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NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Editors 
FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 


VOLUME  XXVIII 
1953 


CONTENTS 
1,  JANUARY,  1953 


__  Page 

Kit  Carson,  Agent  to  the  Indians  in  New  Mexico 

Marshall  D.  Moody         1 

The  Historic  Indian  Pueblos  of  La  Junta  de  los  Rios 

(concluded)    .....        J.  Charles  Kelley      21 

Albert  Franklin  Banta  :  Arizona  Pioneer 

(continued)  ....       Frank  D.  Reeve,  editor      52 

Book  Reviews  .  .  68 


NUMBER  2,  APRIL,  1953 

Bishop  Tamar6n's  Visitation  of  New  Mexico,  1760 

Eleanor  B.  Adams       81 

Philip  St.  George  Cooke  and  the  Apache,  1854 

Hamilton  Gardner     115 

Albert  Franklin  Banta :  Arizona  Pioneer 

(concluded)  ....       Frank  D.  Reeve,  editor     133 

Notes  and  Documents 148 

Book  Reviews  152 


NUMBER  3,  JULY,  1953 

New  Mexico  During  the  Civil  War 

William  I.  Waldrip     163 

The  First  Santa  Fe  Fiesta  Council,  1712 

Fray  Angelico  Chavez     183 

Bishop  Tamaron's  Visitation  of  New  Mexico,  1760 

(continued)    .       .       .       Eleanor  B.  Adams,  editor    192 

Notes  and  Documents 222 

Book  Reviews  .  ...  234 


NUMBER  4,  OCTOBER,  1953 

Page 

New  Mexico  and  the  Sack  of  Rome:  One  Hundred 
Years  Later 

Eleanor  B.  Adams  and  John  E.  Longhurst    243 

New  Mexico  During  the  Civil  War 

(concluded) William  I.  Waldrip    251 

Bishop  Tamar6n's  Visitation  of  New  Mexico,  1760 

(continued)    .       .       .      Eleanor  B.  Adams,  editor    291 

Notes  and  Documents .316 

Book  Reviews 319 

Constitution  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico    321 


ILLUSTRATIONS 
La  Junta  Pueblos  .  21,  40 


io 


l^ew 

r 

Historical  Review 


Palace  ot  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 


January,  1953 


Editors 
FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 

VOL.  XXVIII  JANUARY,  1953  No.  1 


CONTENTS 

Page 

Kit  Carson,  Agent  to  the  Indians  in  New  Mexico 

Marshall  D.  Moody 1 


The  Historic  Indian  Pueblos  of  La  Junta  de  los  Rios 

J.  Charles  Kelley 21 

Albert  Franklin  Banta:  Arizona  Pioneer 

Frank  D.  Reeve,  editor 62 

Book  Reviews  .  68 


THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  is 
$8.00  a  year  in  advance;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
Sl.OO  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
UNIVERSITY  PRESS,  ALBUQUERQUE,  N.  M. 


NEW   MEXICO    HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

VOL.  XXVIII  JANUARY,  1953  No.  1 


KIT  CARSON,  AGENT  TO  THE  INDIANS 
IN  NEW  MEXICO  1853-1861 

By  MARSHALL  D.  MOODY 

PERHAPS  no  area  in  the  United  States  has  offered  greater 
challenge  to  Indian  agents  than  that  comprising  New 
Mexico  Territory  in  the  1850's.  Here,  in  their  mountain 
strongholds,  lived  some  ten  large  Indian  tribes  and  bands 
among  which  were  the  independent  and  fierce  Apaches,  Utes, 
and  Navajoes.  Traditionally  hostile  to  the  encroachments  of 
white  civilization,  these  tribes  required  the  utmost  efforts  of 
the  best  agents  obtainable  to  subdue  them  and  make  the 
country  safe  for  white  inhabitants. 

A  major  step  toward  solving  the  problem  of  administer- 
ing the  affairs  of  New  Mexico  Territory,  subduing  the  In- 
dians, and  making  it  a  civilized  state,  was  taken  on  January 
8, 1851,  when  James  S.  Calhoun  was  confirmed  by  the  United 
States  Senate  as  Governor  of  the  Territory  and  made,  by 
virtue  of  his  office,  ex-officio  Superintendent  of  Indian  Af- 
fairs. Subsequently  four  agents  were  appointed  to  serve 
among  the  several  tribes  of  the  Territory.  During  Governor 
Calhoun's  administration  there  were  no  major  outbreaks 
among  the  Indians  but  relations  were  so  strained  that  a 
threat  of  impending  hostility  and  warfare  was  ever  present. 
Governor  Calhoun  was  in  poor  health  and  unable  to  prosecute 
a  vigorous  policy  in  his  dealings  with  the  Indians.  On  many 
occasions  he  wrote  to  Washington  of  the  need  for  strong  ac- 
tion and  one  of  his  last  acts,  prior  to  his  death  in  June  1852, 
was  to  issue  a  warning  to  the  administration  of  the  urgency 
of  the  situation. 


2  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

William  Carr  Lane,  who  succeeded  Calhoun  as  Governor 
and  ex-officio  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  served  from 
September  1852  until  August  8,  1853,  and,  like  Calhoun,  did 
not  attempt  a  strict  policy  toward  the  Indians. 

David  D.  Meriwether  succeeded  Lane  as  Governor  and 
ex-officio  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  taking  the  oath 
of  office  in  the  City  of  Washington  on  May  22,  1853.  Gover- 
nor Meriwether  arrived  at  Santa  Fe  on  August  8  and,  after 
an  investigation  of  affairs  there,  charged  that  immediately 
prior  to  leaving  office,  Lane  had  spent  large  sums  on  the  In- 
dians and  made  lavish  promises  to  them.  It  was  not  Meri- 
wether's  policy  to  coddle  the  Indians  nor  to  deal  lightly  with 
them.  His  strict  administration  was  immediately  resented 
by  the  Indians  and  inadequate  appropriations  contributed  to 
making  his  position  a  difficult  one.  By  the  end  of  1853  it  had 
become  obvious  that  the  destitute  and  hungry  Indians  were 
going  to  resort  to  stealing,  marauding,  and  possibly  warfare. 
There  was  little  game  left  and,  unless  the  Government  sup- 
ported the  Indians,  they  were  doomed  to  hardship  and  hun- 
ger. A  crisis  was  at  hand. 

It  was  under  these  conditions  and  in  this  tense  situation 
that  Kit  Carson  became  an  agent  to  the  Indians  in  New  Mex- 
ico Territory.  The  exact  date,  the  manner  in  which  Carson 
received  the  news  of  his  appointment,  and  his  reaction  to  the 
news,  seem  to  be  in  doubt.  His  appointment  was  dated  March 
22,  1853,1  but  Carson,  having  gone  with  a  party  which  drove 
a  herd  of  sheep  overland  to  California  in  the  spring,  was  not 
immediately  informed  of  his  appointment  as  agent.  Numer- 
ous versions  of  his  notification  have  been  given  but  the  pre- 
dominant opinion  seems  to  be  that  the  party,  having  disposed 
of  the  sheep,  was  returning  to  New  Mexico  by  the  southern 
route  when  they  met  the  Mormon  delegate  to  Congress,  Dr. 
John  Milton  Bernhisel,  who  informed  Kit,  on  or  about  De- 
cember 23,  1853,  of  his  appointment  as  agent  to  the  Indians 
of  New  Mexico.  Having  been  thus  informed,  Kit  reported  to 
Governor  Meriwether  and  was  assigned  to  duty  at  the  Utah 

1.     Records  of  the  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs,  Miscellaneous  Records,  vol.  8,  p.  32. 
Hereafter  cited  as  B.I.A..  Misc. 


KIT  CARSON  3 

Agency,  with  headquarters  at  Taos,  on  January  9,  1854.2 
His  bond,  in  the  amount  of  five  thousand  dollars,  was  dated 
January  6,  1854,  and  was  signed  by  himself,  Charles  Beau- 
bien,  and  Peter  Joseph.  Certification  of  the  bond  and  Car- 
son's oath  were  made  on  January  9,  1854,  and  it  was  on  that 
day  that  he  entered  into  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the 
office  of  agent  to  the  Jicarilla  Apache,  Utah,  and  Pueblo  In- 
dians who  were  then  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Utah 
Agency. 

The  area  over  which  Agent  Carson  was  to  have  jurisdic- 
tion was  not  an  exactly  defined  one.  In  lieu  of  being  assigned 
authority  over  an  area  he  was  given,  instead,  charge  over 
the  Jicarilla  Apache,  Utah,  and  Pueblo  Indians.  This  ar- 
rangement was  necessary  because,  as  Governor  Meriwether 
stated : 

There  are  no  well  defined  and  acknowledged  boundary  lines  divid- 
ing the  white  people  from  the  Indians  of  this  Territory,  nor  between 
the  several  tribes  and  bands  of  the  Indians  themselves.  Each  tribe  and 
band  claims  all  the  land  which  its  people  have  usually  hunted  and 
roamed  over,  not  actually  occupied  by  the  whites,  and  the  whites  deny 
that  any  Indians  of  this  Territory  have  a  valid  claim  to  any  lands  ex- 
cept the  Pueblo  Indians  holding  under  grants  from  Spain  or  Mexico.3 

Agent  Carson  hardly  had  time  to  become  accustomed  to 
his  new  job  and  establish  an  agency  office  before  trouble 
broke  out  among  the  Jicarilla  Apaches  and  the  Utahs  who 
were  under  his  charge.  The  Jicarillas  first  showed  signs  of 
unrest  by  committing  depredations  on  the  white  settlers.  Lt. 
Bell  of  the  Second  Regiment  of  United  States  Dragoons  who 
was  ordered  to  stop  the  marauding  expeditions  of  these  In- 
dians set  out  with  a  small  force  to  find  them.  They  were 
encountered  on  the  Red  River  and  the  Indians,  though  su- 
perior in  numbers,  were  defeated  and  lost  many  warriors  as 
well  as  one  of  their  leading  chiefs.  When  he  heard  of  the 
battle  Agent  Carson  feared  that  a  general  war  would  break 
out.  He,  therefore,  set  out  immediately  to  visit  a  large  party 

2.  Meriwether  to  Carson,  January   9,   1854  (New  Mexico  Supt'y   B.I. A.,   Letters 
Sent) 

3.  Meriwether   to   Commissioner   of   Indian  Affairs,    December    30,    1856    (B.I. A., 
Letters  Received,  New  Mexico,  1857/N  220) 


4  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  Jicarilla  Apaches  which  was  encamped  about  twenty  miles 
from  Taos  to  try  to  pacify  them  and  prevent  further  hostili- 
ties. Carson  was  well  known  to  these  Indians  and  they  re- 
spected him.  When  they  learned  that  he  had  been  made  their 
agent  they  were  greatly  pleased  and  professed  their  friend- 
ship. Carson,  however,  knew  them  well  enough  to  realize  that 
they  could  not  be  trusted.  It  was  only  three  days  later  that 
they  broke  out  in  open  revolt  against  the  government  and 
renewed  their  depredations  on  a  larger  scale  than  ever.  A 
small  band  of  soldiers  under  command  of  Lt.  Davidson  met 
some  of  these  rebellious  Apaches  on  the  Embudo  Mountain, 
the  30th  of  March,  1854,  and  a  bloody  battle  was  fought. 

It  now  became  clear  that  a  strong  force  must  take  the 
field  against  the  hostile  Apaches  in  order  to  subdue  them. 
Colonel  Cooke  of  the  Second  Regiment  of  United  States  Dra- 
goons commanded  an  expedition  of  regular  troops  which  took 
the  field  on  April  4, 1854,  against  the  Apaches.  The  principal 
guide  of  this  expedition  was  Kit  Carson  who  went,  not  only 
as  guide  but  also  as  Indian  Agent,  because  he  wanted  to  de- 
termine who  the  guilty  Indians  were  and  particularly  to  find 
out  whether  the  Utes,  who  were  friendly  to  the  Apaches, 
were  involved  or  not.  On  April  12,  Carson  wrote  from  a  camp 
on  the  Puerco  to  William  S.  Messervy,  Acting  Governor  and 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  at  Santa  Fe,  reporting  that 
it  was  his  opinion  that  the  Apaches  had  been  driven  to  war 
by  the  actions  of  the  officers  and  troops  in  the  vicinity  of 
Taos,  that  the  vigorous  pursuit  of  the  Indians  through  the 
worst  mountains  he  had  ever  seen  had  led  them  to  believe 
that  no  quarter  or  mercy  would  be  given,  and  that  they  had 
scattered  in  every  direction.  He  further  expressed  the  belief 
that  it  "would  be  best  for  them  to  be  sent  for,  and  a  fair  and 
just  treaty  made  with  them.  .  .  ."4  To  this  proposition  Act- 
ing Governor  Messervy  replied  on  April  13:  "you  will  see 
that  war  actually  exists  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Jicarilla  Apache  Indians  and  that  it  was  commenced  by 
the  Indians  themselves.  I  can  not  under  any  circumstances 
make  peace  with  these  Indians,  much  less  make  overtures  to 


4.     Carson    to    Messervy,    April    12,    1854     (New    Mexico    Supt'y.,    B.I. A.,    Letters 
Received) 


KIT  CARSON  5 

them."5  On  April  19,  Agent  Carson  was  back  at  his  agency 
in  Taos — the  Apaches  having  scattered  so  widely  that  fur- 
ther pursuit  of  them  had  become  impossible  and  when  the 
expedition  had  returned  to  Abiquiu,  the  nearest  settlement, 
to  recruit  animals  preparatory  to  another  expedition,  Carson 
had  returned  to  Taos. 

During  the  Jicarilla  outbreak  the  Utahs  had  remained 
comparatively  quiet.  The  most  serious  incident  to  require 
Agent  Carson's  attention  was  the  theft  by  Utahs  on  Febru- 
ary 26th  of  thirty  head  of  animals  belonging  to  Juan  Benito 
Valdez  and  Jesus  Maria  Sanches.  Upon  learning  of  this 
Agent  Carson  applied  for  a  military  escort  and  was  fur- 
nished sixty  dragoons  under  the  command  of  Bvt.  Major 
Thompson  and  Lt.  Davidson  of  the  First  Dragoons  to  go  to 
the  Utahs  and  try  to  recover  the  stolen  animals.  The  expedi- 
tion pursued  the  Utahs  for  sixty  or  seventy  miles  northwest 
of  Ft.  Massachusetts  into  the  Wet  Mountain  Valley  without 
success.  Valdez  and  Sanchez  subsequently  recovered  ten  head 
of  the  stock  which  had  been  abandoned  on  the  road.  Other 
thefts  were  reported  but  investigations  proved  that  they 
were  made  because  of  the  scarcity  of  game  and  the  inability 
of  the  Utahs  to  support  themselves.  On  March  21,  1854, 
Agent  Carson  reported  that  "The  game  in  the  Utah  Country 
is  becoming  scarce,  and  they  are  unable  to  support  them- 
selves by  the  chase  and  the  hunt,  and  the  government  has 
but  one  alternative,  either  to  subsist  and  clothe  them  or  ex- 
terminate them."6  He  was  of  the  opinion  that  these  Indians 
would  have  to  be  made  to  know  and  feel  the  power  of  the 
government  before  they  would  become  permanently  peaceful. 

It  was  reported  that  a  party  of  Jicarilla  Apaches  had 
been  pursued  by  Major  Brooks  until  they  crossed  the  Rio 
Grande  del  Norte  north  of  Ft.  Massachusetts.  On  May  23, 
Agent  Carson  left  his  agency  to  accompany  Major  James 
H.  Carleton  on  an  expedition  against  them.  The  trail  of  this 
party,  which  consisted  of  about  thirty  lodges,  was  found  and 
followed  to  the  vicinity  of  Fisher's  Peak  in  the  Raton  Moun- 
tains where  the  Indians  were  surprised  on  June  5  and  a  num- 


5.  Messervy  to  Carson,  April  13,  1854   (Ibid.,  Letters  Sent) 

6.  Carson  to  Messervy,  March  21,   1854    (Ibid.,  Letters  Received) 


6  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ber  were  killed.  The  expedition  scoured  the  country  on  the 
headwaters  of  Red  River,  Cimarron,  and  Vermejo  Rivers, 
and  by  the  Moreno  Pass,  but  found  no  signs  of  other  hostiles. 
On  the  llth  of  June  the  expedition  had  returned  to  Taos  from 
whence  Agent  Carson  immediately  reported  his  part  in  the 
expedition  to  Acting  Governor  Messervy.7 

The  Jicarilla  War  continued  and  in  early  1855  an  expe- 
dition under  the  command  of  Col.  Fauntleroy  took  the  field 
against  them.  This  was  followed  by  an  expedition  of  volun- 
teers under  the  command  of  Ceran  St.  Vrain.  The  St.  Vrain 
volunteers  found  the  hostiles  and  fought  seven  battles  with 
them.  All  these  expeditions  took  heavy  toll  of  the  Indians  and 
in  August  several  of  the  principal  men  of  the  Mohuache 
Utahs8  and  Jicarilla  Apaches  visited  Agent  Carson  with  a 
view  of  obtaining  peace.  He  made  an  appointment  to  meet 
them  on  the  10th  of  September  on  the  Chama  River  above 
Abiquiu.  On  the  appointed  date  Governor  Meriwether  repre- 
senting the  United  States  met  the  Jicarilla  Apaches  and  Utes 
and  concluded  treaties9  with  them  thus  ending  the  war  which 
had  been  in  progress  for  a  year  and  a  half. 

The  war  with  the  Jicarillas  and — to  a  considerably  less 
extent — difficulties  with  the  Utahs  occupied  much  of  Agent 
Carson's  attention  during  most  of  1854  and  1855.  The  war 
was,  however,  more  within  the  province  of  the  military  than 
the  civil  authority  and  Carson's  role  was  subordinated  to 
that  of  the  army  officers  with  whom  he  campaigned.  His 
judgments  and  official  position  as  Indian  agent  were  re- 
spected, however. 

Though  conduct  of  the  war  was  the  chief  objective,  there 
were  other  matters  which  had  to  be  given  attention  at  Taos 
at  this  time.  While  Carson  was  away  from  the  agency  affairs 
were  left  in  charge  of  John  W.  Dunn,  Carson's  interpreter 
and  only  employee.  Dunn,  who  was  described  by  Carson  as 
of  "steady  habits,  and  attentive,  industrious  and  skilful  in 
the  discharge  of  his  duties,"10  was  certainly  more  than  an 


7.  Carson  to  Messervy,  June  12,   1854    (Ibid.) 

8.  Mohuache   is   the   preferred   spelling:.    Variant   acceptable   spellings    and   terms 
include  Mohuache  Utahs,  Mohuache  Utes,  Moaches,  and  Muahuaches. 

9.  Papers  pertaining:  to  Indian  treaties  with   various   and  sundry  New   Mexican 
tribes,  June  9  to  Sept.  12,  1855    (Records  of  the  U.S.  Senate) 

10.  Carson    to    Commissioner    of   Indian    Affairs,    June    SO,    1864    (copy    in    New 
Mexico  Supt'y-  B.I. A.,  Letters  Received) 


KIT  CARSON  7 

interpreter  and  was  often  referred  to  by  Carson  as  his  clerk 
though  no  clerk  was  authorized  for  the  agency.  In  addition  to 
acting  as  interpreter  and  taking  charge  of  the  agency  dur- 
ing Carson's  absences,  there  is  little  doubt  that  Dunn — by 
Carson's  direction — conducted  the  correspondence  of  the 
agency  and  acted  as  administrative  officer  to  Carson.  While 
Agent  Carson  was  away  from  his  agency  during  the  war 
much  of  the  responsibility  fell  to  Dunn. 

Problems  of  peaceful  Indians  were  given  much  attention 
by  Agent  Carson.  Though  these  problems  were  varied  in 
nature  they  could  usually  be  traced  to  a  common  source — 
hunger  and  destitution.  During  the  summer  the  Indians  were 
usually  able  to  care  for  themselves  but  in  the  severe  winters 
they  could  not  secure  food  and  frequently  lacked  shelter.  As 
the  winter  approached  a  party  of  Utah  Indians  visited  the 
agency  in  September  1854  and  Carson  reported  that  they 

.  .  .  seem  to  manifest  the  most  peaceable  relations  toward  the 
United  States  and  say  they  are  desirous  of  remaining  at  peace  with 
the  United  States — They  complain  that  they  are  poor  and  that  the 
game  is  scarce — and  that  while  all  the  Indians  of  the  North  are  receiv- 
ing presents,  they  are  receiving  none — I  would  respectfully  suggest 
that  as  the  inclement  season  is  now  very  near,  that  you,  at  an  early 
day  as  possible  call  them  together  and  make  them  presents  of  Blankets 
Shirts  &  I  deem  this  to  be  a  matter  of  great  importance.11 

Carson  well  realized  the  suffering  which  these  Indians  would 
have  to  undergo  if  they  were  not  taken  care  of  and  that  they 
would  resort  to  use  of  arms  if  not  given  the  aid  they  required. 
Usually  there  was  little  trouble  among  the  various  tribes 
of  Indians  under  Carson's  jurisdiction,  but  there  were  occa- 
sions when  disturbances  broke  out  between  them  and  other 
tribes,  particularly  the  Plains  Indians.  In  early  November 
1854  a  party  of  Pueblos  went  into  the  Raton  Mountains  to 
hunt  for  deer  and  antelope.  These  Indians,  who  were  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Utah  Agency,  were  attacked  by  a 
party  of  Cheyennes  or  Arapahoes  and  twelve  of  the  Pueblos 
were  killed.  The  Pueblos  had  always  been  friendly  toward 
the  United  States  and  among  the  party  attacked  had  been 
a  number  who  had  served  with  distinction  under  command  of 
Col.  Cooke  against  the  Apaches.  Agent  Carson  filed  a  pro- 

11.     Carson  to  Meriwether,  Sept.  25,   1854   (Ibid.) 


8  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

test12  and  steps  were  taken  to  punish  the  guilty  party.  In 
matters  of  this  type  involving  Indians  of  other  agencies  Car- 
son could  not  exercise  punitive  authority  himself.  The  extent 
of  his  power  was  to  report  the  crime  to  officials  having  wider 
jurisdiction. 

By  1856  the  Indians  of  Carson's  agency  had  been  sub- 
dued and  except  for  depredations  committed  by  small  bands 
consisting  of  warriors  who  had  lost  everything  during  the 
war  all  were  at  peace.  Carson,  relieved  of  the  burdens  of  the 
war,  was  then  able  to  concentrate  more  on  affairs  at  Taos. 
His  home  there  which  also  served  as  agency  headquarters 
was  a  building  one  story  in  height  which  faced  on  the  west 
side  of  the  public  square.  It  extended  over  a  wide  expanse  of 
ground  and  was  as  comfortable  as  any  house  in  that  part  of 
the  country.  It  was  in  front  of  this  house  that  Kit  met  the 
many  Indians  who  came  to  see  him  for  he  preferred  to  meet 
people  and  do  business  in  the  open.  The  Indians  always 
visited  him  when  they  were  in  the  neighborhood  whether 
they  had  business  to  transact  or  not.  They  could  not  come  to 
town  without  having  a  smoke  and  a  talk  with  "Father  Kit" 
as  they  called  him. 

Kit  did  not  enjoy  the  comparative  quiet  of  his  agency  for 
he  was  involved  in  something  that  was  more  irritating  to 
him  than  the  Indian  wars  had  been  and  that  was  paper  work. 
He  could  neither  read  nor  write — being  barely  able  to  sign 
his  name — and  intrusted  the  book  work  at  first  to  John  W. 
Dunn  and  later  to  John  Mostin,  C.  Williams  or  J.  P.  Esmay 
who  were  employed  by  him  at  various  times,  but  he  could  not 
escape  entirely  the  responsibility  of  preparing  the  various 
reports  required  of  him.  His  financial  reports  were  usually 
submitted  promptly — even  in  advance  on  occasion — but  they 
were  frequently  returned  for  correction  and  his  accounts  be- 
came so  confused  that  some  of  them  had  to  be  submitted  to 
Washington  for  special  audit.  Governor  Meriwether  fre- 
quently returned  his  accounts  for  correction  and  called  at- 
tention to  such  items  as  "Charges  for  expenses  of  self  and 
clerk  at  Santa  Fe  $13  when  I  am  ignorant  of  any  regulations 


12.     Carson  to  Meriwether,  November  23,   1854    (Ibid.) 


KIT  CARSON  9 

which  authorize  an  Agent  to  have  a  clerk."13  By  June  1856, 
the  accounts  seemed  to  have  been  largely  corrected  and  ad- 
justed and  Governor  Meri wether  authorized  Carson  to  draw 
upon  him  for  amounts  totaling  not  more  than  one  thousand 
dollars  but  warned  him  to  be  particular  to  send  the  necessary 
vouchers.  Subsequently  there  were  other  cases  necessitating 
correction  and  adjustment  and  these  were  a  constant  source 
of  annoyance  to  Agent  Carson. 

The  narrative  reports  of  operations  proved  to  be  almost 
as  great  a  source  of  difficulty  as  the  financial  reports  were. 
An  example  of  this  type  of  difficulty  which  was  encountered 
by  Carson  is  given  in  a  letter  from  Governor  Meriwether  in 
which  he  states,  "I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
report  for  the  month  of  February  last  and  to  inform  you  that 
I  apprehend  it  will  not  prove  to  be  such  a  document  as  is  de- 
sired by  the  Department  at  Washington."14  Meriwether  re- 
quested more  specific  and  detailed  information  and  returned 
Carson's  original  report  for  revision.  Again  in  July  1855, 
in  June  1856,  and  subsequently  at  intervals,  Carson  was 
asked  to  correct  or  enlarge  upon  his  reports. 

In  August  1856,  Governor  Meriwether  issued  orders  to 
assemble  the  Jicarilla  Apaches  and  Capote  Utahs  at  or  near 
Abiquiu  on  the  4th  of  September  for  the  purpose  of  giving 
them  their  annual  presents.  The  Indians  met  on  the  ap- 
pointed date  and  were  given  their  presents  which,  in  itself, 
was  not  unusual,  but  Carson  became  implicated  in  a  situation 
that  could  have  proved  serious.  There  was  a  disturbance 
while  the  presents  were  being  issued.  A  report  was  circulated 
that  Agent  Carson  was  the  instigator  of  the  disturbance 
during  which  a  Tabaguache  Utah  chief,  being  dissatisfied 
with  what  he  had  received,  raised  his  gun  for  the  purpose  of 
firing  at  the  Governor.  Other  Indians  seeing  this  action  over- 
powered the  chief  and  prevented  him  from  harming  Meri- 
wether. Upon  learning  of  the  report  Carson  wrote  to  Gover- 
nor Meriwether15  disclaiming  any  knowledge  of  the  affair 
and  stating  that  he  was  not  present  at  the  time  of  the  dis- 


13.  Meriwether  to  Carson,  Sept.  29,  1855    (Ibid.,  Letters  Sent) 

14.  Meriwether  to  Carson,  March   10,   1855    (Ibid.) 

13.     Carson  to  Meriwether,  Sept.   17,   1856    (Ibid.,  Letters  Received) 


10  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

turbance.  Governor  Meriwether  replied,16  assuring  Agent 
Carson  that  he  had  heard  nothing  of  such  a  report,  that  the 
disturbance  had  been  a  mild  one,  and  that  the  Indians,  par- 
ticularly the  Tabaguaches,17  appeared  to  be  well  satisfied 
with  their  gifts. 

During  the  last  months  of  1856  and  the  first  quarter  of 
1857  business  was  routine  at  the  Utah  Agency.  These  being 
winter  months  the  Indians  were  quiet  and  in  October  Agent 
Carson  took  advantage  of  the  situation  to  go  on  a  hunt. 
Whenever  business  permitted  it,  this  hunt  was  an  annual 
affair  in  which  Carson  was  joined  by  old  friends  and  a  select 
group  of  Indian  braves  of  his  agency. 

Following  his  return  from  the  hunt  in  1856  Agent  Carson 
took  up  the  duties  of  his  agency  and  attempted  to  determine 
the  boundary  lines  of  the  lands  belonging  to  the  Indians  un- 
der his  charge,  fed  the  many  hungry  parties  that  called  upon 
him  for  assistance,  and  worked  on  the  administrative  prob- 
lems of  his  agency.  His  estimate  of  funds  necessary  for  his 
agency  for  the  quarter  ending  March  31,  1857,  was  for  a 
total  of  $2,290.03 ;  and  for  the  quarter  ending  June  30,  1857, 
a  total  of  $1,387.50.  These  appear  to  be  representative  of 
the  amounts  usually  required  though  the  totals  in  exceptional 
circumstances  were  much  larger.  Depredations  were  at  a 
minimum  and  included  only  cattle  stealing  and  a  murder. 

April  1857  brought  to  a  close  Kit  Carson's  first  term  as 
Indian  Agent  in  New  Mexico  Territory.  His  apprenticeship, 
as  it  were,  had  been  a  period  of  more  serious  troubles  than 
most  Indian  agents  ever  encountered.  He  had  experienced 
the  Jicarilla  War;  the  annoyances  of  paper  work  connected 
with  his  office ;  depredations,  stealing  and  murders ;  and  was 
doing  all  he  could  to  keep  the  peaceful  Indians  in  his  charge 
from  starvation  and  exposure.  He  had  proved  himself  a 
capable  agent. 

Christopher  Carson  was  reappointed  Indian  agent  on 
April  9,  1857,18  for  a  term  to  end  with  the  adjournment  of 
the  next  session  of  the  United  States  Senate.  His  bond,  in 

16.  Meriwether  to  Carson,  Sept.  20,  1856    (Ibid.,  Letters  Sent) 

17.  Tabagruache   is    the   preferred   spelling;.    Variant   acceptable   spellings    include 
Tabahuache,  Tabequache,   Tabequache  Utes,   Tabewache  and   Tabiachis. 

18.  B.I.A..  Misc..  vol  8,  page  287. 


KIT  CARSON  11 

the  amount  of  five  thousand  dollars,  was  signed  by  himself, 
Thomas  A.  Boggs,  Peter  Joseph,  James  B.  Woodson  and  Ezra 
De  Pew  on  the  26th  day  of  May  and  on  that  day  Carson  ac- 
cepted his  reappointment  to  the  office.  David  D.  Meriwether 
had  been  succeeded  by  James  L.  Collins,  appointed  on  March 
17,  1857,  as  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  to  replace  the 
ex-officio  superintendency  under  the  governor,  and  so  Car- 
son was  to  serve  his  second  term  under  new  and  different 
supervision. 

The  affairs  of  Utah  Agency  gave  every  promise  of  being 
peaceful  for  the  remainder  of  the  year  1857  and  this  proved 
to  be  the  case.  Carson,  in  his  monthly  reports,  was  usually 
able  to  state  that  the  Indians  under  his  charge  were  in  a  state 
of  peace  and  contentment  and  that  no  depredations  had  been 
committed.  It  was  necessary  for  the  agency  to  provide  them 
with  rations  frequently  and,  in  August  1857,  the  "Mohuaches 
and  some  of  the  Tabaguaches  proceeded  to  Abiquiu,  received 
their  presents,  and  then  returned  to  Conejos  well  satisfied."19 
In  regard  to  the  groups  who  visited  the  Agency  frequently 
for  the  purpose  of  receiving  food,  Agent  Carson  reported, 
"I  give  unto  them  liberally  for  as  game  is  fast  disappearing 
from  their  hunting  grounds  it  becomes  necessary  to  furnish 
them  food  or  they  will  supply  themselves  with  it  from  the 
flocks  and  herds  of  citizens  that  live  in  the  neighborhood."20 
He  also  frequently  reported  that  the  Indians  of  his  agency 
were  friendly  and  that,  if  they  were  properly  provisioned, 
he  had  no  fear  of  their  becoming  otherwise. 

Kit  Carson,  in  1857,  had  been  an  Indian  agent  for  four 
years  and  had  lived  and  fought  with  the  Indians  for  twenty- 
eight  years  prior  to  becoming  agent.  He,  if  anybody,  was 
well  qualified  to  recommend  how  they  should  be  treated.  In 
June  of  1857  he  set  down  in  simple  terms  his  opinions  which 
included :  removal  of  Indians  as  far  as  possible  from  white 
settlements  and  separation  of  the  various  tribes  by  at  least 
five  miles  if  possible;  maintenance  of  a  sufficient  military 
force  among  them  to  keep  peace ;  teaching  of  practical  arts 
by  which  they  could  learn  to  support  themselves;  placing 


19.  Carson  to  Collins,  Sept.  1,  1857  (New  Mexico  Supt'y.,  B.I. A.,  Letters  Received) 

20.  Ibid. 


12  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

missionaries  among  them  to  instruct  them  in  the  laws  of 
Christianity ;  and  remove  the  Indians  as  far  as  possible  from 
the  Mexicans.  This  simple  philosophy  was  a  forerunner  of 
the  Peace  Policy  which  was  to  embody  the  same  general  hu- 
mane principles  more  than  ten  years  later. 

In  November  of  1857  some  minor  depredations  occurred. 
The  Mohuache  band  of  Utahs  stole  some  animals  in  the  Ar- 
kansas River  area  and  Agent  Carson  learned  of  the  act.  He 
made  application  to  Capt.  Morris  commanding  at  Canton- 
ment Burgwin  for  military  aid  and  was  given  five  men  as  an 
escort  with  which  he  set  out  and  found  the  Indians  on  the 
Conejos.  They  were  in  a  severe  state  of  destitution  and  Car- 
son gave  them  sixty-four  and  a  half  fanegas  of  wheat  (about 
102  bushels) .  The  stolen  animals  were  recovered  without  dif- 
ficulty and  returned  to  their  owners  after  an  absence  of  eight 
days. 

The  estimated  expenses  of  Utah  Agency  for  the  quarter 
ending  December  31,  1857,  were  given  as  follows:21 

For  contingent  expenses  including  provisions  and 

presents  to  Indians $1,200.00 

For  salary  of  Agent  Carson 387.50 

For  salary  of  interpreter 125.00 


Total     $1,712.50 

Late  in  1857  and  early  in  1858  a  new  type  of  problem 
arose  to  give  Agent  Carson  concern.  In  January22  he  received 
instructions  from  Acting  Superintendent  Yost  at  Santa  Fe 
to  be  especially  watchful  of  attempts  by  Mormons  who  might 
attempt  to  estrange  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico  Superintend- 
ency  from  the  United  States  as  part  of  the  conduct  of  the 
Mormon  War.  He  was  warned  to  keep  close  touch  with  the 
Indians  and  to  make  all  reasonable  efforts  to  secure  their 
friendship  to  the  United  States.  If  necessary,  he  was  author- 
ized to  exceed  his  estimates  to  furnish  the  Indians  with  in- 
creases in  provisions  to  prevent  their  cooperation  with  the 
Mormons,  and  if  hostile  actions  were  observed  the  informa- 


21.  Carson  to  Collins,  n.  d.   (Ibid.) 

22.  Acting  Supt.  Yost  to  Carson,  Jan.   12,  1858    {I I>;<1.,   Letters  Sent) 


KIT  CARSON  13 

tion  was  to  be  transmitted  to  Santa  Fe  for  immediate  relay 
to  Washington. 

Agent  Carson  immediately  followed  the  instructions  of 
Acting  Superintendent  Yost  and  proceeded  to  the  Sierra 
Blanco  near  Fort  Massachusetts  for  the  purpose  of  ascertain- 
ing the  disposition  of  the  Indians  in  that  region.  En  route 
Carson  met  Ancatash,  Blanco  and  other  Utahs  who,  with 
Guataname,  an  Arapahoe,  and  a  Blackfoot,  were  on  the  way 
to  Taos  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  and  friendship  with 
the  Indians  in  the  Taos  area.  On  the  22nd  of  January  a  ten- 
tative treaty  of  peace  was  made  between  these  tribes  which 
had  been  at  war  with  each  other  for  years.  When  the  sin- 
cerity of  the  Plains  Indians  could  be  assured,  Carson  pro- 
posed to  take  a  party  of  his  Indians  to  their  country  to  effect 
a  permanent  treaty  arrangement.  Decreasing  hostilities  be- 
tween the  Indians  of  the  plains  and  those  of  the  mountains 
helped  prevent  a  coalition  of  the  Plains  Indians  with  the 
Mormons  against  the  United  States.  Carson  was  able  to  re- 
port at  the  end  of  January  that  "The  Indians  of  this  agency 
are  apparently  very  well  satisfied  and  friendly  disposed 
toward  the  government  and  I  have  strong  hopes  of  their  re- 
maining so  even  if  urged  by  the  rebels  of  Utah  to  commence 
hostilities."23  These  hopes  proved  to  be  well  founded  for  none 
of  Carson's  Indians  joined  the  Mormons  against  the  United 
States. 

The  second  term  of  Agent  Carson  came  to  a  close  in 
March  1858.  The  Utah  Agency  had  been  the  scene  of  peace 
for  a  year  and  had  had  no  serious  depredations.  The  Indians 
evinced  a  firm  friendship  for  their  agent  and  toward  the 
United  States  and  gave  every  indication  of  wanting  to  con- 
tinue in  this  manner.  They  were  being  as  well  cared  for  as 
any  Indians  in  the  superintendency  and  had  little  cause  to 
revolt. 

Agent  Carson's  third  appointment  to  be  agent  to  the  In- 
dians in  New  Mexico  was  made  March  3,  1858,24  and  his 
bond  in  the  amount  of  five  thousand  dollars,  signed  by  him- 
self, Peter  Joseph,  and  L.  Maxwell  was  dated  July  27,  1858. 

23.  Carson  to  Yost,  Jan.  28,  1858   (Ibid.,  Letters  Received) 

24.  B.I.A.,  Misc..  voL  8,  p.  338. 


14  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

After  the  year  of  peace,  troubled  conditions  in  the  area 
around  Carson's  agency  in  early  1858  were  moving  to  a  point 
at  which,  at  any  moment,  his  Indians  might  become  involved. 
The  Mormons  were  at  war  against  the  United  States  and  the 
Navajoes  were  restless.  Agent  Carson  found  it  difficult  to 
prevent  the  Utahs  under  his  charge  from  either  joining  the 
Mormons  or  going  on  the  warpath  against  the  Navajoes.  In 
March  the  Navajoes  attempted  to  meet  the  Utahs  at  Santa 
Fe  but  the  Utahs  were  skeptical,  claiming  that  at  the  same 
time  they  offered  peace  the  Navajoes  were  committing  depre- 
dations against  them.  Carson,  too,  felt  that  it  would  be  better 
if  no  treaty  of  friendship  were  made  between  the  Utahs  and 
Navajoes.  During  this  same  restless  period  Indians  from 
Utah  were  coming  into  the  Taos  area  with  the  story  that 
there  was  a  stream  in  the  Mormon  country  over  which 
United  States  troops  had  to  pass  and  which  caused  instant 
death  by  their  drinking  from  it,  but  for  Indians  the  stream 
was  healthy  and  the  "Good  Spirit"  protected  them.  These 
stories  affected  the  superstitious  Utes  and  caused  them  to  be 
more  restless  but  they  respected  Carson  and  the  Government 
he  represented  and  refused  to  ally  themselves  with  the 
Mormons. 

Mohuaches,  Jicarillas,  and  Capotes  continued  to  visit  the 
agency  and  Carson  was  as  liberal  in  supplying  them  with 
food  as  he  was  able.  Depredations  were  at  a  minimum  but  it 
was  an  ominous  quiet. 

The  peace  efforts  which  had  been  in  progress  between  the 
Utes  and  the  Arapahoes  and  Cheyennes  for  a  few  months 
terminated  when  the  Arapahoes  and  Cheyennes  wrote  in 
March  that  they  would  not  conclude  a  treaty  with  the  Utahs 
because  some  of  the  Utahs  had  lately  killed  some  of  the 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes.  The  ugly  temper  of  the  Utes  was 
further  demonstrated  by  a  quarrel  which  developed  between 
Blanco,  a  Ute  chief,  and  a  Mr.  Wilbon,  or  Wilbur,  who  was 
leader  of  a  surveying  party.  There  was  some  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  the  surveyors  had  incited  the  Utes  to  quarrel  and 
Carson  attempted  to  reconcile  both  parties.  Though  there 
was  no  violence,  ill  feeling  persisted  on  both  sides  and  trouble 
threatened  to  break  out  momentarily. 


KIT  CARSON  15 

Throughout  the  summer  this  condition  of  ferment  per- 
sisted. The  Utes  volunteered  to  fight  the  Navajoes  who  had 
openly  rebelled  against  the  United  States,  so  Carson  collected 
two  chiefs  and  eighteen  warriors  with  whom  he  proceeded 
to  Santa  Fe  on  October  5th  and  delivered  them  to  the  Com- 
manding General  of  the  Department. 

Though  minor  thefts  and  depredations  were  committed 
in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1858  it  appeared  that,  given  a  nor- 
mal chance,  agency  problems  might  be  worked  out  in  the 
course  of  time.  Carson  continued  to  issue  abundant  supplies, 
a  good  location  was  found  in  which  the  Mohuaches  could 
spend  the  winter,  the  Utes  were  expending  their  warlike 
energy  against  the  Navajoes,  and  minor  difficulties  were 
being  taken  care  of  without  recourse  to  force.  The  most 
serious  immediate  problem  seemed  to  lie  in  the  taking  of 
captives,  this  being  a  practice  of  the  Indians  during  war.  To 
restore  order  and  release  these  captives,  Superintendent  Col- 
lins wrote  Carson  that 

Captain  Bonneville  and  myself  start  to  Defiance  day  after  tomor- 
row for  the  purpose  of  concluding  a  peace  with  the  Navajoes,  and 
should  it  be  accomplished  steps  will  be  at  once  taken  to  close  the  war 
between  them  and  the  Utahs.25 

While  apparently  everything  possible  was  being  done  to 
restore  order  to  northern  New  Mexico  area  and  calm  the  In- 
dians, the  optimistic  view  of  the  future  was  suddenly  shat- 
tered by  an  unexpected  event.  Gold  was  discovered  in  the 
vicinity  of  Pike's  Peak  and  thousands  of  would  be  miners 
and  camp  followers  with  the  slogan  "Pike's  Peak  or  Bust" 
began  to  invade  the  area.  Many  of  these  spread  their  search 
into  the  Taos  area  and  the  already  restless  Utes  flared  into 
action.  By  April  1859,  the  miners  had  reached  the  Balle  Sa- 
lado  which  was  the  favorite  hunting  ground  of  the  Mo- 
huaches. Agent  Carson,  anticipating  trouble  when  the  In- 
dians and  miners  met,  wrote  to  Collins : 

The  Balle  Salado  is  the  only  hunting  ground  the  Mohuaches  have. 
They  are  now  on  their  way  and  should  they,  on  their  arrival,  find 
parties  of  whites  thereon  I  fear  difficulties  would  arise  that  can  be 


25.     Collins  to  Carson.  December  12,   1858    (Ibid.,  Letters   Sent) 


16  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

avoided  if  a  proper  course  is  pursued,  which  is  to  inform  Indians  and 
miners  of  the  case  and  not  have  them  meet  unexpectedly.26 

Carson  set  out  to  visit  the  Indians  and  on  the  way  heard 
that  an  Indian  had  been  killed  by  the  miners.  He  knew  that 
further  trouble  could  be  expected  for  it  was  the  custom  of 
these  Indians  to  kill  one  or  more  persons  of  another  nation 
as  payment  for  loss  of  the  deceased.  Realizing  this  danger, 
Carson  applied  to  Capt.  A.  W.  Bowman,  commanding  at 
Fort  Garland,  for  an  escort.  Capt.  Bowman  furnished  five 
men  of  whom  he  assumed  command  and  the  party  proceeded 
until  they  discovered  the  trail  of  a  large  number,  some  100 
lodges,  of  Indians.  It  was  then  thought  prudent  to  return. 
Later  it  was  learned  that  the  information  about  the  murder 
and  trouble  with  the  miners  was  only  a  rumor.  This  rumor, 
however,  was  indicative  of  the  tense  feeling  which  existed 
and  in  July  the  Utes  killed  two  Americans.  Carson  reported : 

They  say  200  miners  have  started  in  pursuit  of  the  Utahs,  well 
mounted,  armed  and  provisioned  and  if  supplied  with  guides  that  know 
the  country  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  the  Utahs  will  be  summarily  pun- 
ished— Since  the  discovery  of  those  mines  I  feared  such  an  outbreak. 
It  has  come  sooner  than  I  expected.27 

It  was  subsequently  learned  that  the  trouble  was  caused  by 
Tabaguache  Utes  with  the  Mohuaches  almost  as  much  in- 
volved. The  Tabaguaches  continued  hostile  for  some  time  but 
the  Mohuaches  gave  no  more  immediate  trouble. 

In  August  1859,  preparations  were  made  to  issue  annual 
presents  to  the  Indians  in  the  New  Mexico  Superintendency. 
The  regular  issue  was  made  to  the  Mohuaches  in  September 
and  at  that  time  they  showed  much  dissatisfaction  and  dis- 
content. A  near  riot  developed  when  an  Indian  entered  a 
cornfield  near  the  Rio  San  Antonio  and  plucked  a  roasting 
ear.  He  was  seen  by  a  Mexican  who  got  a  club  and  beat  the 
Indian  almost  to  death.  When  news  of  this  was  received  by 
the  Indians  they  converged  on  the  place  bent  upon  mas- 
sacring all  the  whites  in  the  vicinity  but  Carson,  who  had 
been  sent  for,  arrived  and  was  able  to  pacify  them.  The  issue 
of  presents  mollified  them  somewhat  and  Carson  directed 


26.  Carson  to  Collins,  April  27,  1859   (Ibid.,  Letters  Received) 

27.  Carson  to  Collins,  July  20,   1859    (Ibid.) 


KIT  CARSON  17 

them  to  move  off  at  once  fearing  that  if  they  remained  fur- 
ther trouble  would  develop. 

The  Tabaguaches  did  not  come  in  for  their  presents  but 
remained  in  the  area  of  Grand  River  in  a  hostile  attitude.  In 
August  they  had  a  fight  with  a  party  of  miners  during  which 
five  Americans  and  three  Utahs  were  killed.  This  state  con- 
tinued until  October  when  they  informed  Carson  that  they 
were  ready  to  come  in  and  make  peace.  On  October  26,  the 
agent  visited  the  Tabaguaches  at  their  camp  some  ten  miles 
northwest  of  Abiquiu  and,  after  a  long  talk  during  which  the 
Indians  professed  innocence  in  connection  with  recent  mas- 
sacres, terms  were  agreed  on.  The  Indians  and  Carson  then 
proceeded  to  the  Conejos  where  he  issued  their  annual  pres- 
ents with  which  they  seemed  well  satisfied. 

The  beginning  of  the  year  1860  saw  another  force  affect- 
ing Carson  and  this  was  the  unsettled  state  of  the  nation.  He 
feared  the  disruption  of  the  Union  and  proposed  to  Super- 
intendent Collins  in  January  that  he  did  not  feel  safe  in  ad- 
vancing money  for  government  purposes  and  that  the  In- 
dians be  required  to  wait  until  some  decision  came  from 
Washington. 

The  Apaches  and  Utahs  continued  to  commit  minor  dep- 
redations consisting  chiefly  of  stealing  animals  from  the 
Mexicans.  Captives  taken  during  the  war  were  being  located 
and  returned  to  their  proper  places  and  general  order  ex- 
isted again.  Carson  was  once  again  able  to  report : 

I  have  nothing  of  importance  beyond  the  usual  routine  of  the 
business  of  the  agency  to  report.  The  Indians  as  heretofore  have  been 
frequent  visitors  scarcely  a  day  passes  but  I  have  from  five  to  twenty 
five  to  feed  and  take  care  of  their  only  resource  is  upon  Government 
and  as  they  come  in  I  must  provide  for  them  and  send  them  away,  only 
to  be  visited  again  when  their  supplies  are  exhausted  and  in  this  way 
some  band  of  them  are  my  daily  visitors.28 

Similar  reports  were  to  be  submitted  by  Agent  Carson  for 
several  months.  This  was  necessary  because,  while  Carson 
was  leading  his  horse  down  a  steep  graveled  slope  in  the  Ute 
country  of  southeast  Colorado,  the  animal  had  fallen  drag- 
ging Carson  with  him.  Kit  received  internal  injuries  from 
this  fall  which  were  to  grow  worse  with  time  though  he  at 

28.     Carson  to  Collins,  January  81,   1860   (Ibid.) 


18  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

first  did  not  realize  how  seriously  he  had  been  injured.  His 
injuries  caused  him  to  forego  some  of  his  more  strenuous 
activities  for  awhile  and  he  was  unable  to  keep  fully  abreast 
of  the  events  around  him. 

Much  of  his  last  year  as  Indian  agent  was  spent  quietly 
and  with  an  ever  growing  interest  in  and  concern  for  the 
state  of  the  Union.  He  remained  at  his  agency  until  June 
1861,  at  which  time  he  resigned  to  become  Colonel  of  the 
New  Mexico  Volunteers.  He  was  succeeded  as  agent  by  Wil- 
liam F.  N.  Arny  and  the  agency  was  removed  forty  miles 
east  to  Maxwell's  Rancho  because  of  the  whisky  stills  which 
had  grown  up  around  Taos.  Reports  indicated  that  the  Car- 
son influence  continued  to  be  felt  and  that  the  Indians  to 
whom  he  had  been  agent  remained  friendly  toward  the 
United  States. 

Thus  ended  the  career  of  Kit  Carson  as  agent  to  the  In- 
dians in  New  Mexico.  His  association  with  them  was  not  to 
end,  however,  for  as  an  army  officer  he  continued  to  fight 
them  and  to  govern  them  as  long  as  he  lived.  In  1868  a  move- 
ment was  begun  by  General  Sherman  and  others  to  have 
Carson  appointed  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  in  New 
Mexico  but  his  death  came  before  the  appointment  could  be 
completed. 

In  attempting  to  truly  and  successfully  evaluate  the  work 
of  Kit  Carson  as  an  Indian  agent  one  must  disregard,  inso- 
far as  possible,  his  career  prior  to  and  following  the  time  he 
served  as  agent  and  to  consider  only  his  accomplishments  as 
agent.  These  periods  cannot  be  completely  disregarded,  how- 
ever, since  he  was  given  the  appointment  because  of  his  past 
performances  and  won  later  fame  on  knowledge  gained  while 
he  was  an  agent.  Any  correct  evaluation  must,  therefore,  be 
based  primarily  and  objectively  on  his  achievements  while 
actually  in  office  taking  other  periods  of  his  life  into  consider- 
ation only  when  necessary. 

At  the  time  of  his  first  appointment  as  agent  to  the  In- 
dians in  New  Mexico,  Kit  Carson  had  lived  in  the  Rocky 
Mountain  area  for  a  period  of  some  twenty-seven  years ;  had 
traveled  from  Oregon  to  Mexico  and  as  far  west  as  the  Paci- 
fic Coast;  had  trapped,  served  as  guide,  and  had  fought  In- 


KIT  CARSON  19 

dians.  He  had  been  twice  married  to  Indian  women  and  from 
the  experience  of  living  with  the  tribes  came  to  know  the 
Indians  well.  His  third  marriage,  to  the  daughter  of  an  old 
and  respected  New  Mexican  family,  gave  him  advantages  in 
wider  acquaintances  and  dealings  with  the  leading  whites  in 
the  area  beyond  that  already  acquired  in  his  association  with 
the  Bents  and  others.  Without  further  elaboration  on  his 
background  the  writer  feels  safe  in  stating  that,  because  of 
his  great  and  detailed  knowledge  of  the  country,  his  intimate 
association  with  the  Indians  and  their  respect  for  him,  Kit 
Carson  was  as  well  qualified  as  any  person  living  to  be  agent 
to  the  Indians  in  New  Mexico  in  1853. 

Carson,  in  the  performance  of  his  duties  as  agent,  used 
great  common  sense  and  tact.  As  an  example  of  this  we  find 
that  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  service  as  agent  he  wisely 
assumed  a  detached  position  during  the  Jicarilla  War.  By  so 
doing  he  kept  the  respect  of  both  the  military  and  civil  au- 
thorities and  of  the  Indians.  His  part  in  the  expeditions 
against  the  Indians  was  confined  to  being  an  adviser  and 
guide.  It  is  very  significant  that  when  the  Apaches  realized 
that  they  had  been  defeated  they  turned  to  Carson  and  made 
their  appeal  for  peace  to  him  rather  than  to  the  military 
forces  or  to  the  authorities  at  Santa  Fe.  By  this  simple  ges- 
ture they  showed  their  confidence  in  and  respect  for  him. 
Though  conclusion  of  the  treaty  of  peace  was  left  to  Gover- 
nor Meriwether,  it  was  Carson  that  the  Indians  turned  to  in 
their  time  of  need.  In  the  same  manner,  when  the  Utes  had 
been  on  the  warpath  they,  in  August  of  1859,  reported  to 
Carson  their  desire  for  peace  and  he  listened  to  them.  He 
displayed  toward  his  wards  in  time  of  war  an  understanding 
and  patience  that  few  agents  have  been  capable  of. 

In  times  of  peace  the  Indians  flocked  to  him  as  children 
would  to  an  indulgent  parent.  The  affectionate  title  of 
"Father  Kit"  was  earned  and  merited  in  every  sense  of  the 
word.  His  constant  reports  of  Indians  having  visited  him, 
been  fed,  and  sent  away  well  satisfied,  were  indicative  of  the 
care  which  he  gave  them. 

Many  writers  have  eulogized  Carson  and  no  doubt  with 
justification.  Their  statements  might  well  lead  to  the  con- 


20  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

elusion  that  Carson  was  a  perfect  agent.  This  is  not  alto- 
gether true  because  there  were  certain  weaknesses  in  his 
service  which  must  be  considered  before  a  just  evaluation  of 
his  worth  as  an  Indian  agent  can  be  arrived  at.  The  chief  of 
these  was,  of  course,  his  inability  to  read  and  write  because 
of  which  he  was  forced,  in  violation  of  regulations,  to  employ 
a  clerk  under  the  title  of  interpreter.  In  addition  to  this,  re- 
lations between  Carson  and  the  Superintendent  of  Indian 
Affairs  were  sometimes  a  little  strained.  This  appears  to  have 
been  caused  by  Carson's  independence  and  sometimes  reluc- 
tance to  abide  by  the  orders  of  the  Superintendent.  Another 
weakness  of  Carson's  lay  in  his  inability  to  adjust  his  ac- 
counts properly  and  this  led  to  considerable  confusion  before 
the  matter  was  finally  cleared  up.  Still  another  weakness  re- 
sulted from  his  consistent  refusal  to  move  agency  headquar- 
ters from  Taos  to  a  location  nearer  the  Indians.  Though  he 
seemed  to  feel  that  agents  should  live  among  the  Indians,  he 
was  adamant  in  his  refusal  to  move  from  Taos.  This  ob- 
viously was  for  personal  reasons. 

There  have  been  reports  that  Carson  did  not  like  the  job 
of  agent.  Such  reports  are  hard  to  believe  because  Carson 
accepted  reappointment  twice;  he  appeared  to  have  been 
willing,  even  eager,  to  perform  the  duties  of  his  office;  his 
reports  were  consistently  submitted  on  time ;  and,  he  caused 
some  one  hundred  and  fifty  letters  to  be  written  to  Santa  Fe 
over  a  five  year  period.  Carson  may  not  have  been  overly 
fond  of  the  job  but  there  is  little  doubt  that  his  heart  was  in 
it  and  remained  so  until  more  important  and  momentous 
duties  called. 

If  one  looks  objectively,  then,  at  Carson  as  Indian  agent 
the  conclusion  must  be  reached  that  he  was  a  man  eminently 
well  qualified,  who  served  most  of  three  terms  efficiently, 
with  humanity  and  consideration;  that,  while  he  made  er- 
rors, he  did  the  best  he  could  to  further  the  interests  of  the 
government  which  he  represented  and,  at  the  same  time,  to 
secure  the  maximum  of  care  and  justice  for  the  Indians  of 
his  agency.  The  impression  which  Carson  left  on  the  Indians 
of  New  Mexico  had  lasting  and  beneficial  results  for  both  the 
Indians  and  the  United  States.  For  this  accomplishment  he 
must  be  considered  as  one  of  the  great  Indian  agents. 


THE  HISTORIC  INDIAN  PUEBLOS  OF 
LA  JUNTA  DE  LOS  RIOS 

By  J.  CHARLES  KELLEY 

(Concluded) 

San  Bernardino: 

In  1582  the  Espejo  expedition  left  the  Rio  Conchos  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  settlement  of  San  Juan  and  went  three  leagues, 
apparently  on  a  well  established  trail,  to  the  Rio  Grande  at 
a  point  five  leagues  above  La  Junta.  Near  this  spot  they 
found  the  Otomoaco  rancheria  which  they  named  San  Ber- 
nardino. Luxan  noted  that  the  rancheria  "resembled  a  pueblo 
as  it  was  composed  of  flat  roofed  houses,  half  under  and  half 
above  the  ground."  It  was  located  on  the  river  near  pools  and 
near  the  mountains.  There  was  a  cross  here  erected  by  Rod- 
riguez the  year  before.  Apparently,  but  not  certainly,  the 
pueblo  was  located  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

This  pueblo  was  noted  indirectly  in  the  records  of  the 
Mendoza-L6pez  entrada  of  1683,  where  reference  is  made  to 
the  first  pueblo  encountered  en  route  from  El  Paso.  This 
pueblo  was  six  leagues  up  the  Rio  Grande  from  La  Junta  and 
had  a  church  of  grass  (probably  a  jacal  structure)  which 
had  just  been  constructed.  There  is  no  further  notice  of  the 
pueblo  in  the  records  inspected  but  in  1747  Ydoiaga  noted  at 
about  this  location  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande 
the  site  of  an  abandoned  pueblo  of  the  Tecolotes  nation.  This 
ruined  pueblo,  said  Ydoiaga,  had  been  abandoned  because  of 
the  unsuitability  of  the  land  for  farming  and  the  proximity 
of  the  warlike  Apaches.  Along  the  Rio  Grande  for  some  dis- 
tance to  the  north  he  noted  small  abandoned  rancherias  of 
the  Tecolotes,  who  at  one  time  had  occupied  the  entire  area, 
cultivating  small  plots  of  land  here  and  there  along  the  river 
and  moving  with  the  shifting  of  the  river  lowlands  that  were 
suitable  for  farming. 

Fray  Lorenzo  Saabedra,  Custodian  of  the  mission  at  San 
Francisco  pueblo  in  1747-48  also  referred  to  the  former  Teco- 
lote  town,  although  he  himself  had  not  visited  it.  He  had  been 

21 


22  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

told  by  Fray  Andres  Varo  that  it  was  located  seven  or  eight 
leagues  up  the  Rio  Grande  from  San  Francisco.53 

About  twelve  miles  above  La  Junta  and  on  the  western 
edge  of  the  Rio  Grande  lowland  is  the  archaeological  site 
called  Chihuahua  E7-2.  This  is  located  near  the  site  of  old 
Mimbres  pueblo  about  a  mile  from  the  present  Rio  Grande 
terminus  of  the  short-cut  road  from  San  Juan  on  the  Rio  Con- 
chos.  The  site  consists  of  a  relatively  small  burned  rock  mid- 
den surrounded  by  scattered  camp  debris.  The  midden  lies 
directly  on  the  edge  of  the  low  terrace  of  the  Rio  Grande  and 
erosion  has  destroyed  an  unknown  area  of  the  site.  In  this 
vicinity  there  are  a  few  small  farms  and  a  hamlet  of  a  few 
houses  is  located  nearby.  Extensive  agriculture  is  not  prac- 
ticed however,  and  the  adjacent  Rio  Grande  lowland  is  cov- 
ered with  a  thick  mesquital,  sure  sign  of  repeated  flooding. 
Artifacts  from  Chihuahua  E7-2  include  recent  pottery  and 
crockery  types,  undoubtedly  associated  with  some  recent  jacal 
and  adobe  ruins  on  the  site,  and  other  potsherds  which  in 
type  run  the  gamut  of  the  Bravo  Valley  Aspect  occupation 
from  La  Junta  through  Concepcion  foci  and  into  the  Conchos 
Focus.  The  lack  of  extensive  pottery  collections  attributable 
to  the  latter  period  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  site  was 
abandoned  early  in  the  historic  period  only  to  be  reoccupied 
and  again  abandoned  in  very  recent  times. 

The  location  of  Chihuahua  E7-2  relative  to  San  Juan,  San 
Francisco,  and  the  Rio  Grande  terminus  of  the  cut-off  trail 
from  San  Juan,  suggests  that  this  may  be  the  site  of  the  old 
pueblo  of  San  Bernardino.  This  conclusion  is  verified  by  the 
local  ecological  conditions,  and  the  indicated  span  of  occupa- 
tion of  the  site,  which  appears  to  have  been  inhabited  from 
well  before  1582  (probably  circa  1200-1400  A.D.)  until  the 
early  historic  period,  say  1700  A.D.  Finally,  no  other  archae- 
ological sites  have  been  found  in  this  general  vicinity,  al- 
though reconnaissance  of  this  area  was  hurried  and  inade- 
quate. Unless  other  more  promising  possibilities  are  revealed 
by  future  investigations,  Chihuahua  E7-2  is  probably  to  be 
identified  with  San  Bernardino. 


63.  "Ynforme  del  pe  Custodio  de  esta  Mision,"  Archive  General  de  India*,  Avdi- 
encia  de  Mexico  (57-59),  1746-1747,  89-2-3.  Dunn  Transcript?,  p.  290.  Archives  Collec- 
tion. The  University  of  Texas. 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  23 

Who  were  the  Tecolotes  of  San  Bernardino  and  what  be- 
came of  them?  The  Espejo  records  identified  the  people  of 
the  Mesquite-San  Juan  settlements  as  Otomoacos  and  noted 
that  the  people  of  San  Bernardino  were  similar  to  them  in 
speech  and  custom,  although  differing  at  least  in  language 
from  the  Indians  of  San  Francisco  at  the  river  junction.  The 
San  Bernardino  Otomoacos  were  intermarried  with  those 
of  Mesquite-San  Juan.  Other  Otomoacos  were  found  living 
along  the  Rio  Grande  for  many  leagues  above  San  Bernar- 
dino. These  Indians  had  no  pueblos,  however,  and  seem  to 
have  been  dispersed  in  small  groups  along  the  upper  river. 
This  would  seem  to  identify  all  of  these  people  and  those  of 
San  Juan-Mesquite  as  belonging  to  the  same  group.  In  view 
of  the  later  tribal  distinctions  between  the  various  pueblos 
it  seems  more  probable  that  they  represent  a  linguistic 
group,  rather  than  an  ethnic  group.  At  any  rate  the  Tecolotes 
who  prior  to  1747  lived  in  small  groups  along  the  Rio  Grande 
above  San  Bernardino,  moving  their  small  fields  with  the 
shifting  of  the  river  channel,  appear  to  be  identical  in  dis- 
tribution and  culture  with  the  Otomoacos  of  1582. 

San  Bernardino  and  the  scattered  Tecolotes  rancherias, 
then,  appear  to  represent  an  old  occupation  of  the  Rio 
Grande  above  La  Junta.  These  Indians,  in  all  probability, 
still  lived  there  in  1715,  inasmuch  as  Trasvina  Retis  did  not 
include  Tecolotes  in  his  list  of  tribes  found  in  other  La  Junta 
pueblos  at  that  time.  But  by  1747  the  Tecolotes  had  aban- 
doned not  only  San  Bernardino  but  all  of  the  up-stream  area 
as  well.  Ydoiaga  in  1747  found  in  the  new  settlement  of 
Santa  Cruz,  on  the  Rio  Conchos  above  Cuchillo  Parado,  not 
only  Cholomes  (from  Coyame)  and  Conejos  (from  Cuchillo 
Parado)  but  also  71  Tecolotes  Indians.  Ydoiaga  states  ex- 
plicitly that  these  Tecolotes  came  from  the  Rio  Grande  (Rio 
Puerco  o  del  Norte)  above  La  Junta.  Later  at  San  Francisco 
he  found  50  more  Tecolotes  living  with  the  people  of  that 
town  [Julimes,  Oposmes,  or  Abriaches].  Fray  Saabedra  also 
noted  that  the  Tecolotes  had  deserted  their  own  pueblo  and 
gone  to  live  at  San  Francisco  and  other  La  Junta  towns.  Per- 
haps the  abandonment  of  the  Tecolote  region  had  occurred 
quite  recently,  as  Ydoiaga  stated,  because  of  both  Apache 
pressure  and  the  poverty  of  their  lands. 


24  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Nuestra  Seiiora  de  Aranzazu : 

At  San  Francisco  de  la  Junta  in  1715,  Trasvina  Retis  sent 
Indian  envoys  to  take  the  census  of  the  pueblo  of  the  Conejos 
Indians  which  he  named  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Aranzazu.  This 
pueblo  was  located  on  the  northwestern  bank  of  the  Rio  Con- 
chos  and  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  about  one 
and  one  half  leagues  from  San  Francisco.  It  had  a  population 
of  71  Indians  of  the  Conejos  nation.  It  should  be  noted  that 
Trasvina  Retis  did  not  visit  this  pueblo  himself ;  his  knowl- 
edge of  its  location  was  therefore  derived  from  information 
given  him  through  an  interpreter — by  the  Indians. 

It  may  be  that  Aranzazu  is  to  be  identified  with  San  Ber- 
nardino— which  is  not  mentioned  in  the  1715  account — and 
that  the  apparent  discrepancy  in  distance  from  San  Fran- 
cisco is  an  error.  Certainly,  no  town  was  noted  at  this  point 
by  any  of  the  earlier  or  later  expeditions.  But  other  consider- 
ation suggests  that  this  is  not  the  case  and  that  actually 
Aranzazu  was  a  temporary  pueblo  founded  around  1700  and 
abandoned  before  1747.  Thus,  it  was  a  pueblo  of  Conejos 
Indians,  yet  Ydoiaga  identified  the  ruins  of  Bernardino  as  a 
former  pueblo  of  the  Tecolotes  Indians.  Significantly  Ydoi- 
aga found  77  Mesquite  Indians  at  Mesquite  pueblo  in  1747 
(Trasvina  Retis  counted  80  Mesquite  in  1715)  and  an  addi- 
tional 78  refugees,  including  40  Conejos.  These  Conejos 
refugees  may  represent  the  survivors  of  Aranzazu.  However, 
the  Indians  of  Cuchillo  Parado,  whom  Trasvina  Retis  iden- 
tified as  Conejos,  increased  in  numbers  from  44  in  1715  to 
120  in  1747  when  they  joined  in  the  new  settlement  project 
at  Santa  Cruz.  Some  of  the  Cuchillo  Parado  people  of  the 
latter  period  may  have  been  Cholomes  but  it  is  also  possible 
that  the  sudden  increase  in  the  population  of  this  town  re- 
sulted from  the  addition  of  Conejos  refugees  from  Aranzazu. 
This  would  be  in  keeping  with  the  general  pattern  already 
identified  in  Tecolote  movements  of  the  same  period — some 
of  the  refugees  from  the  Rio  Grande  going  to  the  old  estab- 
lished La  Junta  pueblos  on  the  lower  Conchos,  others  to  the 
newly  established  refugee  town  on  the  Conchos  above  Cu- 
chillo Parado.  Thus  the  disappearance  of  the  Conejos  may 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  25 

be  accounted  for.  Their  possible  origin  is  indicated  below  in 
discussions  of  San  Juan  Evangelista. 

No  archaeological  site  has  been  identified  with  Aranzazu. 
Today  there  is  a  scattering  of  small  farm  hamlets  along  the 
western  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  for  four  or  five  miles  above 
La  Junta.  If  Aranzazu  was  inhabited  for  only  a  short  period 
of  time  it  seems  probable  that  the  comparatively  meagre 
archaeological  remains  that  might  have  accumulated  could 
well  lie  hidden  beneath  the  houses  of  the  contemporary  ham- 
lets. Indeed  at  the  small  hamlet  of  Ejido  Paradero,  located 
about  five  miles  above  La  Junta,  fire  hearths  were  visible 
eroding  from  between  the  houses  but  no  specimens  were  re- 
covered which  would  enable  identification  of  the  period  or 
culture  represented. 

San  Juan  Evangelista : 

From  Santo  Tomas,  identified  as  the  San  Francisco 
pueblo  of  later  accounts,  the  Espejo  party  in  1582  traveled 
half  a  league  to  a  pueblo  situated  on  the  opposite  (eastern) 
bank  of  the  Rio  del  Norte  (Rio  Grande).  In  Luxan's  own 
words,  "The  pueblo  was  on  a  high  ridge  with  many  flat 
roofed  houses;  below  were  many  other  houses  forming  a 
sort  of  suburb."  Rodriguez  had  been  there  the  year  before 
because  the  Spaniards  found  a  cross  which  he  had  erected. 
This  cross  was  placed  in  a  neatly  kept  plaza.  The  pueblo  was 
named  San  Juan  Evangelista.  San  Juan  Evangelista  never 
again  appears  in  the  documentary  sources  that  have  been 
inspected.  It  was  not  included  in  the  list  of  La  Junta  pueblos 
visited  by  either  Trasvina  Retis  or  Ydoiaga.  Apparently  it 
was  abandoned  between  1582  and  1715. 

San  Francisco  itself  lies  on  a  high  gravel  mesa.  Approxi- 
mately one  half  league  across  the  Rio  Conchos  is  another 
high  gravel  mesa  on  which  modern  Ojinaga  is  situated,  the 
former  site  of  Guadalupe  pueblo.  Modern  Ojinaga  is  in  plain 
view  from  San  Francisco  and  both  Trasvina  Retis  and  Rubin 
de  Celis  commented  that  Guadalupe  was  likewise  visible 
from  there.  Is  it  possible  that  the  Espejo  expedition  confused 
the  Rio  Conchos  with  the  Rio  Grande  and  actually  crossed 
the  former  stream  to  Guadalupe?  This  would  explain  the 


26  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

mysterious  disappearance  of  San  Juan  Evangelista  from 
the  records,  and  would  leave  the  name  as  an  early  one  for  the 
town  later  called  Guadalupe. 

However,  Luxan  in  other  statements  clearly  distinguishes 
between  the  Conchos,  the  Rio  Grande  above  La  Junta,  and 
the  joined  streams  below  the  junction.  Furthermore,  the 
Spaniards  subsequently  went  "farther  on"  to  another  pueblo, 
Santiago,  which  was  described  as  the  largest  and  most  in- 
fluential of  all  the  La  Junta  pueblos,  and  from  there  they  re- 
turned to  San  Francisco.  This  latter  pueblo  may  have  been 
either  San  Cristobal  or  perhaps  Guadalupe  since  other  ac- 
counts speak  of  this  pueblo  as  the  largest  of  all  the  La  Junta 
towns  and  it  was  the  one  chosen  for  the  location  of  the  presi- 
dio. In  either  event,  San  Juan  Evangelista  must  have  been 
another  pueblo  and  should  not  be  confused  with  Guadalupe. 
Across  the  Rio  Grande  from  San  Francisco  there  are  sev- 
eral high  gravel  mesas  adjacent  to  the  river  lowland.  All  of 
these  were  explored  and  an  archaeological  site  (Shafter  7:3 
[57B7-3]  ;  the  Loma  Alta  Site)  was  found  on  only  one  of 
them.  Shafter  7:3  occupies  the  top  of  a  high  horseshoe- 
shaped  mesa  approximately  the  same  distance  across  the  Rio 
Grande  from  San  Francisco  as  Ojinaga  is  across  the  Rio 
Conchos.  An  old  channel  of  the  Rio  Grande  came  very  close 
to  the  foot  of  the  mesa  and  on  the  low  terrace  at  its  foot  is 
another  archaeological  site  of  the  Bravo  Valley  Aspect, 
Shafter  7:5 (57B7-5) .  Shafter  7 :3 (57B7-3)  occupies  the  top 
and  talus  slope  of  the  high  mesa;  Shafter  7:5(57B7-5)  lies 
below  it  and  on  the  direct  route  from  San  Francisco.  The  two 
probably  represent  the  site  of  San  Juan  Evangelista  and  the 
"suburb"  at  its  foot,  respectively.  The  distance,  location,  and 
combination  of  sites  fits  closely  with  the  Luxan  description 
and  the  only  other  possibility,  an  identification  with  Guada- 
lupe, has  already  been  excluded. 

Shafter  7:3  (57B7-3)  has  been  partially  excavated.  It 
was  first  occupied  during  the  La  Junta  Focus  (circa  1200- 
1400  A.D.),  perhaps  temporarily  abandoned  at  its  close,  and 
occupied  again  throughout  most  of  the  Concepci6n  Focus 
(circa  1400-1700  A.D.) .  The  house  rows  lying  along  the  river 
edge  of  the  mesa  and  along  the  talus  slope  were  built  and 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  27 

occupied  during  the  Concepci6n  Focus.  Lying  on  the  floor  of 
one  room  at  the  time  of  abandonment  was  an  iron  knife  or 
sword.  A  few  potsherds  showing  Spanish  glazing  were  like- 
wise recorded.  No  other  signs  of  historic  contact  were  found 
and  the  great  quantities  of  Conchos  and  Capote  redware  pot- 
tery found  in  Conchos  Focus  components,  as  well  as  objects 
of  direct  Spanish  origin,  were  lacking.  After  abandonment 
the  houses  were  partially  refilled  by  wash  and  wind  action 
but  no  other  village  refuse  was  introduced  into  them.  In  part 
at  least  these  last  occupied  houses  were  grouped  around  an 
interior  plaza  which  appears  to  have  been  kept  remarkably 
clear  of  debris.  Thus  Shafter  7 :3  (57B7-3)  had  a  neatly  kept 
plaza ;  it  was  occupied  at  the  very  beginning  of  historic  con- 
tact but  abandoned  before  the  beginning  of  the  mission  pe- 
riod, in  all  probability  before  the  founding  of  missions  in 
1683.  All  of  these  items  fit  with  the  known  facts  regarding 
San  Juan  Evangelista  and  verify  the  identification  of  Shafter 
7 :3  (57B7-3)  with  that  pueblo. 

Who  were  the  Indians  of  San  Juan  Evangelista  and 
where  did  they  go  following  the  abandonment  of  that  town  ? 
The  Espejo  documents  do  not  identify  the  "nation"  repre- 
sented. Archaeology  and  the  later  historic  record  probably 
provide  the  answer  however.  About  two  miles  southeast  of 
Shafter  7:3(57B7-3)  on  the  eroded  edge  of  the  low  terrace 
bordering  the  lowlands  of  the  northeastern  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande  lies  an  archaeological  site  labeled  Shafter  7:4 
(57B7-4).  Erosion  has  almost  completely  destroyed  the  site, 
so  that  the  floors  of  former  houses  occupy  the  top  of  small 
knolls.  Scattered  over  the  eroded  surface  are  thousands  of 
potsherds  and  other  artifacts.  The  principal  pottery  types 
represented  include  Chinati  and  Capote  Plainwares,  Capote 
Red-on-brown,  Chinati  Neck-banded,  and  Chinati  Striated 
Neck. 

A  number  of  sherds  of  Conchos  Plainware  and  Conchos 
Red-on-brown  were  found,  as  were  intrusive  sherds  of  Span- 
ish and  Mexican  Maiolica  and  a  sherd  identified  as  early 
Colonial  Aztec  from  the  Valley  of  Mexico.  Other  artifacts 
also  are  diagnostic  of  various  foci  of  the  Bravo  Valley 
Aspect. 


28  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Regardless  of  the  large  number  of  potsherds  found,  the 
amount  of  hearthstone  and  other  refuse  visible  indicates  that 
Shafter  7:4(57B7-4)  was  occupied  for  a  very  short  period 
of  time.  This  is  in  accord  with  the  evidence  of  the  pottery 
types  found,  which  indicate  that  the  site  was  occupied  at  the 
very  beginning  of  the  mission  period,  the  Conchos  Focus, 
and  perhaps  at  the  very  end  of  the  Concepci6n  Focus.  All 
the  evidence  seems  to  indicate  that  the  site  was  occupied 
from  shortly  prior  to  1683  to  about  1700  or  shortly  there- 
after, and  that  its  initial  settlement  corresponds  with  the 
final  abandonment  of  Shafter  7 :3  (57B7-3/San  Juan  Evange- 
lista)  a  short  distance  away. 

There  seems  to  have  been  a  general  tendency  caused  by 
increasing  Apache  pressure,  and  perhaps  arising  from  ecolo- 
gical factors  as  well,  for  the  outlying  La  Junta  settlements, 
especially  those  to  the  north  and  east,  to  move  to  a  more 
central  location  adjoining  La  Junta  itself.  The  Spanish  mis- 
sionaries encouraged  this  movement  for  their  own  con- 
venience and  attempted  whenever  possible  to  induce  the 
Indians  to  settle  on  the  southwestern  side  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
Taking  this  tendency  into  account  with  the  known  archae- 
ological and  historical  data,  the  following  hypothetical  recon- 
struction of  the  history  of  San  Juan  Evangelista  may  be 
advanced. 

San  Juan  Evangelista  was  originally  established  in  its 
mesa-top  site  sometime  between  1200  and  1400  A.D.  It  may 
have  been  temporarily  abandoned  about  1400  but  if  so  it  was 
quickly  reoccupied.  It  was  visited  by  Rodriguez  and  Espejo 
in  1581  and  1582  and  continued  in  existence  for  some  time 
thereafter.  Probably  about  1683,  or  shortly  before,  the  mesa- 
top  site  was  abandoned  and  the  people  moved  to  the  new,  and 
more  conveniently  located,  site  of  Shafter  7:4(57B7-4)  on 
the  low  terrace,  a  few  miles  away,  possibly  at  the  urging  of 
the  Spanish  priests  in  1683.  Perhaps  the  new  site  was  not 
satisfactory — there  is  no  modern  occupation  there — or  per- 
haps continued  Apache  raids  endangered  the  town's  exis- 
tence. At  any  rate  the  people  moved  to  the  relatively  well 
protected  and  centrally  located  western  side  of  the  river  a 
short  distance  above  San  Francisco,  where  shortly  after  1700 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  29 

they  founded  the  pueblo  of  Cone  jo  Indians  which  Trasvina 
Retis  called  Nuestra  Senora  de  Aranzazu  in  1715.  Perhaps 
at  the  same  time  some  of  the  refugees  went  to  Cuchillo  Pa- 
rado  where  Trasvina  Retis  found  them  that  year.  The  subse- 
quent history  of  the  Conejos  has  already  been  described.  Be- 
tween 1715  and  1747  continued  Apache  pressure  and  perhaps 
other  factors  caused  them  to  move  again,  some  of  them  going 
to  their  relatives  at  Cuchillo  Parado  and  joining  with  them 
in  a  move  to  a  new  site  at  Santa  Cruz,  others  settling  with 
their  closer  friends  and  relatives  at  Mesquite  pueblo. 

This  hypothesis  identifies  the  occupants  of  San  Juan 
Evangelista  as  the  Conejo  Indians  of  the  later  records  and 
neatly  accounts  for  the  disappearance  of  one  historic  town 
and  the  beginning  of  another,  as  well  as  providing  occupants 
for  the  undocumented  site  of  Shafter  7:4.  It  should  be  noted 
that  the  Conejos  were  listed  among  the  La  Junta  Indian 
groups  as  early  as  1684  and  again  in  1693,  during  the  pos- 
tulated period  of  occupation  of  Shafter  7:4(57B7-4),  al- 
though the  Conejos  pueblo  of  Aranzazu  was  not  noted  until 
1715.  It  is  in  keeping  with  general  trends  at  La  Junta  and  is 
paralleled  by  the  case  of  the  Cibolo  who,  as  described  below, 
are  thought  to  have  abandoned  their  pueblo  in  the  Chinati 
Mountains  at  about  the  same  time  because  of  similar  factors, 
and  to  have  moved  to  Puliques,  where  they  joined  with  the 
Puliques  and  Pescados  Indians  to  form  a  strengthened  town 
in  a  new  location.  This  hypothesis  cannot  be  regarded  as 
proven  but  its  probability  rating  seems  high. 

Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe  (Presidio  del  Norte,  Ojinaga, 
Santiago  (?)): 

As  noted  above,  the  Espejo  group  after  leaving  San  Juan 
Evangelista  went  "farther  on"  to  the  largest  pueblo  of  all 
those  visited.  This  pueblo  also  had  a  Cacique  "whom  all 
other  caciques  respected."  The  people  of  this  pueblo  were 
"all  farmers  as  the  river  is  very  appropriate  for  it,  because 
it  forms  many  damp  islands  and  bays."  This  pueblo,  which 
the  Spaniards  named  Santiago,  was  apparently  located  down 
the  Rio  Grande  from  the  San  Francisco-San  Juan  Evange- 
lista axis  but  no  other  data  as  to  its  location  are  given.  As 


30  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

stated  elsewhere,  Guadalupe  was  described  by  some  later 
explorers  as  the  largest  of  the  La  Junta  towns.  The  general 
location  of  Santiago,  its  size  and  local  prominence,  and  the 
fact  that  the  Spaniards  returned  directly  to  San  Francisco 
[Santo  Tomas]  after  visiting  it  suggest  that  Santiago  per- 
haps should  be  identified  with  Guadalupe  pueblo  as  located 
and  described  by  later  commentators.  But  there  are  objec- 
tions to  this  identification.  The  Spaniards  were  on  the  north- 
eastern side  of  the  Rio  Grande  when  they  went  "farther  on" 
to  Santiago.  There  is  no  indication  that  the  Rio  Grande  was 
recrossed  at  this  point  and  San  Crist6bal  pueblo  farther 
down  the  Rio  Grande  on  the  Texas  bank  is  perhaps  as  likely 
a  candidate  for  identification  with  Santiago  as  is  Guadalupe. 
So  the  question  of  identity  of  Santiago  with  either  Guadalupe 
or  San  Cristobal  must  await  the  accumulation  of  additional 
data. 

Although  Guadalupe,  if  it  existed  then,  may  have  been 
visited  by  all  of  the  earlier  expeditions  including  that  of 
Mendoza,  there  is  no  certain  description  of  it  prior  to  the 
Trasvina  Retis  entrada,  of  1715.  Trasvina  Retis  could  see  the 
pueblos  and  fields  located  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rio  Con- 
chos  from  San  Francisco,  and  after  having  a  raft  constructed 
for  the  purpose  he  crossed  the  river  and  visited  "the  pueblo 
of  the  Polacmes  and  Sibulas  [Cibolos],"  which  was  named 
Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe.54  This  was  the  largest  of  the 
eight  pueblos  of  La  Junta  and  had  five  hundred  and  fifty  in- 

54.  In  an  earlier  draft  of  this  paper  the  writer  inferred  from  the  documentary 
text  and  other  considerations  that  Trasvina  Retis  had  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  rather 
than  the  Rio  Conchos  in  going  from  San  Francisco  to  Guadalupe.  This  in  turn  led  to 
the  identification  of  Shafter  7:1.  here  identified  with  San  Cristobal,  with  Guadalupe 
and  several  consequent  identifications  now  regarded  as  erroneous.  Both  Castaneda  and 
Daniels  have  similarly  concluded  that  Trasvina  Retis  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  rather 
than  the  Conchos  and  have  placed  the  Guadalupe  of  1715  on  the  northeastern  bank  of 
the  Rio  Grande.  It  is  therefore  important  to  investigate  the  evidence  for  the  various 
interpretations. 

Trasvina  Retis  identified  Guadalupe  as  the  largest  of  the  pueblos.  Luxan  had  like- 
wise identified  Santiago  as  the  largest  pueblo  of  the  1582  period.  The  two  were  there- 
fore assumed  to  be  identical,  and  since  Santiago  appeared  to  be  located  on  the  north- 
eastern bank  it  was  thought  that  Guadalupe  likewise  belonged  there.  Furthermore 
on  the  northeastern  bank  a  few  miles  below  San  Francisco  and  San  Juan  Evangelists 
the  archaeological  site  Shafter  7:1,  largest  known  Bravo  Valley  Aspect  site,  had  been 
located.  On  the  southwestern  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  southeastern  side  of  the 
Rio  Conchos  there  were  no  known  archaeological  sites,  large  or  small,  above  Puliques. 
Shafter  7:1(57B7-1)  had  been  occupied  over  the  appropriate  span  of  years.  It  seemed 
clear  therefore  that  Trasvina  Retis  had  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  and  that  Shafter  7:1 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  31 

habitants.  It  was  well  built  and  had  two  plazas,  one  for  the 
Cibolos  and  one  for  the  Polacmes,  who  apparently  lived  in 
different  sections  of  the  village.  These  two  groups  had 
recently  united  for  better  defense  against  the  enemy.  There 
is  some  reason  for  believing  that  Trasvina  Retis  was  in  error 
in  placing  the  Cibolos  at  Guadalupe,  however. 

Rabago  y  Teran  in  1747  found  Guadalupe  located  near 
the  junction  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Rio  Conchos  about 
five  or  six  leagues  down  the  latter  stream  from  Mesquite- 
San  Juan,  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  above 
Crist6bal  (located  on  the  eastern  bank)  and  Puliques,  and 

was  Guadalupe.  The  same  reasoning  may  or  may  not  have  been  used  by  Castaneda  and 
Daniels,  inasmuch  as  they  do  not  make  their  underlying  logic  explicit. 

When  the  Ydoiaga  account  came  to  the  writer's  attention  it  was  at  once  clear  that 
this  explorer  had  gone  to  Guadalupe  by  crossing  the  Rio  Conchos  from  San  Francisco 
and  that  at  that  time,  at  least,  Guadalupe  occupied  the  site  of  modern  Ojinaga.  The 
Rubin  de  Celis  account  verified  this  location,  and  Celis  like  Trasvina  Retis  was  able 
to  see  Guadalupe  from  San  Francisco.  It  was  also  clear  from  the  Ydoiaga  account 
that  Shafter  7:1(5787-1)  was  San  Cristobal,  which  had  likewise  been  in  existence  in 
1715.  Then  if  the  former  interpretation  was  correct,  Guadalupe  had  moved  across  the 
river  and  Cristobal  had  moved  to  its  former  location.  But  a  very  large  archaeological 
site  might  be  hidden  under  modern  Ojinaga  and  there  was  no  specific  identification  of 
Santiago  with  Guadalupe  or  location  of  Santiago  on  the  northeastern  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande  for  that  matter.  It  was  at  once  apparent  that  economy  of  hypothesis,  if  nothing 
else,  made  it  necessary  to  place  the  Guadalupe  pueblo  of  1715  at  the  site  where  it  was 
found  in  1747  and  1751,  unless  there  was  a  specific  statement  in  the  Trasvina  Retis 
document  to  the  contrary. 

Reexamination  of  that  document  shows  that  Trasvina  Retis  nowhere  states  that 
he  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  to  reach  Guadalupe.  On  June  2,  1715,  Trasvina  Retis  made 
an  inspection  tour  of  the  valleys  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Rio  Conchos  adjacent  to 
San  Francisco.  He  notes  that  "The  many  fields  .  .  .  which  they  have  in  the  valleys  of 
these  rivers,  and  the  crops  they  are  getting  ready  to  plant  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  del 
Norte  [Rio  Grande]  ...  I  saw  and  examined  today  while  passing  through  the  said 
valleys  .  .  .  there  are  many  groves  of  trees  ...  on  the  banks  of  the  river.  ...  To 
visit  the  pueblos  and  their  crops  on  the  other  bank,  which  could  already  be  seen  in 
major  part,  I  ordered  the  said  Indian  governors  to  make  a  raft  .  .  .  today  they  should 
count  the  Indians  in  this  Pueblo  .  .  .  and  in  that  of  the  Conejo  nation  which  is  on  this 
bank  on  the  edge  of  the  river  that  comes  from  the  north  .  .  .  [the  Rio  Grande].  .  .  ." 
On  June  8  he  stated,  "...  I  went  down  to  cross  over  to  the  other  side.  The  priests, 
the  captains,  and  I  crossed  over  on  the  raft  and  the  soldiers  went  on  horseback.  With- 
out accident  we  arrived  at  the  Pueblo  of  the  Polacmes  and  Sibulas.  .  .  .  About  a  league 
farther  down,  on  the  banks  of  La  Junta  de  los  Rios  [the  combined  Rio  Grande-Rio 
Conchos  below  La  Junta]  there  are  three  [other]  pueblos  ...  in  the  afternoon,  I 
returned  to  the  Real  de  San  Francisco.  .  .  ."  (Italics  by  present  writer). 

In  all  of  this  there  is  explicit  only  that  Trasvina  Retis  could  see  Guadalupe  from 
San  Francisco  and  that  he  reached  it  by  crossing  a  river.  If  there  is  any  indication  as 
to  whether  that  river  was  the  Rio  Grande  or  the  Rio  Conchos,  it  would  seem  to  be  that 
it  was  the  latter  rather  than  the  former.  In  any  event,  it  seems  logical  that  if  neither 
river  is  explicitly  identified,  then  the  obvious  conclusion  is  that  it  was  the  Rio  Conchos, 
which  all  the  later  explorers  crossed  to  reach  Guadalupe  from  San  Francisco.  It  seems 
clear  that  the  writer,  Castaneda,  and  Daniels  were  all  mistaken  in  inferring  that  the 
river  crossed  was  the  Rio  Grande. 


32  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

below  San  Francisco.  Guadalupe  had  a  church,  a  padre 
(Fray  Francisco  Sanchez),  an  Indian  governor,  and  a  plaza 
big  enough  to  serve  as  a  camp  ground  for  the  Spaniards.65 
The  Indians  themselves  identified  their  pueblo  as  Nuestra 
Senora  de  Guadalupe.  The  padre  informed  the  Spaniards 
that  the  Indians  were  not  interested  in  learning  Spanish  or 
the  gospel  and  that  they  were  constantly  attempting  to  per- 
suade him  to  leave  the  pueblo. 

Vidaurre  in  1747  noted  only  that  Guadalupe  was  situated 
on  the  southwestern  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  above  Puliques 
and  across  the  Rio  Conchos  from  San  Francisco.  Ydoiaga 
in  the  same  year  crossed  two  arms  of  the  Rio  Conchos  just 
above  the  point  where  they  joined  the  Rio  Grande  and  came 
to  Guadalupe  at  a  distance  of  one  league  from  San  Francisco. 
The  pueblo  was  also  situated  three  short  leagues  above  Puli- 
ques and  on  the  same  side  of  the  river,  and  above  Crist6bal, 
which  was  located  halfway  between  the  other  pueblos  on  the 
northern  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande.  Ydoiaga  counted  172  In- 
dians here,  but  does  not  identify  their  tribal  affiliations.  56 


65.  Originally  the  expedition  at  full  force  included  Rabago  y  Teran  and  66  soldiers, 
10  Indian  auxiliaries,  428  horses,  and  over  99  mules.  This  party  had  been  reduced  some- 
what by  the  hardships  of  the  journey  and  certainly  the  horses  were  not  all  stabled  in 
the  plaza.  Nevertheless  the  Guadalupe  plaza  must  have  been  fairly  large  to  accommodate 
the  central  camp  of  such  a  large  party. 

66.  It  will  be  recalled  that  only  82  years  before,  in  1716,  Trasvina  Retis  counted 
660  Indians  in  this  pueblo.  Where  did  the  other  378  inhabitants  goT  In  1716  the  Cibo- 
los  lived  in  Guadalupe,  in  1747  they  lived  at  Puliques.  But  at  this  time  there  were  only 
96  Cibolos  at  the  latter  pueblo,  leaving  some  282  Indians  still  unaccounted  for.  Perhaps 
there  is  an  explanation  for  this.  Ydoiaga  noted  that  the  Indians  of  Puliques,  Pescados, 
and  San  Cristobal  came  to  meet  him  at  Guadalupe  but  that  he  did  not  count  them 
there,  but  rather  in  their  own  pueblos  later.  By  his  count  all  of  these  groups  plus  the 
people  of  Guadalupe  totaled  697  Indians,  which  is  very  close  to  the  660  observed  at 
Guadalupe  by  Trasvina  Retis.  If  we  project  the  1747  population  of  Guadalupe  (172) 
into  1716  and  add  to  it  the  population  of  the  Puliques,  Conchos,  and  San  Cristobal 
pueblos  as  counted  by  Trasvina  Retis  (369),  the  total  population  for  all  of  those  towns 
becomes  631  people,  which  is  even  closer  to  the  660  people  which  he  reported  at  Guada- 
lupe. It  seems  probable  that  Trasvina  Retis,  like  Ydoiaga,  was  met  at  Guadalupe  by 
the  Indians  of  all  these  towns,  but  unlike  Ydoiaga  he  assumed  that  they  were  all  resi- 
dents and  counted  them  as  such.  Then,  without  visiting  the  other  pueblos,  he  had 
scouts  bring  back  the  population  figures  for  the  other  towns,  never  realizing  that  he 
was  duplicating  in  large  measure  the  count  he  had  already  made.  If  we  assume  this 
to  be  true  then  the  1716  population  of  Guadalupe  may  be  determined  approximately  by 
subtracting  the  count  given  for  the  other  pueblos  in  the  group  (359)  from  the  count 
of  all  the  towns  (550)  made  at  Guadalupe.  This  gives  a  figure  of  191  for  the  1716  popu- 
lation of  Guadalupe  which  compares  favorably  with  the  172  Indians  counted  there  by 
Ydoiaga  in  1747  and  the  194  population  cited  by  Tameron  y  Romeral  in  1766. 

But  some  qualifications   are  necessary.   The  1747  count  included  the  Polacmes   of 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  33 

There  was  a  resident  priest  and  the  Indians  appeared  to  be 
contented  and  well  subjugated. 

Rubin  de  Celis  did  not  visit  Guadalupe  in  1751  but  he  was 
able  to  see  the  pueblo  from  San  Francisco.  He  noted  that  it 
was  situated  on  a  hill  which  fronted  on  the  opposite  bank  of 
the  Rio  Conchos,  and  that  it  did  not  differ  appreciably  from 
San  Francisco  except  that  its  church  had  been  completed.  He 
did  not  cross  to  the  other  bank  to  visit  the  pueblo  because 
the  Rio  Conchos  was  in  flood.  The  padre  however  was  anxious 
to  return  to  Guadalupe  because  the  following  day  was  the 
feast  day  of  the  titular  saint  of  the  pueblo ;  consequently  he 
had  himself  carried  across  on  the  shoulders  of  the  Indians. 

Tamer6n  y  Romeral  stated  in  1765,  "In  order  to  go  from 
San  Francisco  to  Guadalupe,  distant  about  one  half  league, 
one  crosses  the  Rio  Conchos  .  .  .  this  pueblo  of  Guadalupe 
has  at  the  present  seventy  six  families  with  one  hundred 
and  ninety  four  persons."  One  league  to  the  south  down  the 
joined  rivers  was  the  pueblo  of  Cristobal. 

Lafora's  map  of  1771  shows  the  La  Junta  mission  of 
Guadalupe  in  approximately  the  present  location  of  Ojinaga, 
Chihuahua,  as  described  in  the  earlier  accounts.  O'Connor  in 
1773  did  not  mention  Guadalupe  pueblo  by  name,  and  the 
writer  has  been  unable  to  find  other  late  references  to  the 
pueblo.  But  if  the  name  passed  from  existence,  the  town 
itself  did  not.  It  became  known  by  variants  of  the  name 
"Presidio  del  Norte,"  and  as  such  retained  its  identity 
through  a  further  change  of  name  to  "Ojinaga,"  and  today 
exists  as  the  largest  town  in  the  vicinity.  According  to 
Robles  in  1937  it  had  a  population  of  1,536  inhabitants. 

Guadalupe,  the  Puliques  of  San  Jose  (San  Antonio),  the  Foxalmas  of  San  Cristobal, 
and  the  "Conchos"  of  San  Antonio  de  Padua.  If  the  Cibolos  were  not  included  in  the 
Guadalupe  population,  where  were  they  at  this  time?  As  will  be  pointed  out  later, 
the  best  guess  is  that  the  "Conchos"  of  Padua  (87  of  them)  were  actually  the  "Cibo- 
los" (totaling  96)  of  Puliques  in  1747.  Also,  the  1747  count  included  60  Pescados 
Indians  who  had  only  recently  arrived  at  Puliques.  Since  these  Indians  were  not  there 
in  1715,  the  count  for  1747  should  not  include  them  either,  thus  reducing  the  total 
count  for  this  group  of  pueblos  in  that  year  to  537  persons  as  compared  to  the  550 
persons  tabulated  in  the  earlier  count.  The  near  identity  of  these  two  figures  suggests 
that  the  hypothesis  is  probably  correct,  that  Trasvina  Retis  was  in  error,  and  that  the 
Cibolos  had  indeed  just  arrived  at  La  Junta  but  that  they  had  moved  directly  to  the 
neighborhood  of  Puliques,  where  they  had  reoccupied  a  former  site  of  that  pueblo 
(archaeological  site  57B8-1),  as  discussed  below.  This  hypothesis  harmonizes  well  with 
the  account  actually  given  by  the  Cibolos  of  their  movements. 


34  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

As  stated  in  several  connections  in  the  preceding  discus- 
sions, the  identity  of  Guadalupe  with  Ojinaga  and  its  loca- 
tion on  the  site  of  that  modern  pueblo,  seem  quite  certain. 
Rabago  y  Teran,  Vidaurre,  Ydoiaga,  Rubin  de  Celis,  Tame- 
r6n  y  Romeral,  and  Lafora  all  agree  as  to  its  location,  and 
their  description  places  it  conclusively  on  the  site  of  modern 
Ojinaga,  located  on  the  high  gravel  mesa  southwest  of  the 
Rio  Grande  and  southeast  of  the  Rio  Conchos,  approximately 
two  miles  southeast  of  San  Francisco.  Only  the  testimony  of 
Trasvina  Retis  can  be  interpreted  to  place  it  elsewhere  and 
the  description  of  this  writer  also  places  it  equally  well  in 
the  location  described  by  the  others.57  Only  one  bit  of  evi- 
dence is  lacking.  No  archaeological  site  has  been  discovered 
on  the  present  site  of  Ojinaga.  This  is  not  surprising  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  continued  building  operations,  the  develop- 
ment of  a  much  larger  town  than  formerly  existed  there,  the 
accumulation  of  great  masses  of  modern  refuse,  and,  per- 
haps most  important  of  all,  the  modern  Mexican  block- 
building  type  of  architecture,  would  serve  to  hide  such  ves- 
tiges of  the  former  site  as  may  survive.  A  similar  situation 
has  been  noted  in  modern  Julimes  and  San  Juan.  Neverthe- 
less, careful  observation  should  someday  bring  to  light 
within  the  city  limits  of  modern  Ojinaga  archaeological 
remnants  of  the  former  pueblo  of  Guadalupe. 

Presidio  del  Norte  (Guadalupe,  Ojinaga) : 

As  early  as  the  decade  of  Trasvina  Retis'  visit  to  La 
Junta,  some  Spaniards  had  urged  that  a  presidio  be  built 
there  in  order  to  halt  the  depredations  of  hostile  Indians  and 
protect  the  priests  and  settlers.  But  the  mission  was  not 
actually  established  until  the  second  entrada  of  Rubin  de 
Celis  in  1759-1760.  The  new  presidio  was  established  near 
Guadalupe  pueblo  on  the  site  of  modern  Ojinaga.58 

57.  Nevertheless,  both  Castaneda    (op.  eit.   [note  29]   and  Daniels    (op.  eit.   [note 
3] )    place  Guadalupe  on  the  northeastern  or  Texas  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  in   1715, 
apparently  relying  on  the  interpretation  they  give  the  ambiguous  statement  of  Trasvina 
Retis,  and  adopt  the  expedient  of  moving  the  pueblo  bodily  across  the  river  to  get  it 
to  the  spot  it  obviously  occupied  in  1747  and  later.  This  is  against  all  reason  and  con- 
flicts with  other  data.  Their  further  site  identifications  are  warped  by  this  original 
error,  which  as  has  been  noted  previously  was  at  one  time  made  by  the  present  writer 
also! 

58.  The  writer  does  not  have  access  to  the  documents  of  this  entrada.  Castaneda 
(op.  eit.  [note  29] )   is  the  source  for  the  statement. 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  35 

Castaneda,  who  has  seen  the  documents  of  the  expedition, 
says  that  the  presidio  was  constructed  on  the  northeastern  or 
Texas  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  near  Puliques.  This  must  be 
an  erroneous  interpretation  for  several  reasons. 

First  of  all,  Puliques  was  located  on  the  southwestern  or 
Mexican  bank  of  the  river  and  not  on  the  Texas  side. 
Secondly,  other  sources  indicate  conclusively  that  the  pre- 
sidio was  built  in  the  environs  of  Guadalupe  pueblo,  on  the 
Mexican  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  not  near  Puliques  at 
all.  Thus  Lezaun,  who  was  part  of  the  expedition  that 
founded  the  presidio,  wrote  in  January,  1760 : 59 

Our  entrance  (this  was  the  third)  was  accomplished  by  promising 
the  Indians  that  the  presidio  should  be  placed  at  a  distance  of  ten 
leagues  from  the  settlement  [Guadalupe]  as  is  ordered  by  the  senor 
viceroy,  so  that  they  should  not  suffer  damage  to  their  fields  and  pueb- 
los; but  all  has  failed  .  .  .  the  promise  has  not  been  kept  nor  has  the 
presidio  been  placed  where  it  was  ordered.  It  is  being  constructed  at  a 
distance  of  three  squares  [quadras]  from  the  mission  of  Guadalupe, 
whereby  the  Indians  are  much  disturbed;  and  not  the  least  cause  of 
their  exasperation  is  the  damage  that  their  crops  and  their  sheep, 
cattle,  mules,  and  horses  suffer  at  the  hands  of  the  captain  and  soldiers 
of  the  presidio. 

This  is  clear  enough  and  is  reinforced  by  the  statement 
of  Tameron  y  Romeral  in  1765,  previously  quoted  in  part: 
"In  order  to  go  from  San  Francisco  to  Guadalupe,  distant 
about  one  half  league,  one  crosses  the  Rio  Conchos,  in  be- 
tween ["en  la  mediana"]  stands  [queda  ya"]  the  presidio  de 
Belen  .  .  ."  (italics  by  present  writer).  And  O'Connor  in 
1773  followed  up  the  southwest  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  to 
"the  deserted  presidio  de  las  Juntas."  The  final  clincher  is 
the  Lafora  map  of  1771  which  shows  the  presidio  located 
adjacent  to  Guadalupe  on  the  southwest. 

According  to  Tamer6n  y  Romeral,  in  1765  there  were  50 
families  with  133  persons,  plus  five  attached  Spanish  coun- 
trymen, at  the  presidio.  The  presidio  itself,  but  not  the 
pueblo,  was  abandoned  and  moved  to  Julimes  in  1767  but 

69.  "Letter  of  Father  Fray  Juan  Sanz  de  Lezaun  of  January  15,  1760,  to  Rev- 
erend Father  Fray  Juan  Bravo  .  .  . ,"  quoted  in  "Report  of  the  Reverend  Father 
Provincial,  Fray  Pedro  Serrano,  to  the  Most  Excellent  Senor  Viceroy,  the  Marquis  of 
Cruillas,  in  regard  to  the  Custodia  of  New  Mexico.  In  the  year  1761."  Archive  General 
de  Mexico,  Historic,,  vol.  25.  Translation  in  Hackett,  Historical  Documents  .  .  .  ,  voL 
III,  pp.  479-501.  See  pp.  498-499  from  Lezaun's  letter. 


36  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

was  reestablished  at  La  Junta,  apparently  in  its  old  location, 
in  1773,  where  it  remained  until  modern  times.  From  this 
time  on  the  presidio  name  was  used  for  the  pueblo  as  well, 
the  name  Guadalupe  was  at  first  relegated  to  the  mission 
only,  and  finally  this  'name  was  likewise  changed.  Major 
Emory  visited  "Presidio  del  Norte"  in  1852  and  described  it 
as  "a  miserably  built  mud  town,  situated  upon  a  gravelly 
hill  overlooking  the  junction  of  the  Conchos  and  the  Rio 
Bravo  [the  Rio  Grande]  .  .  .  about  800  inhabitants  .  .  . 
the  church  located  within  the  walls  of  the  presidio  or  fort."60 

The  archives  of  the  present  Catholic  Church  at  Ojinaga 
(El  Templo  de  Nuestro  Padre  Jesus  Nasareno)  were  ex- 
amined briefly  in  1949.  Some  of  the  documents  in  the  oldest 
record  book  ("Matrimonies  de  1798-1842,")  date  back  to 
the  decade  of  1770-80.  None  of  the  records  use  the  name 
Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Guadalupe  for  either  the  mission  or  the 
town,  and  the  patron  saint  is  now  Nuestro  Padre  Jesus  hence 
the  mission  may  have  been  renamed  in  1773  when  the  pre- 
sidio was  reestablished.  The  oldest  name  noted  for  the  town 
in  these  records  was  "El  Real  Presidio  de  Senor  Santiago  de 
la  Junta  de  los  Rios."  By  1795  the  name  had  been  shortened 
to  "El  Real  Presidio  de  Santiago  del  Norte,"  shortly  there- 
after to  "El  Presidio  de  Santiago  del  Norte."  This  was  soon 
reduced  to  "El  Presidio  del  Norte,"  which  continued  in  use 
until  November,  1865,  when  the  pueblo  name  was  officially 
changed  to  "Ojinaga,"  after  Manuel  Ojinaga,  a  leader  in  the 
fight  against  the  French,  and  Governor  of  Chihuahua.  It 
retains  that  name  today,  while  modern  Presidio,  Texas,  first 
established  by  Anglo-American  traders  in  the  1840's  as  a 
suburb  of  Presidio  del  Norte  on  the  northeast  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  retains  the  older  name. 

There  can  be  little  question  that  Guadalupe-Presidio- 
Ojinaga  represent  successively  more  recent  names  applied 
to  the  town  that  remained  throughout  in  the  same  location. 
But  what  became  of  the  Polacme  Indians  who  alone  occupied 
Guadalupe  until  1760?  Their  fate  was  the  same  as  that  of 
the  other  La  Junta  Indians.  Some  of  them  joined  the  Apache 


60.     "Presidio  del  Norte,"  in  Emory,  op.  cit.  [note  40],  p.  84. 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  37 

or  fled  to  other  regions.  Probably  the  great  majority  of  them 
simply  mingled  with  the  invading  Spaniards  and  survive  in 
the  hybrid  population  of  today.  Significantly,  the  archives 
of  the  late  18th  century  carry  numerous  petitions  from  sol- 
diers stationed  at  the  presidio  asking  permission  to  marry 
"women  of  the  town." 

Puliques  (Senor  San  Jose  de  los  Puliques;  San  Antonio  de 
los  Puliques;  Pulicos) : 

Puliques  is  not  identifiable  with  any  specific  pueblo  of 
the  entradas  prior  to  1715,  but  the  records  of  the  Mendoza- 
Lopez  entrada  do  refer  to  a  La  Junta  Indian  group  by  that 
name,  and  probably  a  mission  was  established  among  this 
tribe  at  that  time.  Trasvina  Retis  while  at  Guadalupe  pueblo 
in  1715  listed  three  other  pueblos,  including  Senor  San  Jos6 
de  los  Puliques,  which  were  situated  on  the  banks  of  the 
joined  rivers  below  Guadalupe.  At  that  time  there  were  92 
Puliques  Indians  at  the  pueblo  of  that  name. 

All  of  the  entradas  of  1747  took  note  of  Puliques.  Vi- 
daurre's  party  reached  the  Rio  Grande  at  a  point  midway 
between  Puliques  and  Guadalupe  on  the  southwestern  side 
of  the  Rio  Grande,61  but  other  than  a  brief  reference  to  the 
location  of  the  pueblo  no  data  are  given. 

Ydoiaga  was  more  specific  in  his  description.  He  went 
three  short  leagues  down  the  southwest  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  leaving  the  pueblo  of  San  Cristobal  behind  midway 
of  the  journey  and  on  the  opposite  bank.  This  locates  Puli- 
ques well  enough  and  corresponds  with  the  modern  location 
of  the  town.  Ydoiaga  also  notes  that  Puliques  was  located 
at  the  lower  end  of  a  great  stretch  of  fertile  but  regularly 
flooded  lowland  that  extended  all  the  way  up  the  river  to 
Guadalupe,  which  fits  the  physiographic  location  of  the 
modern  town.  At  this  time  Puliques  had  271  inhabitants; 
however,  156  of  these  occupants  were  refugees,  including 
96  Cibolos  and  60  Pescados  Indians,  who  had  settled  at  the 
pueblo  in  relatively  recent  times,  leaving  only  115  native 

61.  A  large  "draw"  runs  northward  past  the  southwestern  end  of  the  Sierra  de 
la  Cruz  and  enters  the  Rio  Grande  about  five  miles  below  Ojinaga.  The  road  from 
Mulatto  to  Ojinaga  follows  this  draw  to  the  river  valley  and  it  is  probable  that  Vidaurre 
did  likewise  and  camped  near  the  mouth  of  the  draw. 


38  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Puliques  Indians  in  the  town,  as  compared  to  92  found  there 
by  Trasvina  Retis  in  1715.62 

References  to  Puliques  made  by  Rabago  y  Teran,  leader 
of  another  1747  expedition,  are  somewhat  ambiguous  and 
have  led  to  misinterpretations  of  the  location  of  the  pueblo. 
On  the  19th  of  December  this  explorer  traveled  nine  leagues 
down  the  Rio  Grande  to  a  pueblo  located  on  the  northeastern 
bank  of  the  river.  This  pueblo,  which  was  deserted  and  in 
ruins,  was  said  to  be  the  ancient  mission  of  "San  Antonio 
de  los  Puliques,"  inhabited  years  before  by  the  Tapalcomes 
Indians.  Castaneda  has  apparently  interpreted  this  to  mean 
that  Puliques  pueblo  was  located  on  the  American  bank  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  and  so  places  it  in  all  of  his  discussions  of 
the  La  Junta  pueblos.  But  as  Ydoiaga's  account  of  this  same 
ruin  brings  out,  this  was  actually  the  Mission  of  Tapalcomes 
where  the  Pescados  Indians  had  formerly  lived  before  they 
came  to  live  with  the  Puliques  Indians  at  San  Antonio  de 
Puliques.  That  Rabago  y  Teran  was  not  speaking  of  the 
1747  Puliques  pueblo  is  made  clear  later  in  his  journal  where 
he  remarks  that  he  moved  his  camp  to  a  new  location  a 
league  and  a  half  down  the  joined  river  from  Guadalupe  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  and  in  sight  of  both  San  Antonio  de 
los  Puliques  and  San  Cristobal.  Thus,  the  pueblo  was  located 
close  to  Cristdbal  and  not  much  over  a  league  and  a  half  be- 
low Guadalupe,  not  nine  leagues  as  in  the  case  of  the  ruined 
town. 

Rubin  de  Celis  did  not  visit  Puliques  in  his  1751  entrada 
but  Tameron  y  Romeral  in  1765  listed  it  as  a  visita  of  San 
Crist6bal.  The  latter  writer  placed  the  town  on  the  Rio 
Grande  two  leagues  below  Cristobal  and  three  leagues  from 
Guadalupe,  but  said  that  it  had  been  abandoned.  In  1773, 
O'Connor  came  to  the  Rio  Grande  from  the  Sierra  Rica  pass 

62.  The  Pescados  refugees  appear  to  be  recent  additions  to  the  pueblo.  This  seems 
indicated  both  by  the  accounts  which  they  grave  and  by  the  fact  that  they  were  not 
listed  among:  the  tribes  of  La  Junta  by  Trasvina  Retis,  who  did  not  visit  the  Redford 
region  from  which  this  group  came  to  Puliques.  The  Cibolos,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
listed  as  La  Junta  peoples  in  1715,  and  before,  and  Trasvina  Retis  thought  that  they 
had  joined  Guadalupe  pueblo  at  that  date.  But  the  story  which  they  told  Ydoiaga  does 
not  mention  this  and  it  seems  probable,  as  previously  discussed,  that  Trasvina  Retis 
was  mistaken.  Perhaps  the  Cibolos  in  1715  were  living  in  a  site  immediately  adjacent 
to  Pulicos  as  discussed  below.  To  further  confuse  matters,  Fray  Saabedra  (op.  eit.) 
said  that  the  Cibolos  lived  at  San  Cristobal,  not  Puliques,  in  1747. 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  39 

along  the  same  route  followed  by  Vidaurre  in  1747.  Accord- 
ing to  his  account  he  reached  the  Rio  Grande  "near  the 
abandoned  [desamparado']  pueblo  formerly  occupied  by  the 
northerners  called  the  Puliques."  Four  leagues  on  up  the 
Rio  Grande  was  the  abandoned  presidio,  which,  as  has  been 
noted,  was  located  near  Guadalupe  pueblo. 

All  this  gives  a  very  clear  picture  of  the  general  location 
of  Puliques  on  the  southwestern  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande 
some  three  leagues  below  Guadalupe  and  one  half  to  two 
leagues  below  Cristobal,  and  at  the  lower  end  of  an  extensive 
area  of  valley  lowland.63  Today  there  is  a  small  Mexican 
hamlet  located  on  the  high  mesas  of  the  southwestern  bank 
of  the  Rio  Grande  about  six  or  seven  miles  below  Ojinaga 
(Guadalupe)  and  about  three  miles  from  Shafter  7:1  (Cris- 
tobal) at  the  lower  end  of  the  extensive  Presidio  lowland 
farming  area.  This  hamlet  is  called  Pulicos  and  is  said  to  be 
the  place  where  the  padres  gathered  the  last  of  the  Indians 
in  order  to  instruct  them  more  easily.  According  to  Robles, 
in  1937  it  had  a  population  of  209  inhabitants.  Inhabitants 
of  modern  Pulicos  claim  at  least  four  generations  residence 
of  their  own  families  in  the  pueblo  and  state  that  in  the  old- 
est remembered  generation  there  were  Indians  living  in  the 
town.  They  point  out  the  location  of  the  old  mission  church 
which  was  torn  down  a  generation  ago  but  even  the  identity 
of  the  patron  saint  has  been  lost.  On  the  mesa  slope  at  the 
edge  of  the  village  there  are  burned  stones,  flint  chips,  and 
other  debris  of  occupation.  Some  of  the  artifacts  recovered 
belong  to  the  Concepci6n  Focus  occupation,  others  ap- 
parently to  both  recent  and  Conchos  Focus  occupations. 

Apparently,  therefore,  Pulicos  has  been  in  its  present 
location  for  some  time  and  must  certainly  be  identifiable 
with  the  Puliques  pueblo  of  the  historical  records.  If  so,  the 
period  of  abandonment  must  have  been  short  and  if  the 

63.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  Lafora's  map  of  1771  shows  two  missions 
located  on  the  Texas  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  presumably  representing  the  locations 
of  Cristobal  and  Puliques,  inasmuch  as  Guadalupe  and  San  Francisco  are  shown  in 
approximately  the  proper  positions.  But  one  of  these  missions  is  located  directly  across 
the  Rio  Grande  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Conchos,  in  the  mouth  of  Cibola  Creek, 
while  the  other  one  is  located  farther  down  stream.  Lafora's  map  of  the  La  Junta 
pueblos  was  drawn  from  hearsay,  not  based  on  an  actual  inspection,  however,  and  the 
location  given  cannot  be  correct  if  the  descriptions  given  above  are  accepted. 


40  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

local  traditions  are  correct  the  town  was  reoccupied  by  sur- 
vivors of  the  general  Indian  population  who  became  Mexi- 
canized  in  the  last  century.  But  no  archaeological  signs  were 
found  of  the  long  occupation  indicated  for  some  of  the  other 
pueblos,  and  it  seems  possible  that  the  La  Junta  Focus  occu- 
pation of  Puliques  may  not  have  been  in  this  spot  but  at  the 
large  archaeological  site  of  Loma  Paloma  (57B8-1)  directly 
across  the  river. 

Tapalcolmes : 

As  mentioned  above,  Rabago  y  Teran  in  1747  described  a 
ruined  pueblo  located  on  the  Rio  Grande  below  Puliques.  He 
reached  this  pueblo  by  marching  nine  leagues  down  the 
southwestern  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  in  part  through  open 
land  and  at  other  times  through  hills  and  canyons.  The  party 
came  to  a  spacious  valley,  at  the  lower  end  of  which  the  Rio 
Grande  entered  a  canyon.  Here  they  crossed  to  the  north- 
eastern bank  and  a  half  league  back  up  the  river  the  Span- 
iards saw  the  old  walls  of  demolished  houses.  These  were 
said  to  be  the  remains  of  the  ancient  mission,  named  San 
Antonio  de  los  Puliques,  where  the  Tapalcolmes  Indians  had 
lived  many  years  before. 

Ydoiaga,  in  the  same  year,  learned  at  San  Antonio  de 
Puliques  that  the  60  Pescados  Indians  at  that  town  had  lived 
not  many  years  before  on  the  lower  river,  moving  their  small 
fields  of  corn  and  calabashes  from  place  to  place,  as  they 
wished  and  as  determined  by  the  shifting  of  the  river  low- 
lands where  they  sowed.  Out  of  fear  of  the  Apache,  since 
there  were  too  few  of  them  for  a  proper  defense,  the  Pescados 
had  joined  the  Puliques.  They  seemed  quite  content  at  San 
Antonio,  and  were  especially  proud  of  the  new  lands  of  the 
Rio  Grande  lowland  that  had  been  assigned  them  for  their 
fields. 

Ydoiaga  marched  11  leagues  to  the  south  following  more 
or  less  along  the  southwest  bank  of  the  river.  He  came  to  a 
small  valley  at  the  lower  end  of  which  the  river  entered  a 
canyon  formed  by  the  mountains  closing  in  on  each  side. 
This  valley  was  shaped  like  a  box,  with  the  greatest  width  at 
the  lower  end,  and  though  smaller  than  the  lowland  areas 


fc 


1 

1 


O 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  41 

above  was  fairly  large.  In  the  middle  of  this  valley  and  at 
the  edge  of  the  river  on  the  north  bank  he  found  the  ancient 
pueblo  called  Tapacolmes.  Here  stood  the  adobe  walls  of  the 
former  church  or  chapel;  nearby  the  Pescado  Indians  had 
lived  in  rancherias,  planting  their  crops  of  corn  and  cala- 
bashes in  the  moist  river  lowlands.  The  Indians  who  lived 
here,  saiQ  Ydoiaga,  were  the  same  ones  who  had  incorpo- 
rated themselves  with  the  Puliques  and  the  Cibolos  at  San 
Antonio  de  los  Puliques  out  of  fear  of  the  Apache.  In  the 
same  valley,  on  a  nearby  arroyo  which  came  down  from  the 
Sierra  de  la  Mula,  the  Spaniards  found  the  jacales  of  an 
Apache  deer  hunter  who  traded  peacefully  at  San  Antonio 
de  los  Puliques. 

The  valley  located  down  the  Rio  Grande  from  Puliques 
is  unquestionably  the  Redford  valley.  At  its  lower  end  the 
Rio  Grande  goes  into  the  Canon  Colorado  and  midway  of 
the  valley  an  arroyo,  sometimes  known  as  the  Arroyo  Bayo 
Nuevo,  which  heads  in  the  Sierra  de  la  Mula,  enters  the 
river.  Directly  across  the  "Vado  Rojo"  from  the  mouth  of 
this  arroyo  and  directly  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  river 
lies  the  old  Mexican  hamlet  of  Polvo  adjacent  to  its  modern 
successor,  Redford.  Polvo  was  established  in  the  middle  19th 
century,  but  it  is  situated  on  a  large  ruin  mound  of  the  Bravo 
Valley  Aspect,  Site  57D2-3,  which  occupies  the  gravel  mesa 
at  this  point.  The  writer  excavated  at  this  site  in  1948,  and 
in  1949  directed  the  excavations  of  a  University  of  Texas 
Anthropological  Field  School  there.64  This  site  is  the  largest 
Bravo  Valley  site  in  the  area  and  the  only  one  which  shows 
signs  of  historic  occupation.  It  lies  in  the  middle  of  the  Red- 
ford  valley,  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  river,  and  directly 
at  the  water's  edge.  It  was  occupied  during  the  La  Junta 
Focus,  the  Conception  Focus,  and  perhaps  at  the  very  be- 
ginning of  the  Conchos  Focus,  judging  by  surface  finds  and 
the  results  of  the  excavation  to  date.  Across  the  Rio  Grande 
from  Polvo  and  a  short  distance  up  the  Arroyo  Bayo  Nuevo 
is  a  modern  Mexican  hamlet  called  Tapalcolmes.  The  history 


64.  See  Kelley,  "Notes  on  Julimes  .  .  ."  [note  41],  for  a  description  of  the  re- 
stricted 1948  excavations.  The  excavations  of  the  1949  field  school  will  be  reported  in  a 
forthcoming  paper  by  Wm.  J.  Shackelford. 


42  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  this  town  is  not  known  but  the  evidence  in  general  points 
to  the  identity  of  Site  57D2-3  with  the  Tapalcolmes  pueblo 
of  1747. 

Although  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the  earlier  reports, 
Tapalcolmes  must  have  been  occupied  as  late  as  1683,  per- 
haps 1715  or  later,  since  it  was  in  existence  late  enough  to 
have  a  mission  established  there.65  Inasmuch  as  Trasvina 
Retis  did  not  visit  the  Redford  valley  in  1715,  and  since  the 
Pescados  were  not  included  in  his  list  of  La  Junta  tribes,  the 
pueblo  may  still  have  been  in  existence  at  that  late  date.  The 
lack  of  extensive  Conchos  Focus  debris  at  the  site  however 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  it  must  have  been  abandoned 
shortly  after  1715  at  the  latest ;  this  conclusion  is  borne  out 
by  the  ruinous  condition  of  the  pueblo  in  1747. 

San  Antonio  de  Padua: 

In  1715,  apparently  while  at  Guadalupe  pueblo,  Trasvina 
Retis  wrote :  "About  a  league  farther  down  on  the  banks  of 
La  Junta  de  los  Rios,  there  are  three  pueblos  close  together, 
and  in  the  same  form  as  the  rest.  The  first  is  that  of  the  Puli- 
ques  .  .  .  and  the  next  is  that  of  the  Conchos  which  I  named 
San  Antonio  de  Padua  and  which  has  eighty-seven  people, 
young  and  old ;  the  last  one  .  .  .  was  named  San  Cristobal. 
.  .  ."  Interpretation  of  this  vague  and  ambiguous  statement 
must  be  largely  guesswork.  Certainly  Puliques  was  located 
about  a  league  below  Guadalupe  on  the  southwest  bank  of  the 
joined  rivers.  But  Crist6bal  was  not  located  farther  down 
the  river  than  Puliques,  much  less  third  in  order  down  the 
river,  no  matter  how  close  together  the  three  pueblos  may 
have  been.  Obviously,  Trasvina  Retis  meant  something  totally 
different  than  sheer  distance  away  from  Guadalupe  in  list- 
ing the  three  pueblos  in  order.  Examination  of  possible  sites 
for  the  location  of  third  pueblo,  that  of  San  Antonio  de  Pa- 
dua, may  be  helpful  in  this  interpretation. 


65.  According  to  Sauer,  (op.  eit.  [note  49],  p.  64)  the  Topacolme  were  included 
in  a  list  of  tribes  ruled  by  a  Mamite  Indian  chieftain  in  1684.  Included  in  the  list  were 
other  La  Junta  groups  such  as  Oposme,  Cacalotito,  Mesquite.  Conejo,  Polacme,  Posalme, 
and  Julime.  Sauer  quotes  Marin  in  1693  as  listing  Topacolme  together  with  Conejo, 
Mesquite,  Cacalote,  Posalme,  Polacme,  and  Oposme,  among  the  tribes  of  the  La  Junta 
region. 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  43 

There  are  no  known  archaeological  sites  of  the  Bravo 
Valley  Aspect  between  Puliques  and  Guadalupe.  Beyond  Pu- 
liques,  continuing  down  the  river  on  the  Mexican  side,  one 
does  not  find  another  archaeological  site  for  many  miles. 
Hence,  Padua  must  have  been  located  on  the  Texas  side  of 
the  river.  Below  Cristobal,  at  the  southeastern  edge  of 
modern  Presidio,  Texas,  several  archaeological  sites  have 
been  identified  on  the  northeastern  bank  of  the  river. 
Only  one  of  these  represents  a  large  enough  site  located 
within  the  Presidio  valley  and  close  to  Puliques  and  Cristobal 
to  be  acceptable  as  the  site  of  Padua.  This  is  57B8-1,  the 
Loma  Paloma  site,  located  on  a  high  gravel  mesa  almost 
directly  across  the  river  east  of  Puliques,  slightly  over  a 
mile  from  the  latter  pueblo,  and  about  three  miles  down  the 
river  from  Cristobal. 

The  Loma  Paloma  site  has  extensive  refuse  deposits  and 
some  surface  indications  of  pithouse  locations.  Surface  col- 
lections and  artifacts  obtained  by  amateur  archaeologists 
digging  in  this  site  indicate  that  it  was  occupied  primarily 
during  the  La  Junta  Focus  (circa,  1200-1400  A.D.).  There 
are  some  indications  of  a  short  lived  occupation  during  the 
Concepcion  Focus,  and  abundant  evidence  of  occupation 
either  very  late  in  the  Conchos  Focus  or  in  the  recent  Ala- 
mitos  Focus  (modern  Mexican  occupation)  or  both. 

If  57B8-1  is  accepted  as  the  former  site  of  Padua,  and  it 
is  the  only  known  candidate  that  meets  any  of  the  prerequi- 
sites for  the  identification,  we  may  reinterpret  Trasvina 
Retis's  account  as  follows:  "About  a  league  farther  down 
[the  southwest  bank]  of  the  joined  rivers  [the  Rio  Grande] 
...  [is  one  of]  the  three  pueblos  [located]  close  together 
.  .  .  The  first  is  that  of  the  Puliques  .  .  .  and  the  next 
[located  across  the  Rio  Grande  about  a  half  a  league  to  the 
east]  is  that  of  the  Conchos  .  .  .  San  Antonio  de  Padua  .  .  . 
[returning  up  the  river  about  one  league  toward  Guadalupe 
one  comes  to]  the  last  one.  .  .  named  San  Cristobal."  This 
interpretation  makes  sense  and  probably  is  the  correct  one. 

But  the  status  of  San  Antonio  de  Padua  as  a  pueblo  still 
remains  obscure.  No  such  pueblo  was  mentioned  by  either 
earlier  or  later  explorers  and  the  Conchos  Indians  were  nor- 


44  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

mally  found  far  up  the  Rio  Conchos  from  La  Junta.  Inas- 
much as  Trasvina  Retis  appears  to  have  based  his  descrip- 
tion of  these  three  pueblos  largely  on  hearsay,  and  to  have 
been  confused  in  general  about  their  people,  the  following 
guess  interpretation  of  the  status  of  Padua  may  be  ventured, 
with  the  injunction  that  lack  of  evidence  for  this  particular 
guess  makes  it  tenable  only  as  one  of  several  alternative 
hypotheses. 

Site  57B8-1  was  occupied  throughout  the  La  Junta  Focus. 
Shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  Concepci6n  Focus,  say 
around  1450  A.D.,  the  river  channel  shifted  toward  the 
southeast  and  the  site  was  then  left  so  far  from  the  river 
that  the  pueblo  was  speedily  moved  to  the  southwest  bank. 
There  a  new  pueblo  was  established,  the  one  which  was  later 
known  as  Puliques.  It  will  be  recalled  that  there  was  only  a 
very  shallow  archaeological  occupation  indicated  for  the 
latter  pueblo,  and  that  this  occupation  apparently  began 
during  the  Concepcion  Focus,  or  at  about  the  time  Site 
57B8-1  was  abandoned.  Furthermore,  the  lands  of  Puliques 
pueblo  lay  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  and  hence  included  the 
farm  lands  that  must  have  once  supported  the  people  of 
57B8-1. 

Continuing  the  hypothesis,  it  may  be  inferred  that  shortly 
before  1715  the  Cibolo  deserted  their  pueblo  in  the  Chinati 
Mountains  and  joined  the  La  Junta  towns  on  the  river.  Tras- 
vina Retis  noted  that  they  had  done  so  in  1715  and  said  that 
they  had  joined  the  Polacmes  at  Guadalupe  pueblo  for  de- 
fense against  the  Apache.  But  analysis  of  Trasvina  Retis' 
statements,  discussed  above,  points  out  that  he  is  probably 
erroneous  in  the  latter  statement.  But  if  so,  where  and  who 
were  the  Cibolo  in  the  confused  1715  census?  Their  own  ac- 
count in  1747  mentioned  only  their  incorporation  with  the 
Puliques  at  San  Antonio,  and  if  the  interpretation  of  Tras- 
vina Retis'  statistics  given  in  earlier  discussions  is  correct 
then  the  Cibolo  either  were  not  counted  or  else  they  were 
the  "Concho"  of  San  Antonio  de  Padua.  If  the  latter  infer- 
ence is  correct,  the  Cibolo  may  have  joined  the  Puliques  just 
before  1715  and  been  assigned  the  old  lands  and  village  site 
of  the  Puliques  just  across  the  Rio  Grande  at  57B8-1.  Later, 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  45 

as  friendship  deepened  between  Cibolo  and  Puliques,  the 
former  may  have  moved  to  the  more  convenient  location  of 
Puliques  itself,  where  both  groups  were  then  joined  by  the 
refugee  Pescado  from  the  lower  river. 

The  hypothesis  given  above  fits  the  known  archaeological 
picture  and  would  explain  such  puzzling  historical  data  as 
the  sudden  and  inexplicable  appearance  and  disappearance 
of  the  Padua  pueblo  of  1715,  and  the  question  of  the  where- 
abouts of  the  Cibolo  in  the  same  year.  An  alternate  inter- 
pretation would  explain  the  "Conchos"  Indians  of  Padua  as 
late  surviving  occupants  of  the  original  pueblo  at  57B8-1 
who  after  1715  abandoned  the  site  to  join  their  relatives  on 
the  upper  Conchos  or  elsewhere.  Still  other  alternatives  are 
possible  and  none  can  at  present  be  verified  or  disproven. 

San  Cristobal  (Santiago?) : 

As  pointed  out  in  previous  discussions,  one  of  the  group 
of  pueblos  located  close  together  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio 
Grande  below  Guadalupe  in  1715  was  San  Cristobal.  Ac- 
cording to  Trasvina  Retis,  San  Cristobal  was  occupied  at 
that  time  by  the  Poxalmas  Indians  and  had  a  total  popula- 
tion of  180  persons.  This  Cristobal  pueblo  is  perhaps  identi- 
fiable with  the  earlier  Santiago  pueblo  of  the  Espejo  entrada, 
of  1582,  although  as  discussed  elsewhere  Santiago  alter- 
nately may  have  been  the  Guadalupe  pueblo  of  later  ex- 
plorers. Santiago,  as  described  by  the  Espejo  party,  was  the 
largest  of  the  La  Junta  pueblos  and  was  settled  by  Indians 
all  of  whom  were  farmers.  The  river  lowlands  near  Santiago 
were  very  appropriate  for  farming,  since  there  were  very 
many  damp  islands  and  sloughs.  Although  the  people  lived 
in  a  pueblo  they  also  had  many  flat  roofed  houses  in  their 
fields  where  they  lived  at  harvest  time.  The  "cacique"  of 
Santiago,  called  "Q.Bisise,"  was  respected  by  all  the  other 
caciques  of  the  La  Junta  pueblos. 

San  Crist6bal  pueblo  is  located  with  some  exactitude  by 
the  records  of  the  1747  entradas.  Thus,  Ydoiaga  marched 
three  leagues  down  the  southwestern  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande 
from  Guadalupe  to  Puliques.  He  states  that  on  this  march 
he  "left  the  pueblo  of  San  Cristobal  on  the  northern  bank 


46  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

for  the  return  trip."  On  the  return  trip  he  marched  seven 
leagues  up  the  southwest  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  from  the 
Arroyo  de  la  Mula,  or  Bayo  Nuevo,  near  Tapalcolmes.  Be- 
tween Puliques  and  Guadalupe  he  crossed  to  north  bank 
of  the  Rio  Grande  and  came  to  San  Cristobal  pueblo.  Cris- 
tobal was  situated  directly  on  the  river  bank  but  nevertheless 
it  was  elevated  enough  to  escape  even  the  highest  floods. 
There  was  much  nearby  farm  land  but  it  differed  greatly  in 
the  amount  of  flood  water  that  it  received  in  any  one  year. 
Hence,  the  amount  of  land  the  Indians  planted  in  maize  and 
wheat  varied  from  year  to  year.  In  the  best  years  they  har- 
vested enough  wheat  and  maize  to  last  the  entire  pueblo 
throughout  the  year  and  had  some  left  to  trade  to  the  Apa- 
ches for  deer  skins.  In  bad  years  they  did  not  have  enough 
grain  to  feed  themselves  and  were  forced  to  supplement  their 
farm  products  with  fish,  herbs,  tunas  (prickly  pear  fruit) , 
and  other  wild  plants.  There  were  154  Indians  living  in  San 
Cristobal  at  this  time. 

The  Spaniards  asked  the  Indians  why  they  did  not  move 
their  pueblo  to  the  other  side  of  the  river  where  it  would  be 
easier  for  the  priests  to  minister  to  them.  The  Indians  re- 
plied that  the  padres  had  already  proposed  that  they  move 
their  pueblo  to  the  Guadalupe  side  of  the  river,  but  that 
they  had  refused.  There  was  no  place  suitable  for  building 
a  pueblo  along  the  entire  southwestern  river  front  between 
Guadalupe  and  Puliques.  All  through  this  area  of  land  on  the 
southwest  was  low  and  easily  flooded ;  the  hills  on  that  side 
were  too  far  from  the  river  to  allow  using  them  as  building 
sites. 

Rabago  y  Teran  in  the  same  year  returned  from  an  in- 
spection tour  of  the  Redford  valley  by  marching  up  the 
northwest  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  from  Tapalcolmes  pueblo. 
Toward  the  end  of  this  return  journey  up  the  river  he  came 
to  the  "Pueblo  and  Mission  of  San  Crist6bal,  populated,  but 
without  a  minister.  .  .  ."  At  this  point  he  crossed  to  the 
other  bank  of  the  river  and  returned  to  his  camp  at  Guada- 
lupe pueblo,  apparently  only  a  short  distance  away.  Later 
he  moved  his  camp  eastward  one  and  one  half  leagues  to  a 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  47 

new  site  located  near  and  in  sight  of  both  San  Crist6bal  and 
Puliques. 

Vidaurre  did  not  cross  to  the  northern  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande  and  hence  missed  Cristobal.  Rubin  de  Celis  did  not 
go  down  stream  from  the  actual  river  junction  and  also 
missed  visiting  the  town.  Tameron  y  Romeral  in  1765,  how- 
ever, listed  San  Cristobal  among  the  La  Junta  pueblos  and 
located  it  about  one  league  below  Guadalupe  on  the  banks  of 
the  joined  rivers.66  At  this  time  Cristobal  had  34  families  of 
Indians,  numbering  117  persons,  and  Puliques  was  a  visita 
of  the  San  Crist6bal  mission. 

The  only  archaeological  site  of  any  size  between  La 
Junta  and  Site  57B8-1  (Padua;  located  at  the  lower  end  of 
the  valley  near  the  mouth  of  Alamito  Creek)  on  the  north- 
eastern bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  is  the  Millington  Site 
(Shafter  7: 1/  Site  57B7-1).  This  site  is  located  at  the  very 
edge  of  the  low  terrace  of  the  Rio  Grande  about  three  and 
a  half  miles  below  Ojinaga  and  two  and  one  half  to  three 
miles  above  Pulicos.  An  old  channel  of  the  Rio  Grande 
swung  by  the  site  and  the  lowlands  there  are  made  up  of 
many  "moist  islands  and  bays."  In  location  and  physio- 
graphic situation  the  Millington  Site  conforms  to  the  de- 
scriptions of  San  Cristobal  pueblo  as  well  as  the  Santiago 
pueblo  of  Luxan. 

Much  of  the  Millington  Site  was  excavated  by  Donald  J. 
Lehmer  and  the  writer  in  1938-39  as  a  cooperative  project 
of  the  Sul  Ross  College  and  the  School  of  American  Re- 
search. The  final  report  on  these  excavations  has  not  yet  been 
completed,  but  the  general  prehistory  of  the  pueblo  may  be 
summarized  here.  The  site  had  a  very  heavy  occupation  dur- 
ing the  La  Junta  Focus  and,  judging  from  the  number  of 
mutually  intersecting  houses  of  this  focus  found  in  the  in- 
vestigations, was  occupied  throughout  the  1200-1400  period. 
Fewer  houses  of  the  Concepci6n  and  Conchos  foci  were 
found,  but  these  were  much  larger  and  much  pottery  assign- 


66.  The  phraseology  here  appears  somewhat  ambiguous.  Tameron  y  Romeral 
stated :  "Este  pueblo  de  indios  dista  como  una  legua  de  Guadalupe  rio  abajo  que  ya  van 
juntos  de  esta  banda  del  sur.  .  .  ."  Does  this  mean  that  he  believed  Cristobal  to  be 
located  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  river?  If  so,  and  if  correct,  the  Spaniards  must 
have  succeeded  in  getting  the  pueblo  moved  as  they  had  earlier  requested. 


48  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

able  to  these  foci  has  been  recovered.  One  Spanish  coin  was 
found  with  a  date  in  the  1750's  together  with  numerous 
other  European  artifacts.  The  exact  date  of  abandonment  of 
the  pueblo  is  not  clear  from  the  archaeological  record,  but 
it  probably  fell  within  the  last  quarter  of  the  18th  century. 
The  historical  records  provide  no  information  regarding  the 
disappearance  of  the  Indians  of  Cristobal.  They  may  have 
joined  other  pueblos  and  become  mixed  into  the  modern 
Mexican  population,  or  they  may  have  died  off  or  become 
incorporated  in  the  growing  Apache  ethnic  group. 

The  Cibolo  Pueblo: 

The  Cibolo  apparently  were  not  originally  members  of 
the  La  Junta  ethnic  group.  Thus,  reports  of  the  Parral  In- 
vestigations in  1688  referred  to  "the  Cibolos  Indians  who 
come  from  the  direction  of  the  east  to  trade  and  bargain 
with  [the  Julimes]  as  friends,  which  they  are."67  The  Cibolo, 
and  the  Jumano  with  whom  they  consistently  associated  in 
the  late  17th  century,  were  apparently  trading  and  bison- 
hunting  Indians  from  the  Plains  who  had  found  a  ready 
market  for  their  wares  as  well  as  a  source  of  agricultural 
products  and  European  goods  in  the  La  Junta  towns.  They 
apparently  lived  part  of  the  year,  principally  the  winter 
months,  at  La  Junta  but  were  not  considered  full-fledged 
members  of  the  valley  towns  at  that  time.  About  the  end  of 
the  century  the  Jumano  seemed  to  have  merged  with  the 
Apache,  and  the  Cibolo  at  approximately  the  same  time 
appear  as  new  pueblo-dwelling  recruits  to  the  La  Junta 
population. 

In  1715  Trasvina  Retis  referred  to  the  Cibolo  as  a  nation 
who  had  recently  joined  Guadalupe  pueblo  for  protection 
against  the  Apache.  As  pointed  out  in  earlier  discussions 
this  was  probably  inaccurate.  Other  accounts  speak  of  the 
Cibolo  as  having  joined  Puliques  pueblo  instead  of  Guada- 
lupe, although  for  the  same  reason.  In  this  paper  the  theory 
has  been  advanced  that  the  Cibolo  first  reoccupied  the  aban- 
doned site  of  57B8-1  where  the  Puliques  are  thought  to  have 


67.     "Declaration  of  Juan  Salaisas,"  Hackett.  Historical  Documents  ....  voL  II, 
pp.  237-239. 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  49 

formerly  lived  and  then  later  moved  across  the  river  to  San 
Antonio  de  Puliques  itself.  At  any  rate  Ydoiaga  found  96 
Cibolo  there  in  1747  and  was  told  that  they  had  come  there 
from  an  ancient  pueblo  of  their  own  in  the  mountains  to  the 
north.  They  seemed  to  have  had  some  especial  affiliation 
with  the  peoples  of  Puliques  and  Cristobal,  because  earlier 
reports  refer  to  the  "Cibolas  of  Puliques  and  San  Cristobal," 
and  Fray  Saabedra  spoke  of  the  Cibolos  having  joined  the 
people  of  Cristobal  pueblo. 

Information  that  Ydoiaga  received  at  Puliques  regarding 
the  former  Cibolo  pueblo  is  of  some  interest.  He  had  asked 
for  data  regarding  springs  or  other  waterholes  in  the  re- 
gion surrounding  La  Junta.  He  was  told  that  "they  knew 
of  only  one  large  [spring]  which  lay  to  the  north  of  there 
where  in  ancient  times  [antiguamente]  the  rancheria  of  the 
Cibolos,  who  now  are  in  this  pueblo,  where  they  have  retired 
before  the  blows  given  them  by  the  Apache,  was  located. 
The  flow  of  this  spring  is  great  and  it  runs  over  plenty  of 
land,  but  by  an  arroyo  constricted  inconveniently  by  moun- 
tains on  both  sides.  This  site  had  been  deserted  since  the 
Cibolo  had  left  there  but  [Ydoiaga]  could  see  [the  spring] 
if  he  wished  to  go  and  record  it." 

Later,  after  completing  his  inspection  of  the  Redford 
valley  and  San  Cristobal,  Ydoiaga  availed  himself  of  this 
offer.  Led  by  Cibolo  guides  he  left  Cristobal  and  marched 
north  nine  leagues  over  rough  stony  land  to  a  gorge  lacking 
wood  and  water  but  with  good  grass.  The  next  day  he 
marched  to  the  northeast  and  after  three  leagues  arrived 
at  an  arroyo  which  ran  from  north  to  south  in  a  canyon 
formed  by  high  mountains.  This  arroyo  had  a  heavy  flow 
of  water  and  in  the  canyon  there  was  a  sapling  thicket  (Vos- 
que  de  Palizada).  Marching  up  this  canyon  for  one  league, 
since  that  was  the  only  trail,  the  party  came  to  its  source  at 
the  foot  of  a  high  mountain  which  could  be  seen  to  the  north- 
east. Here  the  flow  of  two  springs  united  in  a  cane  thicket  to 
form  the  better  part  of  the  water  of  the  stream  they  had 
been  following.  There  was  also  a  small  area  of  alluvial  fill 
along  the  stream.  This  was  suitable  for  small  scale  agricul- 
ture but  its  small  size  and  roughness  together  with  the  re- 


50  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

strictions  imposed  by  the  surrounding  mountains  and  the 
repeated  overflows  of  the  arroyo,  attested  by  sand  bars,  de- 
tracted considerably  from  its  desirability  as  a  pueblo  site. 

On  a  rocky  hill  in  the  middle  of  the  alluvial  flat  they  saw 
the  old  walls  of  one  of  the  houses  of  the  Cibolo  rancheria. 
Nearby  they  could  also  see  signs  of  a  former  irrigation  proj- 
ect by  means  of  which  the  Indians  had  removed  water  from 
the  arroyo  for  use  on  their  fields.  The  Cibolo  said  that  their 
ancestors  (parientes,  actually  "relatives")  had  deserted 
their  pueblo  because  of  the  blows  of  the  Apache  and  because 
of  the  persuasions  of  Fray  Gregorio  Osorio.  Since  that  time 
the  site  had  remained  deserted.  Ydoiaga  then  returned  to 
San  Francisco,  marching  four  leagues  south  the  first  day, 
without  water  but  through  good  pasture,  and  then  nine  more 
leagues  in  the  same  direction  on  the  second  day. 

Thus,  the  Cibolo  rancheria  was  situated  near  a  large 
spring  at  the  head  of  a  canyon  some  thirteen  leagues  north 
or  slightly  northeast  of  both  Cristobal  and  San  Francisco 
and  at  the  southwestern  flank  of  a  high  mountain.  There  are 
two  possible  identifications  for  this  site,  and  a  third  less 
probable  one.  Perhaps  the  most  probable  location  would  be 
the  present  site  of  Shafter,  Texas,  located  in  the  Chinati 
Mountains  near  the  head  of  Cibola  Creek  about  20  miles 
north  of  Presidio.  Here  there  are  springs  producing  a  steady 
flow  of  water,  through  a  canyon.  There  is  also  a  large  moun- 
tain on  the  northeast  and  a  restricted  area  of  alluvial  farm 
land  along  the  stream.  The  town  of  Shafter  itself  occupies 
in  part  a  rocky  promontory  at  the  edge  of  this  alluvial  flat. 
The  only  difficulty  is  that  Shafter  does  not  appear  to  be  far 
enough  from  La  Junta.  The  roughness  of  the  intervening 
territory  might  have  made  the  Spaniards  overestimate  the 
distance  however.  No  archaeological  site  is  recorded  here  but 
one  may  lie  beneath  the  modern  town.  By  stretching  the 
specified  distances  slightly  one  arrives  at  the  springs  of  San 
Esteban,  located  near  the  head  of  Alamito  Creek.  Here  too 
there  was  a  heavy  spring-fed  flow  of  water  along  a  canyon 
but,  aside  from  the  wall  of  the  canyon,  the  only  high  moun- 
tain arising  to  the  northeast  would  be  the  peaks  of  the  Davis 
Mountains  ten  miles  or  more  away.  This  was  an  important 


INDIAN   PUEBLOS  51 

and  well  known  location  on  the  early  Indian  trails  from  La 
Junta  to  the  north,  later  on  pioneer  trails  as  well,  and  reput- 
edly there  are  Indian  paintings  on  the  cliff  of  San  Esteban. 

A  third  possible  location  might  be  on  one  of  the  upper 
branches  of  Cienega  Creek  in  the  eastern  edge  of  the  Chinati 
Mountains.  This  area  is  not  personally  known  to  the  writer 
and  cannot  be  evaluated.  On  the  whole,  perhaps,  Shafter  is 
the  best  alternative  as  the  location  of  the  Cibolo  pueblo,  or 
rancheria. 

When  did  the  Cibolo  move  to  La  Junta?  They  were  there 
in  1715  according  to  Trasvina  Retis.  Furthermore,  they  told 
Ydoiaga  in  1747  that  the  persuasions  of  Fray  Gregorio  Oso- 
rio  had  been  one  factor  in  the  decision  of  their  parientes  to 
move  to  La  Junta.  Fray  Osorio  was  one  of  the  priests  whom 
Trasvina  Retis  escorted  to  La  Junta  in  1715.  Either  the 
move  of  the  Cibolo  to  La  Junta  was  only  then  occurring,  per- 
haps accounting  for  the  confusion  of  Trasvina  Retis  as  to 
their  location,  or  else  Fray  Osorio  had  been  at  La  Junta  pre- 
vious to  1715,  if  the  account  of  the  Cibolo  is  to  be  accepted 
as  fact.  In  any  event  it  seems  probable  that  the  Cibolo  moved 
to  La  Junta  shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century, 
and  not  before  then. 

Other  Pueblos : 

There  were  many  more  pueblos  than  those  here  discussed 
in  existence  in  the  La  Junta  valley  during  the  La  Junta 
Focus,  circa  1200-1400  A.D.,  both  above  and  below  La  Junta. 
Fewer  sites  are  known  for  the  prehistoric  portion  of  the 
Conception  Focus,  but  again  many  are  known  that  did  not 
survive  into  the  historic  period.  Since  all  of  these  sites  were 
abandoned  before  the  beginning  of  the  historic  period  and 
since  their  occupants  cannot  be  identified  with  historic  La 
Junta  Indian  groups  they  do  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this 

paper. 

***** 

The  author  is  indebted  to  the  International  Boundary  and 
Water  Commission,  United  States  Section,  Mr.  L.  M.  Law- 
son,  Commissioner,  for  the  aerial  photographs  which  illus- 
trate the  study  and  for  aerial  photographs  on  which  the  map 
is  based. 


ALBERT  FRANKLIN  BANTA:  ARIZONA  PIONEER 

Edited  by  FRANK  D.  REEVE 

(Continued) 

After  adjournment  Pat  Hamilton  and  Self  took  the  Black 
Canon  stage  for  Phoenix,  here  we  stopt  for  a  few  days  and 
then  went  to  Tucson — by  stage  from  Phoenix  to  Old  Mari- 
copa  Wells  and  thence  by  rail  to  Tucson.  At  Tucson  we  put 
up  at  the  Cosmopolitan  Hotel  on  Main  Street,  now  known 
as  the  Orndorf.  A  series  of  stage  robberies  had  occured  on 
the  Black  Canon  road  at  a  point  about  half  a  mile  above 
Gillett.182  Wells,  Fargo  and  Company's  special  officers — J. 
B.  Hume  and  Johnny  Thacker — had  exhausted  every  means 
to  ferrit  out  the  robbers  but  without  success;  in  fact  they 
were  completely  stumped.  They  had  not  secured  a  single  clue 
to  the  robbers.  Before  proceeding  further  I  must  refer  to  a 
matter  that  occured  in  Santa  Fe  which  has  a  bearing  and 
really  led  up  to  the  events  about  to  be  related. 

In  May,  1869  the  U.  S.  Depository  at  Santa  Fe  was  robbed 
of  $350,000;  Colonel  Collins,183  a  man  over  eighty  years  of 
age,  was  dead  on  the  floor  of  the  Depository.  He  had  been 
shot  in  the  side  of  the  head  which  was  powder-burned.  At 
this  time  George  Martin  was184  the  Postmaster  at  Santa  Fe. 
A  tremendous  excitement  followed.  The  report  went  out  that 
the  depository  had  been  robbed  of  $400,000;  Collins  mur- 
dered ;  that  the  robbers  had  broken  in  thru  the  window  of 


182.  Gillett  was  a  mining  camp  in  the  Black  Canyon  north  of  Phoenix.  It  devel- 
oped in  the  1870's. 

183.  James    L.    Collins    played   a   prominent   part   in    New    Mexican    politics    and 
Indian  affairs  during  the  decades  of  the  1850's  and  1860's.  His  career  can  be  followed 
in   Frank   D.    Reeve,    "The   Federal   Indian    Policy    in    New   Mexico,    1858-1880,"    NEW 
MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  beginning  at  12 :218.  The  official  records  speak  of  his  death 
as  murder.  Ibid.,  13  :59.  I  am  surprised  at  the  age  attributed  to  him  by  Banta. 

184.  "According  to  records  of  the   Post  Office  Department  now  in   our  custody, 
a  George  T.  Martin  served  as  postmaster  at  Santa  Fe  from  March  12,  1868  to  April  8, 
1869. 

"You  may  be  interested  to  know  that  a  George  Martin  served  as  postmaster  at 
Gila  City,  Dona  Ana  County,  from  January  1,  1861  to  February  14,  1863."  Meyer  H. 
Fishbein  (For  the  Chief  Archivist)  to  Miss  Genevieve  Porterfield  (Reference  Librarian, 
University  of  New  Mexico),  December  28,  1951  (Industrial  Records  Branch,  National 
Archives  and  Records  Service,  Washington  25,  D.  C.) 

52 


BANTA  53 

an  adjoining  room — the  sleeping  apartment  of  Colonel  Col- 
lins. Two  or  three  hundred  deputies  were  sworn  in  and 
placed  about  the  city,  who  allowed  no  one  to  leave  Santa  Fe. 
I  went  to  the  scene  of  the  alleged  robbery  and,  after  fifteen 
minutes  examination,  declared  no  robbers  had  done  the  job ; 
that  the  robbery  had  been  done  on  the  inside ;  that  the  alleged 
murder  was  simply  a  suicide.  For  this  I  was  threatened  with 
violence  by  friends  of  the  dead  Colonel.  I  said  a  U.  S.  secret 
service  man  would  be  here  in  a  few  days,  and  if  he  don't 
coroberate  my  statements  then  I  am  ready  to  take  my  medi- 
cine. He  did.  Martin  was  aware  of  these  facts. 

One  day  I  went  into  the  dining  room  of  the  Cosmopoli- 
tan Hotel  for  lunch,  taking  a  seat  at  the  opposite  side  of  the 
room  from  the  door.  In  a  few  moments  George  Martin,  ac- 
companied by  two  men  strangers  to  me,  entered  the  room 
and  took  seats  at  a  table  on  the  opposite  side.  Before  seating 
himself  Martin  saluted  me  and  I  returned  his  salute ;  he  then 
leaned  over  his  table  and  spoke  to  the  two  men  seated.  Im- 
mediately George  came  across  the  room  and  said,  "Those 
two  gentlemen  over  there  are  Wells,  Fargo  &  Co.'s  special 
officers  and  they  would  like  to  have  a  talk  with  you  after 
lunch."  I  assented  and  after  lunch  we  all  went  out  upon  the 
veranda ;  after  Martin  had  introduced  us  he  returned  to  the 
office;  he  was  the  Tucson  agent  for  the  Company.  Thacker 
said,  "You  have  heard  of  the  Gillett  robberies  have  you?"  I 
assented  with  a  nod  of  my  head.  He  then  says,  "Our  agent 
here  Mr.  Martin  has  recommended  you  to  help  us  out  if  you 
will ;  we  are  at  the  end  of  our  rope  and  can't  do  a  thing  more 
in  these  cases;  will  you  help  us?"  I  replied,  "Gentlemen,  I 
don't  know  that  I  can  do  anything  in  the  matter  but  will  try." 

Thacker  and  I  immediately  left  Tucson  for  Phoenix 
where  we  put  up  with  old  Charly  Saleri  whose  adobe  hotel 
was  on  Washington  street.  Here  I  and  Thacker  talked  over 
the  matter  pro  and  con.  Thacker  said,  "The  Company  in  San 
Francisco  were  suspicious  of  the  agent  at  Gillett,  and 
thought  he  was  in  colussion  with  the  robbers,  and  this  was 
the  cause  of  our  failure  to  get  any  clues  to  the  robberies; 
that  I  must  investigate  that  agent;  that  if  these  robberies 
were  not  run  down  the  Company  had  threatened  to  take  off 


54  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  Express."  In  the  meantime  since  leaving  Tucson  I  had 
been  thinking,  and  now  wanted  some  information  from 
Thacker  and  asked,  "How  much  was  in  the  box  when  last 
robbed?"  He  said  $900  in  gold,  thirty-five  in  Greenbacks  and 
a  pair  of  ladie's  fancy  slippers.  I  then  asked  if  robberies 
were  consecutively  or  was  there  intervals  between  robberies. 
He  said  there  were  intervals,  and  that  nothing  was  in  the  box 
at  these  intervals.  The  gold  was  in  $20  pieces.  "That's 
enough,"  I  replied. 

Jim  Cusenbury  was  Superintendent  of  stage  line ;  I  had 
a  letter  from  Jim  to  the  drivers  to  allow  me  to  get  on  and 
off  the  stage  at  any  point  I  wished  and  not  say  anything 
about  it.  The  weather  was  hot,  and  I  wore  a  linen  duster. 
Before  leaving  Phoenix  for  Gillett,  Thacker  said  it  would  not 
do  for  him  to  go  up ;  that  if  I  had  occasion  to  write  him  to  do 
so  with  the  name  of  "John  Long,"  and  not  Thacker  as  it 
might  cause  suspicion.  The  stage  arrived  at  Gillett  along  in 
the  night.  The  agent  had  a  saloon  with  a  glass  front,  lighted 
up  by  a  large  coal-oil  lamp  hung  in  the  center  of  the  room. 
The  bar  was  at  back  facing  the  glass  front ;  at  the  north  end 
of  the  bar  he  had  a  little  place  cut  off  where  he  handled 
Wells,  Fargo  business.  The  table  was  about  2 */2  by  3  feet 
and  in  front  of  this  was  a  low  railing  facing  the  front  of 
the  room.  This  railing  was  conveniently  high  enough  to  per- 
mit a  man  to  lean  upon  and  to  easily  look  down  into  the 
Wells,  Fargo  box  while  the  agent  attended  to  the  business. 
All  these  matters  I  took  in  at  a  glance  the  moment  I  entered 
the  room. 

Sitting  off  to  one  side  by  myself  I  noticed  two  men  come 
in  and  walk  up  to  the  aforementioned  railing,  and  after  josh- 
ing the  agent  a  few  seconds,  saw  one  slightly  nug  [nudge] 
the  other  and  both  men  left  the  room.  They  were  the  black- 
smiths at  Gillett,  and  had  worked  there  for  years,  so  I  was 
told  afterwards.  I  was  there  and  then  satisfied  that  I  had  a 
clue,  and  within  fifteen  minutes  after  my  arrival.  I  had  pre- 
viously told  the  agent  that  I  intended  to  go  up  to  the  Tip 
Top  mine  on  the  morrow.  It  was  now  late  in  the  night,  and 
after  eating  a  bite  I  asked  the  agent  if  he  had  a  spare  room. 
He  had,  it  was  an  outside  room  with  a  window  facing  to  the 


BANTA  55 

front  same  as  saloon,  the  window  had  no  curtain  to  it.  I 
retired  for  the  balance  of  the  night,  and  in  the  morning  at 
breakfast  I  casually  remarked  if  the  stage  had  been  held  up 
that  night.  The  agent  laughingly  remarked,  "If  they  had  it 
would  have  been  a  dry  haul  as  there  was  nothing  in  the  box." 
This  put  him  going  on  the  stage  robberies,  and  without  his 
knowing  it  I  had  pumpted  him  dry,  and  in  doing  so  was 
satisfied  he  had  no  more  to  do  with  the  robberies  than  I  had. 

That  day  I  had  a  talk  with  [the]  Postmaster,  and  others ; 
that  is  to  say  they  did  plenty  of  talking  and  I  listened  with 
no  apparent  interest  in  the  matter.  All  had  wild  ideas  about 
the  robberies;  the  P.  M.  said,  "Wells  Fargo  officers  were 
blind,  it  was  plain  that  the  robberies  were  committed  by  a 
couple  of  men  who  pretended  to  be  miners ;  that  they  had  a 
camp  out  in  the  hills  and  after  a  robbery  would  return  to 
their  camp  and  pretend  to  be  mining ;  it  was  plain  enough." 
Of  course  he  knew  all  about  it. 

To  have  an  excuse  for  staying  another  night,  I  went  off 
into  the  hills  out  of  sight  of  the  village;  finding  a  shady 
place  I  lay  down  to  wait  until  evening.  Late  in  the  afternoon 
I  gathered  up  a  lot  of  rocks,  any  old  rock  answered  my  pur- 
pose, and  then  hiked  back  to  the  saloon.  Showing  my  rocks 
to  the  agent  I  remarked,  "What  do  you  think  of  that  for 
gold  rock?"  As  soon  as  I  mentioned  rock  several  miners 
sidled  up  and  taking  a  glance  at  my  "find,"  smiled  and  turned 
away.  The  agent  looked  at  the  rock  and  then  at  me,  and  of 
course  put  me  down  as  a  first  water  idiot.  He  says,  "For 
God's  sake  man,  that  is  not  gold  rock,  it  is  ordinary  country 
rock,  there  is  absolutely  nothing  in  it."  I  was  of  course 
greatly  astonished  and  said,  "You  don't  mean  to  say  there 
is  no  gold  in  that  rock."  "Of  course  not,  ask  any  of  these 
miners  here."  I  turned  towards  the  miners  and  they  simply 
smiled  and  shook  their  heads.  All  right,  I  thought  it  was  good 
rock,  however  I  am  tired  and  worn  out  with  my  tramp,  and 
am  hungry  as  a  wolf,  can  I  get  a  bite  and  have  the  room 
another  night ;  too  tired  to  tramp  it  to  Tip  Top  to-day. 

