after  marching  for  two  days  along 
the  said  river  toward  the  north108  they  found  a  pueblo  which  was 
on  a  strong  position.  According  to  the  discoverers  it  is  the  best 
A  VERY  stronghold  in  existence  among  Christians.  This  pueblo 
LARGE  has  five  hundred  houses  three  and  four  stories  high. 

FORTRESS  It  was  called  Acoma.  At  this  pueblo  information  was 
sought  as  to  whether  there  were  more  people  farther  on.  The  natives 
said  that  two  days  beyond  that  pueblo  of  Acoma  toward  the  south108 
were  many  pueblos  and  also  the  mineral  deposit  which  we  were  seek- 
ing. With  this  information  the  said  explorers  continued  on  their  jour- 
ney with  an  Indian  as  guide.  After  two  days  they  came  to  a  valley 
named  Sum  in  which  they  found  and  explored  five  pueblos.110  The 
first  had  seventy-five  three  story  houses.  It  was  named  Aquima.111 

The  second  pueblo  had  one  hundred  houses  four  and  five  stories 
high.  It  is  named  Ma?a.lia 

The  third  pueblo  is  called  Alonagua.113  It  had  forty-four  three 
and  four  story  houses. 

The  fourth  pueblo  is  named  Aguico."4  It  had  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  houses  of  two  and  three  stories. 


106.  The    Valle    de    Santiago    was    the    Jemez    valley.      The    pueblos    of    Puerto 
Frio  and  Banos  were  near  the  present  Santa  Ai:a  and  Sia.    Ibid.,  285. 

107.  We  are  lelt  to   conjecture   which   pueblo  is   meant,   but   it   may   have   been 
Puaray  since  it  was   here   that  the   padres   remained. 

108.  They   were   marching   westward. 
1C9.     Toward  the  west. 

110.  There  were  actually  six  pueblos.     Mr.   F.   W.   Hodge  in  an   excellent  article 
on    "The   Six   Cities   of   Cibola,    1581-1680,"    published    in   the    New   Mexico    Historical 
Review    for    October,    1926,     (Vol.    I,    47S-488)     has    fully    unraveled    the    muddle    re- 
garding  them.    The    problem    has    become    worse    with    the    publication    of    every    new 
document,  for  in  practically  each  instance  the  names  have  appeared  in  altered  form. 

111.  Mr.  Hodge  finds  Aquima  to  be  Kiakima.     Ibid.,  485. 

112.  Identical   with    Matsaki.      Ibid.,    484. 

113.  The  pueblo  of  Halona.     Ibid.,   486. 

114.  Hawikuh.     Ibid.,    480.    ff. 


356          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  other  pueblo,  which  is  the  fifth,  had  forty-four  three  and 
four  story  houses.115 

Likewise,  in  this  said  valley  they  informed  us  that  two  days 
from  there  were  five  pueblos  and  a  mineral  deposit.118  It  was  not 
visited  because  we  had  not  brought  the  necessary  provisions.  This 
is  the  best  valley  that  has  been  discovered,  because  all  of  it  is  culti- 
vated and  not  a  grain  of  corn  is  lost.  The  houses  are  all  of  stone, 
which  is  indeed  surprising.  All  the  houses  in  this  settlement  had 
their  corridors,  windows,  doorways  and  wooden  stairways  by  means 
of  which  they  ascend  to  them.  There  is  not  a  house  of  two  or  three 
stories  that  does  not  have  eight  rooms  or  more.  This  was  what 
surprised  us  more  than  anything  else.  [We  were  also  surprised] 
to  see  that  the  houses  are  plastered  and  painted  inside  and  outside. 
The  pueblos  have  their  plazas  and  streets.  They  often  make  sleep- 
ing-mats of  straw  for  their  rooms  on  which  they  sleep.  Some  make 
them  of  fine,  light  palm. 

Chapter  XIV.  Concerning  how  we  turned  back  after  seeing  the 
land,  the  events  of  our  return,  and  how  the  said  friars  remained  in 
the  said  settlement. 

After  having  seen  everything  in  the  land  that  could  be  seen  or 
learned  of,  the  said  leader  and  the  other  soldiers  decided  to  return 
to  the  land  of  Christians  before  any  misfortune  might  befall  them 
and  before  the  natives  should  attempt  to  carry  out  their  evil  plan. 
Thus  they  took  leave  of  the  friars  who  had  decided  to  remain  at 
that  settlement,  in  a  pueblo  called  Puaray,  which  contains  one 
hundred  and  twenty-four  houses  two  and  three  stories  high.  How- 
ever theii  stay  was  very  much  against  our  will,  as  the  Indians  had 
killed  the  said  friar  Juan  de  Santa  Maria. 

When  the  leader  saw  the  determination  of  the  said  friars  he 
required  them  once,  twice  and  thrice,  in  the  name  of  God  and  of 
his  majesty,  to  leave  and  not  to  remain,  for  they  would  be  in  great 
danger  and  the  land  would  revolt  whenever  any  misfortune  befell 
them;  that  at  present  they  could  not  accomplish  any  good  results, 
not  till  there  were  Spanish  forces  to  compel  the  natives  to  do  any- 
thing; and  that  they  should  go  to  their  superiors  to  report  concern- 
ing the  land  that  they  might  send  the  necessary  aid.  The  chief 
ordered  that  testimony  of  all  this  should  be  drawn  up.117  In  view 


115.  No   name   for   this    pueblo    is    given    by    Gallegos.      In    fact   there    were   six 
pueblos,   the   additional   names    being   found    in    a    list   appended    to    Gallegos'    report. 
They  are  Coaqina  and  Acana. 

116.  The  reference  is  doubtless   to   the   Moqui   pueblos   in   northeastern    Arizona. 

117.  An   affidavit   was   drawn   up    February    13,    1582,    certifying  to   these   facts 
in  proper  form.       Translation  in  Southwestern  Historical  Quarterly,   XXIX,   230-231. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  357 

of  this  and  of  what  the  leader  and  the  said  soldiers  had  spoken  and 
suggested  the  said  friars  replied  that  they  would  remain,  that  no  one 
could  force  them  to  abandon  the  good  purpose  they  had  of  preaching 
the  Holy  Gospel,  and  that  they  would  excommunicate  them  if  they 
resorted  to  violence. 

When  the  leader  saw  the  reply  of  the  religious  he  tried  to  leave 
the  natives  friendly,  at  peace  with  us  and  with  the  fathers,  and  to 
let  them  know  how  we  intended  to  return  to  our  land  to  call  many 
Christians  and  to  bring  more  women.  They  rejoiced  greatly  at  this 
and  promised  they  would  look  after  them  and  would  regale  and 
support  them;  that  inasmuch  as  we  wanted  to  go  back  to  our  country 
we  should  go  and  bring  back  many  Spaniards  with  their  wives, 
because  they  wanted  to  see  what  they  looked  like  and  the  way  they 
dressed;  and  that  when  we  came  back  they  would  have  the  fathers 
fat  and  well  kept.  Since  the  Indians  had  shown  such  good  will  to- 
ward the  fathers  for  their  stay  and  toward  us  for  departing  from 
them  we  left  the  said  pueblo  of  Puaray.  Some  Indians  were  sad 
at  our  departure,  but  we  were  all  especially  affected  at  leaving  one 
another,  the  friars  as  well  as  the  soldiers.  Consequently  some  of 
the  soldiers  were  determined  to  stay,  but  for  certain  reasons  pointed 
out  by  the  leader  no  one  dared  to  remain. 

We  left  this  pueblo  and  the  friars  on  the  last  day  of  the  month 
of  January,"8  determined  to  return  quickly  to  Christian  territory  to 
bring  help  for  the  conversion  of  those  natives.  We  went  down  the 
same  river  by  which  we  had  come.  On  leaving  the  said  pueblo  of 
Puaray  and  having  gone  twenty  leagues  from  the  said  province, 
six  settlements  and  mineral  deposits  were  discovered.118  These  are 
in  a  very  fine  place  with  abundant  water  and  timber.  [They  had] 
very  good  veins,  rich  in  contents,  and  many  enclosures  which,  in 
the  opinion  of  all  of  our  men,  were  and  are  very  good,  for  nearly 
all  were  miners  who  knew  about  mines,  veins  and  meals. 

After  our  leader  and  magistrate  of  the  said  expedition  had  seen, 
taken  possession  of,  and  recorded  these  discoveries  we  were  informed 
of  six  or  seven  other  discoveries,  but  due  to  lack  of  iron  for  horse- 
shoes, which  had  been  exhausted,  we  did  not  go  to  discover  them. 
Moreover  we  wanted  to  keep  the  promise  which  we  had  given  to  both 
the  friars  and  the  native  Indians  that  our  departure  would  be  brief. 


118.  1582. 

119.  Mr.    Mecham    locates   this   discovery    in   the   San    Mateo   mountains,   though 
the    distance    from    Puaray    is    much    greater    than    the    20    leagues    which    Gallegos 
mentions.     For  that  reason  the  location  should  undoubtedly  be  farther  north,  perhaps 
in    the    mountains    in    the    region    of    the    Salado    river.      Both    of    these    views    are 
based  on   the  supposition  that  the   party   was   on   the  west  side   of  the   Rio   Grande. 
Cf.  note  67. 


358          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

This  and  other  causes  prevented  us  from  going  to  locate  those  min- 
ing discoveries.  Nevertheless  according  to  the  signs  and  indications 
given  us  by  the  natives  and  from  what  they  said  they  must  be  near 
that  place.  And,  God  willing,  we  shall  locate  them  wher  the  land  is 
settled.  Furthermore,  there  are  so  many  mines  that  it  is  indeed 
marvelous. 

When  the  said  leader  and  the  soldiers  saw  so  many  mineral 
deposits  and  materials  in  the  land  to  facilitate  its  settlement  they 
decided,  in  order  that  the  natives  of  that  land  should  become 
Christians,  to  go  with  more  zeal  and  to  report  on  the  land  so  that 
a  decision  might  promptly  be  reached  to  send  the  necessary  aid  for 
the  protection  of  the  fathers  who  had  remained  there  and  for  the 
preaching  of  the  Holy  Gospel  in  order  that  so  many  idolatrous  souls 
should  not  be  lost,  but  on  the  contrary  be  brought  to  the  true  know- 
ledge before  they,  as  idolatrous  Indians,  should  attempt  some  evil 
deed  to  kill  the  fathers  and  hinder  the  penetration  of  the  land. 

Chapter  XV.  Concerning  the  events  we  experienced  on  our  de- 
parture after  having  found  the  said  discovery  of  mines,  and  the 
illness  that  befell  our  leader,  on  account  of  which  it  was  necessary 
to  halt  on  the  way. 

After  the  afore-mentioned  had  transpired  we  continued  march- 
ing down  the  said  river  for  over  eighty  leagues.  God  willed  that 
our  leader  should  be  afflicted  with  an  ailment  which  he  had  formerly 
had.  He  was  ill  on  leaving  the  said  settlement  but  became  much 
worse  due  to  traveling.  On  account  of  this  it  was  necessary  to  stop 
at  a  place  which  we  named  Canutillo.  We  stayed  four  days  at 
this  place  to  see  whether  our  leader  felt  any  relief  in  order  to  pro- 
ceed with  our  trip.  We  left  that  place,  although  the  illness  of  our 
leader  grew  very  much  more  serious  due  to  the  fatigue  of  the  march. 
Since  it  was  due  to  exhaustion  from  the  trip  it  was  decided  to  bleed 
him.  As  the  equipment  which  had  been  brought,  the  lancet  as 
well  as  the  syringe,  had  been  left  with  the  fathers  it  was  done  as 
soldiers  do  in  time  of  need  when  they  draw  blood  with  a  horsesshoe  nail 
and  apply  the  medicines  by  means  of  a  horn.  These  two  things  were 
used  on  our  leader  and  the  soldiers  who  were  ill. 

Indeed  we  experienced  much  suffering,  for  with  three  or  four 
men  sick,  out  of  eight  soldiers,  —  nine  with  our  leader  —  we  had 
to  watch  every  night  and  wear  armor.  Much  hardship  was  endured, 
so  much  so  that  the  illness  of  our  leader  became  aggravated.  As 
he  was  a  man  of  over  sixty  or  seventy  years  the  ailment  took  firmer 
hold  on  him  than  on  the  others  who  were  not  so  old.  It  was  neces- 
sary to  stop  four  days  more  at  another  place,  which  we  nemed  De 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  359 

los  Patos,  to  see  whether  he  would  grow  better  and  the  illness  de- 
cline. Since  it  became  no  better,  but  on  the  contrary  took  firmer 
hold  on  him  we  urged  him  to  commend  himself  to  God  and  to  make 
his  last  will  before  Hernan  Gallegos,  who  was  the  notary  of  the 
expedition.  He  did  as  advised.  Since  the  affliction  was  becoming 
so  serious  that  his  hands  and  feet  were  paralyzed,  we  decided  to 
build  a  litter  so  that  by  means  of  two  horses  he  could  be  taken 
quickly  to  the  land  of  the  Christians  where  the  holy  sacraments  could 
be  administered  to  him,  which  was  of  greatest  concern.  As  we  had 
no  tools,  because  all  had  been  left  with  the  fathers  that  they  might 
cut  the  timbers,  we  had  to  cut  the  lumber,  consisting  of  timbers  and 
poles  for  the  said  litter,  with  our  swords.  It  was  done  as  well  as 
possible.  However,  to  fasten  the  said  litter  it  was  necessary  to  kill 
a  horse,  because  the  hides  which  had  been  brought  from  the  cattle 
were  not  sufficient  for  the  litter.  It  was  reinforced  in  the  best 
manner  possible.  When  it  was  finished  the  said  leader  was  placed 
in  it. 

With  this  device  we  marched  with  great  difficulty,  for  the 
horses  were  not  used  to  that  sort  of  work.  They  fell  at  times, 
which  grieved  us  considerably.  So  if  we  had  endured  much  suffer- 
ing on  our  coming  we  were  having  much  more  hardship  on  our 
departure.  We  gave  many  thanks  to  God  for  such  hardships  that 
came  to  us  through  His  will,  for  since  He  was  giving  them  to  us 
He  also  endowed  us  with  patience  and  forbearance  to  withstand 
them.  These  hardships  were  experienced  due  to  our  small  number, 
because  out  of  nine  men  three  or  four  were  ill  and  indisposed.  Fur- 
thermore, we  had  to  keep  vigil  every  night  as  we  had  done  up  to 
that  time.  Moreover,  the  Indian  servants  that  we  had  taken  along 
had  remained  at  the  settlement  with  the  fathers. 

After  having  traveled  most  of  the  way  and  the  most  difficult 
part  God  willed  that  when  we  were  now  out  of  the  land  near  the 
land  of  the  Christians,  thirty  leagues  from  Santa  Barbola,  the 
said  leader  should  die.  He  was  buried  in  the  most  manner  possible 
in  a  designated  place,  on  a  route  and  place  that  had  to  be  crossed 
to  go  to  the  said  settlement,  so  that  when  the  occasion  arrived  his 
remains  might  be  taken  to  the  land  of  the  Christians.  God  only 
knows  the  depression,  grief  and  pity  that  we  all  experienced  to 
see  him  die  in  such  a  remote  and  desolate  land,  without  spiritual  or 
temporal  comfort.  But  as  these  are  things  willed  and  directed  by 
the  hand  of  God  our  Lord  we  gave  many  thanks  to  Him  because 
He  had  been  pleased  to  call  away  from  us  the  leader  who  had  been 
in  our  company  for  one  year,  who  had  traveled  so  much  in  our  party 
and  who  at  the  least  expected  moment  left  us  disconsolate. 


360          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Chapter  XVI  .  Concerning  the  reception  given  to  us  at  Santa 
Barbola,  what  transpired  between  its  inhabitants  and  ourselves  and 
how  they  tried  to  arrest  us  because  we  did  not  take  possession  for 
the  gobernacion  of  Francisco  and  Diego  de  Ibarra. 

After  burying  our  said  leader  we  decided  to  reach  Christian 
territory  without  delay.  Proceeding  on  our  march  we  came  to  Santa 
Barbola,  from  which  we  had  set  out  on  this  expedition,  on  the 
fifteenth  of  April,  a  noted  day  as  is  was  Easter  day.  We  were 
well  received  at  this  town,  as  our  return  was  much  desired,  for 
they  thought  we  were  dead.  We  fired  our  salvo  for  the  said  town 
with  our  harquebuses.  After  firing  the  salvo  the  escribano  real 
who  was  present  gave  us,  at  the  petition  of  Hernan  Gallegos,  testi- 
mony of  the  day,  month  and  year  on  which  we  reached  the  said 
mines  and  town  of  Santa  Barbola,  [stating]  that  we  were  armed 
and  our  horses  also,  and  that  we  were  returning  from  serving  God 
and  the  king  at  our  cost  and  support. 

After  giving  this  certificate  the  settlers  and  authorities  of 
Santa  Barbola,  seeing  that  the  discovery  had  been  carried  out  by 
commission  from  New  Spain,  decided  to  give  orders  to  have  us  ar- 
rested and  to  seize  the  documents  concerning  the  expedition  that 
were  brought  by  Hernan  Gallegos  and  have  [the  new  land]  taken  for 
the  gobernacion  of  Diego  de  Ibarra  that  he  might  learn  of  the  said 
discovery.  Hernan  Gallegos,  escribano  of  the  said  expedition,  saw 
that  it  was  not  proper  to  do  such  a  thing  but  on  the  contrary  to 
report  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  by  whose  commission  the  said 
land  and  people  had  been  penetrated  and  discovered,  and  to  give 
him  an  account  of  this  discovery,  as  loyal  vassals  of  his  majesty. 
When  the  said  Hernan  Gallegos  noticed  that  the  people  and  authori- 
ties of  Santa  Barbola  had  planned  very  carefully  to  take  the  docu- 
ments from  him,  and  when  the  captain  of  Santa  Barbola  saw  our 
determination  and  that  of  the  discoverers  he  ordered  the  said  Hernan 
Gallegos,  as  the  escribano  of  the  said  expedition,  to  write  the  said 
accounts  before  him,  stating  where  the  said  explorers  and  leader 
had  entered  to  discover  and  what  had  been  discovered,  accomplished 
and  examined  on  that  expedition.  Hernan  Gallegos  replied  to  this 
that  in  regard  to  the  discovery  he  did  not  even  have  authority  to 
ask  him  for  a  report  concerning  the  said  trip;  that  they  had  entered 
and  explored  by  commission  from  New  Spain;  that  if  they  had  done 
wrong  and  they  did  not  show  them  in  what  manner  they  would  be 
punished  by  his  excellency  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  to  whom  we 
would  all  submit  as  was  our  duty;  and  that  he  questioned  his 
authority  to  command  the  aforesaid. 


THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION  361 

In  spite  of  all  this  the  said  captain  ordered  the  said  Hernan 
G alleges  to  write  the  report  under  threat  of  punishment.  To  get 
away  from  the  said  captain  and  magistrate  Hernan  Gallegos  answered 
that  he  would  bring  them  to  him.  Then  during  the  early  morning 
of  the  next  day,  the  day  following  Easter,  we  left  the  jurisdiction 
of  Santa  Barbola,  on  our  way  to  Mexico  to  report  on  the  said  dis- 
covery to  his  excellency.  We  were  three  companions,  Pedro  de 
Bustamente,  Hernan  Gallegos  and  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Chaves.  [We 
took  along]  all  the  documents  concerning  the  said  expedition.  [It  was 
decided]  that  the  other  comrades  should  remain  at  the  said  town 
of  Santa  Barbola  to  defend  the  entrance  of  the  land  we  had  dis- 
covered. Wherefore  we  came  to  report  to  his  excellency  by  whose 
commission  possession  had  been  taken  of  that  land,  in  order  that 
his  excellency  might  provide  the  proper  relief  and  authority,  and 
might  also  command  that  until  other  provisions  were  made  by  his 
excellency,  no  captain  or  magistrate  of  any  place  whatsoever  might 
enter  the  land  except  by  his  authority.  This  was  done  at  once  and 
royal  decrees  were  dispatched  in  duo  form  to  the  gobcrnaciones  of 
Francisco  and  Diego  de  Ibarra,  Carvajal  and  the  others. 

Upon  their  departure  the  three  above-mentioned  companions 
reached  the  valley  of  San  Juan,  eleven  leagues  from  the  mines  of 
Sombrerete,  at  the  quarters  of  the  general  of  Zacatecas,  Rodrigo 
del  Rio  de  Lossa.  Here  it  was  necessary  for  one  of  the  companions, 
Pedro  Sanchez  de  Chaves,  to  go  back  with  certain  reports  to  the 
mines  of  Santa  Barbola  where  the  said  companions  had  remained. 
Then  the  other  two,  Pedro  de  Bustamente  and  Hernan  Gallegos, 
took  leave  of  him  and  left  for  Mexico  city  where  they  intended  to 
arrive  and  report  to  his  excellency  concerning  the  said  discovery. 

Proceeding  onward  they  arrived  in  Mexico  city  on  the  eighth 
day  of  the  month  of  May  in  the  year  fifteen  hundred  and  eighty-two. 
They  appeared  before  his  excellency  to  give  him  an  account  of  the 
said  expedition  and  to  explain  how  and  what  had  been  done.  They 
brought  and  placed  before  him  samples  of  what  there  was  in  the 
land,  such  as  clothing,  meat  of  the  cattle,  salt  from  the  salines,  metals 
from  the  mines  which  had  been  discovered  and  which  exist  in  the 
land.  Some  of  them  assayed  at  twenty  marcos  per  hundred  weight 
of  ore.  We  presented  also  the  chicubites  in  which  they  eat  and  the 
crockery  which  they  make  at  the  said  settlement,  which  is  like  that 
of  New  Spain.  We  were  well  received.  We  brought  great  joy  and 
happiness  to  this  city  of  Mexico,  and  especially  to  his  excellency 
the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  for  having  carried  out  in  such  a  short 
time  and  during  his  administration  an  enterprise  like  the  present 
one  in  which  his  majesty  and  his  vassals  have  spent  quantities  of 


362          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

money  in  search  of  this  discovery,  but  without  success.  Now  nine 
men  had  dared  to  go  among  such  a  large  number  of  people  in  the 
inhabited  area  and  to  penetrate  the  uninhabited  land  and  to  have  dis- 
covered what  they  had.  This  was  the  report  they  gave.  Where 
five  hundred  men  had  failed  to  discover  or  explore  the  eight  men 
had  succeeded  at  their  own  cost  and  expense,  without  receiving 
any  support  or  help  from  his  majesty  or  any  other  person.120  This 
brought  great  relief  and  enthusiasm  to  many  people  in  New  Spain. 
Hernan  Gallegos,  one  of  the  explorers  and  the  escribano  of  the 
expedition  and  discovery,  decided  to  write  this  relation  with  the 
chapters  and  explanations  here  contained.  He  wrote  it  and  had 
it  copied  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  of  July  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  fifteen  hundred  and  eighty-two. 

The  above  relation  was  copied,  corrected  and  compared  with 
the  one  found  in  the  said  book  from  folio  thirty-one  to  seventy-eight 
at  the  instance  of  Senor  Doctor  Quesada,  fiscal  of  his  majesty  in 
his  royal  audiencia  and  chancellery  in  this  city  of  Mexico,  on  the 
twelfth  day  of  the  month  of  May  in  the  year  sixteen  hundred  and 
two.  In  certification  of  which  I  attach  my  signature  so  that  it 
may  have  the  legal  power  desired.  Its  correction  was  witnessed  by 
Lorenzo  de  Burgos  and  Juan  Martinez  de  Aranda,  residents  of  this 
City.  Signed, 

JOAN  DE  ARANDA. 

(There  is  a  rubric) 


120.      These    references    to    a    numerous    and    expensive    expedition    are    to    the 
Coronado   entrada   of    1540. 


THE  FIRST  IRRIGATION  LAWSUIT  363 


THE  FIRST  IRRIGATION  LAWSUIT 

In  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  of  the  Euphrates  and  of  other 
ancient  streams  where  irrigation  was  practiced  for  thou- 
sands of  years  before  the  Christian  era,  there  were  un- 
doubtedly disputes  over  the  use  of  the  water.  Whether  the 
quarrels  led  to  killings  as  in  the  Western  States  of  North 
America,  whether  codes  were  enacted  for  filing  on  waters 
and  courts  were  invoked  to  interpret  them,  is  however,  a 
matter  for  speculation.  At  least  I  am  not  aware  that  any 
record  of  such  cases  has  come  down  the  ages.  And  when 
I  speak  of  the  first  irrigation  case  I  mean  the  first  case 
involving  ancient  waterrights  that  was  brought  to  the  at- 
tention of  a  court  in  territory  of  the  United  States. 

When  the  common  law  followed  the  American  arms 
into  that  vast  section  of  the  continent  that  was  ceded  to 
the  United  States  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  in 
1848  it  encountered  two  divisions  of  the  civil  law  of  Mexico 
which  did  not  yield  to  its  superior  force.  These  two  divi- 
sions of  law  were  the  Community  Property  Law  and  the 
conception  of  Waterrights  by  Appropriation,  as  opposed 
to  the  English  system  of  Tenure  by  the  Entirety  and  Ri- 
parian Rights  in  Water.  Because  of  the  nature  of  the 
country,  its  lack  of  rainfall,  the  necessity  of  conducting 
water  from  streams  considerable  distances  in  order  to  irri- 
gate farm  lands  and  thus  raise  the  necessities  of  life  in 
the  way  of  food,  the  invaders  were  quick  to  recognize  the 
necessity  of  retaining  this  law  of  water  appropriation,  and 
so  it  was  retained,  in  its  native  purity  in  some  states  and 
modified  into  a  hybrid  in  others.  Presently  long  and 
learned  discourses  were  gathered  into  treatises  or  text- 
books explaining  its  origin,  its  uses  and  its  genius.  To- 
day it  has  been  elaborated  by  many  decisions,  even  those 
of  the  highest  tribunal  of  the  land. 

A  search  of  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 


364          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

California  discloses  the  fact  that  the  first  cases  involving 
waters  had  to  do  with  water  for  mining  purposes.  The 
first  case  involving  disputes  over  waters  for  irrigation  ap- 
pears to  have  been  Crandall  vs  Woods  8  Cal.  136  which  was 
decided  in  1857.  That  fact  that  this  case  does  not  quote  a 
single  other  decision  involving  irrigation  would  indicate  that 
there  were  none.  No  other  Western  States  were  organized 
prior  to  1855,  and  it  was  in  this  year  that  the  great  liti- 
gation between  the  Indian  Pueblo  of  Acoma  and  the  Indian 
Pueblo  of  Laguna  in  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico  was  com- 
menced as  cause  No.  1  on  the  civil  docket  of  the  District 
Court  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico  for  the  Third  Judicial 
District  within  the  County  of  Valencia.  The  musty  docu- 
ments in  the  office  of  W.  D.  Newcomb,  the  present  clerk 
of  the  court,  disclose  that  the  suit  was  hard  fought,  that 
every  trick  of  the  trade  was  put  in  use  and  that  not  until 
1857  was  a  settlement  reached  which  disposed  of  the  dis- 
pute by  an  agreement  between  the  parties. 

It  appears  from  the  files  that  the  water-right  in  dis- 
pute was  centuries  old,  and  had  been  a  matter  of  bitter 
feeling  between  the  two  pueblos  for  two  hundred  years 
or  more.  The  few  lawyers  that  were  then  practicing  in 
the  wake  of  the  victorious  armies  were  venturesome  bar- 
risters and  occupied  the  very  outposts  of  the  common  law, 
its  practice  and  procedure.  In  the  rigid  formalities  of 
that  system  they  had  been  trained  and  it  is  therefore  in- 
teresting to  note  the  skill  with  which  they  adapted  these 
forms  to  the  enforcement  of  a  right  not  known  to  the  com- 
mon law  system. 

The  "solicitor"  for  the  plaintiff  was  Spruce  M.  Baird, 
who  was  later  to  be  one  of  the  attorney  gener'als  of  the 
territory  and  who  defended  Major  Weigh tman  after  his 
famous  duel  with  Francis  Aubrey.  At  that  time  the  presi- 
ding judge  of  the  district  was  Kirby  Benedict,  one  of  the 
most  picturesque  judges  who  ever  sat  on  the  bench  in  the 
United  States  and  whose  opinions,  which  are  to  be  found 
in  the  New  Mexico  reports,  are  truly  gems  of  brilliancy. 
His  famous  death  sentence  on  Jose  Maria  Martin  has  been 


THE  FIRST  IRRIGATION  LAWSUIT  365 

often  published.1  Mr.  Baird's  pleading  was  entitled  "Bill 
to  Quiet  Title  etc.,"  a  remedy  used  for  the  purpose  of  deter- 
mining title  to  land  but  well  adapted  to  the  purpose  in 
hand;  and  since  then  water  rights  have  been  held  to  be 
a  specie  of  real  estate. 

Here  are  the  important  features  of  the  bill : 
(interlineations,  insertions  and  erasures  as  in  the  original) 
"The  petition  of  the  Pueblo  of  Acoma  by  their  governor 
Jose  Lovato  complaining  of  the  Pueblo  of  Laguna  showeth, 
that  upwards  of  two  hundred  years  past  the  Pueblo  of 
Siama(  alias  Sia)2  was  established  by  the  kingdom  of  Spain 
on  the  creek  or  stream  known  as  the  Galla,  being  the  same 
which  runs  from  the  Ojo  del  Galla  by  the  ruins  of  the  said 
Pueblo,  the  Pueblo  of  Laguna  (after  passing  which  taking 
the  name  of  the  Rita)  and  enters  the  Rio  Puerco  in  front 
of  the  Pueblo  of  Isleta.  The  boundaries  of  the  said  Pue- 
blo of  Sia  were  designated  as  set  forth  in  Exhibit  "A" 
known  as  follows  to  wit,  as  in  Exhibit  "A",  and  complainant 
asserts  that  the  Pueblo  of  Acoma  and  its  inhabitants  are 
the  successors  and  descendants  of  the  Pueblo  of  Sia  and 
have  succeeded  to  and  inherited  all  and  singular  the  rights 
of  property  which  formerly  pertained  to  the  Ancient  Pue- 
blo of  Sia. 

The  said  Pueblo  of  Sia  as  your  petitioner  is  advised 
and  believes  was  located  on  the  said  stream  with  a  view 
to  the  use  and  enjoyment  of  the  water  of  the  same  as  far 
as  they  should  need  it :  But  afterwards,  but  at  what  precise 
time  your  petitioner  is  unable  to  state,  the  Pueblo  of  Laguna 
was  established  immediately  below  and  adjoining  the  more 
ancient  Pueblo  of  Sia  on  the  same  stream  with  a  view  to 
the  enjoyment  and  use  of  the  surplus  water  of  the  said 
stream  after  the  wants  and  necessities  of  the  Pueblo  of 
Sia  should  be  supplied. 


1.  Old   Santa    Fe,    I,    83. 

2.  Seama    (Tsiama)    is   today   one   of   the   villages   of   the    Laguna    Indians.      In 
the  record  of  this  suit   it  appears   to  be  confused   with   the  old   pueblo  of  Cia    (Zia, 
Tsia)    lying    northeast   on   the   Jemez    River — Ed. 


366          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

But  so  it  is,  may  it  please  your  Honor,  as  your  peti- 
tioner is  advised  and  believes,  the  said  Pueblo  of  Laguna 
disregarding  the  superior  claim  of  your  petitioner  to  said 
waters  and  fraudulently  intending  to  cheat  and  defraud  the 
said  Pueblo  of  Sia  of  the  use  of  the  water  which  had  been 
granted  to  her  commenced  setting  up  various  fictitious 
and  fraudulent  claims  to  the  said  water  and  the  lands  of 
the  Pueblo  of  Sia.  sometimes  pretending  that  they  were 
equally  entitled  to  the  water  of  said  stream,  and  at  other 
times  that  they  were  exclusively  entitled  to  the  same,  and 
thus  continued  to  harrass  and  annoy  the  people  of  Sia  un- 
til, the  former  growing  in  strength  while  the  latter  was 
stationary  by  reason  of  the  prejudice  and  damage  done 
them  by  the  former,  they  made  war  upon  the  Ancient 
Pueblo  of  Sia,  the  ruins  of  which  still  remain,  and  forced 
the  people  thereof  to  remove  from  the  same  to  a  more 
secure  position  and  establish  the  present  Pueblo  of  Acoma, 
remote  from  any  running  water  on  a  barren  rock,  some 
three  or  four  hundred  feet  high,  inaccessible  but  at  two 
points  for  footmen  and  at  but  one  for  horsemen  and  at 
no  point  for  wheeled  carriages.  And  in  consequence  of 
the  original  and  continued  harrassments — destroying  and 
confounding  the  ancient  landmarks  between  the  two  pue- 
blos— appropriating  the  same  to  their  own  use  and  to  break 
and  destroy  the  tanks  and  ditches  of  your  petitioners  es- 
pecially in  the  season  of  irrigation  and  to  inflict  upon  them 
— damages — such  as  can  not  be  recompensed — Wherefore 
the  premises  being  considered  in  as  much  as  your  petitioner 
is  without  remedy  at  law  and  for  the  purpose  of  forever 
settling  all  questions  between  themselves  and  the  Pueblo 
of  Laguna  touching  the  boundaries  of  their  lands  and  the 
water  of  said  stream  as  well  as  to  avoid  the  multiplicity 
of  suits  that  must  necessarily  grow  out  of  said  questions 
if  not  settled  in  a  court  of  chancery — "  here  followed  the 
commensurate  prayer  for  an  injunction. 

In  order  to  impress  the  court  with  the  fact  that  the 
multiplicity  of  suits  was  real  and  not  imaginary,  the  re- 
sourceful lawyer  at  once  started  thirteen  separate  suits  in 
trespass  against  members  of  the  Laguna  tribe  and  against 


THE  FIRST  IRRIGATION  LAWSUIT  367 

the  Rev.  Samuel  Gorman  who  was  the  Baptist  minister 
of  the  Laguna  mission.  Gorman  had  played  a  prominent 
part  in  the  negotiations  which  preceded  this  suit  both  be- 
fore the  Indian  Agency  at  Santa  Fe  and  Governor  Meri- 
wether  of  the  Territory.  These  negoiations  led  to  a  tem- 
porary truce  during  the  summer  of  1854,  but  with  the  ap- 
proach of  the  irrigating  season  of  1855  the  trouble  broke 
out  anew. 

I.  S.  Watts  was  the  solicitor  for  the  defendant  and  he 
filed  a  lengthy  answer  in  which  he  set  up  for  the  Pueblo 
of  Laguna  an  earlier  title  to  the  water  from  the  same 
source  but  three  days  earlier  in  time,  and  plead  non-user 
and  abandonment  of  its  water-rights,  a  doctrine  since  be- 
come firmly  established  in  Irrigation  Law.  He  disputed  the 
allegation  that  Laguna  had  made  war  on  Sia  and  asserted 
that  in  1689  the  people  of  Laguna  had  numbered  only 
eight  families  and  could  not  have  made  war  on  the  "strong 
and  powerful"  people  of  Acoma,  who,  he  suggested  had 
gone  to  the  inaccessible  rock  not  for  safety  but  for  the 
purpose  of  using  it,  in  the  manner  of  the  robber  barons, 
as  a  stronghold  from  which  to  send  expeditions  for  the 
oppression  of  other  tribes  and  to  levy  tribute  upon  them. 
The  defendant's  pleader  was  a  bit  inconsistent  in  his  argu- 
ment, and  after  asserting  an  independent  and  prior  right 
he  alleged  that  by  reason  of  the  abandonment  by  Acoma 
and  the  user  by  Laguna  the  latter  had  secured  a  right  "in 
common  with"  the  Acoma  people. 

The  case  came  to  trial  the  10th  day  of  June,  1857,  after 
evidence  had  been  taken  by  a  commission  appointed  for 
that  purpose.  This  evidence  consisted  of  oral  statements 
by  witnesses  as  to  what  their  grandfathers  and  great- 
grandfathers had  told  them.  The  case  of  both  Acoma  and 
Laguna  rested  mainly  on  ancient  documents  dated  "At  the 
town  of  our  Lady  of  Guadalupe  of  El  Paso  of  the  Rio  del 
Norte"  which  were  in  the  nature  of  a  deposition  to  per- 
petuate testimony.  In  these  documents  an  Indian  named 
Bartolome  de  Ojedas,  who  could  read  and  write,  and  who 
had  been  wounded,  and  taken  prisoner  and  who  was  about 
to  die,  declared  that  he  had  been  in  charge  of  the  waters 


368          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  Indians  at  Acoma,  that  he  was  a  resident  of  Sia  and 
knew  all  about  the  water  rights  between  the  two  Pueblos. 
The  first  of  these  documents  is  dated  February  20th,  1689, 
and  the  second  one  February  28th,  of  the  same  year.  Both 
were  written  down  and  certified  to  by  the  Governor  and 
Captain-General  of  the  Province  of  New  Mexico  Don  Dom- 
ingo Jironza  Petroz  de  Cruzate  in  presence  of  Don  Pedro 
Ladrande  de  Guimara,  Secretary  of  Government  and  War, 
and  the  signature  of  the  Indian  was  duly  signed  thereto. 
The  depositions  are  in  the  handwriting  of  the  secretary 
and  leave  no  doubt  that  the  water  belonged  to  Acoma  and 
that  Laguna  was  entitled  only  to  the  "sobres"  or  surplus. 
At  the  time  this  old  testimony  was  taken  down  before 
Governor  Cruzate  the  latter  had  just  returned  from  a 
punitive  expedition  to  Sia  Pueblo3  where  he  had  made  an 
example  of  the  natives  for  the  benefit  of  the  other  Pue- 
blos. Evidently  while  on  this  expedition  the  two  quarrel- 
ing pueblos  of  Laguna  and  Acoma  had  taken  their  troubles 
to  him  and  thus  it  came  that  he  examined  this  witness  to 
find  out  "how  it  stood  between  the  Pueblos  of  Acoma  and 
Laguna  regarding  the  water  of  the  Gallo." 

The  lawsuit  came  to  an  end  on  July  6th,  1857,  when 
the  attorneys  for  both  sides  entered  and  filed  in  the  court 
a  memorandum  which  determined  the  controversy  in  favor 
of  Acoma  because  it  awarded  to  Acoma  all  the  irrigable 
lands  down  to  the  Canada  de  La  Cruz,  on  the  Gallo  or 
Cock  Creek,  thus  preventing  the  use  of  its  waters  by  the 
Lagunas  except  as  to  the  surplus  waters  which  might  run 
below  that  point. 

But  the  settlement  appears  now  to  have  been  forgotten 
and  the  age-old  controversy  was  again  going  on  in  the 
year  1917  when  the  undersigned  was  United  States  At- 
torney for  the  Pueblo  Indians  and  used  to  sympathise 
with  the  more  progressive  Lagunas,  not  at  that  time  know- 
ing or  being  informed  of  what  the  old  court  records  in 
Valencia  County  might  and  did  contain. 