At  bed-time  I  went  into  the  room,  lit  my  candle,  took  off 
my  coat,  threw  off  my  suspenders,  as  if  going  to  bed,  then 
blew  out  the  light.  There  was  no  curtain  to  the  window.  The 


56  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

light  extinguished,  I  resumed  my  clothing  and  cautiously 
passed  outside.  Keeping  out  of  the  light  coming  from  the 
saloon,  I  passed  around  in  front  and  concealed  myself  in  the 
thick  mesquite  which  grew  in  front  of  the  saloon.  Here  I 
awaited  the  arrival  of  the  stage.  The  stage  arrived  on  time ; 
I  saw  the  stock-tender  take  out  the  old  team  and  hitch  up 
the  fresh  team ;  the  driver  took  the  mail  sack  out  of  the  boot 
and  carried  [it]  to  the  postoffice  about  a  quarter  [mile] 
away;  the  agent  came  out  and  took  in  the  box.  As  all  was 
going  on  two  men  passed  close  by  me,  not  more  than  fifteen 
feet  away ;  they  were  talking  in  a  low  tone,  and  I  could  not 
catch  a  word.  They  went  into  the  saloon  and  going  up  to 
the  little  railing  they  leaned  upon  it  and  looked  into  Wells 
Fargo's  box.  The  light  was  [right]  and  I  could  plainly  see 
every  movement.  After  joking  with  the  agent  a  few  moments 
one  lightly  nuged  the  other  and  both  left  the  place.  They 
were  the  same  two  blacksmiths  that  had  gone  thru  the  same 
performance  the  night  before.  As  soon  as  the  stage  left  and 
the  coast  was  clear  I  returned  to  my  room. 

The  following  morning  the  agent  jokingly  asked  if  I 
was  going  prospecting  to-day.  I  said  no,  there  seemed  to  be 
no  use  as  the  rock  had  nothing  in  it ;  that  I  should  go  up  to 
the  Tip  Top  mine.  The  last  robbery  of  the  $900  in  gold  and 
thirty-five  in  paper  was  done  the  night  before  the  monthly 
payday  at  the  Tip  Top  mine.  Reaching  the  mine  I  went  to 
the  store  of  St.  James  &  Dawes.  It  was  noontime  and  only 
one  clerk  was  in  the  store.  To  my  inquiry  for  St.  James  was 
informed  he  was  then  in  Prescott,  but  Mr.  Dawes  was  at 
lunch  and  would  soon  return.  I  said  it  was  my  old  acquaint- 
ance I  wish  to  see,  and  turned  to  go,  but  turning  as  if  of  an 
after  thought,  I  asked  the  clerk  if  there  were  any  sporting 
men  at  Tip  Top.  He  said  yes,  and  looking  out  the  window 
says,  there  goes  one  now,  he  works  here  and  gambles  at 
paydays.  I  excused  myself  saying  I  desired  to  see  that  party. 

I  will  say  here  that  a  sporting  man  has  had  so  much  ex- 
perience in  sizing  up  the  bank  rolls  in  the  drawer,  that  they 
can  come  very  close  to  guessing  the  amount  in  sight.  Know- 
ing this  I  overtook  the  fellow  and  said,  "I  hear  you  do  a 
little  faro-bank  business  her[e]  on  paydays."  He  answered 


BANTA  57 

in  the  affirmative.  "Who  were  here  last  payday  dealing 
bank?"  He  said  Tom  Barnum  of  Phoenix,  and  other  parties 
from  Prescott.  "Anyone  else,"  I  asked.  "Yes,  the  blacksmiths 
from  Gillett  were  here  dealing  bank."  I  laughed  and  said, 
"They  surely  did  not  win  anything,  and  must  be  [doing] 
a  big  business  blacksmithing  to  accumulate  a  bank  roll.  Did 
you  get  any  of  the  chicken  pie?"  He  replied  that  he  got  his 
proportion  of  the  wad.  "How  much  of  a  roll  did  they  have?" 
Well,  I  sized  up  the  drawer  and  think  they  had  about  $900 
in  gold  and  thirty-five  or  forty  dollars  in  greenbacks.  Yes, 
the  gold  was  in  twenty  dollar  pieces. 

Here  I  had  found  what  had  become  of  the  money  taken 
from  Wells  Fargo's  box,  the  night  before  that  payday  at  the 
Tip  Top  mine.  With  this  information  I  returned  to  Gillett. 
Here  I  did  something  not  quite  "professional."  Seeing  Mr. 
Gillett  at  the  Mill,  he  was  the  general  superintendent  of  the 
whole  works,  I  went  down  to  chat  with  him  for  a  few 
moments.  Of  course  we  had  not  talked  a  minute  before  he 
reverted  to  the  stage  robberies  and  seemed  very  much  dis- 
tressed over  the  threatened  withdrawal  of  the  Express  by 
the  Company.  To  ease  his  mind  on  this  score  I  said,  "Mr. 
Gillett,  I  will  tell  you  something  in  confidence,  if  you  promise 
on  the  word  of  a  gentleman  that  it  goes  no  farther."  Cer- 
tainly, anything  in  confidence  is  sacred.  I  then  said,  "Do  you 
see  that  blacksmith  shop  there,  those  two  blacksmiths  are 
the  two  men  that  are  holding  up  the  stages."  "Perfectly  pre- 
posterous. They  are  hard  working  men  and  have  been  here 
for  years,  I  cannot  believe  it."  I  replied  no  matter  how  long 
they  have  been  here  nor  how  hard  they  work,  they  are  the 
parties  doing  these  jobs. 

I  returned  to  Phoenix  and  the  hotel  where  I  found 
Thacker.  I  gave  Thacker  my  facts  and  then  said — Jim  Lar- 
sen  and  Joe  Chambers.185  Thacker  jumped  to  his  feet  ex- 
claiming, "Absolutely  certain!"  "How  the  devil  did  you 
catch  on  so  quickly."  I  replied  that  I  had  a  clue  within  fifteen 
minutes  after  my  arrival  at  Gillett ;  that  it  was  only  a  matter 
of  observation  and  the  ability  to  put  two  and  two  together 
and  make  four  out  of  it.  "Well  what  would  you  do  in  this 

185.     I  have  no  information  on  Lai-sen  and  Chambers,  but  see  Note  186. 


58  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

matter  now,"  says  Thacker.  If  I  had  the  handling  of  it  I 
would  put  a  "dummy"  in  the  box  and  take  both  in  the  act, 
they  will  hold  it  up  as  sure  as  the  sun  shines.  However,  I 
sized  the  two  men  up  and  am  certain  that  Chambers  is  the 
weaker  mentally,  and  if  placed  in  separate  cells  and  a  little 
"work"  done  on  him,  he  will  squeal.  Thacker  said  all  the 
Company  wanted  was  the  breaking  up  of  the  robberies ;  that 
to  put  a  "dummy"  in  the  box  might  lead  to  a  killing,  the 
other  way  is  the  safest,  and  I  think  perhaps  the  best.  Do 
as  you  like,  but  I  would  put  a  "dummy"  in  the  box  and  take 
'em  in  the  act.  Thacker  and  the  officers  went  up  on  the  next 
stage,  the  two  blacksmiths  were  lodged  in  jail. 

Chambers  did  squeal  as  I  had  predicted  he  would  do; 
Larsen  received  a  "blind"  of  twenty-five  years  and  Cham- 
bers, on  account  of  turning  "states  evidence,"  got  a  lighter 
sentence.  Mr.  John  J.  Valentine,186  head  of  Wells,  Fargo  & 
Co.,  at  San  Francisco,  told  me  the  Company  wanted  to  keep 
in  touch  with  me,  that  in  case  anything  should  turn  up  the 
company  wanted  my  services,  and  was  only  sorry  that  the 
Company  could  use  but  two  Special  Officers  on  the  coast.  I 
never  asked  for  employment,  nor  did  I  ever  charge  a  cent 
for  my  services  above  described;  also  I  paid  my  own  ex- 
penses, a  mere  trifle  however,  not  to  exceed  three  dollars 
all  told. 

Returning  to  Tucson  for  a  few  days  I  then  started  east  on 
a  visit  to  my  relatives  in  Indiana,  none  of  whom  I  had  seen 
since  I  was  six  years  of  age.  My  visit  lasted  two  months 
when  I  returned  to  St.  Johns,  Apache  county,  Arizona. 

My  election  to  the  legislature  practically  eliminated  me 
from  county  politics,  and  I  turned  my  attention  to  the  Brok- 
erage &  Exchange  business,  in  which  I  did  f  arely  well ;  this 
included  the  buying  of  county  warrants  at  a  pretty  stiff  dis- 
count.187 


186.  John  J.   Valentine  became  General  Manager  of  Wells  Fargo  A  Co.  in   1882 
and  President  in  1892.  He  is  mentioned  frequently  in  Edward  Hungerford,  Wells  Forgo: 
Advancing  the  American  Frontier    (Random  House,   New  York,   1949).   Many  stories 
of  stagecoach  robberies  in  Arizona  are  told  entertainingly  in  Neill  C.  Wilson,  Treasure 
Express:  Epic  Days  of  the  Wells  Fargo,  ch.  17  (The  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York,  1838). 
There  is  no  mention  of  the  particular  robbery  that  Banta  writes  about  in  either  of  the 
above  publications. 

187.  Fish  gives  an  account  of  politics  during  the  years   from   1879  to   1902  and 
states   that  various   irregularities   and   illegalities   occurred   in   connection   with  county 


BANTA  59 

August  12,  1882,  I  started  the  first  newspaper  at  St. 
Johns,  but  subsequently  sold  it  to  the  Mormons,  and  it  was 
called  by  them  the  Orion  Era,  and  then  afterwards  falling 
into  the  hands  of  gentiles,  it  was  changed  to  the  St.  Johns 
Herald,188  and  is  still  published  there. 

In  September,  1884, 1  had  a  little  dispute  with  Sol  Earth ; 
he  became  much  excited  and  grabbed  [me]  by  the  throat 
with  both  hands ;  I  carried  a  little  penknife  in  my  vest  pocket, 
which  I  used  to  clean  my  finger  nails ;  this  knife  I  happened 
to  have  in  my  hand  at  the  time,  and  to  force  Sol  to  release 
his  hold,  I  began  jabbing  him  about  the  head  with  the  pen- 
knife. At  the  same  time  I  had  a  Colt's  44  double  action  pistol ; 
this  double  action  was  new  to  me.  I  had  no  thought  of  hurt- 
ing Sol,  nor  could  I  with  so  little  knife,  so  had  no  idea  of 
using  my  gun.  A  number  of  persons  were  present.  Sol's 
younger  brother  was  present,  and  he  too  became  unduly 
excited  over  the  little  matter,  and  coming  up  behind  me, 
fired  a  forty-four  bullet  through  my  neck.  The  ball  also 
passed  thru  Sol's  thumb.  Immediately  I  pulled  my  gun  and 
wheeled  about  to  see  who  had  shot  me — did  not  know  that 
his  brother  Nathan  was  present.  Pulling  gun  with  right 
hand  I  caught  my  neck  with  my  left  hand  to  stay  the  flow  of 
blood  until  I  could  shoot.  My  first  thought  was,  my  neck  is 
not  broken ;  my  second  was  that  the  jugglar  vein  had  been 
cut — was  bleeding  freely  and  I  could  not  hope  to  last  but  a 
few  seconds,  so  caught  my  neck  with  left  hand  to  stay  flow 
of  blood  until  I  could  bring  my  gun  into  action. 

warrants.  Manuscript,  3 : 644-651.  This  is  corroborated  by  the  conviction  of  Solomon 
Barth.  But  I  have  no  reason  to  think  that  Banta  was  mixed  up  in  any  irregularities. 
See  Note  46  for  the  Barth  case. 

188.  Banta  started  the  Arizona  Pioneer  at  St.  Johns.  Arizona  Sentinel,  August  26, 
1882.  A.  F.  Banta  started  "the  Pioneer  Press"  soon  after  the  occupation  of  the  town- 
site  of  St.  Johns  which  started  early  in  October,  1880.  The  paper  was  bought  by  the 
Mormons  in  1883.  James  H.  McClintock,  Mormon  Settlement  in  Arizona,  p.  180  (Manu- 
facturers Stationers  Inc.,  Phoenix,  1921)  "A  weekly  paper,  called  the  Orion  Era, 
is  published  here  [St.  Johns].  .  .  ."  Hamilton,  Resources,  p.  63  (2nd  edition) 
Gregory,  American  Newspapers,  dates  the  beginning  of  the  St.  Johns  Herald  as  January 
15,  1885.  He  states  that  the  name  has  varied  and  does  not  mention  the  Orion  Era; 
obviously  his  listing  is  incomplete. 

"The  printing  press  [at  St.  Johns]  which  is  owned  by  a  company  has  proved  a 
tax  on  the  shareholders.  The  'Orion  JEra*  which  is  published  by  the  company  does  not 
nearly  pay  expenses."  Eastern  Arizona  Stake,  Journal  History,  December  13,  1885 
(Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of  Latter-Day  Saints,  Salt  Lake  City)  see  Note  10  and 
Note  199. 


60  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

One's  thoughts  are  quicker  than  lightning  in  emergen- 
cies, I  know  this  is  true  from  experience.  In  a  "double- 
action"  Colt  the  trigger  sets  well  forward  leaving  much  space 
back  of  the  trigger  and  between  it  and  the  guard ;  this  fact 
is  what  deceived  me,  not  being  used  to  one  of  that  kind — 
never  carried  one  since.  Seeing  Nathan  Barth  with  a  gun  in 
his  hand  making  off,  I  attempted  to  fire  at  him  but  the  gun 
would  not  work.  Not  thing  [knowing]  about  the  d—med 
double-action,  I  thought  some  one  had  been  tampering  with 
my  gun.  Releasing  my  throat  with  my  left  hand,  now  all 
bloody,  I  threw  my  pistol  down  into  left  hand  and  cocked 
it  with  my  thumb,  I  now  knew  it  would  go.  All  this  was  done 
in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell  it.  I  raised  my  gun  to  fire  but 
at  the  same  instant  the  Sheriff  and  Ramon  Lopez  knocked 
the  gun  so  that  the  ball  struck  about  twenty  feet  away  in 
the  direction  of  Nathan. 

Tom  Perez  was  Sheriff  and  he  put  me  under  arrest ;  paid 
no  attention  to  the  other  parties,  and  did  not  arrest  either 
one  of  the  Earths.  I  asked  Tom  what  he  meant  by  this  and 
he  said,  "There  was  no  danger  from  those  other  fellows,  so 
I  took  you  in  charge."  I  refused  to  prosecute  the  case,  but 
C.  L.  Gutterson,  then  District  Attorney  of  the  county  and 
who  was  present  at  the  time  of  the  shooting,  had  him 
indicted.189 

The  jugglar  vein  was  not  severed,  but  was  laid  bare  by 
the  bullet;  Dr.  Dalby190  pulled  a  rag  thru  my  neck  and  sewed 
up  the  rents,  but  I  refused  to  be  put  under  the  influence  of 
chloroform.  After  the  Doctor  had  gotten  thru  with  his  job, 
I  asked  if  I  couldn't  smoke  my  pipe;  he  laughed  and  said 
I  see  no  reason  why  you  should  not,  and  I  smoked  my  pipe 
right  allong.  Was  in  the  house  about  ten  days  but  would 
not  stay  there  any  longer  and  was  up  about  town  with  my 
neck  tied  up.  It  took  about  six  months  for  the  wound  to 


189.  A  clipping;  from  the  Prescott  Courier  for  the  year  1884  reads :  "People  who 
saw  the  fracas  say  that  Franklin  pulled  his  gun  and  but  for  the  interference  of  by- 
standers would  have  killed  the  Barths." 

Thomas  Perez  is  mentioned  as  Supervisor  of  Apache  county  in  1880,  so  he  could 
have  been  Sheriff  as  Banta  states  at  the  time  of  the  fight.  Charles  L.  Gutterson  is 
mentioned  as  District  Attorney  of  Apache  county  in  1885.  Fish,  Manuscript,  3  :646,648. 

190.  Dr.  Dalby  is  mentioned  by  Fish  as  a  member  of  the  Anti-Mormon  movement 
at  St.  Johns  in  1883-84.  Manuscript,  3  :630. 


BANTA  61 

heal  up,  but  to  this  day  I  cannot  bear  to  have  any  pressure 
on  my  windpipe  as  it  was  cut  pretty  badly  by  the  shot. 

Dr.  Dalby  was  on  the  point  of  going  to  Omaha,  so  I 
went  with  him  as  far  as  Albuquerque,  where  I  remained 
under  the  treatment  of  Dr.  Easterday.191  As  soon  as  the 
Doctor  would  permit  I  left  for  El  Paso.  Here  I  remained 
over  the  winter  of  1884-5.  From  El  Paso  I  went  to  New 
Orleans  where  I  remained  nearly  three  months  taking  in  the 
Exposition,  and  then  returned  to  El  Paso  in  May,  1885;  I 
returned  to  St.  Johns  the  same  year.  1887  found  me  at  Hoi- 
brook  acting  [as]  Justice  of  the  Peace  and  Notary  Public. 
Since  leaving  St.  Johns  in  the  fall  of  1885,  I  had  been  over 
many  parts  of  the  Territory. 

In  the  summer  of  1888,  the  county  convention  was  held 
at  Holbrook;  Dr.  Dalby,  Walter  Darling,192  et  al  were  the 
delegates  to  the  convention.  A  bunch  of  the  delegates  includ- 
ing Dalby  and  Darling  came  to  my  office  and  requested  that 
I  run  for  District  Attorney.  I  refused  saying  that  I  did  not 
want  the  office,  to  put  someone  else  on  the  ticket.  They  went 
away  but  returned  the  following  day  and  said  we  are  going 
to  nominate  you.  "Well,"  I  said,  "If  you  put  me  on  the  ticket 
I  shall  not  leave  Holbrook,  nor  make  any  campaign  of  the 
county."  All  right  we  don't  want  you  to  make  any  campaign, 
all  we  want  you  to  do  is  to  run  on  the  ticket.  Bob  Morrison  u'3 
of  Prescott  was  my  opponent  for  the  same  office  on  the  oppo- 
sition ticket.  My  friend  Bob  made  a  redhot  campaign;  I 
never  left  Holbrook  nor  asked  a  man  to  vote  for  me.  I  was 
elected.  I  went  into  office  1,  January,  1889.  I  had  not  been 
in  office  long  when  I  found  that  the  county  was  cursed  with 
an  unscrupulous  ring,  which  was  fatning  off  the  county 
monies.  It  came  about  in  this  way. 

When  in  El  Paso  and  before  returning  to  St.  Johns,  I 
received  a  letter  from  my  brother  Henry,  then  engaged  in  a 
little  business  at  St.  Johns,  that  a  "very  fine  gentleman  and 


191.  This    was    Dr.   George   Easterday.    His   brother,    Jacob    S.    Easterday,   joined 
him  in  practice  in  Old  Albuquerque  about  1893.  Mrs.  J.  S.  Easterday,  interview. 

192.  Walter    Darling:   is   mentioned   by    Fish    as    a   member   of   the   Anti-Mormon 
movement  at  St.  Johns  in  1883-1884.  Manuscript,  3  :630. 

193.  A  newspaper  clipping  without  name  or  date  states  that  Robert  E.  Morrison, 
a  man  of  exceptional  ability,   was  defeated  by   Banta  for  District  Attorney  in    1883, 
and  Banta  was  not  a  lawyer. 


62  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

a  lawyer  had  located  in  St.  Johns,  and  I  want  you  to  meet 
him."  As  before  said  I  returned,  and  the  same  night  Mr. 
Harris  Baldwin,  attorney  at  law,  came  into  Henry's  place 
and  Henry  at  once  introduced  me  to  that  gentleman.  After 
all  had  departed  my  brother  Henry  says,  "What  do  you  think 
of  Mr.  Baldwin  ?"  I  replied  that  he  carried  the  ear-marks  of 
a  first  class  rascal.  Henry  became  very  indignant  and  wanted 
to  know  why  I  should  rate  a  man  that  way  on  so  short  ac- 
quaintance. Very  well,  time  will  prove  my  opinion  to  be 
correct.  It  did. 

At  this  time  the  county  of  Apache  had  an  agreement 
with  the  Atlantic  Railway  Company  to  assess  its  property 
at  $5,000  per  mile.  This  had  been  done  for  several  years  and 
the  Company  had  promptly  paid  its  taxes.  C.L.  Gutterson  was 
District  Attorney;  Serafin  Apodaca  was  County  Assessor. 
Baldwin  was  impecunious;  Sol  Barth  had  bought  him  law 
books  and  furnished  him  with  grub  and  house  rent — he  had 
a  wife  and  she  was  a  very  nice  little  woman  too.  To  raise 
the  wind  Baldwin  induced  Gutterson  to  instruct  the  Assessor 
to  assess  the  Railroad  property  at  $9,000  per  mile,  knowing 
the  Company  would  kick  and  refuse  to  pay  it;  this  was  just 
the  thing  Baldwin  figured  on  at  the  beginning.  Gutterson 
did — may  have  stood  in  with  the  play — and  Apodaca  as- 
sessed the  road  at  $9,000  per  mile.  It  had  the  desired  result ; 
road  refused  to  pay  anything;  it  went  delinquent  for  the 
first  time  since  its  construction.  Then  Baldwin  says  to  Gut- 
terson, you  will  need  assistance  in  prosecuting  the  big  Rail- 
road case;  go  before  the  Board  of  Supervisors,  have  them 
appoint  me  your  assistant  in  the  Railroad  case.  This  was 
done  and  [at]  a  fee  of  $1,000  cash  as  a  retaining  fee  and 
a  contingent  fee  of  33  per  cent  upon  all  monies  collected. 

This  was  a  great  scheme  well  worthy  of  any  first  class 
rascal.  Chief  Justice  James  H.  Wright  was  our  judge.  As  a 
matter  of  course  a  judgment  was  obtained  in  the  Court 
against  the  Road.  By  appeal  the  case  was  carried  up  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  Territory.  Here  the  judgment  of  the 
lower  court  was  affirmed.194  The  Railroad  attorney,  Mr. 


194.     Banta  gives  many  details  on  this  tax  issue  that  do  not  appear  in  the  court 
reports.  The  Railroad  company  did  seek  to  deny  the  validity  of  the  tax  on  the  basis  of 


BANTA  63 

Hazeltine,  appealed  the  case  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States. 

In  the  meantime  another  case  had  come  on,  similar  to 
the  above,  in  which  Mr.  Baldwin  had  received  another  $1,000 
fee.  However  when  it  came  on  to  try  the  case  before  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  Territory,  lo  and  behold,  Mr.  Baldwin 
could  not  practice  before  that  court;  notwithstanding  both 
he  and  Gutterson  had  said  to  the  Board  of  Supervisors  that 
Mr.  Baldwin  "will  carry  the  case  thru  all  the  courts  of  the 
Territory."  So  Baldwin  and  Gutterson  went  before  the 
Board  and  recommended  that  they  appoint  a  Mr.  Daniel  P. 
Baldwin,  Ex-Attorney  General  of  Indiana — no  relation  to 
Harris  Baldwin — who  was  deaf  as  a  post.  This  Daniel  P. 
Baldwin  was  a  stockholder  in  the  Long  H  cattle  ranch  near 
St.  Johns  and  at  the  time  was  at  the  ranch.  Both  Gutterson 
and  Harris  Baldwin  made  it  appear  to  the  Board  that  Daniel 
P.  Baldwin  was  an  eminent  jurist  and  was  able  and  qualified 
to  carry  the  case  thru  any  court  in  the  land.  This  the  Board 
agreed  to,  and  Daniel  P.  Baldwin  entered  into  a  writen  con- 
tract with  the  county  to  prosecute  the  case  to  the  end,  for 
which  he  received  a  cash  fee  from  the  county  of  $2,000.  This 
Daniel  P.  Baldwin  went  up  to  Prescott  and  made  a  twenty 
minute  argument  for  the  county,  and  that  was  all  he  did 
do  in  the  case. 

As  before  said  the  case  went  up  to  the  U.  S.  Supreme 
court.  Here  was  another  hitch.  Mr.  Daniel  P.  Baldwin  was 
not  a  big  enough  gun  to  practice  before  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  U.  S.  But  he  could  and  did  recommend  one  who  had 
the  necessary  qualifications ;  he  recommended  that  the  Board 
employ  Senator  Turpie  of  Indiana.  The  Senator  was  com- 
municated with,  and  for  the  sum  of  $5,000  he  would  make 
the  necessary  argument  before  the  Supreme  Court.  It  was 
paid  by  the  Board  of  Supervisors.  As  the  matter  stood  be- 
lts charter  which  grave  it  a  right-of-way  free  from  taxation.  But  the  court  held  that 
the  exemption  did  not  apply  to  improvements,  that  is,  the  actual  railway  and  equip- 
ment. The  Territorial  Supreme  Court  upheld  the  District  Court  ruling  in  Atlantic  & 
P.  R.  Co.,  v.  Lesuer,  County  Treasurer  (September  18,  1888)  19  Pacific  Reporter  157. 
W.  C.  Hazledine  (Summer  Howard  and  E.  M.  Sanford)  appeared  for  the  appellant. 
The  first  name  is  spelled  in  different  ways  in  the  records,  and  Banta  spells  it  with 
the  letter  "t."  Baldwin  and  Baldwin  appeared  for  the  appellee.  The  decision  was  read 
by  Justice  Barnes,  concurred  in  by  Justices  Wright  and  Porter. 


64  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

fore  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  U.  S.,  it  was  at  the  tailend 
of  the  court  calendar,  and  the  sum  of  $5,000,  paid  to  Senator 
Turpie,  was  to  make  an  argument  before  the  Court  in  sup- 
port of  a  motion  to  have  the  Apache  Tax  case  set  forward, 
that  it  might  be  reached  within  a  reasonably  short  time.  The 
Supreme  Court  took  the  matter  under  advisement  and  in 
due  time — never  in  a  hurry — they  denied  the  motion  on  the 
grounds  that  the  matter  "was  not  of  sufficient  importance, 
and  must  take  its  usual  course." 

In  the  meantime  the  delinquent  tax  cases  of  the  Railroad 
were  before  the  Territorial  District  Court,  and  in  each  case 
Mr.  Harris  Baldwin  had  received  his  $1,000  cash  fee  in 
each  instance.  However,  by  stipulations  between  the  attor- 
neys of  both  sides,  no  more  cases  were  carried  up  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  Territory,  but  were  to  await  the  out- 
come of  the  case  then  pending  in  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court.  Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Apache  county 
when  I  went  into  the  office  of  District  Attorney  for  the 
county,  January  1,  1889.  The  ring  was  well  intrenched,  and 
I  had  the  fight  of  my  life  to  break  up  the  combination,  and 
to  rout  the  looters  of  the  county.  I  won  out. 

I  went  before  the  Board  of  Supervisors  and  clearly  dem- 
onstrated the  rotten  condition  in  which  they  were  flounder- 
ing; that  the  schemers  had  gotten  up  an  endless  chain  of 
graft;  that  the  Supreme  Court  case  would  not  be  reached 
under  four  years  time.  (I  had  previously  written  the  Clerk 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  requesting  him  to  send  me  a  state- 
ment, with  the  seal  of  the  court  attached,  the  time  that  would 
elapse  before  the  Apache  Tax  case  would  likely  come  on  to 
be  heard.  And  he  had  written  in  about  three  and  a  half  or 
four  years.)  Presenting  the  Clerk's  statement  to  the  Board 
I  said,  "Now,  what  will  be  the  result  when  our  tax  case 
comes  up  ?  It  will  be  this ;  the  Railway  attorneys,  and  they 
have  Ihe  best  to  be  had  in  the  country,  and  will  find  some  flaw 
or  technical  error,  or  something,  and  the  case  will  be  sent 
back  to  be  tried  de  novo;  and  what  does  that  mean?  It  means 
the  case  comes  right  here  in  our  court  to  be  tried  over  again, 
and  then  up  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Territory,  and 
then — back  to  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court  and  again  at  the 


BANTA  65 

tailend  of  that  court's  calendar.  This  means  another  three 
or  four  years  in  that  court.  As  a  result  of  all  this  the  county 
is  running  in  debt ;  no  funds  to  pay  even  the  county  officials." 
The  Board  were  at  first  favorably  impressed,  but  the  gang 
got  hold  of  them  and  they  had  to  knuckle  to  the  pressure. 

Then  I  went  to  work  and  had  type  written  petitions 
drawn  up,  two  for  each  precinct;  these  petitions  were  ad- 
dressed to  the  Board  of  Supervisors  praying  them  to  recind 
previous  action  in  the  Railroad  case,  and  to  return  to  the 
original  agreement.  I  drew  up  a  circular  letter  to  the  tax- 
payers, in  which  I  outlined  the  condition  of  affairs,  as  per 
above  described;  of  this  letter  I  made  two  copies  for  each 
precinct.  My  certificate  from  the  Clerk  of  the  U.  S.  Supreme 
Court  I  took  to  the  St.  Johns  Herald  to  have  two  hundred 
copies  printed,  which  I  wished  to  send  along  with  the  peti- 
tions ;  but  the  publisher  refused  to  print  them — he  too  was 
in  the  ring.  I  then  sent  the  certificate  to  the  Journal  Miner195 
at  Prescott,  ordering  two  hundred  printed  and  to  send  bill 
to  me.  Mr.  J.  C.  Martin,  then  proprietor  of  that  paper, 
printed  four  hundred  copies  and  said,  "No  charge,  go  for 
the  rascals."  These  documents  I  sent  out  to  be  signed  by  the 
taxpayers  of  the  county.  My  policies  were  almost  unani- 
mously approved  by  the  taxpayers,  as  nearly  90  per  cent  of 
them  signed  my  petitions. 

At  the  next  quarterly  meeting  of  the  Board  I  laid  the 
petitions  before  them  saying,  "Gentlemen,  here  are  petitions 
signed  by  ninety  per  cent  of  the  taxpayers  of  this  county, 
look  them  over  and  verify  that  fact ;  now  are  you  going  to 
ignore  the  people  of  this  county  in  this  matter?"  They  did 
not  dare  refuse  the  prayer  of  the  petitioners,  and  immedi- 
ately made  the  change  and  had  it  entered  upon  the  minutes 
of  the  Board.  I  had  told  the  Supervisors,  and  the  taxpayers, 
of  my  arrangement  with  the  Railroad  Company  as  to  the 
back  taxes  then  due.  In  the  meantime  I  had  made  two  trips  to 
Albuquerque  and  one  to  Prescott,  and  other  points  in  our 
county,  all  of  which  was  at  my  own  expense. 

I  now  notified  Hazeltine  to  meet  me  at  Prescott  at  the 


195.     The  Arizona  Journal  was  one  of  three  papers  at  Prescott,  edited  by  J.   C. 
Martin.  Elliott,  Arizona,  p.  250. 


66  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

coming  term  of  our  Supreme  Court.  There  was  one  tax  case 
then  on  file  in  that  court,  carried  up  on  appeal  from  the  lower 
court;  this  case  I  proposed  to  have  dismissed,  and  it  was 
for  this  reason  I  desired  the  presence  of  the  Railway  solici- 
tor, Mr.  Hazeltine.  The  case  was  dismissed.196  I  then  signed 
stipulations,  as  the  District  Attorney  of  Apache  county,  with 
the  Railroad  attorney,  to  dismiss  the  celebrated  tax  case  then 
pending  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.197  In  due 
time  that  case  was  dismissed  and  the  whole  matter  satis- 
factorily arranged.  After  Hazeltine  had  returned  from 
Washington,  he  wrote  me  a  letter  to  visit  him  at  Albuquer- 
que and  the  final  act  in  the  drama  would  be  consumated. 
I  went  to  Albuquerque  and  Mr.  Hazeltine  handed  me  a  check 
on  the  First  National  Bank  of  Albuquerque,198  payable  to 
my  order,  for  the  sum  of  $70,000.  I  endorsed  the  check  and 
turned  it  over  to  the  County  Treasurer  of  Apache  county. 
And  once  more  the  county  was  on  a  cash  basis ;  the  ring  of 
grafters  routed. 

Suffice  to  say  that  everyone  of  the  grafters  pulled  their 
freight,  and  St.  Johns  knew  them  no  more.  Harris  Baldwin 
went  to  Prescott,  and  afterwards  skipped  the  country  for 
parts  unknown;  Gutterson  went  to  Nebraska;  the  clerk  of 
the  Board  of  Supervisors  went  to  the  devil;  J.  F.  Wallace, 
owner  of  the  Herald,  sold  out  and  left  the  county ;  the  Super- 
visors turned  over  a  new  leaf,  and  thereafter  were  half  way 
decent.  I  made  the  fight  of  my  own  accord,  after  first  finding 
out  the  situation  of  affairs,  single-handed  and  alone — an<| 


196.  This  case  was  dismissed  earlier  than  the  one  pending   before  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  James  H.  Wright  was  Justice,  William  C.  Hazledine,  J.  A. 
Williamson  and  E.  M.  Sanford  appeared  for  the  appellant.  Clark  Churchill,  Attorney 
General,   and   A.    F.    Banta   appeared   for  the  appellee.   The   case   was    "Dismissed   on 
stipulation,"  January  18,  1892.  77  Pacific  Reporter  1181. 

197.  The   case   before   the   Supreme   Court   of   the   United    States    was    dismissed 
October  21,  1890,  with  costs  on  motion  of  A.  B.  Browne  (with  A.  T.  Britton  and  W.  C. 
Hazledine  for  the  appeallant.  David  Turpie  appeared  for  the  appellee.   HO   U.  S.  669. 
David  Turpie  represented  Indiana  in  the  United  States  Senate  from  March  4,  1887  to 
March  3,  1901.    Biogrphical  Directory  of  the  American  Congress,  1774-19149.    (Govern- 
ment Printing  Office,  1950). 

198.  The  First  National  Bank  of  Albuquerque  was  incorporated  in  December,  1881. 
History  of  New  Mexico,  1:416    (Pacific  States  Publishing  Co.,   1907)    The  bank  today 
does  not  possess  records  that  far  back.    The  attorney,  William  C.  Hazledine,   was  a 
resident  of  Albuquerque,  Ibid.,  2  :533. 


BANTA  67 

win  [won]  out  for  the  people.  Vox  populi,  vox  dei.  My  term 
of  office  expired  December  31,  1890. 

I  then  engaged  in  the  business  of  Brockerage  and  Ex- 
change, but  soon  after  organized  the  State  Bank  of  Arizona. 
However,  [with]  the  election  of  Cleveland  in  1892,  which 
was  followed  by  a  nation-wide  panic  beginning  in  1893, 
everything  went  to  smash  and  I  simply  quit  the  business. 
Disposing  of  my  property  in  St.  Johns,  I  moved  to  Holbrook, 
the  county  seat  of  Navajo  county.  At  Holbrook  I  started  the 
Holbrook  Argus;199  the  first  issue  was  on  December  12, 1895. 

At  this  time  Oakes  Murphy200  was  Arizona's  Delegate 
in  Congress.  Feeling  the  country  demanded  and  would  have 
a  change  in  the  national  administration,  I  espo[u]sed  the 
cause  of  Wm.  McKinley,  as  in  my  opinion  he  was  the  logical 
candidate  of  the  Republican  party.  Oakes  wrote  me  a  long 
letter  from  Washington,  in  which  he  gave  a  long  list  of  pos- 
sible candidates  for  the  nomination  in  1896,  and  said,  "We 
don't  want  to  be  too  fast  in  this  matter,  our  best  policy  is  to 
wait  and  see  which  one  is  the  most  friendly  towards  the 
Territory."  I  answered,  "To  the  devil  with  policy,  McKinley 
is  the  man ;  its  in  the  air  and  his  nomination  is  an  assured 
fact."  In  almost  every  issue  of  my  paper  I  gave  various  rea- 
sons why  McKinley  should  receive  the  nomination,  and  if 
nominated  his  election  was  certain;  also  said  McKinley 
would  receive  six  hundred  votes  in  the  convention  on  the 
second  ballot — I  think  it  was  545.201  He  was  nominated  and 
elected  as  a  matter  of  course. 

(To  be  continued) 


199.  "A.    F.    Banta,    founder    of   this    paper,    came    in    from    St.    Johns    Sunday 
morning.   We  enjoyed   a   pleasant  visit  with   Mr.   Banta,   and  he   informs   us   that  he 
expects   to   make   his    permanent   home   at   St.    Johns — Hollbrook    Argus ;"    quoted    in 
Preacott  Weekly  Courier,  December  14,  1900.  The  paper  is  listed  as  a  weekly  with  the 
founding  date  as  December  12,  1895,  in  Gregory,  American  Newspapers. 

200.  N.   O.  Murphy  arrived  in  Arizona  in   1883.  He  was  acting  Governor  at  the 
opening  of  the  16th  Legislative  Assembly  on  January  19,  1891 ;  commissioned  Governor 
on  May  11,  1892  ;  and  for  a  second  term  on  July  16,  1898.  Between  terms  as  Governor 
he  served  as  Delegate  to  Congress,  November,  1894.  Portrait  and  Biographical  Record 
of  Arizona.   Fish  dates  the  beginning  of  the  second  term  as   August   1.   Manuscript, 
2:366.  The  State  Historian  gives  the  same  date.  Kelly,  Arizona.  But  Wyllys,  Arizona, 
prefers  the  date,  October  1. 

201.  McKinley   was    nominated   on    the   first   ballot   with   a   total   of   661%    votes 
out  of  a  possible  902.  Lester  Burrell  Shippee,  Recent  American  History,  p.  215    (The 
Macmillan  Company,  New  York,  1927). 


Book  Reviews 

Come  an'  Get  It.  By  Ramon  F.  Adams.  Norman,  Oklahoma : 
University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1952.  Pp.  170.  $3.75. 

Numerous  authors  have  written  about  the  cowboy.  Some 
portray  the  man  himself,  with  his  horse  and  gear,  in  his 
daily  activities  on  the  range ;  others  take  a  wider  scope  and 
treat  his  importance  in,  and  influence  upon,  the  cattle  indus- 
try. Come  an'  Get  It  tells  the  story  of  the  cowboy  cook  who 
is  a  power  unto  himself  in  the  success  or  failure  of  the 
entire  business.  "As  an  army  marches  on  its  mess-kitchen, 
so  the  cowboy  worked  with  his  chuck  wagon."  A  man  of 
many  responsibilities,  the  cook  labored  under  difficult  cir- 
cumstances which  did  not  improve  his  already  irascible  tem- 
per and  lurid  vocabulary. 

The  reader  rides  along  in  the  chuck  wagon  to  camp  and 
then  follows  the  potentate  of  the  pots  through  all  the  trials 
of  preparing  meals  for  the  cowboy.  Look  into  the  pot  of 
bubbling  son-of-a-bitch  stew,  smell  the  pungent  aroma  of 
"six-shooter  coffee,"  hear  the  dull  thud  of  the  cover  falling 
on  the  barrel  of  sourdough  batter — it  is  all  here  as  robust 
as  the  appetites  it  appeases.  The  recipes  of  the  range  include 
steaks  and  stews,  "whistle  berries"  and  dumplings,  vinegar 
pies,  "niggers  in  a  blanket,"  and  puddings — all  toothsome 
surprises  for  the  hungry  horsemen.  After  giving  us  a  good 
look  into  this  kitchen  on  wheels,  the  domicile  of  the  paragon 
of  pots  and  pans,  on  its  long  trek  over  the  rugged  trails  on 
ranch  and  roundup,  the  author  winds  up  his  tale  with  chuck 
wagon  etiquette  and  colorful  observations  concerning  the 
domain  where  "cookie"  was  king. 

Through  research  and  personal  experience,  the  reviewer 
has  found  that  all  cowboy  cooks  suffered  the  indignity  of 
having  their  efforts,  regardless  of  quality,  smothered  in  salt 
and  pepper.  An  observer  on  a  Kansas  roundup  in  1885  com- 
mented that  steaks  were  not  broiled  because  the  cooks  did 
not  know  what  a  broiled  steak  was,  and  it  was  likely  that  a 
cowboy  might  walk  off  with  a  whole  one,  eat  of  it  what  he 
could  and  throw  the  rest  away. 

68 


BOOK  REVIEWS  69 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  chuck  wagon  has  been  im- 
mortalized beyond  an  occasional  appearance  in  a  rodeo 
parade.  The  term,  though  used  loosely,  has  become  synony- 
mous with  Western  gatherings  and  community  enterprises ; 
now  the  Chuck  Wagon  Breakfast  is  found  throughout  the 
kingdom  wherever  once  the  vehicle  rolled.  Besides  being  an 
important  and  necessary  part  of  round-ups  and  drives,  the 
cowboy  mess  wagon  was  both  home  and  social  center  for  the 
men  in  the  wide  open  spaces.  The  memory  of  its  original 
function  has  been  perpetuated  for  many  years  in  the  Chuck 
Wagon  Race  at  the  annual  Calgary  (Canada)  Stampede. 
Just  recently,  the  popularity  and  spectator  appeal  of  this 
feature  resulted  in  a  similar  contest  at  the  Cheyenne  Fron- 
tier Days  Celebration.  In  light  of  all  this,  it  is  surprising 
that  the  tale  of  the  commissary  of  the  open  range  has  not 
been  told  before. 

The  only  ants  in  the  "lick"  are  found  in  constant  repeti- 
tion of  obvious  themes  and  the  author's  reliance  upon  other 
publications  for  his  best  anecdotes. 

This  book  is  not  for  devotees  of  I'Ecole  du  Cordon  Bleu, 
but  the  reviewer  heartily  recommends  that  the  multitudi- 
nous gourmets  with  a  Western  taste  "come  a-runnin'." 

CLIFFORD  P.  WESTERMEIER 
University  of  Arkansas. 


American  History  &  American  Historians.  By  H.  Hale 
Bellot.  Norman,  Oklahoma:  University  of  Oklahoma 
Press,  1952.  Pp.  x,  336,  with  7  Maps.  $4.00. 

It  is  fortunate  that  Mr.  Bellot  is  an  Englishman,  for 
no  American  historian  would  be  so  rash  to  undertake  such 
a  synthesis  as  he  has  tried  to  accomplish.  The  result,  none 
the  less,  is  a  stimulating  and  thoughtful  appraisal  of  certain 
aspects  of  American  history  since  the  seventeenth  century. 

A  brief  analysis  of  the  chapters  will  indicate  the  broad 
scope  of  this  study.  The  first  tells  the  story  of  the  beginnings 
of  modern  historical  scholarship  in  the  United  States ;  mag- 
nifies the  contributions  of  Henry  Adams,  Herbert  Baxter 
Adams,  Frederick  Jackson  Turner,  and  the  great  Columbia 


70  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

school;  and  recounts  the  work  of  the  state  historical  so- 
cieties. The  second  and  third  chapters  present  a  perceptive 
analysis  of  the  political  and  constitutional  developments 
that  began  far  back  in  the  colonial  period  and  culminated  in 
the  American  Revolution  and  the  writing  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. Chapter  IV,  entitled  "The  Settlement  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley,"  emphasizes  transportation  developments  and  land 
policies,  1815-1860.  Chapter  V  evaluates  the  sectional  con- 
flict mainly  in  constitutional  terms,  while  the  remaining  two 
chapters  point  up  the  development  of  the  Great  Plains,  the 
extension  of  the  railroads,  the  rise  of  the  modern  corpora- 
tion and  national  labor  unions,  and,  finally,  the  burgeoning 
of  American  economic  power  beyond  the  limits  of  the  United 
States. 

On  all  these  subjects  Mr.  Bellot  has  written  perceptively 
and  often  well.  It  would  be  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  he 
had  added  anything  to  the  knowledge  of  the  specialist;  but 
his  synthesis  is  at  times  comprehensive,  and  it  is  always 
stimulating.  The  value  of  his  book  is  multiplied,  moreover, 
by  the  remarkably  detailed  bibliographical  essays  at  the  end 
of  each  chapter.  Graduate  students  might  well  regard  them 
as  a  beginning  toward  a  bibliography  of  American  history. 

Captious  criticism  would  hardly  accord  with  the  above 
observations,  yet  this  volume  has  serious  shortcomings  that 
this  reviewer,  also  a  student  of  American  history,  feels 
obliged  to  note.  To  begin  with,  Mr.  Beliefs  commentary 
would  have  been  more  valuable  if  he  could  have  made  up  his 
mind  to  write  an  historiographical  essay  on  the  major  con- 
tributions to,  and  trends  in,  American  historical  writing 
since  1890.  In  each  chapter,  except  the  first,  which  is  de- 
voted exclusively  to  historiography,  he  makes  a  feint  in 
this  direction;  and  then  he  uses  most  of  his  space  to  write 
an  analytical  essay  of  his  own.  The  result  is  that  instead 
of  providing  a  large  volume  of  fresh  insights  on  American 
historiography,  which  he  is  obviously  capable  of  doing,  he 
often  merely  elaborates  a  familiar  theme.  Secondly — and 
more  important — ,  Mr.  Bellot  gives  scarcely  any  notice  to 
the  social,  intellectual,  and  religious  developments  in  Ameri- 
can history,  while  his  bibliographies  are  noticeably  weak  on 


BOOK  REVIEWS  71 

these  subjects.  He  remarks,  for  example,  that  the  social  and 
intellectual  history  of  the  colonial  period  has  been  neglected ; 
but  neither  his  discussion  nor  his  bibliography  reveals  any 
awareness  that  Professors  Wertenbaker,  Morison,  Miller, 
Perry,  and  a  host  of  others  have  spent  their  adult  lives  ex- 
ploiting and  developing  this  important  field.  Finally,  Mr. 
Bellot's  treatment  of  American  history  since  1865  does  no 
more  than  sketch  out  the  major  outline  of  development; 
and  even  his  outline  ignores  a  good  many  important  items. 
These  criticisms  would  have  been  groundless  if  the  au- 
thor and  publisher  had  been  more  modest.  A  more  accurate 
title  for  this  book  would  be  Aspects  of  American  History  & 
Some  American  Historians.  As  it  stands,  the  book  is  re- 
markable enough,  but  it  is  not,  as  the  present  title  implies, 
a  comprehensive  analysis  of  the  recent  contributions  to  the 
interpretation  of  the  history  of  the  United  States. 

ARTHUR  S.  LINK 
Northwestern  University 

Carlos  M.  Pinto,  S.J.,  Apostle  of  El  Paso.  By  Sister  M. 
Lilliana  Owens.  El  Paso,  Texas:  Revista  Catolica  Press, 
1951.  Pp.  xiii,  228.  Introduction  by  Carlos  E.  Castaneda. 
$2.50. 

El  Paso  felt  the  full  impact  of  the  religious  force  bound 
up  in  the  personality  of  Father  Carlos  M.  Pinto,  S.J., 
shortly  after  his  arrival  in  1892.  By  patient  research  and 
sympathetic  interpretation  Sister  M.  Lilliana  Owens,  S.L., 
has  made  more  permanent  the  life  record  of  this  pioneer 
church  builder  of  the  Southwest.  Born  in  Vietre  (Salerno), 
Italy,  in  1841,  Father  Pinto  was  early  attracted  to  the 
Society  of  Jesus  and  was  carefully  trained  as  a  missionary 
in  France  and  Spain  as  well  as  his  native  Italy,  a  quite 
different  place  from  the  united  Italy  of  today.  He  was 
selected  along  with  three  others  by  Bishop  Lamy  of  New 
Mexico  to  help  in  the  missions  of  Southwestern  United 
States  of  America.  This  Bishop  Lamy  is  the  man  made 
famous  in  the  literary  world  by  Willa  Gather's  Death  Comes 
for  the  Archbishop. 


72  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

After  spending  a  year  of  further  training  in  the  Jesuit 
Tertian  House  at  Fredericksburg,  Maryland,  Father  Pinto 
was  sent  to  Colorado,  where  he  served  untiringly  for  the 
next  twenty  years.  Enriched  by  the  hard-earned  knowledge 
of  his  frontier  experiences,  he  was  transferred  to  El  Paso, 
Texas.  Arriving  in  1892,  Father  Pinto  immediately  began 
purchasing  property  to  build  churches  and  schools,  and  kept 
pushing  an  aggressive  program  of  expansion  throughout  the 
twenty-five  years  that  he  was  in  El  Paso.  He  was  zealous  in 
social  and  economic  activities  and  worked  for  the  material 
welfare  of  his  people  as  well  as  for  their  spiritual  improve- 
ment. Ever  onward  with  eager  purpose,  Father  Pinto  en- 
gineered an  expanding  religious  program.  Not  discouraged 
by  the  primitive  conditions  that  were  all  around  him,  he 
concentrated  on  plans  for  the  future  of  the  Catholic  Church 
in  El  Paso. 

Sister  M.  Lilliana  Owens  points  out  that  the  Sacred 
Heart  Parish  served  Father  Pinto  as  headquarters  and  the 
station  from  which  the  early  Jesuit  missionaries  in  El  Paso 
went  forth  to  their  various  assignments.  Soon  after  the  en- 
trance of  the  United  States  into  World  War  I,  Father  Pinto 
was  ordered  to  New  Mexico  and  California.  The  transfer 
affected  his  health  and  he  could  not  adapt  himself  to  the 
change.  On  November  9,  1917,  he  was  again  back  at  the 
Sacred  Heart  Rectory,  but  ill  health  limited  his  activities 
from  that  time  until  his  death  on  November  5,  1919. 

Such  is  the  life  of  this  courageous  churchman  as  related 
by  Sister  M.  Lilliana  Owens  with  genuine  enthusiasm.  A 
missionary's  life,  aggressively  zealous  in  the  work  of  God, 
is  always  an  inspiration  for  others.  As  Dr.  Carlos  E.  Cas- 
taneda  succinctly  summarized  it  in  the  introduction : 

"Not  a  church  was  in  sight  when  he  came  to  El  Paso. 
When  he  retired,  sick  and  worn  out  by  his  constant  en- 
deavors during  twenty-seven  years  of  striving,  his  dream 
had  become  a  reality.  In  stately  splendor  stood  the  Churches 
of  the  Sacred  Heart,  the  Immaculate  Conception,  the  Guar- 
dian Angel,  the  Holy  Family,  and  in  the  distance  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande,  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Ciudad  Juarez,  all  the 


BOOK  REVIEWS  73 

results  of  his  incessant  labors.  There  were  schools  also,  as 
many  as  there  were  churches." 

JOSEPH  DIXON  MATLOCK 
Frost,  Texas 


The  First  Military  Escort  on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  1829:  From 
the  Journal  and  Reports  of  Major  Bennet  Riley  and 
Lieutenant  Philip  St.  George  Cooke.  By  Otis  E.  Young. 
Glendale,  California:  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company, 
1952.  Pp.  222.  Illustrations,  documents,  bibliography, 
and  index.  $7.50.  (Vol.  VII,  American  Trail  Series). 

From  the  days  of  Pike's  expedition  to  the  Southwest, 
Missourians  cast  their  eyes  in  the  direction  of  Santa  Fe 
with  the  objective  of  opening  up  trade  relations  with  Span- 
ish settlements.  In  the  early  1820's  when  Becknell  and 
associates  began  to  ply  a  lucrative  trade  with  the  New  Mexi- 
can capital  the  question  of  military  protection  for  the  trade 
caravans  immediately  arose.  Otis  Young's  book  is  an  excel- 
lent presentation  of  the  government's  initial  experiment  in 
frontier  defense  where  the  military  escort  was  used  on  the 
Santa  Fe  Trail. 

Here  is  a  book  which  can  be  read  and  enjoyed  by  the 
layman  as  well  as  the  professional  historian.  The  first  part 
is  devoted  to  an  account  of  the  1828  caravans  and  their 
difficulties  and  dangers.  Then  follows  official  and  public  re- 
action to  the  danger  on  the  trail  and  the  need  for  military 
protection.  The  remainder  of  the  book  gives  a  detailed  day 
by  day  account  of  the  experiences  of  the  caravan  (Major 
Bennet  Riley's  military  escort  of  four  companies  of  the 
Sixth  U.  S.  Infantry  and  the  Missouri-Santa  Fe  traders)  : 
the  preparation  of  the  escort  at  Cantonment  Leavenworth ; 
the  march  to  Chouteau's  Island  on  the  Arkansas  River 
(then  the  international  boundary)  ;  the  departure  of  the 
traders  to  Santa  Fe;  the  experiences  of  the  troops  while 
awaiting  the  return  of  the  traders ;  the  return  march  of  the 
caravan  and  escort  to  the  starting  point. 

The  book  is  valuable  in  a  number  of  respects.  It  gives  a 


74  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

clear  picture  of  the  organization  and  character  of  a  cara- 
van; it  shows  the  trials  and  dangers  on  the  trail;  and  the 
life  of  the  troops  on  the  march  and  in  camp.  At  Council 
Grove,  for  example,  the  men  are  shown  washing  shirts, 
repairing  wagons,  writing  letters,  or  amusing  themselves 
with  cards  and  bottle.  In  the  Sand  Hills  near  Chouteau's 
Island  the  troops  are  called  upon  to  battle  Comanches.  Ex- 
citing and  realistic  buffalo  hunts  replenish  the  depleted  food 
supply  and  buoy  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  caravan.  The 
reader  is  also  presented  with  a  gruesome  account  of  the 
barbarity  of  whites — scalp  lifting — a  practice  which  the  In- 
dian was  not  slow  to  forget. 

Historically,  this  expedition  was  important  on  several 
other  counts :  it  demonstrated  the  superiority  of  oxen  over 
horses  and  mules  as  draft  animals  on  the  trail,  and  thus  laid 
the  basis  of  the  great  plains  freighting  industry  later  to  be 
developed  by  Russell,  Majors,  and  Waddell;  it  proved  that 
mounted  troops  were  absolutely  essential  to  the  defense  of 
the  frontier;  it  presented  a  phase  of  the  government's  gen- 
eral policy  of  frontier  defense  which  was  to  be  worked  out 
on  a  grand  scale  in  the  period  following  the  Mexican  War. 

The  reviewer  would  like  to  have  seen  a  more  specific, 
detailed  account  about  the  character  and  extent  of  the  1828 
and  1829  Santa  Fe  trade.  Also,  the  author  might  have  iden- 
tified more  fully  the  prominent  traders  mentioned.  Despite 
these  omissions,  however,  in  this  slender  volume,  we  have  a 
scholarly,  interesting,  and  skillfully  written  work.  The 
major  portion  is  based  on  Riley's  Official  Report  and  Journal 
and  Cooke's  Scenes  and  Adventures  in  the  Army — all  three 
written  by  Lieutenant  Cooke,  the  "Boswell"  of  the  expedi- 
tion. A  number  of  other  contemporary  records  and  some 
reminiscences  are  also  drawn  upon.  The  book  also  contains 
a  number  of  pertinent  documents,  a  map  of  the  Santa  Fe 
Trail,  a  bibliography,  and  an  index.  The  high  standard  of 
the  format  and  the  illustrations  add  to  the  attractiveness 
of  the  volume.  This  book  has  a  definite  place  in  the  history  of 
the  trans-Mississippi  West. 

A.  B.  BENDER 
Harris  Teachers  College 


BOOK  REVIEWS  75 

Franciscan  Awatovi.  The  Excavation  and  Conjectural 
Reconstruction  of  a  17th-Century  Spanish  Mission  Es- 
tablishment At  a  Hopi  Indian  Town  in  Northeastern 
Arizona.  By  Ross  Gordon  Montgomery,  Watson  Smith, 
John  Otis  Brew,  with  an  Appendix  by  J.  Franklin 
Ewing,  S.J.  Papers  of  the  Peabody  Museum  of  American 
Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Harvard  University,  Vol. 
XXXVI  (Reports  of  the  Awatovi  Expedition,  Report 
No.  3).  Cambridge,  1949,  pp.  xxiv,  361.  17  plates,  1  color 
plate,  45  illustrations  in  the  text.  $5.85  paper,  $8.35  cloth. 

This  magnificent  work  is  actually  a  triology.  Part  I 
("The  History  of  Awatovi")  and  Part  II  ("The  Excavation 
of  Franciscan  Awatovi")  were  written  by  archaeologist 
Brew.  Part  III  ("San  Bernardo  de  Aguatubi,  An  Analytical 
Restoration)  was  prepared  by  architect  Montgomery,  and 
Part  IV  ("Mural  Decorations  of  San  Bernardo  de  Agua- 
tubi") is  the  work  of  achaeologist  Watson  Smith.  The  vari- 
ous papers  are  based  on  the  same  field  researches ;  the  exca- 
vation of  the  Franciscan  mission  and  native  town  at  the 
ruined  Hopi  pueblo  of  Awatovi  in  northeastern  Arizona  by 
the  Awatovi  Expedition  of  Peabody  Museum  of  Harvard 
University  between  1935  and  1939. 

The  Awatovi  Expedition  was  directed  by  J.  0.  Brew  but 
all  of  the  authors  participated  in  the  field  work  as  well  as  in 
the  associated  library  and  laboratory  studies  that  have  cul- 
minated in  the  present  report.  Although  there  is  considera- 
ble cross-citation  between  the  various  papers,  there  is  a 
notable  independence  of  approach  and  viewpoint  and  occa- 
sionally a  conflict  in  factual  detail  or  interpretation  between 
them.  Rather  than  detracting  from  the  value  of  the  report, 
this  independence  of  presentation  and  interpretation  ac- 
tually yields  a  much  clearer  picture  of  the  evidence  and  the 
inferences  to  be  drawn  than  does  any  one  of  the  reports 
alone.  The  authors  have  been  wise  enough  to  recognize  this 
and  allow  the  report  to  be  published  in  this  refreshing  style 
without  any  attempt  to  artificially  strait- jacket  their  indi- 
vidual views. 

Brew's  section  on  the  history  of  Awatovi  proves  him  to 


76  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

be  an  archaeologically  oriented  historian — or  vice  versa! — 
in  the  Southwestern  tradition  inaugurated  by  Adolph  Ban- 
delier.  Awatovi  was  apparently  first  described  by  Casta- 
neda  on  the  occasion  of  the  visit  of  Don  Pedro  Tovar  of  the 
Coronado  Expedition  in  1540.  It  was  subsequently  visited 
by  Espejo  in  1583.  The  town  was  not  mentioned  in  the 
records  of  the  Onate  expedition  to  the  Hopi  towns  in  1598. 
Not  until  1629  when  three  Franciscans  arrived  in  Awatovi 
to  establish  the  first  mission  was  there  further  reliable 
reference  to  the  town  in  the  documents.  After  the  estab- 
lishment of  San  Bernardo  de  Awatovi  it  remained  in  opera- 
tion until  the  fathers  were  killed  in  the  Pueblo  Rebellion 
of  1680. 

As  Brew  points  out,  something  unusual  must  have  hap- 
pened at  Awatovi  during  this  period  to  impress  the  Indians 
with  the  Catholic  faith,  because  after  the  reconquest  only 
the  Hopi  at  Awatovi  allowed  the  Spaniards  to  re-establish 
themselves.  However  this  may  be,  de  Vargas  led  an  expedi- 
tion to  the  Hopi  towns  in  1692  but  the  mission  at  Awatovi 
was  not  reopened  until  May,  1700.  The  other  Hopi  towns 
would  not  admit  the  Spaniards  and  late  in  the  same  year 
Awatovi  was  destroyed  by  the  Hopi  of  the  other  villages  ap- 
parently in  retaliation  for  its  tolerance  of  the  Spaniards. 
Brew  also  traces  the  subsequent  unsuccessful  efforts  of  the 
Spaniards  throughout  the  18th  century  to  re-establish  mis- 
sions among  the  Hopi. 

Part  II,  "The  Excavation  of  Franciscan  Awatovi,"  by 
Brew,  is  a  model  of  factual  presentation,  reinforced  by 
sketches  and  photographs,  accompanied  by  running  inter- 
pretation. That  the  excavations  were  carried  out  meticu- 
lously and  intelligently  is  clear  from  both  text  and  photo- 
graphs. The  archaeologists  found  more  than  they  expected 
to  find  and  preservation  was  better  than  anticipated.  The 
remains  of  three  churches,  a  friary,  offices  and  schoolrooms, 
and  miscellaneous  structures  such  as  workshops,  store- 
rooms, and  stables,  were  uncovered. 

Church  1  was  represented  only  by  foundations.  It  was 
never  completed  and  Brew's  hypothesis  that  it  was  an  early 
church  begun  by  Father  Porras  and  abandoned  for  some 


BOOK  REVIEWS  77 

reason  in  favor  of  the  construction  of  Church  2  seems  war- 
ranted and  acceptable. 

Church  2  was  the  principal  Spanish  church  at  Awatovi. 
It  was  a  long  narrow  T-shaped  structure  built  on  a  mound 
formed  by  ruined  Hopi  buildings  at  the  mesa  edge.  It  had 
two  towers  and  a  basilica  front,  facing  toward  the  east  and 
overlooking  a  churchyard  containing  burials.  There  was 
a  baptistery  with  font  to  the  left  of  the  entrance  porch, 
and  inside  the  nave  was  the  foundation  for  a  stairway  to 
a  choir  loft.  There  was  a  sanctuary  at  the  opposite  end  of 
the  nave,  complete  with  a  main  central  altar,  built  to  litur- 
gical specifications,  and  two  flanking  side  altars.  Paintings 
adorned  the  walls  of  the  nave  and  the  altars.  Attached  to 
the  church  on  the  north  were  several  sacristy  rooms,  show- 
ing evidence  of  repeated  remodeling.  To  the  west  was  a  room 
group  identified  as  an  office  building,  and  beyond  it  a  friary. 

The  church  showed  long  usage  and  much  remodeling.  It 
had  been  built  so  that  it,  and  especially  the  main  altar,  was 
directly  superimposed  on  a  subterranean  Hopi  kiva.  Brew 
points  out  that  this  was  probably  a  deliberate  symbolic  act, 
intended  to  demonstrate  to  the  Indians  the  superior  posi- 
tion of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  A  note  of  intrigue  was 
added  with  the  discovery  of  the  reburied  bones  of  a  young 
adult  male  Spaniard,  unidentifiable  in  the  records,  beneath 
the  altar,  apparently  placed  there  in  defiance  of  the  rules  of 
the  church  during  one  of  the  periods  of  remodeling.  Other 
burials  both  Christian  and  pagan  were  found  beneath  the 
church  floor,  in  the  post-abandonment  fill  upon  the  floor, 
and  in  the  churchyard. 

Church  2  was  apparently  destroyed  during  the  Pueblo 
Rebellion  in  1680.  Following  its  destruction  the  Indians 
moved  into  the  friary  and  remodeled  it  for  their  own  usage. 
At  a  later  date,  presumably  during  the  temporary  reoccupa- 
tion  of  Awatovi  by  the  Spaniards  in  1700,  a  third  church 
was  constructed  by  further  remodeling  of  the  east  end  of 
the  friary.  Its  destruction  probably  dates  to  the  general  de- 
struction of  Awatovi  by  the  other  Hopi  towns. 

This  section  of  the  report  provides  not  only  the  informa- 
tion outlined  here  but  a  tremendous  wealth  of  detail  regard- 


78  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ing  constructional  features,  ornamentation,  remodeling  pro- 
cedures, and  many  other  things,  all  of  which  taken  together 
supply  the  basis  for  reconstructing  a  very  clear  picture  of 
the  churches  and  their  occupants,  the  way  of  life  followed 
in  these  mission  establishments,  and  the  reaction  of  the  Hopi 
to  the  foreign  belief  and  persons.  In  Part  III  of  the  report, 
"San  Bernardo  de  Aguatubi,  An  Analytical  Restoration," 
Ross  Montgomery  makes  free  use  of  this  evidence,  together 
with  the  available  documentary  materials,  and  supplements 
it  with  his  own  intimate  knowledge  of  the  modern  Francis- 
can order  and  similar  church  divisions. 

This  section  is  an  anthropological  reconstruction,  con- 
jectural in  nature.  It  is  also  a  fascinating  view,  supple- 
mented by  excellent  reconstruction  drawings,  of  early  mis- 
sion life  in  the  Southwest.  Provided  one  can  plow  through 
the  great  mass  of  descriptions,  comparisons,  analyses  and 
projections  and  still  remain  conscious  of  the  point  where 
the  evidence  ceased  and  the  reconstruction  began  he  may 
find  it  a  first  rate  addition  to  his  knowledge  of  the  period. 

In  Montgomery's  own  words  (p.  112),  "A  building  pro- 
vides a  document  of  considerable  weight  bearing  on  the 
lives  and  times  of  its  creators.  Examination  of  even  the 
last  dead  vestige  of  man's  construction  rarely  fails  to  show 
the  imprint  of  the  vitality  that  once  ran  through  beating 
hearts  down  to  the  warm  fingers  that  fashioned  it.  Living 
and  building  go  together,  and  the  present  instance  is  no  ex- 
ception." Now  this  ought  to  be  the  operational  credo  of  all 
archaeologists  but  perhaps  Montgomery  has  carried  his  re- 
construction beyond  the  proper  boundaries  of  acceptable  in- 
terpretation and  presented  us  with  a  fascinating,  reasona- 
ble, but  potentially  fictional  account  of  life  at  Awatovi.  This 
section  of  the  report  must  be  read.  It  cannot  be  summarized 
any  more  than  the  Britannica  can  be  abstracted.  But,  fiction 
or  science,  reading  it  will  repay  the  courageous  reader. 

Part  IV,  "Mural  Decorations  of  San  Bernardo  de  Agua- 
tubi," by  Watson  Smith,  includes  an  objective  description 
of  the  Awatovi  murals,  together  with  a  comparison  with 
mural  decoration  in  other  areas,  and  a  section  on  the  devel- 
opment and  use  of  glazed  tiles  in  mural  decoration.  Smith 


BOOK  REVIEWS  79 

relates  the  artistic  background  to  the  native  productions, 
considering  such  factors  as  the  demands  of  the  new  mater- 
ials employed  and  the  characteristics  of  the  native  workmen 
available. 

This  book  is  an  admirable  report  of  a  model  excavation 
coupled  with  an  intensive  and  thoughtful  analysis  of  find- 
ings. All  archaeologists  could  well  use  it  as  an  example, 
and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  some  of  them  will  do  so.  This  study 
should  also  be  a  lesson  for  historians,  and  perhaps  some  will 
shift  the  emphasis  of  their  studies  somewhat  as  a  result  of 
it.  Where  the  report  is  good  it  really  is  excellent;  where 
it  is  bad  it  is  not  very  bad.  Brew,  Montgomery,  and  Smith 
are  to  be  congratulated,  and  their  production  is  a  library 
"must"  for  the  Southwestern  scholar. 

J.  CHARLES  KELLEY 
Southern  Illinois  University 

Injun  Summer:  By  Daisey  F.  Baber,  Caldwell,  Idaho :   The 
Caxton  Printers,  Ltd.,  1952.  Pp.  223.  $4.00. 

Bill  Walker  was  one  of  those  lucky  boys  whose  family 
moved  into  the  West  when  the  West  was  still  wild.  The 
wanderlust  was  evidently  strong  in  his  family  blood,  for 
Bill's  father,  a  nephew  of  the  noted  Kit  Carson,  had  left 
southern  Iowa  in  the  late  1860's  to  try  life  anew  on  the 
frontier  of  Colorado  Territory.  Moreover,  several  of  Bill's 
uncles  were  already  in  Colorado,  and  a  grandfather  had 
left  his  family  of  five  for  a  fling  in  California  at  the  time 
of  the  Gold  Rush,  in  1849,  and  had  extended  it  for  thirty 
years  afterward,  until  the  decline  of  his  health  and  vigor  set 
him  on  the  shelf  of  general  inactivity.  Then  in  the  need  of 
friends  and  security  he  sought  out  and  rejoined  his  family 
at  Loveland,  Colorado,  much  to  the  disgust  of  Bill  and  vari- 
ous other  members  of  the  family  group. 

With  this  sort  of  a  background  it  is  easy  enough  to  see 
why  Bill  Walker  for  the  next  seventy  years  remained  an 
untamed,  restless  individual,  interested  in  adventure,  hunt- 
ing, fishing,  trapping,  storytelling,  camping,  dancing  and 
fiddling,  or  almost  any  activity  which  involved  variety  and 


80  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

a  change  of  acquaintances  or  scenery.  Even  in  a  late  mar- 
riage he  was  either  careful  or  fortunate  to  find  a  truly 
beloved  "Carrot  Top,"  who  wandered  everywhere  with  him, 
apparently  almost  as  much  thrilled  and  filled  with  zest  and 
love  of  the  outdoors  and  for  change  as  Bill  himself. 

In  his  long  life  Bill  saw  most  of  the  famous  places  of 
the  Mountain  West  and  many  of  the  notorious  characters, 
red  and  white,  now  famous  in  the  literature  of  the  Wild 
West,  the  western  movies  and  the  western  pulps.  He  appears 
to  have  liked  almost  everybody,  everywhere,  and  people 
in  general  must  have  found  Bill  easy  to  like. 

He  either  experienced  a  great  deal  of  danger  in  his 
earlier  days,  or  his  imagination  in  his  late  life  magnified 
many  of  his  experiences  into  genuinely  desperate  ones. 
For  example,  in  Arizona  at  the  time  of  the  late  Apache 
troubles,  Bill's  thrilling  encounters  with  Mexican  bad  men 
and  Apache  raiders  are  the  equal  of  the  best  found  in  au- 
thentic records. 

The  late  Daisey  F.  Baber,  who  set  down  in  the  first  per- 
son these  rambling  and  erratically  dated  reminiscences  of  an 
old  westerner,  has  helped  to  preserve  the  spirit  and  flavor 
of  the  American  West  in  the  days  of  the  Indian,  the  miner 
and  the  cattleman.  Her  preface  and  introduction  contain 
many  excellent  and  penetrating  points  of  analysis  of  the 
character  and  mind  of  the  early  westerner.  And,  fully  as 
important,  the  love  and  enthusiasm  of  Miss  Baber  for  the 
West  and  the  influences  that  made  it  are  splendidly,  if  not 
touchingly,  reflected.  This  is  most  evident  in  her  brief 
poem — The  Changeless  West — that  follows  the  intro- 
duction. She  has  produced  an  interesting,  highly  readable 
and  haunting  book.  The  Caxton  Printers,  too,  have  done  an 
excellent  piece  of  work  in  the  making  of  this  beautiful 
volume  and  are  to  be  congratulated.  The  seventeen  illustra- 
tions are  superb. 

R.  H.  OGLE 
Phoenix  Union  High  Schools  and  Phoenix  College. 


^Mexico 


Historical  "Review 


Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 


April,  1953 


Editors 
FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 

VOL.  XXVIII  APRIL,  1953  No.  2 


CONTENTS 

Page 

Bishop  Tamar6n's  Visitation  of  New  Mexico,  1760 

Eleanor  B.  Adams 81 

Philip  St.  George  Cooke  and  the  Apache,  1854 

Hamilton  Gardner 115 

Albert  Franklin  Banta :  Arizona  Pioneer  (concluded) 

Frank  D.  Reeve,  editor 133 

Notes  and  Documents 148 

Book  Reviews  .       .       .  152 


THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  Is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
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Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
UNIVERSITY  PRESS,  ALBUQUERQUE,  N.  M. 


NEW  MEXICO    HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

VOL.  XXVIII  APRIL,  1953  No.  2 

BISHOP  TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION 
OF  NEW  MEXICO,  1760 

Edited  by  ELEANOR  B.  ADAMS 
INTRODUCTION 


The  claim  of  the  Bishopric  of  Durango  to  jurisdiction 
over  New  Mexico. 

IN  the  autumn  of  1759  Dr.  Pedro  Tamaron  y  Romeral,  six- 
teenth bishop  of  Durango,  set  forth  on  the  first  of  a  series 
of  episcopal  visitations,  during  which  he  covered  a  large  part 
of  his  vast  diocese.  According  to  Bishop  Tamaron's  defini- 
tion, his  see  included  "the  kingdoms  of  New  Vizcaya  and 
New  Mexico,  with  part  of  New  Galicia  and  the  provinces  of 
Sonora,  Pimeria  Alta  and  Pimeria  Baja,  Ostimuri,  Tara- 
humara  Alta  and  Tarahumara  Baja,  Chinipas,  Sinaloa,  Cu- 
liacan,  the  province  of  Topia  and  that  of  Maloya,  with  the 
district  of  the  Real1  del  Rosario  and  the  villas  of  San  Sebas- 
tian and  San  Xavier  with  many  towns  subordinate  to  them, 
all  of  which  comprise  what  is  called  Tierra  Caliente."2 

The  bishopric  of  Durango  had  been  founded  in  1620  by 
a  bull  of  Paul  V.  By  that  time  new  discoveries  and  settle- 
ments were  so  extensive  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  bishop 
of  Guadalajara  to  exercise  effective  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 


1.  A  silver  mining  town. 

2.  P.    Tamaron    y    Romeral,    Demoatracidn  del   vastisimo    obiapado   de   la   Nueva 
Vizcaya,    1765.    Durango,    Sinaloa,    Sonora,    Arizona,    Nuevo    Mexico,    Chihuahua    y 
porciones    de    Texas,    Coahuila    y    Zacatecas.    Con    una    introduction    bibliogrdfica    y 
acotaciones  par  Vito  Alessio  Robins.    (Biblioteca  histdrica  mexicana  de  obras  ineditaa, 
vol.  7),  Mexico,  1987,  p.  5. 

81 


82  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tion  over  such  a  large  and  undefined  area.  In  a  royal  cedula 
dated  at  Madrid,  June  14,  1621,  addressed  to  Lie.  Pedro  de 
Otalora,  president  of  the  Audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  the  King 
stated  that  in  view  of  this  situation,  it  was  advisable  to 
divide  that  diocese  into  two  and  to  establish  a  cathedral  in 
Durango,  the  capital  of  the  province  of  New  Vizcaya.  Otalora 
was  ordered  to  draw  up  a  description  of  the  whole  diocese 
of  New  Galicia  and  to  make  a  proper  division,  defining  the 
limits  of  the  two  dioceses. 

In  accordance  with  the  cedula,  on  February  4,  1622, 
Otalora  set  the  following  limits  for  the  new  bishopric : 

Let  it  begin  on  the  south  between  the  province  of  Aca- 
poneta  of  this  kingdom  of  New  Galicia  and  the  province  of 
Chametla  of  New  Vizcaya,  along  the  river  called  Las  Canas 
from  the  point  where  it  enters  the  South  Sea.  The  province  of 
Culiacan  of  this  New  Galicia  is  to  be  in  the  diocese  of  New 
Vizcaya  because  it  lies  beyond  Chametla.  The  division  and 
boundary  is  to  be  made  along  all  of  the  said  Rio  de  las  Canas 
that  can,  without  turning,  conveniently  serve  the  purpose  as 
far  as  the  Sierra  Grande  de  San  Andres  and  Huasamota.  This 
sierra  shall  also  serve  as  a  landmark,  drawing  a  straight  line 
as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande  called  the  Rio  de  Medina,  de  Alonso 
Lopez  de  Loiz,  and  de  Urdinola.  The  haciendas  of  Trujillo, 
Valparaiso,  and  Santa  Cruz,  belonging  to  the  heirs  of  Diego 
de  Ibarra,  are  to  remain  in  the  district  of  and  pay  tithes  to 
this  diocese  of  New  Galicia.  The  said  Rio  de  Medina  shall  con- 
tinue to  mark  the  boundary  between  the  aforesaid  bishoprics 
as  far  as  the  haciendas  of  Nieves,  belonging  to  the  heirs  of 
Juan  Bautista  de  Lomas.  The  latter  shall  pay  tithes  to  New 
Vizcaya,  along  with  all  the  other  places  that  lie  on  the  other 
side  of  the  said  Rio  de  Medina  toward  the  city  of  Durango. 
These  consist  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Villa  of  Llerena,  the 
mines  of  Sombrerete  in -this  kingdom  of  New  Galicia,  and  the 
villa  of  Nombre  de  Dios  and  its  district  in  New  Spain.  From 
the  aforesaid  haciendas  of  Nieves  the  line  shall  leave  the  river 
and  cut  straight  to  the  haciendas  of  Parras  and  Patos,  belong- 
ing to  the  heirs  of  Francisco  de  Urdinola.  These  and  the  other 
places  beyond  them  in  that  direction  shall  pay  tithes  to  New 
Vizcaya  and  be  in  its  jurisdiction.  From  there  the  line  shall 
continue  straight  to  the  North  Sea.  The  Villa  of  Saltillo,  which 
is  in  New  Vizcaya,  and  the  Nuevo  Reino  de  Leon,  with  all  their 
tithes,  shall  remain  for  this  diocese  of  Galicia.3 


3.    Tamar6n   (1937).  pp.  9-10. 


TAMARtfN'S  VISITATION  83 

The  apparent  detail  of  this  statement  does  not  alter  the 
fact  that  as  a  definition  of  the  limits  of  the  new  diocese  of 
Durango  it  left  the  way  open  for  much  future  controversy. 
Moreover,  from  the  very  beginning  the  bishopric  of  Du- 
rango, or  Guadiana,  suffered  from  the  same  defect  which 
had  led  to  its  division  from  the  older  diocese  of  Guadalajara. 
It  was  far  too  extensive  for  effective  ecclesiastical  control  by 
a  single  bishop.  These  circumstances  were  inevitable  at  a 
time  when  geographical  knowledge  of  much  of  the  area  in- 
volved was  still  extremely  vague.  Indeed,  nearly  140  years 
later  when  Bishop  Tamaron  was  preparing  to  make  his 
episcopal  visitation,  parts  of  it  had  not  yet  been  fully 
explored. 

This  prelate  was  quite  aware  of  certain  inadequacies  in 
the  definition  of  his  see,  but  he  refused  to  admit  any  doubt 
of  the  validity  of  his  claim  to  jurisdiction  over  New  Mexico. 
In  this  he  was  following  the  tradition  set  by  his  prede- 
cessors, beginning  with  the  first  bishop  of  Durango,  Fray 
Gonzalo  de  Hermosillo.4  Nevertheless,  the  Franciscan  Cus- 
tody of  New  Mexico  had  never  been  entirely  willing  to  sub- 
mit to  the  authority  of  the  bishopric  of  Durango.  For  many 
years  neither  the  bishops  nor  the  Franciscans  could  bring 
themselves  to  accept  any  compromise  weakening  what  they 
considered  their  lawful  powers.  The  legal  principles  involved 
in  this  lengthy  and  bitter  controversy  over  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  are  far  too  complicated  for  discussion  here. 
They  were  of  basic  importance,  and  a  final  decision  in  the 
New  Mexico  case  would  necessarily  have  applied  to  similar 
mission  areas  in  charge  of  religious  Orders  throughout  the 
Spanish  Empire  in  America.  Undoubtedly  this  was  one  rea- 
son why  the  Crown  avoided  making  a  definitive  interpreta- 
tion of  the  royal  cedulas,  papal  bulls,  and  decrees  of  the 


4.  Letter  of  D.  Pedro  de  Barrientos,  Bishop  of  Durango,  to  his  Majesty,  Durango, 
August  22,  1658.  Archive  General  de  Indias,  Sevilla  (hereinafter  cited  as  AGI), 
Audiencia  de  Guadalajara,  leg.  63.  Bishop  Barrientos  stated  that  New  Mexico  belonged 
to  his  diocese  "because  it  lies  within  the  limits  assigned  to  it  as  far  as  the  North  Sea." 
He  also  pointed  out  that  Bishop  Hermosillo  "hizo  confirmaciones  y  actos  pontificates 
en  los  feligreses  de  ella."  Cf.  F.  V.  Scholes,  Troublous  Times  in  New  Mexico,  1659-1670, 
(New  Mexico  Historical  Society,  Publications  in  History,  voL  11.  Albuquerque,  1942), 
pp.  81-82;  also  in  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  vol.  12  (1937). 


84  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Church  Councils  on  which  the  rival  ecclesiastical  authorities 
based  their  claims  to  jurisdiction. 

Missionary  activity  in  New  Mexico  had  been  a  monopoly 
of  the  Franciscan  Order  from  the  start.  The  friars  there 
were  under  the  authority  of  the  Franciscan  Province  of  the 
Holy  Gospel  of  Mexico.  In  1616  or  1617,  some  years  after 
the  Crown  had  decided  to  maintain  the  unproductive  fron- 
tier province  for  the  sake  of  the  missions,  New  Mexico 
became  a  custody  of  the  Province  of  the  Holy  Gospel  and 
continued  subordinate  to  the  mother  province  throughout 
the  colonial  period. 

To  facilitate  the  work  of  evangelization  in  the  New 
World,  soon  after  the  Spanish  conquest  of  Mexico  papal 
bulls  had  conceded  a  number  of  extraordinary  privileges  to 
the  religious  Orders.  Moreover,  in  places  where  there  was 
no  bishop  within  a  reasonable  distance,  the  local  missionary 
prelates  were  authorized  to  exercise  quasi-episcopal  juris- 
diction in  certain  specified  cases.  The  friars  were  very 
jealous  of  these  privileges  and  resented  any  encroachment 
on  them  by  the  bishops.  Although  the  early  concessions 
were  modified  by  later  bulls  and  decrees  of  the  Councils, 
the  tradition  of  independence  remained  strong  in  remote 
mission  areas  such  as  New  Mexico  and  resulted  in  bitter 
disputes  over  jurisdiction.5 

As  has  been  said,  the  New  Mexico  missions  did  not 
achieve  provincial  status  within  the  Franciscan  organiza- 
tion. In  the  hierarchy  of  the  Church  as  a  whole,  petitions 
for  the  creation  of  a  bishopric  in  New  Mexico  failed.  The 
first  attempt  was  made  in  the  1630's.  While  the  matter  was 
under  consideration,  there  was  considerable  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  the  advisability  of  such  a  step.  Fray  Alonso 
de  Benavides  expended  considerable  effort  in  1630-1635  in 
the  hope  of  attaining  this  end.  The  papers  he  presented  in 
Spain  included  memorials  by  Fray  Juan  de  Santander,  Com- 
missary General  of  the  Indies,  and  Fray  Francisco  de  Sosa, 
Commissary  at  Court  and  Secretary  General  of  the  Francis- 

5.  For  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  early  ecclesiastical  organization  in  New  Mexico, 
see  Scholea,  "Problems  in  the  early  ecclesiastical  history  of  New  Mexico."  NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  vol.  7  (1932),  pp.  82-74. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  85 

can  Order,  supporting  the  project.  The  Council  of  the  Indies 
referred  the  petition  to  Don  Juan  de  Solorzano,  then  fiscal 
of  the  Council,  for  an  opinion  in  1631.  Although  Solorzano 
favored  the  erection  of  a  bishopric  in  New  Mexico  and  sug- 
gested that  the  episcopal  office  should  be  conferred  upon  a 
member  of  the  Franciscan  Order,  the  Council  advised  the 
King  to  make  no  decision  before  receiving  reports  from  the 
Viceroy  and  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico.6 

In  1638  Fray  Juan  de  Prada,  Commissary  General  of 
New  Spain,  replied  to  Viceroy  Cadereyta's  request  for  in- 
formation on  the  state  of  affairs  in  New  Mexico  by  offering 
strong  and  considered  arguments  against  the  erection  of  a 
bishopric  there.  He  pointed  out  the  poverty  of  settlers  and 
Indians  alike  and  the  consequent  impossibility  of  supporting 
the  prelate.  Father  Prada,  however,  was  also  opposed  to 
placing  the  region  under  the  authority  of  the  Bishop  of 
Durango,  and  he  saw  little  prospect  of  episcopal  visitations 
in  view  of  the  distance  between  Durango  and  Santa  Fe  and 
the  hazards  of  the  journey.  "For  this  reason  he  [the  Bishop 
of  Durango]  would  only  have  the  title  of  bishop  of  New 
Mexico,  and  those  new  Christians  would  never  come  to  enjoy 
the  spiritual  favors  of  his  high  office.  As  a  result,  having  a 
bishop  would  be  the  same  as  not  having  one."  He  did  not 
feel  that  the  lack  of  a  bishop  would  cause  any  detriment, 
"for  in  those  provinces  the  custodian  and  prelate  of  the  reli- 
gious has  plenary  authority,  granted  by  the  apostolic  grant, 
and  repeatedly  conceded  by  many  briefs  of  the  highest  pon- 
tiffs. They  [the  custodians]  are  able  to  give  absolution  and 
to  absolve  in  all  cases  in  which  the  senores  bishops  are  privi- 
leged to  do  so,  and  to  administer  the  sacraments,  even  to 
that  of  the  confirmation  of  the  newly  converted."  According 
to  Prada,  visitadores  sent  by  the  bishops  would  have  less 
authority  than  the  local  Franciscan  prelates,  and  their 
coming  would  bring  about  innumerable  difficulties  in  regard 
to  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  Nevertheless,  on  February  28, 
1639,  the  viceroy  recommended  for  the  second  time  the  es- 

6.  The  royal  cedula  asking  for  such  reports  had  been  dispatched  the  previous 
May.  Consulta,  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  September  16,  1631.  AGI,  Aud.  de  Guada- 
lajara, leg.  68. 


86  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tablishment  of  a  bishopric  in  New  Mexico.  His  advice  was 
not  heeded.7 

The  opinions  expressed  by  Prada  and  Cadereyta  were 
probably  closely  related  to  a  violent  quarrel  which  was  tak- 
ing place  in  New  Mexico  at  the  time.  Throughout  the  seven- 
teenth century,  New  Mexico  was  torn  by  periodic  disputes 
between  the  civil  authorities  and  the  Franciscans  who  repre- 
sented the  authority  of  the  Church.  In  1637  Governor  Luis 
de  Rosas,  who  had  been  appointed  by  the  viceroy,  arrived  in 
the  province.  His  conduct  and  the  extreme  opposition  he 
aroused  among  the  clerical  party  brought  the  bitter  rivalry 
between  the  two  parties  to  a  climax.8  When  Cadereyta  rec- 
ommended the  establishment  of  a  bishopric  in  New  Mexico, 
the  fact  that  Rosas  was  his  appointee  may  have  had  some 
influence,  but  he  may  also  have  felt  that  the  introduction  of 
effective  episcopal  authority  in  the  province  might  help  to 
solve  the  conflict  between  Church  and  State.  Father  Prada, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  inclined  to  uphold  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  missionary  prelates  and  their  interpretation  of  their 
powers. 

Meanwhile  the  second  bishop  of  Durango,  Don  Alonso 
Franco  y  Luna  (1633-1639),  found  time  for  an  occasional 
troubled  glance  at  the  behavior  of  the  Franciscans  in  New 
Mexico.  In  a  letter  to  one  Dr.  Soltero,  apparently  an  official 
of  the  Holy  Office,  this  prelate  refers  to  an  earlier  communi- 
cation in  which  he  had  charged  that  the  New  Mexico  friars 
were  exceeding  their  authority  by  conferring  minor  orders 
and  performing  the  rite  of  confirmation.  It  was  his  belief 
that  such  privileges  had  been  revoked  by  the  Council  of 
Trent.  The  bearer  of  the  letter  was  a  captain  from  New 

7.  C.  W.  Hackett.  Historical  Documents  relating  to  New  Mexico,  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
and  approaches  thereto,   to   1773.   Vol.    3,   Washington,    1937.    Introduction,    pp.    8-14 ; 
Expediente  relating  to  the  provinces  of  Sinaloa  and  New  Mexico,  1634-1641,  pp.  75-93 ; 
Autos  which  came  with  letters  from  the  Viceroy,  dated  February  28,  1639,  concerning 
whether  the  division  of  bishoprics  in  New  Mexico  and  doctrinas  of  Sinaloa  would  be 
advisable,   pp.   94-127.   The  quotations   from   Father   Prada's   petition   are  taken   from 
pp.  113  and  114. 

8.  For  a  full  discussion  of  this  aspect  of  New  Mexico  history  see  F.  V.  Scholes" 
illuminating  studies.  Church  and  State  in  New  Mexico,   1610-1650    (New  Mexico  His- 
torical  Society,    Publications  in   History,    vol.    7    (Albuquerque,    1937)  ;    also    in    NEW 
MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  voL  11,  12  (1936  and  1937).  Troublous  Times  in  New  Mex- 
ico. .  .  .  "The  first  decade  of  the  Inquisition  in  New  Mexico,"  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW,  vol.  10   (1935),  pp.  195-241. 


TAMARtfN'S  VISITATION  87 

Mexico  on  his  way  to  Mexico  City  as  procurator  general  to 
complain  of  the  Franciscans  before  the  viceroy.  The  bishop 
asked  Dr.  Soltero  to  hear  this  man  and  bring  the  matter  to 
the  attention  of  the  Tribunal  of  the  Inquisition.9 

Obviously  Bishop  Franco's  mind  and  conscience  were  not 
entirely  at  ease  about  the  state  of  affairs  in  New  Mexico. 
Still,  he  does  not  appear  to  have  contemplated  any  direct 
personal  intervention.  In  1638  he  and  the  cathedral  chapter 
advised  the  viceroy  that  they  did  not  think  it  would  be  fea- 
sible to  found  any  secular  missions  there  for  the  time 
being.  With  regard  to  the  proposed  bishopric,  they  stated 
that  although  New  Mexico  fell  within  the  district  of  the 
bishopric  of  Durango,  "in  conformity  with  the  demarcation 
which  was  made  at  the  time  of  its  division,  which  runs  as 
far  as  the  North  Sea,"  the  distance  was  so  great  that  "it 
would  be  advisable  to  place  there  an  abbot  for  confirming 
and  in  order  to  issue  minor  orders.  He  would  be  supported 
by  the  tithes  collected  in  the  said  province,  which,  as  has 
been  learned  from  trustworthy  persons  coming  from  there, 
amount  to  two  thousand  pesos.  These  persons  say  that  they 
are  enjoyed  and  collected  today  by  the  religious  teachers, 
but  without  this  chapter  having  learned  or  understood  by 
what  title  they  enjoy  them."10 

The  complaints  that  the  New  Mexico  Franciscans  were 
exceeding  their  authority  came  to  the  attention  of  the  King, 
who  indicated  his  disapproval  in  a  communication  to  his 
ambassador  in  Rome  in  1642 : 

...  In  a  letter  which  Don  Juan  de  Palafox  y  Mendoza, 
Bishop  of  Puebla  de  los  Angeles  and  visitor  general  of  the 
Audiencia  of  Mexico,  wrote  to  me  on  December  18  of  last  year, 
1641,  he  states  that  the  fathers  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis 
who  serve  in  New  Mexico  in  New  Spain  use  the  crosier  and 
mitre  and  perform  confirmations  and  ordinations.  .  .  . 

Even  though,  after  consideration  in  my  Royal  Council  of 


9.  Letter  of  the   Bishop   of  Durango   to  Dr.   Soltero,   Durango,    March    8,    1637. 
Archivo    General    de    la    Nacion,    Mexico     (cited    hereinafter    as    AGM),    Inquisicion, 
tomo  304.  Late  in  1636  Governor  Francisco  Martinez  de  Baeza  had  compiled  evidence 
concerning  the  excommunications  pronounced  by  the  friars,  and  Bishop   Franco's  in- 
formant may  have  been   the  messenger  who  took  them  to   New   Spain.   At  the  same 
period  the  friars  dispatched  a  collection  of  letters  of  complaint  against  the  governor. 
Scholes,  Church  and  State,  pp.  106-114. 

10.  Hackett  (1937),  p.  116. 


88  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  Indies,  a  letter  was  written  to  the  bishop  telling  him  to 
call  in  any  apostolic  briefs  of  this  nature  there  may  be  in 
those  regions,  I  have  thought  it  well  to  advise  you  of  the 
foregoing  so  that  you  may  be  fully  informed  about  it.  And  I 
charge  you  to  use  all  possible  means  to  prevent  these  religious 
from  obtaining  any  brief  from  his  Holiness  in  contravention 
of  the  cedulas  that  have  been  issued.  And  if  you  should  find 
that  they  have  obtained  one,  you  shall  ask  for  its  revocation. 
I  trust  in  your  zeal  that  you  will  give  this  matter  the  atten- 
tion that  its  gravity  and  importance  demand.11 

Don  Alonso  Franco  y  Luna  was  succeeded  by  Fray  Fran- 
cisco de  Evia  y  Valdes,  who  was  bishop  of  Durango  from 
1639  to  1654.  It  is  said  that  he  considered  making  a  visita- 
tion of  New  Mexico  but  was  prevented  from  doing  so  by 
more  urgent  matters.12  In  1652  and  1653  Bishop  Evia  and 
the  cathedral  chapter  of  Durango  petitioned  the  King  as 
follows : 

.  .  .  that  he  grant  them  the  favor  of  ordering  the  New 
Kingdom  of  Mexico  to  recognize  the  cathedral  church  of  New 
Vizcaya  and  its  prelate  in  all  spiritual  matters  and  that  it  be 
joined  to  his  jurisdiction.  They  ask  to  have  the  ministers  of 
doctrinas  receive  from  the  bishop's  hand  all  the  dispatches 
required  for  the  administration  of  the  holy  sacraments,  stat- 
ing that  because  that  kingdom  is  next  to  and  continues  from 
the  bishopric  of  New  Vizcaya,  the  bishop  can  easily  visit  it  in 
person,  better  than  the  province  of  Sinaloa.  They  also  ask 
that  the  tithes  collected  in  New  Mexico  be  paid  to  the 
bishopric,  wherewith  the  prebendaries  will  have  some  relief 
and  support.13 

These  communications  reminded  the  authorities  in  Spain 
that  the  question  of  a  bishopric  for  New  Mexico  had  been 
raised  in  the  1630's.  A  royal  cedula  of  1656,  addressed  to 
the  Duke  of  Alburquerque,  Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  included 
the  cedula  of  May  19,  1631,  asking  for  a  report  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  the  above  summary  of  the  letters  of  the  bishop 
and  chapter  of  Durango.  The  Viceroy  was  to  fulfill  the  1631 
cedula  by  getting  detailed  information  about  the  advisabil- 

11.  Royal  cedula  to  D.  Juan  Humacero  y  CarriUo,  Cuenca,  June  IS,   164S.  AGI, 
Indiferente  General,  leg.  2873. 

12.  Letter  of  Bishop  Barrientos  to  his  Majesty,  Durango,  August  St,   ItSS.  AGI, 
Aud.  de  Guadalajara,  leg.  63. 

13.  Royal  cfdula,  to  the  Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  Madrid,  December  ts,  1656.  AGI, 
Aud.  de  Guadalajara,  leg.  236. 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  89 

ity  of  erecting  a  cathedral  in  New  Mexico.  The  King  desired 
a  complete  description  of  the  province : 

.  .  .  what  its  boundaries  are  and  whether  it  borders  on  one 
or  more  bishoprics  and  which  ones;  and  the  present  state  of 
its  conversions,  how  many  religious  have  charge  of  them,  and 
of  what  Order,  and  how  much  it  costs  per  year;  and  whether 
there  are  any  secular  priests  serving  in  them,  and  if  so,  how 
many;  and  about  how  many  converted  Indians  there  are,  and 
to  how  many  settlements  they  have  been  reduced  and  the 
population  of  each;  what  crops  are  gathered  in  that  New 
Kingdom ;  and  what  is  the  annual  amount  of  the  fees  pertain- 
ing to  the  King.  And  you  shall  also  send  a  detailed  description 
and  map.  .  .  . 

In  addition  to  filling  this  rather  large  order,  the  Viceroy 
was  to  give  his  opinion  on  the  claim  of  the  Bishop  of  New 
Vizcaya  to  New  Mexico  and  its  tithes.14  We  have  not  found 
the  viceroy's  reply.  The  next  bishop,  Don  Pedro  Barrientos 
(1656-1658),  wrote  to  the  King  in  1658,  making  the  usual 
complaints  that  the  Franciscan  religious  were  usurping  his 
episcopal  jurisdiction.  He  offered  to  send  proofs  to  induce 
the  Crown  to  take  action  to  prevent  so  many  illegal  acts 
"in  so  delicate  a  matter  as  the  administration  of  the  holy 
sacraments."15 

The  failure  of  their  appeals  for  definite  support  from 
the  Crown  in  dealing  with  the  recalcitrant  Custody  of  New 
Mexico  does  not  seem  to  have  deterred  the  Durangan  pre- 
lates from  further  attempts  to  bring  the  friars  to  heel.  Early 
in  1668  the  Franciscan  Commissary  General  of  New  Spain, 
Fray  Hernando  de  la  Rua,  said  that  it  had  come  to  his  atten- 
tion that  Don  Juan  de  Gorospe  y  Aguirre,  bishop  of  Du- 
rango  (1660-1671),  had  been  trying  to  upset  the  authority 
of  Fray  Juan  de  Paz,  who  was  custos  of  New  Mexico  in 
1665-1667,  by  making  various  demands  and  notifications. 
Recently,  upon  receipt  of  a  letter  from  the  cabildo  of  Santa 
Fe,  in  which  they  complained  that  the  friars  were  in  the 
habit  of  exceeding  their  authority,  the  bishop  had  instituted 
proceedings  before  the  governor  of  New  Vizcaya.  Although 


14.  Ibid. 

15.  Letter  of  Bishop  Barrientos  to  his  Majesty,  Dvrango,  August  22,  1658.  AGI, 
Aud.  de  Guadalajara,  leg.  63. 


90  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  bishop  claimed  that  he  was  doing  this  in  order  to  refer 
the  matter  to  the  viceroy,  there  was  no  indication  that  he 
had  done  so.  The  Franciscan  Commissary  General  therefore 
appealed  to  the  Inquisition  and  to  the  viceroy  "as  patron 
of  the  ecclesiastical  state  in  his  Majesty's  name  ...  to 
whom  the  government  of  all  the  aforesaid  Custody  and 
conversion  pertains."  Rua  considered  Bishop  Gorospe's  at- 
tempt to  subject  New  Mexico  to  his  jurisdiction  a  violation 
of  the  royal  patronage,  for,  he  said,  the  general  decree  of 
the  Council  of  Trent  placing  territories  such  as  New  Mex- 
ico under  the  authority  of  the  nearest  bishopric  applied  only 
where  the  royal  patronage  did  not  exist.  Therefore,  the 
papal  privileges  on  which  the  Franciscans  of  New  Mexico 
based  their  ecclesiastical  powers  were  still  in  force,  and  he 
hotly  denied  the  bishop's  right  to  challenge  the  authority 
of  the  custos.  The  viceroy  and  audiencia  of  New  Spain  were 
impressed  by  the  serious  nature  of  the  disagreement,  and 
the  bishop  was  ordered  to  present  his  arguments  in  reply 
to  Fray  Hernando's  objections.16  Again  no  definite  action 
was  taken,  and  the  New  Mexico  friars  continued  to  use 
ecclesiastical  authority  in  accordance  with  their  interpreta- 
tion of  their  rights.  In  so  doing  they  usually  had  at  least 
the  tacit  assent  of  the  highest  governmental  authorities  of 
New  Spain. 

Many  years  later  Father  Menchero  stated  that  the  Fran- 
ciscans renewed  the  discussion  about  a  separate  bishopric 
for  New  Mexico  in  the  1660's.  No  supporting  evidence  has 
been  found,  and  it  is  possible  that  Menchero's  date  is  in  error 
and  that  he  was  actually  referring  to  the  recommendations 
made  in  the  1630's.17 

The  next  major  crisis  in  the  struggle  between  the  New 
Mexico  friars  and  the  bishop  of  Durango  occurred  shortly 
after  the  Pueblo  Revolt  of  1680,  when  the  Spanish  refugees 

lei  Biblioteca  Nacional,  Mexico  (herinafter  cited  as  BNM).  leg.  1,  nos.  22,  26; 
Diligencias  contra  el  guardian  de  Santa  Fe  del  Nuevo  Mexico,  Durango,  1667,  in  Archive 
de  la  ciudad  de  Hidalgo  del  Parral,  Chihuahua. 

17.  ".  .  .  in  the  year  1666  the  holy  custodia  had  increased  so  much  that  his 
Majesty  was  advised  on  the  part  of  the  Order  to  form  it  into  a  bishopric  .  .  .  but  the 
matter  had  not  been  decided  nor  the  proposal  put  in  effect  when,  in  the  year  1680, 
the  Indians  of  Moqui,  with  all  those  of  the  interior  of  the  kingdom  of  New  Mexico, 
revolted."  Declaration  of  Fray  Miguel  de  Menchero,  Santa  Barbara,  May  10,  1744. 
Hackett  (1937),  pp.  396-397. 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  91 

had  settled  in  the  El  Paso  area.  Fray  Bartolome  de  Es- 
canuela, a  Franciscan,  had  ascended  the  episcopal  throne 
of  Durango  in  1676.  His  interpretation  of  his  claim  to  juris- 
diction over  New  Mexico  as  a  whole  is  ambiguous,  for  he 
based  his  intervention  in  1681  on  the  "migration  of  the 
faithful  Catholics  of  that  Kingdom  to  the  territory,  juris- 
diction, and  limits  of  this  our  diocese."  Because  they  had 
taken  up  residence  "within  the  certain,  well-known,  and 
undeniable  jurisdiction  and  territory  of  this  bishopric,"  he 
felt  obliged  to  appoint  a  parish  priest,  whom  he  also  made 
his  vicar  and  ecclesiastical  judge  of  the  El  Paso  jurisdic- 
tion and  the  subordinate  churches  in  the  vicinity  as  far  as, 
but  not  including,  Casas  Grandes.  Since  there  were  no  secu- 
lar priests  at  El  Paso,  the  bishop  issued  this  appointment  to 
Fray  Juan  Alvarez  on  January  4,  1681.18 

The  Provincial  and  Definitors  of  the  Province  of  the 
Holy  Gospel  received  a  copy  of  the  Alvarez  appointment  and 
lost  no  time  before  protesting.  Since  Escanuela  was  a  mem- 
ber of  their  Order,  they  went  out  of  their  way  to  convince 
him  of  their  profound  regard  and  respect,  saying  that  if  he 
were  to  be  bishop  forever,  then  they  would  glady  accept  his 
authority.  But  since  he  would  have  successors,  they  could 
only  point  out  that  he  had  been  misinformed  about  the 
episcopal  jurisdiction  over  El  Paso.  "It  never  has  been, 
and  is  not,  subject  to  Vizcaya ;  neither  it  nor  any  other  con- 
vent of  the  Custody  of  New  Mexico.  No  predecessor  of  your 
Lordship  as  lord  bishop  has  performed  any  act  of  juris- 
diction in  person  or  through  his  ministers."  They  trusted 
that  he  would  realize  that  they  were  bound  to  uphold  their 
convictions  in  matters  of  jurisdiction.19 

It  should  be  noted  here  that  a  similar  dispute  over  the 
status  of  the  El  Paso  area  was  also  going  on  between  the 
secular  authorities  of  New  Mexico  and  New  Vizcaya.  In 
any  case,  Bishop  Escanuela  also  felt  obligated  to  uphold 


18.  BNM,    leg.    2,    no.    2.    Apparently   this    was    not   the    first   time    that    Bishop 
Escanuela  had  exercised  jurisdiction  over  El  Paso,  for  he  says  that  he  had  met  Alvarez 
during   a.  visitation   of   Casas   Grandes.    Father   Alvarez   was   then   in   charge  of   "the 
doctrina  and  mission  of  the  Indians  of  El  Paso  and  of  another  new  foundation   for 
the  erection  of  which  we  gave  him  authority." 

19.  BNM,  leg.  2,  nos.  3  and  4. 


92  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

his  convictions  in  matters  of  jurisdiction.  On  July  4,  1681, 
he  replied  to  his  brethren  of  the  Province  of  the  Holy  Gospel, 
citing  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  apostolic  canons, 
and  royal  cedulas  on  which  he  based  his  stand.  Moreover, 
according  to  the  demarcation  of  his  diocese,  it  "runs  from 
the  Rio  Grande  de  Santa  Elena  via  the  haciendas  of  San 
Francisco  de  Patos  and  Valley  of  Santa  Maria  de  Parras  to 
the  North  Sea."  Accordingly  he  now  conferred  upon  Fray 
Francisco  de  Ayeta,  "preacher,  habitual  custos  of  the  said 
Custody  of  New  Mexico,  and  at  present  visitor  of  it  and 
commissary  general  of  the  Holy  Office  of  the  Inquisition 
of  New  Spain,"  the  titles  he  had  previously  given  to 
Alvarez,  with  some  increase  in  authority.  In  his  absence, 
the  custos  was  to  hold  the  offices.20  Unfortunately  we  do  not 
know  what  response  Ayeta  or  his  superiors  made  to  this 
move.  Father  Ayeta  was  then  on  his  way  back  to  El  Paso, 
bearing  instructions  about  the  projected  reconquest  of  the 
interior  and  confirmation  of  the  New  Mexico  governor's 
jurisdiction  in  El  Paso.  He  had  been  consulted  about  the 
Order's  reply  to  the  Alvarez  appointment  and  had  men- 
tioned the  viceroy's  order  to  the  governor  and  captain  gen- 
eral of  New  Vizcaya,  forbidding  him  to  place  officials  in  the 
El  Paso  territory  because  they  might  interfere  with  the 
expedition  against  the  rebellious  Indians. 

A  later  bishop  of  Durango  stated  that  Escanuela  had 
considered  making  a  visitation  of  New  Mexico.  The  Custody 
dissuaded  him,  alleging  that  the  journey  was  too  long  and 
difficult  for  one  of  his  delicate  health.  But  the  Franciscan 
bishop  made  it  plain  that  his  failure  to  go  was  in  no  way 
to  serve  as  a  precedent  or  to  prejudice  the  rights  of  his 
successors.21  Bishop  Escanuela  died  in  1684. 

His  successor,  Fray  Manuel  de  Herrera  (1686-1689),  of 
the  Order  of  the  Minims,  used  Escanuela's  appointments 
of  Alvarez  and  Ayeta  as  a  precedent  when  he  issued  a 
similar  title  to  Custos  Fray  Francisco  de  Vargas  on  October 
24,  1688.  Bishop  Herrera  made  his  conception  of  the  epis- 

20.  Ibid. 

21.  Bishop  Benito  Crespo  to  Fray  Fernando  Alonso  Gonzalez,  Durango.  August  10, 
17X8.  AGM,  Arzobispos,  tomo  7.  Bishop  Crespo  based  his  statements  on  documents  in 
the  episcopal  archives  of  Durango. 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  93 

copal  jurisdiction  plain  by  entitling  himself  "Bishop  of  this 
kingdom  of  New  Vizcaya,  its  provinces  and  confines,  Rio 
del  Norte  and  New  Mexico."  In  view  of  the  usual  Francis- 
can attitude  toward  the  Durangan  prelates,  it  is  difficult 
to  explain  the  fact  that  Father  Vargas  not  only  received 
this  title  in  Durango  in  person,  but  that  he  apparently  asked 
for  it.  He  was  made  "vicar  and  ecclesiastical  judge  and  chief 
parish  priest  of  all  the  Kingdom  of  the  North  and  of  all 
the  doctrinas  and  reductions  now  established  in  it,  and  of 
all  the  parishes  of  Spaniards,  mestizos,  negroes,  and  mu- 
lattoes,  or  any  other  mixture  which  there  may  be  in  the 
said  Rio  del  Norte,  and  of  all  the  other  settlements  or  re- 
ductions which  may  be  made  beyond  the  Rio  del  Norte." 
Moreover  he  was  to  report  any  action  he  might  take  to  the 
bishop  and  let  him  know  "the  number  of  conversions,  doc- 
trinas, parishes,  and  ministers  in  the  territory."  Bishop 
Herrera  also  thought  of  making  a  visitation  of  the  missions 
pertaining  to  New  Mexico.  He  said  that  his  appointment 
of  Vargas  was  a  temporary  expedient  until  he  could  judge 
from  his  own  observation  of  conditions  during  his  forth- 
coming visitation  what  measures  would  be  most  conducive 
to  the  service  of  God  and  the  King.22 

In  theory,  at  least,  it  would  seem  that  by  accepting  such 
an  appointment  Father  Vargas  ran  the  risk  of  seriously 
undermining  the  traditional  Franciscan  claims  to  independ- 
ent jurisdiction  in  New  Mexico.  It  would  be  interesting  to 
know  the  opinion  of  his  superiors  at  this  time,  but  the  com- 

22.  BNM,  leg.  3,  no.  3.  A  royal  cedula  dated  at  San  Lorenzo  el  Real,  July  30. 
1721,  summarizes  earlier  legislation  regarding  the  right  of  the  bishops  to  send  visita- 
dores  and  appoint  vicars  in  areas  assigned  to  the  regular  clergy.  A  dispatch  of 
September  24,  1688,  obtained  by  Fray  Francisco  de  Ayeta  as  procurator  general  of 
the  Indies,  applied  to  the  bishops  of  the  provinces  of  New  Spain  a  cedula  of  October  15, 
1595,  to  the  Archbishop  of  Lima.  This  ordered  that  when  the  bishops  were  unable  to 
make  visitations  of  doctrinas  in  charge  of  the  religious  Orders  in  person,  they  were  to 
send  friars  of  the  same  Order  and  not  secular  priests.  Another  cedula  of  October  25, 
1694,  clarified  this  further  by  ordering  the  archbishops  and  bishops  of  the  provinces 
of  New  Spain  and  Peru  to  abstain  from  appointing  outsiders  as  vicars  in  the  districts 
of  their  dioceses  and  to  withdraw  any  they  had  placed  in  the  capitals  of  mission  areas. 
The  Franciscan  procurator  of  Lima  then  complained  that  not  all  the  bishops  were 
observing  the  foregoing.  After  consideration  in  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  the  preceding 
cedulas  were  revoked  and  recalled  by  a  dispatch  dated  at  Barcelona,  October  2,  1701. 
Now  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico  charged  that  the  regular  clergy's  refusal  to  observe  the 
1701  cedula  was  leading  to  much  unrest  and  litigation.  He  therefore  requested  its 
revalidation.  The  Crown  ordered  its  fulfillment  by  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico  and  his 
suffragan  bishops.  AGM,  Arzobispos,  tomo  7. 


94  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

plete  story  of  this  episode  is  not  known.  In  fact,  we  have 
practically  no  data  about  the  relations  between  the  Custody 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  Bishopric  of  Durango  for  the  next 
thirty  years.  Apparently  the  bishops  managed  to  obtain 
some  token  acknowledgment  of  their  authority,  for  we  are 
told  that  the  patents  of  missionaries  who  traveled  to  New 
Mexico  via  Durango  were  countersigned  there  and  recorded 
in  the  administrative  books.23  Perhaps  neither  the  Bishopric 
nor  the  Order  saw  reason  to  press  their  conflicting  claims 
with  energy  at  a  period  when  the  whole  future  of  the  prov- 
ince was  most  uncertain.  But  some  years  after  the  recon- 
quest  and  the  reestablishment  of  Spanish  rule  in  New 
Mexico,  the  question  was  reopened  and  both  parties  endeav- 
ored to  push  it  to  a  definite  conclusion. 

In  1723  Benito  Crespo,  a  former  dean  of  Oaxaca  who 
had  taught  at  Salamanca,  became  bishop  of  Durango.  He 
served  until  1734,  and  during  these  years  the  controversy 
between  the  bishops  and  the  Franciscan  Order  began  in 
earnest.  The  case  dragged  on  for  many  years,  and  the  details 
are  so  numerous  and  complex  that  even  to  outline  them 
would  require  a  separate,  and  lengthy,  study.  Not  only  are 
the  legal  arguments  on  which  the  parties  based  their  con- 
flicting claims  to  jurisdiction  exhaustively  presented  and 
considered,  but  bulky  reports  on  conditions  in  New  Mexico 
and  its  missions  were  made  in  the  interests  of  the  opposing 
groups.  In  general,  whatever  the  allegiance  of  the  particular 
writer,  these  leave  us  with  a  deplorable  picture  of  the  state 
of  affairs  there  in  the  eighteenth  century.24 

Bishop  Crespo  started  the  ball  rolling  by  including  the 


23.  Crespo  to  Gonzalez,  Durango,  August  10,  1728.  AGM,  Arzobispos,  tomo  7. 

24.  The  source  material  for  this  suit  is  voluminous  and  different  parts  of  it  are 
to  be  found  in  a  number  of  archives  and  collections.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  cite  them 
all  in  connection  with  this  brief  summary.  The  Archive  of  the  Indies  has  a  compre- 
hensive record  of  the  case  up  to  1738  in  Escribania  de  Camera,  leg.  207A.  It  comprises 
nearly   a   thousand   folios   and   undoubtedly   contains    copies   of   supporting;    documents 
dating  from  earlier  times  which   might  throw  much  light  on   some  of  the  gaps   and 
inconsistencies  in  the  present  attempt  to  give  the  general  background  of  the  contro- 
versy.  This   is  based  on   such   documents   as   I   have  been    able  to   see  and   occasional 
references  to  be  found  in  Bancroft  and  later  authors.  The  Escribania  de  Camara  record 
of  the  suit  is  not  available  here,  and  my  knowledge  of  it  consists  of  a  brief  account  of 
its  contents.  In  a  printed  memorial  to  his  Majesty,  dated  at  Madrid  on  April  7,  1724, 
Fray  Mathias  Saenz  de  San  Antonio  had  again  suggested  that  New  Mexico  needed  a 
bishop  of  its  own.  His  description  of  conditions  there  in  ecclesiastical,  civil,  and  mili- 
tary affairs  followed  the  usual  depressing  pattern.  AGI,  Aud.  de  Guadalajara,  leg.  209. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  95 

El  Paso  area  in  his  episcopal  visitation  in  1725.  He  had  in- 
tended to  visit  interior  New  Mexico  as  well,  but  gave  up 
the  idea,  so  he  said,  because  he  had  been  misinformed  about 
the  distance  and  had  made  insufficient  preparations  for  the 
journey.  Apparently  he  was  treated  with  reasonable  cour- 
tesy on  this  occasion,  and  in  return  he  made  some  concilia- 
tory gestures.  He  issued  a  title  as  vicar  and  ecclesiastical 
judge  to  Fray  Salvador  Lopez,  the  vice-custos  at  El  Paso, 
and  his  successors  ex  officio,  or,  failing  them,  to  the  guardian 
of  the  El  Paso  mission.  He  also  sent  a  similar  title  to  the 
custos,  who  had  left  for  Santa  Fe  in  haste  to  avoid  meeting 
the  bishop.  Undoubtedly  the  New  Mexico  Franciscans  made 
no  strong  protest  at  this  time  because  the  bishop  did  not 
insist  upon  proceeding  beyond  El  Paso.  This  gave  them  time 
to  consult  their  superiors  in  Mexico  City.  The  latter  immedi- 
ately took  up  the  cause,  and  in  1728,  when  Bishop  Crespo 
announced  his  intention  of  making  a  second  visitation,  to 
include  interior  New  Mexico,  the  Commissary  General  of 
New  Spain,  Fray  Fernando  Alonso  Gonzalez,  politely,  but 
very  firmly,  questioned  his  right  to  do  so.25  He  also  sent  a 
petition  to  the  King,  begging  him  to  forbid  the  Bishop  of 
Durango  to  molest  the  kingdom  of  New  Mexico  by  making 
a  visitation.  This  petition  failed,  for  a  royal  cedula  of  De- 
cember 7,  1729,  gave  the  bishop  permission  to  visit  the  New 
Mexican  pueblos  and  others  on  the  borders  of  his  diocese. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  Crespo  did  not  receive  this  cedula  until 
after  he  had  returned  from  his  visitation  of  1730.26 

If  anything,  the  Franciscan  objections  strengthened 
Bishop  Crespo's  determination  to  enforce  what  he  consid- 
ered his  rightful  episcopal  authority.  This  time,  when  he 
arrived  in  El  Paso  in  July,  1730,  he  found  his  Franciscan 
opponents  prepared  to  show  active  resistance.  The  leader  of 
the  friars  was  their  custos,  Fray  Andres  Varo.  Both  parties 
stubbornly  refused  to  make  any  concessions,  fearing  to 
prejudice  their  case  in  future.  So  the  bishop  proceeded  to 
Santa  Fe  and  made  the  rounds  of  the  mission  pueblos,  re- 
turning to  El  Paso  in  September.  Father  Varo,  who  had 


25.  Some  of  the  correspondence   between    Crespo   and   Gonzalez   in    1728    can    be 
found  in  AGM,  Arzobispos,  tomo  7. 

26.  AGI,  Aud.  de  Guadalajara,  legs.  206,  209. 


96  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

received  orders  from  the  Commissary  General  of  New  Spain 
and  the  Provincial  of  the  Province  of  the  Holy  Gospel  not 
to  allow  the  bishop  to  exercise  jurisdiction,  did  succeed  in 
preventing  Crespo  from  making  a  formal  visitation  of  the 
churches,  parish  records,  etc.,  or  publishing  edicts.  The 
bishop  performed  the  rite  of  confirmation  in  Santa  Fe  and 
most  of  the  missions.  He  also  appointed  Don  Santiago 
Roibal,  a  secular  priest,  as  his  vicar  and  ecclesiastical  judge 
at  Santa  Fe.  Roibal  was  to  hold  this  office  for  many  years, 
although  the  legality  of  his  appointment  was  long  in 
question.27 

Bishop  Crespo  had  already  instituted  proceedings  to 
force  the  Order  to  recognize  the  episcopal  jurisdiction  of 
Durango  over  New  Mexico.  Although  the  final  decision  was 
deferred  again  and  again,  the  tendency  of  the  Crown  and 
the  viceregal  authorities  was  to  authorize  the  bishops  of 
Durango  to  use  limited  episcopal  powers  in  New  Mexico 
pending  the  outcome  of  the  suit.  A  viceregal  decree  of  Feb- 
ruary 17,  1731,  revoked  Crespo's  appointment  of  Roibal  as 
vicar.  By  the  autumn  of  1732  the  Crown  had  received  a 
number  of  communications  from  both  parties.  Father  Varo 
and  Father  Gonzalez  again  protested  that  the  Bishop  of 
Durango  had  no  legal  right  to  jurisdiction  in  New  Mexico. 
In  addition,  they  renewed  the  petition  of  a  century  before 
for  the  erection  of  a  separate  bishopric.  Bishop  Crespo  had 
also  been  heard  from.  A  royal  cedula  of  October  1,  1732, 
referred  the  dispute  to  the  viceroy  for  a  decision.  Another 
of  the  same  date  requested  the  Audiencia  of  New  Spain  for 
information  as  to  whether  New  Mexico  was  part  of  the 
diocese  of  Durango.  And  the  Commissary  of  the  Franciscans 
received  orders  to  provide  a  sufficient  number  of  competent 
priests  with  knowledge  of  the  native  languages  to  serve  in 
the  New  Mexico  missions.28 

27.  Don  Santiago  Roibal  was  a  native  of  Santa  Fe  who  bad  been  educated  for  the 
priesthood  in   Mexico.   When   the  time  came  for  him   to  be  ordained   the   Archbishop 
sent  him  to  the   Bishop   of   Durango,   as   his   "legitimate  prelate."   A   chaplaincy   had 
been   founded   for  him   in   Santa   Fe  a   few  years   earlier   after   his   ordination.   AGM, 
Arzobispos,  leg.  7.  Cf.  note  22,  supra,  and  note  33,  infra.  See  also  Fr.  Angelico  Chavez, 
"El  Vicario  Don  Santiago  Roybal,"  El  Palacio,  voL  55   (1948),  pp.  231-252. 

28.  AGI,  Aud.  de  Guadalajara,   leg.   79.   The   Coronado   Collection  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  New  Mexico   Library  also  has   a   photograph   of  a  printed   memorial  of   1731 
by  Fray  Fernando  Alonso  Gonzalez  from  the  collection  of  F.   Gomez  de  Orozco. 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  97 

By  a  decree  of  July  24, 1733,  the  viceroy  upheld  the  right 
of  the  bishop  to  exercise  diocesan  jurisdiction  over  New 
Mexico  and  ordered  the  Franciscans  to  present  the  bulls 
and  privileges  on  which  they  based  their  claim  to  exemption 
so  that  a  final  decision  could  be  reached  after  both  parties 
had  been  heard.29 

Martin  de  Elizacoechea,  who  served  as  bishop  of  Du- 
rango  from  1736  to  1747,  continued  the  suit  initiated  by  his 
predecessor.  He  made  a  visitation  of  New  Mexico  in  1737, 
but  we  have  no  details  regarding  his  reception.30  In  Decem- 
ber, 1738,  the  Council  of  the  Indies  upheld  the  viceregal 
decrees  of  1733  permitting  the  Durangan  prelates  to  make 
visitations  of  New  Mexico.  On  the  other  hand,  they  ordered 
the  enforcement  of  the  decree  of  February  17,  1731,  which 
forbade  him  to  leave  a  vicar  and  ecclesiastical  judge  there. 
The  Franciscan  Order  was  to  be  given  every  opportunity  to 
present  its  case  to  the  authorities  in  New  Spain.  The  vice- 
roy and  audiencia  were  again  ordered  to  report  whether 
New  Mexico  was  included  in  the  demarcation  of  the  Bish- 
opric of  Durango  or  that  of  any  other  dioceses  in  the  vicin- 
ity. If  not,  what  was  their  opinion  on  the  question  of 
erecting  a  new  bishopric?31  In  May,  1739,  a  royal  cedula 
to  the  Bishop  of  Durango  informed  him  that  the  case  had 
been  remitted  to  the  viceroy.  It  gave  him  permission  to  visit 
New  Mexico  but  revoked  his  appointment  of  an  ecclesiastical 
judge.32 

The  case  against  the  New  Mexico  Franciscans  had 
always  rested  partly  upon  derogatory  opinions  of  their  ad- 
ministration of  the  missions.  Bishop  Crespo  had  found 
much  to  deplore  in  this  respect  and  made  serious  charges. 
Following  the  old  tradition,  settlers  and  provincial  officials 
continued  to  accuse  the  friars  whenever  they  found  an  occa- 
sion. For  their  part,  the  Franciscans  covered  reams  of  paper 
hotly  defending  themselves  against  these  attacks. 

Before  the  suit  over  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  initiated 

29!     AGI,  Aud.  de  Guadalajara,  leg.  80. 

30.  The  list  of  the  material  in  AGI,  Escribania  de  Camara  207A  mentions  papers 
remitted  to  Spain  in  the  years  1738-1743,  and  it  may  be  that  these  could  provide  some 
information  about  Elizacoechea's  visitation. 

31.  AGI,   Escribania  de  Camara,  leg.  960. 

32.  AGI,  Aud.  de  Guadalajara,  leg.  80. 


98  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

by  Bishop  Crespo  had  come  to  any  definite  conclusion,  the 
internal  conflict  between  the  Franciscans  and  the  civil  gov- 
ernment reached  another  violent  crisis  in  1749.  Early  in  that 
year  Fray  Andres  Varo,  an  old  and  indefatigable  warrior 
in  the  Franciscan  cause,  had  made  reports  concerning  New 
Mexican  affairs  which  were  presented  to  the  viceroy.33  Be- 
fore coming  to  a  decision  about  Varo's  recommendations, 
the  viceroy  decided  to  send  Don  Juan  Antonio  de  Ornedal 
y  Maza  to  New  Mexico  on  an  official  tour  of  inspection.  His 
account  of  the  conditions  he  found  was  highly  unfavorable 
to  the  missionaries.  His  charges  and  the  reforms  he  recom- 
mended drew  sizzling  replies  from  Varo  and  other  friars, 


33.  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  57.  I  have  been  unable  to  locate  any  information  about  the 
final  disposition  of  the  case.  Bishop  Tamaron  tells  us  that  although  he  entered  Hew 
Mexico  with  some  misgivings  because  of  the  inflexible  opposition  of  the  Franciscan 
Order  to  accepting  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops  of  Durango,  he  was  gratified  to  find 
that  he  "was  made  free  of  everything,  as  if  they  were  secular  priests."  The  legal 
situation,  however,  cannot  have  been  completely  clarified,  for  the  royal  ce'dula  ordering 
the  removal  of  the  secular  vicar  had  never  been  revoked,  even  though  the  bishops 
had  appealed  from  it.  Roibal  had  apparently  retained  his  dubious  title  to  the  vicarship 
for  thirty  years.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59.  A  translation  of  part  of  this  manuscript  fol- 
lows Tamaron's  general  description  of  New  Mexico  and  the  Itinerary  of  his  visitation, 
infra..  Tamardn's  reports  and  criticisms  raised  the  usual  storm  of  protest,  but  once 
more  the  Crown  seems  to  have  made  no  final  decision  in  the  jurisdictional  dispute.  It 
may  be  that  the  division  made  when  the  new  Bishopric  of  Sonora  was  erected  in 
1781  left  New  Vizcaya's  claim  to  jurisdiction  over  New  Mexico  beyond  further  argu- 
ment. The  decision  to  divide  the  Bishopric  of  Durango  was  probably  related  to  the 
new  administrative  organization  of  the  frontier  provinces,  known  as  the  Provincias 
Internas.  The  Bishopric  of  Sonora  was  given  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  over  Sonora. 
Sinaloa,  and  the  Californias.  If  we  are  to  believe  Don  Pedro  Bautista  Pino,  New  Mexico 
received  the  minimum  of  attention  from  the  bishops  of  Durango  after  Bishop 
Tamaron's  visitation  in  1760.  According  to  his  Exposition  of  1812,  26  Indian  pueblos 
and  102  Spanish  settlements  were  served  by  22  Franciscan  missionaries,  with  secular 
priests  at  Santa  Fe  and  one  pueblo  in  the  El  Paso  district.  "For  more  than  fifty 
years  no  one  has  known  that  there  was  a  bishop  ;  nor  has  a  bishop  been  seen  in  the 
province  during  this  time.  Consequently,  the  sovereign  provisions  and  the  instructions 
of  ecclesiastical  discipline  have  not  been  fulfilled.  The  misfortunes  suffered  by  those 
settlers  are  infinite  because  of  the  lack  of  a  primate.  Persons  who  have  been  born 
during  these  fifty  years  have  not  been  confirmed.  The  poor  people  who  wish,  by  means 
of  a  dispensation,  to  get  married  to  relatives  cannot  do  so  because  of  the  great  cost  of 
traveling  a  distance  of  more  than  400  leagues  to  Durango.  Consequently,  many  people, 
compelled  by  love,  live  and  rear  families  in  adultery.  The  zeal  of  the  ministers  of  the 
church  is  unable  to  prevent  this  and  many  other  abuses  which  are  suffered  because  of 
the  aforesaid  lack  of  ministers.  It  is  truly  grievous  that  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  from 
9,000  to  10,000  duros  are  paid  by  that  province  in  tithes,  for  fifty  years  the  people 
have  not  had  an  opportunity  to  see  the  face  of  their  bishop.  I,  an  old  man,  did  not 
know  how  bishops  dressed  until  I  came  to  Cadiz."  Pino,  Barreiro,  and  Escudero,  Three 
New  Mexico  Chronicles,  Tr.  by  H.  B.  Carroll  and  J.  Villasana  Haggard  (Quivira.  Soc. 
Pull,  vol.  11,  Albuquerque,  1942),  pp.  60-51. 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  99 

to  say  nothing  of  bitter  denunciations  of  the  civil  govern- 
ment, whose  side  had  been  espoused  by  Ornedal.34 

Within  the  province  the  missionary  influence  often  ran 
counter  to  the  personal  profit  sought  by  lay  settlers  and 
officials.  On  the  other  hand,  it  would  be  hard  to  deny  that 
in  some  cases  the  friars  were  not  exerting  themselves 
unduly  in  promoting  the  spiritual  welfare  of  their  charges. 
The  curious  failure  of  the  New  Mexico  Franciscans  to 
master  the  native  languages  is  hard  to  understand  in  com- 
parison with  the  brilliant  success  of  their  brethren  in  other 
parts  of  the  New  World  in  the  fields  of  linguistics  and 
ethnology.  It  is  true  that  they  had  to  deal  with  several 
languages  and  a  number  of  different  tribes  within  a  single 
area.  It  is  also  true  that  inside  the  province  interests  often 
dictated  criticism  of  the  friars,  and  in  the  world  beyond 
there  was  scarcely  any  real  comprehension  of  the  problems 
they  faced  and  the  inadequacy  of  their  numbers  and  equip- 
ment to  cope  with  them.  The  wonder  is  that  so  many  of 
them  refused  to  succumb  to  discouragement  and  with  selfless 
fervor  made  herculean  efforts  to  carry  on  their  evangelical 
tasks  in  the  face  of  overwhelming  obstacles.  Still,  some 
of  their  own  visitors  and  brethren  were  forced  at  times 
to  make  criticisms  not  unlike  those  of  their  opponents. 

Along  with  all  this,  the  unhappy  kingdom  of  New 
Mexico  was  beset  by  a  multitude  of  other  ills — drought, 
famine,  disease,  and  increasingly  bold  and  destructive 
attacks  by  enemy  infidel  Indians.  The  picture  was  much  the 
same,  or  worse,  a  few  years  later  when  Bishop  Tamaron  ar- 
rived to  make  the  third  episcopal  visitation  of  the  province. 

II 

Bishop  Tamaron  and  his  visitation  of  New  Mexico 
Pedro  Tamaron  y  Romeral  was  born  in  the  Villa  de 
la  Guardia  in  the  Archdiocese  of  Toledo  about  1695.  The 
available  accounts  of  his  life  say  nothing  about  his  early 

34.  H.  W.  Kelley  has  summarized  this  dispute  in  "Franciscan  missions  of  New 
Mexico,  1740-1760,"  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  vol.  16  (1941),  pp.  148-170.  See 
also  Hackett  (1937),  pp.  36-41. 


100  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

years  and  education  in  Spain.  In  1719  he  accompanied 
Bishop  Juan  Jose  de  Escalona  y  Calatayud  to  Caracas.  He 
completed  his  studies  there  and  received  the  doctorate  in 
canon  law  from  the  University  of  Caracas  founded  a  few 
years  after  his  arrival  in  the  New  World.35  He  is  sometimes 
referred  to  as  one  of  the  founders  of  this  university,36  in 
which  he  held  the  chair  of  canon  law.  By  the  end  of  1727 
he  had  already  taken  his  degree  and  was  serving  as  cura 
rector  of  the  cathedral.37  He  remained  in  Caracas  for  the 
next  thirty  years  and  held  many  important  ecclesiastical 
posts,  including  those  of  precentor  and  maestrescuela  of 
the  cathedral,  vicar  of  the  diocese,  and  commissary  and 
censor  of  the  Inquisition.  During  this  time  he  published 
two  books:  Triunfo  glorioso  y  Carro  de  Elias  (Mexico, 
1733)  and  Triunfos  de  la  Gratia  en  la  Santisima  Imagen 
de  Maria,  que  con  el  titido  del  Socorro  se  venera  en  la 
Nueva  Valencia  del  Obispado  de  Caracas  (Madrid,  1749). 
He  may  also  have  been  working  on  a  general  history  of 
Caracas,  which  was  still  in  manuscript  at  the  time  of  his 
death.38 

Dr.  Tamaron  became  bishop  of  Durango  in  1758  and 
arrived  in  his  cathedral  city  on  March  29,  1759.  A  few 
months  later,  on  October  5, 1759,  he  announced  his  intention 
to  begin  his  general  visitation  and  his  reasons  for  doing  so : 

And  I  am  about  to  undertake  my  general  visitation,  and 
I  will  leave  on  the  twenty-second  of  this  month  via  the  sierra 


35.  Bishop  Banos  y  Sotomayor  founded  and  endowed  the  Seminary  of  Santa  Rosa 
at  Caracas  in  1696.  By  a  royal  cedula  of  1721,  which  was  confirmed  by  Innocent  XIII 
in  1722,  it  was  elevated  to  the  status  of  a  royal  and  pontifical  university  with  the  same 
privileges  as  Salamanca.  R.  M.  Baralt,  Resumen  de  la  historic,  de  Venezuela   (Bruges 
and  Paris,  1939),  pp.  435-436;  J.  T.  Lanning,  Academic  culture  in  the  Spanish  colonies 
(London,  New  York,  and  Toronto,  1940),  pp.  30-31. 

36.  As   in   the  dedication   to   him   of  panegyric   sermons   preached   by   Jos4   Diaz 
de  Alcantara  on   the  day  the  high   altar  of  the  Durango  cathedral  was   inaugurated, 
and  printed  in  Mexico  in  1760.  J.  T.  Medina,  La  Imprenta  en  Mexico,  vol.  5   (Santiago 
de  Chile,  1910),  pp.  393-394.  See  also  Tamaron    (1937),  p.  v. 

37.  Relacion  de  los  m4ritos  y  grades  del  Doctor  en  Sagrados  Canones  Don  Pedro 
Tamardn  y  Romeral,  Cura  Rector  actual  de  la  Iglesia  de  la  Ciudad  de  Santiago  de 
Leon  de  Caracas  en  la,  Provincia  de  Venezuela,   17 17.  Listed  by  Medina  in   Biblioteca 
Hispano  Americana,  vol.  4    (Santiago  de  Chile,  1901),  p.  191. 

88.  J.  M.  Beristain  de  Souza,  Biblioteca  Hispano  Americana  Septentrional,  3d  ed. 
(Mexico,  [1947])  ;  F.  A.  Lorenzana,  Concilios  provinciales  primer o,  y  segundo,  cele- 
brados  en  la  muy  noble,  y  muy  leal  ciudad  de  Mexico  (Mexico,  1769),  pp.  374-375; 
Tamardn  (1937),  pp.  v-vl. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  101 

and  a  very  difficult  road  by  which  I  will  traverse  little- 
traveled  places  in  order  to  take  in  some  pueblos  where  no 
bishop  has  ever  been.  From  there  I  will  go  on  to  the  Tierra 
Caliente,  along  the  coast  of  the  South  Sea,  and  the  whole 
government  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora;  I  will  enter  that  of 
New  Mexico  and  go  down  to  Pimeria  and  to  Chihuahua 
where  the  governor  of  New  Vizcaya  resides.  According  to 
what  they  tell  me,  this  journey  may  be  all  of  1500  leagues. 
I  have  hastened  to  make  this  visitation  in  spite  of  the  lack 
of  revenue,  which  is  three  years  in  arrears,  because  of  the 
news  I  receive  daily  about  the  incursions  the  pagan  Indians 
are  making  in  various  places,  killing  people  and  carrying 
off  the  horses  and  destroying  haciendas.  And  the  reason  for 
this  is  the  preceding  viceroy's  reduction  of  the  presidios.  I 
will  talk  with  the  governors  and  obtain  information  from 
intelligent  persons,  and  then  I  shall  be  able  to  cry  out  to 
his  Majesty  for  a  remedy  with  the  hope  of  being  believed.39 

In  another  place  he  tells  us  that  he  started  his  visitation 
before  he  had  even  made  one  of  his  cathedral  "in  order 
to  take  advantage  of  the  best  season  of  the  year  for  crossing 
the  Sierra  Madre  and  to  acquire  the  knowledge  of  the 
vast  provinces  [in  the  diocese]  necessary  for  their  spiritual 
government."40 

Before  his  departure  he  issued  several  edicts,  which 
were  sent  on  ahead  by  relay  to  all  the  places  he  proposed 
to  visit.  One  of  them,  dated  July  7,  1759,  outlined  the 
duties  of  the  priests  and  the  manner  in  which  they  were 
to  perform  them.  Another  of  October  12,  1759,  included 
more  specific  instructions  about  the  necessary  preparations 
for  receiving  the  prelate.41  Then 

I  waited  until  the  rains  were  over,  and,  before  the  ice 
froze  or  I  should  encounter  heavy  snows  in  the  sierra,  I 
began  my  journey,  an  undertaking  whose  magnitude  I  did 
not  fully  appreciate  until  I  was  well  on  my  way.  Although 
my  family  consisted  only  of  three  persons  in  clerical  collars, 
two  secular  amanuenses,  or  scribes,  the  cook,  and  two  negroes, 
the  necessary  baggage  mounted  up  to  thirty  loads  of  sufficient 
weight  to  require  triple  the  number  of  mules  in  order  to 
traverse  eighty  leagues  of  the  sierra  over  the  very  rugged 


89.     Letter  of  Bishop  Tamardn  to  his  Majesty,  Dwrango,  October  S,   1759.   AGI, 
Aud.  de  Guadalajara,  leg.  206. 

40.  Tamar6n   (1937).  p.  870. 

41.  Ibid.,  pp.  371-74.  The  edicts  will  be  translated  infra. 


102  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

route  we  took.  The  same  was  true  of  the  saddle  animals.  The 
muleteers  and  hostlers,  with  additional  hands,  formed  a  large 
squadron,  which  astounded  me  when  I  took  a  look  at  almost 
all  of  them  together  at  a  long  table  like  that  of  a  refectory 
in  the  house  of  the  priest  of  the  Villa  of  San  Sebastian. 
I  immediately  rectified  matters,  dismissed  a  large  number, 
and  continued  with  as  few  as  I  could.42 

Bishop  Tamaron  was  sixty-three  when  he  set  forth  on 
this  arduous  and  often  perilous  journey,  which  was  to 
take  him  nearly  two  years  before  he  again  reached  the 
city  of  Durango  on  July  15,  1761.  In  spite  of  the  inevitable 
hardships  and  occasional  distressing  episodes,  his  account 
leaves  us  with  the  impression  that  on  the  whole  he  enjoyed 
himself  thoroughly.  He  was  one  of  those  inveterate  tourists 
who  delight  in  new  scenes  and  little-frequented  places  and 
have  a  flair  for  collecting  odd  bits  of  interesting  informa- 
tion. His  statements  about  the  routine  business  of  the 
visitation  are  often  summary  in  comparison  with  the  loving 
way  in  which  he  dwells  upon  local  peculiarities  or  incidents 
which  captured  his  fancy.  This  does  not  imply,  however, 
that  he  forgot  for  one  moment  the  importance  and  dignity 
of  his  mission.  He  took  an  extremely  broad  and  consci- 
entious view  of  his  responsibility  as  prelate  of  an  enormous 
frontier  area  suffering  from  a  plethora  of  worldly  and 
spiritual  ills.  He  was  aware  that  the  cures  for  both  were 
to  a  large  degree  interdependent.  His  wide  interests  and 
his  remarkable  powers  of  observation  impelled  him  to  give 
serious  consideration  to  problems  of  civil  government  and 
military  strategy  as  well  as  to  those  of  more  effective 
ecclesiastical  administration.  And  he  never  underestimated 
the  value  of  seeing  for  himself  before  evolving  theories 
about  methods  for  improving  matters.  His  sense  of  duty  had 
set  him  an  almost  impossible  task.  Whether  or  not  his 
conclusions  were  always  right,  and  regardless  of  the  resent- 
ment some  of  them  aroused,  he  did  not  spare  himself  in 
his  scrupulous  effort  to  perform  it. 

We  are  concerned  here  only  with  Bishop  Tamaron's 
visitation  of  New  Mexico  in  1760.  Although  the  problems 
of  this  unhappy  kingdom  were  but  a  fraction  of  the  multi- 

42.     Ibid.,  p.  374. 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  103 

tudinous  troubles  of  the  Bishopric  of  Durango  and  the 
frontier  provinces  as  a  whole,  they  naturally  obscured  the 
broader  issues  in  the  minds  of  most  of  the  local  people, 
both  clergy  and  laymen. 

Now  that  two  or  three  centuries  have  passed,  there  is 
sometimes  a  tendency  to  minimize  the  unpleasant  aspects 
of  life  and  society  in  New  Mexico  in  the  seventeenth  and 
eighteenth  centuries.  Those  who  have  leafed  through  the 
thousands  of  dusty  folios  preserved  in  the  archives  and 
libraries  of  Spain  and  Mexico  cannot  feel  that  romantic 
idealization  of  a  very  human  history  is  either  necessary 
or  advisable.  The  men,  religious  and  laymen,  who  for 
one  reason  or  another  spent  years  or  all  of  their  lives  in 
a  remote  and  backward  frontier  province,  cut  off  ffom  the 
amenities  of  the  civilization  of  their  time,  had  all  the 
ordinary  human  failings  and  many  human  virtues.  The 
harsh  conditions  under  which  they  labored  were  bound  to 
exaggerate  both.  This  was  all  their  world  and  it  was  not 
a  kindly  one.  The  living  accounts  of  their  daily  perils  and 
struggles,  and  those  of  their  bitter  internecine  quarrels, 
are  written  in  blood  and  vitriol.  Time  and  again  New 
Mexico  faced  extinction,  and  time  and  again  the  ill-fated 
little  kingdom  managed  to  stay  alive,  a  part,  if  only  the 
least,  of  one  of  the  greatest  empires  ever  known.  By  com- 
parison, the  history  of  its  long  and  terrible  battle  for 
existence  during  the  Spanish  period  almost  makes  the 
shorter  story  of  the  westward  expansion  of  the  United 
States  seem  a  bedtime  tale  for  children.  If  life  on  such  a 
frontier  often  brought  out  the  worst  in  men,  it  could  also 
inspire  their  best  and  most  unselfish  efforts.  And  it  was 
not  impossible  for  both  tendencies  to  exist  in  the  same 
individual.  We  cannot  see  the  whole,  or  appreciate  the 
good  and  heroic  at  its  true  worth,  if  we  refuse  to  look  at 
both  sides  of  the  medal.  New  Mexico  produced  heroes  and 
martyrs,  and  not  in  vain.  The  inspiration  of  such  lives 
always  adds  to  the  sum  and  value  of  human  endeavor  toward 
the  highest  goal.  But  unfortunately  its  history  as  a  whole 
during  the  colonial  period  is  one  of  failure  in  both  the 
worldly  and  evangelical  senses.  It  was  too  poor,  too  remote, 


104  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  its  problems  were  too  little  understood  to  make  any 
other  outcome  possible. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  Franciscan  missionaries, 
conditions  at  the  time  of  Bishop  Tamar6n's  arrival  had 
not  improved  since  Ornedal's  slanderous  report  had  put 
them  more  than  ever  on  the  defensive  in  their  dealings 
with  the  civil  authorities.  Perhaps  influenced  by  Ornedal's 
opinions,  the  New  Mexico  governors  of  the  1750's  seem  to 
have  been  extremely  unfriendly  toward  the  local  religious. 
So  the  friars  reported,  and  at  considerable  length.  Some 
of  them  managed  to  express  themselves  with  reasonable 
restraint  and  objectivity.  But  the  feelings  of  others  were 
so  violent  that  their  virulent  rhetoric,  however  justifiable, 
makes  very  distressing  reading.  Father  Varo's  outburst 
of  1750  in  reply  to  Ornedal's  charges  falls  into  this  category. 
This  was  intended  for  presentation  to  the  viceroy  in  1751, 
but  Provincial  Fray  Jose  Ximeno  withheld  it  and  rested 
the  Franciscan  case  for  the  time  being  on  the  refutation 
he  himself  had  submitted  in  March,  1750.43  The  reasons 
for  this  are  clear  from  a  statement  made  by  the  archivist 
of  the  Province  of  the  Holy  Gospel,  Fray  Francisco  Antonio 
de  la  Rosa  Figueroa,  ten  years  later  when  the  viceroy 
again  made  a  request  for  information  about  the  state  of 
the  Custody. 

The  prudence  of  our  said  Reverend  Father  Provincial 
may  have  had  several  motives  for  not  presenting  this  report 
of  the  Reverend  Father  Varo  to  the  Lord  Viceroy  in  the  year 
1751.  Perhaps,  because  it  is  very  diffuse,  he  may  either  have 
thought  that  it  would  be  too  great  an  imposition  on  the  Vice- 
roy's attention,  or  following  the  same  line  of  thought,  that  it 
might  delay  his  decision.  Perhaps,  because  he  may  have 
reflected  that  since  over  a  year  had  passed  since  his  Reverend 
Paternity  had  replied,  it  might  seem  untimely  and  vindictive 
to  add  to  the  incontestable  answers  of  the  aforesaid  earlier 
report;  and  that  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  present 
with  it  a  large  number  of  other  original  papers  which  might 
have  been  lost.  Perhaps  because  Governor  don  Tomas  Velez 
Cachupin  [1749-1754]  (a  declared  enemy  of  the  Custody) 
was  related  to  the  Viceroy  and  the  Vicereine  and  had  been 
their  equerry;  and  since  the  wicked  Ornedal  also  belonged  to 


43.     Hackett  (1937),  pp.  438-459. 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  105 

the  Viceroy's  family,  it  might  have  been  ill  received  or  even 
concealed  by  the  Viceroy  lest  the  iniquities  of  the  two 
members  of  his  family  be  revealed.44 

In  a  report  to  Provincial  Serrano,  Figueroa  had  already 
disclosed  the  fact  that  Varo's  reply  to  Ornedal  was  too 
indiscreet  for  presentation  to  the  Viceroy  in  its  original 
form. 

.  .  .  the  first  thing  I  did  was  to  copy  in  my  hand  the  very 
zealous  report  which  the  Reverend  Father  Andres  Varo 
remitted  to  our  Father  Ximeno,  who  was  provincial  in  the 
year  1751,  .  .  .  against  the  sacrilegious  report  which  don 
Juan  Antonio  Ornedal  made  to  the  Lord  Viceroy  in  the  year 
1749  against  the  Custody.  But  I  copied  it  in  such  a  way 
(as  the  copy  shows)  that  on  the  one  hand  it  was  necessary 
to  add  seventeen  leaves  in  order  to  incorporate  the  very 
special  information  I  had  sifted  from  the  archive  concerning 
both  the  progress  and  the  evangelical  labors  of  missionaries 
of  old  and  modern  times;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was 
necessary  to  alter  a  number  of  passages.  These  contained 
various  paragraphs  of  invective  inspired  by  the  Reverend 
Father  Varo's  sorrow  and  his  zeal  to  vindicate  the  honor  of 
the  religious  against  the  denigrative  report  of  the  calumni- 
ators and  the  cruelties  and  injustices  of  the  governors, 
alcaldes,  etc.  [These  had  to  be  amended]  lest  they  should 
sound  like  satirical  apostrophes  against  the  viceroys.  All  my 
changes  and  additions  are  indicated  in  my  said  copy  where 
there  are  vertical  lines  in  the  margin.  So  that  the  inference 
will  be  that  the  report  in  its  present  form,  under  the  Reverend 
Father  Varo's  name,  is  just  as  it  came  to  our  Reverend  Father 
Ximeno  from  the  Custody,  and  in  order  that  it  may  be  pre- 
sented as  the  original  at  any  time,  I  counterfeited  the  signa- 
ture and  complimentary  close,  etc.  of  the  Reverend  Father 
Varo.« 

During  the  1750's  the  governors  were  able  to  prevent 
the  friars  from  sending  out  many  accounts  of  their  side 
of  the  never-ending  quarrel.46  But  toward  the  end  of  the 
decade  and  in  the  early  1760's  we  again  have  letters  reca- 


44.  Letter  of  Fray  Francisco  Antonio  de  la  Rosa  Figueroa  to  Commissary  General 
Fray  Manuel  de  Ndjera,  October,  1761.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  52.  Cf.  the  report  of  Provincial 
Serrano  to  the  Viceroy  in  1761,  Hackett  (1937).  pp.  480-482,  496. 

45.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  49. 

46.  Fray  Juan  Sanz  de  Lezaun,  Noticias  Lamentables,  1760.  Translated  in  Hackett 
(1937),  pp.   468-479,  from  the  Bandolier  transcript  of  the  manuscript  in   AGM,   His- 
toria  25.  There  is  another  copy  in  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  46.  See  also  Hackett  (1937),  p.  497. 


106  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

pitulating  their  accumulated  grievances,  as  well  as  reports 
from  religious  who  had  returned  to  Mexico  City.  We  have 
already  heard  that  Governor  Velez  was  "a  declared  enemy 
of  the  Custody."  His  successor,  Don  Francisco  Marin  del 
Valle  (1754-1760),  lost  no  time  in  establishing  the  same 
reputation. 

Fray  Jacobo  de  Castro  became  Gustos  of  New  Mexico 
about  1751  and  served  as  such  for  the  next  ten  years 
or  more.47  Late  in  June,  1757,  he  and  Governor  Marin 
left  El  Paso  on  a  tour  of  the  missions.  Both  of  them  made 
formal  visitations  and  returned  to  El  Paso  on  December  1. 
In  January,  1758,  Father  Castro  sent  his  report  of  this 
unpleasant  journey  to  his  provincial,  Fray  Juan  Jose  Morey- 
ra.  According  to  the  Gustos,  the  mission  fathers  leaned 
over  backwards  in  their  attempts  to  mollify  the  governor 
by  showing  him  all  honor  and  respect.  With  cross  and  cope 
they  awaited  him  at  the  church  door,  at  which  an  altar  with 
lighted  candles  had  been  placed.  In  response  to  such  courtesy, 
Governor  Marin  found  fault  with  the  manner  in  which 
they  conducted  the  ceremony,  or  simply  left  the  friar  wait- 
ing. Father  Castro  suspected  that  his  insulting  behavior 
was  intended  to  provoke  the  Franciscans  to  reply  in  kind, 
and  he  made  every  effort  not  to  give  the  governor  this 
satisfaction. 

Nothing  has  sufficed  to  sooth  his  restless  spirit,  the  pas- 
sion, or  hatred,  with  which  he  has  looked  upon  all  of  us 
religious  from  the  time  he  entered  this  kingdom,  for  he  has 
always  sought  means  to  lower  us  in  the  estimation  of  the 
Indians  and  the  settlers  and  to  make  us  hated  by  them. 
This  is  common  knowledge,  without  our  having  given  him 
the  slightest  reason  for  it,  since  in  doing  him  honor,  all  the 
friars  have  gone  far  beyond  the  customary  attentions  to 
his  predecessors.  Yet  we  have  all  found  that  his  visitation 
has  been  an  extremely  rigorous  judicial  investigation  [resi- 
dencia]  of  the  conduct  of  each  friar.48 

In  each  pueblo  the  governor  retired  to  the  community 


47.  Letter  of  Fray  Jacobo  de  Castro   to  Governor  Manuel  Portillo   Urrisola,   El 
Paso,  August  10,  1761.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  47. 

48.  Letter  of  Fray  Jacobo  de  Castro  to  Provincial  Fray  Juan  Jose  Moreyra,  El 
Paso,  January  14,  1758.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  44. 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  107 

house  with  the  Indians  and  interrogated  them  about  the 
behavior  of  the  missionary.  The  Spanish  alcaldes  were 
ordered  to  watch  everything  the  friars  did  and  send  full 
reports  to  Governor  Marin.  Some  of  them  had  shown  the 
Gustos  his  letters  ordering  them  to  do  this.  "And  although 
I  do  not  know  what  authority  he  may  have  for  this,  I  do 
know  that  this  has  been  his  practice;  and  he  has  ordered 
the  Indians  to  come  to  him  whenever  they  have  anything 
against  the  fathers." 

Father  Castro  said  that  he  was  finding  it  difficult  to 
prevent  the  religious  from  leaving  the  kingdom.  In  spite 
of  his  promises  to  inform  his  superiors  about  what  was 
going  on,  they  replied  that  "the  hostility  they  suffer  from 
is  great,  and  since  there  is  no  remedy,  they  anxiously  yearn 
to  flee  to  the  refuge  of  their  cells."  Moreover,  "the  disorder 
of  this  government  is  such  that  even  the  settlers  and  Indians 
of  this  kingdom  no  longer  know  what  to  do.  Ten  of  them 
found  it  necessary  to  flee,  with  obvious  risk  to  their  lives, 
in  order  to  go  to  that  city  [of  Mexico]  to  complain  to  his 
Excellency."  Castro  suggested  that  the  Provincial  could 
obtain  from  them  information  which  he  was  unable  to  put 
in  writing.  Nevertheless,  the  missions  were  still  occupied, 
and  the  fathers  were  doing  their  best  to  instruct  the 
Indians  in  Christian  doctrine.  The  Indians  were  restive 
about  the  excessive  demands  for  service  made  by  the  alcaldes 
and  the  governors.  They  complained  about  their  lot  to 
the  friars,  but  the  latter  were  in  no  position  to  help  them.49 

This  was  the  Franciscan  view  of  the  situation  in  New 
Mexico  when,  in  April,  1760,  Bishop  Tamaron  arrived  at 
the  borders  of  the  province  to  begin  his  episcopal  visitation. 
The  possible  advantages  to  them  of  a  report  by  a  less 
biased  critic  may  explain  why  the  friars  put  few  obstacles 
in  his  way  and  even  gave  him  a  welcome.  As  has  been 
said,  the  progress  of  the  suit  over  the  episcopal  jurisdiction 
after  1738  is  obscure.  The  New  Mexico  missionaries  may 
well  have  been  too  absorbed  in  defending  themselves  against 
lay  attacks  to  worry  much  about  their  status  in  relation 
to  the  Bishopric  of  Durango.  Early  in  1749,  a  year  before 

49.     Ibid.  Cf.  Hackett  (1937),  pp.  470-477,  498. 


108  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  storm  over  Ornedal's  report  broke,  Father  Varo  had 
made  this  statement  about  the  episcopal  jurisdiction. 

The  inconvenience  resulting  from  the  distance  of  more 
than  four  hundred  leagues  between  the  said  missions  and 
Durango,  which  is  the  capital  where  the  bishops  reside,  is 
no  less.  To  this  diocese,  as  the  nearest  one,  it  seems  that 
the  new  curacies  which  may  be  founded  should  be  joined,  for 
in  the  said  Custody  there  are  not  the  number  of  ministers 
necessary  for  its  maintenance  and  progress.  This  will  be 
seen  in  the  description  to  be  made  of  the  missions,  because 
most  of  them  have  only  one  minister,  even  when  they  extend 
long  distances  and  have  a  large  population,  as  is  the  case  at 
Zuni  and  other  missions.  It  would  then  [if  the  New  Mexico 
missions  were  subject  to  the  Bishopric  of  Durango]  be  neces- 
sary to  abandon  them  for  a  long  time,  in  order  to  come  for 
the  presentations  to  and  bestowing  of  the  benefices,  to  suffer 
the  inconveniences,  expenses,  and  delays  of  such  a  long 
journey,  along  with  the  other  charges  which  the  regular 
clergy  bear  as  a  result  of  the  poor  way  in  which  the  lords 
bishop  usually  carry  on  their  administration,  and  especially 
when  they  get  the  idea  that  they  are  of  some  use  and  profit. 
The  suit  which  the  said  Custody  has  carried  on  for  many 
years  with  the  Mitre  of  Durango  in  order  not  to  submit  to 
it,  but  remain  separate  and  under  the  government  which 
Apostolic  privileges  allow  them,  is  constant.  [The  Custody] 
has  used  and  enjoys  these  privileges  because  it  is  still  in 
the  category  of  living  conversions  and  it  is  not  yet  in  a 
state  which  permits  episcopal  jurisdiction  there,  because  more 
harm  than  benefit  would  result  from  the  exercise  of  it.  And 
the  only  merit  [of  the  case  of  the  bishopric]  is  that  a  lord 
bishop  trod  part  of  those  very  remote  lands,  intruding  without 
the  consent  of  our  King  and  lord  (God  keep  him).  And 
without  any  title  to  the  addition,  he  has  used  all  his  force 
in  his  pretensions  to  make  it  his  own  territory,  exercising 
jurisdiction  and  taking  the  tithes  to  himself.  They  have  not 
allowed  his  Majesty's  decisions  to  deter  them  from  following 
their  course  with  determination.  The  inconveniences  involved 
are  insuperable  because  of  the  difficulty  in  making  appeals, 
especially  in  such  serious  matters  as  those  of  jurisdiction, 
upon  which  the  spiritual  administration  and  health  of  so 
many  souls  depend.50 


60.  Informe  del  estado  de  la  Nueva  Mexico  a  su  Majeatad  scgun  su  cedula  de  1748. 
BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  57.  H.  R.  Wagner,  The  Spanish  Southwest,  15^S-179^  (Quivira  Soc. 
PubL,  voL  7,  Albuquerque,  1937),  Part  II,  pp.  888-889,  lists  an  Informe  by  P.  I. 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  109 

The  question  of  the  collection  of  tithes  is  not  at  all  clear. 
In  1760  Fray  Juan  Sanz  de  Lezaun  said  that  the  governors 
had  been  collecting  tithes  for  more  than  thirty  years  and 
forcing  the  Indians  to  haul  them  to  Santa  Fe  at  their  own 
expense.  Theoretically  the  Indians  were  not  subject  to  them, 
which  makes  part  of  his  remarks  on  the  subject  even  more 
difficult  to  understand. 

For  about  thirty  years  the  governors  have  collected 
the  tithes;  all  the  tithes  from  down  the  river  are  collected 
in  the  villa  of  Albuquerque  (a  Spanish  villa),  the  alcalde 
mayor  of  which  has  the  duty  of  receiving  them.  The  Indians 
haul  them  gratis,  and  at  the  proper  time  take  their  own  in 
wagons  to  the  villa  of  Santa  Fe.51 

The  bishop  tells  us  that  Father  Roibal  was  paid  300 
pesos  a  year  from  the  tithes.  As  we  shall  see,  Bishop 
Tamar6n  found  that  the  missionaries  were  collecting  ob- 
ventions  and  first-fruits  from  the  Spanish  citizens  in  their 
parishes  and  enjoyed  them  in  addition  to  the  annual  amount 
granted  by  the  Crown  for  the  support  of  each  friar.  We 
learn  from  other  sources  that  the  settlers  were  rather 
capricious  about  meeting  such  obligations,  depending  upon 
their  circumstances  at  the  moment  and  whether  the  friar 
was  inclined  to  press  for  payment.52 

The  most  important  evidence  that  the  Bishopric  of 
Durango  had  continued  to  keep  a  foothold  in  the  Custody 
of  New  Mexico  is  the  fact  that  three  secular  priests  were 
serving  there  when  Tamaron  came.  There  were  two  in 
the  El  Paso  area,  one  of  whom  held  the  office  of  vicar  and 

Altamirano,  the  Jesuit  representative  at  court,  submitted  in  a  lawsuit  with  Bishop 
Pedro  Sanchez  de  Tagle  (1749-1757)  over  visitations  of  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  other 
mission  areas.  If  there  was  a  decision  in  favor  of  the  bishop  in  this  case,  it  might  also 
have  applied  to  the  New  Mexico  Franciscans  and  explain  their  changed  attitude  when 
Bishop  Tamaron  came.  In  any  case,  it  indicates  that  the  matter  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Bishopric  of  Durango  over  mission  areas  in  charge  of  the  religious  Orders  was 
still  in  the  courts  in  the  1750's. 

51.  Hackett   (1937),  p.  470. 

52.  A  distinction   must  be  made   between   obventions   and   first-fruits   and   tithes 
(obvenciones,  primiciag,  and  diezmoa).  Obventions  were  the  fees   for  baptisms,  mar- 
riages,  funerals,  etc.  These  were  usually  levied  in   accordance  with   a  fixed   schedule, 
with  one  at  a  lower  rate  for  the  Indians.  In  the  sense  used  here,  first-fruits  were  an 
offering  from  the  harvests  and  herds,  and  the  Indians  seldom  paid  this. 


110  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ecclesiastical  judge,  and  Don  Santiago  Roibal  still  main- 
tained his  precarious  title  to  the  same  office  in  Santa  Fe. 

Whatever  their  inner  feelings  about  the  bishop  and  their 
dislike  for  one  another,  the  secular  authorities  and  the 
Franciscans  joined  in  receiving  the  prelate  with  due  solem- 
nity. When  he  neared  El  Paso,  Don  Manuel  de  San  Juan, 
captain  of  the  presidio  and  chief  magistrate,  the  Gustos, 
Fray  Jacobo  de  Castro,  and  the  vicar  went  out  to  the  Rio 
de  Santa  Maria  to  meet  him.  They  even  persuaded  him 
to  spend  an  extra  night  in  the  dangerous  open  country 
so  that  proper  preparations  for  the  ceremonies  honoring 
his  entrance  to  El  Paso  could  be  completed.  The  Gustos 
accompanied  the  bishop  to  the  interior  of  New  Mexico, 
where  he  was  also  received  with  every  evidence  of  respect 
and  cooperation.  Governor  Marin  del  Valle  sent  an  escort 
to  meet  him  at  Sandia  and  came  out  to  greet  him  in  person 
shortly  before  he  reached  Santo  Domingo.  The  reception 
at  Santa  Fe  accorded  him  full  ritual  honors  as  prelate.  To 
establish  his  jurisdiction  on  a  firmer  basis,  and  in  the  hope 
of  avoiding  future  litigation,  the  bishop  gave  appointments 
as  his  vicar  to  three  Franciscans:  to  the  custos  for  El 
Paso,  and  to  the  missionaries  of  Albuquerque  and  La 
Canada  for  their  respective  districts.  They  were  pleased 
to  accept  and  acknowledged  the  clauses  in  them  reserving 
the  episcopal  right  to  make  such  appointments  at  will. 

As  his  itinerary  shows,  Bishop  Tamaron  gave  himself 
no  time  to  rest,  but  carried  out  his  visitation  with  the 
utmost  dispatch.  He  reached  Tome,  the  first  settlement  of 
the  interior,  on  May  18.  By  July  7,  when  he  returned  to 
Tome,  he  had  visited  all  the  Spanish  settlements  and  mis- 
sions as  far  as  Taos,  except  Zufii  and  a  few  other  pueblos 
which  he  was  unable  to  reach  because  of  adverse  traveling 
conditions.  On  July  18  he  was  again  at  El  Paso,  ready  to 
continue  his  journey  through  other  provinces  of  his  diocese 
for  yet  another  year. 