EDWARD  D.  TITTMANN 


3.      This    was    the   pueblo   on    the    Jemez    River. — Ed. 


THE  DEATH  OF  JACQUES  D'EGLISE     369 


THE  DEATH  OF  JACQUES  D'EGLISE 

A  paper  recently  published  under  the  title  "Jacques 
D'Eglise  on  the  Upper  Missouri,  1791-1795"1  is  of  greater 
interest  because  of  the  picture  it  gives  of  the  development 
of  French  trade  in  that  vast  frontier  region  than  because 
of  the  discovery  by  D'Eglise  of  the  Mandan  tribe.  About 
the  year  1750  there  were  nine  villages  of  these  Indians 
living  near  the  mouth  of  the  Heart  River,  but  long  before 
D'Eglise  first  visited  them  they  had  been  greatly  reduced 
in  number  by  smallpox  and  by  attacks  of  the  Assiniboih 
and  the  Dakota.  In  1776  the  survivors  had  moved  up  the 
Missouri  River  and  were  living  in  only  two  villages  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Knife  River  in  the  Arikara  country." 
The  report  by  D'Eglise,  after  his  journey  in  the  fall  of 
1790,  that  he  had  found  eight  Mandan  villages  would  seem, 
therefore,  to  have  been  an  exaggeration  intended  to  im- 
press the  Spanish  officials  in  St.  Louis  and  New  Orleans. 

More  intriguing  than  this  reaching  out  for  the  trade 
of  a  frontier  tribe  is  the  fact  brought  out  by  Mr.  Nasatir 
that  the  Spanish  authorities  in  the  Mississippi  valley,  some 
ten  years  before  the  Lewis  and  Clark  Expedition,  had  their 
eyes  on  the  Pacific  and  that  Carondelet  in  1795  or  shortly 
before  had  offered  a  prize  of  three  thousand  dollars  to  the 
first  man  who  should  succeed  in  reaching  the  Pacific  by 
way  of  the  Missouri  River.3 

Spanish  claims  to  the  regions  north  and  east  of  New 
Mexico,  based  on  discovery,  exploration,  and  trade  and 
treaty  relations  between  the  Spaniards  of  New  Mexico 
and  the  various  plains  tribes  conflicted  with  similar  French 
claims  from  the  east — until  after  1763  when,  by  the  "Family 
Compact,"  Louisiana  was  ceded  to  Spain.  From  1763  to 


1.  By  Abraham   P.   Nasatir  in  Mississippi   Valley  Historical  Review,   xiv,   47-56. 

2.  Hodge,    Handbook    of    American    Indians,    "Mandans." 

3.  See    documents    given    by    Nasatir,    Miss.    Val.    Hist.    Rev.,    xiv,    57-71. 

25 


370          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

1801,  when  Louisiana  was  retroceded  by  Spain  to  France, 
the  whole  country  from  the  Mississippi  River  to  the  Pacific 
was  Spanish  and  (except  with  England  on  the  north)  there 
was  no  boundary  question  other  than  those  between 
Louisiana,  Texas,  New  Mexico  and  California  as  Spanish 
Provinces.  Of  course  with  the  sale  of  Louisiana  by  France 
to  the  United  States  in  1803  national  boundaries  in  this 
region  immediately  became  vital  again. 

The  activities  of  the  Frenchman  Jacques  D'Eglise 
as  presented  by  Mr.  Nasatir  fall  almost  wholly  within  the 
Spanish  period,  1763-1801.  Beyond  1795,  the  author  says, 
"Nothing  further  has  come  to  light  concerning  Jacques 
D'Eglise,  and  we  do  not  know  whether  the  journey  [to  the 
Pacific]  was  ever  made  by  him.  It  is  known,  however,  that 
he  subsequently  engaged  in  trade  on  the  Upper  Missouri, 
and  in  company  with  Lorenzo  Deroche  ascended  the  Mis- 
souri, probably  in  1804,  with  the  idea  of  finding  the  shortest 
route  to  New  Mexico.  Casa  Calvo,  who  gives  us  this  in- 
formation, also  states:  The  latter  [D'Eglise]  was  em- 
ployed by  the  company  of  the  Exploration  of  the  Misury, 
and  since  he  has  not  returned  this  year  it  is  inferred  that 
he  has  penetrated  into  Nuevo  Mexico.' 

"We  know  as  little  of  D'Eglise's  later  life  as  of  his 
early  career.  'Without  documents  there  is  no  history/ 
Hence  our  story  of  the  'Discovery  of  the  Mandan'  must 
pause  here  until  further  search  of  the  Spanish  and  other 
archives  shall  shed  more  light  upon  the  subject." 

The  Spanish  archives  in  Santa  Fe  show  that  the  in- 
ference of  Casa  Calvo  was  correct. 

"Lorenzo  Durocher"  was  in  Santa  Fe  early  in  1805, 
as  appears  from  the  blotter  of  a  communication  dated  May 
22  of  that  year  from  Governor  Alencaster  to  the  com- 
mandant general  in  Chihuahua.4  Durocher,  or  Deroche, 
desired  to  return  to  his  own  country  and  Alencaster  asked 
for  explicit  authority  to  incur  the  expenses  of  sending  him 
to  Chihuahua,  of  his  subsistence  in  that  city  and  of  send- 


4.     Spanish  Archives  of  New  Mexico,   no.    1834(2).      Document  no.    1,   infra. 


THE  DEATH  OF  JACQUES  D'EGLISE  371 

ing  him  home  from  there  with  an  adequate  escort  and 
horses.  A  notation  on  the  blotter  indicates  that  there  had 
been  earlier  correspondence  on  the  same  subject.  The 
reply  of  Salcedo,  dated  June  5,  is  not  in  the  archives,  but 
Durocher  was  enabled  to  present  himself  to  Salcedo  in 
Chihuahua  about  two  months  later,  in  company  with  Juan 
Bautista  Lalande,5  another  Frenchman  from  "Ylinois."* 
Apparently  their  first  request  through  Alencaster  was 
that  they  be  allowed  to  return  home  by  way  of  Texas,  but 
when  they  presented  themselves  before  Salcedo  in  Chihua- 
hua they  were  asking  (possibly  as  a  matter  of  policy)  that 
they  be  allowed  "to  continue  subjects  of  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment" with  residence  in  New  Mexico.7  When  Salcedo  sent 
them  back  to  Santa  Fe  in  September  he  expressed  approval 
of  their  request  and  covered  their  expenses  in  a  consign- 
ment of  effects  which  were  to  be  used  in  binding  the  friend- 
ship of  "the  Indian  Nations  inhabiting  the  banks  of  the 
Missouri  River  from  its  confluence  with  the  Chato  west- 
wards."" 

In  October,  following  their  return,  Durocher  and 
Lalande  accompanied  the  "Indian  interpreters"  Pedro  Vial 
and  Josef  Jar  vet,2  upon  a  journey  which  the  latter  under- 
took to  visit  the  Pawnees.  Vial  and  Jarvet,  and  a  carbineer 
who  was  in  the  party,  reported  to  Governor  Alencaster 
that  Durocher  and  Lalande,  especially  the  former,  had  re- 
peatedly made  invidious  comparisons  between  the  Spanish 
and  American  governments  in  the  matter  of  monthly  pay 


5.  Jean    Baptiste   Lalande,   or   Juan    Bautista    Lalanda   as    the    Spaniards    called 
him,   was   a   creole   trader   who   was   sent   out   in    1805   by   William    Morrison   of   Kas- 
kaskia,   under  instructions  to  carry  his   goods   to   Santa   Fe  and   attempt  to   establish 
commercial   relations.      Lalande   has   been    pilloried    in   history    by    Pike   and    Bancroft 
as   an   absconder    (    Bancroft's    Works,    xvii,    291-5),    whereas   the   truth    seems   to   be 
that   the    Spanish    authorities    knew    he    wanted    to    teturn    to    his    own    country    but 
they   prevented   his    doing    so.      See   document    no.    4,    infra. 

6.  Upper   Louisiana,   later   Missouri,   at  this   time   was   still   known   as    "Spanish 
Illinois ;"   and   St     Louis   was    "San    Luis    de   lo   Ilinueces." 

7.  Sp.  Archs  of  N.  M.,  no.  1888.     Document  no.  2,  infra. 

8.  Ibid.,   no.    1889.      Document   no.   3,   infra. 

9.  Vial    and    Jarvet    were    both    Frenchmen,    not    naturalized    though    in    Span- 
ish employ  at  Santa   Fe.      Both   appear   frequently   in   the   archives,   the   latter   often 
misspelled    as    Chalvet,    Chalvert,    and    even    Calvert.      Vial    did    important    work    in 
exploring    routes    to    San    Antonio,    Bejar,    Natchitoches,    and    St.    Louis. 


372  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  expense  allowance  to  interpreters.  Writing  to  Salcedo 
on  January  4,  1806,  Alencaster  again  reported  that  the 
two  Frenchmen,  as  well  as  "two  other  Frenchmen"  and 
an  American  who  had  entered  New  Mexico  some  time  be- 
fore with  two  Cuampes  chiefs,10  desired  an  opportunity  to 
return  to  their  own  country  but  that  he  would  not  allow  it, 
in  view  of  the  above  conduct  and  the  possible  injury  which 
might  result  from  the  knowledge  which  they  had  acquired 
of  the  Province,  without  an  express  order  to  this  effect 
from  Salcedo.1J 

Whether  Durocher  separated  from  Jacques  D'Eglise 
on  the  upper  Missouri  late  in  1804  or  they  entered  New 
Mexico  together  and  then  separated,  is  not  clear  from  the 
archives  now  extant  in  Santa  Fe.  Durocher  apparently 
was  acting  independently  in  the  "memorial"  submitted  to 
Alencaster  early  in  1805;  on  the  journey  to  Chihuahua  he 
was  thrown  with  Lalande  and  they  two  stayed  together 
at  least  until  late  in  that  year.  At  no  time  in  the  present 
records  does  D'Eglise  appear  until  late  in  1806.11' 

On  November  20,  1806,  Alencaster  forwarded  to  the 
royal  audiencia  in  Guadalajara  "the  criminal  suit  drawn  up 
against  Antonio  Carabajal  and  Mariano  Venavides  by  the 
alcalde  ordinario  of  the  Villa  de  la  Canada  in  this  Province 
of  New  Mexico  for  having  assassinated  as  they  had  con- 
spired (to  do)  the  Frenchman  Santiago  Iglis."  The  crime 
would  be  found  so  fully  proven  in  the  papers  sent  and  it 
had  been  so  horrible  that  it  would  be  most  useful  in  the 
Province  that  the  punishment  be  prompt  and  exemplary, 
as  this  would  necessarily  make  a  profound  impression  on 
the  minds  of  the  other  inhabitants  who  were  unaccustomed 


10.  The    Cuampes    were   a    division    of   the    Faraon    Apaches ;    their    range    pro- 
bably  was   between   the   Rio    Grande   and   the   Pecos    River,    southeast   of    Santa    Fe. 

11.  Sp.  Archs.  of  N.  M.,  no.   1942    (1).     Document  no.  4,   infra.     On  August  16, 
1806,    Durocher   had   a    passport   from    Santa    Fe   to    Chihuahua;    and    on    August    31 
he    was   at    El    Paso    with    "the   Anglo-American    carpenter,    Dimas    Proseel"     (James 
Pursley),    both    en   route   to   that   city.      These    are   the   last    references    to    Durocher. 

12.  He  was   not  either  of   "the  two  other   Frenchmen"   mentioned   in   document 
no.    4.      These    are    nowhere    named,    but    they    are    identified     with    references     in 
archives   subsequent  to  the   death   of   D'Eglise. 


THE  DEATH  OF  JACQUES  D'EGLISE  373 

to  seeing  capital  punishment  inflicted.  The  suit  was  not 
being  forwarded  to  Durango  or  elsewhere  since  experience 
had  shown  that  it  would  never  be  returned  with  the  judg- 
ment asked  for.13 

The  wording  of  Alencaster's  communication  would 
suggest  that  the  murder  of  D'Eglise  had  occurred  only 
shortly  before,  but  the  exact  date  and  the  details  of  the 
crime  are  not  shown.  And  despite  the  urgency  of  Alen- 
caster's representations,  nearly  three  years  passed  before 
punishment  was  meted  put  to  the  criminals.  On  July  23, 
1809,  Governor  Alencaster  advised  the  Rev.  Father  Fray 
Jose  Benito  Pereyro  that  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Canada14 
had  been  directed  to  execute  the  sentence  of  death  passed 
by  "the  Most  Powerful  Supreme  Tribunal  of  the  Royal 
Audiencia  of  Guadalajara"  upon  the  criminals  Antonio 
Carabajal  and  Mariano  Venavides  for  the  perfidious  murder 
perpetrated  on  the  person  of  the  "Frenchman  transient 
in  this  Province,  Santiago  Iglis;"  and  as  it  was  necessary 
to  inform  the  said  criminals  of  the  said  sentence  on  the 
27th  so  that  from  that  day  they  might  "begin  to  prepare 
themselves  to  suffer  death  in  a  Christian  manner  with 
the  most  pious  and  proper  object  of  directing  their  souls 
to  Heaven,  as  the  Laws  and  our  Holy  and  Catholic  Re- 
ligion provide,"  he  requested  the  custodio  to  have  what- 
ever number  of  the  Religious  he  thought  fitting,  come  to 
Santa  Fe  to  aid  and  assist  the  chaplain  Fray  Francisco  de 
Hocio  in  so  important  a  matter  until  its  conclusion,  in  which 
act  he,  the  custodio,  would  be  accrediting  his  characteristic 
religiousness  and  the  zeal  so  appropriate  to  his  office.1' 

The  alcalde  performed  the  task  assigned  to  him,  going 
to  the  jail  in  which  the  criminals  were  confined  and,  in 
the  presence  of  two  witnesses,  informing  them  of  the  sen- 
tence of  the  tribunal.  They  expressed  their  submission 
and  in  token  thereof  each  laid  the  official  paper  upon  his 


13.  Sp.    Archs.    of   N.    M.,    no.    2029    (3).      Document    no.    5,    infra. 

14.  La  Villa   Nueva  de  la  Canada  de  Santa  Cruz ;  known   today  as   Santa   Cruz, 
24   miles   north   of   Santa   Fe. 

15.  Sp.  Archs.   of  N.   M.,   no.    2238. 


374          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

head.    They  were  then  turned  over  to  the  spiritual  minis- 
trations of  four  Religious.18 

How  much  time  was  allowed  them  to  prepare  their 
souls  for  death  is  not  clear,  but  on  August  4th  the  alcalde, 
with  the  same  two  witnesses,  signed  his  formal  report 
that  at  7 :45  o'clock  of  the  day  designated  he  had  had  them 
shot  and  their  bodies  hanged  on  the  royal  road,  as  required 
and  for  the  length  of  time  he  deemed  fitting  to  make  them 
an  example,  after  which  they  were  delivered  for  ecclesias- 
tical burial.17  Alencaster  reported  the  execution  to  Salcedo, 
and  the  latter  made  brief  acknowledgement  on  September 
23,  1809.1S 

Very  possibly  the  archives  at  Chihuahua  and  Guada- 
lajara would  supply  answers  regarding  many  details  in 
the  last  two  years  of  the  life  of  Jacques  D'Eglise,  but  the 
evidence  is  conclusive  that  he  did  enter  New  Mexico  and 
that  he  suffered  a  violent  death  within  a  few  miles  of  Santa 
Fe.  At  least  a  dozen  other  French  adventurers  entered 
New  Mexico  during  these  five  years10  and  to  the  Spanish 
authorities  D'Eglise  was  only  a  transient  French  fur- 
trader,  also  his  earlier  record  suggests  that  he  may  not 
have  been  entirely  innocent  of  provocation  to  the  crime; 
but  if  so,  the  punishment  of  his  murderers  was  all  the  more 
creditable  to  Spanish  law  and  order  in  New  Mexico. 

LANSING  B.  BLOOM 


No.  1 :  ALENCASTER  TO  SALCEDO,  MAY  22,  1805. 

Reply  to  no.  7  [Alencaster's  notation] 

I   send   you  the   accompanying   Memorial   of   Lorenzo   Durocher 
who,  as    I  have  made    him   understand,  must    ask  you    ultimately 


16.  Ibid.,   no   2242.      Document   no.   6,   infra. 

17.  Ibid.      Document    no.    7,    infra. 

18.  Ibid.,   no.   2254    (2).     Document   no.    8,   infra. 

19.  From    1805    to    1809,    besides    Durocher    and    Lalande,    these    included    Juan 
Bautista  la    Casa,    Dionicio    Lacroix    and    Andres    Ferieu    from    Louisiana;    Andres 
Sulier    and    Enrique    Visonot    from    St.    Louis;    Santiago    Claimorgan     "and    three 
others ;"  and   the    "two   other    Frenchmen"    from    Louisiana. 


THE  DEATH  OF  JACQUES  D'EGLISE  375 

(categoricamente)  for  the  money  which  he  needs  in  order  to  go  to 
Chihuahua,  to  subsist  in  that  city  and  to  proceed  to  his  own  Country 
with  adequate  escort,  I  have  not  been  able  to  procure  (it)  I  ex- 
plained to  him,  (after)  assuring  him  that  for  his  journey  to  present 
himself  before  Your  Honor  he  would  be  furnished  Escort  and  Horses. 
I  see  myself  under  the  necessity  of  directing  to  you  the  accompany- 
ing Memorial  that  you  may  determine  what  may  suit  your  pleasure. 

God   (etc.)   Santa  Fee  22  May  1805 
(to)   the  Commandant  General 
of  the  Internal  Provinces. 

(forwarding  memorial  of  French- 
man Lorenzo  Durocher) 
(answered  June  5  with 
secret  order) 

No.  2 :  SALCEDO  TO  ALENCASTER,  SEPTEMBER  9,  1805. 

Bearing  your  paper  no.  54  of  August  9th  ult.,  appeared  in  this 
city  the  citizens  of  Ylinois  Juan  Bautista  Lalanda,  and  Lorenzo 
Durocher  whom  you  sent  hither  in  compliance  with  my  orders  so 
to  do;  and  having  listened  to  them  regarding  the  reasons  which 
brought  them  to  that  Province  and  the  intentions  which  they  have 
of  establishing  themselves  there,  I  have  instructed  them  to  return 
and  arrange  with  you  in  this  matter,  since,  in  conformity  with  the 
Royal  decisions,  I  have  authorized  you  to  hear,  consider,  and  decide 
all  cases  of  like  nature  which  may  occur  of  inhabitants  of  said 
places  in  Ylinois  who,  without  violating  the  constitution,  may  ask 
to  continue  subjects  of  the  Spanish  Government  within  the  limits  of 
that  Province. 

With  this  understanding  they  are  both  returning  thither,  and 
without  questioning  that  the  opinion  may  be  well  founded  which 
you  have  formed  regarding  their  honor  and  the  truth  of  their  state- 
ments and  purposes  I  charge  you  to  have  them  under  observation, 
(and  they  have  been)  advised  that  for  their  journey  I  have  ordered 
that  the  necessary  aid  be  supplied  them. 

God  guard  you  many  years.    Chihuagua,  9  September  1805. 

Nemesio  Salcedo 

(rubic) 
(to)   the  Governor  of  N.  Mexico. 

No.  3:  SALCEDO  TO  ALENCASTER,  SEPTEMBER  12,  1805. 

One  of  the  directions  which  I  have  given  you  in  the  order  of 


376          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  9th  of  the  current  (month)  in  order  to  win  and  strengthen  the 
friendship  of  the  Indian  Nations  which  inhabit  the  banks  of  the 
Misuri  River  from  its  confluence  with  the  Chato  westwards  is  that 
of  trying  to  court  the  persons  of  those  (nations)  who  may  visit 
that  Capital  and  even,  if  it  may  seem  to  you  opportune,  of  send- 
ing to  the  Chiefs  at  their  own  places  of  abode  a  moderate 
gift;  with  which  in  mind  and  being  aware  that  the  amount  which 
that  Government  may  have  of  articles  intended  for  gifts  to  the  other 
bands  may  not  suffice  to  cover  this  attention,  I  have  resolved 
that  the  Sergeant  of  Militia  Nicolas  Ortiz  shall  transport  and  de- 
liver to  you  the  Effects  which  appear  on  the  enclosed  list  (Factura) , 
to  the  total  value  of  460  pesos  seven  reales  including  the  50  pesos 
furnished  the  travelers  Lorenzo  Durocher  and  Juan  Baptista  Lalanda, 
it  has  been  supplied  by  the  treasury  of  this  city,  upon  order  from  me 
to  this  end:  all  of  which  will  serve  for  your  governance. 