Even  in  so  short  a  time,  it  is  improbable  that  the  bitter 
feelings  which  were  agitating  all  classes  of  society  in  New 
Mexico  can  have  entirely  escaped  the  notice  of  a  man  as 


TAMARtfN'S  VISITATION  111 

observant  as  Bishop  Tamaron,  although  he  did  not  see  fit 
to  discuss  them  in  his  official  reports  of  his  visitation.  He 
seems  to  have  maintained  courteous,  if  rather  distant,  rela- 
tions with  the  Franciscans  and  their  prelate,  whom  he  never 
condescends  to  mention  by  name.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
he  was  on  more  intimate  terms  with  Governor  Marin  del 
Valle,  who  was  still  in  office  at  the  time.53  Apparently  he 
leaned  more  heavily  on  information  and  opinions  from 
Father  Santiago  Roibal,  whom  he  may  have  considered 
a  comparatively  neutral  observer,  as  well  as  one  who  was 
bound  by  his  own  interests  to  be  sincere  with  the  Bishop 
of  Durango.  Correspondence  he  quotes  shows  that  he  later 
kept  in  touch  with  New  Mexico  affairs  in  spite  of  his 
many  other  serious  preoccupations.  There  are  letters  from 
the  custos,  from  Don  Santiago  Roibal,  and  from  the  gov- 
ernors. The  fact  that  he  was  aware  of  certain  defects  in 
civil  administration  is  evident  from  some  severe  remarks 
he  made  elsewhere  about  the  alcaldes  mayores  in  many  parts 
of  his  diocese,  including  New  Mexico : 

.  .  .  some  poor  men  whom  the  governors  install  as  alcal- 
des mayores,  individuals  who  have  not  prospered  in  other 
office  or  who  have  been  ruined  in  trade;  or  deserters  from 
studies  by  which  they  did  not  profit,  who  become  paper  shuf- 
flers and  swindlers.  Such  are  usually  the  qualifications  of 
these  alcaldes  mayores,  a  career  aspired  to  by  useless  or 
ruined  men.  What  are  individuals  of  this  kind  to  do  except 
oppress  and  squeeze  the  population  in  order  to  eat  and  to 
obtain  and  pay  the  contribution  agreed  upon  to  the  one  who 
gave  them  employment?54 

He  devoted  most  of  his  criticism  and  recommendations 
to  two  major  problems.  The  first  was  the  fact  that  the 
Christianization  of  the  Indians  was  hardly  more  than  a 
superficial  conformity  to  a  few  outward  practices  which 
they  did  not  understand  or  have  much  interest  in.  Like 

63.  The  exact  date  when  Marin  del  Valle  left  New  Mexico  is  not  known.  A 
statement  by  Bishop  Tamaron,  infra,  mentioning  a  campaign  against  the  Comanchea 
indicates  that  he  could  not  have  left  before  September,  1760.  After  his  departure  Don 
Mateo  Antonio  de  Mendoza  apparently  served  as  governor  ad  interim,  until  early  Janu- 
ary, 1761.  He  was  succeeded  by  another  interim  governor,  Don  Manuel  del  Portillo 
y  Urrisola,  who  held  the  office  until  February.  1762. 

54.     Tamaron   (1937),  p.  219. 


112  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

other  critics  of  earlier  and  later  times,  he  believed  that 
one  of  the  chief  reasons  for  the  failure  to  indoctrinate  them 
was  the  language  difficulty.  Only  a  few  of  the  New  Mexico 
Franciscans  had  ever  had  sufficient  mastery  of  the  native 
languages  to  minister  to  their  flocks  without  the  help  of 
interpreters.  And  although  a  number  of  Indians  knew  some 
Spanish,  their  understanding  of  it  was  insufficient  for  them 
to  grasp  abstract  religious  ideas.  The  friars  resented  this 
criticism  from  outsiders  and  made  many  attempts  to  refute 
such  charges,  but  the  weight  of  the  evidence  is  overwhelm- 
ing that  there  was  much  truth  in  this  point  of  view.  Among 
themselves,  the  more  objective  missionaries  admitted  and 
deplored  this  handicap  in  terms  as  strong  as  those  of  their 
opponents. 

Just  why  they  had  never  been  able  to  improve  this 
situation  in  nearly  two  hundred  years  remains  a  question. 
Part  of  the  answer  may  lie  in  the  character  and  strong 
traditional  culture  of  the  Indians  with  whom  they  had  to 
deal.  It  must  be  remembered  how  few  missionaries  there 
were  in  proportion  to  the  work  they  were  expected  to 
accomplish,  and  with  little  or  no  aid  from  the  lay  Spanish 
population.  This  led  to  a  very  unnatural  way  of  life  which 
may  well  have  affected  the  ability  of  many  to  deal  success- 
fully with  their  charges — the  physical  and  psychological 
difficulties  confronting  a  lonely  man,  cut  off  from  normal 
intercourse  with  his  equals  and  expected  to  guide  and 
teach  an  alien  and  indifferent,  if  not  hostile,  community. 

Bishop  Tamaron  felt  that  a  more  determined  effort 
to  solve  the  language  problem  would  provide  the  most  ef- 
ficacious solution.  The  records  do  not  indicate  that  his 
fervent  commands  and  exhortations  to  this  end  succeeded 
to  any  great  degree.  His  criticisms  of  the  spiritual  state 
of  the  Indians  struck  at  the  very  foundations  of  the  mission 
system  in  New  Mexico.  Certainly  they  were  nothing  new, 
nor  do  we  find  anything  new  or  constructive  in  the  inevi- 
table rebuttals.  If  his  recommendations  for  solving  the 
linguistic  problem  had  been  heeded,  perhaps  they  would 
have  brought  about  some  improvement.  Little  was  done, 
and  some  fifteen  years  later  a  Franciscan  visitor  was  to 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  113 

feel  the  same  distress  at  finding  the  Indians  still  neophytes 
after  so  many  years  of  Christian  teaching.55 

Bishop  Tamaron  was  rigid  in  his  assumption  of  the 
valid  right  of  the  Diocese  of  Durango  to  jurisdiction  in 
New  Mexico.  He  believed  that  more  effective  control  by 
the  bishops  would  help  to  remedy  matters.  He  therefore 
recommended  that  four  Spanish  parishes — El  Paso,  Santa 
Fe,  Albuquerque,  and  La  Canada — be  turned  over  to  the 
bishop.  The  secular  priests  appointed  would  be  vicars  and 
would  have  sufficient  income  from  obventions  and  first- 
fruits  to  support  assistants.  This  was  not  the  first  time 
such  a  suggestion  had  been  made,  and  as  always  it  was 
resented  by  the  Franciscans.56  Although  the  bishops  now 
and  again  succeeded  in  introducing  secular  clergy  in  a  few 
New  Mexico  parishes,  this  innovation  seldom  lasted  long 
or  brought  about  any  real  change.57 

The  second  major  problem  which  alarmed  and  disturbed 
Bishop  Tamaron  was  the  ineffective  defence  against  the 
incursions  of  hostile  Indians.  This  was  a  danger  which 
threatened  the  very  life  of  the  frontier  provinces  as  a 
whole.  The  bishop  had  definite  ideas  about  a  more  success- 
ful method  of  coping  with  this  menace,  and  in  particular 
he  advised  greater  use  of  infantry.  His  suggestions  are 
included  among  the  translations  which  follow. 

A  Franciscan  copy  of  the  part  of  Bishop  Tamaron's 


56.  E.  B.  Adams,  "Two  colonial  New  Mexico  libraries,  1704,  1776,"  NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  voL  19  (1944),  pp.  141-143.  The  relevant  part  of  this  article  was 
based  on  letters  and  reports  by  Fray  Francisco  Atanasio  Domfnguez,  who  made  a 
visitation  of  New  Mexico  in  1776,  in  BNM,  leg:.  10,  nos.  42-49.  A  translation  of  the 
documents  concerning  Dominguez*  visitation  is  now  being  prepared  for  publication. 

56.  In  the  same  year  that  Tamar6n  visited  New  Mexico,  one  of  the  governors, 
apparently  Don  Mateo  Antonio   de  Mendoza,   tried  to  impose  his   own   solutions   and 
implement  his  dislike  of  the  New  Mexico  Franciscans  from  the  Province  of  the  Holy 
Gospel.   He  told   Fathers  Lezaun   and   Abadiano  that  he  had   decided,   as   vice-patron, 
to  "turn  over  the  missions  of  the  north  to  the  province  of  Zacatecas."  This  was  after 
he   "had   felt  out  the  minds   of  the  Jesuit   fathers   in   various   conversations,   with   a 
view  to  introducing  them  into  these  missions."  The  Jesuit  visitor/or  had  replied  "that 
this  could  not  be,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Franciscan  fathers  were  in  possession 
and,  as  he  had  been  credibly  informed,  had  failed  in  nothing."  Hackett  (1937),  pp.  499- 
500.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Jesuits  had  similar  troubles,  more  serious  in  the  end  than 
those  of  the  Franciscans,   for  they  were  expelled   from   New  Spain   in    1767.   Bishop 
Tamaron  was  chagrined  because  the  Franciscans  forestalled  him  by  placing  their  friars 
in  many  of  the  former  Jesuit  missions  to  which  he  had  hoped  to  send  secular  clergy. 
Tamaron    (1937),  pp.  x-xi. 

57.  Cf.  note  33,  supra. 


114  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

report  to  the  Crown  of  1765  pertaining  to  the  Franciscan 
missions  in  his  diocese  is  followed  by  a  few  remarks  worth 
noting.  They  are  as  good  an  indication  as  any  of  what  the 
friars  thought  of  it. 

I  reflect  that  in  the  discourse  and  comparisons  of  this 
report  the  Lord  [Bishop]  Tamaron  makes  specific  statements 
with  regard  to  the  missions  where  the  King  gives  something 
to  the  Province;  but  where  he  gives  nothing,  he  makes  no 
note  of  it,  perhaps  so  that  the  King  may  not  know  of  our 
services.  And  even  when  he  finds  great  need  of  aid,  he  does 
not  ask  for  it  as  he  does  for  the  curacies  of  his  secular 
priests,  and  even  perhaps  where  there  is  no  need,  or  at  least 
not  the  greatest.58 

Tamaron  was  bishop  of  Durango  until  late  in  1768, 
when  he  died,  active  to  the  end,  at  Bamoa,  Sinaloa,  on 
December  21,  at  the  age  of  73.  So  far  as  we  know,  he  was 
the  last  bishop  to  enter  New  Mexico  during  the  colonial 
period. 

The  translation  of  his  description  of  New  Mexico  and 
of  excerpts  from  other  portions  of  his  Demostracion  del 
vastisimo  obispado  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1765  is  based  on 
Vito  Alessio  Robles'  edition  published  in  Mexico  in  1937. 
The  sources  of  a  few  supplementary  translations  from 
manuscripts  will  be  given  in  their  place.  The  Alessio  Robles 
edition  was  made  from  a  copy  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional, 
Mexico.59  Although  the  present  translation  is  deliberately 
rather  free  in  places  in  order  to  make  it  more  readable 
in  English,  the  sense  of  the  original  has  not  been  changed. 

(To  be  continued) 


68.     BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59. 

59.     For  further  bibliographical  information,  see  Tamaron   (1937),  pp.  xii-xiv. 


PHILIP  ST.  GEORGE  COOKE  AND 
THE  APACHE,  1854 

By  HAMILTON  GARDNER* 

WHEN  Lieutenant  Colonel  Philip  St.  George  Cooke,  2d 
Dragoons,  reported  for  duty  at  Fort  Union  November 
4,  1853,1  he  was  no  stranger  to  New  Mexico.  Seven  years 
earlier,  as  Captain,  1st  Dragoons,  he  had  marched  along 
the  Santa  Fe  Trail  with  Brigadier  General  Stephen  Watts 
Kearny's  Army  of  the  West.  On  August  1,  near  Bent's  Fort, 
the  General  sent  him  in  advance  to  Santa  Fe  with  a  message 
for  Mexican  Governor  Armijo,  where  he  arrived  eleven  days 
later.  After  several  conferences  with  the  Governor  he  re- 
joined the  Army  in  time  to  participate  in  the  occupation  of 
the  Capital  August  18.  He  left  there  September  25  with 
General  Kearny's  pitifully  small  advance  party  of  300 
dragoons,  bound  westward,  but  he  was  not  destined  to  com- 
plete the  march.  "The  melancholy  information  of  the  death 
of  Capt.  Allen,  1st  Drags.,  having  been  this  day  received," 
directed  the  General  in  an  order  dated  October  2,  "Capt. 
Cooke,  1st  Drags.,  will  return  to  Santa  Fe,  and  assume 
command  of  the  Battalion  of  Mormons  on  its  arrival  at 
that  place  .  .  .  which  forces  he  will  conduct  to  Upper 
California  following  the  route  now  being  taken  by  the 
Dragoons.  .  .  ."2  Cooke  reached  Santa  Fe  October  7;  took 
over  command  of  the  Battalion  on  its  arrival  six  days  later ; 
and  departed  afoot  October  19  towards  the  Pacific.8 

Exact  data  as  to  the  Indian  population  in  the  Territory 


*  Colonel  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  retired  and  living  in  Salt  Lake  City, 
Utah — 470  South  13  East  St. 

1.  National   Archives    and   Records    Service,    War   Records    Branch,    Washington, 
D.  C.  This  agency  was  formerly  designated  as  the  Old  Files  Section,  Adjutant  General's 
Office,  War  Department.  It  will  be  cited  hereinafter  as  N.A.R.S.W.R.B. 

A  brief  biography  of  Cooke  may  be  found  in  Exploring  Southwestern  Trails  1848- 
1854.  VII,   17-30,  edited  by  Ralph   P.   Bieber    (Glendale,   Calif.,    1938) 

2.  "Head  Qrs  Army  of  the  West,  Camp  on  the  Rio  del  Norte  near  Joya,  October 
2d,  1846.  Orders  No.  33."  N.A.R.S.W.R.B. 

3.  Philip    St.   George   Cooke,    The   Conquest  of  New   Mexico   and   California,   an 
Historical  and  Personal  Narrative,  6-90    (New  York,   1878).  See  also  Ralph  Emerson 
Twitchell,  The  History  of  the  Military  Occupation  of  New  Mexico,  from  1846  to  18S1, 
41-43   (Denver,  1909) 

115 


116  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  New  Mexico  in  the  mid-1850's  is  not  available,  and  the 
estimates  vary  considerably.  Governor  Meriwether  in  his 
1854  report4  as  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  guessed 
that  the  Utahs  in  the  northern  and  northwestern  parts  of 
the  Territory  numbered  from  5,000  to  6,000  and  the  Apaches 
in  scattered  bands  totalled  8,000.  Of  the  latter  the  Jicarillas, 
roving  generally  in  the  eastern  and  southern  regions,  sup- 
ported at  least  150  warriors.  Henry  R.  Schoolcraft5  showed 
the  Apaches  with  a  total  strength  of  5,500,  occupying  850 
lodges  and  furnishing  1,100  fighting  men,  of  whom  the 
Jicarillas  constituted  100.  Ralph  H.  Ogle6  estimated  the 
Apaches  as  being  25,000  to  30,000  strong,  including  the 
Jicarillas  of  5,000  to  7,000.  Figures  for  the  Navajos  and  the 
Pueblo  Indians  were  not  included.  Finally  Jefferson  Davis, 
Secretary  of  War,  in  his  annual  report,7  December  4,  1854, 
spoke  of  "an  Indian  population  of  50,000,  a  great  proportion 
of  whom  are  bands  who  do  not  acknowledge  the  authority  of 
the  United  States." 

Of  all  the  New  Mexico  Indians  the  Jicarillas  were  rated 
the  most  troublesome.8  Superintendent  Meriwether  said  in 
his  1854  report:9  "It  is  confidently  believed  that  no  other 
single  band  of  Indians  have  committed  an  equal  amount 
of  depredations  upon,  and  caused  so  much  trouble  and 
annoyance  to  the  people  of  this  Territory,  as  the  Jicarillas." 
And  E.  A.  Graves,  Indian  agent  at  Albuquerque,  had  stated 
the  year  previously10  that  "they  are  the  most  daring,  brave 
and  heartless  tribe  of  Indians  who  inhabit  New  Mexico." 

In  1853  "but  few  outrages  of  an  aggravated  character 
have  been  reported  as  having  occurred  among  the  Indians 
in  New  Mexico,"  stated  George  W.  Manypenny,  Commis- 

4.  Santa  Fe,  September  1,  1854,  Appendix  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior.  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  SSd  Cong.,  Sd  Seat.,  876-8. 

6.  Information  Respecting  the  History,  Condition  and  Prospect*  of  the  Indian 
Tribes  of  the  United  States,  I,  519  (Philadelphia,  1850) 

6.  "Federal  Control  of  the  Western  Apaches,"  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW, 
XIV,  819   (Oct.,  1989) 

7.  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  SSd  Cong.,  td  Seas.,  6. 

8.  Ogle,  op.  cit.,  315,  explains  the  relationship  of  the  Jicarillas  to  the  other  tribes 
of  the  Apache  nation.  See  also:  Frederick  Webb  Hodge,  Handbook  of  American  Indians, 
Smithsonian  Institution,  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Bulletin  SO,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  920,  59th  Cong., 
1st  Sees.,  I,  66    (Washington,  1905) 

9.  Op.   cit.    [note  4],   p.   878. 

10.  August  81,  1853,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  SSd  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  484. 


COOKE  AND  THE  APACHE  117 

sioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  in  his  annual  report,11  November 
26.  But  he  also  called  attention  to  an  incident  which  later 
proved  to  be  one  of  the  causes  of  the  Jicarilla  uprising  in 
1854.  That  was  the  treaty  made  by  his  predecessor,  Gover- 
nor William  Carr  Lane,  with  the  Indians  to  remove  them 
from  their  present  locations,  colonize  them  west  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  keep  them  pacified  by  feeding  them.  Manypenny 
disapproved  this  arrangement  and  it  ceased.  Next  year 
Governor  Meriwether  lamented  that  he  was  embarrassed  by 
his  inability  to  explain  to  the  Indians  why  he  had  discon- 
tinued supplying  them  with  food.12 

The  9th  Military  Department,  comprising  the  then  Ter- 
ritory of  New  Mexico,  was  activated  July  19,  1851,  when 
Colonel  E.  V.  Sumner  took  command,  although  it  had  been 
previously  authorized.  Following  a  short  interim  under 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Dixon  S.  Miles,  3d  Infantry,  Brevet 
Brigadier  General  John  Garland13  became  the  Department 
Commander,  July  20,  1853,  with  headquarters  at  Albuquer- 
que.14 

At  the  close  of  1853,  out  of  a  total  Army  authorized 
strength  of  13,821,  of  which  only  10,495  were  actually  in 
service,15  1,678  officers  and  men  were  stationed  in  New 
Mexico.16  These  were  made  up  of  several  companies  of  the 
1st  Dragoons,  two  companies  of  artillery  and  the  3d  Infan- 
try. They  were  scattered  out  in  the  forts  then  established  in 


11.  S3  Cong.,  1  sess..  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  p.  257.  See  also :  Report  of  the  Secretary  of 
War,  December  4,  1853,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  Part  2,  VoL  1,  p.  8 ;  and  Oliver  L.  Spaulding, 
Jr.,  The  United  States  Army  in  War  and  Peace,  232   (New  York,  1937) 

12.  Op.   cit.    [note  4],   374-6.    See  also:   Twitchell,    The   Leading   Facts   of   New 
Mexican  History,   II,   299,   302    (Cedar   Rapids,   1912) 

13.  John  Garland  was  born  in  Virginia  in  1792  and  appointed   1st  Lieutenant, 
35th  Infantry,  March  31,  1813,   during  the  War  of  1812.   He  served  with  distinction 
in   the    Seminole   Indian    campaign    in    Florida,    1836-1842 ;    and    during    the   Mexican 
War  participated   in   most  of   the   principal   battles   of   the   armies    of   both    General 
Zachary   Taylor  and   General  Winfleld   Scott,   being  severely   wounded    at   the   taking 
of  the  City  of  Mexico.  He  received  his  brevet  rank  as  brigadier  general  "for  gallant 
and  meritorious  conduct  at  the  Battles  of  Contreras  and  Churubusco."   Garland  died 
at  New  York  City  on  June  5,  1861.    (Records  in  the  Library.  United  States  Military 
Academy,  West  Point,  New  York) 

14.  A.  B.  Bender,  "Frontier  Defense  in  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  1846-1853," 
NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  IX,  247-271   (July,  1934) 

15.  Report  of  the  General  in  Chief,  Major  General  Winfield  Scott,  Novemb*.'  16, 
1853,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  Part  S,  Vol.  1,  p.  IS,  SSd  Cong.,  1st  Sens. 

16.  Ibid.,  120-1. 


118  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  Territory,  the  usual  garrison  consisting  of  equal  com- 
ponents of  mounted  and  dismounted  men. 

The  Army's  handling  of  the  local  Indian  problem  in 
this  period  satisfied  no  one,  least  of  all  the  Army  itself. 
President  Pierce,17  Secretary  of  War  Davis18  and  General 
Garland19  all  urged  an  increase  in  the  forces  required  to 
police  the  extended  frontier.  But  the  Congress,  as  usual, 
remained  niggardly  in  its  appropriations.  The  historian, 
Hubert  Howe  Bancroft,  ascribed  the  fault  to  the  policy,  or 
lack  of  policy,  of  the  Federal  Government.  The  Army  com- 
manders, he  asserted,  were  generally  efficient  and  competent 
and  the  soldiers  fought  bravely ;  but  they  found  it  difficult  to 
follow  directives  which  alternated  between  exterminating 
the  Indians  on  the  one  hand  and  feeding  them  on  the  other. 
What  they  most  generally  sensed  was  a  Government  policy 
of  letting  matters  drift.  They  realized  their  mission  was 
to  provide  the  people  of  New  Mexico  with  protection 
against  the  Indians,  as  promised  by  General  Kearny  in 
1846,  but  they  simply  did  not  possess  the  forces  to  do  so.20 

As  stated,  Cooke  arrived  at  Fort  Union  on  November 
3,  1853.  For  more  than  a  year  he  had  been  stationed  at  Fort 
Mason,  Texas.  Even  though  he  did  not  receive  his  promotion 
to  Lieutenant  Colonel,  2d  Dragoons,  until  July  15,  1853,21 
he  had  been  in  actual  command  of  the  regiment  as  a  major, 
its  nominal  Commanding  Officer  being  Colonel  William  S. 
Harney.  He  began  to  sign  the  regimental  returns  in  May, 
1854,  and  continued  to  do  so  until  1858.22 

During  his  entire  tour  in  New  Mexico,  Cooke  was  in 


17.  Second  Annual  Message,  December  4,   1854. 

18.  1853  Report,   SS  Cong.,  1  Sess..  Sen.  Ex.  Doe.   1,   4-6 ;   1854  Report,   op.  eit, 
[note  7],  6. 

19.  Letter  to  War  Department,  April  1,   1854,  Albuquerque,  Appendix  to  Report 
of  the  Secretary  of  War,  op.  cit.   [note  7],  34: 

"If  hostilities  are  continued— and  I  have  little  doubt  such  will  be  the  case — I  will 
be  forced  to  call  upon  the  governor  of  this  Territory  for  two  or  three  companies  of 
volunteers. 

"It  is  very  desirable  that  a  strong  mounted  force,  with  a  good  supply  of  horses,  be 
sent  out  early  in  the  spring." 

20.  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  656-8   (San  Francisco,  1889) 

21.  Albert  G.  Brackett,  History  of  the   United  States  Cavalry,   180    (New  York, 
1875) 

22.  N.A.R.S.W.R.B. 


COOKE  AND  THE  APACHE  119 

command  at  Fort  Union,  except  for  two  details  to  Santa 
Fe  on  courtmartial  duty,  March  16  and  July  1,  1854.23 

Four  major  engagements  against  the  Indians  occurred 
in  New  Mexico  in  1854.  Cooke  regarded  them  as  an  ex- 
tremely interesting  part  of  his  experiences  as  Commanding 
Officer,  2d  Dragoons.  Hence  about  1875,  two  years  after 
his  retirement,  he  wrote  at  length  concerning  them  in  his 
"Personal  Recollections,"  which  constitutes  a  chapter  in 
Colonel  Theophilus  F.  Rodenbough's,  From  Everglade  to 
Canon  With  the  Second  Dragoons.24 

The  first  encounter  with  the  Jicarillas  took  place  March 
5  when  Company  H,  2d  Dragoons,  under  command  of  2d 
Lieutenant  David  Bell,  won  a  decided  victory.  General 
Garland  reported  it  to  the  War  Department  March  29 :25 

I  have  the  honor  to  report,  for  the  information  of  the  major 
general  commanding  the  army,  that  a  very  spirited  affair  came  off  on 
the  5th  instant,  some  sixty  miles  from  Fort  Union,  between  the 
Jicarilla  Apaches  and  a  detachment  of  the  second  dragoons,  com- 
manded by  Second  Lieutenant  Bell.  The  parties  were  about  equally 
matched  as  to  numbers — say  twenty-four  warriors  each — and  both 
ready  to  measure  their  strength.  The  result  of  the  conflict  is,  that 
the  Indians  lost  five  killed  and  many  wounded,  the  detachment  of 
dragoons  lost  two  killed  and  four  wounded.  The  Indians  fled  in  great 
disorder  to  the  canons  and  gorges  of  the  Canadian.  This  is  a  part 
of  the  band  which  captured  and  killed  Mrs.  White,  and  subsequently 
killed  off  the  mail  party  near  Wagon  Mound.  The  chief  most  prominent 
in  these  operations — "Lobo" — was  killed  by  Lieutenant  Bell,  who 
has  certainly  managed  this  affair  with  discretion  and  gallantry.  .  .  . 

On  April  1,  1854,  General  Garland  reported  a  second 
encounter  with  the  Indians  which  had  taken  place  a  few 
days  before:26 

The  Indians,  Jicarilla,  Apaches,  and  Utahs  have  managed  to 
combine  a  force  of  two-hundred  and  fifty  (250)  warriors  and  unex- 
pectedly attacked  a  Company  of  Dragoons  sixty  (60)  strong,  about 


23.  Ibid. 

24.  New  York,  1875. 

25.  Appendix  to  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,   1854,  op.  cit.    [note  7],  33-4. 
Cooke  gave  a  detailed  and  especially  well-written  account  of  this  affray  in  his   "Per- 
sonal Recollections,"   Rodenbough,  op.  cit.   [note  24],   135. 

26.  N.A.R.S.W.R.B.    See    also:    A.    B.    Bender,    "Frontier    Defense  .  .  .,"    NEW 
MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  IX,  348-9   (Oct.,  1934) 


120  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

twenty-five  (25)  miles  from  Fernandez  de  Taos,  under  the  command 
of  Lieutenant  J.  M.  Davidson,  First  Dragoons,  and  succeeded  after 
a  desperate  conflict  in  overwhelming  it.  Lieutenant  Davidson  and 
Assistant  Surgeon  Magruder,  both  wounded,  returned  from  the  battle 
field  with  about  seventeen  (17)  men,  most  of  them  wounded. 

The  troops  displayed  a  gallantry  seldom  equalled  in  this  or  any 
other  country,  and  the  officer  in  command,  Lieutenant  Davidson,  has 
given  evidence  of  soldiership  in  the  highest  degree  creditable  to  him. 
To  have  sustained  a  deadly  control  three  hours  when  he  was  so  greatly 
outnumbered,  and  then  to  have  returned  with  the  fragment  of  a  Com- 
pany crippled  up,  is  amazing  and  calls  for  the  admiration  of  every 
true  soldier. 

To  prevent  further  disaster,  I  have  ordered  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Cooke,  Second  Dragoons,  to  take  the  field  with  about  two  hundred 
(200)  Dragoons  and  a  Company  of  Artillery  armed  with  rifles. 

In  a  report  to  General  Garland,  dated  at  Fort  Union, 
May  24,  1854,  almost  two  months  after  the  event,  Cooke 
detailed  his  pursuit  of  the  marauders:27 

On  the  31st  of  March  at  this  post,  I  received  at  8^  A.  M.  from 
Major  Blake  at  Fort  Burgwin  a  hasty  report  of  an  action  of  Dragoons 
under  First  Lieutenant  Davidson,  with  the  Apaches,  which  resulted 
in  his  leaving  from  thirty-five  to  forty  dead  and  bringing  in  seventeen 
wounded. 

My  aid  was  asked  for.  I  did  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  order 
preparations  for  the  march  of  all  troops  that  could  be  prudently 
drawn  from  this  post.  At  noon  I  set  out  at  the  head  of  the  detachment 
of  First  Dragoons,  under  Lieutenant  Sturges  and  of  Company  H,  of 
the  Second,  under  Lieutenant  Bell;  about  ninety-two  (92)  sabres, 
and  was  followed  immediately  by  Company  D,  Second  Artillery,  serv- 
ing as  riflemen  under  Brevet  Captain  Sykes.  .  .  .  All  of  the  Dragoons 
had  returned  within  thirty-six  (36)  hours  from  marches  of  two- 
hundred  miles  in  search  of  the  Apaches  in  which  a  heavy  snow  storm 
had  been  encountered. 

I  arrived  with  the  cavalry  at  Fort  Burgwin  at  sunset  the  next 
day,  finding  it  threatened  by  a  strong  party  of  the  enemy  in  the  low 
mountains  which  overlook  it.  I  spent  the  next  day,  April  2nd,  gaining 
information  and  determining  upon  and  organizing  a  plan  and  a 
force  to  pursue  the  enemy,  who  I  learned  had  crossed  the  Del  Norte 
at  Embuda  to  seek  shelter  or  a  position  in  the  San  Juan  Mountains. 
I  resolved  to  employ  about  thirty  (30)  New  Mexicans  and  Pueblo 
Indians,  as  essential  for  guides  and  trackers,  and,  with  a  life  ex- 
perience in  all  the  cunning  and  tactics  of  Indians,  they  would  be 
important  as  irregular  light  troops  in  a  very  broken  and  little  known 

27.     N.A.R.S.W.R.B. 


COOKE  AND  THE  APACHE  121 

wilderness,  to  which  the  enemy  had  retired.  I  thought  this  measure 
advisable  in  order  to  break  up  a  very  suspicious  intercourse  with  the 
Apaches,  held  by  the  outsettlers,  for  which  their  habitual  exposure 
is  some  excuse;  "American"  property  had  been  carefully  selected  for 
depredation.  It  was  with  much  gratification  that  I  learned  that  in 
all  these  measures,  I  was  literally  executing  orders  which  the  General 
was  at  the  very  moment  dictating  at  Department  Headquarters.28 

April  3rd,  I  marched  to  San  Fernando  de  Javs  [Taos]  and  com- 
pleted this  organization,  having  found  for  the  irregulars  an  efficient 
leader  in  Mr.  J.  H.  Quinn.  I  was  able  to  add  twenty-two  men  of  F  Com- 
pany, First  Dragoons,  to  my  force.  On  the  4th,  I  took  to  the  field  with 
one-hundred  and  ten  (110)  sabres.  .  .  .  Major  Blake,  First  Dragoons, 
had  joined  his  regiment  and  Mr.  Carson,  Apaches  agent,  had  volun- 
teered for  the  campaign.  .  .  . 

I  chose  the  difficult  Canon  Crossing  of  the  Del  Norte  called 
Arayo  Houde  [Arroyo  Hondo] ....  I  made  without  important  incident 
some  hard  marches,  dropping  some  stragglers,  through  a  very  broken 
and  exceedingly  precipitous  country,  finding,  following,  and  once  leav- 
ing the  Indian  trail — a  hopeful  risk,  whereby  I  gained  two  days 
upon  their  intricate  and  designedly  difficult  wanderings.  On  the  8th 
of  April,  I  still  followed  it,  evidently  very  fresh  in  snow  showers, 
over  a  mountain  with  two  feet  of  snow,  lying  in  the  forest  which 
covered  it,  deep  ravines  and  its  lofty  top,  and,  then,  through  a  chaos 
of  deep  slopes,  rock,  snow  and  bog.  In  the  afternoon,  very  soon  after 
a  halt  to  allow  the  long  and  broken  single  file  to  close  to  the  front, 
the  enemy's  camp  was  discovered  and  his  presence  announced  by 
sharp  fire  between  him  and  the  spy  company  which  was  a  few  hundred 
yards  in  advance. 

I  then  found  myself  in  a  open  space,  before  the  enemy  in  a 
position  of  singular  strength.  The  Agua  Caliente  (or  Ojo  Caliente)  ^ 
comes  to  force  its  way  from  the  right  into  a  vast  ravine  formed  by 
two  parallel  mountains  and  turns  to  the  left,  running  by  one  flank  at 
the  foot  of  the  precipitous  rocks  and  snows  of  the  other  mountain. 
That  on  the  right,  makes  a  shoulder  as  if  turned  back  before  us  by 
the  river,  but  descends  by  precipitous  crags,  rapidly  to  a  point, 
leaving  between  that  point  and  the  mountains  to  the  left  a  narrow 
defile,  the  passage  of  which  is  almost  forbidden  by  the  torrents  which 
in  several  channels  amidst  trees  and  thickets,  rushes  over  rolling 


28.  Prom  Cooke's  reports  it  is  clear  that  no  troops  of  the  New  Mexico  Territorial 
Militia    served    with    his    expeditions    in    1854.    Incomplete    data    indicate    that    some 
militia  units  were  called  out,  variously  estimated  in  the  correspondence  between  the 
Territory    and    the   War    Department    as    200    or    400.    Twitchell    states    that    Acting 
Governor  William   S.   Messervy   mobilized   a   part  of  the   militia   of   Rio   Arriba   and 
San  Miguel  Counties,  "but  for  want  of  ammunition  and  equipment  they  were  of  little 
service"  ;  The  Leading  Facts  .  .  .,  II,  299. 

29.  Located  northwest  of  Santa  Fe  in  the  present  Rio  Arriba  County,  on  or  near 
the  border  of  Taos  County. 


122  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

rocks.  The  crags  in  front  of  us  being  scaled,  we  look  down  upon  a 
river  in  a  profound  chasm ;  it  is  impossible  to  descend,  but  the  opposite 
side  presents  a  virtual  precipice  and  thus  the  Agua  Caliente  is  seen 
from  toward  the  right  impassable.  A  peculiar  strength  of  this  position 
was  that  it  could  not  be  turned  but  by  a  march  of  hours. 

In  the  crags  then,  the  Apaches,  having  hurried  off  their  women 
on  horses,  and  leaving  their  camp  standing  in  the  open  spaces,  were  in 
position  and  received  my  skirmishes  with  a  warm  fire.  Captain  Sykes' 
rifles  were  leading.  I  immediately  ordered  him  to  deploy  as  skirmishers 
and  to  march  forward  to  support  the  irregulars ;  and  at  the  same  time 
ordered  the  Dragoons  to  the  front.  Captain  Sykes,  notwithstanding  his 
energy  and  coolness  and  my  personal  assistance,  for  some  minutes 
found  delay  in  getting  his  men  forward  into  line. 

Meanwhile,  Lieutenant  Bell,  whose  Company  H,  Second  Dragoons, 
that  day  led  the  cavalry  column,  passed  at  the  gallop  handsomely  to 
the  front,  through  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  up  into  the  angle  of  the 
cliffs  and  the  mountains,  dismounted  his  men  and  siezed  [sic]  a  position 
below  the  mountain  top  but  on  the  flank  of  the  enemy  in  the  crags, 
although  fired  upon  from  above. 

In  the  meantime,  Major  Blake  had  marched  to  the  front  with 
Sturges'  small  squadron,  First  Dragoons,  which  I  ordered  to  dis- 
mount and  led  myself  to  attack  the  enemy's  front  in  the  ledge  of 
rocks.  This,  which  we  found  formidable  in  itself,  we  scaled,  only  to 
find  the  enemy  in  retreat.  Bell's  fire  on  their  flank  from  above  had 
apparently  given  them  a  panic  and  they  fled.  At  the  moment  some  of 
their  horses  were  seen  far  down  to  the  left  and  front  over  the  river, 
and  I  ordered  Lieutenant  Maxwell  to  take  a  portion  of  the  reserve 
with  our  horses  and  to  endeavor  to  capture  them. 

Captain  Sykes,  in  this  time,  with  Lieutenant  Moore,  First  Dra- 
goons, Company  A  platoon,  had  passed  down  to  the  river  bank  at  the 
defile  to  attack  or  turn  back  the  enemy's  right  and  I  now  saw  that  a 
portion  of  his  rifles  had  crossed  the  river  and  were  entering  the 
woods  of  the  low  mountains  beyond,  to  the  left  of  the  precipice, 
reserving  a  few  of  his  men  to  replace  the  horse  guard  I  had  detached. 
I  now  ordered  Blake  to  make  his  way  down  the  rocks,  cross  the  river, 
join  the  right  of  the  rifles  and  push  the  enemy  on  the  mountain  beyond 
where  he  kept  up  a  brisk  fire.  I  mounted  then  with  Bell's  Company 
and  we  galloped  down  to  the  left,  plunged  through  the  river  and 
followed  rapidly  the  very  rough  side  of  the  mountain  ravine  in  front, 
without  trees  and  through  which  runs  a  branch,  to  join  the  river  at 
the  defile  (as  we  passed,  a  dragoon  who  had  been  some  minutes  shot 
down,  arose,  stood  erect  a  moment  and  then  fell  quite  dead).  After 
we  had  passed  the  flank  of  the  rifles  and  the  irregulars,  we  were 
fired  upon  from  the  trees  of  the  high  slope  impracticable  for  a 
cavalry  charge.  I  then  dismounted  the  Company  and  with  Lieutenant 


COOKE  AND  THE  APACHE  123 

Bell  led  a  charge  on  foot.  The  enemy  did  not  await  it,  but  dispensed  a 
dropping  fire,  while  we  pursued  a  mile  further  in  the  pine  forest, 
until  there  was  no  indication  of  his  presence  and  the  trail  made  in 
the  ravine  by  the  horses  and  women  was  run  out. 

I  then  turned  the  skirmishers  with  a  sweep  and  covered  the  top 
of  the  little  mountain  back  toward  the  original  ground,  and  soon  after 
having  descended,  found  the  other  troops,  who  had  all  crossed  the 
hill  and  had  assembled  in  the  ravine  near  the  river.  Lieutenant 
Maxwell  was  later;  he  had  penetrated  the  forest  with  much  boldness, 
though  forced  to  dismount  and  had  intercepted  the  retreat  of  some  of 
the  enemy  who  abandoned  three  horses  which  he  captured. 

I  then  ordered  all  to  retire  to  the  horses  at  the  Indian  camp, 
for  the  enemy  having  dispersed  in  every  direction  to  the  extent  of  a 
semi-circle,  as  shown  by  their  fire  and  tracks  everywhere  in  snow  and 
cold ;  the  horse  trail  was  lost,  the  infantry  force  being  quite  exhausted 
and  it  being  late. 

In  the  afternoon,  I  reluctantly  abandoned  the  idea  of  further 
immediate  pursuit  as  impracticable.  There  remained  in  my  hands 
[Indian  weapons,  horse  equipment  and  mounts]  their  lodges,  great 
quantities  of  robes,  skins,  clothing,  implements  and  provisions.  Our 
horses  were  fed  on  their  corn  and  wheat.  This  property  I  ordered  to 
be  burned. 

The  enemy  force,  commanded  by  Head  Chief  Chacon,  there  is 
every  reason  to  believe,  at  least  equalled  the  lowest  estimate  of  double 
the  number  of  lodges.  There  were  seventy-seven  (77).  They  were  there- 
fore above  one-hundred  and  fifty  (150)  and  superior  to  my  force 
engaged  which  was  one-hundred  and  forty  (140).  His  loss  as  since 
ascertained  through  the  principal  Utahs  and  their  agent,  Carson, 
as  acknowledged,  was  four  or  five  killed  and  five  or  six  wounded. 
They  have  also  reported  seventeen  (17)  women  and  children  missing 
which  they  supposed  were  prisoners.  They  were  no  doubt  lost  and 
frozen  in  their  long  flight  in  the  night  through  the  deep  snow  of  the 
mountain.  .  .  . 

Our  loss  was  but  one  killed  and  one  severely  wounded  in  front  of 
the  enemy's  first  position.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  all  of 
the  officers  exhibited  energy  and  gallantry  and  I  would  thus  include 
Captain  Quinn  of  the  Spies;  and  Mr.  Carson  showed  his  well  known 
activity  and  boldness.  But  it  would  be  injustice  to  pass  over  .  .  .  the 
handsome  charge  of  Lieutenant  Bell,  in  which  the  superior  instruction 
and  discipline  of  his  company  served  him  well.  The  fortunate  position 
which  he  took  penetrated  the  enemy  lines,  had  the  effect  of  striking 
him  with  force  and  perhaps  decided  the  victory  at  the  first  blow.  I 
commend  this,  his  second  distinguished  service  under  my  orders,  to 
the  most  favorable  consideration. 

That  the  Apaches  intended  to  offer  battle  here  rather  than  pene- 


124  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

trate  farther  into  the  snow  of  the  San  Juan  Mountains,  is  confirmed 
by  the  position  of  their  camp  on  the  bank  of  the  Ojo  Caliente;  ever 
before  and  after  they  were  found  on  mountains  and  peaks. 

At  sundown,  Major  Carleton,  First  Dragoons,  joined  me  with  his 
Company.  Very  early  on  the  9th,  having  sent  the  wounded  men  with 
escort  to  Vallecito,  the  pursuit  was  renewed.  I  found  after  some  miles 
that  the  enemy's  horse  tracks  converged  in  the  snow  on  a  mountain 
side.  There  had  been  broken  a  path  two  feet  deep  which  led  over 
the  great  obstacles  of  a  forest  of  aspen  and  pines  prostrated  by  storm, 
through  bogs  where  mules  had  to  be  unpacked,  up  and  down  steep 
mountain  sides,  from  whose  summit,  above  the  growth  of  trees,  a 
world  of  bleak  snow  spread  unlimited  to  the  West,  over  a  stream  half 
bridged  with  ice  and  snow,  where  the  horses  fell  and  every  mule  had 
to  be  unpacked.  The  beef  cattle  were  forced  through  the  snow  so 
slowly,  as  to  add  to  these  delays  of  hours.  A  horse  losing  the  path 
floundered  dangerously.  American  horses,  led  in  file  first,  broke  the 
path  of  the  retreat.  Such  was  the  scene  of  the  enemy's  flight  by 
moonlight ;  the  tracks  that  bore  diminuitive  feet  left  a  feeble  memorial 
of  its  sufferings. 

The  10th  it  was  the  same  until  afternoon,  when  we  found  that 
the  snow  had  conquered  and  the  trail  led  southwest  into  the  valley 
of  the  Cagelon.  On  the  llth,  the  indefatigable  Quinn,  on  the  extreme 
flank  of  his  spies,  caught  sight  of  four  of  the  enemy  on  an  upright 
hill  close  to  our  right,  and  so  gave  the  alarm  that  none  who  saw  him 
doubted  they  were  in  force.  I  ordered  a  deployment  and  disposition 
for  action,  which  was  performed  in  an  incredibly  short  time,  the 
Dragoons  taking  position  at  the  gallop,  and  all  the  troops  exhibiting 
the  greatest  alacrity  and  eagerness.  But  the  Indians  on  foot  escaped 
like  deer  into  the  cover  of  their  native  fastnesses.  Through  snow, 
the  trail  led  us  steeply  up  a  mountain  as  we  thought,  but  it  proved 
to  be  a  most  lofty  tableland  and  the  march  was  very  long  for  want  of 
water.  These  trails  were  lightened  or  forgotten  at  times  in  sudden 
views  of  great  sublimity.  None  will  forget  the  magnificence  of  the 
scenery  when  suddenly  we  stood  upon  a  precipice  terminating  this 
tableland  and  overhanging  a  fine  view,  the  chasm  2,000  feet.30  The 
trail  led  to  a  dangerous  descent  which  occupied  the  head  of  the  column 
an  hour  and  a  quarter. 

Many  dead  horses  (and  some  of  them  had  been  butchered)  marked 
their  retreat;  and  signal  smoke,  now  in  several  directions,  and  other 
signs  indicated  that  the  hard  pressed  tribe  had  divided  and  sought 


80.  Attention  is  called  to  Cooke's  language  and  literary  style.  Even  in  his  official 
reports  he  was  prone  to  record  his  impressions  of  the  beauty  and  magnificence  of  his 
surroundings.  Such  expressions  as  "diminuitive  feet,"  "flight  by  moonlight,"  "views  of 
great  sublimity"  denote  a  poetical  side  to  this  very  orthodox  professional  soldier. 
These  characteristics  appear  conspicuously  in  his  first  book:  Scenes  and  Adventure* 
in  the  Army,  or  the  Romance  of  Military  Life  (Philadelphia,  1857).  It  conveys  his 
impressions  of  the  Frontier  West  from  the  time  he  graduated  from  the  United  States 
Military  Academy  in  the  Class  of  1827  until  1845. 


COOKE  AND  THE  APACHE  125 

temporary  retreats  in  the  rocky  and  lofty  mountains,  everywhere  to 
be  seen. 

April  12  I  scaled  one  of  the  highest,  and  in  one  of  its  small 
valleys  the  trail  ran  out.  In  an  hour  thirty  Indians  and  Mexicans, 
all  admirable  trailers,  discovered  some  tracks  on  a  steep  ridge  about 
five  hundred  feet  above  us,  but  I  found  on  ascending  that  they  were 
greatly  discouraged,  commander  and  all,  and  had  not  moved  on.  I 
ordered  them  forward.  When  covering  a  quarter  mile  of  forest,  they 
followed  only  single  tracks.  Thus  was  reached  another  precipice,  still 
more  lofty,  which  seemed  to  overlook  the  territory.  The  few  tracks 
had  converged  at  the  only  practicable  descent  and  were  followed  to 
its  foot.  Here  in  a  plain  the  trail  was  lost. 

The  spy  company  was  awaiting  me  again  and  I  was  assured 
by  their  commander,  by  the  guides,  by  Carson,  all  on  whom  I  depended 
for  showing  me  the  way  to  the  enemy,  that  there  could  be  no  further 
pursuit  unless  of  some  family  or  party  of  two  or  three.  I  was  very 
reluctant  and  assembled  the  officers,  but  found  them  unanimous  in 
the  same  opinion  and  it  appeared  that  the  horses  were  becoming  very 
feeble  and  a  number  had  been  abandoned  that  day. 

It  was  with  much  pain  I  then  gave  the  order  to  turn  toward  the 
settlement  on  the  chama  only  some  twenty  miles  distant  for  food 
and  rest  for  the  animals.  I  sent  that  night  a  courier  for  Headquarters 
and  expressed  my  resolve  to  turn  no  further  aside  unless  ordered.31 

In  spite  of  the  thorough  chastisement  which  Cooke  had 
inflicted  on  the  Jicarillas  at  Agua  Caliente  and  in  the  sub- 
sequent pursuit,  they  still  remained  unregenerate.  Late  in 
May  Lieutenant  Davidson  with  60  dragoons  from  Canton- 
ment Burgwin,  while  on  a  scouting  trip,  discovered  a  band 
of  Apaches  encamped  on  a  ridge  near  Cieneguilla.  They 
numbered  approximately  200  braves.  Notwithstanding  the 
disparity  in  forces,  Davidson  attacked  and  suffered  some 
20  casualties.  He  then  pulled  back  to  Taos,  while  the  savages 
moved  west  of  the  Rio  Grande.32  So  began  the  third  major 
Indian  conflict  of  the  year. 

Again  Lieutenant  Colonel  Cooke  was  directed  to  lead  a 
punitive  column  against  the  renegades  and  this  time  his 
route  led  into  the  extreme  northern  part  of  the  present 
State  of  New  Mexico  and  over  the  border  into  Colorado. 


81.  A  soldier,  who  participated  in  Cooke's  expedition  until  he  was  wounded, 
kept  a  journal  of  his  experiences.  This  was  later  published  in  the  NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW:  James  A.  Bennett,  A  Dragoon  in  New  Mexico,  1850-1856,  XXII, 
51  and  140  (January  and  April,  1947)  ;  edited  by  Clinton  E.  Brooks  and  Frank  D. 
Reeve. 

32.     Bender,  op.  cit.,  349. 


126  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

From  his  temporary  camp  in  the  Raton  Mountains  he  re- 
ported to  General  Garland  on  June  5,  1854 :33 

In  compliance  with  your  orders,  this  column  left  Don  Fernando 
de  Javs  [Taos]  on  the  25th  of  May  and  proceeded  without  any 
incident  worthy  of  note  in  the  direction  of  Fort  Massachusetts  near 
which  it  arrived  on  the  27th  of  the  same  month.  Up  to  this  point  no 
trail  of  the  Apaches  could  be  found,  nor  could  any  tidings  of  their 
whereabouts  be  ascertained.  It  was  believed  by  the  Indian  agent, 
Mr.  Christopher  Carson  (Kit  Carson)  of  Rocky  Mountain  celebrity, 
who  accompanied  the  column,  that  the  Apaches  were  either  lying 
concealed  in  the  valley  along  the  western  side  of  White  Mountain 
or  had  gone  through  the  Mosca  Pass  which  divides  the  White  Moun- 
tain from  the  Western  Mountain  range,  and  thence  had  proceeded 
by  the  Valley  of  the  Huerfano  toward  the  Wah-a-to-Yohs  (the  Span- 
ish Peaks)  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  May. 

Captain  Quinn  with  his  company  of  spies  was  detached  from 
the  column,  with  instructions,  with  thirty-eight  men  of  his  company 
supplied  with  rations  for  three  days,  around  the  western  base  of  the 
Sierra  Blanca  to  the  Mosca  Pass  and  through  the  north  of  those 
mountains  to  the  Valley  of  the  Huerfano.  The  object  for  which  he 
was  sent  was  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  the  Apaches  were  on  that 
side  of  the  mountain  between  Fort  Massachusetts  and  the  pass  which 
is  forty  miles  north  of  the  Fort.  To  accomplish  this,  Captain  Quinn 
was  directed  to  exercise  all  foresight  and  caution  that  he  might 
discover  the  Indians  without  being  seen  himself,  and  if  he  found 
them  in  force  to  avoid  bringing  on  an  action  and  to  communicate 
immediately  with  Major  Carleton.  .  .  . 

Agreeably  with  the  purpose  indicated  in  these  instructions,  the 
column  left  the  same  morning  and  proceeded  around  the  eastern  base 
of  the  Sierra  Blanca,  struck  the  Sangre  de  Christo  River  and  followed 
it  upward  to  what  is  called  the  Vallacita  of  the  Sangre  de  Christo 
Pass,  a  fine  well  sheltered  break  in  the  mountains  near  the  summit 
and  just  below  the  snow  line.  Therein  it  struck  across  the  pass  dis- 
covered by  Captain  Gunnison  to  the  Huerfano  River  where  it  arrived 
on  the  29th  of  May.  In  marching  from  the  Sangre  de  Christo  Pass 
to  the  Huerfano  River,  Mr.  Carson  discovered  in  a  small  valley  an 
Indian  trail  which  he  at  once  pronounced  to  be  that  of  Jicarilla 
Apaches.  This  trail  was  so  cold  the  grass  and  weeds  had  grown  in 
the  footprints  of  the  horses,  which  were  now  otherwise  nearly  oblit- 
erated by  recent  heavy  rains.  There  was  a  slight  prospect  that  all  the 
Indians  who  had  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  had  not  passed  over  this 
trail,  but  were  lying  concealed  in  the  western  valley  of  the  Sierra 
Blanca,  or  in  the  Mosca  Pass. 

To  provide  for  this  and  carry  out  the  plan  indicated  in  the 
instructions  to  Captain  Quinn,  it  was  decided  to  proceed  to  the 

83.     N.A.R.S.W.R.B. 


COOKE  AND  THE  APACHE  127 

Huerfano,  there  to  lie  in  ambush  for  such  of  the  Apaches  as  might 
run  through  the  Mosca  Pass  in  the  belief  that  the  company  of  spies 
was  but  the  arrant  couriers  of  a  large  force  proceeding  against  them 
on  that  side.  The  next  morning  it  was  found  that  Captain  Quinn  had 
seen  no  Indians  in  his  whole  route  from  Fort  Massachusetts  through 
the  Mosca  Pass  to  the  Huerfano. 

But  immediately  in  the  pass  he  found  where  they  had  encamped 
to  the  number  of  thirty-three  lodges  and  here  too  he  found  the  trail 
and  followed  it  down  into  the  plains.  Lieutenant  Moore's  Dragoons 
with  sixteen  rank  and  file  and  Kit  Carson  went,  together  with  Captain 
Quinn  and  his  spy  company,  down  to  the  Huerfano  River  to  the 
road  that  leads  through  the  Sangre  de  Christo  Pass  to  the  Arkansas 
River,  whilst  Major  Carleton  with  the  rest  of  the  column  took  the 
back  trail  to  the  same  point.  In  this  way,  every  part  of  the  country 
which  the  Apaches  could  have  passed  over  was  reconnoitred.  Here 
near  where  Mr.  Carson  had  discovered  the  trail  the  day  before,  the 
whole  command  was  united  again. 

It  immediately  started  southward  in  the  direction  of  the  Spanish 
Peaks  by  the  way  of  a  rugged  and  elevated  mountain  valley  known  as 
Maxwell's  Pass.  Here  were  found  the  remains  of  an  Indian  camp,  and 
evidence  that  those  who  made  it  had  been  in  Lieutenant  Davidson's 
battle  at  Cienequilla.  This  camp  offered  positive  proof  that  Mr.  Carson 
was  right  when  he  pronounced  the  dim  trail  of  yesterday  to  be  that 
of  the  Jicarillas.  The  command  took  heart  at  this.  It  was  now  settled 
beyond  a  doubt  that  after  so  many  days  of  search  it  had  finally  got 
upon  the  right  track. 

Captain  Quinn's  trailers  (Indians  from  the  Pueblo  of  Javs  [Taos] 
and  some  picked  Mexicans)  with  an  instinct  that  was  truly  wonderful, 
then  led  off,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  31st  of  May,  after  winding 
through  deep  woods,  tangled  undergrowth,  up  and  down  mountains, 
through  gorges,  across  deep  streams  and  wide  marshes,  and  through 
prairies  and  open  woodlands,  the  column  was  encamped  within  a 
few  hundred  feet  of  the  eternal  snows  of  the  northernmost  of  the 
Spanish  Peaks. 

Here  again  we  found  another  encampment  perched  like  an  eyrie 
high  up  the  mountain  side  in  an  almost  inaccessible  grove  of  quaking 
aspens.  This  encampment  indicated  that  the  Indians  had  stayed  in 
it  at  least  three  days. 

From  this  point  around  the  eartern  base  of  the  Spanish  Peak 
to  the  deep  gorge  which  divides  the  twin  mountains,  it  is  twenty-five 
miles  over  the  most  difficult  country  imaginable.  ...  In  this  distance 
the  column  passed  two  encampments  more  and  the  sign  was  apparent 
that  the  space  was  rapidly  diminishing  between  it  and  the  Indians. 
From  the  watch  in  the  peaks,  the  trail  led  off  to  the  southeast  and 
for  some  fifteen  miles  down  a  beautiful  well  grassed  valley,  walled 
in  by  sandstone  bluffs  and  ornamented  by  open  pine  glades. 


128  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

It  has  a  fine  spring  of  water  about  midway  its  length  known  by 
hunters  as  the  Carring  Springs.  This  valley  is  said  to  be  a  favorite 
resort  of  the  Apaches.  To  identify  it  as  a  point  on  the  march  it  was 
called  the  Dragoon  Park.  From  the  foot  of  this  valley,  the  trail  led 
across  Purgatory  River  directly  into  the  Raton  Mountains,  say  twenty- 
five  miles  west  of  the  point  where  the  Bent's  Fort  road  crosses  the 
range.34  This  road  was  reached  in  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  June 
about  six  miles  west  of  the  summit  of  the  mountains.  For  the  last 
three  days,  the  column  had  passed  three  Apache  camps  a  day  and 
was  now  on  what  is  called  a  warm  trail. 

Near  where  the  Bent's  Fort  road  was  struck,  fresh  "signs"  were 
seen  to  have  come  back  on  the  trail,  indicating  that  spies  had  been 
sent  to  see  if  there  was  any  pursuit.  When  these  footprints  were 
discovered,  Mr.  Carson  said  the  command  would  be  sure  to  overtake 
the  Apaches  by  two  o'clock  that  day.  From  the  road,  the  trail  led 
immediately  up  the  side  of  the  lofty  precipice  known  as  Fischer's 
Peak.85  The  utmost  precaution  was  necessary  in  passing  up  the 
mountain  side,  to  prevent  observation  from  the  top.  Fortunately  a 
deep  channel  filled  with  timber  afforded  cover  for  most  of  the  distance ; 
the  last  five-hundred  feet  was  over  blocks  of  scoriae  and  nearly  as 
steep,  block  by  block,  as  any  stairs  could  be.  Finally,  leading  a  single 
file  and  after  much  toil  and  the  giving  out  of  many  horses,  the  spy 
company  and  the  head  of  the  column  reached  the  summit.  Here  the 
top  of  the  mountain  was  found  to  be  level  table  land  and  at  this  point 
it  was  not  over  one-hundred  yards  in  width  forming  a  deep  amphi- 
theatre, coming  in  from  the  great  prairie  on  the  northern  side,  cutting 
this  towering  mesa  nearly  asunder.  This  amphitheatre  contains  many 
thousands  of  acres.  Its  left  half,  looking  toward  the  north  upon  the 
prairie  as  upon  a  stage,  was  covered  with  grass  near  the  summit; 
its  right  was  filled  by  the  most  impenetrable  of  woods.  A  stream 
of  water  ran  northward  through  the  center.  As  soon  as  Mr.  Carson, 
who  was  ahead,  could  look  over  into  this  amphitheatre,  he  saw  a 
herd  of  horses  feeding  some  three  or  four  hundred  yards  below  and 
in  the  edge  of  the  thick  timber  on  the  right  some  Indian  lodges. 

He  made  sign  to  those  who  were  behind  to  keep  concealed  until 
he  could  make  further  observation.  Major  Carleton  went  forward  to 
find  if  possible  a  way  for  the  troops  to  descend  to  this  camp.  Fortu- 
nately, the  only  place  where  horses  could  be  ridden  down  was  imme- 
diately in  front  of  him.  This  place  was  very  steep  and  very  rough,  and 
just  wide  enough  for  two  horses  to  move  abreast.  This  tread  of  the 
horses  passing  across  the  top  of  the  mesa  as  the  troops  one  by  one  suc- 
ceeded in  reaching  the  summit,  was  heard  by  the  Indians  below.  The 
moment  it  was  seen  they  had  taken  the  alarm,  the  column  was  ordered 
to  advance;  when  with  a  shout  and  amidst  the  fire  and  whoop  of  the 


34.     The  older  or  western  branch  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail. 

85.     A  conspicuous  landmark   located  southeast  of  Trinidad,   Colorado. 


COOKE  AND  THE  APACHE  129 

Pueblos  and  Mexicans,  who  dashed  furiously  down  over  the  rocks,  it 
descended  at  a  gallop  into  the  amphitheatre  below.  The  Apaches  were 
panic  stricken.  Three  of  them  endeavored  to  save  the  cavallada  of 
horses,  but  nearly  all  the  rest  fled  to  the  cover  of  the  deep  woods  in 
rear.  A  few  rushed  down  the  same  way  with  the  horses.  These  were 
fired  into  and  it  is  believed,  from  pools  of  blood  which  were  seen  at 
the  point  and  from  other  evidence,  that  several  of  them  were  killed 
or  wounded. 

Captain  Quinn  with  his  spy  company  went  rapidly  down  the  creek 
to  capture  the  horses  of  the  Indians  and  Lieutenant  Davidson,  with  his 
company  of  dragoons,  moved  at  a  gallop  to  the  same  point  to  cut  off 
any  Apaches  who  might  attempt  to  escape  in  that  direction.  The  men 
of  Company  G,  First  Dragoons,  were  dismounted  and  moved  as  skir- 
mishers directly  upon  the  camp  where  the  women  and  children  were 
believed  to  be,  and  where,  it  was  supposed,  if  the  Indians  made  a  stand 
at  all,  some  little  sharp  fighting  might  be  expected.  Lieutenant  John- 
ston, First  Dragoons,  was  ordered  to  join  these  men.  The  men  of  Com- 
pany K,36  First  Dragoons,  under  Lieutenant  Moore,  were  ordered  back 
up  on  the  mesa  again,  thence  to  pass  around  to  the  right  along  the 
upper  edge,  to  cut  oft*  any  Indians  who  might  get  through  the  woods 
and  attempt  escape  by  clambering  up  to  the  prairies  above.  The  woods 
were  so  thick  and  so  filled  with  large  boulders  .  .  .  and  the  precipice 
side  of  the  mountain  afforded  so  many  ledges  and  holes  for  concealment, 
it  was  finally  ordered  that  Lieutenant  Davidson  should  dismount  his 
men  near  the  mouth  of  the  amphitheatre  and  deploy  them  across  the 
woods  toward  Company  K,  under  Lieutenant  Moore,  who  by  this  time 
had  arrived  on  a  point  of  the  mesa  opposite  to  Lieutenant  Davidson, 
and  which  was  at  least  four-hundred  feet  above  him.  Lieutenant  Moore 
was  ordered  to  take  all  these  men  of  Company  K,  except  four  to  guard 
the  horses,  and  descend  off  the  precipice,  and  deploy  as  skirmishers  so 
as  to  unite  with  Lieutenant  Davidson,  when  they  two  were  to  sweep 
the  whole  woods  back  to  the  camp.  It  may  be  imagined  how  difficult  it 
was  for  Lieutenant  Moore  and  his  men  to  descend  the  precipice,  when 
it  is  stated  they  had  to  go  down  a  tree  to  the  first  shelf  where  they 
could  get  a  footing  and  from  that  point  by  a  single  rope  to  the  next. 
This  rope  was  formed  of  two  lariats  tied  together.  .  .  .  By  this  the 
Lieutenant  and  his  men  descended  from  the  shelf  by  the  aid  of  branches 
and  rocks  and  succeeded  in  reaching  the  woods  where  Lieutenant  David- 
son's men  were  deployed.  The  skirmishers  of  these  two  companies  then 
commenced  moving  back  toward  the  point  where  the  column  had  first 
charged  down  from  the  summit.  Lieutenant  Johnston  with  a  party  of 
men  was  now  posted  along  the  upper  edge  of  the  prairie  to  destroy  any 
Indians  that  might  avoid  these  skirmishers.  The  woods  were  thus  swept 
through,  but  the  Indians  had  concealed  themselves  so  effectively  not 
one  could  be  found. 


36.     This  had  been   Cooke's  old  company  just  before  the  Mexican  War  when  he 
was  Captain,   1st  Dragoons. 


130  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  "Assembly"  was  then  sounded  and  the  troops  came  together  at 
the  Indian  camp.  Here  it  was  found  that  the  Apaches  had  abandoned 
their  lodges  in  such  haste  they  could  have  taken  nothing  away.  Their 
food  was  still  cooking  on  the  fire.  Their  dried  meat,  dressed  skins,  horse 
equipage,  and  even  powder  and  balls,  were  left  behind.  Of  the  whole 
cavallada  they  succeeded  in  getting  away  but  one  horse  and  one  mule. 
Every  other  horse,  thirty-eight  in  all,  which  they  had  was  captured. 
Perhaps  the  capture  of  these  horses  may  not  be  considered  a  military 
act,  as  it  left  the  Indians  nothing  by  which  the  column  could  trail  them 
any  farther.  It  was  found  by  Mr.  Carson  and  Captain  Quinn  and  the 
very  best  trailers  in  the  command  that  it  was  impossible  to  pursue  the 
Indians  as,  over  precipice  and  rocks,  on  foot  as  they  were,  not  a  sign 
was  left  to  indicate  the  direction  they  might  take.  Accordingly  it  was 
ordered  that  the  column  should  recross  Fisher's  Peak  to  the  good  grass 
and  water  along  its  southern  slope,  and  there  encamp.  But  before  leav- 
ing the  amphitheatre,  everything  belonging  to  the  Apaches  was  de- 
stroyed. Lieutenant  Johnston,  Lieutenant  Moore  and  Captain  Quinn 
with  forty  men  were  left  concealed  in  the  deep  woods  of  the  amphi- 
theatre ...  to  destroy  any  Apaches  who  might  return  after  the  col- 
umn had  departed.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  moral  effect  of  pursuing  these  Indians  on  a  cold  trail 
over  such  a  country,  and  finally  surprising  them  in  broad  day  in  one 
of  the  most  inaccessible  positions  that  can  be  conceived  of,  must  be  very 
great  indeed.  They  lost  everything  and  have  been  taught  the  fact  that 
with  all  their  cunning  the  Americans  can  pursue  and  find  them. 

.  .  .  Kit  Carson,  who  had  been  in  mountains  for  thirty  years  and 
who  is  justly  celebrated  as  being  the  best  tracker  among  the  white  men 
in  the  world,  says  that  in  all  his  experience  he  never  saw  such  wonder- 
ful trailing  in  his  life  as  was  made  on  this  campaign  by  Captain  Quinn 
and  his  Mexican  and  Indian  spies ;  and  he  willingly  admitted  that  these 
men  had  kept  on  the  track  when  he  himself  would  have  given  up.  .  .  . 
Therefore,  to  Carson  and  Quinn  and  the  spy  company  is  due  all  the 
credit,  which  may  be  accorded  for  whatever  success  this  column  may 
have  had  in  finding  the  Apaches.  .  .  . 

You  are  aware  that  the  regulars  of  this  column  are  all  of  the  First 
Dragoons  and  it  may  truly  be  said  that  for  patience  and  fortitude  in 
this  arduous  march  .  .  .  for  promptness  when  called  upon  for  any 
and  every  duty,  and  for  gallantry  in  sweeping  the  Apaches  out  of  their 
camp,  they  made  themselves  equal  to  the  men  who  rode  knee  to  knee 
in  the  calmest  days  of  the  regiment.37  Fortunately,  not  one  of  them 


87.  Here  speaks  old  regimental  esprit.  Cooke  had  been  one  of  the  original  officers 
of  the  1st  Dragoons  when  it  was  activated  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  Missouri,  March  4, 
1833.  In  fact  he  was  promoted  1st  Lieutenant  the  same  day.  Stephen  W.  Kearny  was 
the  initial  Lieutenant  Colonel.  Cooke  served  with  this,  the  first  cavalry  regiment 
in  the  Army,  until  his  promotion  to  Major,  2d  Dragoons,  while  he  was  in  California, 
on  February  16,  1847.  N.A.R.S.W.R.B. 


COOKE  AND  THE  APACHE  131 

has  been  injured.  The  officers  of  this  command,  Lieutenant  Davidson, 
Lieutenant  Johnston,  and  Lieutenant  Moore,  all  subalterns  in  the  1st 
Regiment  of  Dragoons,  afforded  the  commander  of  the  column  the  most 
cheerful  support  throughout  this  campaign  by  manifesting  the  utmost 
zeal  and  alacrity  in  the  performance  of  their  duties.  .  .  . 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Cooke  did  not  participate  in  the 
fourth  principal  campaign  against  the  Indians  in  1854.  That 
was  an  expedition  to  punish  the  Mescalero  Apaches  for  mo- 
lesting the  mail  caravans  between  El  Paso  and  San  Antonio.38 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  season's  operations  against  the 
Apaches,  Cooke  and  his  subordinates  received  notable  com- 
mendations from  their  superior  officers. 

Writing  to  the  General  in  Chief  on  April  30,  General  Gar- 
land referred  to  Cooke  as  then  "suffering  with  chills  and 
fever"  as  a  result  of  the  battle  and  pursuit  at  Agua  Caliente 
and  added  that  his  "prompt  and  energetic  movement  reflects 
the  highest  credit  on  this  officer."89 

Again,  following  the  expedition  culminating  in  the  rout- 
ing of  the  Jicarillas  at  Fischer's  Peak,  Garland  reported, 
June  30 : 40 

In  making  report  of  the  military  operations  against  the  Jicarilla 
Apaches  under  the  eye  and  orders  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Cooke,  2d 
Dragoons,  for  the  information  of  the  general-in-chief,  I  will  confine 
myself  to  the  simple  remark  that  all  has  been  done  which  was  in  the 
power  of  troops  to  do. 

I  approve  most  cordially  the  manner  in  which  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Cooke  has  conducted  his  campaign. 

Not  the  least  noteworthy  tribute  to  Cooke  was  paid  by 
Kit  Carson :  "He  is  as  efficient  an  officer  to  make  campaigns 
against  Indians  as  I  have  ever  accompanied,  that  he  is  brave 
and  gallant  all  know."41 

38.     Garland,  Santa  Fe,  June  30,  1854  ;  oj>.  eft.,  [note  19],  36. 
89.     Op.  eft.,   [note  19],  34. 

40.  Ibid.,  36. 

41.  Edwin  L.   Sabin,   Kit  Carson  Days,  II,   664    (New   York,   1935).   This  praise 
appears  all  the  more  remarkable  when   it  is  considered  that  Cooke  and  Carson  were 
on    opposite    sides    in    the    bitter    controversy    between    General    Kearny    and    Brevet 
Lieutenant   Colonel   John    C.    Fremont   in    California    during    1847.    Carson    had    been 
Fremont's  guide  and  friend,  while  Cooke  had  served  with  Kearny  in  the  1st  Dragoons 
since  1833,  remained  intensely  loyal  to  him,  and  was  one  of  the  principal  witnesses 
against    Fremont    at   the   latter's    famous    courtmartial    early    in    1848,    which    rocked 
Washington  for  weeks.  See:  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  S3,  SOth  Cong.,  1st  Sees. 


132  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Finally  the  ultimate  in  commendation  came  in  a  Presi- 
dential citation  from  the  War  Department  in  General  Orders 
No.  9,  dated  June  21,  1854 :42 

The  Secretary  of  War  has  received  from  the  Departments  of  Texas 
and  New  Mexico,  the  official  accounts  of  the  engagements  which  have 
recently  taken  place  between  detachments  of  the  Army  and  hostile 
bands  of  warlike  tribes  of  Indians  inhabiting  those  regions  of  country. 
In  these  various  encounters,  the  conduct  of  Lieut.  Col.  P.  St.  George 
Cooke,  2d  Dragoons,  1st  Lieut.  John  W.  Davidson,  1st  Dragoons,  2nd 
Lieut.  David  Bell,  2d  Dragoons,  2d  Lieut.  George  B.  Cosby,  Mounted 
Riflemen,  and  Sergeants  C.  H.  McNally,  John  Green,  and  John  Wil- 
liams, of  the  same  regiment,  severally  in  command  on  the  different 
occasions,  merit  special  praise.  The  gallantry,  fortitude,  and  devotion 
exhibited  by  the  troops  in  every  instance  of  combat  and  in  the  most 
arduous  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  are  creditable  to  the  Army,  and  receive 
the  marked  approbation  of  the  President  and  of  the  Department.  The 
measures  adopted  by  Brevet  Major  General  Smith  and  Brevet  Briga- 
dier General  Garland,  respectively  in  command  of  the  Military  De- 
partments of  Texas  and  New  Mexico,  are  approved. 

Cooke  departed  from  Fort  Union  September  13, 1854,  five 
days  before  Colonel  Thomas  T.  Fauntleroy  officially  took  over 
command.43  With  a  miscellaneous  detachment  of  soldiers  and 
civilians  he  proceeded  to  Fort  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  where 
most  of  the  companies  of  the  2d  Dragoons  were  then  sta- 
tioned. From  that  post,  in  1855,  he  was  destined  to  add  still 
further  to  his  Indian  fighting  experience.  This  time  it  was  to 
be  against  the  Brule  Sioux  in  Nebraska,  culminating  in  the 
Battle  of  Blue  Water  on  September  3. 


42.     N.A.R.S.W.R.B. 

48.     N.A.R.S.W.R.B.    See   also:    Percival   G.    Lowe.    Five    Years   a   Dragoon.    181 
(Kansas  City.  Mo.,  1906) 


ALBERT  FRANKLIN  BANTA:  ARIZONA  PIONEER 

Edited  by  FRANK  D.  REEVE 

(Concluded) 

Along  in  the  summer  of  '96  I  sold  the  Argus.  The  "Cross 
of  Gold"  [speech]  gave  Bryan  the  democratic  nomination, 
and  from  that  day  to  this  the  "God  of  Gold"  has  been  Mr. 
Bryan's  most  adored  Deity.  "Bucky"  O'Neill,202  a  personal 
friend,  was  a  candidate  for  Congress  on  the  Populist  ticket. 
He  came  to  Holbrook  on  his  campaign  itinerary  and  put  up 
with  me.  At  this  time  I  had  about  made  up  my  mind  to  try 
Alaska ;  reports  had  just  come  in  of  rich  gold  discoveries  on 
the  Yukon  river.  This  I  mentioned  to  "Bucky"  and  he  said, 
"Cut  that  out,  you  are  too  old  and  never  can  stand  that  cli- 
mate ;  go  down  to  Phoenix  and  after  the  close  of  the  present 
election  buy  the  Arizona,  Populist."  He  gave  me  a  long  talk 
about  that  paper  and  said  I  think  it  would  be  a  good  invest- 
ment, and  much  more  to  the  same  effect.  I  went  to  Phoenix 
in  October  same  year.  John  Q.  White  was  editor  of  the  Popu- 
list; as  soon  as  I  had  reached  Phoenix,  White  wanted  me  to 
take  the  Arizona  Populist  off  his  hands.  I  refused  to  do  so  at 
that  and  told  White  I  was  not  a  Populist  although  a  warm 
friend  of  "Bucky"  O'Neil. 

President  McKinley  appointed  Myron  H.  McCord203  to 
be  Governor  of  Arizona.  In  the  meantime  I  had  purchased 
the  Arizona  Populist20*  and  at  "Bucky V  suggestion  re- 


202.  Captain    William   Owen    O'Neill   was   born   in   St.    Louis,    Mo.,    February   2, 
1860.   He  came  to  Arizona  in   1879  with  a  law  degree  from  the  National  University, 
Washington.  When  the  Spanish-American  war  broke  out,  he  was  Mayor  of  Prescott,  but 
joined  the  Rough  Riders  in  command  of  Troop  A.   He  was  killed  in  action  and  lies 
buried  in  Arlington   National  Cemetery.   He  was   "Without  question  one  of  the  most 
popular  citizens  of  Arizona.  .  .  ."  Portrait  and  Biographical  Record  of  Arizona,.  His 
death  is  described  in  Theodore  Roosevelt,  The  Rough  Riders,  p.  123   (Charles  Scribner's 
Sons,  New  York,  1919).  The  23rd  Legislative  Assembly  appropriated  $10,000  to  erect 
a  monument  of  Captain  O'Neill  which  now  stands  in  the  courthouse  square  at  Prescott. 
Kelly,  Arizona,  p.  245. 

203.  Myron    H.    McCord    was    commissioned    Governor    on    July    29,    1897.    Fish, 
Manuscript,   2:366.    But   he   resigned   August   1,    1898,    to   become   Colonel   of   the    1st 
Arizona  Regiment  for  service  in  the  Spanish-American  war.  Kelly,  Arizona. 

204.  The  Arizona  Populist    (Phoenix)    is  listed  for  the  years   1894-1896  and  the 
Pick  and  Drill  for  1897  to  1899  in  Gregory,  American  Newspapers. 

133 


134  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

named  the  paper  The  Pick  and  Drill  and  moved  it  to  Prescott. 
Governor  McCord  appointed  me  a  Lieutenant-Colonel 205  of 
Cavalry  on  his  staff.  The  Spanish  war  came  on  and  everybody 
went  wild  over  that  matter.  O'Neill  and  McCord  hated  each 
other  as  bad  as  the  devil  hates  holy  water.  One  day  I  dropt 
into  the  office  of  the  Prescott  Courier,  and  meeting  O'Neil 
there  I  said,  "  'Bucky'  why  don't  you  raise  a  company,  all  the 
boys  are  ready  and  anxious  to  go  with  you  as  their  Captain." 
He  replied,  "That  s--n  of  a  b-h  McCord  would  see  me  in  h~l 
before  he  would  give  me  a  commission  as  Captain  or  any- 
thing else."  Telling  him  I  thought  I  could  fix  the  matter  for 
him,  he  said  I  wish  you  would  Charly,  I  want  to  go  awfully 
bad. 

I  immediately  took  the  train  for  Phoenix  where  I  called 
upon  the  Governor  and  stated  my  mission.  The  Governor 
flared  up  at  once  and  said  he'd  be  d — d  first.  However,  I 
reasoned  with  Me.,  giving  some  good  reasons  why  it  would 
be  a  good  policy  to  appoint  O'Neil  Captain.  The  Governor 
mused  for  a  few  minutes  and  then  said,  "I  believe  you  are 
right  Colonel,  go  back  and  tell  O'Neil  to  raise  his  company, 
send  the  roll  down  to  me  and  he  shall  have  the  appointment 
as  Captain  of  the  company."  Returning  to  Prescott  I  gave 
O'Neil  the  result  of  my  mission.  He  was  highly  elated  and 
said,  "You  are  the  only  man  in  Arizona  that  could  have 
accomplished  that  coup  d'etat,  and  I  shall  always  remember 
it  and  if  I  return  from  the  war  I  shall  make  it  my  study  to 
reciprocate  to  the  best  of  my  ability."  He  never  returned. 
"Bucky"  said  to  me  one  day,  "If  the  war  lasts  long  enough, 
I  will  return  with  a  star."  Meaning  the  rank  of  a  Brigadier- 
General. 

Oakes  Murphy  went  on  to  Washington ;  soon  afterwards 
Governor  McCord  was  authorized  to  raise  a  regiment  of  vol- 
unteers ;  this  he  did  and  was  made  Colonel  of  the  regiment ; 
Oakes  secured  the  appointment  as  Governor  to  succeed 
McCord.  My  good  friend  Oakes  was  a  smooth  worker  and 
politician.  The  war  was  of  short  duration ;  I  picked  on  Aleck 


205.     The  story   of  this   appointment  and   the   story   concerning   O'Neill  is  retold 
in  the  Prescott  Courier,  June  21,  1924. 


BANTA  135 

O.  Brodie206  as  a  candidate  for  Congress,  hoping  to  elect 
him  on  his  war  record.  Brodie  had  gone  to  the  war  as  the 
senior  Major  of  the  Rough  Rider  Regiment,  and  came  out 
a  Lieutenant-Colonel.  I  had  Brodie's  name  at  the  head  of  my 
paper ;  some  of  the  wise  Republican  politicians  were  opposed 
to  Brodie  being  a  candidate.  Mark  A.  Smith 207  flatly  refused 
to  accept  the  Democratic  nomination;  he  feared  Brodie 
would  defeat  him  and  did  not  want  to  loose  prestige  in  the 
Territory,  so  Colonel  J.  F.  Wilson  received  that  nomination. 
Although  the  weakest  man  the  Democrats  had,  he  neverthe- 
less win  [won]  out  against  Brodie. 

I  attended  the  Territorial  convention  at  Phoenix  as  a 
member  of  the  Yavapai  county  delegation,  at  which  we  were 
to  elect  Delegates  to  the  Republican  National  convention 
of  1900.  Ike  T.  Stoddard  was  our  candidate — he  got  left. 

The  big  fire208  that  burnt  up  the  business  part  of  Prescott 
cleaned  me  out  root  and  branch.  Without  a  dollar  I  went 
down  to  Naco;  out  to  the  Cananea  mines  owned  by  Bill 
Green.209  Returning  from  the  Cananeas  I  went  to  the  new 
town  of  Douglas.  Being  certain  that  here  was  soon  to  be  a 
big  town  I  started  the  Douglas  Dispatch,210  the  first  paper  in 


206.  Alexander  Oswald  Brodie  graduated  from  West  Point  and  was  commissioned 
2nd   Lieut,   in   the  Cavalry   on   June   16,   1870.    He  resigned,    September   30,    1877.    He 
entered  the  Spanish-American  war  with  the  rank  of  Major,  1st  United  States  Volunteer 
Cavalry,   May   4,    1898.   Heitman,   Register.   He  arrived   in   Arizona   in    1870,   was   the 
Republican  candidate  for  Delegate  in   1898,  and  became  Governor  by  appointment  in 
July,  1902,  resigning,  February  15,  1905,  to  re-enter  the  regular  army.  Kelly,  Arizona, 
pp.  221,  234. 

207.  Banta  might  be  mixed  up  on  this  matter.  John   F.  Wilson   withdrew  from 
the  race  in  1900  in  favor  of  Marcus  A.  Smith  in  order  to  maintain   party  harmony. 
Fish,  Manuscript,   3:706.   Smith  was   Territorial  Delegate  at  the  time  of  the  bid  for 
statehood  in  1902  when  the  Beveridge  Committee  visited  the  Souhwest.  He  also  served 
as  one  of  the  two  first  Senators   when   Arizona  entered  the  Union   in   1912.   Wyllys, 
Arizona,  pp.  298,  815. 

John  F.  Wilson,  political  rival  of  Smith,  served  in  the  Confederate  army.  A  lawyer 
by  training,  he  arrived  in  Arizona  in  1887 ;  served  as  Attorney  General  in  1896,  Ter- 
ritorial Delegate  in  1898,  and  again  in  1902.  Fish,  Manuscript,  3  :705. 

208.  The  story  of  this  disaster  was  described  recently  in  J.  S.  Allen,   "Yavapai 
Inferno:  The  Story  of  the  Great  Prescott  Fire."  Arizona  Highways,  vol.  17,  no.  5  (May, 
1941).  It  is  also  reported  in   The  Arizona  Republican,   July   16,    1900,   and   Holbrook 
Argue,  July  21,  1900. 

209.  Bill  Greene  is  reported  as  having  killed  Jim  Burnett  at  Tombstone  on  July  5, 
1897.  Arizona,  Journal  Miner,  July  6,  1897. 

210.  The  Douglas  Despatch  was   started  by   Banta  on    March    15,    1902.    Arizona 
Journal-Miner,   March    20,    1902.    Charlie   Banta's    new    paper,    the   Douglas  Despatch, 


136  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  new  town.  Having  no  means  to  keep  up  my  lick  I  sold 
it  to  Dorr.  Leaving  Douglas  I  went  to  Yuma  to  join  "Ari- 
zona" Charly's  expedition  to  subjugate  the  Indians  and  take 
possession  of  the  Tiburon  Island  in  the  Gulf  of  California. 
The  scheme  fell  through.  Remaining  all  winter  at  Yuma,  I 
determined  on  going  out  prospecting,  as  the  only  alternative 
to  recuperate  my  "fallen  fortunes."  Going  back  to  Tucson  I 
prospected  in  the  Santa  Catalinas  for  a  time  without  any 
success.  I  then  went  to  work  for  Bartlett  of  the  Legal  Tender 
until  Tucson  closed ;  then  to  Phoenix  until  that  place  closed. 
In  Phoenix  I  worked  in  the  Casino.  After  Phoenix  closed  I 
went  directly  to  Yuma  where  I  worked  in  the  Exchange 
without  missing  a  shift  until  midnight  March  31,  1907. 
April  1st  I  boarded  the  S[outhern]  P[acific]  for  Phoenix. 
Here  I  remained  about  seventeen  days  playing  panguin- 
gia211  at  which  I  made  my  expenses  and  fare  to  Ash  Fork. 
From  Ash  Fork  I  went  to  Albuquerque  and  thence  to  El 
Paso.  After  a  time  I  reached  New  Orleans  where  I  remained 
for  some  time.  From  New  Orleans  I  took  ship  for  Colon  and 
thence  across  the  Isthmus  by  rail  to  the  city  of  Panama. 

The  city  of  Colon  is  situate  on  a  low  swampy  island ;  the 
mean  tide  of  the  Caribbean  sea  at  this  place  is  twelve  inches ; 
hence  the  island  is  never  overflowed  by  the  tides.  Panama  is 
located  upon  a  rock  pininsula  extending  into  the  Gulf  of 
Panama.  It  is  surrounded  by  water  except  on  the  north  side. 
By  survey  the  isthmus  is  a  fraction  over  thirty-one  miles 
across  from  salt  water  to  salt  water.  Panama  is  twenty-one 
miles  east  of  Colon,212  and  the  sun  rises  out  of  the  Gulf  of 
Panama.  This  seems  strange  but  is  owing  to  the  configura- 
tion of  the  isthmus.  It  was  very  puzzling  to  see  the  sun  come 
up  out  of  the  Pacific  waters  and  go  down  behind  Ancon  hill, 
towards  Colon  and  the  Caribbean  sea.  The  mean  tides  at 

was  established  on  March  19,  1902.  He  sold  it  October  8.  1902.  Arizona  Sentinel, 
October  8,  1902.  The  beginning  date  is  given  as  March  15  in  Gregory,  American 
Newspapers. 

211.  Panguingui :   A   Tagalog  gambling   game.    Webster*  International  Dictionary 
(Unabridged.    2nd    edition).    Tagalogs   are   Filipinos.    This   game,   played    in    Arizona, 
may   illustrate  the   influence   of   the   Islands    on    Spanish    America   from    the   days   of 
Spanish  imperial  control. 

212.  Banta  means  that  Panama  lies  twenty-one  miles  east  of  Colon  on  a  north- 
south  line.  In  other  words,  Panama  is  southeast  of  Colon. 


BANTA  137 

Panama  are  eighteen  feet,  the  highest  tides  being  twenty- 
three  feet.  The  rainy  season  begins  about  the  middle  of 
May  and  ends  about  the  middle  of  December.  During  the 
five  months  of  the  dry  season  the  rain-fall  is  not  so  heavy. 
The  rain-fall  for  the  year  will  average  about  twelve  feet.  A 
line  drawn  from  Panama  to  San  Francisco  would  cut  thru 
the  Caribbean  sea,  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  thru  Arizona  to 
San  Francisco.  Panama  has  no  deep  water  for  shipping  and 
all  vessels  must  anchor  about  two  miles  out ;  passengers  and 
freight  are  then  transfered  to  shore  by  boats.  At  the  boca 
del  toro  is  a  wharf,  but  only  light  draught  boats  can  reach  it. 
The  Pacific  outlet  of  the  Canal  is  at  this  place,  but  the  Gov- 
ernment will  have  to  do  plenty  of  dredging  here  before  our 
battleships  can  reach  the  deep  water  of  the  Gulf.  The  native 
population  of  Panama  is  90  per  cent  negro,  and  the  other  ten 
per  cent  run  the  country.  The  90  per  cent  class  have  kinky 
hair,  the  other  ten  have  black  or  other  colored  hair.  Since 
our  Government  took  the  matter  in  hand,  the  city  of  Panama 
is  one  of  the  cleanest  and  is  as  healthy  as  any  of  the  Gulf 
cities  of  our  country.  The  climate  is  delightful  and  it  would 
[be]  a  veritable  paradise  if  one  could  have  health. 

While  at  Panama  I  thought  to  do  some  prospecting  and 
tried  the  jungle,  but  it  was  useless,  I  could  not  go  anywhere 
without  cutting  [a]  way  with  a  macheta,  and  at  that  rate 
could  not  make  a  mile  in  a  month — gave  it  up.  The  tempera- 
ture of  Panama  seldom  rises  above  82  degrees,  or  below  69 
degrees,  making  an  average  variation  of  10  degrees  the  year 
round.  Considering  the  rainfall  of  the  isthmus  one  would 
naturally  suppose  the  mosquitos  to  be  very  much  in  evidence. 
But  such  is  not  the  case  and  no  mosquitos  are  met  with  in 
the  jungle.  Much  ado  has  been  made  by  the  press  of  the 
States  over  "our  poor  boys  suffering  with  the  heat  in  Pan- 
ama." The  truth  is,  the  heat  down  there  is  never  so  bad 
as  it  is  in  the  States.  The  heat  of  the  Salt  River  valley  in 
Arizona  makes  the  heat  of  Panama  look  like  thirty  cents.  All 
the  time  I  was  there  I  had  to  sleep  under  an  extra  blanket. 
The  soil  is  exceedingly  rich  and  grass  grows  from  two  to 
three  feet  high  in  a  month.  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  two 
oceans  were  connected  by  a  strait  at  the  isthmus;  or,  the 


138  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

country  had  been  slightly  elevated  at  some  time.  I  made 
an  examination  of  the  formations  between  the  two  oceans 
and  found  it  all  to  be  sedimentary,  composed  principally  of 
sea-shells.  The  apparently  solid  rock,  on  breaking,  was 
simply  a  rotten  mass  of  shells.  Even  Culebre  cut,  the  hard- 
est of  all,  and  the  highest  point  along  the  Canal,  resembles 
pudding  stone,  having  shells  scattered  thru  it.  In  fact  the 
Government  could  not  find  any  stone  on  the  isthmus  with 
which  to  construct  the  great  dams,  but  was  obliged  to  bring 
the  stone  from  Porto  Bello. 

There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  "Panama  hat."  Being  cu- 
rious to  see  how  such  hats  were  made,  and  the  material 
used,  I  looked  all  over  the  city  to  find  a  hat  factory  and  failed. 
Going  to  the  office  of  the  Star  &  Herald,  the  oldest  paper  in 
Panama,  founded  in  1849, 1  asked  Mr.  Duque,  the  proprietor, 
about  the  matter.  He  laughed  and  said,  "Most  foreigners 
call  the  hat  'Panama'  but  it  is  not  made  here,  and  there 
never  was  a  hat  factory  in  this  city.  The  so  called  'Panama' 
hats  are  made  in  Guayaquil,  Ecuador,  and  are  really  an 
Ecuadorian  hat."  So  much  for  another  myth  of  my  youth. 

The  jungle  is  so  interlaced  with  vines  that  it  is  impossible 
to  penetrate  it  without  cutting  your  way  thru  with  a  macheta. 
One  specie  of  vine  is  used  by  the  natives  for  ropes.  It  is 
about  the  size  of  bed-cord  and  cannot  be  broken ;  it  may  be 
tied  into  a  hard  knot  but  will  not  break.  How  long  it  grows 
I  do  not  know,  but  I  have  seen  it  fully  sixty  feet  long,  with- 
out a  leaf  or  other  growth  on  it.  This  vine  is  used  by  the 
natives  in  the  construction  of  their  houses,  in  which  not  a 
nail  or  other  piece  [of]  iron  is  used.  Owing  to  the  humidity 
of  the  atmosphere  iron  is  absolutely  worthless.  All  iron  or 
steel  tools  must  be  kept  covered  with  thick  grease  when  not 
in  use.  All  tropical  fruits  grow  wild  and  in  abundance;  I 
have  seen  places  in  the  jungle  that  the  ground  was  litterally 
covered  with  big  fine  lemons.  Four  kinds  of  bananas  grow 
wild;  pine  apples,  mangoes,  papayas,  mameis  [mammee], 
and  other  kinds  of  fruits  grow  wild.  Every  cove  along  the 
beach  is  full  of  cocoa  trees ;  a  cocoanut  tree  will  bear  a  nut 
for  each  day  in  the  year  or  from  three  to  four  hundred  per 
year;  there  are  millions  of  cocoanuts  no  bigger  than  a  wal- 


BANTA  139 

nut,  each  one  a  perfect  nut.  The  first  calabash-tree  I  saw, 
I  supposed  the  calabash  [e]s  were  gourds  and  looked  for  the 
vine  but  no  vine  could  I  find ;  the  calabash  were  the  fruit  of 
the  tree.  Not  a  spear  of  grass  grows  in  the  jungle,  the  sur- 
face of  the  ground  is  black,  damp  and  bare ;  but  clear  away 
the  jungle  and  up  comes  the  grass  and  young  banana  sprouts, 
as  thick  as  they  can  be — grass  and  bananas  require  sunlight, 
in  the  jungle  the  sun's  rays  never  reach  the  ground. 

All  farming  is  done  upon  the  high  grounds  and  the  hills, 
too  much  water  on  the  low  parts.  It  takes  from  five  to  seven 
years  to  get  entirely  rid  of  the  jungle  growth,  roots,  etc.  etc. 
In  nature  the  banana  plant  is  like  our  mescal  plant,  its  seed- 
ing ends  its  life.  The  banana  has  one  bunch  of  bananas  and 
then  dies.  The  one  great  mystery  to  me  is  where  the  banana 
comes  from.  For  instance,  take  the  jungle  where  the  sun's 
rays  has  not  touch  [ed]  since  the  tropics  began,  perhaps  thou- 
sands of  years  and  more — the  banana  never  grows  in  the 
jungle,  it  must  have  sunlight — cut  away  the  jungle  and  the 
banana  shoots  up  at  once.  Whence  the  seed  or  germ?  As 
soon  as  the  sun's  rays  touch  the  ground  up  springs  the  grass 
and  bananas.  However,  the  wise  guys  can  tell  about  it. 

In  the  matter  of  the  papaw  that  grows  all  over  Missouri, 
my  Webster's  Universal  Dictionary  says  the  papaw  and  the 
papaya  are  one  and  the  same  fruit.  It  says  the  papaw  grows 
to  the  height  of  twenty-feet  "with  a  soft  herbaceous  stem 
naked  nearly  to  the  top,  where  the  leaves  issue  on  every  side, 
on  long  footstalks."  How  is  that  Mr.  Missourian  for  a  di- 
scription  of  a  papaw  tree?  Its  discription  of  the  fruit  is  even 
worse.  Now  here  is  my  discription  of  the  papaya  fruit  that 
grows  only  in  the  tropics:  In  appearance  it  resembles  a 
green  squash,  is  six  or  eight  inches  long  and  four  to  five 
inches  in  diameter;  cut  open  it  is  a  rich  yellow  meat,  and 
is  eaten  as  a  breakfast  food  like  the  cantaloup ;  in  the  center 
of  the  fruit  is  a  small  cavity  containing  a  few  seeds.  Here 
is  what  the  "wise  guy"  says  about  the  Papaya:  "The  juice 
is  acrid  and  milky,  but  the  fruit  when  boiled  is  eaten  with 
meat,  like  other  vegetables."  It  is  safe  to  say  that  the  fel- 
low writing  the  above  never  saw  either  a  papaw  or  a  papaya. 
So  much  for  the  "wise  knowalls."  However,  the  above  is  on 


140  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

a  par  with  the  "Panama  hat"  matter;  when  a  boy  the  book 
said,  "The  principal  industry  of  Panama  was  the  manu- 
facture and  exportation  of  Panama  hats."  I  have  also 
found  from  experience  that  our  "wise"  naturalists  are  away 
off  in  many  things ;  and  as  great  a  chump  as  myself  can  tell 
them  many  things  in  nature  that  they  are  wholly  ignorant 
of.  But  like  the  preachers,  they  can  tell  a  lot  about  things 
they  are  ignorant  of. 

The  natives  make  their  cayucas  [cayucos]  (canoes)  out 
of  mahogany  trees;  so  do  the  San  Bias  Indians.  The  coun- 
try of  the  San  Bias  Indians  is  up  the  South  American  coast ; 
it  is  called  "up"  either  way  from  the  isthmus.  These  Indians 
have  their  own  government  and  they  justly  pride  themselves 
as  being  "pure  blood,"  unmixed  with  any  other  blood.  The 
stranger  passing  thru  is  welcome  but  must  not  tarry  more 
than  three  days  in  any  village,  or  longer  in  any  part  of  their 
domain ;  he  or  they  must  move  on.  I  have  seen  these  Indians 
out  in  the  bay  or  on  the  Caribbean  sea  with  their  cayucas, 
and  if  one  should  get  filled  with  water,  all  jump  out,  some 
on  one  side  and  some  on  the  other,  and  catching  hold  of  the 
sides  of  the  canoe,  they  shake  it  back  and  forth  thus  throw- 
ing out  a  quantity  of  water;  this  done  they  climb  into  the 
canoe  and  bail  out  the  remainder  and  go  along  as  tho  noth- 
ing had  happened.  Seeing  this  I  determined  to  take  a  trip 
in  a  cayuca  on  the  Caribbean  sea. 

Accompanied  by  a  boy  about  sixteen  years  old,  I  took 
the  train  from  Panama  to  Colon.  At  Colon  I  found  a  sloop 
rigged  small  boat  that  plied  between  Colon  and  Porto  Bello, 
owned  and  Captained  by  a  negro.  On  this  we  took  passage 
for  Porto  Bello,  the  fare  was  two  dollars  each  in  Panamenia 
money.  The  weather  was  so  fine,  the  atmosphere  so  balmy, 
that  without  thinking  everything  was  put  under  hatch. 
Along  in  the  night  rain  set  in  and  being  without  a  coat  or 
other  covering,  I  really  suffered  with  the  cold.  That  night 
a  huge  shark  cut  across  our  stern  about  twenty  feet  away ; 
his  dorsal  fins  just  above  the  water,  made  a  hissing  noise  as 
the  brute  shot  past  the  boat.  The  following  morning  we  put 
in  to  the  pretty  little  bay  of  Porto  Bello,  but  had  to  lay  to 
until  the  custom-house  official  gave  us  permission  to  go 


BANTA  141 

ashore.  This  seemed  rediculous  to  me,  for  a  custom-house 
officer  to  examine  coast-wise  traders.  But  it  is  the  law.  At 
Porto  Bello  I  found  but  one  white  man,  that  is  a  person 
whose  hair  is  not  kinky.  There  being  no  such  thing  as  a 
stove  or  even  a  fireplace  in  the  country,  I  was  obliged  to 
dry  myself  in  the  sun.  No  matter  how  well  seasoned  wood 
may  be  it  will  not  burn  in  that  country,  and  brasiers  must 
be  used  for  all  purposes. 

At  this  place  I  hired  a  cayuca  (canoe)  made  of  mahog- 
any and  eighteen  feet  long,  for  a  trip  up  the  coast  on  the 
Caribbean  sea.  We  used  paddles  and  sat  in  the  stern  and 
the  boy  in  front.  Out  in  the  big  rollers,  on  the  crest  of  one, 
we  had  a  good  view  around,  but  when  we  descended  into 
the  trough  of  the  sea,  nothing  but  a  wall  of  water  was  to 
be  seen  in  any  direction.  With  the  bow  of  the  canoe  pointed 
downward,  and  a  big  roller  coming  head  on,  it  looked  like  we 
were  to  be  buried  under  an  hundred  thousand  tons  of  water. 
But  I  had  observed  the  manner  of  ducks  and  geese  riding  the 
waves,  so  I  steared  the  canoe  to  conform  to  the  same  manner. 
Going  up  the  south  coast  I  put  in  at  every  cove,  at  those  large 
enough  I  found  a  little  village,  but  never  an  individual  with- 
out kinky  hair.  All  coves  were  filled  with  coconut  trees, 
with  fruit  at  every  stage  of  ripeness.  In  some  no  sweet  water 
was  to  be  found  and  in  such  cases  we  used  coconut  milk  to 
make  our  coffee,  and  to  drink. 

Numerous  small  islands  were  seen  enroute,  some  were 
occupied  and  others  not.  At  Isla  Grande  (large  island)  on 
which  is  a  light-house  at  the  entrance  of  the  Golf  o  del  Nom- 
bre  de  Dios  (what  a  rediculous  name — the  Gulf  of  the  name 
of  God)  we  put  ashore.  Here  was  a  little  store  owned  by  a 
Spaniard — the  only  white  man  on  the  island^where  I  pur- 
chased a  few  edibles.  The  strait  between  the  island  and 
mainland  was  about  two  miles  wide,  this  we  paddled  across 
the  next  morning  and  found  another  pretty  cove  in  which 
was  a  native  hut.  This  hut  like  all  others  had  a  palm-leaf 
thatch  roof,  but  was  more  pretentious  than  many  or  all 
others,  it  had  a  floor  in  it.  We  put  our  plunder  in  the  house 
in  case  of  rain,  there  being  no  one  occupying  the  house.  That 
afternoon  a  big  burly  negro  came  along;  he  was  a  Jamaica 


142  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

negro  and  an  English  subject,  and  spoke  fairly  good  English. 
Finding  we  had  gone  into  the  house  he  said  it  was  his  prop- 
erty, but  "it  was  all  right  as  we  know  how  to  treat  our  people 
when  they  come  along."  He  had  bought  the  plat  of  ground 
for  $50,  and  was  then  cutting  ties  for  the  Railroad  for  which 
he  received  forty  cents  each  in  Panamenia  money.  Here  I 
undertook  to  cook  a  pot  of  beans.  I  set  up  three  rocks  and 
with  a  little  coal  oil  started  a  fire  out  of  the  driest  shavings 
I  could  find,  but  to  keep  the  fire  going  was  obliged  to  fan  it 
with  my  hat  until  the  beans  were  cooked ;  to  stop  a  second 
was  to  see  the  fire  go  out  of  business. 

I  had  decided  to  turn  back  from  this  place,  but  looking 
out  to  sea  I  saw  too  many  white  caps  to  venture  out  that 
day  so  lay  over  a  day  here.  These  warm  southern  seas 
abound  in  sharks,  but  the  animal  is  cowardly  and  will  flee 
if  you  strike  the  water  with  a  paddle  or  even  with  your  hand ; 
did  they  have  no  fear  and  exercised  their  power  a  little 
canoe  would  be  no  protection  at  all.  Our  canoe  had  only  four 
or  five  inches  above  the  water,  besides  it  leaked  some  and 
needed  more  or  less  bailing  out.  The  whole  coast  is  lined 
with  a  dirty  white  coral ;  this  coral  is  built  up  to  within  a  few 
inches  of  the  surface  of  the  water  and  this  causes  the  water 
to  show  white,  from  its  shallowness  above  the  coral.  In  order 
to  reach  the  beach  it  is  necessary  to  get  thru  the  reef  of  coral ; 
this  is  done  by  passing  in  between  two  beds  of  coral;  the 
space  between  is  sometimes  wide  enough  to  admit  a  canoe, 
and  sometimes  wide  enough  to  admit  a  small  ship.  When 
outside  and  desiring  to  run  in,  it  is  necessary  to  watch  the 
coast  for  a  black  space  showing  between  white  water  on  both 
sides.  The  black  looking  space  indicates  deep  water  free  of 
coral,  and  the  canoe  would  be  headed  straight  for  the  black 
looking  space.  At  times  it  became  necessary  to  get  inside 
the  reef  in  a  hurry,  as  our  little  frail  canoe  could  not  stand 
much  of  a  storm  on  the  outside.  On  two  or  three  occasions 
after  passing  the  outside  reef  our  canoe  would  strike  some 
obstruction  which  caused  a  delay  of  a  few  seconds,  and  in 
each  instance  the  canoe  would  be  filled  with  water  from  the 
oncoming  roller.  But  we  did  not  mind  this  much  as  we  were 
merely  met  with  salt  water  instead  of  rain. 


BANTA  143 

To  give  an  idea  of  the  rainfall  in  these  tropical  countries, 
once  we  had  gotten  inside  the  coral  reef  and  a  storm  sud- 
denly came  up;  we  jumped  out  of  the  canoe,  made  for  a 
native  hut  nearby;  the  storm  lasted  perhaps  ten  minutes — 
they  are  never  of  any  length — and  going  to  the  canoe  it  was 
found  to  be  full  of  water.  The  rains  here  do  not  fall  in  drops 
but  comes  down  in  solid  sheets  of  water.  At  such  times  it  is 
necessary  to  have  some  sort  of  covering  for  the  head  else  one 
cannot  breath;  comparatively  speaking  it  is  like  a  tub  of 
water  being  poured  over  the  head.  We  encountered  the 
roughest  seas  when  rounding  a  promontory,  and  were  al- 
ways obliged  to  keep  well  out  at  sea  for  obvious  reasons. 

In  time  we  returned  to  Porto  Bello.  This  place  was  well 
fortified  by  the  early  Spaniards,  there  being  no  less  than 
seven  old  forts  here.  The  largest  fort  being  at  the  terminus 
of  the  Royal  paved  trail,  from  old  Panama  to  Porto  Bello. 
It  was  over  this  trail  all  the  gold,  silver  and  other  stuff,  the 
Spaniards  plundered  of  the  Peruvians  and  others  of  South 
America,  was  brought  by  pack  trains  to  Porto  Bello  and 
stored  in  the  vaults  beneath  this  fort  to  await  the  ships  from 
Spain.  This  particular  fort  was  surrounded  by  a  solid  wall 
of  masonry;  the  main  entrance  led  into  a  small  court.  In 
this  court  is  now  a  tree  five  feet  in  diameter ;  another  door 
led  from  the  court  thru  another  thick  wall  of  masonry,  and 
beneath  the  main  fort  into  a  corrider.  Here  was  found  the 
"gold  room,"  and  upon  either  side  of  the  gold  room  were  the 
"silver"  galleries,  extending  back  perhaps  seventy  feet.  The 
corrider  was  five  feet  wide ;  the  gold  room  was  about  fifteen 
feet  deep  and  eight  feet  wide,  the  roof  was  oval  and  seven 
feet  high.  The  two  galleries  were  about  six  feet  wide  and 
oval  roofs  seven  feet  in  height.  These  treasury  vaults  were 
under  the  fort  and  above  them  was  solid  masonry. 

In  and  about  these  old  forts  I  counted  forty-one  old  fash- 
ioned cannon,  which  were  fired  with  a  torch.  In  one  of  the 
under-ground  dungeons,  where  not  a  ray  of  light  had  ever 
penetrated,  we  found  an  old  fashioned  firelock,  perhaps  one 
of  the  first  made ;  it  was  bell-mouth  and  also  fired  by  a  torch. 
It  had  perhaps  lain  there  for  two  or  three  hundred  years ;  the 
natives — all  negroes — never  daring  to  enter  those  old  hidden 


144  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

recesses  of  those  old  forts.  I  wanted  to  bring  the  thing  away 
with  me  for  a  curiosity,  but  the  official  said  it  was  govern- 
ment property,  and  he  took  possession  of  my  precious  relic. 

The  harbor  of  Porto  Bello  is  not  very  large,  but  is  a  safe 
one  as  it  is  completely  landlocked ;  it  is  about  two  miles  long 
and  a  mile  and  a  quarter  wide,  with  a  sufficient  depth  of 
water  for  large  ships.  Colon  has  no  harbor,  simply  an 
open  roadstead,  and  in  a  very  severe  storm  all  shipping  at 
Colon  must  seek  refuge  in  the  harbor  of  Porto  Bello,  or  else 
put  out  to  sea  for  safety.  The  Caribbean  waters  are  so  warm 
the  fish  are  not  fit  to  eat,  and  in  order  to  get  good  solid  fish  it 
is  necessary  to  go  out  twenty  miles  or  more,  and  then  fish  for 
deep-water  fish  at  a  depth  of  two  or  three  hundred  feet.  The 
fishing  is  done  with  wire  traps  with  bate  inside  of  them.  This 
fish  is  sold  to  the  ocean  steamers  at  a  good  figure. 

Leaving  the  Government  stone-quarry,  opposite  to  Porto 
Bello,  on  a  Government  tugboat,  we  went  back  to  Colon,  or 
rather  to  Cristobal,  the  name  of  that  part  claimed  by  the  U.S. 
The  following  day  took  the  train  for  Panama,  completing  the 
sixteen  day  trip  on  the  ocean  in  an  eighteen  foot  canoe,  and 
in  which  we  were  thoroughly  drenched  every  day  by  daily 
rains  and  sea  water. 

Old  Panama  is  five  or  six  miles  northeast  of  the  present 
Panama;  it  was  destroyed  by  the  English  bucaneer  Henry 
Morgan  in  1680.  Morgan  fortified  the  island  of  Taboga 
[Tabago]  and  made  that  island  his  rendezvous  for  a  consid- 
erable length  of  time ;  this  island  is  fourteen  miles  from  the 
present  city  of  Panama,  and  is  now  used  by  the  U.  S.  hospital 
service  as  a  convalescent;  it  is  the  healthiest  place  in  that 
section  and  has  less  rainfall.  Old  Panama  is  the  oldest  city 
in  the  New  World,  and  was  founded  in  1518,  by  edict  of  the 
King  of  Spain  declared  a  City  in  1521.  Here  was  the  resort 
of  pirates  of  all  nationalities ;  but  the  English  pirate — Drake 
and  Morgan — were  the  terror  of  the  Spaniard,  and  both 
these  gentlemen  were  Knighted  for  successful  piracies 
against  the  Spaniard.  However,  'tis  a  pity  Drake  had  not 
intercepted  and  wiped  out  the  plundering  and  murdering 
Cortez,  and  the  equally  infamous  Pizarro.  Had  Drake  did 
this  for  humanity  his  piracies  would  have  been  gladly  for- 


BANTA  145 

given,  and  the  fanatical  priests  prevented  from  destroying 
the  historical  records  of  these  interesting  peoples. 

A  large  volume  could  be  written  about  the  big  ditch  of 
the  Isthmus,  and  if  the  truth  was  told  would  disclose  the 
greatest  graft  and  steal  the  world  ever  witnessed;  in  fact, 
nine-tenths  of  the  many  millions  spent  by  the  Government 
upon  this  project  was  stolen  or  grafted. 

There  are  only  two  points  of  egress  and  ingress  to 
Panama — one  by  way  of  Colon  and  the  other  by  way  of 
Panama.  No  roads  nor  wagons  in  the  whole  country ;  only 
trails  and  these  must  be  cut  out  with  machetas  almost  daily, 
or  all  evidence  of  a  trail  would  soon  be  obliterated,  the 
growth  of  vegitation  is  so  rapid  in  that  wet  and  warm  cli- 
mate. To  the  northeast  of  the  city  of  Panama  are  a  low 
range  of  mountains,  of  an  average  altitude  of  3,500  feet, 
with  some  elevations  of  perhaps  5,000  feet.  They  are  over 
in  the  Darien  country,  and  the  source  of  the  river  Chagres, 
the  largest  and  only  river  in  the  Republic.  I  attempted  to 
reach  these  mountains  but  failed  owing  to  the  dense  inter- 
vening jungle.  I  tried  the  old  Royal  paved  trail,  but  this 
simply  led  me  to  the  crossing  of  the  Chagres,  and  not  to  the 
mountains,  and  I  was  forced  to  give  up  the  project.  Still  I 
think  these  mountains  contain  mineral,  but  it  is  h — 1  and 
then  some  to  reach  them  from  either  Colon  or  Panama. 

Panama  streets  are  so  crooked,  they  lead  everywhere  and 
nowhere  in  particular ;  all  are  narrow,  and  the  one  crossing 
the  peninsular  upon  which  the  city  is  built,  and  in  front  of 
the  Cathedral — 8th  street — is  only  four  feet  wide  between 
the  side-walks  which  are  two  feet  wide.  In  some  places  a 
side- walk  may  begin  with  a  width  of  fifteen  feet,  but  as  one 
follows  it  the  walk  gradually  narrows  until  [it]  ends  in  a 
sharp  point,  and  thence  on  it  is  the  street.  All  in  all  Panama 
is  a  quaint  and  curious  city,  and  worth  the  trouble  of  going 
to  see.  Having  been  here  almost  a  year,  and  seen  "Paris" 
to  my  entire  satisfaction,  I  returned  to  the  States. 

At  Cristoval  I  took  steamer  for  New  York,  where  I  re- 
mained a  month  looking  over  Gotham,  but  soon  had  enough 
of  its  box  canyons.  The  steamer  Concho  carried  me  to  Gal- 
veston ;  at  Key  West  a  stop  was  made  for  twelve  hours,  giv- 


146  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ing  me  opportunity  to  see  that  very  interesting  and  most 
southern  point  of  territory  within  the  United  States.  The 
Key  is  a  coral  island  about  sixty  miles  from  the  mainland 
of  Florida  (Florida  is  Spanish,  meaning  "flowery").  There 
are  numerous  keys,  more  or  less  sandy,  and  the  breeding 
places  for  sea-turtle,  many  of  which  were  to  be  seen  floating 
about  feeding  upon  "Portuguese  men-of-war."  From  Key 
West  to  Havana  is  ninety  miles,  and  I  think  the  place  was 
first  used  by  pirates  and  smugglers  in  the  early  days.  From 
Key  West  our  course  lay  northwest  for  Galveston,  but  why 
Galveston?  If  the  whole  Gulf  Coast  had  been  searched  for 
a  town-site,  no  worse  place  could  have  been  found  than  the 
site  of  Galveston,  Texas.  It  is  built  upon  a  sandbar  and 
surrounded  by  water — a  dune  in  fact.  It  has  no  harbor  nor 
deep  water  for  ships  of  deep  draught,  it  has  simply  an  open 
roadstead  and  nothing  more.  A  breakwater  has  been  built 
to  form  some  sort  of  harbor,  yet  ordinary  ships  entering 
usually  stir  up  the  mud  from  off  the  bottom.  To  prevent  the 
city  from  being  washed  away  by  the  sea-water,  a  large  sea- 
wall had  to  be  built  for  that  purpose ;  and  again  I  say,  "Why 
Galveston?" 

From  here  I  went  to  Pueblo,  Colorado,  thence  by  the  D. 
and  R.  G.,  to  Durango — from  strawberries  to  snow.  After 
two  months  of  cold  and  snow  in  Colorado  I  made  the  trip 
across  country  to  Gallup,  New  Mexico.  September  23,  1908, 
I  started  for  a  prospecting  trip  which  carried  me  over  a 
major  portion  of  Arizona,  and  finally  settled  at  Wickenburg 
in  1914.  I  can  truthfully  say  without  boasting  that  I  know 
more  of  the  topography  of  Arizona  than  any  living  man,  not 
even  excepting  the  Apaches  themselves. 

I  am  now  a  member  of  the  Home  for  Pioneers,  entering 
January  19,  1916.  But  the  everlasting  lure  of  the  hills  still 
possesses  my  soul,  and  I  cannot  shake  off  that  feeling.  Am 
liable  to  make  another  hike  this  Spring  and  next  summer, 
quien  sabe  [who  knows?] 213 

A  perusal  of  the  History  of  Arizona  will  give  much  in- 


213.  I  have  seen  a  newspaper  clipping:  without  name  or  date  which  reads: 
"Charlie  Banta  will  spend  the  next  few  months  prospecting  the  Catalinas,  having 
secured  a  vacation  from  the  Pioneers  Home  where  he  has  been  a  guest  for  some  time." 


BANTA  147 

formation  of  and  about  the  writer,  particularly  in  vol.  8,  by 
Colonel  TOM  E.  FARISH,  STATE  HISTORIAN. 

(The  End) 


My  dear  Miss  Hall : 

i  have  put  down  some  of  my  "pastimes"  but  not  all  x  it 
would  take  pages  to  record  my  doings  the  past  47-50  years  x 
i  have  had  a  most  strenuous  and  eventful  career,  and  it  can- 
not be  put  down  in  a  few  words  x  i  have  been  raised  on  the 
frontiers,  in  log  cabins,  with  no  opportunities  for  education, 
and  the  little  i  do  know,  which  of  course  is  not  much,  has 
been  gathered  from  observation  and  a  voracious  appetite  for 
reading  any  and  everything  obtainable  x  i  have  jotted  down 
some  of  my  "occupations"  but  only  a  few,  as  there  is  not 
room  for  more  x  Have  done  almost  everything  under  the  sun 
excepting,  of  course,  holding  up  stages — all  else  however  has 
been  my  "occupation."214 

A.  F.  Banta 


214.  This  letter  was  written  on  an  official  printed  form  of  enquiry  mailed  from 
the  office  of  the  Arizona  Historian,  Phoenix,  April  2,  1911.  The  printed  form  was  only 
four  pages  long,  so  there  was  not  much  room  for  Banta  to  write  on.  The  addressee 
was  probably  Sharlot  Hall  for  whom  the  Sharlott  Hall  Museum  at  Prescott  is  named. 
Banta,  Papers,  State  Department  of  Archives  and  Library,  Phoenix,  Arizona. 

The  letter  represents  an  early  attempt  to  collect  the  story  of  Banta's  life,  a  task 
which  he  later  carried  out  himself. 


Notes  and  Documents 

RUPERT  FRANZ  ASPLUND,  educator,  economic  expert,  au- 
thor, journalist,  tax  authority,  widely  acclaimed  by  the  press 
as  New  Mexico's  most  useful  citizen,  died  Sunday  forenoon, 
December  7,  1952,  at  St.  Vincent's  Hospital,  Santa  Fe.  He 
had  been  taken  there  from  his  home  wjhere  he  had  suffered 
a  heart  attack.  Only  the  evening  before  he  had  been  an 
honored  and  jovial  guest  at  the  annual  Phi  Beta  Kappa  ban- 
quet in  Albuquerque. 

Asplund  was  born  at  Little  Indian,  111.,  on  June  26,  1875, 
son  of  John  and  Clara  Johnson  Asplund.  There  he  attended 
the  rural  school,  later  entering  Whipple  Academy  at  Jack- 
sonville, 111.  Graduating  with  the  BA  degree  from  Illinois 
College  in  1896,  he  received  the  MA  degree  in  1921  and 
LLD  in  1946.  Teacher  in  Illinois  public  schools  1896-1898, 
he  became  instructor  in  Whipple  Academy  and  Illinois  Col- 
lege 1898  to  1900,  he  served  as  principal  of  Whipple  Acad- 
emy 1900-1902,  and  instructor  in  Latin  and  Greek  in  Illinois 
College.  In  1902  he  accepted  the  professorship  of  Latin  and 
Greek  in  the  University  of  New  Mexico  at  Albuquerque,  an 
incumbent  until  1909,  when  he  was  named  chief  clerk  of  the 
State  Department  of  Education  of  New  Mexico  in  Santa  Fe, 
holding  that  position  from  1909  to  1916.  Secretary  of  the 
New  Mexico  Tax  Commission  1917  and  1918,  he  accepted 
the  directorship  of  the  New  Mexico  Taxpayers  Association 
in  the  latter  year,  holding  that  post  until  the  time  of  his 
death. 

Asplund  was  editor  and  publisher  of  the  New  Mexico 
Journal  of  Education,  edited  for  many  years  The  New  Mex- 
ico Tax  Bulletin,  was  author  of  numerous  articles  on  eco- 
nomics and  taxation,  published  far  and  wide;  was  author 
of  Elementary  History  and  Civics  of  New  Mexico,  and  New 
Mexico  Tax  Structure  as  well  as  One  Hundred  Years  of 
Masonry  in  New  Mexico.  Frequently  called  upon  to  lecture 
on  tax  legislation  and  other  financial  subjects,  his  acquain- 
tances and  friendships  were  nation-wide.  His  counsel  was 
frequently  sought  by  legislative  bodies  and  executive  officials 

148 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  149 

but  he  always  refused  to  become  a  candidate  for  public  office 
although  importuned  at  frequent  intervals.  While  dedicated 
to  economy  in  government,  he  also  gave  sympathetic  ear  to 
the  needs  of  public  institutions  and  causes. 

A  member  of  the  regional  committee  of  the  National 
Municipal  League,  of  the  Civil  Service  Assembly  of  the 
United  States  and  Canada,  the  National  Conference  of  Tax- 
payers Association  Executives  and  the  Tax  Advisory  Com- 
mittee for  the  New  Mexico  and  Mid-Continent  Oil  and  Gas 
Association,  he  was  also  a  leading  member  of  the  Little 
Hoover  Commission  which  recently  recommended  important 
changes  in  New  Mexico's  government.  Locally,  Asplund 
had  served  on  the  City  Council,  was  president  of  the  Mutual 
Building  and  Loan  Association,  was  a  member  of  the  Santa 
Fe  Chamber  of  Commerce,  of  the  Santa  Fe  Planning  Com- 
mission, of  the  New  Mexico  Historical  and  Archaeological 
Societies.  Surviving  him  are  his  widow  and  a  daughter, 
Caroline,  wife  of  Dr.  Munro  K.  Ruch  of  Pasadena,  Califor- 
nia, two  grandsons,  and  a  nephew,  Theodore  Asplund  of 
Santa  Fe.  Asplund  was  a  Republican,  an  Episcopalian  and 
33d  degree  Mason.  Funeral  services  were  led  in  the  Scottish 
Rite  Cathedral  and  at  the  grave  by  the  Rev.  C.  J.  Kinsolving 
III,  rector  of  the  Episcopal  Church  of  the  Holy  Faith  of 
Santa  Fe,  and  by  Masonic  Grand  Lodge  Officers  who  had 
come  from  various  parts  of  the  State  and  pronounced  the 
following  eulogy: 

Masonic  Record 

Worshipful  Master  Montezuma  Lodge  No.  1,  1924 
Grand  Master  of  Masons  in  New  Mexico,  1947-1948 
Charter  Member  Red  Cross  of  Constantine 
Member  Santa  Fe  Chapter  Royal  Arch  Masons 
Member  New  Mexico  Council,  Royal  Arch  Masons 
Member  Royal  Order  of  Scotland 
Coroneted  33°  Mason,  Scottish  Rite,  Oct.  21,  1931 
Deputy  of  the  Supreme  Council,  Scottish  Rite  in  New  Mexico 

since  1935 

Author  One  Hundred  Years  of  Masonry  in  New  Mexico. 
Voluminous  writings  and  lectures  on  Masonic  subjects  for  many 

years. 

These  briefly  are  the  highlights  of  his  Masonic  service  among  us. 

Masons  in  general  in  this  State  and  Scottish  Rite  in  particular  owe 


150  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

him  a  debt  of  gratitude  for  the  long  years  of  most  valuable  service 
in  their  cause,  and  the  splendid  leadership  which  he  has  rendered  in 
his  stewardship  over  these  long  years  of  tenure  in  high  office. 

It  is  a  debt  which  never  can  be  paid,  except  in  the  kindly  thoughts 
of  his  host  of  Masonic  friends,  and  the  satisfaction  he  must  have  felt 
in  the  knowledge  of  a  work  well  done. 

We  will  not  dwell  at  length  upon  the  details  of  his  service  of 
over  forty  years  to  the  institutions  and  government  of  this  State.  The 
details  of  this  service  have  lately  been  emphasized  in  the  public  press. 

Service  as  a  professor  in  our  university;  in  the  educational  de- 
partment of  our  State;  in  the  State  Tax  Commission;  on  the  Little 
Hoover  Commission;  but  most  of  all  service  as  the  director  of  the 
Taxpayers  Association  for  the  past  thirty-five  years. 

It  was  in  the  latter  field  that  his  deep  interest  in  public  problems 
chiefly  lay,  and  he  has  been  of  inestimable  value  to  the  State  in  the 
guidance  of  its  financial  problems,  by  analysis  and  advice. 

Due  largely  to  the  implicit  trust  in  his  ability,  integrity  and 
analysis  of  State  problems,  the  legislators  and  public  officials  have 
welcomed  and  sought  his  aid,  down  through  the  years,  with  untold 
benefit  to  its  citizens,  as  reflected  in  laws  and  regulations  suggested, 
and  limitations  adopted  as  standards  in  our  tax  laws  and  budget 
systems,  looking  to  the  stability  of  our  finances. 

As  friends  of  long  standing  may  we  offer  a  brief  appreciation 
of  Rupert,  the  man. 

He  was  a  Christian  gentleman  in  all  the  true  meaning  of  that 
word; — a  man  of  unusual  industry  and  effective  performance.  In  his 
passing  our  State  has  lost  perhaps  the  most  useful  person  ever  to 
have  served  her  and  Masonry  has  lost  a  splendid  Mason  and  a  very 
dear  brother. 

To  his  wife  and  family  we  extend  our  deepest  sympathy  in  this 
hour  of  bereavement  and  the  loss  they  have  sustained,  in  which  loss 
we  all  share. 

We  will  remember  him  for  the  good  deeds  he  hath  wrought; — 
for  the  sincerity  of  his  purposes; — for  the  kindliness  of  his  thoughts; 
— for  the  outstanding  quality  of  his  intellect; — for  his  virtues  of  indus- 
try;— and  the  charity  of  his  mind; — for  his  upright  character,  and 
the  use  he  has  made  of  the  opportunities  of  this  life  to  serve  the 
common  good. 

We  are  comforted  in  the  belief  that  in  that  transition  to  the  new 
life,  he  will  receive  a  well  merited  reward. 

Peace  be  with  you  my  Brother. 

The  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  editorially  appraised 
Asplund's  career  as  a  civic  servant  in  the  following  words : 

Santa  Fe  and  the  entire  state  has  suffered  a  loss  in  the  passing 
of  Rupert  F.  Asplund,  who  died  here  Sunday  afternoon. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  151 

As  the  executive  director  of  the  Taxpayers  Association  of  New 
Mexico  for  the  past  third  of  a  century,  he  had  served  his  fellow- 
citizens  as  faithfully  and  as  truly  as  those  who  held  public  office. 

Rupert  Asplund  was  genuinely  concerned  with  furthering  the 
sound  progress  of  his  adopted  state.  He  was  more  interested  in  the 
sensible  expenditure  of  tax  revenues  than  in  merely  preventing  an 
increase  of  such  revenues. 

More  than  any  other  one  individual,  he  was  responsible  for  the 
adoption  of  modern  budgetary  practices  in  New  Mexico's  state  gov- 
ernment. He  was  a  staunch  protector  of  the  20-mill  tax  limitation  in 
effect  here,  yet  he  always  supported  the  idea  of  more  realistic  property 
assessments. 

Rupert  Asplund  was  offered  public  office  on  many  occasions — 
and  probably  could  have  been  the  Republican  nominee  for  Governor 
on  at  least  three  occasions.  Yet  he  sought  no  honors  other  than  those 
which  accompanied  the  important  but  usually  inconspicuous  career 
he  had  chosen  to  follow. 


Book  Reviews 

Black  Robes  in  Lower  California.  By  Peter  Masten  Dunne, 
S.J.  Berkeley,  California:  University  of  California 
Press,  1952.  Pp.  xiii,  540.  $6.50. 

The  story  of  the  Jesuit  missionary  adventure  in  Baja 
California  has  thus  far  been  sadly  neglected  by  modern 
historians,  except  for  a  few  articles,  the  works  of  Bancroft, 
and  a  number  of  unpublished  studies.  Now  this  fascinating 
topic  is  presented  in  detailed,  compact  form,  and  based  upon 
carefully  balanced  sources.  It  is  easily  the  first  important 
contribution  to  the  subject  since  the  English  translation  of 
Francisco  Javier  Clavigero's  History  of  (Lower)  California 
was  published  fifteen  years  ago.  Incidentally,  it  is  also  the 
fourth  study  by  Father  Dunne  concerning  Jesuit  mission 
enterprise  in  Mexico. 

As  in  the  author's  previous  volumes,  the  organization 
and  procedure  of  this  work  are  simple  and  straightforward. 
They  carry  the  story  of  Baja  California's  Jesuit  penetration 
directly  and  plainly  from  1697  to  the  expulsion  of  1768.  In- 
terpretations and  conclusions  are  mostly  based  upon  careful 
research,  with  a  wealth  of  footnote  references ;  and  there  is 
little  evidence  that  the  writer  is  unduly  swayed  by  loyalty  to 
his  order.  An  improvement  upon  some  of  his  earlier  studies 
is  a  more  thorough  appreciation  of  missionary  techniques 
and  of  geographical  and  economic  factors,  which  certainly 
ought  not  to  be  neglected  in  dealing  with  such  a  formidable 
country  as  Lower  California.  Six  of  the  thirty-two  chapters 
(I,  VI,  XVII,  XVIII,  XXVI  and  XXVII),  deal  more  or  less 
with  these  phases  of  the  subject,  and  still  more  of  them  are 
covered  in  the  Appendix  and  footnotes. 

Father  Dunne  shows  considerable  skill  in  delineating 
character,  and  in  describing  the  fifty-six  Jesuit  padres  and 
fifteen  missions  of  Baja  California  he  has  ample  opportunity 
to  display  it.  Salvatierra,  Ugarte,  Picolo,  Bravo,  Baegert, 
Sistiaga,  Link,  Guillen,  Consag  and  Taraval  are  his  favored 
heroes,  and  rightly  so,  along  with  the  martyrs  Tamaral  and 
Carranco.  They  form  a  gallery  of  portraits  and  show  a 

152 


BOOK  REVIEWS  153 

range  of  character,  mostly  praiseworthy,  seldom  found  in 
the  annals  of  any  frontier. 

At  the  same  time  the  author  does  not  conceal  or  minimize 
the  methods  of  persuasion  used  by  the  missionaries  and 
their  soldier  aides  upon  the  peninsular  Indians — combina- 
tions of  threats,  benevolence  and  exhortation.  It  is  quite 
evident  that  much  of  the  padres'  influence  upon  the  hungry 
natives  was  based  upon  the  practice  of  regularly  feeding 
them,  although  the  principle  is  certainly  not  unknown  in 
other  religious  fields  and  faiths.  What  may  be  called  the 
technique  of  interrupted  punishment  and  eleventh-hour  par- 
don for  rebellious  Indians  was  also  very  effective,  as  Father 
Dunne  indicates.  When  all  is  said  on  this  matter,  though, 
the  fact  remains  that  we  can  never  positively  know  what 
the  Indians  themselves  actually  thought  of  the  mission  sys- 
tem as  a  whole.  There  were  of  course  examples  of  extreme 
devotion  toward  some  padres  as  individual  protectors  and 
benefactors.  But  the  extent  to  which  the  Indians  were  truly 
civilized  or  were  loyal  to  white  men  or  to  the  Christian  faith 
in  general,  will  probably  always  remain  unknown.  And  as 
the  author  and  many  of  his  sources  of  authority  freely  ad- 
mit, the  gathering  of  the  natives  into  close  and  well-clothed 
communities,  exposed  to  a  wide  variety  of  new  diseases, 
could  be  nothing  less  than  catastrophic  to  them,  individually 
and  racially,  whether  they  appreciated  the  fact  or  not. 

Here  and  there  the  book  might  have  been  better  balanced. 
For  example,  some  of  the  space  devoted  in  Chapter  XXIV 
to  the  details  of  Jesuit  travel  from  Europe  to  Baja  Cali- 
fornia, might  well  have  been  spent  in  rounding  out  the  whole 
peninsular  mission  story  by  briefly  describing  the  post- 
Jesuit  Dominican  regime  in  Baja  California  in  Chapter 
XXXII.  If  the  Dominican  story  lies  outside  the  province  of 
a  Jesuit  historian,  so  does  the  Franciscan  northward  ad- 
vance into  Alta  California,  to  which  so  much  consideration 
is  given  in  this  final  chapter. 

A  few  small  errors  might  be  noted  and  a  few  questions 
raised.  On  most  maps  the  low,  sandy  island  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Rio  Colorado  is  listed  as  Montague,  not  "Montabue" 
(p.  212).  A  ship  is  usually  said  to  founder  rather  than 


154  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  "flounder"  (p.  57).  We  are  left  in  doubt  as  to  whether 
Padre  Miguel  Barco  was  an  Italian  (p.  311),  or  a  Spaniard 
(p.  452).  Is  not  the  island  of  "Angel  Custodio"  visited  by 
Padre  Link  in  1765  (p.  383),  the  same  as  Angel  de  la 
Guardia,  off  the  east  coast  of  the  peninsula?  (Cf.  Clavigero, 
pp.  20,  345).  If  so,  it  must  surely  have  been  discovered  by 
an  earlier  Gulf  navigator  than  Ugarte.  And  why  cannot  the 
first  or  eastern  location  of  Todos  Santos  mission  be  more 
clearly  indicated  (p.  193)  ?  The  fold-in  map  which,  together 
with  some  good  photographic  illustrations,  accompanies  the 
work,  could  have  been  made  much  more  useful  by  the  addi- 
tion of  a  few  more  details  such  as  peninsular  river  valleys, 
harbors,  mountains  and  islands,  as  well  as  by  a  few  routes 
of  explorers. 

In  general,  however,  this  is  an  excellent  piece  of  histori- 
cal literature.  If  at  times  the  Jesuit  peninsular  mission 
system  seems  a  little  fatuous,  and  if  the  traces  of  its  labors 
are  few  and  rare  today,  it  is  still  undeniable  that  the  padres 
separately  and  collectively  put  forth  a  splendid  effort.  Their 
mistakes  were  largely  the  common  mistakes  of  their  cultural 
period  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  America.  Their  achievements 
were  mainly  transitory  and  in  the  realm  of  the  spirit,  but 
some  of  them  added  to  the  world's  geographical  and  scien- 
tific knowledge.  Father  Dunne  has  narrated  the  failures, 
mistakes  and  triumphs  with  a  commendable  degree  of  ob- 
jectivity as  well  as  understanding  and  kindly  sympathy.  His 
book  is  to  be  highly  recommended. 
Arizona  State  College.  RUFUS  KAY  WYLLYS 

The  Comanches:  Lords  of  the  South  Plains.  By  Ernest  Wal- 
lace and  E.  Adamson  Hoebel.  Norman:  University  of 
Oklahoma  Press,  1952.  Pp.  xviii,  382.  $5.00. 

The  latest  volume  of  the  University  of  Oklahoma's 
Civilization  of  the  American  Indian  Series  is  a  definitive 
account  of  the  life  of  a  tribe  long  needing  such  analysis. 
Successful  in  their  purpose  of  writing  a  popular  yet  instruc- 
tive description  of  the  Comanches,  the  authors  have  com- 
bined their  historical  and  anthropological  knowledge  in  a 


BOOK  REVIEWS  155 

book  presenting  all  the  advantages  and  few  apparent  dis- 
advantages of  collaboration.  The  historian  can  regret  that 
historical  information  seems  rather  hurried,  scant,  and 
generally  indicative  of  further  significant  detail  unrevealed. 
Yet  the  anthropologist,  who  will  certainly  welcome  the 
wealth  of  facts  depicting  peculiar  Comanche  customs,  may 
also  be  aroused  to  wish  for  more  than  this  type  of  book  can 
provide. 

A  tremendous  amount  of  the  material  now  so  compe- 
tently provided  for  public  use,  was  gathered  by  a  party  of 
The  Santa  Fe  Laboratory  of  Anthropology  in  1933  under 
the  direction  of  Professor  Ralph  Linton  of  Yale  with  Mr. 
Hoebel  as  one  of  its  members.  To  New  Mexicans,  so  com- 
pact yet  thorough  a  coverage  of  the  life  of  their  north- 
eastern neighbors  will  prove  of  much  value.  Historical 
details  of  the  part  played  by  the  tribe  in  New  Mexican  de- 
velopment will  need  to  be  sought  elsewhere;  but  how  the 
Comanches  lived  and  loved,  hunted  and  rode,  worked  and 
played,  and  fought  and  worshipped  will  probably  never  be 
so  clearly  and  fully  described  by  others  within  such  reason- 
able limits.  The  authors  so  completely  distinguished  the 
Comanches  from  their  related  neighbors  of  the  Plains  that 
no  reader  will  ever  again  feel  justified  in  over-generalizing 
regarding  Indians.  To  any  one  primarily  acquainted  with 
Pueblo  Indians,  such  a  book  will  provide  an  excellent  de- 
scription of  an  antithetical  yet  not  geographically  distant 
type  of  life.  While  Texans  and  Mexicans  will  remember  the 
Comanches  only  with  keen  disgust,  New  Mexicans  peculiarly 
will  have  reason  to  regard  them  at  times  even  as  having 
been  collaborators.  The  transition  of  the  Comanches  from 
mustang-mounted  warriors  to  peyote-drugged  cattle  leasers 
is  told  without  evident  prejudice.  A  life  now  gone  is  re- 
captured as  reminiscences  of  the  last  survivors  enable  veri- 
fication of  Comanche  legends  and  traditions. 

As  one  has  learned  to  expect,  the  publishers  have  pro- 
duced a  beautiful  book.  Footnotes  are  at  the  bottom  of  the 
pages  and  a  satisfactory  bibliography  and  index  are  in- 
cluded. The  reviewer  noticed  only  one  typographical  error, 
as  a  Pennsylvanian  being  quite  astounded  to  find  a  Co- 


156  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

manche  interpreter  referred  to  as  a  "Carlyle"  graduate  (p. 
160) .  His  surprise  at  the  moment  is  indicative  of  his  admir- 
ation for  a  book  he  hopes  New  Mexicans  and  other  Comanche 
neighbors  will  find  most  useful.  His  wish  for  more  historical 
detail  will  some  day  be  fulfilled  and  in  the  meantime  the 
anthropological  presentation  will  serve  as  a  model  for  those 
writing  about  other  tribes. 
Lycoming  College  LORING  B.  PRIEST 

History  of  the  Americas.  By  John  Francis  Bannon.  New 
York:  McGraw-Hill  Book  Company,  Inc.,  1952.  Vol.  I, 
"The  Colonial  Americas,"  pp.  xii,  582;  Vol.  II,  "The 
American  Nations,"  pp.  xi,  568.  Maps.  Each  volume 
$5.50. 

The  scholar  who  sets  out  to  compress  the  history  of  all 
the  Americas  between  the  covers  of  two  volumes  of  less 
than  gigantic  size  is  undertaking  a  task  of  no  mean  propor- 
tions. Nothing  less  than  a  brave  man  would  approach  the 
project,  knowing  that  the  Americas  cover  more  than  15,- 
000,000  square  miles,  give  sustenance  to  more  than  300,- 
000,000  people,  and  comprise  twenty-two  nations,  not  to 
mention  the  numerous  colonial  segments  here  and  there. 

The  nature  of  the  task  requires  a  combination  of  the 
topical  and  the  chronological  arrangements.  The  author 
pursues  the  story  of  the  Anglo-American  sections  a  certain 
distance,  shifts  to  the  Latin- American  for  a  time,  then  back, 
thus  covering  the  colonial  period  in  the  first  volume.  He 
concludes  this  volume,  of  course,  with  the  story  of  the  Amer- 
ican Revolution — not  neglecting  the  "Early  Years  of  British 
Canada" — then  sketches  the  revolutions  in  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  America.  A  very  helpful  chapter  entitled  "The 
Colonial  Centuries  in  Retrospect"  concludes  the  first  volume. 

The  second,  covering  as  it  does  the  history  of  the  period 
of  independence  of  the  twenty-two  nations,  presents  prob- 
lems which  were  perhaps  more  difficult  of  solution  than 
those  of  the  earlier  period.  But  the  student  (these  volumes 
are  intended  for  use  as  textbooks)  is  piloted  skilfully 
through  the  maze  in  such  fashion  that  he  should  come  out 


BOOK  REVIEWS  157 

with  some  very  definite  ideas  and  with  some  appreciation 
of  the  individuality  of  the  score  or  more  of  nations.  The  first 
hundred  pages  relate  United  States  history  through  the 
Civil  War.  The  next  section  of  a  hundred  pages  takes  the 
student  through  the  history  of  the  Latin  Americas  to  about 
1880.  The  Anglo-Americas  then  get  their  innings,  the  story 
carrying  the  United  States  and  Canada  down  to  about  the 
First  World  War.  Come  next  the  World  War  and  the  Amer- 
icas, and  the  final  sections  cover  the  later  period  of  the 
1900's. 

Necessarily,  the  writer  must  compress.  This  entails  a 
great  deal  of  omission,  but  omissions  have  been  made  judi- 
ciously and  the  style  in  which  the  material  is  presented  is 
such  that  the  reader  does  not  feel  that  he  is  reading  merely 
a  catalogue  of  facts  and  dates. 

There  are  many  helpful  maps,  though  some  are  so  in- 
clusive as  to  be  difficult  to  read.  Other  illustrations  have 
not  been  used — which  amounts,  perhaps,  to  a  gentle  criti- 
cism. 

The  tone  of  the  volumes  is  liberal;  the  presentation  of 
controversial  matter  is  objective  and,  the  reviewer  believes, 
fair.  Altogether,  one  must  conclude  that  Professor  Bannon 
has  performed  a  difficult  task  in  an  admirable  fashion. 
State  University  of  New  York, 
College  for  Teachers,  Albany.  WATT  STEWART 

Thunder  in  the  Southwest:  Echoes  from  the  Wild  Frontier. 
By  Oren  Arnold.  Norman :  The  University  of  Oklahoma 
Press.  Pp.  237.  $3.75. 

As  stated  in  the  prologue  this  collection  of  sixteen  tales 
is  neither  fiction  nor  history  in  the  conventional  sense. 

The  stories  are  interesting  enough  although  some  are 
shopworn  and  could  do  without  retelling.  Others,  however, 
are  comparatively  unknown  and  stand  up  better.  The  au- 
thor has  not  only  used  folklore  freely  but  has  at  times  re- 
verted to  the  style  of  Ned  Buntline  or  some  contemporary 
of  his.  The  guns  go  "Crack!  Crack!"  or  "Bang!  Bang!"  or, 
on  occasion,  "Pow !"  And  after  all  that  has  a  certain  charm. 


158  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  illustrations  by  Eggenhoffer  are  good.  Nick  Eggen- 
hoffer's  illustrations  are  usually  good. 

All  in  all  the  book  accomplishes  what  it  set  out  to  do. 
Again  borrowing  from  the  prologue,  it  is  "a  happy,  hybrid 
combination  of  fact  and  folklore."   Not  an  essential  for  the 
western  shelf  but  a  pleasant  addition. 
Albuquerque,  N.  M.  BENNETT  FOSTER 

Man  Without  a  Star.  By  Dee  Linf ord.  New  York :  William 
Morrow  and  Company,  Inc.  Pp.  312.  $3.50. 

Dee  Linford's  first  novel  is  a  "Western"  with  a  differ- 
ence. In  situation,  characters,  and  solution  it  is  not  much 
different  from  a  thousand  other  examples  of  Wild  West  fic- 
tion. But  Mr.  Linford  comes  from  an  old  Wyoming  ranch 
family  and  has  a  feeling  for  the  landscape  and  history  of 
his  country  which  only  a  native  could  have. 

Jeff  Jimson  is  an  orphan  boy  when  the  story  opens.  He 
does  slave  labor  for  an  old  Scrooge  of  an  uncle  until  he  can't 
stand  it  any  longer.  Then  he  rides  the  rods  to  Wyoming. 
He  falls  in  love  with  Abby  Garrett,  daughter  of  the  owner 
of  the  great  Man  Head  ranch,  and  begins  a  long  campaign 
to  become  a  man  big  enough  to  interest  her. 

This  involves  rearranging  his  system  of  ethics.  In  Wyo- 
ming in  the  eighties  the  big  men  had  it  all  their  own  way. 
The  little  men  had  no  chance  at  all.  The  only  way  to  rise 
was  to  become  the  humble  and  useful  servant  of  one  of  the 
"bullionaires."  By  nature  Jeff  was  proud  and  loyal  to  his 
friends,  but  he  schooled  himself  to  subservience  and  double- 
dealing.  He  gained  his  reward  when  Wate  Garrett  approved 
his  engagement  to  Abby.  But  by  that  time  the  feud  between 
the  big  cattlemen  and  the  settlers  was  reaching  a  climax  and 
Jeff  had  to  take  the  side  of  the  little  men. 

Eventually  his  return  to  conscience  paid  off.  Garrett  had 
to  turn  to  Jeff  when  the  whole  country  rose  against  him  and 
mob  violence  flared  up.  But  the  whole  system  had  to  be 
broken  before  the  little  men  had  a  chance. 

This  conventional  plot  is  based  on  situations  which  ac- 
tually existed.  The  domination  of  the  range  country  by  a 
few  big  cattlemen  who  actually  owned  only  a  small  part  of 


BOOK   REVIEWS  159 

their  dominions — the  forcible  discouragement  of  settlers — 
the  tie-ups  with  officials  in  the  state  government — the 
baronial  establishments  of  the  rich  and  the  hopelessness  of 
the  small  operators — all  these  things  are  part  of  history, 
and  Dee  Linf  ord  knows  about  them. 

In  addition  he  knows  how  people  in  the  range  country 
talk,  and  how  they  feel  about  things.  He  knows  about  bone 
pickers  and  box  socials  and  wild  horses.  He  understands  land 
hunger  and  men  with  Jehovah  complexes  and  the  strong 
ties  which  grow  up  between  lonely  human  beings. 

He  has  not  freed  himself  from  formula  writing  enough 
to  have  written  a  first-class  novel,  but  he  has  the  basic  un- 
derstanding and  information  to  do  more  significant  work  in 
the  future. 
Texas  Western  College  C.  L.  SONNICHSEN 

The  United  States  as  Seen  by  Spanish  American  Writers, 
(1776-1890).  By  Jose  de  Onis.  New  York:  Hispanic 
Institute  in  the  United  States,  1952.  Pp.  226. 

A  question  often  asked  of  travelers  returning  from 
Spanish  America  is:  "What  do  they  think  of  the  United 
States?"  Dr.  Jose  de  Onis  has  answered  this  and  many 
other  questions  related  to  it  in  his  systematic  study  of 
attitudes  expressed  south  of  the  Rio  Grande  over  two 
important  periods  in  the  history  of  Inter-American  rela- 
tions. The  book  is  divided  into  four  principal  parts,  aside 
from  the  conclusions,  with  a  good  although  brief  account 
of  the  origin  of  the  relations  between  the  two  Americas, 
as  a  first  part.  Two  others  deal  with  the  two  periods 
(1776-1822  and  1823-1890),  and  the  last  one  deals  exclu- 
sively with  the  writings  of  Sarmiento.  The  project  is  not 
simple,  in  fact,  it  might  be  too  ambitious  considering  the 
threefold  task  which  the  author  has  undertaken.  He  says: 

It  is  the  purpose  of  this  study  to  determine  the  attitude 
of  the  Spanish  American  authors  toward  the  United  States 
during  two  main  periods,  namely :  the  era  of  the  Independence 
(1776-1822),  and  the  era  of  the  formation  of  the  Spanish 
American  nations  (1823-1890).  Its  object  is  to  analyze  the 
available  works  pertaining  to  this  subject  written  by  Spanish 
Americans,  to  ascertain  the  attitude  of  the  outstanding,  rep- 


160  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

resentative  authors,  as  well  as  the  characteristics  common 
to  all  writers  of  each  period,  and  to  trace  the  evolution  of 
certain  fundamental  ideas  in  the  literary  and  political  thought 
of  these  two  epochs. 

The  reader  can  see  at  a  glance  that  the  project  is  not 
limited  to  a  study  of  attitudes,  but  it  includes  literary 
criticism  and  content  evaluation.  How  to  keep  these  three 
elements  in  focus  and  combine  them  into  a  well  integrated 
whole  constitutes  a  difficult  problem  which  the  author  has 
solved  very  successfully.  It  is  quite  apparent  that  Onis 
had  a  considerable  amount  of  material  from  which  to 
select,  and  that  in  many  instances  he  found  it  necessary 
to  compress  a  great  deal  in  order  to  be  brief.  He  also  tells 
us  a  great  deal  of  what  writers  in  the  United  States  were 
saying  about  Spanish  America,  suggesting  perhaps  a  future 
project  to  be  undertaken  as  a  counterpart  to  this  study. 

The  author  points  out  that  there  was  some  degree  of 
coincidence  between  the  two  cultures  and  "a  marked  simi- 
larity between  the  psychology  of  the  people  of  the  two 
Americas"  at  the  time  of  colonization,  because  of  the  simi- 
larity of  circumstances.  While  this  is  a  passing  statement, 
it  raises  a  question  which  is  fundamental  in  differentiating 
between  English  and  Spanish  cultures.  It  was  the  difference 
in  the  "psychology"  of  colonization  that  produced  such 
diametrically  opposed  results  as  we  now  see  in  Anglo- 
America  and  Spanish-America. 

Professor  Onis  has  made  a  very  careful  selection  of 
authors  in  various  fields  in  order  to  give  a  wide  coverage 
to  the  opinions  expressed,  and  at  the  same  time  he  has 
selected  these  writers  on  the  basis  of  their  literary  merit 
and  serious  ideas.  He  includes  the  works  of  outstanding 
political  writers,  travelers,  statesmen,  literary  men  and 
teachers. 

Many  readers  will  discover  that  the  attitude  of  a  good 
number  of  Spanish  American  writers  was  not  one  of  rabid 
nationalism,  and  that  many  have  gone  so  far  as  to  advocate 
the  annexation  of  their  respective  countries  to  the  United 
States.  This  does  not  mean  that  Professor  Onis  has  been 
one-sided  or  partial  in  presenting  his  finds.  On  the  contrary, 


BOOK  REVIEWS  161 

he  has  avoided  this  pitfall  by  adhering  to  his  original 
statement : 

We  have  tried  to  find  out  and  present  to  the  reader  what 
the  various  authors  thought  about  the  United  States  and  why 
they  thought  as  they  did,  rather  than  to  prove  whether  their 
opinions  were  right  or  wrong. 

Anyone  acquainted  with  the  role  of  Domingo  Faustino 
Sarmiento  will  readily  see  why  his  case  had  to  be  treated 
in  a  separate  chapter.  One  would  expect  to  find  in  this 
portion  of  the  book,  however,  considerable  material  regard- 
ing Sarmiento's  keen  observations  about  American  life. 
Professor  Onis  passed  up  a  very  good  opportunity  to  add 
to  the  human  interest  of  his  story  including  the  Argen- 
tinian's account  of  American  family  life,  personal  relations 
and  other  details  in  which  he  manifested  a  keen  sense  of 
humor  and  understanding.  At  this  point,  Onis  seems  a 
bit  too  scholarly. 

The  book  does  not  end  with  the  Conclusions  as  one  would 
expect,  for  Professor  Onis  continues  his  discussion  to  the 
very  last  page.  This  seems  to  indicate  that  he  had  much 
more  material  than  the  extent  of  his  study  allowed  him  to 
use.  For  the  actual  summing  up  of  his  finds  one  must 
go  back  to  the  body  of  study  and  get  the  conclusions  pro- 
gressively. 

Today,  when  we  are  advocating  a  more  intelligent  under- 
standing and  a  closer  working  relationship  between  the 
United  States  and  other  nations,  a  book  such  as  this  one 
by  Jose  de  Onis  is  indeed  timely,  informative,  and  useful. 
His  study  is  not  merely  a  collection  of  opinions  by  a 
miscellaneous  group  of  Spanish  American  writers,  but  a 
careful  selection  of  authors  whom  the  Spanish  Americans 
themselves  consider  their  best  spokesmen.  Each  writer  is 
discussed  within  the  framework  of  ideas  which  prevailed 
at  the  time  both  in  Spanish  America  and  in  the  United 
States.  It  is  hoped  that  Dr.  Onis  will  undertake  what 
appears  to  be  a  sequel  to  his  present  work,  namely,  what 
writers  in  the  United  States  think  about  Spanish  America. 
University  of  Denver  ARTHUR  L.  CAMPA 


^Mexico 


Historical  "Review 


Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 


July,  1953 


Editors 
FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 

VOL.  XXVIII  JULY,  1953  No.  3 


CONTENTS 

Page 

New  Mexico  During  the  Civil  War 

William  I.  Waldrip 163 

The  First  Santa  Fe  Fiesta  Council,  1712 

Fray  Angelico  Chavez 183 

Bishop  Tamaron's  Visitation  of  New  Mexico,  1760 

Eleanor  B.  Adams,  editor 192 

Notes  and  Documents 222 

Book  Reviews  234 


THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
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$3.00  a  year  in  advance:  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
UNIVERSITY  PRESS,  ALBUQUERQUE,  N.  M. 


NEW  MEXICO    HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

VOL.  XXVIII  JULY,  1953  No.  3 

NEW  MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR* 
By  WILLIAM  I.  WALDRIP 

I  Confederate  and  Union  Interest  in 
New  Mexico 

A"1  THE  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  in  1861,  it  was  conceiva- 
ble that  the  conflict  would  have  slight  bearing  on  the 
Territory  of  New  Mexico,  which  at  that  time  was  a  remote, 
sparsely  populated  and  relatively  little  known  section  of  the 
United  States.  Yet  the  opportunity  to  acquire  potential  min- 
eral wealth,  military  equipment  and  personnel,  and  a  route 
to  other  richer  territories  proved  attractive  to  the  Confed- 
erate States. 

Texas  was  especially  interested  in  New  Mexico,  not 
only  because  of  the  contiguity  of  New  Mexico,  but  because 
of  animosities  aroused  by  the  ill-fated  Santa  Fe-Texas  Ex- 
pedition of  1841.  Texas  had  considered  the  Rio  Grande  as 
her  western  boundary,  and  intended,  if  possible,  to  make 
good  her  claim.  If  this  were  not  possible,  the  expedition  ex- 
pected to  open  trade  with  Santa  Fe.1  The  Texans  were  cap- 
tured by  General  Manuel  Armijo  and  unceremoniously  taken 
to  Mexico  City  before  being  released.2  Although  the  boun- 
dary matter  was  settled  by  the  Compromise  of  I860,3  the 
memory  of  1841  undoubtedly  rankled  in  Texas  hearts. 


•Master  of  Arts  thesis,  Department  of  History,  University  of  New  Mexico,  1950. 

1.  Herbert  E.  Bolton  and  Eugene  C.  Barker,  editors,   With  the  Makers  of  Texas 
(New  York:   American   Book  Company,   1904),   in   Objects  of  the  Santa   Fe  Expedi- 
tion by  George  Wilkins  Kendall,  pp.  236-8. 

2.  Ralph    E.    Twitchell,    The    Leading    Facts   of   New    Mexican    History    (Cedar 
Rapids,   Iowa:   The   Torch   Press,    1911-1917),   II,   78-9. 

3.  J.  G.  Randall,  The  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction    (Boston:  D.  C.  Heath  and 
Company,  1937),  p.  124. 

163 


164  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  mineral  wealth  of  the  West  was  a  further  incentive 
for  Confederate  conquest.  Colonel  John  R.  Baylor,  a  Con- 
federate military  leader,  recognized  the  value  of  "the  vast 
mineral  resources  of  Arizona.  .  .  ,"  4  while  the  gold  of  Cali- 
fornia would  assuredly  be  important  to  the  South  which  was 
cut  off  from  such  precious  metals.5  However,  before  minerals 
from  these  areas  could  be  made  available  to  the  Confederacy, 
New  Mexico  must  necessarily  be  conquered.  The  North  was 
not  insensible  to  western  gold.  President  Lincoln  considered 
it  ". . .  the  life  blood  of  our  financial  credit."  6 

Aside  from  metallic  ores,  there  was  other  wealth  in  the 
West.  Secretary  of  War  John  B.  Floyd7  of  the  Buchanan 
administration  sent  vast  quantities  of  supplies  to  western 
and  southwestern  forts,  and  New  Mexico  received  its  share.8 
The  suggestion  was  made  to  Confederate  President  Jeffer- 
son Davis  that 

Now  might  it  not  be  well,  secretly  of  course  and  at  an 
early  moment,  to  fit  out  an  expedition  to  New  Mexico.  .  .  .  ? 
The  stores,  supplies,  and  munitions  of  war  within  New  Mexico 
and  Arizona  are  immense,  and  I  am  decidedly  of  opinion 
that  the  game  is  well  worth  the  ammunition.  This  movement, 
if  undertaken  soon  enough,  would  undoubtedly  have  the 
effect  to  overawe  and  intimidate  the  Mexican  element,  which 
comprises  at  least  nineteen-twentieths  of  our  population.9 

The  South  needed  manpower  as  well  as  money  and  sup- 
plies. Major  T.  T.  Teel  of  the  Confederate  forces  believed 


4.  U.  S.  War  Department,  War  of  the  Rebellion:  A  Compilation  of  the  Official 
Records  of  the  Union  and  Confederate  Armies  (Washington:  Government  Printing 
Office,  1881-1901),  I,  4:23.  Baylor  to  Van  Dorn.  August  14,  1861.  (The  Records  here- 
after are  cited  as  O.  R.) 

6.  William  C.  Whitford,  Colorado  Volunteers  in  the  Civil  War:  New  Mexico 
Campaign  in  186S  (Denver:  The  State  Historical  and  Natural  History  Society,  1906), 
p.  12.  (Preface  by  Jerome  C.  Smiley) 

6.  Charles    S.    Walker,    "Causes    of   the   Confederate    Invasion    of    New    Mexico," 
NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  8:85,  April  1933.  Citing  Latham  Anderson,  "Canby's 
Services   in  the  New  Mexican   Campaign,"   Battles  and  Leaders,   II,   697. 

7.  Allen  Johnson  and  Dumas  Malone,  editors.  Dictionary  of  American  Biography, 
under  the  Auspices  of  the  American  Council  of  Learned  Societies  (New  York:  Charles 
Scribner's  Sons,   1928-1936),  VI,  482-8.  Floyd,  a  former  governor  of  Virginia,  trans- 
ferred   a    large    number    of    flint-lock    muskets    to    southern    arsenals    to    make    room 
for  a  new  type  percussion   rifle.   Although   attempts   were  made,   it  was  not  possible 
to  sell  all  of  the  older  type   weapon,   thus   the   transfer.    Floyd,   until  his   retirement 
from  the  position  of  Secretary  of  War,   was  a  strong  opponent  of  secession. 

8.  Whitford,  op.  cit.,  p.  26. 

9.  O.  R..  I,  4:97.   Me  Willie  to  President  Davis,   June   SO,    1861,   quoted   in   letter 
from  A.   T.  Bledsoe  to  General  Ben  McCuIlough,  August   1,   1861. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  165 

that  "...  there  were  scattered  all  over  the  Western  States 
and  Territories  Southern  men  who  were  anxiously  awaiting 
an  opportunity  to  join  the  Confederate  army;  .  .  ,"10  Baylor 
also  believed  that  the  South  would  be  able  "...  to  get  hun- 
dreds of  good  Southern  men,  well  armed  and  mounted,  who 
are  anxious  to  join  our  cause.  . .  ."u  To  allow  for  this  possi- 
bility, authorization  was  given  ".  .  .  to  take  into  the  Con- 
federate States  service  all  disaffected  officers  and  soldiers  on 
the  original  commissions  of  the  former  and  enlistments  of 
the  latter."12 

Material  resources  were  important  to  the  South,  but  the 
intangible  assets  of  prestige  and  political  advantage  were  no 
less  so.  The  Union  military  leadership  in  New  Mexico  itself 
believed  that  "the  conquest  of  it  [New  Mexico]  is  a  great 
political  feature  of  the  rebellion.  It  will  gain  the  rebels  a 
name  and  prestige  over  Europe,  and  operate  against  the 
Union  cause."13 

A  Union  leader  in  reflecting  on  the  invasion  concluded 
that 

the  remote  and  unimportant  territory  of  New  Mexico  was  not 
the  real  object  of  the  invasion.  The  Confederate  leaders  were 
striking  at  much  higher  game — no  less  than  the  conquest  of 
California,  Sonora,  Chihuahua,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and 
Utah." 

However,  even  if  New  Mexico  was  not  the  main  target,  its 
conquest  was  necessary  if  the  larger  scheme  was  to  be 
achieved.  Aside  from  New  Mexico  being  necessary  as  a 
gateway  to  California  it  also  contained  the  shortest,  easiest, 
and  cheapest  route  to  the  Coast.15  Too,  New  Mexico  was 
bounded  on  the  south  by  Mexico,  the  only  neutral  country 
from  which  the  Confederates  could  gain  supplies  by  land, 
and  also  export  goods.16 


10.  Whitford,  op.  cit.,  p.  13. 

11.  O.  R.,   I,   4:135.   Baylor  to   McCullough,    November    10,    1861. 

12.  Ibid.,  I,   4:93.   Cooper  to   Sibley,   July   8,   1861. 

13.  Ibid.,  I,  9  :634.  Report  from  N.  M.  Hq.  to  General  Halleck,  February  28,  1862. 

14.  Walker,  op.  cit.,  p.  81. 

15.  Sylvester    Mowry,    Arizona   and   Sonora:    The    Geography,    History,    and    Re- 
sources of  the  Silver  Region  of  North  America    (New   York:   Harper  and   Brothers, 
Publishers,    1866),   pp.   223-4. 

16.  Frank  L.  Owsley,  King  Cotton  Diplomacy   (Chicago:  The  University  of  Chi- 
cago   Press,    1931),   p.    88. 