God  guard  you  many  years.  Chihuahua  12  September  1805. 

Nemesio  Salcedo 
(rubric) 

(to)  the  Governor  of  Nuevo  Mexico. 

No.  4:  ALENCASTER  TO  SALCEDO,  JANUARY  4,  1806. 

Notwithstanding  the  good  reports  which  I  have  given  you  re- 
garding the  good  conduct  of  the  Frenchmen  Durocher  and  Lalanda, 
it  seems  to  me  proper  to  inform  you  of  what  has  been  reported  to 
me  by  the  Carbineer  Juan  Lucero,  Don  Pedro  Vial  and  Josef  Jarbet 
to  have  occurred  on  the  journey  to  the  Pawnees  which  they  under- 
took in  October. 

Lucero  says  that  he  noticed  repeated  conversations  between  said 
Frenchmen  and  Don  Pedro  Vial,  and  understanding  something  (of 
their  talk)  he  questioned  Don  Pedro  repeatedly  who  explained  to 
him  that  said  Frenchmen  were  arguing  that  never  could  this  Pro- 
vince make  gratuities  to  the  (Indian)  Nations  as  (could)  the  Ameri- 
cans who  had  a  greater  supply  of  gifts,  better,  and  that  (the  In- 
dians) would  always  like  the  friendship  of  those  (Americans)  and 
would  prefer  them  to  us;  and  that  Don  Pedro  maintained  the  op- 
posite. That  to  Jarbet  the  said  Frenchmen  would  say  that  the  pay 
of  ten  pesos  which  they  were  giving  him  was  very  small;  that  the 
Americans  were  paying  Interpreters  25  pesos  a  month,  and  that 
when  they  were  traveling  with  the  Nations  or  were  coming  with 
some  Captains  (chiefs)  they  were  supplied  with  one  peso  a  day, 
but  that  Jarbet  always  said  that  he  preferred  to  be  here  with  small 
pay  to  serve  in  Spain  and  that  he  was  hoping  they  would  reward 


THE  DEATH  OF  JACQUES  D'EGLISE  377 

his  merit  by  increasing  his  pay,  but  that  always  the  Frenchmen 
were  insisting  on  this  kind  of  arguments  especially  Durocher,  and 
as  this  did  not  look  good  to  him  he  believed  it  proper  to  inform  me 
of  it. 

In  similar  terms  Vial  and  Jarbet  explained  themselves,  telling 
me  about  said  disputes  and  conversations  stating  to  me  that  it  had 
not  looked  well  to  them  that,  after  having  been  well  received  and 
well  treated  in  this  Province,  the  said  Durocher  and  Lalande  should 
so  express  themselves. 

These  persons  are  desirous  of  a  chance  to  return  to  their  Country, 
and  although  Your  Honor  has  approved  it,  it  seems  to  me  proper 
to  call  your  attention  to  this  point  so  that  you  may  decide  whether 
both  they  as  well  as  the  other  two  Frenchmen  and  the  American 
who  came  in  with  the  Cuampes  shall  be  permitted  to  do  so,  since  it 
occurs  to  me  that  some  injury  might  be  occasioned  by  them  and  the 
knowledge  which  they  have  acquired  of  this  Province,  and  conse- 
quently even  though  an  opportunity  (for  their  return)  present  it- 
self, I  shall  not  allow  them  to  depart  without  an  express  order  from 
Your  Honor. 

God    (etc.)    Santa  Fee  4  January  1806— J.   R.   A.— (to)    Com. 

Gen'l  of  the  Int.  Provs. 

(notation:  treats  of  the  departure  of  the  French  citizens 
of  Louisiana  from  this  Province.) 

No.  5:  ALENCASTER  TO  THE  AUDIENCIA  OF  GUADALAJARA, 
NOVEMBER  20,  1806. 

I  am  sending  to  Your  Audiencia  the  Criminal  Suit  prepared 
against  Antonio  Carabajal  and  Mariano  Venavides  by  the  Alcalde 
ordinario  of  the  Villa  de  la  Canada  in  this  Province  of  New  Mexico 
for  having  assassinated  as  they  had  conspired  (to  do)  the  French- 
man Santiago  Iglis,  so  that  Your  Audiencia  may  order  the  corres- 
ponding sentence  of  capital  punishment  to  be  affixed  by  the  Coun- 
sellor whom  you  may  select,  or  that  Your  Audiencia  may  decide  what 
seems  proper. 

In  it  (the  suit)  the  crime  is  found  so  fully  proven  and  it  is  so 
horrible  that  it  will  be  most  useful  in  this  Province  that  the  punish- 
ment be  prompt  and  exemplary,  as  this  will  necessarily  impress  the 
minds  of  the  other  inhabitants  who  are  unaccustomed  to  seeing  the 
infliction  of  capital  punishment. 

This  Suit  is  not  being  directed  to  Durango  or  other  point  since 
abundant  antecedents  have  shown  that  it  would  never  be  returned 
with  the  judgment  asked  for. 


378          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

God  guard  Your  Audiencia  many  years.  Santa  Fee,  20  Novem- 
ber 1806. — J.  R.  A.  — Senores  of  the  Royal  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara. 

No.  6:  MANUEL  GARCIA  DE  LA  MORA,  RETURN  OF  WRIT, 
(JULY  27,  1809?) 

I,  Don  Manuel  Garcia  de  la  Mora,  alcalde  mayor  of  the  Villa 
of  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Canada,  went  to  the  jail  where  the  two  said 
criminals  are  confined,  Antonio  Caravajal  and  Mariano  Benavides, 
and  they  being  present  and  with  the  attendance  of  two  witnesses, 
I  notified  them  and  gave  them  to  know  the  Sentence  pronounced  in 
the  royal  Writ  which  precedes,  and  they,  being  informed  of  it,  said 
they  would,  and  did,  submit,  each  placing  the  (Writ)  upon  his  head; 
and  for  evidence  I  have  put  it  in  a  "return  of  writ"  (diligencia,) 
and  I  delivered  them  to  the  Examination  of  four  Religious,  and  I 
sign  it  with  the  said  witnesses  on  said  day  month  and  year,  of  which 
I  give  faith. 

Manuel  Garcia  Antonio  Tugillo   (Trujillo?) 

(rubric)  witness 

Jose  de  la  Pena 
witness 

No.  7:  MANUEL  GARCIA  DE  LA    MORA,    SAME    ARCHIVE, 
AUGUST  4,  1809. 

Villa  of  Santa  Fee,  4  August  1809. 

I  the  said  Alcalde  mayor  Don  Manuel  Garcia  de  la  Mora,  in  ful- 
fillment of  what  I  am  ordered  in  the  Royal  Writ  committed  to  me 
by  the  Supreme  tribunal  of  the  Royal  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara, 
had  the  said  criminals  Antonio  Carabajal  and  Mariano  Benavides 
shot  (hizo  alcubuscar),  at  seven  and  three-quarters  of  the  day  named, 
and  I  had  their  bodies  hanged  on  the  highway  (en  el  camino  real) 
as  required  of  me,  for  the  length  of  time  which  seemed  to  me  fitting 
to  make  of  them  an  Example,  and  afterwards  I  delivered  them  to 
Mercy,  that  they  might  be  given  ecclesiastical  burial ;  and  in  evidence 
I  have  signed  it  with  the  two  witnesses  attending  in  the  capacity 
conferred  upon  me  of  which  I  give  faith. 

Manuel  Garcia  Antonio  Tugilio 

(rubric)  witness 

Jose  de  la  Pena 
witness 


THE  DEATH  OF  JACQUES  D'EGLISE  379 

No.  8:  SALCEDO  TO  ALENCASTER,  SEPTEMBER  23,  1809. 

ESTA  bien  lo  praticado  por  V.  M.  en  cumplimiento  de  Sentencia 
pronunciada  por  el  Tribunal  de  Guadalajara  a  los  Reos,  Carabajal 
y  Benavides,  de  que  me  da  conocimiento  con  el  numero  170. 

DIGS  guarde  a  V.  M.  muchos  anos.     Chihuahua  23  de  Setiembre 
1809. 

Nemesio   Saleedo 

(rubricado) 
Sr.  Gov'or  Ynt'o  del  Nuevo  Mexico. 


380          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


SANTA  FE  IN  THE  '70S 

[From  Mr.  John  P.  Clum,  now  over  seventy-six  years  of  age 
and  residing  on  his  orange  grove  in  San  Dimas,  California,  come 
the  following  reminiscences  of  Santa  Fe  in  the  '70s.  His  account 
of  the  opening  of  the  U.  S.  Weather  Bureau  and  of  the  first  school 
conducted  entirely  in  English  are  of  especial  interest.  — Editors] 

In  the  fall  of  1871  I  was  due  back  at  Rutgers  College, 
Brunswick,  New  Jersey,  for  my  sophomore  year,  but  find- 
ing myself  "financially  embarrassed"  I  set  about  looking  for 
a  job.  The  War  Department  had  decided  to  establish  fifty 
stations  within  the  territory  of  the  United  States  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  and  recording  meteorological  observa- 
tions. This  was  the  beginning  of  what  is  now  the  Weather 
Bureau.  This  work  was  assigned  to  the  Signal  Service 
arm  of  the  department,  and  an  order  was  issued  for  the 
enlistment  of  fifty  men  with  the  rank  of  sergeant,  to  be 
known  as  "Observer  Sergeants."  As  far  as  I  know  this 
is  the  only  body  of  men  ever  enlisted  in  our  arrny  as  non- 
commissioned officers. 

I  applied  at  the  office  of  the  Chief  Signal  Officer  at 
Washington,  D.  C,  He  informed  me  I  should  be  endorsed 
by  a  congressman.  I  did  not  know  any.  However,  I  was 
examined  and  ordered  to  report  to  Fort  Whipple  (now 
Fort  Myer)  at  Arlington,  Va.  The  date  of  my  enlistment 
was  September  14,  1871,  -  just  two  weeks  after  my  20th 
birthday.  Each  observer  sergeant  was  supposed  to  take 
a  three  months'  course  in  meteorology,  signaling,  etc.,  at 
Fort  Whipple.  I  made  the  grade  in  six  weeks  and  was 
ordered  to  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. 

One  Saturday  about  the  1st  of  November  I  was  advised 
of  my  assignment  and  that  I  should  be  ready  to  leave  for 
my  destination  the  following  Monday.  I  had  never  been 
further  west  than  Fort  Whipple.  I  knew  that  Santa  Fe 
was  the  capital  of  New  Mexico;  that  it  was  somewhere 


•l 


JOHN  P.  CLUM 


SANTA  FE  IN  THE  '70S  381 

in  the  midst  of  the  fastnesses  of  what  we  called  the  "Rocky 
Mountains,"  hundreds  of  miles  from  a  railroad,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail.  It  seemed  a  long,  long,  long 
way  off.  I  admit  I  was  a  bit  nervous,  but  I  felt  a  genuine 
thrill  in  the  prospective  adventure. 

I  entered  the  plains  over  the  old  Kansas-Pacific  road. 
Herds  of  buffalo  were  to  be  seen  from  the  car  windows, 
and  the  picturesque  buffalo  hunters  were  posing  at  every 
station.  I  left  the  train  at  Kit  Carson,  Colorado,  and  em- 
barked upon  my  maiden  stage  journey.  All  of  the  mete- 
orological instruments  for  the  new  station  at  Santa  Fe  had 
been  shipped  by  express  —  excepting  my  barometer,  which 
I  carried  with  great  care  to  avoid  injury  or  breakage.  This 
instrument  consisted  of  a  slender  glass  tube  about  three 
feet  long  filled  with  mercury ;  the  glass  tube  set  in  a  metal 
case.  The  instrument  was  packed  with  cotton  in  a  wooden 
case  which  was  fitted  with  straps  to  swing  over  the 
shoulder. 

The  stage  was  a  two-seated  affair  drawn  by  four 
mules,  and  when  we  pulled  out  of  Kit  Carson  I  was  the 
sole  passenger.  It  was  Sunday  morning.  The  sun  was 
bright,  but  the  road  rough.  With  the  strap  over  my  shoulder 
I  was  holding  the  barometer  in  my  arms.  A  sudden  jolt 
might  easily  cause  the  mercury  to  shatter  the  glass  tube, 
or,  at  least,  to  force  an  air  bubble  into  the  vacuum.  My 
barometer  must  arrive  in  Santa  Fe  in  perfect  order;  so 
I  braced  my  feet  against  the  front  seat  and  persistently 
hugged  that  packing  case  all  the  long  day  as  we  bumped 
our  weary  way  to  Trinidad. 

It  was  evening  when  we  reached  Trinidad.  Here  I 
transferred  to  the  big  Concord  coach  with  six  horses  and 
a  shot-gun  messenger  on  the  "box"  with  the  driver.  With- 
in the  coach  was  a  Mexican  with  sarape  and  sombrero- 
smoking  a  "corn-shuck"  cigarette.  The  odor  seemed  tre- 
mendously offensive  to  me.  Suddenly  a  Winchester  rifle 
was  shoved  into  the  coach  followed  by  a  stranger  whose 
strong  right  hand  gripped  the  deadly  weapon.  In  the  semi- 


382          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

darkness  he  looked  the  part  of  a  desperado  or  a  bandit, 
but  proved  to  be  Chief  Engineer  Morley  of  the  A.  T.  & 
S.  F.  Railway  Co.,  who  was  then  making  a  preliminary 
survey  for  the  line  via  the  Raton  Pass. 

Snow  was  falling  when  we  left  Trinidad  and  the  storm 
increased  as  we  advanced  up  the  mountain  grade.  Shortly 
before  midnight  we  halted  at  Dick  Wootton's  station  for  a 
change  of  horses.  It  would  be  dangerous  to  attempt  to 
cross  the  summit  in  the  night  and  the  storm,  so  it  was  deter- 
mined that  we  should  remain  at  Wootton's  ranch  until 
daylight.  In  this  decision  I  most  heartily  concurred.  To 
pass  a  night  with  Dick  Wootton  in  his  own  cabin  in  the 
Rocky  Mountains!  Dick  Wootton,  the  famous  scout  and 
the  friend  of  Kit  Carson!  Was  I  dreaming?  The  cabin 
fascinated  me.  It  was  a  crude  affair  of  adobes  and  boulders 
and  timbers,  rudely  furnished  and  decorated  in  moun- 
taineer fashion  with  skins  and  horns  and  heads  —  trophies 
of  the  chase  and  proof  of  the  prowess  of  "Uncle  Dick"  as 
a  hunter.  A  variety  of  fire-arms  swung  or  rested  on  pegs 
and  brackets  about  the  walls.  A  fire  of  pine  faggots  roared 
within  the  ample  fire-place  and  the  leaping  flames  flashed 
reflections  along  the  gleaming  barrel  of  a  Colt's  forty-five 
six-shooter  resting  on  a  bear-skin  flung  over  an  old  pack- 
ing box  which  was  serving  as  a  side  table.  The  "gun"  was 
quite  new  with  ivory  handle  and  nickel  plated.  On  the 
cylinder  I  read  the  following  inscription:  "Presented  to 
Dick  Wootton  by  his  friend  Kit  Carson."  Surely  I  was 
touching  elbows  with  some  of  the  most  famous  characters 
of  the  old  frontier.  It  all  seemed  very  wonderful  to  my 
youthful  imagination  as  I  stretched  out  in  my  blanket  on 
that  mountain  cabin  floor  for  a  few  hours  rest  from  the 
fatigue  of  travel  —  and  the  persistent  hugging  of  my  pre- 
cious barometer. 

Finally  the  full  length  of  that  old  Santa  Fe  Trail  had 
been  measured  and  we  rolled  up  to  the  old  plaza  about 
midnight.  I  was  deposited  at  the  old  Fonda.  Tom  Mc- 
Donald was  proprietor.  Tom  gave  me  a  good  bed  and  I 
was  glad  to  make  good  use  of  it. 


SANTA  FE  IN  THE  '70S  383 

Johnson  &  Koch  had  their  store  in  a  two-story  build- 
ing facing  west  on  the  plaza  at  the  corner  of  Palace  Ave- 
nue. Mr.  Johnson  rented  me  quarters  immediately  in  the 
rear  of  this  store  —  two  rooms,  one  above  the  other,  facing 
north  on  Palace  Avenue.  Immediately  to  the  east  was  a 
building  in  which  Manderfield  &  Tucker  published  THE 
NEW  MEXICAN. 

A  stairway  at  the  rear  of  my  quarters  gave  me  access 
to  the  roof  —  which  was  flat.  Several  of  my  instruments 
were  installed  on  this  roof.  My  barometer,  which  I  had 
fondled  so  affectionately  throughout  those  days  and  nights 
of  rough  riding,  had  arrived  in  perfect  condition  and  was 
conveniently  installed  in  my  office.  All  being  in  readiness, 
the  taking  and  recording  of  meteorological  observations 
began  forthwith. 

And  thus  it  transpired  that,  on  or  about  the  15th  of 
November,  1871,  the  ancient  and  honorable  pueblo  of  Santa 
Fe  joined  with  forty-nine  other  stations  in  an  undertaking 
that  was  destined  to  provide  authentic  and  permanent  re- 
cords relative  to  atmospheric  conditions  throughout  the 
United  States. 

Six  observations  were  made  and  recorded  daily  at  each 
station.  Three  of  these  observations  were  made  simultane- 
ously throughout  the  United  States  and  the  results  for- 
warded immediately  to  the  chief  signal  officer  at  Wash- 
ington in  the  form  of  a  cipher-telegram.  If  I  remember 
correctly,  the  exact  time  for  making  these  simultaneous 
observations  at  Santa  Fe  fell  at  5:39  a.  m.;  2:39  and  9:39 
p.  m.  Mr.  Gough  (and  I  think  his  first  name  was  Thomas) 
was  the  telegraph  operator  during  all  of  the  time  I  was 
stationed  at  Santa  Fe.1 

Sometime  during  1872  my  station  was  inspected  by 
Lieut.  A.  W.  Greely  (later  Artie  Explorer  and  now  Major 
General  in  command  of  the  Signal  Corps).  An  episode 
of  this  inspection  impressed  a  vivid  picture  on  my  memory 
—  amusing  to  me,  but  somewhat  humiliating  to  the  lieuten- 


1.     Mr.   Clum    wrote  later  that   he  thought   the   name   was   "Joseph." 


384          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ant.  He  carried  with  him  a  special  barometer  with  which  to 
test  the  accuracy  of  the  barometers  in  use  at  the  various 
stations  visited  by  him.  When  I  hung  his  instrument  be- 
side mine  preparatory  to  making  the  test  I  detected  an  air 
bubble  in  the  column  of  mercury.  When  I  asked  the  in- 
spector how  he  had  carried  his  instrument  between  the 
railroad  and  Santa  Fe,  he  replied  that  he  had  "strapped  it 
to  one  of  the  uprights  in  the  frame  of  the  coach."  I  re- 
marked that  his  instrument  appeared  to  be  defective.  He 
demurred.  Then  I  pointed  out  the  bubble  of  air.  That 
settled  it.  Greely  was  vexed.  "We  must  refill  it,"  he  said. 
"I  lack  the  equipment,"  says  I.  "Your  'student  lamp'  will 
do,"  says  he.  I  demurred.  He  insisted.  Notwithstanding 
it  was  his  barometer,  I  proceed  with  the  refill  under  pro- 
test. I  feared  the  tube  would  break.  He  was  confident  it 
would  not.  I  put  in  an  inch  of  the  mercury  and  "boiled" 
it;  then  another  inch  with  more  boiling,  but  when  I  had 
added  the  third  inch  there  was  much  "knocking"  at  the 
end  of  the  tube.  I  hesitated.  "Go  ahead,"  directed  the  in- 
spector. I  added  another  inch  and  again  inserted  the  tube 
in  the  lamp  chimney.  The  mercury  gave  a  sudden  jump 
upward  and  came  back  with  a  kick  that  knocked  the  bottom 
out  of  the  tube  and  let  the  mercury  out  on  the  floor.  I 
suppose  I  laughed.  Greely  was  mad.  My  barometer  was 
never  "tested"  while  I  remained  at  Santa  Fe. 