166  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Although  Bancroft  judged  that  an  invasion  gave  the 
Texans,  who  were  primarily  involved  in  such  a  move,  a 
chance  to  display  their  patriotism,17  possibly  the  attempt 
would  not  have  been  made  if  there  had  not  been  indications 
that  conquest  would  prove  simple.  As  early  as  September, 
1861,  Baylor  wrote  optimistically  that  "New  Mexico  can 
now  be  easily  taken."18 

One  of  the  primary  reasons  for  this  optimistic  outlook 
lay  in  the  passage  of  an  act  by  the  legislature  to  protect 
slave  property  in  the  Territory.19  Although  repealed  in  De- 
cember, 1861,  superficially  its  passage  indicated  slavery 
sentiment;  the  law  was  branded  in  Congress  as  one  that 
".  . .  would  mantle  with  blushes  the  face  of  Caligula."20 

Southern  leadership  was  well  aware  of  the  dissatisfac- 
tion among  the  regular  Federal  troops  because  of  "want  of 
pay,"  and  also  of  the  lack  of  Union  reinforcements.21  Canby 
urgently  requested  supplies,22  and  complained  especially  of 
the  lack  of  funds  to  pay  regulars  and  volunteers  alike.23  He 
cited  the  "very  great  embarrassments"  caused  by  lack  of 
money  for  troop  payments.24  Complaints  were  heard  too  of 
alleged  attempts  "by  secret  agents  of  Texas"  to  encourage 
desertion  in  the  Union  ranks.25 

Brigadier-General  H.  H.  Sibley,  the  Union  leader  who 
went  over  to  the  Texans,  regretted  his  "sickly  sentimental- 
ity" in  not  bringing  his  old  command  with  him.26  Captain 
Smith  Simpson,  U.  S.  A.,  who  doubted  if  any  success  would 
have  crowned  such  an  attempt,  stated  that,  "I  don't  think 
he  [Sibley]  tried  any  missionary  work  with  anybody,  for 


17.  Hubert  H.   Bancroft,   Arizona  and  New   Mexico,   1530-1888    (San   Francisco: 
The  History  Company,  Publishers,  1888),  p.  686. 

18.  O.  R.,  I,  4:109.  Baylor  to  Van  Dorn,  September  24,   1861. 

19.  Laws  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico.  Passed  by  the  Legislative  Assembly, 
Session  of  1861-6S   (Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico:  Putnam  O'Brien,  Printer,  1862),  p.  6. 

20.  Congressional  Globe,  36th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  515. 

21.  O.  R.,  I,  4:128.  Baylor  to  Hart,  October  24,   1861. 

22.  Ibid.,  I,  4:65  Canby  to  Western  Dept.  Hq.,  August  16,   1861. 

23.  Ibid,,  I,   4:75.   Canby  to  Paymaster-General,   November   18,    1861. 

24.  Ibid.,  I,  4:79.  Canby  to  Washington  Hq.,  December  8,  1861. 

25.  Ibid.,   I,    4:39.   Major   G.   R.    Paul  to   N.    M.    Hq.,   June   16,    1861.    However, 
Horace   Greeley   in   his   American  Conflict   says   that   "of   the   1,200    regulars    in    New 
Mexico,   one  only  deserted  during  this   time  of  trial,   and  he,   it  is   believed,   did   not 
join   the   enemy." 

26.  O.  R.,  I,  4:55.  Sibley  to  Loring,  June  12,  1861. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  167 

there  were  men  who  had  their  opinion  on  the  North  and  the 
South."27 

The  Indians  were  an  important  element  in  any  invasion 
attempt.  Bancroft  held  that  the  Apaches  and  Navahos  were 
factors  in  the  war,  not  as  partisans,  but  because  troops  were 
necessarily  diverted  against  them.28  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior Smith  accused  "disloyal"  Texans  of  stirring  up  the 
Indians  in  New  Mexico.29  Whether  the  above  was  true  or 
not,  the  Indians  north  of  the  Red  River  were  considered 
allies  of  the  Confederates.30  The  ubiquitous  M.  H.  McWillie 
suggested  the  use  of  Cherokees  and  Choctaws  against  the 
native  population.31 

Finally,  the  South  placed  some  reliance  upon  what  they 
believed  was  a  strong  secession  movement  in  the  West,  which 
they  hoped  to  encourage.  The  Mormons  in  Utah  were  de- 
pended upon  because  of  their  differences  with  the  Federal 
government  over  polygamy,32  while  there  were  known  seces- 
sionists in  Arizona33  and  Colorado.34  The  native  New  Mexi- 
cans were  expected  to  do  their  part,35  and  Confederate  hopes 
were  so  high  farther  West  that  Baylor  requested  that  troops 
be  placed  in  Arizona,  as  "California  is  on  the  eve  of  a  revo- 
lution."36 A  soldier  with  Sibley  recalled  that  a  group  of 
"renegades  in  California  and  Oregon"  asked  that  3,000  Tex- 
ans be  sent  to  Tucson  where  10,000  westerners  would  meet 
them  and  the  whole  group 

....  would  switch  off  down  in  and  take  Sonora,  Chihuahua, 
Durango  and  Tamaulipas  and  add  them  to  the  Confederacy. 


27.  Edwin  L.  Sabin,  Kit  Carson  Days,  1809-1886    (New  York:  The  Press  of  the 
Pioneers,  Inc.,  1935),  II,  676. 

28.  Bancroft,  op.  tit.,  p.  686. 

29.  Congressional   Globe,    37th   Congress,    2nd    Session,    November    30,    1861,    Ap- 
pendix, p.  12. 

30.  O.  R.,  I,  1 :628.  Major  E.  Kirby  Smith  to  Secretary  of  War,  April  20,  1861. 

31.  Ibid.,  I,  4:97.  McWillie  to  Davis,  June  30,  1861. 

32.  C.  H.   Claudy,  editor,  My  Story  by  Anson  Mills:  Brigadier  General,    U.S.A., 
(Washington,  D.   C. :   Press  of  Byron  S.  Adams,   1918),  p.   106.   Mills,  in  a  conversa- 
tion  with   Brigham   Young  after   the   war,    was    told  that  the  U.   S.    Flag   flew   over 
the  temple  every  day  during  the  conflict. 

88.     Whitford,  op.  eft.,  p.  27.  Whitford  held  that  Arizona  was  almost  unanimously 
for   the    Confederacy. 

34.  O.   R.,   I,    4:73.    Governor   Gilpin    of   Colorado    to    Canby,    October   26,    1861. 
Gilpin  placed  the  number  of  secessionists  at   7,500. 

35.  Bancroft,  op.  eft.,  p.  686. 

86.     O.  R.,  I,  4:149.  Baylor  to  Secretary  of  War,  November  2,  1861. 


168  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Whereupon  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  commissioned  one  H.  H.  Sib- 
ley  ...  as  a  Brigadier  General,  ...  to  proceed  forthwith 
without  the  loss  of  time  or  failure  to  swipe  the  whole  thing.3? 

While  the  South  was  aware  of  the  importance  of  the 
Territory  of  New  Mexico  and  was  planning  its  seizure, 
Washington  apparently  lacked  a  similar  interest,  or  was 
perhaps  too  occupied  elsewhere.  Secretary  of  Interior  Caleb 
B.  Smith,  however,  wrote  to  Secretary  of  War  Simon  Cam- 
eron calling  attention  to  the  danger  to  which  New  Mexico 
was  exposed,  and  also  reporting  that  disloyalty  was  evident 
in  the  Union  army  there.38  The  reply,  which  was  not  entirely 
satisfactory,  stated  that  "...  measures  have  been  or  will  be 
taken  commensurate  with  its  [New  Mexico's]  importance."39 
Cameron  received  further  advice  when  it  was  suggested  to 
him  that  if  that  "...  imperfectly  loyalized  region  of  our 
country  ..."  was  to  be  saved,  protection  against  both  In- 
dians "...  and  the  rebellious  domestic  foe  ..."  must  be 
provided.40  Smith  continued  these  efforts,41  but  the  Terri- 
tory was  largely  ignored.42 

Poor  communications  with  the  East  were  further  cause 
for  neglect  of  the  Territory.  There  was  not  a  railroad  or 
telegraph  within  a  thousand  miles  of  southern  New  Mex- 
ico.43 The  nearest  telegraph,  a  single  wire,  served  Colorado, 
the  northern  neighbor  of  the  Territory.44  This  wire  reached 
Julesburg,  Colorado,  in  1861,  but  was  not  extended  farther 
west  until  the  end  of  1863.45  If  the  East  was  indifferent 
and  uninformed,  New  Mexico  too  found  herself  relying 
largely  on  rumors  as  to  what  actually  was  transpiring  on 
the  outside.46 


37.  Theophilus  Noel,  Autobiography  and  Reminiscences  of  Theophilus  Noel   (Chi- 
cago: The  Noel  Company  Print,   1904),  pp.  66-57. 

38.  O.  R.,  I,  53:490.  Smith  to  Cameron,  May  11,  1861. 

39.  Ibid.,  I,   1:605.   Cameron  to  Smith,   May  20,   1861. 

40.  Ibid.,  I,   4:53.   Perry  E.   Brocchus  to  Cameron,  July   3,    1861. 

41.  W.  W.  Mills,  Forty  Years  at  El  Paso,  1858-1898  (El  Paso,  Texas,  1901),  p.  71. 

42.  A.  A.  Hayes,  Jr.,  New  Colorado  and  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  (New  York:  Harper 
and    Brothers,    1880),    p.    165. 

43.  Mills,  op.  eft.,  p.  15. 

44.  Whitford,  op.  eft.,  p.  20. 

45.  Ovando    J.    Hollister,    The    Mines    of    Colorado    (Springfield,    Massachusetts: 
Samuel  Bowles  and  Company,   1867),   p.    124. 

46.  Loomis  M.   Ganaway,   New  Mexico  and  the  Sectional  Controversy,    1846-1861 
(Albuquerque,   New   Mexico:   University   of   New  Mexico   Press,    1944),   p.    93.    Citing 
Rencher  to  Bates,  June  4,  1861.    [VoL  XII,  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico,   Publi- 
cations in  History.] 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  169 

II  Confederate  Successes 

Shortly  before  actual  hostilities  began  in  the  East, 
Colonel  W.  W.  Loring,  a  native  of  Florida,  when  assuming 
command  of  the  New  Mexico  Department  for  the  Federal 
government,  reported  unrest  among  both  the  troops  and  the 
civilians.1  Nevertheless  orders  were  received  in  New  Mexico 
for  the  transfer  of  a  large  part  of  the  regular  troops  to 
Leavenworth.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Edward  R.  S.  Canby  was 
to  accompany  them.2 

As  the  North  and  South  squared  off  for  battle,  the  Terri- 
tory shared  in  the  alignments  of  loyalty  which  were  taking 
place  over  the  nation.  Loring,  placing  Canby  in  charge,  left 
for  Fort  Fillmore  to  await  action  on  his  request  for  dis- 
charge.3 Although  Canby  assumed  command,  there  were 
reports  that  Frederick  P.  Stanton,  a  former  acting  governor 
of  Kansas,  had  received  the  appointment  as  commanding 
general  in  New  Mexico  and  was  on  his  way  West.4 

Canby,  warming  to  his  task,  soon  began  to  alert  Wash- 
ington as  to  the  possible  danger  which  the  Territory  must 
face.  He  reported  that 

...  it  is  positively  known  that  a  considerable  force  of  Texan 
troops  is  now  on  the  march  for  El  Paso  or  that  neighborhood, 
with  the  ostensible  object  of  garrisoning  Forts  Quitman  and 
Bliss.5 

A  week  later  a  similar  report  was  sent,  although  the  attack 
was  then  anticipated  along  the  Canadian  River.6 

While  keeping  higher  headquarters  informed  as  to  the 
situation,  Canby  at  the  same  time  warned  his  own  outer 
defenses.  Major  Isaac  Lynde  at  Fillmore  was  relied  upon 
to  exert  his  "zeal  and  judgement"  in  defending  his  post,  and 


1.  O.  R.,  I,   1:599.   Loring  to   Thomas,  March   23,    1861. 

2.  Ibid.,  I,  1:604.  Special  Order  No.  86%,  May  17,  1861. 

3.  Ibid.,   I,    1:606.   Canby  to  Wash.   Hq.,   June   11,   1861. 

4.  Office   of    Indian    Affairs,    Letters    Received    (National    Archive,    Washington, 
D.   C.   Microfilm   copy   in    Library,   University  of    New   Mexico).    (Hereafter   cited   as 
L.  R.)   Micro.  No.  155,  F.  M.  Arny  to  Charles  E.  Mix,  June  26,  1861.  Dictionary  of 
American  Biography  mentions   that   Stanton,  a  former  congressman   from   Tennessee, 
had   gone   to    Kansas    as    secretary   of   the   territory    with    a    pro-slavery    background. 
He  later  became  a  Free-State  party  member,  partially  because  of  his  dismissal  from 
office,   XVII,   523-4. 

5.  O.  R.,  I,  4:44.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  June  23,   1861. 

6.  Ibid.,  I,   4:50.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  June  30,   1861. 


170  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

also  encouraged  to  attempt  the  seizure  of  El  Paso.7  A  short 
time  later  he  was  advised  that  "...  it  is  positively  known 
that  movements  against  New  Mexico  are  on  foot,  .  .  .  "8 
Although  emphasis  was  placed  on  possible  attack  from  the 
south,  Fort  Union  to  the  northeast  was  prompted  against 
possible  assault  on  Union  wagon  trains  arriving  from  Mis- 
souri.9 

Granting  that  valiant  efforts  were  made  by  the  Federal 
leadership  in  the  Territory  to  save  New  Mexico  to  the  Union, 
the  number  of  troops  involved  was  scarcely  commensurate 
with  that  effort.  The  aggregate  reported  by  the  New  Mex- 
ico Department  for  the  middle  of  June,  1861,  totaled  only 
2,466,10  although  by  the  end  of  the  year,  5,646  were  listed.11 
Realizing  that  his  own  troops  were  few,  Canby  complained 
that  the  Texans  had  4,000  men  in  Arizona  and  New  Mexico 
early  in  1862.  He  further  emphasized  the  need  for  concen- 
tration of  troops  against  any  possible  attack,  while  pointing 
out  that  the  invader  was  under  no  such  restriction.12 

The  number  of  volunteers  from  the  Territory  itself  was 
estimated  at  1,000,13  but  fear  was  voiced  that  "our  Mexican 
volunteers,  .  .  .  are  far  from  being  certain  in  a  contest 
with  Texans."14  Because  of  this  doubt  as  to  how  the  volun- 
teers would  react,  and  inasmuch  as  part  of  the  regulars 
were  expected  to  be  recalled,  a  request  was  made  upon  Colo- 
rado to  supply  troops  for  Fort  Garland.15 

Rumors  of  a  Confederate  invasion  were  not  unfounded 
as  New  Mexico  learned  when  Fort  Bliss  was  occupied  in 
July,  1861,  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  R.  Baylor.18  Al- 
though the  occupation  was  achieved  with  little  difficulty,  a 


7.  Ibid.,  I,  4:45.   N.  M.   Hq.  to  Lynde,  June  23,    1861. 

8.  Ibid.,  I,  4  :61.  N.  M.  Hq.  to  Lynde,  June  30,  1861. 

9.  Ibid.,  I,  1:605.  N.  M.  Hq.  to  Commanding  Officer,  Fort  Union,  June  10,  1861. 

10.  Ibid.,   Ill,    1:301.   Abstract  of   Returns,   Dept.   of   N.   M.,   June   30,   1861. 

11.  Ibid.,  Ill,  1 :775.  Abstract  of  Returns,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  December  31,  1861. 

12.  Ibid.,  I,   4:87.   Canby  to  Connelly,   January   21,   1862. 

13.  Congressional  Globe,  87th   Congress,   2nd   Session,   Cameron   Report  to  Presi- 
dent,   Appendix,    p.     16. 

14.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.  160.  Collins  to  Dole,  July  20,   1861.  Twitchell  in  his  Lead- 
ing Facts  of  New  Mexican  History   says   that   Canby    like   other   American    generals 
".   .   .  had   a  very   erroneous   idea  of  the   Mexican    character,"  but   was   probably   in- 
fluenced by  "Americans"  living  there.  II,  375,  note. 

15.  O.  R.,  I,  4  :53.  Canby  to  Gov.  of  Colorado,  July  6,  1861. 

16.  Hayes,  op.  cit.,  p.  172. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  171 

resident  and  loyal  Unionist,  W.  W.  Mills,  considered  that  in 
El  Paso  "...  there  was  a  strong  latent  Union  sentiment 
even  among  the  Americans,  and  with  the  Mexicans  it  was 
universal;  .  .  .  "17 

Baylor,  expecting  an  attack  upon  El  Paso,  decided  to 
take  the  initiative,  and  with  258  men  proceeded  toward 
Mesilla,  New  Mexico.18  Mills,  arrested  as  a  spy,  from  his 
vantage  point  in  the  guardhouse,  observed  the  leader  of  the 
Texans  launch  his  attack,  believing  that  it  would  succeed 
even  though  he  (Baylor)  was  outnumbered.19  On  July  25, 
Baylor  forced  Major  Lynde,  the  Union  commander  at  Fort 
Fillmore,  to  retreat  from  Mesilla,  and  on  the  twenty-seventh 
was  able  to  capture  his  entire  force.20 

The  defeat  and  subsequent  surrender  of  Lynde  created 
a  storm  of  protest  from  all  sides.  The  Major  was  made  the 
scapegoat,  although  possibly  there  were  extenuating  circum- 
stances surrounding  the  whole  affair.  Mills,  who  was  fa- 
miliar with  the  Mesilla  region,  had  written,  prior  to  the 
Texas  attack,  to  John  S.  Watts,  Territorial  Representative, 
about  the  disloyalty  of  both  the  military  and  the  citizenry, 
and  this  information  had  been  relayed  to  the  Union  comman- 
der in  the  Territory.21  Mills  also  had  personally  told  Canby 
of  the  unwillingness  of  Captain  Lane,  Lynde's  predecessor, 
to  attack  El  Paso  and  of  his  alleged  disloyalty.  Lane  was  re- 
lieved, and  Major  Lynde,  in  whom  Canby  had  a  great  deal 
of  confidence,  was  placed  in  charge  of  Fillmore.22 

Lynde  adopted  a  confident  manner  in  his  early  messages 
to  his  superior.  Although  doubting  a  Texas  attack,  Lynde 
reported,  "...  but  if  they  do,  I  think  we  shall  give  them  a 
warm  reception."23  When  actual  contact  with  the  enemy 
developed,  this  confidence  apparently  dissipated. 


17.  Mills,  op.  eft.,  p.   63. 

18.  O.  R.,  I,  4:17.   Baylor   Report,   September  21,    1861.   Hayes,   op.   cit.,  p.   174, 
states    that   Sibley   was    ordered   to    El    Paso   from    San    Antonio    by   A.    M.    Jackson, 
Assistant  Adjutant  General  of  the  Army  of  New  Mexico,  and  former  secretary  of  the 
territory.  Canby  believed  that  the  invasion  had  been  arranged  by  Jackson. 

19.  Mills,   op.   cit.,   p.   52. 

20.  O.  R.,  I,  4  :16.  Baylor  Report,  August  3,  1861. 

21.  Mills,  op.   cit.,  pp.   41-42. 

22.  Ibid.,  p.  45. 

28.     O.  R.,  I,  4 :59.  Lynde  to  Canby,  July  7,  1861. 


172  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

On  July  24,  Lynde  learned  from  a  deserter  (sent  by 
Mills) 24  that  the  Texans  were  coming  up  the  Rio  Grande. 
The  next  day  the  Union  troops  were  ordered  to  Mesilla,  but 
the  enemy  was  already  on  the  ground.  An  indecisive 
skirmish  ensued,  and  Lynde  decided  to  return  to  Fillmore. 
He  had  ordered  the  Texans  to  surrender,  but  they  suggested 
that  he  take  the  town  instead.  Asserting  that  the  Texans 
numbered  700,  Lynde  placed  his  own  troops  at  only  380.25 

On  the  twenty-seventh  Lynde  decided  to  abandon  Fill- 
more26  because  of  its  alleged  "indefensible"  position,  and  its 
lack  of  water.  En  route  to  Fort  Stanton  via  St.  Augustine 
Springs  the  troops  "...  suffered  severely  with  the  intense 
heat  and  want  of  water.  .  .  ."  With  the  Confederates  in  hot 
pursuit,  his  men  in  bad  condition  with  only  one  hundred  fit 
for  duty,  Lynde  felt  that 

Under  the  circumstances  I  considered  our  case  hopeless; 
that  it  was  worse  than  useless  to  resist;  that  honor  did  not 
demand  the  sacrifice  of  blood  after  the  terrible  suffering  that 
our  troops  had  already  undergone,  and  when  that  sacrifice 
would  be  totally  useless  ...  I  surrendered  command  to  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Baylor.  .  .  ,27 

Baylor,  in  jubilantly  reporting  the  successful  pursuit  and 
capture  of  the  thirst-crazed  foe,  found  that  "the  road  for  5 
miles  was  lined  with  the  fainting,  famished  soldiers,  who 
threw  down  their  arms  as  we  passed  and  begged  for  water." 
With  the  disregard  for  accurate  figures  characteristic  of 
both  sides,  Baylor  claimed  the  seizure  of  700  by  a  mere  200 
Confederates.28  In  addition  to  the  troop  capture,  Baylor  was 
gleeful  over  taking  $9,500  in  "Federal  drafts"  from  Fort 
Fillmore,29  and  the  creation  of  "...  a  stampede  among  the 


24.  Mills,  op.  cit.,  p.  48. 

25.  O.  R.,  I,  4  :4.  Lynde  to  N.  M.  Hq.,  July  26,  1861. 

26.  Colonel  M.  L.  Crimmins,  "Fort  yillmore,"  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW, 
6 :333,    October,    1931.    Crimmins    notes    that    Fillmore    was    never    reoccupied    by    the 
Federal  government. 

27.  O.  R.,  I,  4 :5-6.  Lynde  to  N.  M.  Hq.,  August  7,   1861. 

28.  Ibid.,  I,  4 :18-19.  Baylor  Report  to  Hq.,  September  21,  1861.  Crimmins  in  his 
"Fort     Fillmore"     states     that    hospital     whiskey     was     placed     in     Union     canteens 
rather  than  water.  This  possibly  accounts  for  the  extreme  thirst  of  the  Union  troops 
(p.  832). 

29.  Ibid.,  I,  4:167.  Baylor  to  Secretary  of  War  Benjamin,  December  14,  1861. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  173 

United  States  troops  .  .  ."  at  Fort  Stanton  which  was 
abandoned.30 

The  Union  troops  involved  in  the  surrender  officially 
were  exonerated  as  having  "proved  themselves  with  a  few 
dishonorable  exceptions,  loyal  and  faithful  soldiers  of  the 
Union."31  It  was  further  reported  that  these  victims  of 
"cowardice  and  imbecility"  wept  "like  children"  at  the  news 
of  the  surrender.32  The  opinion  as  to  the  conduct  of  the 
officers  was  divided.  Captain  Biggs  of  the  Union  spoke  of 
the  unanimous  protest  which  arose  when  the  surrender  was 
made  known,33  but  Mills  believed  that  "none,  so  far  as  I 
know,  .  .  .  ever  did  much  fighting."34 

Although  the  officers  and  men  were  partially  or  wholly 
cleared,  the  commanding  officer  for  the  Union  was  roundly 
condemned  from  all  sides.  The  "d— d  old  scoundrel  [who] 
has  surrendered  us!"35  was  not  deemed  so  much  a  traitor, 
but  more  an  incompetent.36  Captain  McNally  considered  that 
300  could  have  held  Fort  Fillmore  against  3,000.37  Mills  be- 
lieved that  Lynde  ".  .  .  was  not  treacherous,  he  was  weak, 
and  he  was  deceived  to  his  ruin  and  the  disgrace  of  his 
flag."38  Lynde,  in  attempting  to  defend  himself,  asserted 
that  "surrounded  by  open  or  secret  enemies,  no  reliable  in- 
formation could  be  obtained,  and  [with]  disaffection  pre- 
vailing in  my  own  command, . .  ."  he  was  helpless  to  prevent 
the  disaster  which  overtook  him  and  his  troops.39 

This  defeat  was  a  crushing  blow  to  the  Union  cause  in 
New  Mexico.  The  Texans  now  had  a  good  foothold  in  the 
Territory,  and  Federal  prestige  had  been  lowered.  To  ex- 
plain the  defeat  and  also  to  serve  as  a  warning,  it  was  neces- 


30.  Ibid.,  I.   4:19.  Baylor  to  Hq.,  September  21,   1861. 

31.  Ibid.,  I.  4:3.  General  Order  No.  31,  August  27,  1861. 

32.  Ibid.,  I,  4:11.  Assistant  Surgeon  J.  Cooper  McKee  Report,  August  16,  1861. 

33.  Ibid.,  I.  4:8.  Captain  Alfred  Biggs  Report,  August  6,   1861. 

34.  Mills,   op.    tit.,   p.   63. 

35.  O.  R.,  I,  4:13.   Captain  C.   H.  McNally  Statement,  August   16,   1861. 

36.  George  Griggs,  History  of  Mesitta  Valley  or  the  Gadsden  Purchase    (Mesilla, 
New  Mexico:   n.n.,    1930),   pp.    61-2.    Griggs   quoting   Mrs.    Lydia   Lane,   wife   of  the 
Captain,  whom  Lynde  replaced. 

37.  O.  R.,  I,  4 :13.  McNally  Statement,  August  16,  1861. 

38.  Mills,  op.   cit.,   p.   52. 

39.  O.  R.,  I,  4:6.  Lynde  to  N.  M.  Hq.,  August  7,  1861.   Lynde  in  corresponding 
with  Mills   in   1891  said  that  he  did   ".   .   .  not  believe  then  that  my   junior  officers 
would  act  toward  me  as  they  did."  Op.  cit.,  p.  47. 


174  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sary  to  place  responsibility  for  the  loss  on  the  shoulders  of 
someone.  Lynde  was  selected.  Canby  considered  the  report 
of  the  Major  as  "...  in  all  respects  unsatisfactory,  .  .  ." 
although  he  considered  the  defeat  as  having  one  favorable 
aspect — the  news  supposedly  aroused  the  natives  from  their 
lethargy.40 

A  resolution  was  introduced  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives by  the  delegate  from  New  Mexico,  John  S.  Watts,  re- 
questing that  the  Secretary  of  War  report  the  action  taken 
concerning  the  St.  Augustine  fiasco.41  The  Army,  however, 
had  acted  and  Major  Lynde  was  "...  dropped  from  the 
rolls  of  the  army.  .  .  ,"42 

Both  sides  now  renewed  their  efforts  after  the  Confed- 
erate victory.  Baylor  set  about  organizing  a  government  for 
what  he  termed  the  Arizona  Territory.  This  area  consisted 
of  southern  present-day  Arizona,  and  included  much  of 
what  is  now  southern  New  Mexico  as  well.  The  Arizona  re- 
gion was  provided  with  a  military  government  because  of 
the  war  and  unsettled  conditions,  and  "...  all  that  portion 
of  New  Mexico  lying  South  of  the  thirty-fourth  parallel  of 
north  latitude"  was  incorporated  within  it.43 

Canby,  aroused  by  the  surrender,  requested  four  com- 
panies of  volunteers  from  Governor  Henry  Connelly  of  New 
Mexico,44  and  a  little  later  a  like  number  from  Governor 
William  Gilpin  of  Colorado.45  Washington,  although  still  de- 
siring the  regular  troops  stationed  in  the  Territory,  was 
willing  to  wait  until  a  sufficient  number  of  volunteers  were 
raised  to  replace  them.46  Canby  reported  that  "the  greatest 
exertions  are  being  used  to  organize  a  respectable  volunteer 
force,  .  .  ."  but  that  he  was  disappointed  over  the  progress 
that  was  being  made.47 

In  the  meantime  Sibley,  who  was  preparing  an  army  at 
San  Antonio,  was  expected  to  begin  his  march  West  to  rein- 


40.  Ibid.,  I.   4:2.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  August  4,   1861. 

41.  Congressional  Globe,  37th   Congress,   2nd  Session,   December  5,   1861,   p.   16. 

42.  O.  R.,  I,  4 :16.  General  Order  No.  102,  November  25,  1861. 

43.  Ibid.,  I,  4:20.  Baylor  Proclamation,  August  1,  1861. 

44.  Ibid.,  I,  4:61.   Canby  to  Connelly,   August  2,   1861. 

45.  Ibid.,  I,   4:69.   Canby  to  Gilpin,   September   8,   1861. 

46.  Ibid.,  I,  4:62.  Washington  Hq.,  August  11,   1861. 

47.  Ibid.,  I,  4:3.   Canby  to  Washington   Hq.,   August   11,    1861. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  175 

force  Baylor.48  Baylor,  fearing  that  Canby  would  soon  be 
upon  him,  sarcastically  suggested  that  if  reinforcements 
were  not  forthcoming  that  many  of  "...  the  friends  of  our 
cause  .  .  ."  would  suffer  in  New  Mexico,  and  that  "if  it  is 
the  wish  of  the  colonel  commanding  the  department  that 
Arizona  should  be  abandoned,  and  I  presume  it  is,  he  can 
congratulate  himself  upon  the  consummation  of  that 
event."49 

Rumors  that  Union  troops  were  being  massed  in  Mexico 
were  further  cause  for  Confederate  concern.50 

In  November  Sibley  was  ready  to  start  for  New  Mexico 
after  many  delays.51  The  men  who  left  San  Antonio  were  a 
hardy  group,  described  by  one  of  the  party  as 

.  .  .  three  thousand  five  hundred  of  ...  the  best  that  ever 
threw  leg  over  a  horse  or  that  had  ever  sworn  allegiance  to 
any  cause.  All-around  men,  natural-born  soldiers,  they  were 
under  twenty-five,  with  a  liberal  sprinkling  of  older  ones  who 
had  seen  more  or  less  service  on  the  frontier.52 

The  country  between  San  Antonio  and  El  Paso  was 
rugged.  The  Indians  too  presented  an  additional  problem. 
These  were  pacified  temporarily,  however,  because  "...  Sib- 
ley's  friendship  with  .  .  .  [them]  was  very  great,  while 
that  of  his  brother-in-law,  Canby,  commander  of  the  Federal 
forces  at  Fort  Craig,  was  nil."53 

By  the  middle  of  December  Sibley  appeared  at  Fort  Bliss 
and  took  command  of  all  Confederate  forces  in  New  Mexico 
and  Arizona.54  John  R.  Baylor,  although  outranked,  retained 
power  as  civil  and  military  governor  of  Arizona.55 

Meanwhile  Canby  considered  that  his  regular  soldiers 
were  in  good  condition,  but  fretted  about  the  possibilities  of 
ever  getting  the  volunteers  into  fighting  trim  and  about  the 


48.  Ibid.,  I,  4:116.  C.  O.  of  C.  S.  Prov.  Army  to  C.  O.  Dept.  of  Texas,  October 
4,   1861. 

49.  Ibid.,  I,  4:129.  Baylor  to  C.  O.  Texas  Department,  October  25,  1861. 

50.  Ibid.,  I,  4:147.   George  L.   McManus  to  C.   O.  at  Fort  Davis  to   Sibley,   No- 
vember 6,    1861. 

61.  Ibid.,  I,  4:141.  Sibley  to  Cooper,   November  16,   1861. 

52.  Noel,  op.  cit.,  p.   57. 

53.  Ibid.,  p.   59. 

54.  O.  R.,  I,  4:157.  General  Order  No.   10,  December  14,   1861. 

55.  Ibid.,  I.  4:158-9.  General  Order  No.  12.  December  20,  1861. 


176  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

lack  of  equipment  and  money.56  However,  by  the  end  of  the 
year,  Canby  had  an  aggregate  of  5,646.57  In  answer  to  com- 
plaints regarding  his  inactivity,  Canby  tartly  said 

.  .  .  that  I  will  move  when  I  get  ready  to  move;  and  that 
will  be  when  I  know  that  the  country  behind  me  is  secured 
from  a  revolutionary  movement.  The  present  clamor  I  know 
to  be  instigated  by  enemies  of  the  Government,  fomented  by 
emissaries,  who  have  been  busy  in  the  exercise  of  this 
baneful  influence  since  the  middle  of  last  month,  but  who 
have  hitherto  escaped  detection.58 

If  Canby  was  not  ready  to  move,  Sibley  was.  By  the  first 
of  the  year,  1862,  word  was  received  that  the  Texans  were 
on  their  way  to  the  North.59  Canby  was  faced  with  serious 
difficulties.  A  shortage  of  money  was  creating  unrest  among 
the  troops,  and  desertions  were  expected  among  the  volun- 
teers.60 Revolts  did  occur  at  both  Fort  Union  and  Camp  Con- 
nelly because  of  Union  inability  to  pay  and  clothe  the  men 
as  promised.61 

Governor  Connelly,  who  had  married  into  a  prominent 
native  family,  voiced  confidence  in  the  4,000  volunteers  and 
militia  men  whom  he  considered  to  be  "...  under  fair  dis- 
cipline .  .  .  ,"  although  he  worried  about  the  "...  continual 
spoliation  of  property"  caused  by  the  Indians  who  had 
greater  leeway  because  of  the  Texan  invasion.62  The  gover- 
nor was  confident  because 

The  spirit  of  our  people  is  good  and  I  have  here  and 
en  route  1,000  and  more  of  the  elite  of  the  yeomanry  of  the 
country  to  aid  in  defending  their  homes  and  firesides.63 

In  February  Canby  reported  that  3,000  Confederates 
were  moving  up  the  Rio  Grande  valley,  but  that  he  had  4,000 
troops  ready,  and  further  that  "the  .  .  .  population  ap- 
pear [ed]  to  be  animated  by  a  very  good  spirit."64  Additional 


56.  Ibid.,  I,  4:78-79.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  December  8,  1861. 

67.  Ibid.,  I,   4:81.   Abstract,    December   81,    1861. 

68.  Ibid.,  I,  4:88.  Canby  to  Major  James  L.  Donaldson  January  25,    (?)    1862. 

69.  Ibid.,  I,  4:82.  Canby  to  Connelly,  January  1,   1862. 

60.  Ibid.,  I.   4:85.  Canby  to  Wash.   Hq.,  January   18,   1862. 

61.  Ibid.,  I,   4:87.   Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  January  20,    1862. 

62.  Ibid.,  I,   9:620.   Connelly  to   Seward,   January   11,   1862. 

63.  Ibid.,  I,  9:644.  Connelly  to  Seward,  February  14,  1862. 

64.  Ibid.,  I,  9:632.   Canby  to  Wash.   Hq.,   February   14,   1862. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  177 

assistance  was  received  from  another  quarter.  James  L.  Col- 
lins, the  Indian  agent,  and  the  governor  were  on  the  scene 
to  encourage  the  volunteers  because 

.  .  .  some  doubt  has  been  entertained  with  regard  to  the 
courage  of  the  Mexican  when  coming  in  contact  with  Texans, 
and  we  desire  to  give  them  every  possible  incentive  to  acquit 
themselves  creditably.65 

The  natives  were  credited  with  having  "...  turned  out  with 
a  spirit  that  is  truly  commendable,  the  best  and  most  influen- 
tial men  in  the  Territory  are  here  and  will  take  part  in  the 
battle."  6« 

With  Canby  at  Fort  Craig  and  Sibley  marching  up  the 
valley,  the  stage  was  set  for  the  Battle  of  Valverde — a  con- 
flict which  has  been  termed,  possibly  in  exaggeration,  as 
"...  perhaps,  the  bloodiest  battle  for  the  number  engaged, 
in  the  whole  war."67 

On  the  sixteenth  of  February,  the  forces  led  by  Sibley 
were  within  a  mile  and  one  half  of  Fort  Craig,  about  thirty 
miles  south  of  Socorro.  At  this  point  the  Confederate  general 
had  a  choice  of  tactics.  He  could  engage  the  troops  from  the 
fort,  who  marched  out  to  give  battle,  or  he  could  retire 
from  the  scene.  Twitchell  believed  that  Sibley  was  maneu- 
vering at  this  juncture,  so  that  a  river  crossing  might  be 
more  easily  accomplished.68  On  the  seventeenth  and 
eighteenth,  a  typical  New  Mexico  dust  storm  halted  any 
action  by  either  side.  The  next  day  the  Texans  retreated 
to  the  south  and  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  east  of  the 
fort  where  they  hoped  to  bombard  Craig  from  the  heights, 
but  Canby  prevented  this  by  occupying  the  site  first.  Sibley 
then  continued  north,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river,  to 
Valverde  a  few  miles  distant.  He  hoped  thus  to  cut  Craig 
off  from  Santa  Fe  and  the  North.68 

Both  leaders  presented  estimates  of  the  number  of  sol- 
diers involved,  but  were  at  variance.  Sibley  stated  that  the 


65.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.  170.  Collins  to  Dole,  January  25,  1862. 

66.  Ibid.,  Micro.  No.  170.  Collins  to  Dole,  February  11.  1862. 

67.  Claudy,  op.  cit.,  p.  73. 

68.  Twitchell,    The  Leading   Facts  of  New   Mexican  History,    II,    374.    Bancroft 
in  his  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  concurs  with  this,  p.  691. 

69.  L.  R.,  Micro  No.  170.  Collins  to  Dole,  March  1,  1862. 


178  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Union  had  at  least  5,000,  with  a  reserve  of  3,000  in  the  fort, 
while  claiming  that  the  Confederates  numbered  only  1,750.70 
Canby  judged  the  numbers  differently,  placing  his  own  at 
3,810,  and  the  opposition  at  2,600.71 

At  the  river  ford,  five  or  six  miles  north  of  Fort  Craig, 
the  actual  battle  of  Valverde  (near  what  was  the  settlement 
of  San  Marcial)  began  on  the  morning  of  February  21, 1862, 
when  the  Union  troops  marched  out  to  prevent  the  Confed- 
erate crossing.72  A  two  hour  artillery  and  small  arms  battle 
marked  the  first  clash  which  resulted  in  the  repelling  of  the 
Confederates.73  Heartened  by  this,  the  Union  Cavalry 
crossed  the  river  and  engaged  the  enemy  successfully.74  In 
the  afternoon  Canby  took  personal  charge  of  the  battle  and 
ordered  his  artillery  to  cross  the  river.  The  enemy  concen- 
trated their  fire  on  the  Union  leader  and 

the  fighting  became  general  from  that  moment,  and  it 
was  so  severe  that  General  Canby  was  in  great  peril  on 
several  occasions,  and  he  had  three  horses  killed  under  him 
that  day.1"5 

Then  occurred  the  crisis  which  was  to  prove  the  turning 
point  of  the  day.  Canby,  realizing  that  a  direct  assault  might 
not  be  successful,  decided  to  outflank  the  enemy,76  but  the 
Texans  had  other  plans.  A  Union  battery  under  the  command 
of  Captain  McRae  had  previously  crossed  the  river.  The 
Confederates  with  a  desperate,  concentrated  charge  were 
able  to  capture  the  guns  and  the  supporting  Union  troops 
gave  way.77  Canby  now  decided  upon  withdrawal,  but 
claimed  that  he  could  not  restore  order  among  the  volun- 
teers, although  the  regulars  were  more  easily  collected.78 

Efforts  to  place  responsibility  for  the  loss  of  the  battery, 
and  the  subsequent  withdrawal  of  the  Union  forces,  brought 
out  conflicting  testimony.  Major  B.  S.  Roberts,  who  had 


70.  O.  R.,  I,  9:508.  Sibley  Report.  May  4,   1862. 

71.  Ibid.,  I,  9 :488.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  March  1,  1862. 

72.  Crimmins,  op.  cit.,  p.  348. 

73.  O.  R.,  I.  9 :489.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  March  1,  1862. 

74.  Sabin,  op.  cit..  Appendix  II,  844. 
76.  Ibid.,  II,  845. 

76.  O.  R.,  I,  9:490.   Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  March   1,   1862. 

77.  Twitchell,  op.  cit.,  n,  876-78. 

78.  O.  R.,  I,  9:491.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  March  1,  1862. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  179 

been  in  charge  of  the  field  for  the  Union  before  Canby  took 
over,  believed  that  "...  the  subsequent  misfortunes  of  the 
day  would  not  have  occurred,"  if  a  fellow  officer  had  seized 
a  position  near  the  ford  as  ordered.79  Canby,  however, 
thought  that  "...  the  immediate  cause  of  the  disaster  was 
the  refusal  of  one  of  the  volunteer  regiments  to  cross  the 
river  and  support  the  left  wing  of  the  army."80 

There  were  various  shades  of  opinion  regarding  the  ac- 
tion of  the  volunteers  aside  from  that  presented  by  Canby. 
Governor  Connelly  partially  exonerated  the  volunteers,  who 
had  followed  the  example  of  two  regular  companies  which 
had  refused  to  charge.81  Collins,  who  was  present  also,  did 
not  attempt  to  differentiate  between  regulars  and  volunteers, 
but  thought  that  the  action  of  both  "...  was  shamefully 
disgraceful  and  cowardly."82  Major  Chacon,  another  wit- 
ness, in  defense  of  the  natives  denied  that  any  of  the  regi- 
ment of  Kit  Carson  had  been  ordered  into  a  critical  position. 
However,  when  the  order  to  retreat  was  given,  that  part  of 
the  militia  which  had  not  participated  fled.83  Twitchell,  tak- 
ing a  more  detached  view,  felt  that  the  volunteers  were  not 
all  to  be  blamed  for  their  part  in  the  retirement.84  Bancroft, 
while  conceding  that  the  victory  belonged  to  the  Texans,  did 
not  wish  to  blame  or  praise  although  he  opined  that  the  out- 
come "...  reflected  little  credit  on  the  federal  arms."85 

Although  a  large  number  of  native  troops  left  for  home 
after  the  battle,  Canby  felt  that "...  this  adds  to  rather  than 
diminishes  our  strength."86  Washington  was  informed  that 
the  volunteers  and  militia  could  not  be  relied  upon  as  "they 
have  a  traditional  fear  of  the  Texans,  and  will  not  face  them 
in  the  field."87  Canby  was  given  permission  to  discharge 

79.  Ibid.,  I,  9:501.  Reports  to  Major  Thomas  Duncan,  March  8,  1862. 

80.  Ibid.,  I,  9:487.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  February  22,   1862. 

81.  Ibid.,  I,  9:629.  Connelly  to  Seward,  March  1,  1862. 

82.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.   170.  Collins  to  Dole,  March   1,   1862. 

83.  Sabin,  op.  cit.,  Chacon  Mss.,  Appendix  II,  845-6. 

84.  Ralph  E.  Twitchell,  "The  Confederate  Invasion  of  New  Mexico — 1861-1862," 
Old  Santa  Fe;  A  Magazine  of  History,  Archaeology,  Genealogy,  and  Biography.  3  :35, 
January,    1916.    Charles    F.    Coan    in   his   A    Shorter   History   of   New    Mexico    (Ann 
Arbor,  Michigan:  Edwards  Brothers,  1928)   blamed  the  failure  on  part  of  the  volun- 
teers and  some  of  the  regulars,  p.  210. 

85.  Bancroft,    op.    cit.,    p.    692. 

86.  O.  R.,  1,  9:487.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  February  22,  1862. 

87.  Ibid.,  I,  9:636.  Donaldson  to  Wash.  Hq.,  March   1,   1862. 


180  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

them  soon  after.88  The  governor  agreed  finally  that  the 
natives  would  do  more  for  the  cause  by  "...  preparing  their 
lands  for  the  coming  harvest  .  .  ."  than  in  remaining  to 
fight.89  Later,  in  evaluating  the  New  Mexico  native  troops, 
the  Rio  Abdjo  conceded  that  they  lacked  education  and  were 
not  well  drilled,  but  maintained  that  their  discipline  was 
good,  and  that  their  ability  to  fight  Indians  well  was  recog- 
nized.90 Another  possible  cause  for  native  lack  of  fighting 
spirit  could  be  laid  to  the  lack  of  consideration  and  con- 
temptuous treatment  meted  out  to  the  volunteers  by  regular 
army  officers  during  the  training  period  at  Fort  Craig  prior 
to  the  battle.91 

Aside  from  the  matter  of  the  volunteer  troops,  Canby 
attempted  to  explain  the  results  of  this  encounter  by  de- 
claring that  "...  the  superiority  in  numbers  .  .  ."  and  "... 
the  superior  mobility  of  its  force  .  .  ."  tipped  the  scales  in 
favor  of  the  Confederates.92  The  General  himself  was  not 
held  entirely  blameless,  however,  although  his  personal 
bravery  was  lauded.  Mills  said  that 

I  admired  General  Canby  . . . ,  but  I  believe  that  if  Colonel 
Roberts  had  been  left  to  carry  out  his  plans  that  day  Valverde 
would  have  been  a  Union  victory  and  the  campaign  closed.93 

A  later  commentator  mentions  that  many  of  the  soldiers  led 
by  Carson  believed  that  the  victory  would  have  been  won, 
but  was  actually  lost  through  mismanagement.94 

Another  factor  in  the  Confederate  success  was  a  positive 
one.  The  ferocity  of  the  Texans  was  certainly  a  contributing 
cause.  "Never  were  double-barreled  shot-guns  used  to  better 
effect,"  said  a  Confederate  leader.95  It  has  been  suggested 
that  this  fierceness  was  due  to  the  great  thirst  for  water 
as  the  Texans  had  been  kept  from  the  river  since  morning.96 


88.  Ibid.,  Ill,  2:4.  Wash.  Hq.,  to  Canby,   April  4,   1862. 

89.  Ibid.,   I,   9:645.    Connelly  to   Seward,   March   11.    1862. 

90.  Rio  Abajo  Weekly  Press,  February  2.   1864. 

91.  Notes    and    Documents,    Letter    from    Santiago    Valdez    to    C.    Carson,    NEW 
MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  23 :243-44,  July,  1948. 

92.  O.  R.,  I,  9:492.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  March   1.  1862. 

93.  Mills,  op.  cit.,  p.  58. 

94.  Hayes,  op.  cit.,  p.   170. 

95.  O.   R.,  I,   9:506.   Sibley   Report,   February   22,    1862. 

96.  Hayes,   op.  cit.,  p.   167. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  181 

Sibley  praised  "...  the  spirit,  valor  and  invincible  de- 
termination of  Texas  troops.  Nobly  have  they  emulated  the 
fame  of  their  San  Jacinto  ancestors."97  Although  his  per- 
sonal inactivity  was  noticed,98  Sibley  said  "...  in  conse- 
quence of  severe  and  prolonged  illness  and  weakness  result- 
ing from  it,  .  .  ."  that  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  retire 
early.99  A  Confederate  soldier  had  another  explanation  for 
the  absence  of  Sibley.  The  Confederate  leader  allegedly  was 
"...  so  much  under  the  influence  of  liquor  that  Colonel 
Tom  Green  was  obliged  to  assume  command."100 

Immediately  after  the  battle  a  misunderstanding,  which 
caused  some  recrimination,  arose  between  the  opposing 
forces.  Sibley  petulantly  complained  that  a  flag  of  truce 
which  his  troops  understood  as  "...  a  proposition  to  sur- 
render" was  used  by  the  Federals  to  ease  their  return  to 
Craig.  The  next  day  the  North  again  availed  themselves  of 
the  "generosity  and  confidence"  of  the  Texans.  Ostensibly 
intending  to  gather  the  dead  and  wounded,  the  Federals 
loaded  their  wagons  with  small  arms  from  the  battleground 
and  also  recovered  a  cannon  from  the  river.101 

Sibley  had  a  much  greater  problem.  After  remaining  on 
the  field  for  two  days  to  bury  the  dead  and  care  for  the 
wounded,  rations  were  reduced  to  a  scant  five  day  supply. 
There  were  two  choices  open — attack  the  fort  or  continue 
north.  Sibley  decided  to  go  up  the  river,102  exhibiting  little 
fear  of  the  Northern  troops  who  were  thus  left  to  his 
rear.103  The  shortage  of  food  and  supplies  was  evident,  and 
had  been  noted  at  the  time  of  the  Confederate  advance  from 
El  Paso.104  The  position  of  the  Texans  was  precarious  and 
called  for  action  which  Sibley  recognized,  and  which 
prompted  him  to  move. 

Canby  was  in  a  difficult  position,  too.  In  listing  his  losses 
the  Union  leader  found  that  260  were  killed,  wounded,  or 


97.  O.    R.,    loc.    cit. 

98.  Mills,   op.   cit.,   p.    59. 

99.  O.   R.,   loc.   cit. 

100.  Twitchell,   The  Leading  Facts  of  New   Mexican  History,   II,    377. 

101.  O.  R.,  I,   9:508-9.   Sibley  Report,  May  4,   1862. 

102.  Ibid.,   I,    9:509. 

108.  Twitchell,   op.    cit.,   II,    379. 

104.  O.  R.,  I,  4:89.   Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  January  25,   1862. 


182  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

missing.  While  needing  additional  troops,  Canby  and  his 
men  were  not  dispirited.105  The  Texans  did  not  attack  the 
fort  again,106  so  the  Northern  general  chose  to  remain  at 
rather  than  abandon  it  or  bring  on  another  battle.  He  de- 
cided that  he  would  maintain  his  position  because  he  was 
outnumbered  and  believed  that 

If  there  is  any  consistency  of  purpose  or  persistence  of 
effort  in  the  people  of  New  Mexico,  the  enemy  will  be  able  to 
add  but  little  to  his  resources  from  a  temporary  occupation 
of  the  country.107 

At  this  point  Union  military  fortunes  were  at  a  low  ebb. 
Unwillingness  to  adopt  an  aggressive  policy  had  permitted 
the  invaders  to  force  the  campaign  about  as  they  wished. 
The  volunteers  at  the  disposal  of  Canby  were  untrained,  but 
if  allowed  to  fight  in  their  own  way,  possibly  would  have 
given  a  better  account  of  themselves.  The  native  population 
was  unenthusiastic  over  the  conflict,  but  this  could  readily 
be  understood  as  very  few  spoke  English,  and  the  Territory 
had  been  in  the  Union  for  only  a  little  over  a  decade.  Too, 
Canby  was  responsible  for  defending  many  points  while 
the  Texans  had  greater  mobility,  and  little  liability  for  the 
welfare  of  private  citizens.  Defense  against  Indian  attacks 
also  was  a  greater  problem  to  the  Union  than  to  the  Con- 
federacy. Even  though  granting  the  greater  responsibil- 
ities that  faced  Canby  and  his  officers,  the  Texans  had 
gained  the  upper  hand  by  their  greater  enterprise,  and 
were  now  threatening  the  entire  Territory. 

(To  be  continued) 


105.  Ibid.,  I,   9:492-3.   Canby  to  Wash.   Hq.,   March   1,    1862.   Ralph   E.   Twitchell 
in   his   Old  Santa  Fe    (Santa   Fe,    New   Mexico:   Santa    Fe   New   Mexican    Publishing 
Corporation,   1925),   p.   380  remarks  that  Governor  Gilpin  of   Colorado,   upon  hearing 
of  the  results  from  Valverde,  sent  troops  to  Raton   Pass. 

106.  Coan,  op.  cit.,  p.   210. 

107.  O.   R.,   I,   9:633.    Canby   to   Wash.    Hq.,    February   23,    1862. 


IT  WAS  a  wet  and  stormy  day  in  September,  1712,  when 
several  citizens  of  Santa  Fe  joined  the  City  Council  in  a 
special  meeting  to  formulate  plans  for  a  perennial  fiesta  in 
commemoration  of  General  DeVargas'  first  Reconquest  of 
the  ancient  Capital.  But  let  the  original  minutes  and  ordi- 
nances1 speak  for  themselves  in  the  quaint  rambling  phrase- 
ology of  those  times: 

In  the  Villa  of  Santa  Fe,  on  the  sixteenth  day  of  the 
month  of  September  of  the  year  seventeen  hundred  and  twelve, 

gathered  and  met  together  in  the  house  of  residence  of 
the  General,  Juan  Paez  Hurtado,  Lieutenant  Governor  and 
Captain  General, 

because  the  official  meeting  houses  were  unfit  as  a  result 
of  the  continuous  rains  that  have  fallen  since  the  thirteenth 
day  of  the  present  month,  as  also  the  lightning  storms  not 
seen  before  [at  this  time  of  year}, 

the  purpose  being  that,  recalling  how  this  Villa  had  been 
conquered  on  the  Fourteenth  day  of  September  of  the  past 
year  of  sixteen  hundred  and  ninety-two2  by  the  General 
Don  Diego  de  Vargas  Zapata  Lujan  Ponce  de  Leon,  Marquis 
of  La  Nava  de  Brazinas, 

and  that  in  twenty  years  no  fiesta  had  been  observed,  as 
this  Villa  should  have,  in  honor  of  the  Salutary  Rood  of  Our 
Redemption, 

and  so  that  in  the  future  the  said  fourteenth  day  be 
celebrated,  with  Vespers,  Mass,  sermon,  and  procession 
through  the  Main  Plaza, 

all  the  gentlemen  of  the  Illustrious  City  Council,  Justice 
and  Magistracy,  remaining  bound  to  its  observance  by  this 
writ,  through  the  solemn  oath  which  those  of  the  Present 
[Council]  made  at  the  hands  of  the  Reverend  Father  Guardian 
of  said  Villa,  Fray  Antonio  Camargo, 

whom  said  Illustrious  City  Council  had  invited  to 
graciously  attend  said  meeting  with  the  rest  of  the  citizens 
of  the  Villa,  [especially]  those  who  have  received  decorations, 
and  former  council  members, 


1.  R.  E.  Twitchell,  Spanish  Archives  of  New  Mexico,  II,  no.  179.  Keeping  the  old 
sentence  structure,  I  have  broken  up  the  page-long  sentences  into  paragraphs. 

2.  This  was  DeVargas'  first  Entry  with  troops  only ;  the  ceremonies  are  minutely 
described  by  him.  See  J.  M.  Espinosa,  First  Expedition  of  Vargas  into  New  Mexico, 
1692,   pp.   95-7. 

183 


184  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

being  that  a  formal  invitation  had  already  been  pre- 
sented by  the  Captain,  Alfonso  Rael  de  Aguilar,  Magistrate 
Ordinary,  and  the  Adjutant  and  Regent,  Salvador  Montoya, 
to  the  Lord  Marquis  of  la  Penuela,  Governor  and  Captain 
General  of  this  Kingdom,  in  order  that  his  Lordship  might 
assist  at  said  meeting  as  President, 

who  [in  turn]  gave  an  order  to  the  aforesaid  his  Lieu- 
tenant General  to  preside  over  it,  who  in  compliance  with  it 
thus  carried  it  out. 

And  said  Fiesta,  since  the  Fourteenth  Day  was  past, 
which  is  the  one  designated  for  future  years,  we  determined 
to  celebrate  on  the  Seventeenth  Day,  which  is  the  one  in  which 
the  Church  Our  Mother  celebrates  the  Bleeding  Wounds  of  the 
Lord  St.  Francis,3 

in  whose  Church4  it  is  our  will  that  it  be  celebrated 
for  all  time,  a  Fiesta  in  honor  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Holy 
Cross. 

And  we  oblige,  in  the  manner  with  which  we  are  em- 
powered, all  those  who  should  succeed  us  in  said  Illustrious 
City  Council, 

in  whose  charge  will  be  the  burden  of  collecting  the  con- 
tributions, as  well  as  assigning  the  sermon  to  the  Person 
whom  it  should  please,  who  will  be  given  twenty-five  pesos; 

and  of  the  rest  that  should  be  collected  thirty  pesos  will 
be  paid  out  for  the  Vespers,  Mass,  and  Procession, 

which  is  what  we  the  Present  ones  bind  ourselves  to, 
and  we  bind  those  who  should  succeed  us,  as  we  likewise 
oblige  ourselves  to  furnish  the  beeswax  that  should  be  needed, 

and  if,  perhaps,  with  the  passing  of  time  this  Villa 
should  have  some  of  its  own  funds,  a  portion  of  them  will  be 
designated  for  said  festivity,  which,  as  we  have  finished  say- 
ing, we  swear  in  due  form  of  law; 

I,  the  General,  Juan  Paez  Hurtado,  President  in  the  place 
of  said  Lord  Marquis  of  la  Penuela — the  Captain,  Alfonso 
Rael  de  Aguilar,  Magistrate  Ordinary — the  Captain,  Don 
Felix  Martinez,  Regent — the  Adjutant,  Salvador  Montoya, 
Regent — Miguel  de  Dios  Sandoval  Martinez,  Secretary  of  the 
Council — the  Field  Commander,  Lorenzo  Madrid,  Council 


3.  The   "Stigmata"  or  Wounds  of   Christ   Crucified   which   St.   Francis  of  Assisi 
received  towards   the  end  of  his  life,   and  commemorated  on   September   17.    (Roman 
Missal    and   Breviary.) 

4.  The    church    of    St.    Francis    serving    as    parish    church    at   this    time    was    a 
small    structure    outside    the    north    wall,    erected    sometime    after    DeVargas'    second 
Entry  in  1693.  Sp.  Arch.,  I,  no.  758  ;  II,  no.  94a ;  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  Vol. 
24,  p.  90.  The  permanent  church  of  St.  Francis,  on  the  site  of  the  present  Cathedral, 
was  then  in  construction,  and  was  ready  for  use  in  1714.  Ibid.,  p.  89;  "Our  Lady  of 
the  Conquest,"  Ibid.,  VoL  23,  pp.  39,  74-5. 


THE  FIRST  SANTA  FE  FIESTA  COUNCIL  185 

Member — the  Captain,  Antonio  Montoya,  Council  Member 
— the  Captain,  Juan  Garcia  de  la  Riva,  Council  Member — 
the  Captain,  Francisco  Lorenzo  de  Casados,  Council  Mem- 
ber— 

And  we  declare  that  the  beeswax  which  is  [left  over 
after  being}  burned  in  said  festivity  shall  be  gathered  up  by 
said  Illustrious  Council,  or  the  person  it  should  assign  for  the 
purpose,  and  this  we  do  because  of  the  scarcity  in  this  land, 

and  all  together  we  bind  ourselves  to  assist  at  Vespers, 
Mass,  Sermon,  and  Procession,  and  we  swear  to  the  Most  Holy 
Cross  for  its  [being]  Patron  [i.e.  Title]5  of  this  Villa  of 
Santa  Fe. 

And  we  sign  this  writing  and  obligation  on  said  day, 
month,  and  year. 
(Here  follow  the  signatures  of  the  nine  men  sworn.) 

As  plainly  stated  in  the  document,  the  occasion  these 
people  wished  to  commemorate  was,  not  the  general  pacifi- 
cation of  the  Pueblos  of  New  Mexico  by  De  Vargas  in  1692, 
but  his  triumphal  entry,  Entrada,  into  Santa  Fe  itself, 
with  the  attendant  ceremonies  which  DeVargas  himself 
colorfully  described  in  his  Journal.  In  short,  it  was  a  strictly 
local  enterprise,  a  Santa  Fe  Fiesta.  DeVargas  had  made  a 
similar  entry  into  Santa  Fe  the  following  year,  in  Decem- 
ber, and  this  time  with  the  colonists ;  similar  ceremonies  had 
taken  place,  but  this  time  after  a  crucial  battle  for  the  city. 
Perhaps  these  soldiers  wished  to  ignore  this  second  and  more 
important  Entrada,  or  they  automatically  included  it  with 
the  first,  since  the  weather  in  December  would  be  too  severe 
for  a  Fiesta.  At  any  rate,  September  14,  titular  feast  of  the 
Military  Garrison,  was  to  be  the  day.  Now  to  the  persons 
who  conceived  the  idea  of  the  Fiesta. 

Principals  of  First  Fiesta  Council 

The  principals  in  the  Fiesta  document,  not  all  those 
present  at  the  meeting  are  mentioned,  are  the  Lieutenant 
Governor,  the  City  Council  members,  and  other  major  offi- 


5.  "The  Most  Holy  Cross"  was  the  name  and  title  of  the  Spanish  Presidio  in 
Santa  Fe  from  1693  until  the  end  of  the  Spanish  regime.  Here  the  City  Council,  almost 
all  military,  considered  it  also  as  the  city's  ecclesiastical  title.  After  the  erection  of  the 
parish  church,  1714-17,  however,  St.  Francis  was  the  city's  official  Patron  while  the 
garrison  continued  under  the  title  of  the  Holy  Cross. 


186  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

cials.  Only  three,  the  Montoyas  and  Madrid,  are  old  New 
Mexicans.  The  rest  are  newcomers,  soldiers  or  colonists  re- 
cruited by  De Vargas  for  the  Reconquest.  It  is  interesting  to 
note  their  different  origins  as  well  as  the  interrelations  that 
had  taken  place  through  marriage  since  1693. 

JUAN  PAEZ  HURTADO,  Lieutenant  Governor,  and  repre- 
senting the  Marquis  Governor,  was  a  native  of  Villaf ranca 
de  los  Palacios,  near  Las  Cabezas  in  Andalucia.  He  was  the 
son  of  Domingo  Hurtado  and  Ana  Rubio  y  Vasquez,  both  de- 
ceased.6 Before  or  after  coming  to  the  New  World  he 
was  recruited  for  the  Reconquest  of  New  Mexico  by  De- 
Vargas,  who  appointed  him  the  leader  of  military  recruits. 
In  1692  Paez  Hurtado  brought  up  reinforcements  from 
Parral.7  He  also  recruited  new  colonists  in  Zacatecas.8 
All  through  De  Vargas'  two  terms  of  governorship,  he  was 
his  Lieutenant  Governor  and  right-hand  man,  as  well  as 
commander  of  many  of  his  Indian  Campaigns.  He  was  also 
the  executor  of  De  Vargas'  last  will  in  1704,9  and  for  a  time 
was  interim  Governor. 

Paez  Hurtado's  first  wife  was  a  Pascuala  Lopez  de  Vera, 
who  died  in  1693,  shortly  before  the  colonists  set  out  for 
New  Mexico.10  He  brought  along  a  little  daughter,  Ana, 
whom  she  had  borne  him,  and  this  girl  married  a  Pedro 
Ortiz  Escudero  in  Santa  Fe,  Jan.  6,  1716.11  He  himself  mar- 
ried Teodora  de  la  Riva,  or  de  la  Rivas,  daughter  of  Captain 
Miguel  Garcia  de  la  Riva  and  Micaela  Velasco,  all  three 
natives  of  the  City  of  Mexico.  The  wedding  took  place  on 
June  20,  1704.12  He  and  Teodora  had  three  children:  An- 
tonia,  who  became  the  wife  of  Jose  Terrus  ;13  Gertrudis,  who 
married  Nicolas  Ortiz  III;14  and  Juan  Domingo,  mentioned 
in  the  last  will  of  Jose  Terrus. 


6.  Archdiocese  of  Santa  Fe,  Informacionea  Mtitrimonialee,   1704,  no.  6. 

7.  Espinosa,  op.  cit.,  pp.  55,   116. 

8.  Sp.  Arch.,  I,  no.  402;  Bancroft  Collection    (Berkeley),  New  Mexico  Originals; 
NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  Vol.  25,  p.  248. 

9.  Sp.  Arch.,  I,  nos.  99,  1027. 

10.  Inf.  Matrim.,  1704,  no.  6. 

11.  Ibid.,  1715,  no.  8. 

12.  Ibid.,  1704,  no.  6. 

18.     Terrus  Will  in  Sp.  Arch.,  1,  no.  966. 

14.     Cf.   "Ramon   Ortiz,  etc.,"   NEW  Mexico   HISTORICAL   REVIEW,   VoL   25,   notes, 
pp.  265-8. 


THE  FIRST   SANTA  FE  FIESTA  COUNCIL  187 

Juan  Paez  Hurtado  died  in  1742,  and  was  buried  on 
May  5  under  the  altar  of  La,  Conquistador  a,  of  whose  Con- 
fraternity he  was  a  devoted  head;15  his  bones  should  lie 
under  the  altar  against  the  north  wall  of  the  north  chapel  of 
the  Santa  Fe  Cathedral.  His  second  wife,  Dona  Teodora 
Garcia,  had  died  six  years  before  and  was  buried  in  the 
sanctuary  of  the  same  chapel,  Nov.  17,  1736.16 

To  all  appearances,  Paez  Hurtado  was  the  originator 
and  prime  mover  of  this  idea  of  a  Fiesta  in  honor  of  De- 
Vargas'  Reconquest  of  Santa  Fe,  for  the  great  Reconquista- 
dor  had  not  only  been  his  hero,  but  also  his  close  friend, 
patron,  and  benefactor.  A  Spanish  Governor  of  New  Mexico 
was  not  inclined  by  nature  and  custom  to  commemorate  the 
achievements  of  predecessors,  especially  close  ones,  and  so 
the  Marquis  of  la  Penuela,  Don  Jose  Chacon  Medina  Salazar 
y  Villasenor,  Governor  in  1712,  absented  himself  from  a 
meeting  which  he  apparently  considered  of  little  moment. 
Ironically,  he  gets  the  credit  for  the  ordinance  creating  the 
Fiesta.17 

DON  FELIX  MARTINEZ  was  one  of  the  hundred  soldiers 
recruited  by  De Vargas  in  Spain.  He  was  a  native  of  Galicia. 
After  formally  signing  up  in  April,  1693,  he  took  part  in  the 
Reconquest  of  that  year,  not  in  the  Entrada  of  1692.  In  1695 
he  commanded  the  Presidio  at  Guadalupe  del  Paso.18  Mar- 
tinez succeeded  Mogollon  as  Governor  of  New  Mexico  in 
1716,  but  soon  after  was  ordered  by  the  Viceroy  to  return  to 
the  City  of  Mexico.19  The  exact  year  of  his  return  is  not  defi- 
nitely established,  but  he  did  not  come  back  to  New  Mexico, 
nor  did  he  leave  any  descendants.  His  title  of  Don,  not  shared 
by  the  rest  of  the  Council,  even  the  Lieutenant  Governor 
himself,  showed  that  he  belonged  at  least  to  the  lesser  no- 
bility. 

He,  too,  had  reasons  for  perpetuating  the  memory  and 
glories  of  DeVargas,  for  with  Paez  Hurtado  he  owed  every- 
thing to  him.20 


15.  "Our  Lady  of  the  Conquest,"  ibid.,  Vol.  23,  pp.  41,  66-7. 

16.  Ibid. 

17.  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  Vol.  6,  p.  323. 

18.  Archive  General  de  Indias,  Mexico,  Audiencia,  legajo  377. 

19.  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  Vol.  6,  p.  158. 

20.  Ibid.,  Vol.  14,  p.  411. 


188  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ALFONSO  RAEL  DE  AGUILAR  was  born  in  the  City  of 
Lorca  near  the  southeast  coast  of  Spain.21  He  had  reached 
Guadalupe  del  Paso  as  early  as  1683,  for  there  on  October 
24  of  that  year  he  married  a  New  Mexican,  Josef  a  Garcia  de 
Noriega.22  Josef  a  (Ana)  Garcia  was  the  daughter  of  Alonso 
Garcia  de  Noriega  and  Teresa  Varela.23  Alfonso's  name 
appears  often  in  documents  of  his  day,  either  as  notary,  sec- 
retary of  war,  or  an  actor  in  the  events  described. 

His  children  were :  Alonso  II,  who  married  Tomasa  Mon- 
toya,  most  likely  a  daughter  of  the  Antonio  Montoya  in  the 
Council,  and  later  Melchora  de  Sandoval,  daughter  of  Miguel 
de  Dios  Sandoval  Martinez,  also  present  at  the  Fiesta  meet- 
ing; also,  Eusebio,  Juan,  Antonia,  Francisca,  and  Felici- 
ana.24  The  latter  eventually  became  the  wife  of  Juan  Garcia 
de  la  Riva,  present  in  the  Council. 

Alfonso  Rael  de  Aguilar  was  buried  in  the  Conquistadora 
chapel  on  April  10,  1734,  and  his  wife  followed  him  on 
August  12  of  the  same  year.25 

SALVADOR  MONTOYA,  born  in  New  Mexico,  was  the  son 
of  Diego  Montoya  and  Josef  a  de  Hinojos,  who  had  escaped 
with  their  family  when  the  Indians  rebelled  in  1680.26  On 
April  25,  1700,  he  married  Manuela  Garcia  in  Bernalillo; 
she  was  a  sister  of  Juan  Garcia  de  la  Riva,  present  at  the 
Council  meeting.  They  had  the  following  children:  Jose 
Francisco,  who  went  to  live  in  Nueva  Vizcaya ;  Miguel,  who 
married  Rosa  Baca ;  Jose  Manuel ;  Francisca,  and  Josef  a.27 

ANTONIO  MONTOYA  was  also  a  native  New  Mexican  who 
escaped  the  1680  massacre  with  his  wife  and  children.  His 
wife,  Maria  Hurtado,  was  a  first  cousin  of  Rael  de  Aguilar's 
first  wife.28  Antonio  died  sometime  before  his  wife;  she 
made  her  will  in  1725  and  was  buried  on  March  22,  1726,  in 


21.  AGN,  Mexico,  Inquiaici&n,  t.  735,  f.  280. 

22.  First  Marriage  Book  of  El  Paso  del  Norte,   Bandelier  Notes. 

23.  Deduced  from  New  Mexico  Family  charts. 

24.  Sp.  Arch.,  I,  no.  765. 

25.  "Our  Lady  of  the  Conquest,"  op.  cit.,  pp.  40-1. 

26.  Sp.  Arch.,  I,  no.  512. 

27.  Baptisms-13,  Bernalillo,  Marriage  Section  ;  Sp.  Arch.,  loc.  cit. 

28.  Sp.  Arch.,  II,   no.   35. 


THE  FIRST   SANTA  FE  FIESTA  COUNCIL  189 

the  Conquistadora  chapel.29  Ten  children  are  mentioned  in 
the  will:  Juan  Antonio,  Andres,  Angela,  Juana,  Antonia, 
Nicolasa,  Antonio,  Manuela,  Tomasa,  and  Maria.30 

MIGUEL  DE  Dios  SANDOVAL  MARTINEZ  came  to  New  Mex- 
ico in  1694  with  his  parents,  the  only  son  of  Juan  de  Dios 
Sandoval  Martinez  and  Juana  de  Medina.  He  was  eighteen 
at  the  time,  and  all  were  natives  of  the  City  of  Mexico.31 
From  his  last  will,  Nov.  26,  1755,  we  learn  that  his  mother's 
name  was  also  "de  Hernandez,"  and  that  his  wife  was  Lucia 
Gomez,  to  whom  he  had  been  married  fifty-eight  years  and 
two  months.  They  had  eight  children,  who  dropped  the 
"Martinez"  and  perpetuated  the  name  "Sandoval."  These 
were:  Manuela,  Juana,  Melchora,  Andres,  Antonio,  Juan 
Manuel,  Miguel,  and  Felipe.32  Of  these,  Melchora  became 
the  second  wife  of  Alfonso  Rael  de  Aguilar,  while  Juan 
Manuel  married  Josefa  Rael  de  Aguilar. 

LORENZO  MADRID,  the  son  of  Francisco  Madrid  II  and 
elder  brother  of  Roque  Madrid,  boasted  in  1697  that  he 
was  the  oldest  Conquistador  and  settler  living  in  the  King- 
dom.33 At  Guadalupe  del  Paso,  when  the  1680  Indian  Rebel- 
lion broke  out,  he  passed  muster  there,  and  was  described 
as  a  native  of  New  Mexico,  married,  forty-seven  years  old, 
tall  and  swarthy,  with  black  hair  and  beard.  He  was  also 
lame  in  one  arm.34  According  to  his  last  will,  he  had  had  a 
wife  before  the  Rebellion  by  the  name  of  Antonia  Ortiz 
[Baca] ,  who  bore  him  these  sons :  Nicolas,  Jose,  Simon,  and 
Francisco  Tomas  Simon.35  Of  these,  Jose  seemed  to  be  the 
only  one  living  in  1680.  His  second  wife,  the  one  with  him  in 
1680,  was  Ana  de  Anaya  Almazan,  widow  of  Andres  Lopez 
Sambrano,  by  whom  he  had  no  children ;  however,  they  had 
adopted  six  orphans,  the  eldest  of  whom  might  be  the  Lucia 


29.  "Our  Lady  of  the  Conquest,"  op.  cit.,  p.  40. 

30.  Sp.  Arch.,  I,  no.  405. 

31.  Biblioteca  Nacional,  Mexico,  leg.  4,  pt»  1,  pp.  790-5. 

32.  Sp.  Arch.,  I,  no.   855. 

33.  Inf.   Matrim.,   1697,   no.    17b. 

34.  C.  W.  Hackett,  Revolt  of  the  Pueblo  Indians,  I,  pp.  35,  143 ;  II,  pp.  66,   129. 

35.  Sp.  Arch.,  I,  no.  502. 


190  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Madrid,  captured  by  Indians  in  1680,  who  was  rescued  by 
her  "brother"  Jose  in  1692.36 

JUAN  GARCIA  DE  LA  RIVA  was  the  son  of  Miguel  Garcia 
de  la  Riva  and  Micaela  Velasco,  who  brought  their  family 
from  the  City  of  Mexico  in  1694.37  Of  their  six  children, 
Teodora  married  Juan  Paez  Hurtado,  Juan  married  Felici- 
ana  Rael  de  Aguilar,  and  Maria  Manuela  was  the  wife  of 
Salvador  Montoya.  This  family  was  certainly  well  repre- 
sented in  the  Fiesta  Council. 

FRANCISCO  LORENZO  DE  CASADOS,  a  native  of  Cadiz,  had 
known  Juan  Paez  Hurtado  in  Spain,  and  so  testified  at  the 
latter's  wedding.38  The  name  of  his  wife  is  not  known,  nor 
is  there  any  kinship  to  be  found  with  other  members  of  the 
Council.  He  had  one  son,  Francisco  Jose,  who  later  married 
Maria  de  Archibeque.39 

The  Santa  Fe  Fiesta 

No  one  knows  for  how  long  the  decree  of  the  first  Fiesta 
Council  was  carried  out.  The  Fiesta  might  have  been  ob- 
served only  in  that  year  of  1712,  if  the  rains  allowed  any 
external  festivities,  or  the  tradition  then  founded  might  have 
been  kept  up  for  many  years  afterward.  For  this  there  is  no 
documentary  evidence  at  all,  though  we  might  presume  that 
the  Fiesta  did  last  as  long  as  Juan  Paez  Hurtado  was  alive. 

The  present  Santa  Fe  Fiesta,  which  this  year  will  adver- 
tise itself  as  the  241st,  dates  from  the  period  around  the 
First  World  War,  when  public-minded  citizens,  "Anglos" 
who  appreciated  the  unique  Spanish  historical  background 
of  Santa  Fe,  became  aware  of  the  grand  possibilities  inher- 
ent in  this  decree  of  1712.  They  animated  the  "Hispanos" 
with  pride  concerning  their  forebears,  and  got  them  to 
participate  in  one  big  spontaneous  folk  festival.  Though  not 
Catholics  for  the  most  part,  they  got  the  Franciscan  Fathers, 
newly  returned  to  the  City  of  the  Holy  Faith,  to  take  part 


86.  Ibid.;  Inf.  Matrim.,  1694,  no.  34;  AGI,  Guadalajara,  legr.  139. 

37.  BNM,  leg.  1,  pt.  1,  p.  790. 

88.  Inf.  Matrim.,  1704,  no.  6. 

89.  Sp.  Arch.,  I,  no.   13. 


THE  FIRST  SANTA  FE  FIESTA  COUNCIL  191 

as  the  successors  of  Fray  Antonio  Camargo;  thus  the 
"Vespers,  Mass,  and  Sermon"  were  resumed,  and  the  special 
candlelight  Procession  to  the  Cross  of  the  Martyrs  inaugu- 
rated. But  gradually  this  simplicity  was  lost. 

For  the  first  few  years  the  Santa  Fe  Fiesta  was  a 
genuine  Spanish-American  folk  festival,  as  it  should  be, 
with  a  touch  of  Indian  participation.  Then  for  a  time, 
certain  individuals  who  took  charge  emphasized  Indian 
dances  and  exhibits.  For  the  past  decade,  "Western"  or 
Hollywood  cowboy  costumes  and  hillbilly  music  have  gained 
the  ascendency.  Whatever  was  left  of  Spanish-American 
folklore  has  been  drowned  by  Mexican  music  and  costum- 
ing. This  is  not  to  decry  the  Cowboy-Rodeo-Indian-Mexican 
influence  in  the  Fiesta,  as  these  elements  are  all  an  integral 
part  of  the  Southwest's  historical  scene.  However,  the 
vacation  season  has  ample  room  for  cowboy,  Mexican,  and 
Indian  festivities.  There  are  special  annual  Rodeos  already 
all  over  the  State  and  in  Santa  Fe,  as  well  as  Indian  cere- 
monies and  ceremonials.  The  Santa  Fe  Fiesta  ought  to  be 
a  genuine  Spanish-American  folk  festival  and  nothing  else, 
though  not  excluding  some  Pueblo  Indian  participation, 
which  the  Fiesta's  original  event  calls  for. 


BISHOP  TAMARON'S  VISITATION 
OF  NEW  MEXICO,  1760 

Edited  by  Eleanor  B.  Adams 
(Continued) 

THE  KINGDOM  OF  NEW  MEXICO,  1760 w 

THE  boundaries  of  New  Mexico,  if  we  seek  them  from 
Sonora  and  Janos,  are  the  Santa  Maria  River  on  the 
west,  and  the  line  with  Vizcaya  is  in  that  region.  From  there 
it  is  fifty  leagues  to  El  Paso,  and  I  took  this  route  when  I 
made  my  episcopal  visitation.  The  captain  of  Janos  and  his 
men  left  me  there  and  returned  to  their  presidio  thirty 
leagues  away.  In  the  south  the  boundary  is  Carrizal,  which  is 
thirty-six  leagues  from  El  Paso.  The  eastern  boundary  is 
eighty  leagues  downstream  from  El  Paso  at  the  junction 
with  the  Conchos  River.  The  northern  limit  is  unknown.  On 
the  west  flank  there  are  Gila,  Navaho,  and  Ute  Indians ;  on  the 
northeast,  Apaches  and  Faraones,  and  various  other  tribes. 

El  Paso 

This  town's  population  is  made  up  of  Spaniards,  Euro- 
peanized  mixtures,61  and  Indians.  Its  patron  saints  are  Our 
Lady  of  the  Pillar  [of  Saragossa]  and  St.  Joseph.62  There 
is  a  royal  presidio  with  a  captain  and  fifty  soldiers  in  the 
pay  of  the  King. 

The  cure  of  souls  is  in  charge  of  the  Franciscan  friars 
of  the  Province  of  the  Holy  Gospel  of  Mexico.  Two  friars 
are  serving  there.  One  is  the  Gustos,  who  is  prelate  of  all 
the  New  Mexico  missionaries.  The  other,  who  has  the  title 
of  guardian,  is  the  parish  priest  of  that  large  town.  Two 


60.  Translated  from  Tamaron   (1937),  pp.  325-355. 

61.  "Gente   de   razon."    This   term   is   sometimes   translated   as    "whites."    It   was 
generally  applied  to  all  those  of  mixed  blood,  including  mestizos  and  mulattoes,  whose 
way  of  life  followed  Spanish  rather  than  indigenous  customs.  By  contrast  the  Indians 
were  sometimes    detractively   referred   to   as    "sin    raz6n."    The   term    "gente   blanca," 
literally   "white   people,"   was   applied   to   a   certain   mixture  of   Spanish   and   mulatto 
blood.  N.  Leon,  Las  castaa  del  Mexico  colonial,  o  Nueva  Espana  (Mexico,  1924),  pp.  23, 
27.  It  will  be  noted  that  Bishop  Tamar6n  distinguished  among  Spaniards,  i.e.  individuals 
of  pure  European  blood,  gente  de  razon,  and  Indians. 

62.  These  were  the  patron   saints  of  the  presidio.   The  mission   was  dedicated  to 
Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe  and  El  Paso  is  usually  called  by  this  name. 

192 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  193 

secular  priests  also  reside  there.  I  found  that  one  of  them 
held  the  office  of  vicar  and  ecclesiastical  judge,  and  for 
good  reasons  I  decided  to  give  the  vicariate  to  the  Father 
Gustos,  without  prejudice  to  the  rights  of  the  episcopal 
jurisdiction,  even  though  the  one  who  was  exercising  it 
had  given  no  cause  for  his  removal  from  this  office. 