Later  I  secured  quarters  on  the  opposite  side  of  Palace 
Avenue  and  about  a  block  further  eastward  in  the  "Sena 
Building."  I  think  the  owner's  name  was  Jose  Sena  y 
Baca.  These  quarters  included  a  large  room  on  the  second 
floor.  This  I  fitted  up  with  suitable  seats  and  desks  and 
forthwith  started  a  PRIVATE  SCHOOL.  This,  I  believe, 
was  the  first  school  established  in  Santa  Fe  by  an  Ameri- 
can and  conducted  entirely  in  the  English  language.  It 
proved  a  fairly  successful  enterprise.  I  charged  three 
dollars  per  month  per  pupil,  and  at  one  time  I  had  75 
scholars  on  my  rolls.  I  found  it  necessary  to  employ  an 
assistant  teacher.  My  pupils  included  a  daughter  and  a 


SANTA  FE  IN  THE  '70S  385 

son  of  General  Gregg,  commander  of  the  Department  of 
New  Mexico.  These  young  people  were  about  sixteen 
and  fourteen  years  of  age,  respectively.  A  daughter  of 
Col.  Potter,  paymaster.  A  son  and  daughter  of  Surveyor 
General  Proudfit.  Two  daughters  of  a  Mrs.  Shaw  —  the 
elder  about  seventeen,  and  three  well  grown  boys  whose 
father  was  a  native  of  Spain  and  well  educated.  These 
are  all  I  can  recall  at  this  time  —  after  a  lapse  of  fifty- 
four  years. 

Prior  to  opening  my  school  I  had  two  other  jobs  to 
occupy  my  spare  time.  For  a  while  I  was  a  clerk  in  the 
office  of  General  Smith,  collector  of  internal  revenue,  and 
later  I  served  for  several  months  as  night  guard  at  the 
United  States  Depository  -  -  under  Mr.  E.  W.  Little.  The 
Depository  was  then  located  in  the  southwest  corner  of  the 
Governor's  Palace. 

And  I  must  not  fail  to  tell  you  that  at  one  time,  for  a 
period  of  two  or  three  months,  I  was  the  sole  occupant  of 
the  quarters  assigned  to  the  chief  executive  of  the  terri- 
tory in  the  Palace  of  the  Governors,  and  during  that  period 
all  of  my  friends  took  pains  to  address  me  as  "GOVER- 
NOR." As  a  matter  of  fact  Hon.  Marsh  Giddings  was 
the  governor.  He  found  it  desirable  for  him  to  make  a 
visit  of  two  or  three  months  to  "the  states"  and  requested 
me  to  take  charge  of  his  quarters  in  the  Palace  during  his 
absence.  And  thus  it  transpired  that  I  occupied  the  identi- 
cal bedroom  in  which  Gen.  Lew  Wallace  later  completed 
his  marvelous  story  of  Ben  Hur. 

During  the  early  70s  there  was  a  Presbyterian  mission 
church  at  Santa  Fe  presided  over  by  Dr.  MacFarland. 
Notwithstanding  my  youth  (and  sins)  I  was  made  an 
"elder"  in  this  church,  and  was  elected  as  the  delegate  to 
represent  the  Presbyterian  church  of  New  Mexico  at  the 
Presbyterian  General  Assembly  which  met  in  Baltimore, 
Md.,  May,  1873.  Again  I  was  delegate  to  the  Presbyterian 
General  Assembly  which  met  at  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  in  May, 

26 


386          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

1874.  At  Baltimore  I  was  made  a  member  of  the  judicial 
committee  of  the  assembly,  and  by  looking  wise,  listening 
much  and  saying  little  I  managed  to  "get  by"  without  in- 
viting special  attention  to  the  fact  that  I  "had  seen  only 
22  summers."  It  may  be  mentioned,  however,  that  I  had 
a  mustache  and  "chin  whiskers"  in  order  to  give  a  more 
mature  expression  to  my  personal  appearance. 

At  St.  Louis  I  made  a  speech  that  swept  me  on  to  fame 
and  confusion  within  the  brief  period  of  ten  minutes.  The 
session  of  the  assembly  was  approaching  adjournment  and 
a  rule  had  been  passed  limiting  all  speeches  to  FIVE 
MINUTES.  I  was  asked  to  tell  the  assembly  all  about 
New  Mexico,  but  the  committee  impressed  upon  me  the 
necssity  of  condensing  my  material  so  as  to  conform  to 
the  FIVE  MINUTE  RULE.  The  church  seated  about 
1500.  A  temporary  platform  brought  the  speaker  well 
toward  the  center  of  the  audience.  The  fatal  moment  ar- 
rived. The  moderator  announced  my  subject  and  my  name. 
I  stepped  forward  and  faced  that  grand  audience.  It  was 
a  "grand"  audience,  for  it  included  representatives  from 
all  parts  of  the  world,  -  famous  men  and  men  of  wisdom, 
presidents  of  colleges,  eloquent  preachers,  noted  attorneys, 
captains  of  industry,  etc.  With  the  delivery  of  my  first 
sentences  I  felt  that  that  grand  audience  was  listening. 
I  was  speaking  of  a  remote,  vaguely  known,  romantic 
section  of  the  United  States.  To  know  that  I  was  holding 
the  attention  and  interest  of  that  audience  was  a  great  in- 
spiration, and  so  I  told  my  little  story  of  romantic  New 
Mexico  with  an  eloquence  born  of  the  environment.  Sud- 
denly a  sharp  tap  of  the  moderator's  gavel  indicated  that 
my  time  was  up.  Immediately  I  started  a  retreat,  but  be- 
fore I  could  escape  from  the  ample  platform  a  motion  had 
been  carried  granting  me  FIVE  ADDITIONAL  MINUTES. 
A  grand  compliment  from  that  grand  audience,  —  BUT 
having  made  a  supreme  effort  to  condense  my  story  to  fit 
the  five-minute  limit,  I  admit  that  the  "encore"  was  a 
trifle  confusing  to  an  amateur  orator. 


DR.  FRANK  SPRINGER 


NECROLOGY  387 


NECROLOGY 

DR.  FRANK  SPRINGER 

Flags  fly  at  half-mast  over  the  Palace  of  the  Governors 
and  the  Art  Museum.  The  Scarpitti  bust  of  Frank  Sprin- 
ger in  the  Library  of  the  School  of  American  Research 
is  draped  in  black.  The  members  of  the  staff  of  the  In- 
stitution are  sorrow-stricken.  Their  friend  and  bene- 
factor, New  Mexico's  foremost  citizen,  has  departed  to  "that 
mysterious  realm"  whence  there  is  no  return.  Dr.  Frank 
Springer,  president  of  the  Managing  Committee  of  the 
School,  passed  away  at  two  o'clock,  Thursday  afternoon, 
at  the  home  of  a  daughter,  in  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania, 
where  for  many  months  he  had  been  wrestling  with  Death, 
the  inexorable. 

Dr.  Frank  Springer's  interests  were  so  many,  his 
achievements  so  remarkable  and  far-reaching,  his  life  so 
filled  with  deeds  of  note  that  an  adequate  biography  must 
be  reserved  for  a  later  date  and  more  ample  space.  A 
brief  outline  of  his  long  life  is  all  that  can  be  printed  here. 
He  was  born  at  Wapello,  Iowa,  the  son  of  Francis  and 
Nancy  R.  Springer,  June  17,  1848.  The  father  had  made 
himself  a  place  of  eminence  in  Iowa  history.  It  was  said 
of  him  that  he  "was  one  of  the  best  nisi  prius  judges  the 
state  has  ever  had."  In  1857,  he  presided  over  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention  of  Iowa  and  his  portrait  with  that  of  his 
distinguished  son,  Frank,  hangs  in  the  Historical  Gallery  at 
Des  Moines,  Iowa,  a  hall  of  fame  of  Iowa's  most  renowned 
citizens. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  attended  the  public  schools 
of  his  native  state  and  graduated  from  the  State  Uni- 
versity of  Iowa  in  1867.  In  addition  to  his  regular  Uni- 
versity course,  he  took  up  the  study  of  geology  and  paleont- 
ology, his  zeal  for  the  natural  sciences  being  fired  by  Louis 
Agassiz,  with  whom  he  struck  up  a  fine  friendship.  How- 


388          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ever,  upon  graduating,  Mr.  Springer  entered  the  law  office 
of  Hon.  Henry  Strong  of  Burlington,  Iowa,  and  he  was 
admitted  to  the  Iowa  Bar  in  1869.  Despite  his  youth,  he 
was  named  prosecuting  attorney  for  the  counties  of  Des 
Moines  and  Louisa,  Iowa.  Two  of  the  noted  murder  cases 
he  prosecuted  and  several  important  civil  suits  in  which 
he  was  counsel  are  reported  in  the  Iowa  Supreme  Court 
reports.  Even  in  his  busiest  days  he  continued  his  re- 
search in  the  field  of  Paleontology  and  began  writing  his 
series  of  memoirs  and  monographs  which  fill  a  good- 
sized  book-shelf  and  won  him  international  recognition. 

In  1873,  Mr.  Springer  moved  to  Cimarron,  then  the 
most  important  point  in  the  county  of  Colfax.  There  he 
published  a  newspaper  and  as  attorney  for  the  Maxwell 
Grant  Company  and  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe 
Railroad,  laid  the  foundation  for  his  fortune  that  gave  him 
the  means  in  later  years  for  his  splendid  beneficences. 
It  was  a  stubborn  and  long  drawn-out  struggle  over  the 
Maxwell  Land  Grant  against  such  legal  giants  as  General 
Benjamin  F.  Butler,  Hon.  John  G.  Carlisle,  Judge  Brod- 
head,  and  it  was  Springer's  brilliant  argument  and  cogent 
presentation  of  the  case  before  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court  that  won  the  day  and  earned  the  young  barrister  the 
public  and  personal  praise  of  Supreme  Court  Justice 
Samuel  F.  Miller. 

In  1883  Mr.  Springer  moved  to  Las  Vegas  and  con- 
tinued to  claim  that  as  his  residence  to  the  time  of  his 
death.  In  1890  he  was  elected  president  of  the  New  Mex- 
ico Bar  Association  and  the  address  he  delivered  on  New 
Mexico  land  grant  titles  led  to  the  creation  by  Congress 
of  the  Court  of  Private  Land  Claims.  He  drafted  the 
principal  provisions  of  the  law  to  which  New  Mexico  owes 
the  settlement  of  its  land  grant  controversies.  As  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1899  he  made  a 
fearless  fight  for  the  cause  of  public  education  in  the  State. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  1880  and 
of  1901  which  in  1880  met  in  the  Palace  of  the  Governors, 
in  the  southeast  room  now  occupied  by  the  New  Mexico 


NECROLOGY  389 

Historical  Society.  It  was  from  those  days  that  his  inter- 
est in  the  restoration  of  the  Palace  dated  and  which  in 
later  years  took  such  beautiful  form  when  he  provided 
the  means  for  the  mural  paintings  by  Carl  Lotave  that 
now  adorn  the  Puye  and  the  Rito  de  los  Frijoles  rooms. 
For  five  years  he  was  president  of  the  Normal  University 
at  Las  Vegas  and  the  record  discloses  that  he  laid  the 
foundations  for  the  success  of  that  institution.  It  was 
there  that  was  formed  that  unshakable  friendship  with  Dr. 
Edgar  L.  Hewett,  who  was  president  of  the  Normal  Uni- 
versity, and  through  whom  was  awakened  that  interest  in 
American  Archaeology  which  later  fruited  in  the  found- 
ing of  the  Museum  of  New  Mexico  and  the  School  of  Ameri- 
can Research  in  Santa  Fe.  It  was  there  that  he  recognized 
the  ability  of  Chapman,  Nusbaum,  Dr.  T.  D.  A.  Cockerell, 
McNary  and  others.  His  skill  in  drafting  statutes  is  mani- 
fested in  the  organic  acts  of  the  Museum  and  the  School 
and  it  was  his  aid  quietly  given,  that  repeatedly  brought 
legislative  support  to  a  project  which  to  the  average  legis- 
lator seemed  far  outside  of  the  province  of  territorial  and 
state  activities.  It  was  his  munificence  and  that  of  friends 
he  interested  which  made  possible  the  erection  of  the  Art 
Museum  in  Santa  Fe  and  his  patronage  of  art  which  helped 
to  make  Santa  Fe  an  art  center.  It  was  he  who  had  made 
possible  to  Donald  Beauregard  the  attainment  of  an  ambi- 
tion to  study  abroad  and  who  commissioned  him  to  paint  the 
St.  Francis  murals  finished  by  Chapman  and  Vierra  after 
Beauregard's  untimely  death.  Many  a  young  artist  owes 
him  financial  assistance  at  a  critical  time.  It  was  there- 
fore a  source  of  much  pride  and  gratification  to  Mr. 
Springer,  when  his  own  daughter  Eva  made  of  herself 
a  noted  miniature  painter  and  later  developed  in  broader 
fields  of  painting. 

His  interest  in  the  Museum  brought  Mr.  Springer  to 
Santa  Fe  oftener  and  for  longer  periods  and  he  formed 
strong  friendships  locally.  As  a  member  of  the  Board  of 
Regents  of  the  Museum  and  president  of  the  Managing 
Committee  of  the  School,  his  chief  interest  the  past  twenty 


390          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

years  had  been  the  development  of  both  institutions.  He 
became  one  of  the  guarantors  who  made  the  publication 
of  "Art  and  Archaeology"  possible  and  was  prominent  in  the 
councils  of  the  Archaeological  Institute  of  America  of  which 
he  was  a  councilor  and  vice-president.  He  presented  the 
Director's  residence,  the  Finck  Linguistic  Library,  works 
of  art  and  other  gifts  to  the  School.  At  the  same  time  he  con- 
tinued his  research  in  paleontology.  However,  when  his 
final  work  "American  Silurian  Crinoids,"  a  monumental 
volume,  was  published  a  few  months  ago  by  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution,  he  wrote  to  Santa  Fe  that  he  considered 
his  life  work  finished  and  praised  Providence  for  permit- 
ting him  to  read  the  final  proof. 

As  long  ago  as  1902,  The  Popular  Science  Monthly 
said:  "Frank  Springer,  our  best  authority  on  crinoids,  has 
been  able  to  produce  the  most  elaborate  and  careful  works 
in  the  intervals  of  a  busy  life  as  a  lawyer — works  which 
it  may  be  remarked,  are  much  better  known  in  London 
than  in  New  Mexico,  where  he  resides."  This  year,in  its 
issue  of  April  29,  Science  said :  'Many-sided  Frank  Sprin- 
ger, born  in  1848  in  Iowa,  educated  there  and  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  1869,  has  long  been  America's  foremost 
authority  and  the  world's  most  prolific  worker  in  the  field 
of  fossil  crinoids.  Beginning  his  scientific  career  in  1867 
with  an  adopted  son  of  Iowra,  Charles  Wachsmuth,  their 
joint  publications  continued  until  1877  (sixteen  titles.) 
Since  then,  Springer  has  carried  on  his  studies  of  crinoids 
alone,  and  has  added  to  his  bibliography  fifty-seven  scienti- 
fic titles,  besides  forty-six  other  miscellaneous  papers  hav- 
ing to  do  with  law  and  public  affairs.  His  results  are 
fundamental  in  crinoid  morphology  and  taxonomy.  Since 
1873  he  has  been  a  citizen  of  New  Mexico,  where  he  be- 
came one  of  the  State's  leading  men  and  also  amassed  a 
fortune.  A  good  part  of  the  latter  was  used  in  getting 
together  the  largest  collection  of  crinoids,  blastoids  and 
cystids  anywhere,  and  after  describing  and  illustrating 
these  rarities  as  no  other  worker  has,  he  gave  them  un- 
encumbered to  the  nation  through  the  Smithsonian  Insti- 


NECROLOGY  391 

tution.  Crinoids,  and  especially  whole  ones,  are  usually 
very  rare  fossils,  but  when  good  leads  are  gone  after  with 
pick,  shovel  and  powder,  as  many  have  been  under 
Springer's  direction,  the  results  are  astonishing.  .  .  . 
Would  that  the  human  world  had  more  men  like  Frank 
Springer!"  Dr.  Springer  was  up  to  the  time  of  his  death 
an  Associate  in  Paleontology  of  the  United  States  National 
Museum,  an  Associate  of  the  Museum  of  Comparative 
Zoology  of  Harvard  University,  a  life  member  of  the  Ameri- 
can Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  the  Geo- 
logical Society  of  America,  the  Paleontological  Society,  the 
Archaeological  Institute  of  America,  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico,  the  Archaeological  Society  of  New  Mex- 
ico and  the  Santa  Fe  Society  of  the  Archaeological  Insti- 
tute of  which  he  was  president  for  a  number  of  years. 
He  had  been  abroad  repeatedly.  He  formulated  at  Amster- 
dam, Holland,  the  plan  for  the  government  of  the  Maxwell 
Land  Grant  and  was  until  his  death  president  of  the  Max- 
well Grant  Company.  With  his  distinguished  brother, 
Hon.  Charles  Springer,  he  built  the  Eagle's  Nest  Dam  on 
the  Grant,  and  with  their  associates  built  the  St.  Tk)uis, 
Rocky  Mountain  and  Pacific  Railway,  and  developed  the 
coal  mining  and  other  resources  of  that  great  domain. 

Dr.  Springer  was  much  sought  as  an  orator  and  his  ora- 
tions are  classics.  Some  of  them  mark  milestones  in  New 
Mexico  history.  At  its  centennial  celebration,  in  1921, 
George  Washington  University  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  made 
him  a  Doctor  of  Science.  In  1924,  the  University  of  Bonn, 
Germany,  conferred  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy 
upon  him. 

Dr.  Springer's  knowledge  of  music,  especially  classic 
music,  was  profound.  He  played  the  flute  admirably.  He 
was  a  connoisseur  in  oriental  rugs  and  his  more  intimate 
friends  were  often  surprised  to  discover  a  new  side  to  his 
astounding  range  of  knowledge,  which  his  modesty  had  kept 
unrevealed. 

Mr.  Springer  was  married  in  Cimarron  on  October 
10,  1876,  to  Josephine  M.  Bishop  who  survives  him,  to- 


392          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

gether  with  these  children:  Laura,  wife  of  John  J.  K. 
Caskie  of  the  legal  staff  of  the  Philadelphia  Transit  Com- 
pany, residing  in  Philadelphia;  Helen,  wife  of  John  F. 
Fairbairn,  of  Buffalo,  N.  Y. ;  Ada,  wife  of  Dr.  Warren  B. 
Davis  of  Philadelphia;  Eva,  a  noted  artist;  Major  Edward 
T.  Springer  of  Cimarron,  who  distinguished  himself  in 
France  during  the  late  war ;  Lieutenant  L.  Wallace  Springer 
of  Springer,  who  was  in  the  aviation  service  and  wounded 
in  battle  in  France;  and  Henry  S.  Springer,  whose  un- 
timely death  of  pneumonia,  at  Cimarron,  in  1920  was  one  of 
Dr.  Springer's  sorrows  in  late  years,  to  which  were  added 
heavy  financial  losses  through  New  Mexico  bank  failures, 
during  which  Mr.  Springer  voluntarily  contributed  vast 
sums  to  avert  financial  disaster  for  others.  Death  did  not 
come  unexpectedly  to  Dr.  Springer.  Since  1906,  when  he 
broke  down  physically,  and  his  ailment  was  pronounced 
organic  heart  disease,  he  faced  the  Great  Destroyer  daily 
and  unflinchingly.  With  his  marvelous  perseverance  he 
not  only  set  himself,  but  scrupulously  observed,  a  regimen 
of  regular  exercise.  He  studied  eveything  that  had  ever 
been  written  on  heart  disease  and  knew  minutely  the  many 
methods  that  had  been  devised  in  this  country  and  abroad 
for  the  building  up  of  heart  power.  He  had  himself  so 
well  in  hand,  that  he  would  climb  steep  hillsides  among 
the  Pajarito  cliff  dwellings  and  walk  ten  and  more  miles 
a  day  in  the  Rito  de  los  Frijoles  Canyon  which  he  loved 
beyond  any  other  spot.  But  two  years  ago,  the  final  break- 
down came  to  him  while  at  the  home  of  Carlos  Vierra, 
the  artist,  with  whom  he  built  a  beautiful  home  on  Buena 
Vista  Heights  in  this  City.  Still,  he  was  able  to  go  to  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.,  where  he  also  maintained  a  fine  home  estab- 
lishment and  where  Mrs.  Springer  resides.  From  there  he 
went  to  Philadelphia  to  be  with  his  daughter  Mrs.  Davis  and 
under  the  professional  care  of  her  husband.  He  spent  such 
time  as  he  could  leave  bed  working  on  his  last  volume.  In  fact 
much  of  the  proof  was  read  while  he  was  confined  to  bed, 
his  indomitable  will  keeping  him  busy  to  the  end.  Ripe  in 
years  and  honors,  he  sank  into  eternal  sleep,  his  family 


NECROLOGY  393 

about  him,  his  son  Edward  having  left  Cimarron  only  a 
few  days  ago  in  answer  to  summons  by  the  family. 

Mr.  Springer's  friendships  among  men  of  science,  bank- 
ers, statesmen,  jurists,  artists  and  writers  were  many  and 
to  quote  one  of  these,  Dr.  Charles  F.  Lummis : 

"Grave  and  gentle  and  strong  and  still 

Sits  the  Chief  in  the  Council  Tent; 

But  when  we  come  to  a  breakneck  hill 

His  is  the  hand  that  is  lent: 

There's  a  Something  we  all  can  feel — 

Power  and  poise  of  the  Elder  stamp; 

Solomon  must  have  made  a  deal 

With  Springer,  Dean  of  the  Rito  camp. 

Or  to  quote  James  G.  McNary  upon  the  occasion  of  the 
presentation  of  the  Scarpitti  bronze  bust  of  Mr.  Springer 
to  the  Art  Museum  on  September  8,  1922 : 

In  solitude  he  played  his  flute  and  thought, 

Till  finally  this  miracle  was  wrought, 

The  ordered  working  of  his  brain 

Gave  power  to  his  gaze  and  through  the  train 

Of  aeons  of  dead  years  his  piercing  eye 

Sought  out  Earth's  secrets  where  they  underlie 

The  cold-faced  rocks.    Then  slowly  page  by  page 

He  read  through  Nature's  book  and  age  by  age 

He  found  a  story  there.     Today  the  world 

Is  deeply  in  his  debt,  for  he  revealed 

To  man  the  mystery  the  Earth  concealed. 

The  funeral  services  took  place  at  Philadelphia  on 
Saturday,  September  24,  and  were  private.  On  Sunday, 
October  9,  memorial  services  are  to  be  held  in  tne  St.  Fran- 
cis Auditorium  at  Santa  Fe.  Hon.  Charles  Springer,  who 
mourned  the  loss  through  death  but  a  few  days  ago  of  a 
sister-in-law,  Mrs.  Chase  of  Cimarron,  was  unable  to  reach 
Philadelphia  in  time  for  the  obsequies  which  were  attended 
only  by  the  immediate  family. — W. 


394          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


BENJAMIN  M.  READ 

Death  came  suddenly  but  peacefully  to  Benjamin  M. 
Read,  historical  writer,  legislator  and  member  of  the  New 
Mexico  Bar,  on  the  morning  of  Thursday,  September  15, 
1927.  Had  he  lived  to  September  20,  he  would  have  been 
seventy-four  years  of  age,  having  been  born  at  Las  Cruces 
on  September  20,  1853,  the  son  of  Benjamin  Franklin  Read 
and  Ignacia  Cano.  The  father  had  come  to  New  Mexico 
from  Baltimore  in  1846,  the  year  that  the  United  States 
forces  took  possession  of  Santa  Fe.  He  was  a  direct  de- 
scendant of  George  Read  of  Delaware,  of  Revolutionary 
fame  and  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. The  mother  of  Benjamin  M.  Read  was  the 
daughter  of  Ignacio  Cano  who  had  come  from  Mexico  and 
was  credited  with  the  discovery  of  the  Ortiz  gold  mine  in 
southern  Santa  Fe  county,  which  was  worked  and  produced 
gold,  decades  before  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California. 
There  were  three  sons  to  the  marriage,  Benjamin  M.  Read, 
Alexander  and  Larkin  G.  Read,  all  of  whom  attained  pro- 
minence in  the  law.  Their  father  died  when  they  were 
children  and  the  mother,  impoverished  by  litigation  over 
the  Ortiz  mine,  had  a  difficult  time  to  feed  and  clothe  the 
youngsters.  Nevertheless,  they  managed  to  obtain  as  good 
an  education  as  the  time  and  place  afforded. 

When  sixteen  years  old,  Benjamin  M.  Read  was  given 
employment  by  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  Railway  as  section  hand 
at  Kit  Carson,  Colorado,  and  rapidly  advanced  to  conductor. 
In  1871,  he  became  secretary  to  Governor  Marsh  Giddings 
of  New  Mexico.  Four  years  later  he  held  the  position  of 
preceptor  at  St.  Michael's  College  and  at  the  same  time 
was  superintendent  of  public  schools  of  Santa  Fe.  In  1881, 
he  became  secretary  to  Governor  Lionel  Sheldon.  During 
sessions  of  the  legislative  assembly  he  served  as  translator 
and  in  1884  he  was  chief  clerk  of  the  legislative  council, 


BENJAMIN  M.  READ 


NECROLOGY  395 

his  experience  serving  him  in  good  stead  when  he  later 
served  repeatedly  as  member  of  the  legislative  house.  The 
first  time  he  was  elected,  for  the  session  of  1891,  he  was 
unseated  but  was  re-elected  by  increased  majority  for  the 
1893  term.  During  the  1901  session  he  served  as  speaker 
of  the  House. 

While  secretary  to  Governor  Sheldon  he  read  law  and 
was  admitted  to  the  New  Mexico  Bar  in  1885.  He  was 
one  of  the  organizers  of  the  New  Mexico  Bar  Association, 
his  address  to  that  body  in  1889,  pointing  out  defects  in 
the  existing  compilations  of  the  New  Mexico  statutes  re- 
sulting in  legislation  that  produced  the  Compiled  Statutes 
of  1897  and  gave  him  a  place  on  a  Commission  to  revise 
the  laws. 

The  demand  for  Mr.  Read  as  a  translator,  especially 
of  original  documents  in  Spanish,  aroused  in  him  an  inter- 
est in  the  New  Mexico  archives  and  the  source  documents 
for  New  Mexico  history.  Though  untrained  in  scientific 
research  work,  he  set  about  to  procure  from  Spain  and 
Mexico  documents  bearing  on  New  Mexico  history  and 
acquired  from  old  families  their  possessions  in  the  way  of 
letters  and  documents.  In  1910  he  published  his  "Guerra 
Mexico-Americana."  In  1910,  followed  his  "Historia  Ilus- 
trada  de  Nuevo  Mexico,"  which  also  has  been  translated 
into  English.  In  1914  came  his  "Popular  Elementary  His- 
tory of  New  Mexico"  for  school  use.  His  last  published 
book  was  a  "Digest  of  Documentos  Ineditos  del  Archive 
de  las  Indias."  At  his  death  he  had  completed  the  manus- 
cript of  a  biography  of  Hernando  Cortez,  in  which  he 
sought  to  clear  Cortez  of  the  various  charges  that  had  been 
made  against  the  Conqueror  and  sought  to  establish  his 
fame  as  one  of  the  greatest,  if  not  the  greatest  figure  in 
American  history.  He  had  also  prepared  "Sidelights  on 
New  Mexico  History,"  from  which  he  had  published  exerpts 
in  the  public  press  and  which  embodied  the  result  of  his  re- 
search in  local  history.  This  research  work  brought  him 
in  contact  with  other  students  of  history  with  whom  he 


396          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

maintained  lively  intercourse  and  occasionally  spirited  de- 
bates on  mooted  points  of  history.  It  was  his  delight  to 
take  visitors  who  manifested  an  interest  to  his  home  there 
to  exhibit  his  historical  collections.  His  controversy  with 
the  custodian  of  San  Miguel  Chapel  at  Santa  Fe  regarding 
the  age  of  the  old  church  was  carried  on  for  years  and  was 
characteristic  of  Read  whose  literal-mindedness  had  no 
patience  with  romanticism  when  it  came  to  historical  state- 
ments. Mr.  Read's  writings  hardly  struck  a  popular  chord. 
At  the  same  time,  his  lack  of  scientific  training  barred 
him  from  the  recognition  which  his  zeal  and  persistent 
endeavor  should  have  brought  him.  The  fact  that  he 
thought  and  wrote  in  Spanish  and  insisted  upon  a  literal 
translation,  robbed  his  English  work  of  much  of  the  spirit 
and  smoothness  of  his  Spanish  diction.  This  also  made  it 
difficult  for  him  to  find  a  publisher  and  he  was  compelled 
to  finance  his  own  publications  with  but  meager  financial 
returns  to  himself.  The  more  praiseworthy  was  his  loyalty 
to  his  Muse.  In  later  years  he  gave  up  his  law  practice 
and  other  occupation  in  order  to  devote  himself  to  his- 
torical research  and  writing.  The  New  Mexico  Historical 
Society  honored  him  by  electing  him  a  fellow.  He  was 
also  a  member  of  the  New  Mexico  Archaeological  Society 
and  occasionally  contributed  to  its  publication,  El  Palacio. 
In  1876,  Mr.  Read  married  Ascension  Silva  who  died 
in  1878.  In  1880  he  married  her  sister,  Magdalena  Silva, 
who  gave  him  seven  children  of  whom  only  two  survive: 
the  Misses  Candida  and  Emilia  Read.  The  second  wife 
died  in  1892  and  in  the  following  year  he  married  Onofre 
Ortiz,  daughter  of  Captain  Rafael  Ortiz,  who  also  preceded 
him  to  the  grave.  Mr.  Read  was  a  devout  Catholic  and 
took  a  keen  interest  in  civic  affairs.  Only  a  few  days  be- 
fore his  death  he  rode  in  state  through  the  streets  of  Santa 
Fe  as  King  Ferdinand  on  a  float  in  the  Fiesta  parade.  By 
a  strange  coincidence,  Mrs.  L.  Bradford  Prince,  a  warm 
friend  of  Mr.  Read,  who  had  represented  Queen  Isabella 


NECROLOGY  397 

on  a  similar  float  a  few  years  before,  had  also  died  shortly 
after  the  Fiesta  of  that  year. 

The  funeral  took  place  from  the  Read  home  on  Read 
street,  on  Saturday  forenoon,  September  17.  Low  mass 
was  celebrated  in  St.  Francis  Cathedral.  Interment  was 
made  in  the  family  plot  in  Rosario  Cementery.  The  active 
pall  bearers  were  Judge  John  R.  McFie,  Francisco  Delgado, 
Charles  J.  Eckert,  R.  L.  Baca,  E.  H.  Baca  and  Frank  Seidel. 
The  honorary  pall  bearers  were  Chief  Justice  Frank  W. 
Parker,  Judge  Reed  Holloman,  Manuel  B.  Otero,  Paul  A.  F. 
Walter,  Juan  Sedillo  and  A.  M.  Bergere. — W. 


NEWS  AND  COMMENT 

MARKERS  AT  LINCOLN 

The  town  of  Lincoln  is  the  past  petrified,  static;  there  Time  has 
incredbily  stood  still  for  half  a  century;  one  can  believe  that  so  in- 
tense were  the  passions  there  loosed  in  the  southwest's  greatest  out- 
break of  homicide  that  the  spirits  of  the  dead  hover  closer  to  the 
border  line  that  separates  them  from  the  living  than  elsewhere. 
One  gets  this  feeling  of  persistence  of  other  lives  strongly  in  Santa 
Fe ;  but  in  less  degree  perhaps  than  in  the  old  hamlet  of  the  mountains 
made  immortal  by  the  exploits  of  a  strange,  hard,  smiling,  inex- 
plicable young  man  canonized  as  a  legendary  hero  and  cursed  as  a 
wholesale  and  atrocious  murderer. 

There  is  as  yet  no  garish  modernity  in  Lincoln,  despite  the  fact 
that  the  world  is  tramping  a  path  to  its  doors. 

The  stranger  finds  what  appears  to  be  a  deserted  village  until 
he  hunts  up  somebody  in  a  store  or  dwelling.  He  is  more  and  more 
likely  to  have  read  the  saga  of  the  place;  and  increasingly  curious 
to  know  what  he  is  looking  at.  He  may  find  an  old-time  resident 
who  will  answer  his  questions;  the  old-timers,  however,  do  not  al- 
ways agree.  If  he  is  fortunate  enough  to  catch  the  school  master  in 
the  old  court  house,  now  used  for  the  instruction  of  youth,  or  some- 
one else  available,  he  will  be  shown  the  Murphy  store,  the  Ellis 
hotel,  the  McSween  building  and  the  window  in  the  court  house 
whence  the  audacious  gunman  blew  the  life  out  of  Ohlinger. 


398          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  New  Mexico  Historical  Society  has  discussed  the  advisability 
of  starting  a  movement  to  have  the  historic  spots  at  Lincoln  labeled, 
inconspicuously,  for  the  information  of  visitors,  enlisting  the  aid 
of  informed  residents  of  the  region  to  see  that  the  data  is  accurate. 
It  might  indeed  be  wise  to  thus  give  official  recognition  to  the  im- 
portance of  Lincoln  as  a  relic  of  one  of  the  most  thrilling  periods  in 
the  story  of  New  Mexico.  The  time  will  doubtless  come,  here  as 
elsewhere,  when  it  will  be  necessary  to  guard  this  relic,  protect  it 
from  sight-seers  and  vandals,  and  labor  to  keep  it  unspoiled.  The 
Historical  Society  is  the  proper  agency  to  bring  all  interested  per- 
sons together  in  the  matter.  The  suggestion  is  made  that  a  room  of 
the  court  house  be  used  for  a  small  historical  museum,  containing 
matter  dealing  with  the  Lincoln  county  war  and  William  Bonney. 
The  idea  is  not  of  course  to  bring  crowds  to  Lincoln,  but  to  see  that 
those  who  come  can  view  its  places  of  interest  intelligently  and  to 
the  best  advantage.  The  New  Mexican  would  be  pleased  to  hear 
any  expressions  from  residents  of  Lincoln,  from  Walter  Noble  Burns, 
from  Eugene  Manlove  Rhodes,  from  J.  V.  Tully,  John  Y.  Hewitt, 
Oliver  Lee,  from  the  Carrizozo  and  Alamogordo  papers  or  others. 
These  names  occur  to  us  as  of  those  interested. —  Santa  Fe  New 
Mexican 

SANTA  FE  TRAIL  AND  CLIFTON  HOUSE 

A  group  of  teachers  in  the  South  Side  schools  are  studying  up 
the  history  of  New  Mexico.  It  is  one  of  the  requisites  in  this  state 
that  teachers  pass  an  examination  in  state  history  and  those  who 
come  here  from  other  states  devote  some  time  to  becoming  familiar 
with  facts  concerning  the  state  and  county.  In  pursuance  of  the 
information  a  group  of  teachers  are  meeting  after  school  in  one  of 
the  class  rooms  and  on  Wednesday  they  gathered  there  to  hear  some 
of  the  early  history  of  the  county  presented  by  W.  A.  Chapman, 
who  came  into  the  state,  stage  coach  style  when  a  boy  of  sixteen 
over  the  old  Santa  Fe  trail,  when  at  stated  intervals  the  stage  coach 
driver  pulled  up  with  a  flourish  to  the  old  hostelries,  the  teams  of 
four  and  six  horses  were  changed  for  fresh  relays,  a  new  driver 
took  the  box,  cracked  the  whip  and  the  passengers  began  another 
lap  of  the  journey  through  the  wooded  hills. 

If  Maxwell  and  Springer  claim  to  have  been  on  the  old  Santa 
Fe  trail,  they  are  harboring  a  mistaken  idea,  Mr.  Chapman  says. 
The  old  trail  came  over  the  pass  into  the  little  settlement  of  Willow 
Brook,  whose  two  or  three  log  houses  out  on  North  Second  street 
are  now  a  heap  of  stones,  all  that  is  left  of  the  cabins  of  the  early 
settlers.  The  trail  went  straight  through  to  the  Clifton  House  a 


NEWS  AND  COMMENT  399 

few  miles  south  of  town,  one  of  the  old  time  taverns  where  travelers 
were  refreshed.  Only  two  stone  columns  are  left  standing  now  of 
the  old  tavern.  In  her  list  of  interesting  historical  monuments  of 
the  past,  Miss  Grant,  Taos  artist,  who  talked  to  members  of  the 
Area  Council  at  Springer  Tuesday  evening,  mentioned  the  old  Clifton 
House  as  one  of  the  memorials  of  early  history  which  should  be 
preserved  by  markers. 

No  one  knows  just  how  old  Cimarron  is.  It  was  once  an  im- 
portant little  town  on  the  old  trail,  frequented  by  soldiers  and  of- 
ficers from  the  nearby  forts.  It  was  the  capital  of  Colfax  county, 
as  was  also  Elizabethtown.  In  the  days  of  the  gold  rush  Cimarron 
canyon  was  full  of  eager  gold  prospectors  and  the  placer  miner 
washed  the  yellow  flakes  from  the  sand.  But  this  is  diverging  from 
the  story  of  the  Trail,  which  Mr.  Chapman  says,  ran  from  Trinidad 
through  Willow  Brook  to  Cimarron,  on  to  Rayado,  Ocate,  to  Las 
Vegas  and  Santa  Fe. 

Colfax  county  has  more  coal  than  any  other  county  in  the  United 
States.  When  transportation  becomes  cheap  enough  to  make  min- 
ing the  coal  worth  while,  a  great  industry  will  be  developed  here. 
Lucien  Maxwell,  who  lived  like  a  feudal  lord  on  the  Maxwell  land 
grant  for  years,  found  the  first  coal.  A  passing  ox  team  dislodged 
some  of  it  on  a  mountain  trail  south  of  Cimarron  and  he  picked  up 
the  pieces  and  threw  it  into  the  fire  place  to  see  if  it  would  burn. 
It  was  real  coal. 

When  New  Mexico  was  a  part  of  Old  Mexico,  two  French 
Canadian  trappers  came  into  this  country.  Their  names  were 
Miranda  and  Beaubien.  In  course  of  time  Miranda  died  and  his 
partner  fell  heir  to  all  his  land  holdings  here  which  approximated 
1,764,000  acres  and  a  little  fort  which  the  two  men  had  built  for  the 
protection  of  themselves  and  the  sparsely  settled  lands  surrounding 
them.  Lucien  B.  Maxwell,  Kentucky  horseman,  came  to  the  South- 
west, married  the  daughter  of  Beaubien  and  in  course  of  time  bought 
out  the  remaining  heirs  for  a  pittance.  His  land  became  known  as 
the  Maxwell  Land  Grant  and  here  in  the  old  Maxwell  House  he 
lived,  entertaining  like  a  lord,  breeding  fine  horses  and  herding  enor- 
mous flocks  of  sheep.  Afterwards  his  land  was  sold  to  an  English 
company  and  became  the  headquarters  for  dissolute  sons  of  the 
English  nobility  who  lived  in  the  same  lordly  fashion  as  Maxwell 
until  bankruptcy  overtook  them  and  the  land  was  sold  again  to  a 
Dutch  syndicate.  Squatters  settled  in  the  pretty  valley  and  a  party 
of  them  chased  Mr.  Chapman  off  their  reservation  when  he  came 
back  here  as  a  government  surveyor. 

Colfax  county  is  a  kingdom  in  itself,  rich  in  many  minerals, 
and  some  day  when  the  exorbitant  cost  of  bringing  machinery 


400          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

into  this  part  of  the  state  has  been  overcome,  its  resources  will  be 
developed.  It  has  now  fine  agricultural  mesas,  great  cattle  ranges, 
the  finest  climate  in  the  world,  eternal  sunshine  and  an  atmosphere 
which  has  so  well  preserved  the  antiquities  of  its  settlement  by  its 
communistic  tribes  of  Indians  and  the  Spaniards  that  Dr.  Hewett, 
who  heads  the  archaeological  excavations  in  the  state,  says  that  he 
waits  breathlessly  for  the  curtain  of  the  ages  to  be  lifted  and  re- 
veal who  were  the  first  men  who  lived  in  New  Mexico,  whose  family 
tree  is  so  old  that  it  would  put  the  Mayflower's  passengers  to  blush 
with  its  antiquity. — Raton  Reporter. 

RATON  NEEDS  MUSEUM 

It  is  regrettable  that  Raton  has  no  place  for  the  accumulation 
storage  and  display  of  much  of  its  historical  material.  One  with 
an  interest  in  such  things,  by  delving  around  among  the  older  busi- 
ness houses  and  talking  to  older  residents  here  will  find  that  there 
is  an  enormous  amount  of  historical  material  in  and  near  Raton 
which  should  be  gathered  and  cared  for,  as  a  heritage  to  hand  down 
to  the  Raton  of  the  future.  This  material  is  very  perishable  and 
with  the  passing  of  those  for  whom  it  has  a  personal  sentimental 
value,  it  is  very  apt  to  be  lost  or  destroyed.  Doubtless  much  that 
would  be^of  the  greatest  interest  to  the  future  Raton  has  already 
been  lost  for  all  time  in  this  way.  By  its  very  nature,  it  can  not 
be  replaced.  Not  only  in  Raton  are  there  objects  and  papers  of  great 
historical  value.  The  same  is  true  of  practically  every  community  of 
the  county.  Cimarron,  Springer,  Elizabethtown  and  other  towns 
are  treasure  houses  for  this  kind  of  thing,  which  should  all  be  as- 
sembled in  one  collection  to  stand  as  evidence  to  the  historical  back- 
ground of  the  county,  which  cannot  be  surpassed  anywhere.  To 
illustrate,  recently  when  an  old  building  at  Elizabethtown,  which  had 
seen  that  place  in  its  most  glorious  days,  was  torn  down,  in  the 
debris  were  found  priceless  relics  of  that  most  interesting  period 
of  the  gold  boom  days.  Parallels  to  this  are  found  each  year  in  some 
part  of  the  county.  It  would  be  a  good  work  for  the  city  and  county 
as  a  whole  for  some  organization  here  to  make  plans  for  gathering 
historical  data  from  all  places  and  people  of  the  county  with  a  view 
to  eventually  having  a  county  historical  society  to  care  for  it.  It 
is  not  too  much  to  look  forward  to  a  day  when  Raton  can  have  a 
museum  of  some  kind  where  this  material  may  be  studied  by  the 
public.  With  the  increasing  interest  in  the  excavation  work  at 
Folsom,  it  might  even  some  time  be  possible  to  obtain  a  valuable 
collection  of  prehistoric  specimens  from  that  region.  All  this  would 
some  day  make  the  city  a  center  of  interest  for  those  who  find  plea- 
sure and  instruction  in  the  study  of  the  past. —  Raton  Range. 


NEWS  AND  COMMENT  401 


AMONG  THE   EXCHANGES 

Minesota  History  for  September  has  as  its  leading  historical 
article  an  account  of  the  Benedictine  settlements  in  Minnesota  and 
the  debt  that  they  owed  to  Monte  Cassino  and  Metten  in  Europe. 
The  author  is  August  C.  Krey  of  the  University  of  Minnesota.  The 
story  of  Fort  Beauharnois  is  told  by  Louise  Phelps  Kellogg  of  the 
State  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin.  Grace  Lee  Nute  tells  of 
'Wilderness  Marthas,"  the  women  who  made  the  wilderness  habitable 
in  pioneer  days.  An  account  of  the  sixth  convention  of  the  Minnesota 
Historical  Society,  held  at  St.  Cloud  and  Willmar,  is  given.  These 
state  conventions  are  preceded  by  a  pilgrimage  to  historic  places  and 
in  successive  years  conventions  have  been  held  at  Duluth,  Redwood 
Falls,  Detroit  Lakes.  Winona  and  Mankato.  "The  results  amply 
justify  the  prediction  made  after  the  first  convention  that  these 
excursions  into  the  state  and  into  its  past  not  only  would  prove  an 
important  factor  in  the  disseminatifca  of  information  about  Minnesota 
history,  but  also  would  encourage  local  history  organization.  They 
have  helped  to  impress  upon  the  people  of  the  state  the  many-sided 
interest  and  the  present-day  meaning  of  its  past.  They  have  led 
to  the  organization  of  several  county  historical  societies.  They 
have  produced  historical  papers  and  addresses  of  permanent  value, 
many  of  which  have  been  published."  The  Society  reports  fifty- 
one  new  members  during  the  three  summer  months. 

The  Washington  Historical  Quarterly  in  its  third  issue  for  the 
year  presents  the  story  of  the  "Educational  Development  in  the 
Territory  and  State  of  Washington  1853  to  1908."  It  is  followed  by 
a  biographical  sketch  of  "Doctor  Robert  Newell,  Mountain  Man," 
who  settled  in  1844  on  what  became  the  townsite  of  Champoeg. 
"Lewis  County's  Early  History,"  "In  a  Prairie  Schooner,  1878," 
"The  Whatcome  Trails  to  the  Fraser  Mines  in  1858,"  and  "Bonne- 
ville  Papers"  are  other  titles. 

Story  of  the  Munk  Library.  It  is  like  sitting  in  the  study  of 
Dr.  J.  A.  Munk  and  listening  to  him  discurse  on  his  favorite  topic 
to  read  his  "Story  of  the  Munk  Library  of  Arizoniana"  just  from 
the  Times-Mirror  Press  of  Los  Angeles.  There  are  twenty  chapters 
but  they  are  chapters  in  miniature-the  book  is  read  in  less  than  an 
hour  and  it  is  easy  reading  at  that.  The  Munk  Library  now  con- 
sists of  more  than  16,000  titles  bearing  directly  or  indirectly  on  the 
history  of  Arizona  and  Dr.  Munk  has  earned  the  gratitude  of  gen- 
erations to  come  for  bringing  together  this  unique  collection  of  books, 
27 


402          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

maps  and  photographs.  As  stated  in  the  foreword  by  Dr.  James 
A.  B.  Scherer:  "The  scholar  is  delighted,  the  student  profited  and  the 
mere  browser  luxuriously  rewarded  in  the  Munk  Library."  The 
library  had  its  origin  in  a  trip  to  Arizona  more  than  forty  years 
ago  by  Dr.  Munk,  for  upon  his  return  to  Topeka,  Kansas,  Major 
Thomas  J.  Anderson,  passenger  agent  for  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad, 
gave  him  a  copy  of  Hinton's  Handbook  to  Arizona.  To  this  was 
added  Peter's  Life  of  Kit  Carson.  These  kindled  a  life  passion 
for  collecting  Arizoniana  or  as  Dr.  Munk  puts  it:  "During  all  of 
this  time,  I  was  on  the  hot  trail  of  every  Arizona  book  that  I  could 
find."  Conversationally,  reminiscently,  Dr.  Munk  tells  how  the  library 
grew,  the  contacts  it  brought  him,  the  incidents  and  motives  that 
led  him  to  give  the  Library  to  the  Southwest  Museum  in  Los  Angeles 
instead  of  to  some  Arizona  institution.  Anecdotes  of  a  bibliophile 
are  interspersed  with  the  recitals  of  the  vicissitudes  that  the  Library 
has  suffered,  through  it  all  is  the  joy  of  the  collector  in  his  achieve- 
ment. Dr.  Munk  of  late  has  had  the  satisfaction  of  helping  to 
start  another  library  of  Arizoniana  at  the  University  of  Arizona 
to  which  he  gave  all  of  his  duplicates.  Oh,  that  New  Mexico  and 
every  other  state  had  a  Dr.  Munk!  Incidentally,  Dr.  Munk  pays  a 
deserved  tribute  to  Miss  Adelaide  Chamberlin  who  was  the  first 
librarian  after  the  Library  was  moved  into  the  caracol  tower  of  the 
Southwest  Museum  in  1914.  "She  spoke  and  read  French  and 
Spanish,"  he  says,  "and  was  conversant  with  the  history  and  litera- 
ture of  the  Southwest."  He  says  further:  "She  was  paid  by  the 
museum,  but  the  sum  was  a  mere  pittance  to  what  she  deserved. 
The  museum  being  short  of  funds,  it  had  to  scrimp  where  it  could. 
She  is,  also,  an  accomplished  artist  and  did  work  outside  the  library. 
She  made  the  drawings  for  the  frieze  that  surrounds  archaeological 
hall  on  the  evolution  of  the  bird  as  found  on  ancient  pottery;  re- 
produced a  Navajo  sand  painting  in  permanent  form;  and  made 
some  habitat  groups  for  the  panels  in  the  tunnel.  She  was  con- 
tinually delving  into  some  deep  subject,  which  the  pinheads  in  power 
could  not  understand."  It  is  these  delicious  sidelights  that  gleam  in 
every  chapter  which  make  the  booklet  such  a  charming  contribution 
to  southwestern  literature. — W. 

Southwestern  Political  and  Social  Science  Quarterly.  "Slavery 
and  the  American  Doctrine  of  Equality,"  a  dispassionate  study  of 
a  subject  fraught  with  many  controversies  in  its  implications,  is 
printed  in  the  March  number  of  The  Southwestern  Political  and 
Social  Science  Quarterly.  The  paper  is  by  E.  V.  Smith  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago.  His  introductory  paragraph  states:  "The 
heroic  attempt  of  Thomas  Jefferson  in  the  first  draft  of  the  De- 


AMONG  THE  EXCHANGES  403 

claration  of  Independence  to  hold  the  English  throne  responsible 
and  censurable  for  slavery  in  America  was  frustrated  by  some  of 
his  southern  colleagues.  So  also  any  explicit  policy  regarding 
slavery  was  found  impracticable  in  the  convention  that  framed  the 
Federal  Constitution.  Unanimity  enough  to  formulate  the  Con- 
stitution and  to  get  it  adopted  was  found  possible  only  by  means 
of  golden  silence  upon  this  most  unguilded  subject.  But  smothered 
or  clamorous,  the  institution  of  slavery  was  destined  to  continue, 
as  it  had  already  become  in  Jefferson's  own  mind,  the  more  or  less 
openly  recognized  challenge,  not  to  say  practical  refutation,  of  the 
doctrine  of  natural  human  equality.  It  is  of  more  than  historic 
interest  and  value  to  reconstruct  for  ourselves  the  philosophy  for 
and  against  slavery."  Charles  W.  Pipkin  writes  on  "Truth  and 
Politics:  An  Estimate  of  the  Place  of  Parties  and  their  Duty  in 
Promoting  Faith  in  Democratic  Government;"  "The  Basis  of  Ameri- 
canization," is  a  contribution  by  Charles  M.  Rosenquist;  "Are  'C* 
Mandates  Veiled  Annexations,"  is  by  Luther  Harris  Evans;  "The 
Position  of  the  State  in  Germany,"  by  Frederick  F.  Blachy  and 
Miriam  E.  Oatman;  "Pillage  Economy"  by  Max  Sylvius  Handman. 

Chronicles  of  Oklahoma.  Much  that  is  stimulating  and  arouses 
inquiry  also  in  New  Mexico,  is  to  be  found  in  the  recent  issues 
of  Chronicles  of  Oklahoma.  Reminiscences  of  General  Edward 
Hatch  will  appeal  to  those  who  remember  that  officer  when  he  was 
stationed  in  New  Mexico.  "Reminiscences  of  Life  among  the  Indians," 
has  anthropological  as  well  as  historical  value.  The  story  of  Andres 
Martinez  captured  by  the  Mescalero  Apaches  and  sold  to  the  Kiowas 
is  of  particular  interest.  Other  titles  are:  "Address  on  Subject  of 
Statehood,"  : "Early  Telephone  History  in  Oklahoma,"  "Reminiscences 
of  the  Cherokee  People,"  "Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  Major  Sibley," 
which  tells  of  Zebulon  Pike's  reception  by  the  Pawnees  on  his  way 
to  Santa  Fe  and  of  the  efforts  of  the  Spanish  Governor  to  have 
the  Pawnee  Chief  come  to  Santa  Fe  there  to  make  a  treaty  with 
him;  "Reviving  Lost  Indian  Art,"  a  tribute  to  the  work  of  the 
School  of  American  Research  at  Santa  Fe;  "Historic  Spots  and 
Actions  in  the  Washita  Valley  up  to  1870;"  "Sacred  Heart  Mission 
and  Abbey,"  "Fort  Washita,"  "Old  Boggy  Depot,"  "Sources  of 
Oklahoma  History,"  not  to  speak  of  interesting  news  notes  and  book 
reviews. 


404 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


INDEX 


Ab6,    called   a    Jumano    pueblo,    52 

Academies,    74 

Acoma,   355 ;  sues   Laguna,   363-8 

Agassiz,    Louis,    387 

Agriculture  in   1601,  51 

Agriculture  in  Colorado,  Hist,  of,  Steinel 
and  Working ;  rev.  by  Walter,  812-5 

Aguico,   355 

Aiton,  Arthur  S.,  Antonio  de  Mendoza, 
1st  Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  rev.  by 
Bloom,  311-2 

Alameda,    350,     (note) 

Alameda   in   Santa   Fe,    The,    98 

Alencaster,    Gov.    Real,    237,    370-9,    passim 

Allison,    Clay,    316 

Alonagua,    355 

Analco,   Tigua   pueblo,   351 

Apaches,    in    1608,    139 

Aquima    pueblo,    355 

Architecture,    262    et    seq. ;    356 

Archives,    Custodian    of    public,    216-6 

Armor,    60     (note),     107-133 

Arms  and  Armor  in  the  Southwest,  Span- 
ish, by  F.  S.  Curtis,  Jr.,  107-33 

Art    Museum,    389 

Ayer,    Col.    E.    E.,    necrology,    306-7 

Baird,    Spruce    M.,    364    et    seq. 

Bancroft,    H.    H.,    quot.,    146,    146,    176 

Bandelier,   A.    F.   A.,   cited,   64,    144,    262 

Bafios    pueblo    (Sia?),    355 

Bazan   brothers,   weavers,   235   et   seq. 

Beauregard,    Donald,    389 

Benedict,    Judge    Kirby,    364 

Berger,    Col.    Wm.    M.,    76 

Billy   the   Kid.    398 

Bloom,  Lansing  B.,  cited,  144  (note)  ; 
work  on  pensions,  196 ;  war  trophies, 
197,  205-7;  papers  by,  198;  rev.,  St. 
Francis  and  Franciscans  in  N.  Mex., 
214-5;  Early  Weaving  in  N.  Mex., 
228-38;  cited,  352.  353;  Death  of 
Jacques  D'Eglise,  369-79 

Bolton,  Herbert  E.,  cited,  40,  49,  62,  63, 
134,  137,  242,  238  (note) 

Bonney,    Wm.    See    "Billy   the    Kid" 

Boundaries,    N.   Mex.   and   La.,    869-70 

Bowman,  Lieut.  Jas.  Monroe,  escort  un- 
der, 177 


Brackenridge,    quot.,    329 :    331,    33$ 
Brizeno,    Gov.    Penalosa    de,    229 
Bryan,    R.    W.    D.,    77 
Buena   Vieta   pueblo,    on    Chama,    353 
Buffalo,  266  et  seq:  324  et  seq. 
Burgwin,    Lieut.    J.    H.    K.    270 
Burial    Rites,    346 

Cabeza    de    Baca,    244,    258 

Cabri  Indians,  appearance  and  customs, 
252-4 

Campos,    Queres    pueblo,    351 

Canadian    River,    337-8 

Carson,    Kit,    382 

Carts,    38     (note) 

Casa    Calvo,    370 

Caseres,    Tigua    pueblo,    351,    354 

Cassidy.    Gerald,    paintings    by,    197 

Castilblanco    (Chamita),    353 

Casatildabid    (San    Juan    pueblo),    352 

Castilleja     pueblo     (San     Ildefonso?),     352 

Caxtole,     Tigua     pueblo,     350 

Census,    figures   of   Gallegos,    248 

Ceremonies,     Indian,    245    247,     259,     346-7 

Chacon,   Gov.    Fernando  de,   232   et  seq. 

Chalvert,    Calvert.    See    Jarvet 

Chama  valley,   named   Valle  Visiosa,    353 

Chamuscado,  Capt.  Francisco  Sanchez, 
239  et  seq;  342  (note) 

Chapman,  K.  M.,   389 

Chapman,   W.   A.,   398 

Chaves,    Amado,    75 

Chittenden,     quot.,     332 

Chouteau,     Pierre,     325-6 

Churches,  at  Jemez  (1601),  45;  San  Ilde- 
fonso, 45 ;  in  1617,  145 

Cibola,    355     (note) 

Claimorgan,  Santiago  (Jacques),  374 
(note) 

Clum,  John  P.,  Santo  Fe  in  the  '70s 
380-6 

Cochiti,   352    (note) 

Codallos   y   Rabal,    Gov.,   280 

Colter,  John,   325 

Concha,   Gov.    Fernando   de   la,    231    et   aeq. 

Cooke,  Phillip  St.  G..  177  (note),  184, 
287  et  seq. 

Copalla,    Lake  of,    65 

Copper,    257 


INDEX 


405 


Coronadp's    Expedition,    108 

Court     Records.     See     Irrigation     Lawsuit, 


Crime,    murder,    221    et    seq;    872-9 

Cruzate,   Gov.   Domingo  Jironza  P.  de,   368 

Cuampes,    372 

Cubero     (near    Cochiti),    352     (note) 

Culiacan,    Tigua   pueblo,   851 

Curtis,  Jr.,  Fayette  S.,  necrology,  98-100  ; 
For  a  Forest  Burial,  poem  by 
Margaret  Pond,  101  ;  Spanish  Arms 
and  Armor  in  the  Southwest,  107-133  ; 
catalog  of  war  trophies,  207 

Custom-duties,    suspended,    234 

Dead,    Disposal   of,    346 

D'Eglise,    Jacques,    369-79 

Derocher,     Lorenzo,     370-9,     passim 

Dissette,    Miss    Mary    E.,    79 

Dogs,    found   in   use,    336 

Drouillard,    George,    327 

Drumm,    Miss    Stella    M.,    quoted,    286 

Dry    Farming,    315 

Eagle    Nest    Dam,    391 

Education,  Board  of,  74.  See  Music  Teach- 

ing 
Educational     Association,     First     Meeting 

of  the   N.   Mex.,   by   P.    A.    F.    Walter. 

67-82 

Elections    in    the    pueblos,    145 
El    Hosso,    Piro    pueblo,    349 
Elota,    Piro    pueblo,    349 
Encomiendas,    55,    56 

Englehardt,    Father    Zephyrin,    342     (note) 
Escalona,    Fray    Juan,    comisario,    40,    48  ; 

records    monstrosities,    65-6 
Escalona,    Fray    Luis   de,    229 
Escobar,    Fray    Francisco,    62,    184 
Eulate,    Gov.    Juan    de,    145-6 

Finck    Linguistic    library,    389 

Flagellation,    Indian,    346-7 

Fonda,    The   old,    382 

Fort   Gibson,    269 

Fort    Lisa,    328 

Founding     of    N.     Mex.,     Juan    de     Onate 

and   the,    by  Geo.    P.    Hammond,   37-66, 

134-174 

Franca    Vila    pueblo.    354 
Franciscans   in    N.    Mex.,    St.    Franci-s    and 

the,   Meyer,  rev.  by   Bloom,   214-5 
French,   James   A.,    necrology,    101-2 
Frenchmen       and     New     Mexico,       369-79. 

passim 

Frost,    Col.    Max,    70 
Fur    Trade.    See   Manuel    Lisa 


Galisteo   pueblo,    354 

Galisteo    valley,    353     (note) 

Gallegos,  Hernan,  251,  261,  343,  859,  360, 
361,  362 

Gallegos  Relation  of  the  Rodriguez  Ex- 
pedition, 239-68,  334-62 

Garcia  de  la  Mora,  Manuel,  alcalde  of 
Santa  Cruz,  378 

Gianini,    Charles    A.,    Manuel    Lisa,    328-33 

Giddings,    Gov.    Marsh,    385 

Gorman,    Rev.    Samuel,    367 

Gough,    Joseph,    383 

Governors  of  New  Mexico.  See  Onate, 
Montoya,  Peralta,  Eulate,  Zaballos, 
Cruzate,  Mendizabal,  Michelena,  Men- 
dinueta,  Concha,  Chacon,  Alencaster, 
Manrrique,  Giddings,  Wallace 

Great     War,     N.     Mex.     in    the,     8-26 

Greely,  Lieut.  A.  P.  (later  maj.  gen'l), 
383-4 

Gregg,    General    J.    I.,    385 

Gregg,  Josiah,  175-7  269;  dishonorable 
conduct  of,  278  (note),  301-4 

Guadalajara,    jurisdiction   of,    872-4 

Guadalquivir  River  (Rio  Grande),  239- 
68,  334-62,  passim 

Hackett,    Charles   W.,   cited,    60,    350 
Hafen,     LeRoy,     The    Overland    Mail,     rev. 

by   Walter,    308-11 
Halona,    355    (note) 
Hammond,    Geo.    P.,    Juan    de    Onate    and 

the   Founding   of  N.   Mex.,   37-66,    134- 

174 
Hammond,    G.    P.,    and   Agapito    Rey,    The 

Rodriguez    Expedition    to    N.    Mex.    in 

1581-2,     239-68     334-62 
Harrison,    Dr.    Geo.    W.,    necrology,    307 
Hawikuh,    355     (note) 
Hewett,    Edgar   L.,    N.   Mex.   in   the   Great 

War:    The   Cost   and   the   Gain,   21-26; 

389 

Historical  interest  at  Raton,  398  ;  at  Sprin- 
ger, 898 

Historical   museum    needed,    Raton,    400 
Historical  Society,  Biennial  Report,    (1925- 

26),    194-207 

Hocio,    Chaplain    Fray    Francisco    de,    873 
Hodge,    F.    W.,    257     (note),    346    347,    255 

( notes ) 

Hodgin,    C.    E.,    76,    78-9 
Hunt,  Capt.  Theodore,  329 
Hunt,    Wilson    Pierce.    327 

Ibarra,    Francisco    de,    241,    265     (note) 
Ibarra   and   Nueva    Vizcaya,    Francisco    de, 
Mecham,    rev.    by    Bloom,    311-2 


406 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Iglis.    See    D'Eglise 

Indian  Tribes,  visited  by  Rodriguez  Ex- 
pedition, 243  et  aeq. 

Indians,  abuse  of,  41-2 ;  petty  officials, 
145 ;  elections  in  puebloa,  145 

Inquisition,   33 

Interpreters,    Indian,    371 ;    pay    of,    376-7 

Iron,   knowledge  of,    258 ;   lack  of,   357 

Irrigation  Lawsuit,  The  First,  by  Edward 
D.  Tittmann,  363-8 

Irving,     Washington,     327 

Isleta,    350    (note) 

Jarvet,    Josef,    871-9,    passim 
Jean$on,    Jean    A.,    312-3 
Jemez   valley    (Santiago),   855    (note) 
Johnson    &    Koch,    store,    383 
Judicial   districts    (1846),    220 
Judicial    process,    372-4 

Jumanos,  singers  from  Cuarac  sent  to,  33  ; 
trouble  with,  51-3;  243-4,  256 

Kiakima    pueblo,    355     (note) 
Kunkel,   Rev.   Elegius,    picture,   219 ;   necro- 
logy,   305-6 

La    Barranca,    pueblo   on    Chama,    358 
Laguna,    sued    by    Acoma,    368-8 
Lalanda,  Juan  Bautista,  371-9,  passim 
La    Nueba    Tlascala,    pueblo,    352 
La   Palma,    Tigua   pueblo,    351 
La    Pedrosa,    Piro    pueblo,    350 
Laughlin,    Judge    N.    B.    80 
Legal   Frontier,   The   Last,   by    E.    D.    Titt- 
mann,   219-27 

Lewis    and    Clark    Expedition,    369 
Library   accessions,    Historical   Society,    196 
Lincoln,    N.     Mex.,     markers    at,    397 
Lisa,    Manuel,     paper    by    C.     A.    Gianini, 

323-33 

Little,    E.    W.,    885 

Llewellyn,   Maj.    W.    H.   H.,    necrology,    306 
Long,    Chief   Justice    E.    V.,    69,    78 
Loretto    Academy    at    Santa    Fe,    diamond 

jubilee,    320 

Los   Moros,    played    at    Santa    Cruz,    319-20 
Lotave,    Carl,    389 
Louisiana    boundary,    369-70 
Lugo,    Fray,    work    at    Jemez,    45 
Lummis,    Charles    F.,    398 

Maga,    pueblo,    355 
Mail  routes.   See   Overland   Mail 
Malagon,    pueblo,    342-6,    354 
Malpais,    Tigua   pueblo,    35 
Malpartida,    pueblo,    246.    266,    S34     (not«), 
342,    354 


Mandan    Indians,    369 

Manderfield  &  Tucker,  388 

Manrrique,    Gov.    Joseph,    237 

Market  in  plaza,   Public,   93 

Marriapre    rites,    Pueblo,    247,    847-8 

Marta,   Bernardo  de.  teaches  music  at  Zis, 

30 

Martinez    de    Lejanza,    Gov.    Mariano,    91-7 
Matsaki,     pueblo,     355      (note) 
Maxwell    Land    Grant,    388,    391 
McCreight,    W.    T.,    necrology    of    Geo.    H. 

Pradt,    308-10 

McDonald,    Tom,   of  the   Fonda,    382 
McFarland,    Rev.    D.    F.,    385 
McKinnan,     Bess,     The     Toll     Road     avrr 

Raton    Pass,     83-9 
McNary,    James    G.,    393 
Mucham,    J.    Lloyd,    246,    251     (note).    252. 

254,    260,    261,    262,    335;    Francisco   de 

Ibarra    and    Nueva     Vizcaya     ( rev'd ) , 

311-2;  317,  342   (note),  349-54   (notes). 

passim;    357 

Medicine,  early  practice  of.   358 
Medina    de    la    Torre,    Queres    pueblo,    352 
Mendinueta,    Gov.    Pedro    F.    de,    230 
Mendizabal,    Gov.    Bernardo    de,    33-4 
Mertdoza,     1st     Viceroy     of     New     Spain, 

Antonio     dc,     Aiton.     rev.     by     Bloom. 

311-2 

Metals.  See  Copper,  Iron,  Mines 
Mexicalcingo,  Tigua  pueblo,  350 
Meyer,  Father  Theodosius,  St.  Francis  and 

the     Franciscans     in     N.     Mex.,     n.-v.. 

214-5 

Michelena,    Governor,    230 
Military    Escorts    on    the    Santa    Fe    Trail. 

by   F.   S.    Perrine,    175-93   269-304 
Mines,    267 

Missionaries,    (1601),  40,   45 
Missions,  San   Felipe,   29 ;  Zia,  30  ;  Senecii. 

30 ;    Santa    Fe,    31-2 ;    Santo    Domingo, 

Jemez,    San    Ildefonso,    45 ;    146 
Montoya,     Gov.     Juan     Martinez     de,     138-9 
Moqui    pueblos,    356     (note) 
Morley,    W.    R.,    382 
Morrison,    William,    371     (note) 
Music,    Indian,    259 
Music    Teaching    in    N.    Mex.    in    the    11  th 

Century,    by    Lota    M.    Spell,    27-36 
Musical  instruments,  29-36,  passim 

Nasatir,     Abraham     P.,     cited,     369     370: 

paper   on   D'Eglise 
Navajoes,    Chacon   on   the,   233 
New    Mexico    in    the    Great     War : 

IX.    Life    in    Camp    and     Cantonment, 
by    Walter,    2-17 


INDEX 


407 


X.  At  the    Front,   by   Pond,    17-21 

XI.  The  Cost  and  the  Gain,  by  Hewett, 
21-26 

Nompe,    Tigua    pueblo,    35 

Obregon,    Baltasar   de,    Cronica   .     .     de  tos 

>dvacubrimientO8     .      .      de     la,     Nueva 

Espafia    y    Nuevo    Mexico,    158 1**    241 
(note)  ;    243 

Ojedas,    Bartolome   de,    testimony   of,    367-8 
Oliva,    Fray   Alonso   de   la,    work    at   Santo 

Domingo,    45 

Onate,    Cristobal    de,    142,    151     (note) 
Onate  and  the  Founding  of  N.  Mex.,  Juan 

de,   by   Geo.    P.   Hammond,    37-66,    134- 

74 
Onate  Entrada,   weapons  of  the.   See  Arms 

and   Armor 
Organs,    before    1609    in    N.    Mex.,    29;    at 

Zia,    Senecu    El    Paso,    30 ;   at    Abo,    34 
Ortiz,    Sergeant    Nicolas,    376 
Otero,    Mariano   S.,   daughter   of,    307 
Overland  Mail,  The,  Hafen,  rev.  by  Walter, 

308-311 
Oxen,    first    used    on    the    Santa    Fe    Trail, 

289,    291 

Palen,    Ellen    S.     (Mrs.    Rufus    J.),    necro- 
logy,   305 

Palomares,    Queres    pueblo,    352 
Pataros,   tribe   near   the   Conchos,    343 
Pecos    River,    Fray    Rodriguez   on    the,    385 
Penalosa,  Capt.  Francisco  de  Sosa  y,  38,  43 
Peralta,    Gov.    Pedro    de,    143 
Pereyro,    Custodio    Fray    Jos6    Benito,    373 
Perez,    Demetrio,    recollections    of,    90-7 
Perrine,    Fred   S.,   Military   Escorts   on    the 

Santa    Fe    Trail,     175-93,     269-304 
Piastla,    Piro    pueblo,    349 
Picuries,    350     (note) 

Piedra  Ita.  pueblo,   334    (note),  839-46,   354 
Pike,    Capt.    Zebulon    M.,    324,    371     (note) 
Piiia,    Piro    pueblo,    349 
Pinon    nuts,    export    of    (1659),    34 
Piquinaguatengo,     Tigua     pueblo,     350 
Piro   Pueblos,   245-6,    262-3,    348-50 
Plaza    of    Santa     Fe,    first     trees    in.     92  : 
market,   93  ;  pyramid  in,  95  ;  bull  ring, 
94 
Pond,   Ashley,   N,   Mex.   in   the  Great    War: 

At    the    Front,    17-21 
Pond,     Margaret,      For     a     Forest      Rurial 

(poem),    101 

Ponsitlan,    Piro    pueblo,    350 
Pradt,  Maj.  George  H.,  necrology,  203-14 
Pratt,    Supt.    R.    R.,    necrology,    305 


Prayer-plumes,    347 

Priestley,   H.   I.,   cited,    138,   250 

Proudfit,    Surveyor    General,    3»& 

Pryor,    Ensign,    325 

Puaray   pueblo,    350    (note),    351,    356-7 

Pueblo  Nuevo,   Piro  pueblo,   350 

Puerto     Frio     (Santa     Ana?),     354,     855 

(note) 

Punishment,    forms    of,    torture,    123;    be- 
heading,   844-5;    shot    and    bodies    ex- 
posed,   374 
Pursley,  James,  372    (note) 

Quinones,    Fray   Cristobal   de,    29 

Raton   Pass,    The    Toll   Road   over    the,    by 

Bess    McKinnan,    83-9 
Read,    Benjamin   M.,   Santa  Fe  during   the 

Mexican  Regime,  90-7 ;  necrology,  394- 

7 

Real  de  Minas,  reference  to  papers  on,  317 
Renville,    Joseph,    quot.,    330-1 
Rey,    Agapito.   See   Hammond  and   Rey 
Riata  and  Spurs,   Siringo,  rev.   by  Walter 

315-7 

Riley,   Maj.   Bennett,    175-7,   287 
Road  over  Raton  Pass,   The   Toll,   by   Bess 

McKinnan,     83-9 
Rodriguez,     Fray     Augustin,     239     et    sea; 

334   et  seq. 

Ross,    Gov.    Edmund    G.,    on    public    educa- 
tion,   71-3 
Roubidoux,    323 

Salcedo,    Numesio,    371-9,    passim 

Saline    pueblos,    Five,    354 

Sandia   pueblo,    350    (note),   351 

San     Felipe,     church     and     organ     at,     29, 

the    Piro    pueblo,    262,    334,    349 
San    Gabriel,    37,    88,    139,    853     (note) 
San   Ildefonso,   352    (note) 
San  Juan,    Piro  pueblo,   349 
San  Juan    (de  los  Caballeros),   352    (note) 
San    Lazaro   pueblo,   342    (note) 
San    Luis    valley,    313 
San    Marcos    pueblo,    354     (note) 
San    Mateo    (Mattheo),    Tigua    pueblo,    350 
San    Mattheo   valley    (Galisteo),    353 
San    Miguel,    Piro    pueblo,    349 
San    Miguel,    Fray,    40-2,    49 
San    Miguel   chapel,    396 
San    Pedro,    Tigua    pueblo   on    Rio    Grande, 

351 

San   Phelipe.   See   San    Felipe 
Santa    Ana.    355     (note) 
Santa    Barbola,    360-1 


408 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Santa   Catalina,   Tigua  pueblo,   350 

Santa  Fe:  in  1886,  68-9;  in  1844,  91-7; 
founding  of,  144  146;  in  the  '70s, 
380-6 

Santa  Fe  River,  Four  pueblos  on,  352 

Santa  Fe  Trail,  175-93;  269-304;  in  Col- 
fax  County,  898-9 

Santa  Maria,  Fray  Juan  de,  246,  261, 
341-2,  354  (note) 

Santiago,    Piro    pueblo,    349 

Santiago,    Valle    de     (Jemez),    355 

Santo    Domingo,    351     (note) 

Schools,  73-4 ;  supt.  of,  74,  75,  ;  private 
English,  384-5 

Second  Spanish  Expedition  to  N.  Mex., 
The,  errata  noted,  102 

Scmpoala.    See   Zempoala 

Sena   building,    in    Santa    Fe,    384 

Sheep,    Introduction    of,    229 

Shehaka,    Mandan    chief,    325,    326 

Sia,  Banos,  355 ;  confused  with  Siama, 
365  et  seq. 

Siama,    confused    with    Sia.    365    et    seq 

Simpson,    Lieut.    J.    H.,    cited,    146    (note) 

Siringo,  Chas.  A.,  Riata  and  Spurs,  rev. 
by  Walter,  315-7 

Slave    hunting,    253    and    note 

Smith,  Jedediah,  centenary  observance,  103- 
4 

Snake   dance,    247,    347 

Soldiers    of    Onate,    151-74 

Spanish  Arms  and  Armor  in  the  South- 
west, by  F.  S.  Curtis,  Jr.,  107-33 

Spell,  Lota  M.,  Music  Teaching  in  N.  Mex. 
in  the  llth  Century,  27-36 

Springer,     Frank     necrology,     387-93 

Stage-coach,     381 

Steinel  and  Working,  History  of  Agri- 
culture in  Colorado,  rev.  by  Walter, 
312-5 

Suchipila    pueblo,     352 

Sugar   beet,    315 

Sum.    See    Zuni 

Surgeon,  Lay  Bro.  Damian  Escudero,  39, 
40 

Talavan    pueblo,    352 

Taos    pueblo,    352 

Temperance  movement*    Catholic,    76 

Tigua   pueblos,    246,    263,    354    (note) 

Tittmann,     Edward     D.,     The    Last    Legal 

Frontier,    219-37    The    First    Irrigation 

Lawsuit,     363-8 
Toll-roads,    Raton,     Taos    Mountain,    Mora 

Canon,    85-6 


Tomatlan,    Tigua    pueblo,    350 

Torture,    by    musket-key,    123 

Toxumulco,   Tigua   pueblo,    350 

Trophies    of    the    Great     War,     report     by 

L.   B.   Bloom,   205-7 
Trade.    See    D'Eglise,    Lisa 
Trades    in    New    Mexico,    233-4 
Troudeau,    Governor,    323 
Turkeys,    343,    345 
Twitchell,   Ralph    E.,   cited,    144,    353 

U.    S.    Depository    at    Santa    Fe,    385 

Vega,   Sergeant   Alonso   de   la,    38-9,    47 

Velasco,   Capt,   Luis  de,  44,  47,   112 

Vial,    Pedro,    811-9,    passim 

Victory,    Hon.    J.    P.,    80 

Vierra,    Carlos,    389 

Villagra    148-9 

Villarasa,,    Tigua    pueblo,    351 

Vizcarra,    Col.   Jose   A.,    190,    392-3 

Wallace,    Gov.    Lew,    385 

Walter,  P.  A.  F.  N.  Mex.  in  the  Great 
Wan  Life  in  Camp  and  Cantonment. 
8-17;  First  Meeting  of  the  N.  Mex. 
Educational  Association,  67-82 :  Bien- 
nial Report  to  the  Governor  (1925- 
26),  194-207;  rev.  of  The  Overland 
Mail,  308-11;  rev.  of  Hist,  of  Agri- 
culture in  Colo.,  312-5 

Wars,    pensions,    196    trophies,     197,    205-7 

Water-rights.    See    Irrigation    Lawsuit 

Watts,   I.   S.,   367 

Weapons.    See    Arms 

Weather  Bureau  in  Santa  Fe,  U.   S.,  380-4 

Weaving  in  N.  Mex.,  Early,  by  L.  B. 
Bloom,  228-38 

Wharton,  Capt.  Clifton,  269  et  ,ser/,'  orders 
296-301,  303 

Wheat,  51 

Wilkinson,    Gen'l    James,     324 

Winslow,     Henry,    district    clerk,     221 

Woman  suffrage,  advocated  in  '86,  73  :  76 

Wool    and    weaving,    229 

Wootton,     Dick,    83,    382 

Ximenez,    Fray    Lazaro,    138-9,    140 

Zaballos,    Gov.    Bernardino   de,    146 
Zaldivar,  Vicente  de,  49,  53,  58-9,   112,   148 
Zenpoala,    Tigua    pueblo,    351 
Zuni,    355-6 

Zuniga,  Fray  Garcia  de  San  Francisco 
y,  30 


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