El  Paso  has  354  families  of  Spanish  and  Europeanized 
citizens,  with  2479  persons.  There  are  72  Indian  families 
with  249  persons.63 

They  gave  me  a  solemn  reception  here,  for  not  only 
did  the  captain  of  the  presidio,  Don  Manuel  de  San  Juan, 
who  is  also  the  chief  magistrate,  the  Father  Gustos,  and 
the  vicar  come  out  to  the  Rio  de  Santa  Maria,  but  when  I 
entered  El  Paso,  everyone  came  marching  out  in  fine  order 
and  display.  This  cost  me  a  night's  sojourn  in  the  country 
three  leagues  from  El  Paso,  which  I  did  not  like  at  all, 
because  it  is  a  very  dangerous  region,  even  though  I  had 
been  in  the  same  situation  for  the  six  preceding  nights  from 
the  time  I  left  Janos  since  there  are  no  settlements  en  route. 
But  this  last  night  was  at  their  request  so  that  they  might 
make  better  preparations  for  my  reception,  for  I  was  then 
near  enough  to  have  been  able  to  enter  El  Paso  that  night. 
But  I  arrived  on  the  following  day,  April  23,  1760. 

El  Paso  is  in  latitude  32°9',  longitude  261°40'. 

There  is  a  large  irrigation  ditch  with  which  they  bleed 
the  Rio  del  Norte.  It  is  large  enough  to  receive  half  its  waters. 
This  ditch  is  subdivided  into  others  which  run  through 
broad  plains,  irrigating  them.  By  this  means  they  maintain 
a  large  number  of  vineyards,  from  which  they  make 


68.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59,  part  of  which  will  be  translated  infra,  gives  a  briefer 
account  of  Bishop  Tamaron's  visitation  but  does  include  further  details  in  a  few  cases. 
Variations  and  additions  will  be  given  in  this  and  succeeding  notes.  With  regard  to 
El  Paso,  this  manuscript  adds  that  the  soldiers  of  the  presidio  were  mounted.  One 
of  the  secular  priests  in  residence  there,  "who  holds  the  title  of  parish  priest  and 
vicar  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  las  Caldas,  which  was  abandoned  because  of  the  continual 
incursions  by  the  enemy  [Indians],  handed  over  to  me  the  parish  books,  which  were 
placed  in  my  secretariat,  and  I  deposited  the  vestments  and  sacred  vessels  with  him." 
Cf.  note  113,  infra.  The  Indian  population  is  given  as  27  families,  with  294  persons, 
but  this  may  be  a  mistake  by  the  copyist.  The  figures  for  the  citizens  included  the 
soldiers  of  the  presidio.  In  1749  Father  Varo  had  reported  that  the  mission  of  Our 
Lady  of  Guadalupe  of  El  Paso  had  a  population  of  "more  than  200  Indians  and  more 
than  1000  Spaniards  and  other  Europeanized  individuals."  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81. 


194  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

generoso6*  wines  even  better  than  those  from  Parras,  and 
also  brandy,  but  not  as  much.  They  grow  wheat,  maize, 
and  other  grains  of  the  region,  as  well  as  fruit  trees,  apples, 
pears,  peaches,  figs.  It  is  delightful  country  in  summer. 

That  settlement  suffers  a  great  deal  of  trouble  caused  by 
the  river.  Every  year  the  freshet  carries  away  the  conduit 
they  make  to  drain  off  its  waters.  The  flood  season  lasts 
three  months,  May,  June,  and  July.  They  told  me  about 
this  before  I  came,  and  I  traveled  with  more  speed,  since 
I  had  to  cross  it  before  it  was  in  flood.  Three  or  four  days 
after  my  arrival,  I  went  to  see  the  river,  a  trip  which  requires 
an  armed  escort.  It  was  already  rising.  It  is  at  its  peak  on 
May  3.  It  was  necessary  for  me  to  wait  while  supplies 
for  the  journey  to  the  interior  of  New  Mexico  were  made 
ready. 

The  method  of  restoring  the  conduit  every  year  is  to 
make  some  large  round  baskets  of  rather  thick  rods.  When 
the  freshets  are  over,  they  put  them  in  the  current,  filling 
them  with  stones,  and  they  act  as  dams  and  force  the  water 
to  seek  the  mouth  of  the  ditch.  This  is  not  necessary  when 
the  river  is  in  flood.  Indeed,  so  much  water  flows  that  if 
the  river  is  somewhat  higher  than  usual,  they  are  alarmed, 
fearing  that  they  may  be  flooded  and  innundated  with  great 
damage. 

Although  this  river  carries  a  great  deal  of  water,  except 
for  the  three  months  when  it  rises  it  can  be  forded,  although 
there  is  always  danger  because  of  its  sandy  and  turbulent 
bottom.  I  inquired  in  El  Paso  about  the  reason  for  this. 
They  attribute  it  to  a  river  that  joins  it  higher  up,  which 
they  call  the  Rio  Puerco.  I  had  this  in  mind  when  I  went 
upstream.  I  crossed  the  Rio  Puerco  twice  and  found  it 
completely  dry,  without  water.  And  higher  up,  throughout 
New  Mexico,  it  [the  Rio  Grande]  flows  as  turbulently  as 
in  El  Paso,  and  all  the  rivers  I  crossed  that  would  eventually 
join  it  are  very  clear.  The  common  opinion  is  that  its 
freshets  during  the  aforesaid  three  months  are  the  result 
of  melting  snow.  I  do  not  agree  with  this.  The  water  which 


64.     It  is  impossible  to  translate  this  term,  which  has  reference  to  the  type  and 
quality  of  certain  wines. 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  195 

melts  from  snow  is  very  clear,  as  one  observes  in  the  many 
powerful  rivers  which  come  from  the  Sierra  Madre  and 
flow  into  the  South  Sea  through  the  government  of  Sinaloa. 
I  entered  New  Mexico  in  the  month  of  May,  and  almost 
all  the  snow  in  all  the  sierras  had  melted.  Indeed,  a  few 
streaks  were  visible,  but  it  was  obvious  that  they  were 
only  fragments  of  the  large  amount  that  had  gone.  I  went 
up  to  the  most  remote  place,  which  is  Taos.  I  was  there  on 
June  10,  and  at  the  peak  of  the  great  sierra  at  whose  foot 
the  pueblo  lies  a  few  patches  of  snow  were  visible,  and  they 
were  small.  Although  the  heavy  snows  fall  from  November 
to  February,  the  freshets  do  not  begin  until  the  end  of 
April,  and  this  is  always  the  case. 

On  June  13  I  was  in  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan,  which  I 
visited  on  my  return  from  Taos.  Part  of  the  road  was 
downstream.  Astonished  to  see  so  much  water,  I  was  con- 
vinced that  there  would  be  few  people  for  me  to  confirm, 
since  most  of  the  parishioners  have  their  houses  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river.  I  reached  the  pueblo ;  I  made  inquiries, 
and  the  missionary  assured  me  that  everyone  had  crossed. 
In  astonishment  I  asked  whether  canoes  could  navigate 
there.  They  replied  that  everyone  crossed  on  horseback. 
The  river  was  divided  into  seven  arms.  They  crossed  three 
by  running  and  flying,  for  this  is  how  they  describe  it 
when  they  swim  and  touch  bottom,  and  four  by  swimming. 
They  ride  the  horses  bareback;  they  are  now  expert;  and 
in  this  fashion  old  men  and  women,  boys  and  girls,  and  all 
kinds  of  people  crossed  without  a  single  accident. 

Higher  up  in  New  Mexico  this  river  freezes  many  years, 
and  they  cross  the  ice  on  horseback  and  with  wagons. 

The  headwaters  of  this  river  are  not  known,  nor  is  there 
any  definite  account  of  its  source.  There  are  very  interesting 
stories  about  it,  and  in  spite  of  its  abundance  at  El  Paso, 
the  year  1752  is  remembered,  when  it  diminished  and  dried 
up  there.  It  flowed  to  within  about  thirty  leagues  above 
El  Paso,  and  twenty  leagues  below  El  Paso  its  current 
again  emerged,  while  the  intervening  fifty  leagues  remained 
dry  with  no  water  except  what  was  caught  in  the  wells 
they  opened  in  the  channel.  They  found  themselves  in  a 


196  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sad  state,  because  they  needed  the  irrigation  from  this 
river.  Freshets  because  of  rainfall  are  unknown.  The  freshets 
are  confined  to  their  three  months.  These  characteristics 
are  worthy  of  remark,  because  of  the  inferences  that  may 
be  drawn. 

El  Paso  is  located  between  two  sierras,  and  the  river, 
which  comes  almost  directly  from  the  north,  runs  through 
the  wide  mouth  between  them.  The  river  comes  from  even 
beyond  New  Mexico,  always  declining  southward,  and  shortly 
before  it  reaches  El  Paso  it  twists  and  bends  to  the  east 
and  continues  in  this  direction  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

San  Lorenzo 

This  pueblo  is  called  the  Realito,  but  I  was  never  told 
that  there  had  been  mines  there.  Its  inhabitants  are  Euro- 
peanized  citizens  and  Indians.  There  are  32  families  of 
citizens  with  192  persons.  There  are  21  Indian  families  with 
58  persons.  A  Franciscan  parish  priest  ministers  to  these 
people  in  the  capacity  of  missionary.  It  is  one  league  over 
a  plain  to  the  east  of  El  Paso,  downstream.65  Its  church 
is  23  varas  long  and  five  and  a  half  wide. 

Senecu 

This  pueblo  is  two  leagues  from  San  Lorenzo  and  three 
from  El  Paso,  downstream  over  the  plain  to  the  east.  Its 
Franciscan  missionary,  who  resides  there  permanently,  has 
111  families  of  Piros  Indians,  with  425  persons;  18  families 
of  Suma  Indians,  with  52  persons;  and  also  some  infidel 
Sumas  who  were  being  taught  the  catechism,  28  persons; 
29  families  of  citizens  and  Europeanized  mixtures,  with 
141  persons.  His  church  is  thirty-six  and  three-fourths  varas 
long,  five  and  a  half  wide,  and  the  priest's  house  measures 
nine  varas.66 

La  Isleta 

The  titular  patrons  of  this  pueblo  are  Corpus  Christi 
and  St.  Anthony.  It  has  a  Franciscan  missionary,  with 

65.  BNM,   leg.  9,  no.  59  gives  the  distance  as  three  leagues   from   El   Paso  and 
three  from  Senecu.  Cf.  Itinerary,  infra.  According  to  Father  Varo,  it  had  about  160 
Suma  Indians  and  150  Spaniards  in  the  vicinity  in  1749.  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81. 

66.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59  gives  the  number  of  Suma  families  as  12.  Varo's  figures 
for  1749  are  about  384  Indians  and  102  Spaniards  and  Europeanized  mixtures.  BNM, 
leg.  8,  no.  81. 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  197 

80  families  of  Piros  Indians  and  429  persons;  18  families 
of  citizens  with  131  persons.67  It  is  two  flat  leagues  east 
of  Senecu  and  five  from  El  Paso,  downstream.  The  church 
is  thirty-six  varas  long  by  five  and  one  half  wide,  and  the 
priest's  house  measures  nine  varas. 

El  Socorro 

This  pueblo  of  Our  Lady  of  Socorro  has  a  Franciscan 
missionary,  with  46  families  of  Suma  Indians  and  182  per- 
sons. It  is  one  league  east  of  Isleta  and  six  from  El  Paso, 
downstream.  There  are  82  families  of  citizens,  including 
those  of  Tiburcio,  with  424  persons.68  The  church  is  thirty- 
six  varas  long  and  seven  wide,  and  the  transept  measures 
fourteen  and  three-fourths  varas.  Each  of  these  four  pueblos 
has  a  friar  in  residence.  They  are  as  fertile  and  luxuriant 
as  El  Paso,  with  irrigation  ditches  which  the  river  fills 
without  need  for  a  conduit. 

Carrizal 

This  pueblo  is  new,  and  its  titular  patron  is  San  Fer- 
nando. It  was  founded  in  the  year  1758  by  Captain  Don 
Manuel  de  San  Juan,  who  paid  the  expenses  of  fifty  settlers 
equipped  as  soldiers  and  with  what  was  necessary  for  their 
farms  out  of  his  own  private  means.  A  secular  priest  was 
appointed,  with  400  pesos  paid  to  him  by  the  King.  For 
the  protection  of  these  people,  twenty  soldiers  from  the 
presidio  of  El  Paso  are  stationed  here,  and  they  are  replaced 
at  regular  intervals.  When  I  visited  there,  the  church  was 
started,  and  the  priest  has  since  written  me  that  it  is  finished. 
He  also  asked  me  for  vestments,  which  I  will  give  as  soon 
as  I  receive  another  report  on  the  state  of  affairs  there, 
for  I  fear  that  it  will  not  survive,  although  it  is  a  very 
necessary  outpost.  It  has  lands  with  abundant  irrigation. 
It  is  thirty-six  leagues  south  of  El  Paso  on  the  way  to 
Chihuahua.  There  are  41  families,  with  171  persons.  It 
belongs  to  New  Mexico. 


67.  About  500  Indians  and  54  Spaniards  in  1749.  Ibid. 

68.  BNM,   leg.   9,  no.   59,  gives  the  number  of  citizens  as  444.   According  to  the 
1749    estimate,    there   were   about    250    Indians,    including    children   receiving    religious 
instruction,  and  about  250  Spaniards  and  half-breeds,  including  children.  BNM,  leg.  8, 
no.  81. 


198  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

El  Paso  is  the  gateway  to  the  interior  of  New  Mexico, 
and  it  may  be  that  this  circumstance  is  the  origin  of  its 
name;  not  because  New  Mexico  has  any  barriers,  since  it 
is  easily  entered  from  all  quarters.  When  I  was  in  Bassaraca 
[Bacerac],  the  general  of  the  Opatas,  Don  Jeronimo,  offered, 
if  I  liked,  to  take  me  from  there  to  New  Mexico  in  a  few 
days,  for  he  knew  a  much  shorter  route  than  the  one  I 
planned  to  take  via  El  Paso.  The  latter  is  the  gateway 
because  it  is  the  one  that  has  always  been  used,  and,  once 
there,  it  is  the  most  direct  and  the  one  traveled  by  all. 
According  to  what  I  heard,  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  open 
a  road  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  I  should  have 
returned  that  way  to  avoid  two  crossings  of  the  river,  which 
were  troublesome  enough  at  that  season. 

The  captain  prepared  a  raft  in  order  to  cross  that  for- 
midable river.  May  7  was  designated  for  my  embarkation. 
On  the  sixth  the  loads,  mules,  horses,  muleteers,  one  hundred 
live  sheep  for  food  in  the  uninhabited  areas,  and  other  sup- 
plies were  taken  across.  They  took  me  to  the  river  early 
on  the  seventh.  It  was  very  high  and  overflowing.  That 
place  and  those  nearby  which  crown  the  shore  were  aban- 
doned. When  I  boarded  the  raft,  the  river  was  covered 
by  Indian  swimmers,  some  pulling  lines,  others  making  them 
fast.  I  made  a  happy  crossing  to  the  other  side  with  most 
of  my  family,  although  I  left  part  of  it  in  El  Paso.  It  was 
necessary  to  wait  on  the  other  bank  until  the  two  volantes, 
or  two-wheeled  calashes,  were  brought  across.  They  were 
dismantled  and  taken  on  the  raft.  These  operations  and 
bringing  the  rest  of  the  people  across  took  until  nearly 
midday.  When  the  volantes  were  assembled,  the  journey 
upstream  began. 

One  does  not  lose  sight  of  this  river  all  the  way  to  New 
Mexico.  Only  from  Albuquerque  on  is  any  other  water 
encountered,  not  even  an  arroyo  or  a  spring.  It  is  worth 
noting  that  on  that  eastern  route  from  El  Paso  to  New 
Mexico,  the  Sierra  of  the  Mansos  apparently  does  not  send 
down  a  single  small  arroyo.  At  the  Jornada  del  Muerto 
alone,  the  river  recedes,  and  there  are  difficulties  with  regard 
to  water. 


TAMARtiN'S   VISITATION  199 

On  this  day  [May  8]  five  leagues  of  rather  rough  road 
were  traveled,  and  there  was  a  review  of  the  people  of  our 
camp.  They  included  eleven  soldiers  from  the  presidio,  twelve 
citizen  soldiers,  eighteen  Indian  soldiers,  and  eight  travelers. 
Therefore,  including  my  servants,  the  Father  Gustos,  and 
myself,  we  were  sixty-four  men  in  all. 

On  the  following  day  [May  9]  the  journey  continued 
for  only  five  leagues,  and  four  on  the  one  after  that  [May 
10],  because  they  were  rounding  up  a  herd  of  horses  from 
those  belonging  to  the  presidio,  which  they  keep  on  the  other 
bank  of  the  river. 

On  May  11  it  was  freezing  at  dawn.  On  this  day  we 
reached  the  dread  site  of  Robledo,  where  we  spent  the 
night.  It  is  an  unavoidable  stopping  place.  The  river  flows 
between  two  sierras.  The  one  on  the  west  is  called  Robledo, 
and  the  one  on  the  east  Dona  Ana.  Camp  is  pitched  between 
the  latter  and  the  river.  The  place  is  frightening,  and  the 
danger  one  runs  there  increases  this  aspect,  for  most  travel- 
ers are  attacked  by  infidel  Indians,  which  is  a  very  frequent 
occurrence  at  that  place.  And  two  of  my  most  illustrious 
predecessors  who  entered  New  Mexico  learned  this  from 
experience,  because  some  of  their  mules  were  shot  with 
arrows.  But  I  had  such  good  fortune  in  my  travels  that 
not  even  threats  were  known,  except,  indeed,  on  May  12, 
which  found  us  in  Robledo  at  a  frosty  dawn,  when  smokes 
were  seen  in  the  nearby  Dona  Ana  sierra.  This  gave  us 
some  anxiety,  but  when  we  continued  our  journey,  we  began 
to  realize  that  the  great  amount  of  smoke  indicated  that 
a  forest  was  burning.  And  a  little  farther  on,  opposite  the 
conflagration,  we  found  a  black  cross  about  a  vara  and  a 
half  high  and  as  thick  as  a  man's  thumb  at  the  side  of  the 
road,  and  at  its  foot  a  deerskin  sack  containing  two  pieces 
of  fresh  venison  and  a  deerskin.  The  Apaches,  who  must 
have  been  in  the  Dona  Ana  sierra,  put  it  there.  By  this 
means  they  indicated  that  they  were  at  peace  and  that 
we  should  give  them  food  and  buy  the  deerskin.  The  experi- 
enced guides  gave  this  interpretation.  And  therefore  they 
left  a  knife  in  exchange  for  the  deerskin  and  kept  putting 
pieces  of  bread  and  tobacco  leaf  in  the  sack.  And  a  short 


200  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

distance  away,  for  we  were  on  the  lookout,  two  Indians 
on  horseback  were  sighted.  They  were  coming  to  see  what 
had  been  left  for  them. 

On  this  day,  the  twelfth  of  the  month  and  the  sixth  of 
the  journey,  we  came  to  the  Jornada  del  Muerto.  To  prepare 
for  it,  a  detour  is  made  to  seek  the  river  at  a  place  called 
San  Diego.  The  night  is  spent  there.  Everything  necessary 
is  made  ready.  It  is  about  half  a  league  from  the  river. 
Barrels  are  brought  for  the  purpose.  These  are  filled  with 
water  for  the  people.  On  the  morning  of  the  thirteenth  the 
horses  were  taken  to  the  river  to  drink.  Somewhat  later 
all  the  food  for  the  journey  was  prepared,  and  at  half  past 
seven  we  left  that  post  with  considerable  speed,  stopping 
only  to  change  horses.  During  this  interval  we  ate  what 
there  was,  and  we  traveled  in  this  fashion  until  eight- 
thirty  at  night,  when  we  halted  opposite  the  Sierra  of 
Fray  Cristobal. 

On  the  fourteenth  day  of  May,  the  eighth  day  of  our 
journey,  we  made  an  early  start.  We  reached  the  river  at 
eleven-thirty.  The  livestock  were  so  thirsty  that  they  ran  to 
reach  the  water.  After  this  fashion  were  the  thirty  leagues 
of  this  difficult  stage  traveled.  We  stopped  there  this  day. 
And  on  the  next,  which  was  the  feast  of  the  Glorious  Ascen- 
sion of  Our  Lord,  three  masses  were  said,  and  then  the 
trip  was  continued  with  a  short  day's  journey  because  of 
the  tiring  one  that  had  preceded  it.  The  site  they  call  San 
Pascual  was  reached.  There  was  a  pueblo  there  before  the 
revolt  of  the  kingdom,  and  only  traces  of  the  church  and 
houses  are  visible.  If  it  were  rebuilt,  it  would  be  a  great 
consolation  and  relief  to  travelers  on  that  road. 

On  the  sixteenth  there  was  also  a  short  day's  journey 
as  far  as  the  site  called  Luis  Lopez  because  he  had  an 
hacienda  there  before  the  revolt. 

On  the  seventeenth  we  went  over  a  road  full  of  ravines, 
and  in  one  of  them  the  volante  in  which  I  and  the  Father 
Gustos  were  riding  suffered  a  severe  upset.  The  Father  Gus- 
tos fell  from  the  side  and  received  a  blow  which  hurt  him.  I 
escaped  injury,  because  I  fell  on  him.  Therefore  I  took  a 
horse  and  continued  my  journey  on  it.  On  this  day  the  re- 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  201 

mains  of  the  pueblo  of  Socorro  were  seen  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river.  The  walls  of  the  church  are  standing,  and  there 
are  peach  trees.  And  they  say  that  an  arroyo  which  rises  in 
the  sierra  comes  down  on  that  side.  This  pueblo  was  also  lost 
with  the  kingdom.  On  this  day  a  stop  was  made  at  the  site 
of  Alamito  [Alamillo].  That  afternoon  I  wrote  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  kingdom  advising  him  of  my  coming,  and  also 
to  the  vicar  and  ecclesiastical  judge.  Three  men  were  dis- 
patched with  my  letters  and  those  of  the  Father  Gustos. 

On  the  following  day,  in  the  middle  of  the  journey,  we 
came  to  the  site  where  the  pueblo  of  Sevilleta  stood,  and  a 
little  beyond  it  the  ruined  estancia  of  Felipe  Romero.  Both 
were  lost  with  the  kingdom. 

On  the  nineteenth  we  passed  the  house  they  call  Colo- 
rada,  also  in  ruins,  and  from  that  point  on  we  began  to  see 
pens  of  ewes,  corrals,  and  small  houses,  for  there  is  good 
pasturage.  On  this  same  day  the  houses  of  the  settlement  of 
Belen  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  came  into  view ;  and  from 
there  on  great  poplar  groves  begin  to  cover  the  countryside. 
Here  we  were  received  by  the  alcalde  of  Tome  with  the  citi- 
zens of  his  town,  of  Belen,  and  of  Isleta.  The  last  two  are  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river.  We  reached  Tome  at  ten  and  made 
a  stop  there. 

Tome 

This  is  a  new  settlement  of  Spanish  citizens  which  could 
become  the  best  in  the  kingdom  because  of  its  extensive  lands 
and  the  ease  of  running  an  irrigation  ditch  from  the  river, 
which  keeps  flowing  there.  A  decent  church  has  already  been 
built.  It  is  thirty-three  varas  long  by  eight  wide,  with  a 
transept  and  three  altars.  It  is  dedicated  to  the  Immaculate 
Conception.  There  is  a  house  for  the  parish  priest,  who  is  the 
one  of  the  villa  of  Albuquerque.  I  confirmed  402  persons  that 
afternoon.69  The  population  of  this  settlement  is  not  recorded 
here  because  it  was  included  in  the  census  of  the  town  to 
which  it  is  subordinate  [Albuquerque].  The  Father  Gustos 
was  charged  to  assign  a  friar  to  Tome,  separate  from  Albu- 
querque, and  I  believe  that  he  has  already  done  so. 

69.  Cf.  Itinerary,  infra,  which  gives  the  number  of  confirmations  as  606.  BNM, 
leg.  9,  no.  59,  agrees  with  the  above. 


202  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Albuquerque™ 

This  villa  is  composed  of  Spanish  citizens  and  European- 
ized  mixtures.  Their  parish  priest  and  missionary  is  a  Fran- 
ciscan friar.  It  is  ten  leagues  north  of  Tome.  There  are  270 
families  and  1814  persons.71 

On  the  following  day,  May  21, 1  celebrated  the  announce- 
ment of  my  visitation.  The  edict  concerning  public  sins  was 
read,  and  then  the  commands  of  the  Roman  ritual  were  ex- 
ecuted. The  parish  books  were  examined.  Various  faculties 
were  conferred  on  the  parish  priest,  and  the  title  of  vicar 
and  ecclesiastical  judge  of  this  villa  was  issued  to  him  be- 
cause of  the  distance  from  Santa  Fe,  for  there  had  never 
been  one  there. 

The  secular  priest  who  is  vicar  of  Santa  Fe,  Don  Santiago 
Roibal,  arrived  here  with  his  notary  on  this  day. 

Because  some  of  his  parishioners  are  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  this  parish  priest  of  Albuquerque,  called  Fray 
Manuel  Rojo,  is  obliged  to  cross  it  when  summoned.  This 
kept  him  under  apprehension,  and  above  all  he  emphasized 
to  me  that  when  the  river  froze,  it  was  necessary  to  cross  on 
the  ice.  He  elaborated  this  point  by  saying  that  when  the  ice 
thundered,  he  thought  he  was  on  the  way  to  the  bottom,  be- 
cause when  one  crosses  it,  it  creaks  as  if  it  were  about  to 
break. 

Sandia 

This  pueblo  of  Moqui  and  Tigua  Indians  is  new.  It  is  four 
leagues  north  of  Albuquerque.  There  is  a  very  decent  chapel 
on  the  way  there.  I  inspected  it,  and  while  I  was  doing  so, 
twenty  soldiers  with  a  lieutenant  captain  arrived,  whom  the 
governor  of  the  kingdom  had  sent  to  me  as  an  escort. 

I  made  my  visitation  and  confirmations  in  this  pueblo  of 
Sandia.  There  is  a  Franciscan  missionary  parish  priest  there, 
who  administers  35  families  of  settlers,  with  222  persons. 
The  Indians  live  apart  in  their  tenements,  separated  after 


70.  I  have  used  the  modern  spelling  of  the  name  of  this  city.   The  original,   of 
course,  has  the  old  and  correct  version,  Alburquerque. 

71.  The  census  for  1750  in  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.   81,  shows   191   families  with  about 
1812    persons.    Father    Varo's    1749   estimate    was    500    non-Indians    and    200    Indians. 
Possibly  Varo's  estimate  did  not  include  the  subordinate  settlements. 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  203 

the  manner  customary  in  this  kingdom,  as  will  be  explained 
later. 

The  tenement  of  the  Tigua  Indians  houses  51  families  and 
196  persons,  and  that  of  the  converted  Moqui  Indians,  16 
families,  with  95  persons.72 

Santo  Domingo 

This  pueblo  of  Keres  Indians  is  six  leagues  north  of  San- 
dia  upriver.  There  are  no  settlers  here.  The  mission  priest 
is  a  Franciscan  friar.  It  comprises  67  families,  with  424 
persons.73 

Four  leagues  before  we  reached  this  pueblo,  we  passed 
opposite  another  called  San  Felipe,  which  is  on  the  other 
bank  of  the  river.  And  on  this  other  side  they  arranged  a 
nice  arbor  and  under  it  a  fine  lunch,  for  in  few  places  would 
a  better  one  be  made.  The  mission  priest  of  San  Felipe  pre- 
pared it  at  his  own  expense.  And  after  it  was  over  and  we 
had  proceeded  a  quarter  of  a  league,  the  aforesaid  governor 
of  the  kingdom  came  out  to  meet  us  in  his  two-seated  chaise, 
and  from  there  we  traveled  together  to  Santo  Domingo.  He 
dined  there  and  returned  to  his  capital,  but  he  left  the  chaise 
at  my  disposal. 

Having  made  my  visitation  and  confirmations,  I  left  for 
Santa  Fe  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  May,  now  leaving  the 
river  and  traveling  toward  the  east.  I  reached  the  house  of 
El  Alamo,  six  leagues  from  Santo  Domingo.  It  is  large,  with 
an  upper  story  and  many  corridors.  There  the  governor  had 
left  everything  for  the  midday  meal  ready. 

Here  the  captain  of  the  peaceful  Apache  Indians  came 
to  call  on  me.  This  man  is  esteemed  in  the  kingdom  because 
of  his  old  loyalty.  He  warns  of  the  coming  of  Comanches, 
and  in  war  he  and  his  men  are  a  safe  ally.  But  they  have  not 
been  able  to  persuade  him  to  become  a  Christian.  I  begged 
and  exhorted  him.  He  excused  himself  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  now  too  old  to  [learn  how]  to  recite  the  catechism.  I 


72.  A  note  in  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.   81,  states  that  the  census  of  Nuestra  Senora   de 
Dolores   of  Sandia,   which   was   resettled   in    1748   with   Tigua   and   Moqui   Indians,  had 
not  arrived,  but  that  there  were  about  440  Indians. 

73.  According   to   the   census   of   1750,   Santo   Domingo   had   about   42    households 
with  300  Indians,  including  children.  Ibid. 


204  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

endeavored  to  facilitate  matters  for  him.  I  got  nowhere. 
Everyone  desires  his  conversion  because  he  displays  good 
qualities,  and  they  hope  that  the  same  thing  may  happen  to 
him  as  to  another  captain  who  was  unwilling  while  he  was 
in  good  health,  but  who  asked  for  baptism  when  he  was  on 
the  point  of  death,  which  would  be  going  to  see  the  Great 
Captain,  for  so  they  call  God.  And  as  soon  as  he  received 
holy  baptism,  he  died. 

Santa  Fe 

This  villa  is  the  capital  of  New  Mexico.  It  is  four  leagues 
east  of  the  house  of  El  Alamo,  which  I  left  the  afternoon  of 
the  same  day.  And  a  half  a  league  before  we  reached  Santa 
Fe,  the  governor  came  forth  with  a  numerous  and  brilliant 
retinue.  He  dismounted  from  his  horse  and  joined  me  in  the 
coach.  This  reception  was  very  noteworthy.  We  proceeded  to 
the  villa  among  a  crowd  of  people,  and  my  entrance  to  Santa 
Fe  was  made  with  the  same  solemnity  that  the  Roman 
ceremonial  prescribes  for  cathedrals.  After  this  function 
the  governor  himself  lodged  me  in  the  very  casas  reales,  and 
he  moved  to  another  house.  And  he  provided  food  during  my 
sojourn  there.  I  accepted  this,  and  the  same  from  the  cap- 
tain at  El  Paso,  because  there  was  no  other  way  of  obtaining 
it;  and  they  conformed,  according  to  what  I  heard,  to  the 
practice  of  their  predecessors  with  my  predecessors,  as  like- 
wise with  regard  to  providing  mules  and  horses. 

On  May  25,  which  was  Whitsunday,  the  visitation  was 
made  with  all  possible  solemnity  in  the  principal  church, 
which  serves  as  the  parish  church.  It  is  large,  with  a  spacious 
nave  and  a  transept  adorned  by  altars  and  altarscreens,  all 
of  which,  as  well  as  the  baptismal  font  and  the  other  things 
mentioned  in  the  Roman  ritual,  were  inspected  after  the 
edict  concerning  public  sins  had  been  read  and  a  sermon  on 
the  aims  of  the  visitation  given. 

Two  Franciscan  friars  serve  continually  in  this  villa,  one 
with  the  title  of  Vice-Gustos  and  the  other  as  parish  priest, 
with  the  status  of  missionary.  To  each  of  these  friars,  and 
to  all  who  serve  in  New  Mexico,  the  King  contributes  300 
pesos  annually;  and  in  addition  to  this,  they  receive  their 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  205 

obventions  in  accordance  with  a  fixed  schedule.  A  secular 
priest  also  serves  in  that  villa  as  vicar.  He  is  paid  300  pesos 
a  year  from  the  tithes.  This  was  the  only  vicar  in  the  king- 
dom, and  for  that  reason  I  decided  to  add  the  vicarship  of 
Albuquerque  and  that  of  the  Villa  de  la  Canada,  so  that 
decisions  might  be  handed  down  with  greater  ease.74 

This  villa  of  Santa  Fe  has  379  families  of  citizens  of 
Spanish  and  mixed  blood,  with  1285  persons.  Since  I  have 
confirmed  1532  persons  in  the  said  villa,  I  am  convinced  that 
the  census  they  gave  me  is  very  much  on  the  low  side,  and  I 
do  not  doubt  that  the  number  of  persons  must  be  at  least 
twice  that  given  in  the  census.75 

In  this  villa  I  visited  another  church  dedicated  to  the 
Archangel  St.  Michael.  It  is  fairly  decent ;  at  that  time  they 
were  repairing  the  roof. 

In  the  plaza,  a  very  fine  church  dedicated  to  the  Most 
Holy  Mother  of  Light  was  being  built.  It  is  thirty  varas  long 
and  nine  wide,  with  a  transept.  Eight  leagues  from  there  a 
vein  of  very  white  stone  had  been  discovered,  and  the  amount 
necessary  for  an  altar  screen  large  enough  to  fill  a  third  [of 
the  wall]  of  the  high  altar  was  brought  from  this  place.  This 
was  then  almost  carved.  Later  both  it  and  the  church  were 
finished.  The  dedication  of  this  church  was  also  celebrated, 
and  I  was  informed  that  it  was  all  well  adorned.  The  chief 
founder  of  this  church  was  the  governor  himself,  Don  Fran- 
cisco Marin  del  Valle,  who  simultaneously  arranged  for  the 
founding  of  a  confraternity  which  was  established  while 
I  was  there.  I  attended  the  first  meeting  and  approved 
everything.76 


74.  Don    Santiago   Roibal   was   the   only   secular   priest   in   interior   New   Mexico. 
"He  has  been  serving  as  vicar  for  more  than  twenty  years,  and  when  he  is  gone,  it 
will  be  difficult  to  find  another  one."  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59. 

75.  BNM,   leg.   8,   no.   81,  gives  three  figures  for   the  population   of  Santa   Fe   in 
1749-1750.   After  listing  the  names  of  the  inhabitants  by  households,   Fray  Manuel  de 
San  Juan  said  there  were  1205  adults  and  514  children,  making  a  total  of  1719,  including 
all  races.   In   the  margin,   however,   he   gave  the   figure   for   adults   as    1025,    in   which 
case  the  total  would  be  1539.  A  note  citing  Father  Varo  says  that  in   1749  there  were 
965  Spaniards  and  half-castes,  and  570  Indians,  or  a  total  of  1535. 

76.  For  an  account  of  the  founding  and  later  history  of  this  church,  see  A.  von 
Wuthenau,   "The  Spanish  military  chapels  in   Santa  Fe  and  reredos  of  Our   Lady  of 
Light,"   NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  vol.  10    (1935),  pp.  175-194;  E.   B.  Adams, 
"The  chapel  and  cofradia  of  Our  Lady  of  Light  in   Santa  Fe,"  Ibid.,  vol.  22    (1947), 
pp.  327-341. 


206  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  buildings  of  this  villa,  both  churches  and  houses,  are 
all  adobe.  There  is  no  fortress  there,  nor  any  formal  presidio 
building.  The  garrison  consists  of  80  mounted  soldiers  in  the 
pay  of  the  King.  In  that  villa,  in  Galisteo,  and  in  Taos  there 
was  need  of  a  stone  fort  in  the  vicinity  of  each.  Santa  Fe  is 
a  very  open  place;  the  houses  are  far  apart;  and  therefore 
it  does  not  have  the  least  defence.  If  there  had  been  a  fort 
at  the  time  of  the  uprising  in  the  year  1680,  the  Indians 
would  not  have  dared  to  do  what  they  did. 

This  villa  lies  at  the  foot  of  a  sierra,  which  is  east  of  it 
and  runs  to  the  north.  Water  is  scarce,  because  the  river 
that  traverses  it  dries  up  entirely  in  the  months  just  before 
harvest,  when  only  an  inadequate  small  spring  remains  for 
drinking  water,  in  addition  to  the  wells.  On  May  25  it  rained 
and  hailed,  and  the  sierra  was  covered  with  snow  which  soon 
melted.  That  people  rejoiced,  since  they  thought  that  such 
early  precipitation  augured  a  good  winter.  The  villa  of  Santa 
Fe  is  located  in  latitude  37°28',  longitude  262°40'. 

Since  the  two  pueblos  of  Pecos  and  Galisteo  are  off  the 
beaten  track,  the  decision  to  break  off  the  visitation  of  Santa 
Fe  and  to  proceed  to  make  that  of  the  said  two  pueblos  was 
taken. 

Pecos 

A  Franciscan  missionary  parish  priest  resides  in  this 
Indian  pueblo.  It  is  eight  leagues  from  Santa  Fe  to  the  south- 
east. There  are  168  families,  with  344  persons,  and  192  per- 
sons were  confirmed.77 

Here  the  failure  of  the  Indians  to  confess  except  at  the 
point  of  death  is  more  noticeable,  because  they  do  not  know 
the  Spanish  language  and  the  missionaries  do  not  know  those 
of  the  Indians.  They  have  one  or  two  interpreters  in  each 
pueblo,  with  whose  aid  the  missionaries  manage  to  confess 
them  when  they  are  in  danger  of  dying.  And  although  they 
recite  some  of  the  Christian  doctrine  in  Spanish,  since  they 
do  not  understand  the  language,  they  might  as  well  not  know 
it. 


77.     The   1750   census   lists    about   300    persons,    although    Father    Varo's   estimate 
of  1749  had  been  more  than  a  thousand  adults  and  children.  BNM,  leg:.  8,  no.  81. 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  207 

This  point  saddened  and  upset  me  more  in  that  kingdom 
than  in  any  other,  and  I  felt  scruples  about  confirming  adults. 
I  remonstrated  vehemently  with  the  Father  Gustos  and  the 
missionaries,  who  tried  to  excuse  themselves  by  claiming  that 
they  could  not  learn  those  languages.  In  my  writs  of  visita- 
tion I  ordered  them  to  learn  them,  and  I  repeatedly  urged 
them  to  apply  themselves  to  this  and  to  formulate  catechisms 
and  guides  to  confession,  of  which  I  would  pay  the  printing 
costs.78 1  asked  the  Father  Gustos  to  give  me  a  report  about 
this  in  writing,  and  he  gave  me  the  one  contained  in  a  para- 
graph of  a  letter  dated  November  7,  1761,  which  reads  as 
follows : 

Father  Fray  Tomas  Murciano  has  worked  hard  on  the 
formulation  of  an  aid  to  confession  in  the  native  language,  but 
so  far  he  has  had  no  success  because  the  interpreters  have 
confused  him  so  greatly  by  the  variety  of  terms  in  which  they 
express  things  that  he  assured  me  that  he  had  found  no  road 
to  follow.  And  I  told  him  to  write  it  all  down  and  learn  it,  and 
then  to  try  to  observe  with  great  care  the  ordinary  manner  of 
speaking  among  them,  and  that  in  this  way  he  would  succeed. 
Nevertheless,  in  many  pueblos  this  year  it  did  come  about  that 
a  number  of  people  made  their  confessions,  and  I  am  in  no  way 
relaxing  my  efforts  in  this  regard,  and,  for  my  part,  I  am 
doing  all  I  can.  Perhaps  it  may  be  God's  will  that  there  be 
success. 

The  letter  is  quoted  to  this  point.  I  have  again  urged  the  ex- 
treme importance  of  this  matter  for  the  good  of  those  souls. 
Finally,  in  a  letter  of  December  12,  1763,  the  same  Father 
Gustos,  at  my  instance,  makes  the  following  statement : 

And  although  I  am  ill,  I  have  not  neglected  the  least  detail 
of  the  things  which  your  Illustrious  Lordship  charged  me  to 
foster,  especially  the  matter  of  confessions.  In  this  regard  I 
have  made  and  am  making  every  possible  effort,  for  since  the 
time  when  your  Illustrious  Lordship  made  your  visitation,  I 
have  not  failed  to  go  to  New  Mexico  once  a  year.  And  al- 
though I  have  not  accomplished  all  that  your  Illustrious  Lord- 
ship and  I  desire,  because  of  the  rebelliousness  of  the  people, 


78.  The  bishop  was  more  successful  in  fomenting;  language  studies  elsewhere 
in  his  diocese.  A  Doctrina  Christiana  in  the  Opata  language  by  Father  Manuel  'de 
Aguirre,  a  Jesuit,  was  printed  in  Mexico,  1765,  and  dedicated  to  Bishop  Tamaron. 
Wagner,  Spanish  Southwest,  II,  446-447. 


208  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

still  some  progress  has  been  made,  and  I  hope  that  with  the 
help  of  God  and  by  persistence  our  end  may  be  attained. 

It  is  a  shame  that  most  of  those  Indians  lack  the  benefit  of 
confession.  I  take  little  satisfaction  in  these  confessions 
through  an  interpreter  when  the  latter  is  an  Indian  or  a 
negro.  I  had  experience  of  this  when  I  was  a  parish  priest  in 
Caracas  with  the  negroes  brought  there  under  the  English 
contract.  Many  died  soon  after  they  arrived.  I  made  repeated 
experiments  with  those  of  their  own  nation  who  had  been 
in  the  land  for  some  time.  Although  we  granted  confession,  I 
never  felt  reassurance  when  this  means  was  used.  And  I 
attempted  to  accomplish  something  in  New  Mexico  by  using 
interpreters,  and  their  version  is  nothing  but  confusion  on 
the  subject  of  catechism  and  confession.  In  trade  and  tem- 
poral business  where  profit  is  involved,  the  Indians  and  Span- 
iards of  New  Mexico  understand  one  another  completely.  In 
such  matters  they  are  knowing  and  avaricious.  This  does 
not  extend  to  the  spiritual  realm,  with  regard  to  which  they 
display  great  tepidity  and  indifference.  And  because  of  their 
scanty  store  of  virtue  and  sacred  things,  they  will  hurl  them- 
selves into  such  wickedness  as  I  am  about  to  relate. 

Extraordinary  happening  in  Pecos19 

On  May  29,  1760,  I  went  to  the  pueblo  of  the  Pecos  In- 
dians. They  received  me  with  demonstrations  of  rejoicing. 
They  come  out  on  horseback;  they  perform  many  tilts  to 
show  how  skillful  and  practiced  they  are  in  riding. 

I  inspected  that  church,  and  I  confirmed  them.  An  escort 
of  soldiers  and  the  Father  Gustos  accompanied  me.  Among 
my  family  I  took  with  me  a  Spanish-speaking  and  civilized 
negro  as  my  body  servant.  He  is  corpulent  and  has  a  good 
presence,  and  he  must  have  excited  the  imagination  of  the 
Indians. 

I  finished  my  visitation  of  that  kingdom  and  I  left  for 


79.  Bishop  Tamaron  published  his  account  of  this  episode  in  the  same  words 
under  the  title :  Relation  del  atentado  sacrilegio  cometido  por  tres  indios  de  un 
pueblo  de  la  provincia  del  Nuevo  Mexico;  y  del  severo  castigo,  que  executd  la  Divina 
Justicia  con  el  fautor  principal  de  ellos,  Mexico,  1763.  The  Coronado  Collection  of 
the  University  of  New  Mexico  Library  has  a  photograph  of  the  copy  in  the  collection 
of  F.  Gomez  de  Orozco.  See  also  Wagner,  Spanish  Southwest,  II,  438-439. 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  209 

the  outside  world  in  July.  During  the  month  of  September 
those  Indians  of  Pecos  arranged  a  function  similar  to  my 
reception  and  to  other  ceremonies  I  celebrated  there.  The 
originator  of  this  performance  was  one  of  the  Indian  princi- 
pal men  of  that  pueblo,  called  Agustin  Guichi,  a  carpenter 
by  trade.  He  made  himself  bishop,  and,  in  order  to  present 
himself  to  his  people  as  such,  he  designed  and  cut  pontifical 
vestments.  Making  the  mitre  of  parchment,  he  stained  it  with 
white  earth.  Out  of  a  cloak  (tilma),  he  made  a  cape  like  the 
cope  used  at  confirmations,  and  he  fashioned  the  rochet  out 
of  another  cloak.  He  made  a  sort  of  pastoral  crosier  from  a 
reed. 

The  aforesaid  Agustin  donned  all  this,  mounted  an  ass, 
and  two  other  Indians  got  themselves  up  to  accompany  him 
in  the  capacity  of  assistants.  One  took  the  part  of  the  Father 
Gustos.  They  put  a  garment  like  the  Franciscan  habit  on 
him,  and  they  painted  the  other  black  to  represent  my  man. 
These  two  also  rode  on  similar  mounts,  and,  after  all  the 
Indian  population  had  assembled  along  with  others  who  were 
not  Indians,  to  the  accompaniment  of  a  muffled  drum  and 
loud  huzzas,  the  whole  crew,  followed  by  the  three  mounted 
men  with  Agustin,  the  make-believe  bishop  garbed  as  such 
in  his  fashion,  in  the  middle,  departed  for  the  pueblo.  They 
entered  it  at  one  o'clock  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  September, 
1760.  They  went  straight  to  the  plaza,  where  the  Indian 
women  were  kneeling  in  two  rows.  And  Agustin,  the  make- 
believe  bishop,  went  between  them  distributing  blessings.  In 
this  manner  they  proceeded  to  the  place  where  they  had 
prepared  a  great  arbor  with  two  seats  in  it.  Agustin,  who 
was  playing  the  part  of  the  bishop,  occupied  the  chief  one, 
and  Mateo  Cru,  who  was  acting  the  Gustos,  the  other. 

And  the  latter  immediately  rose  and  informed  the  crowd 
in  a  loud  voice  that  the  bishop  ordered  them  to  approach 
to  be  confirmed.  They  promptly  obeyed,  and  Agustin,  garbed 
as  a  bishop,  used  the  following  method  of  confirming  each 
one  who  came  to  him :  He  made  a  cross  on  his  forehead  with 
water,  and  when  he  gave  him  a  buffet,  that  one  left  and  the 
next  one  came  forward.  In  this  occupation  he  spent  all  the 
time  necessary  to  dispatch  his  people,  and  after  the  confirma- 


210  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tions  were  over,  the  meal  which  had  been  prepared  for  the 
occasion  was  served.  Then  the  dance  with  which  they  com- 
pleted the  afternoon  followed.  On  the  next  day  the  diversion 
and  festivities  continued,  beginning  with  a  mass  which 
Bishop  Agustin  pretended  to  say  in  the  same  arbor.  During 
it  he  distributed  pieces  of  tortillas  made  of  wheat  flour  in 
imitation  of  communion.  And  the  rest  of  the  day  the  amuse- 
ment was  dancing,  and  the  same  continued  on  the  third  day 
which  brought  those  disorders  and  entertainments  to  an  end. 

On  the  fourth  day,  when  the  memorable  Agustin  no 
longer  found  occupation  in  the  mockery  of  his  burlesque 
pastimes  as  bishop,  he  went  about  the  business  of  looking 
after  his  property.  He  went  to  visit  his  milpa,  or  corn  field, 
which  was  half  a  league  away  near  the  river.  Then  he  sat 
down  at  the  foot  of  a  cedar  tree  opposite  the  maize.  He  was 
still  there  very  late  in  the  afternoon  when  night  was  drawing 
in,  and  a  bear  attacked  him  from  behind,  so  fiercely  that, 
clawing  his  head,  he  tore  the  skin  from  the  place  over  which 
the  mitre  must  have  rested.  He  proceeded  to  the  right  hand 
and  tore  it  to  pieces,  gave  him  other  bites  on  the  breast,  and 
went  away  to  the  sierra. 

The  wounded  man's  brother,  Jose  Churune,  states  that 
after  his  brother  was  wounded,  he  came  to  see  what  had 
happened  to  him  and  that  Agustin  received  him,  saying, 
"Brother,  God  has  already  punished  me."  Agustin  Turif  undi, 
Agustin  Guichi's  son,  relates  in  his  statement  that  after  his 
father  was  wounded  and  when  he  had  been  taken  to  his 
house,  he  summoned  him  and  ordered  him  to  shut  the  door. 
And  when  they  were  alone  he  gave  him  the  following  ad- 
monition: "Son,  I  have  committed  a  great  sin,  and  God  is 
punishing  me  for  it.  And  so  I  order  you  that  you  and  your 
brothers  are  not  to  do  likewise.  Counsel  them  every  day  and 
every  hour."  This  was  the  exhortation  he  made  before  he 
died. 

The  fiscal  of  the  pueblo,  Juan  Domingo  Tarizari,  testifies 
that  he  went  to  examine  the  bear's  track  and  that  he  fol- 
lowed its  prints  and  saw  that  when  the  bear  came  down  from 
the  sierra,  he  did  not  go  to  the  milpas,  but  that  he  made  the 
whole  journey  until  he  wounded  Agustin  Guichi  and  returned 
to  the  sierra  immediately  thereafter  without  eating  maize. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  211 

The  fiscal  says  this  and  also  that  bears  do  not  attack  men 
except  when  the  latter  chase  them.  And  the  other  witnesses 
confirmed  his  deposition. 

Agustin  Guichi  confessed  with  the  aid  of  an  interpreter, 
who,  at  Pecos,  is  an  Indian  named  Lorenzo.  This  man  relates 
in  his  statement  that  Father  Fray  Joaquin  Xerez,  missionary 
of  that  pueblo,  summoned  him  to  be  present  as  interpreter 
at  the  confession,  and  that  he  gave  him  the  holy  oil  of  Ex- 
treme Unction  afterwards.  The  same  mission  father  certifies 
that  he  interred  the  body  of  Agustin  Guichi,  carpenter,  in 
that  church  on  the  twenty-first  day  of  September,  1760. 

A  formal  investigation  and  report  and  a  juridical  in- 
dictment with  regard  to  all  the  foregoing  circumstances 
were  drawn  up  by  virtue  of  a  decree  I  issued,  granting  a 
commission  for  this  purpose  to  Don  Santiago  Roibal,  vicar 
and  ecclesiastical  judge  of  the  villa  of  Santa  Fe  and  its  dis- 
trict. He  examined  nine  witnesses,  three  of  them  Spanish 
soldiers  attached  to  that  royal  presidio  who  were  in  Pecos 
on  escort  duty  and  were  present  at  the  festivities  and  bur- 
lesque function,  and  who  testify  as  eyewitnesses.  Another 
was  neither  soldier  nor  Indian.  He  is  called  Juan  Gallegos, 
and  he  was  present. 

The  Most  High  Lord  of  Heaven  and  Earth  willed  this 
very  exemplary  happening  so  that  it  should  serve  as  a  warn- 
ing to  those  remote  tribes  and  so  that  they  might  show  due 
respect  for  the  functions  of  His  Holy  Church  and  her  minis- 
ters, and  so  that  we  might  all  be  more  careful  to  venerate 
holy  and  sacred  things ;  for  the  punishment  that  befell  does 
not  permit  its  noteworthy  circumstances  to  be  attributed  to 
worldly  coincidences. 

Galisteo 

A  Franciscan  missionary  parish  priest  resides  in  this 
Indian  pueblo.  When  there  is  a  shortage  of  missionaries,  he 
has  charge  of  this  pueblo  and  of  the  pueblo  of  Pecos,  from 
which  it  lies  nine  leagues  to  the  west  over  a  flat  and  open 
road.  Only  a  few  pines  and  firs  are  encountered.  The  latter 
abound  in  that  kingdom,  and  they  produce  pinon  nuts,  as  in 
Spain. 

Galisteo  is  surrounded  by  adobe  walls,  and  there  is  a 


212  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

gate  with  which  they  shut  themselves  in.  Here  is  the  usual 
theatre  of  the  war  with  the  Comanches,  who  keep  this  pueblo 
in  a  bad  way.  There  is  not  an  abundance  of  water.  It  is  the 
outpost  for  the  defence  of  Santa  Fe,  from  which  it  is  seven 
leagues  to  the  south.  There  are  80  families,  with  255  per- 
sons.80 Most  of  these  Indians  confess  annually,  and  they  know 
the  catechism. 

A  quarter  of  a  league  before  we  reached  Galisteo,  which 
must  have  been  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  an  alferez 
who  was  in  command  of  the  escort  came  to  me  and  said :  "My 
lord,  make  all  haste,  for  the  Comanches  are  already  upon  us." 
The  soldiers  put  their  hands  to  their  weapons;  I  spurred 
my  horse  well.  I  had  a  good  fright,  and  there  were  no  Co- 
manches. They  had  mistaken  the  Galisteo  Indians  for  them, 
because,  in  order  to  make  the  reception  more  festive  in  their 
way,  they  had  scattered  on  horseback  through  some  hills, 
from  which  they  emerged  suddenly  with  their  courses  and 
tiltings.  And  because  these  people  live  in  terror  of  the  Co- 
manches there,  they  thought  they  were  attacking  us. 

From  Galisteo  I  returned  to  Santa  Fe.  I  also  experienced 
another  alarm  about  the  Comanches,  the  news  of  whose  com- 
ing was  given  by  the  peaceful  heathen  Apaches.  The  gov- 
ernor took  precautions,  and  the  Comanches  went  in  another 
direction.  And  the  force  marched  on  the  day  of  Corpus,  on 
which  I  celebrated  a  pontifical  high  mass  and  organized  the 
procession  with  His  Divine  Majesty.  The  street  through 
which  the  procession  passed  was  decorated  with  branches 
and  splendid  altars ;  there  were  salvos  by  the  military  squad- 
rons, and  a  large  crowd  was  present.  I  consecrated  six  altar 
stones  at  Santa  Fe. 

Here  I  received  a  petition  which  I  shall  relate  because  of 
its  unusual  nature.  A  woman  fifteen  years  of  age,  who  had 
already  been  married  for  five  years,  presented  herself,  ask- 
ing for  the  annulment  of  her  marriage  because  she  had  been 
married  at  the  age  of  ten.  Then  the  husband,  who  was  a 
soldier  of  the  presidio,  appeared.  The  fact  that  the  marriage 


80.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59,  gives  the  number  of  persons  as  225.  Fray  Juan  Jose 
Toledo's  census  of  1750  shows  52  households  with  220  persons.  Father  Varo's  estimate 
of  1749  was  350  persons.  BNM,  leg.  S,  no.  81. 


TAMARON'S   VISITATION  213 

had  taken  place  when  she  was  ten  years  old  was  verified,  but 
there  was  also  proof  that  she  immediately  conceived  and 
bore  a  son,  and  then  another,  and  that  she  was  already  preg- 
nant with  the  first  child  at  the  age  of  eleven.  For  this  reason 
her  petition  was  not  valid,  and  the  couple  was  ordered  to 
continue  in  the  state  of  matrimony. 

Tesuque 

This  Indian  pueblo  is  a  visita81  of  Santa  Fe.  It  is  three 
leagues  to  the  north  of  the  place  from  which  it  is  adminis- 
tered. I  arrived  there  on  June  6. 

These  Indians  are  somewhat  more  civilized.  They  had  not 
confessed  in  accordance  with  the  commandment  which  pre- 
scribes annual  confession,  because  of  illness,  according  to 
what  the  missionary  parish  priest  told  me.  And  another  friar 
was  charged  to  hear  their  confessions  at  once.  There  are  31 
families  in  this  pueblo,  with  232  persons.82 

Nambe 

This  Indian  pueblo  is  a  head  mission.  Its  missionary  par- 
ish priest  is  a  Franciscan  friar.  It  is  three  leagues  north  of 
Tesuque.  There  are  49  families,  with  204  persons.  There  is  a 
small  settlement  of  Europeanized  citizens,  which  consists 
of  27  families,  with  118  persons.83 

This  pueblo  is  very  pleasant,  with  many  plantings  and  a 
river  that  always  has  water,  and  this  delicious  for  drinking. 
An  irrigation  ditch  is  taken  from  it.  But  the  plague,  or 
swarm,  of  bedbugs  was  encountered,  for  there  is  a  multitude 
of  them  in  every  part  of  the  house.  The  following  pueblo  is 
a  visita  of  this  mission : 

Pojoaque 

The  titular  patron  of  this  Indian  pueblo  is  Our  Lady  of 
Guadalupe.  It  belongs  to  the  Tewa  nation.  It  is  on  the  road 


81.  A    subordinate   mission    administered    by    a    friar    in    residence    at    another 
mission  in  the  vicinity. 

82.  BNM,   leg.   9,   no.   59,  gives  the  number  of  persons  as  223.   The   1750   census 
shows  44  households  with  171  persons.  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81. 

83.  BNM,   leg.   9,  no.   59,  gives  the  number  of  persons  as   187.   The  1750   census 
shows    46    households    with    199    persons.    Father   Varo's   estimate    for    1749    seems    to 
have   been    100    settlers   and   350    Indians.    This    may   have    included    Pojoaque.    BNM, 
leg.  8,  no.  81. 


214  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

halfway  between  Tesuque  and  Nambe.  By  some  chance,  for 
which  I  do  not  know  the  reason,  they  did  not  take  me  to  it, 
which  I  regretted.  It  has  31  families,  with  99  persons.84  It  is 
half  a  league  south  of  Nambe. 

Picuris 

A  Franciscan  missionary  resides  in  this  Indian  pueblo, 
the  patron  saint  of  which  is  San  Lorenzo.  And  before  reach- 
ing it,  one  crosses  a  valley  they  call  Chimay,  which  is  tra- 
versed by  a  river.  Those  people  came  out  to  receive  me.  They 
have  good  irrigated  lands. 

Afterwards  we  reached  the  Truchas  pass,  which  is  al- 
ready in  the  sierra.  There  is  pimeria85  there.  Many  men  and 
women  came  out  to  the  road.  They  also  have  irrigated  lands. 

At  about  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  we  were 
enduring  great  heat,  we  encountered  a  beautiful  little  spring 
of  spouting  water,  from  which  we  drank.  It  was  like  snow 
water  and  very  thin.  A  midday  stop  was  made  at  the  site  of 
Trampas,  where  there  are  some  settlers.  License  to  build  a 
church  was  left  for  them.  This  license  was  also  drawn  up  to 
provide  that  the  church  should  be  inside  their  walled  tene- 
ment and  that  it  should  be  thirty  varas  long  including  the 
transept. 

The  journey  was  continued  in  the  afternoon.  The  two 
rivers  of  Santa  Barbara  and  Picuris  were  crossed  by  bridges. 
They  are  very  rapid  and  were  carrying  a  great  deal  of 
water. 

We  entered  Picuris  when  the  sun  was  about  to  set.  We 
had  traveled  eleven  leagues  to  the  north,  the  distance  be- 
tween Picuris  and  Nambe.  The  road  is  twisting. 

This  pueblo  of  Picuris  has  51  families  of  Indians,  with 
328  persons,  and  37  families  of  citizens,  with  208  persons.86 


84.  According  to  the  1750  census  the  pueblo  of  "Pojoaque  and  Cuyamungrue"  had 
15  ranches  and  houses  with  130  persons.  Ibid. 

85.  None  of  the  possible  meanings  of  this   word  make  sense  in   relation   to   the 
location.  Perhaps  the  original  was  misread. 

86.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59,  gives  the  following  figures:  55  Indian  families  with  328 
persons ;   39   families   of  citizens   with   208   persons.   The   1750   census  says   there   were 
150  settlers,   including  20  married  couples,  2  widowers,  4  widows,  49   unmarried  men, 
38  unmarried  women,  3  men  servants,  and  14  women  servants.  The  Indians  numbered 
247 :  47  married  men,  15  widowers,  3  unmarried  men,  29  widows,  2  unmarried  women, 
50  boys  under  religious  instruction,  65  girls  under  religious  instruction,  26  small  boys, 
10  small  girls.  The  figures  in  the  table,  apparently  based  on   Father  Varo's   estimate 
of  1749,  state  that  there  were  50  settlers  and  400  Indians.  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  215 

The  Indians  in  this  pueblo  do  not  confess  except  when  they 
are  dying1,  and  even  the  interpreters  are  the  same.  Here  I 
labored  all  I  could  with  the  interpreters  so  that  they  might 
inspire  the  others  to  contrition.  As  a  result  one  interpreter 
and  a  few  others  confessed,  and  the  father  missionary  was 
charged  to  carry  this  work  forward. 

Taos 

The  titular  patron  of  this  Indian  pueblo  is  San  Jeronimo. 
To  reach  it  we  traveled  through  pine  forests  and  mountains 
until  we  descended  to  the  spacious  and  beautiful  valley  they 
call  the  valley  of  Taos.  In  this  valley  we  kept  finding  encamp- 
ments of  peaceful  infidel  Apache  Indians,  who  have  sought 
the  protection  of  the  Spaniards  so  that  they  may  defend 
them  from  the  Comanches.  Then  we  came  to  a  river  called 
Trampas,  which  carries  enough  water.  The  midday  halt  was 
made  at  the  large  house  of  a  wealthy  Taos  Indian,  very  civi- 
lized and  well-to-do.  The  said  house  is  well  walled  in,  with 
arms  and  towers  for  defense.  In  the  afternoon  the  journey 
through  that  valley  continued.  Three  rivers  of  similar  cur- 
rent and  water  were  crossed.  The  first  one  in  particular  pro- 
vides abundant  ditches  for  irrigation.  They  are  about  a 
league  and  a  half  from  one  another.  And,  crossing  the  last 
one,  we  entered  the  pueblo  of  Taos,  where  a  Franciscan  mis- 
sionary parish  priest  resides. 

It  is  twelve  leagues  north  of  Picuris.  It  is  the  last  and 
most  distant  pueblo  of  that  kingdom.  In  this  direction,  it  lies 
at  the  foot  of  a  very  high  sierra  and  in  latitude  40°.  This 
pueblo  has  159  families  of  Indians,  with  505  persons.  There 
are  36  families  of  Europeanized  citizens,  with  160  persons.87 
There  is  a  very  decent  and  capacious  church. 

I  also  put  forth  every  effort  there  to  induce  those  best 
acquainted  with  Spanish  to  perform  the  act  of  contrition  and 
confess.  I  therefore  left  this  group  until  last,  confirming  the 
children  first.  And  in  fact  some  did  confess,  and,  encouraged 
to  contrition,  were  confirmed.  But  since  they  do  not  know 


87.  The  1750  census  shows  approximately  146  households  with  456  persons, 
including  a  number  of  Apaches.  The  number  of  Indians  given  in  the  table  is  540. 
There  were  9  Spanish  households  with  about  57  persons  ;  6  coyote,  or  mestizo,  house- 
holds with  about  55  persons ;  and  8  genizaro  households  with  about  25  persons. 
According  to  the  table,  the  number  of  non-Indians  was  125.  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81.  The 
genizaros  were  Indians  who  had  been  recovered  from  the  predatory  tribes. 


216  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  catechism  except  in  Spanish,  I  did  not  feel  as  pleased 
and  easy  in  my  mind  as  I  should  have  liked.  Therefore  I  rep- 
rimanded the  mission  father  and  duly  reminded  him  of  his 
duty,  ordering  him  to  continue  receiving  their  confessions. 

This  pueblo  is  divided  into  three  many-storied  tenements. 
It  would  have  been  better,  as  I  told  them,  if  they  had  been 
kept  together,  for  one  is  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  about 
two  hundred  varas  away.  There  is  a  wooden  bridge  to  cross 
the  river.  It  freezes  every  year,  and  they  told  me  that  when 
it  is  thus  covered  with  ice,  the  Indian  women  come  with 
their  naked  little  ones,  break  the  ice  with  a  stone,  and  bathe 
them  in  those  waters,  dipping  them  in  and  out.  And  they 
say  it  is  for  the  purpose  of  making  them  tough  and  strong. 

When  I  was  in  the  pueblo  two  encampments  of  Ute  In- 
dians, who  were  friendly  but  infidels,  had  just  arrived  with 
a  captive  woman  who  had  fled  from  the  Comanches.  They 
reported  that  the  latter  were  at  the  Rio  de  las  Animas  pre- 
paring buffalo  meat  in  order  to  come  to  trade.  They  come 
every  year  to  the  trading,  or  fairs.  The  governor  comes  to 
those  fairs,  which  they  call  rescates  [barter,  trade],  every 
year  with  the  majority  of  his  garrison  and  people  from  all 
over  the  kingdom.  They  bring  captives  to  sell,  pieces  of 
chamois,  many  buffalo  skins,  and,  out  of  the  plunder  they 
have  obtained  elsewhere,  horses,  muskets,  shotguns,  muni- 
tions, knives,  meat,  and  various  other  things.  Money  is  not 
current  at  these  fairs,  but  exchange  of  one  thing  for  another, 
and  so  those  people  get  provisions.  I  left  Taos  on  June  12, 
and  a  few  days  later  seventeen  tents  of  Comanches  arrived. 
They  make  these  of  buffalo  hide,  and  they  say  that  they  are 
good  and  well  suited  for  defense ;  and  a  family  occupies  each 
one.  And  at  the  end  of  the  said  month  of  June  seventy  of 
these  field  tents  arrived.  This  was  the  great  fair. 

The  character  of  these  Comanches  is  such  that  while  they 
are  peacefully  trading  in  Taos,  others  of  their  nation  make 
warlike  attacks  on  some  distant  pueblo.  And  the  ones  who 
are  at  peace,  engaged  in  trade,  are  accustomed  to  say  to  the 
governor,  "Don't  be  too  trusting.  Remember,  there  are 
rogues  among  us,  just  as  there  are  among  you.  Hang  any  of 
them  you  catch." 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  217 

In  that  year,  1760,  I  left  that  kingdom  at  the  beginning 
of  July.  And  on  the  fourth  day  of  August,  according  to  what 
they  say,  nearly  three  thousand  Comanche  men  waged  war 
with  the  intention  of  finishing  this  pueblo  of  Taos.  They 
diverted,  or  provoked,  them  from  a  very  large  house,  the 
greatest  in  all  that  valley,  belonging  to  a  settler  called 
Villalpando,  who,  luckily  for  him,  had  left  that  day  on  busi- 
ness. But  when  they  saw  so  many  Comanches  coming,  many 
women  and  men  of  that  settlement  took  refuge  in  this  house 
as  the  strongest.  And,  trusting  in  the  fact  that  it  had  four 
towers  and  in  the  large  supply  of  muskets,  powder,  and 
balls,  they  say  that  they  fired  on  the  Comanches.  The  latter 
were  infuriated  by  this  to  such  a  horrible  degree  that  they 
broke  into  different  parts  of  the  house,  killed  all  the  men 
and  some  women,  who  also  fought.  And  the  wife  of  the 
owner  of  the  house,  seeing  that  they  were  breaking  down 
the  outside  door,  went  to  defend  it  with  a  lance,  and  they 
killed  her  fighting.  Fifty-six  women  and  children  were  car- 
ried off,  and  a  large  number  of  horses  which  the  owner  of 
the  house  was  keeping  there.  Forty-nine  bodies  of  dead  Co- 
manches were  counted,  and  other  trickles  of  blood  were  seen. 

As  soon  as  the  governor,  Don  Francisco  Marin  del  Valle, 
learned  about  it,  he  summoned  his  men  with  all  possible 
speed.  He  set  out  on  their  trail  with  a  thousand  men  and 
pursued  them  almost  two  hundred  leagues.  By  this  time  the 
Apache  auxiliaries  were  tired  and  dispirited.  Food  supplies 
were  running  out.  They  returned.  They  spent  forty  days 
reconnoitering  a  large  area  without  accomplishing  anything. 

It  is  said,  and  they  told  me,  that  this  numerous,  strong, 
warlike  tribe  of  Comanches  came  and  showed  themselves  on 
the  New  Mexico  front  in  the  years  1717  or  1718.  And  they 
said  that  it  had  taken  them  twelve  moons  to  travel  from 
their  lands.  The  immensity  of  those  unpopulated  regions 
may  be  deduced  from  this. 

Later,  in  the  year  1761,  the  events  occurred  that  the 
interim  governor,  Don  Manuel  Portillo  Urrisola,  related  in 
a  letter  to  me,  which  runs  as  follows : 

Most  Illustrious  Lord :  On  last  October  27  I  received  from 
your  Illustrious  Lordship  with  the  usual  pleasure  the  letter 


218  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

in  which  you  condescend  to  inform  me  about  your  esteemed 
health.  And  although  I  imagine  your  Illustrious  Lordship  ex- 
tremely occupied  in  the  care  of  the  ewes  of  so  great  a  flock, 
I  should  fail  in  my  duty  if  I  did  not  trouble  you  with  the  repe- 
tition of  this  account,  for  I  believe  that  your  Illustrious  Lord- 
ship will  appreciate  the  information. 

As  a  result  of  refusal  to  admit  the  Comanches  during  the 
month  of  August  of  last  year  until  they  should  fulfil  their 
offer  to  bring  the  captives,  on  December  18,  I  received  a  letter 
from  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Taos,  in  which  he  informs  me  that 
eleven  captains  of  the  said  tribe  arrived  in  Taos,  and  with 
them  their  principal  man,  called  Onacama.  They  said  that 
their  encampment,  which  consisted  of  forty  tents,  would  ar- 
rive within  three  days  and  that  they  were  bringing  seven  cap- 
tive women  so  that  the  concession  permitting  them  to  trade 
would  be  made. 

On  the  instant  I  collected  the  small  force  there  was  in 
this  villa  and  in  La  Canada,  and  with  what  soldiers  I  had, 
who  were  very  few,  because  twenty-two  were  in  El  Paso  del 
Norte  awaiting  my  successor,  I  started  off  and  reached  Taos 
on  the  thirty-first  at  eight  in  the  morning.  The  Comanches 
arrived  two  hours  later.  I  went  out  to  receive  them,  and  after 
we  had  talked,  I  accompanied  them  to  a  place  opposite  the 
pueblo  and  had  them  camp  near  the  swamp.  There  were  sixty- 
eight  tents.  This  served  to  make  me  suspicious  of  them,  fear- 
ing some  of  their  treachery.  Therefore  I  kept  the  whole  force 
mounted  and  with  their  weapons  in  their  hands. 

And  after  I  had  withdrawn  to  the  pueblo,  ten  captains, 
accompanied  by  Onacama,  came  to  see  me  at  two  in  the  after- 
noon. They  haughtily  told  me  that  they  were  bringing  me 
seven  captives,  three  women  and  four  boys;  that  they  were  to 
be  well  paid  to  their  satisfaction  and  that  permission  to  trade 
was  to  be  granted;  otherwise  they  would  find  out  whether  I 
was  man  enough  to  throw  them  out,  as  I  had  done  in  the 
month  of  August.  I  refused  this  proposal,  making  them  con- 
fess that  what  they  had  committed  in  Pablo  Villalpando's 
house  had  been  done  with  treacherous  treason  at  a  time  when 
they  were  at  peace  with  us;  that  not  only  would  I  not  pay 
them  for  the  seven  captives  whom  they  were  bringing,  but 
that  I  would  not  grant  them  peace  or  trade  until  they  should 
bring  all  the  captives  whom  they  had  carried  off. 

Therefore  they  raised  a  tumult,  wishing  to  leave.  I  pre- 
vented this,  seizing  them  and  disarming  seven  men.  Hereupon 
they  wanted  to  kill  me.  And,  having  allowed  one  of  the  afore- 
said to  go  to  bring  the  captives  they  were  holding  in  their 
encampment,  as  soon  as  he  reached  it  he  sent  them  to  me  with 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  219 

another  captain,  while  he  himself  remained  behind  drawing 
up  his  forces,  whom  he  had  mount  their  horses,  exhorting 
them  to  try  to  kill  me  first.  As  soon  as  I  learned  this,  leaving 
six  soldiers  to  guard  the  ten  captains,  with  orders  to  kill 
them  if  they  attempted  flight,  I  mounted  and  went  to  join  my 
men. 

When  I  reached  the  encampment,  I  found  all  the  Co- 
manches  on  horseback,  drawn  up  in  three  files,  proclaiming 
war.  Despite  my  small  force,  scorning  their  great  numbers, 
trusting  in  the  protection  of  the  Most  Holy  Virgin  and  the 
justice  on  our  side,  I  thrust  myself  into  their  midst  with  a 
cutlass  in  my  hand,  asking  them  what  this  tumult  meant. 
They  replied  that  it  was  nothing,  everything  was  now  over, 
that  we  were  comrades.  Seeing  me  in  this  peril,  my  men 
begged  me,  weeping,  to  come  back.  I  was  unwilling  to  do  so 
until  I  found  myself  absolutely  compelled  to  it  because  I 
heard  shots  in  the  pueblo.  And,  leaving  all  my  mounted  men 
under  Lieutenant  Tomas  Madrid  to  surround  their  encamp- 
ment, with  orders  not  to  permit  any  of  them  to  get  out  and 
that  none  of  our  men  should  dismount,  I  returned  to  the 
pueblo  and  found  the  dangerous  situation  that  the  ten  cap- 
tains, as  soon  as  they  saw  my  tumultuous  departure,  had 
overcome  the  guard,  and,  having  seized  two  firearms,  had  left 
fleeing  via  the  ladders.  And  the  soldiers,  seeing  that  they 
could  not  hold  them,  fired  on  them.  One  of  them  fell  dead,  and 
most  of  them  were  wounded.  And,  not  having  been  able  to 
reach  the  open  country,  because  the  door  of  the  house  was 
occupied  by  the  cavalry  squadron  who  had  come  at  the  sound 
of  the  shots,  they  fortified  themselves  in  the  stable  and  lower 
rooms,  from  which  they  kept  firing  shots  all  night.  They  killed 
the  horses  of  the  soldiers  of  the  guard,  and  they  destroyed 
their  saddles. 

So  we  stood  firm  all  night  with  our  weapons  in  our  hands, 
and  those  in  the  field  did  the  same,  until  the  twenty-second 
dawned.  The  lieutenant  then  advised  me  that  they  had  come 
out  in  front  of  their  encampment  with  a  cross  and  a  white 
banner,  asking  for  peace,  that  their  captains  should  be  handed 
over,  and  that  trade  should  be  permitted.  I  had  them  told 
that  before  I  conceded  what  they  asked,  they  must  hand  over 
their  horses  to  me  and  remain  on  foot;  after  the  fair  and 
after  we  had  reached  an  agreement,  I  would  return  them  so 
that  they  might  depart.  They  refused,  breaking  out  again 
and  crying  war. 

And  now  that  I  found  myself  obliged  to  do  so,  invoking 
the  Queen  of  Angels  and  men,  I  fired  a  small  field  cannon 
loaded  with  cartridges,  and  also  a  close  volley  of  shotguns. 


220  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Although  they  returned  our  fire  with  a  sufficient  show  of  re- 
sistance, at  the  second  close  volley  fired  at  them,  they  were 
unable  to  bear  the  scourge  from  heaven  let  loose  against  them 
and  abandoned  their  encampment.  Their  women  and  children 
fled.  The  pagans  called  Utes,  who  made  me  an  offer  to  fight 
on  our  side  until  death,  did  not  bestir  themselves  in  our  assist- 
ance at  all.  And  so,  while  we  were  occupied  in  pursuit  of  the 
fugitives,  they  sacked  the  camp.  They  carried  off  more  than  a 
thousand  horses  and  mules  and  more  than  three  hundred  Co- 
manche  women,  large  and  small.  They  went  on  without 
stopping  until  they  reached  their  land.  And  although  I  saw 
what  was  going  on,  I  could  not  prevent  it  for  lack  of  men. 
And  continuing  the  pursuit  of  the  fugitives  until  we  reached 
a  place  impossible  to  pass,  we  kept  on  killing  Comanches. 
Those  fields  were  covered  with  their  bodies,  for  none  of  them 
were  willing  to  surrender  alive. 

This  glorious  action  was  over  in  less  than  an  hour,  with 
such  extraordinary  signs  that  the  All  Powerful  fought  on  our 
side,  that  although  my  force  consisted  of  eighty  men  at  the 
most,  including  both  soldiers  and  citizens,  more  than  four  hun- 
dred Comanches  died,  and  only  two  of  our  men,  one  an  Indian 
and  one  a  citizen,  died,  and  ten  were  wounded,  but  super- 
ficially, for  all  of  them  are  well  now. 

Having  returned  to  the  community  house  and  found  that 
the  captains  who  were  in  it  were  unwilling  to  surrender  under 
any  agreement,  I  had  fire  set  to  it.  And  since  this  did  not  burn 
with  the  necessary  violence,  when  night  came  four  of  the  cap- 
tains who  had  survived  it  came  forth  with  two  guns  they  had, 
hoping  to  escape.  But  only  one  of  them  succeeded.  He  man- 
aged to  get  away  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  but  when  day 
came,  following  his  footprints,  although  it  was  impossible  to 
overtake  him,  it  is  believed  that  he  must  have  died  because  of 
the  trail  of  blood  he  left  behind  him. 

From  a  Ute  woman  who  was  a  captive  in  the  hands  of 
this  camp  and  who  succeeded  in  escaping,  it  has  been  learned 
for  certain  that  those  who  escaped  from  this  affair  out  of  the 
whole  encampment  numbered  thirty-six,  including  men  and 
women;  and  that  as  soon  as  they  received  the  news  of  their 
misfortune,  they  set  fire  to  everything  they  had,  they  killed  all 
their  herd  of  horses,  they  cut  their  ears,  and  they  went  fleeing, 
and  the  Aa  nation  went  in  pursuit  of  them.88 


88.  This  tribe  has  not  been  identified.  Two  French  traders  who  came  to  Pecos 
in  August,  1752,  were  guided  by  an  Indian  woman  of  the  "Ae"  tribe,  who  met  them 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Rio  Napestle.  Letter  of  Governor  Velez  Cachupin  to  Viceroy 
Revilla  Gigedo,  September  18,  1752,  in  A.  B.  Thomas,  The  Plains  Indians  and  New 
Mexico,  1751-1758  (Albuquerque,  1940),  p.  109  and  note  37.  Thomas  says  that  this 
is  the  earliest  reference  he  has  seen  to  the  "A"  or  "A6"  tribe,  although  he  has  found 
others  as  late  as  1819.  The  "A"  or  "A.6"  might  possibly  be  an  abbreviation  for  Apache. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  221 

As  a  result  of  this  glorious  victory,  I  had  hoped  for  com- 
plete quiet  in  this  kingdom  because  of  the  fear  it  has  inspired 
in  all  the  heathen  tribes,  and  also  because  of  the  gratitude 
they  have  shown.  But  I  believe  that  this  hope  will  be  frus- 
trated by  the  arrival  of  my  successor,  who  took  office  on  the 
first  day  of  February,89  for  he  seems  to  have  the  intention 
of  summoning  the  Comanches,  sending  them  some  of  their 
captive  women.  If  this  is  carried  out,  I  fear,  and  with  reason, 
that  they  will  destroy  the  kingdom  on  one  of  these  occasions 
when  they  come  to  trade,  for  experience  has  shown  that  all 
the  wicked  things  which  this  bellicose  and  false  tribe  has 
committed  have  always  occurred  when  they  were  at  peace 
with  us.  May  God  provide  the  remedy  and  grant  me  His  grace 
and  my  departure  from  this  kingdom  at  once,  because  I  am  no 
longer  of  any  use  whatsoever  in  it. 

I  shall  be  rejoiced  to  hear  that  your  Most  Illustrious 
Lordship  enjoys  very  perfect  and  entire  health,  placing  that 
which  the  Lord  grants  me  at  your  Most  Illustrious  Lordship's 
disposition  most  willingly,  imploring  the  Most  High  to  pro- 
long the  very  important  life  of  your  Most  Illustrious  Lordship 
for  many  happy  years.  Villa  of  Santa  Fe,  February  24,  1762. 
Most  Illustrious  Lord,  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  your  Most 
Illustrious  Lordship,  your  most  humble  subject,  Manuel  Por- 
tillo  Urrisola. 

(To  be  continued) 


89.  Don  Tomas  Velez  Cachupin  became  governor  for  the  second  time  in  1762  and 
served  until  1767.  L.  B.  Bloom,  "The  governors  of  New  Mexico,"  NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  vol.  10  ( 1935 ) ,  p.  155. 


Notes  and  Documents 

Documents  concerning  Bishop  Crespo's  visitation,  1730  * 
Two  letters  of  Bishop  Crespo  which  narrate  the  events 
of  his  visitation  of  New  Mexico  in  1730  are  presented  here 
for  comparison  with  Bishop  Tamaron's  report  of  his  visita- 
tion thirty  years  later.  Although  the  later  prelate  made 
some  of  the  same  criticisms  as  his  predecessor,  especially 
in  regard  to  the  indoctrination  of  the  Indians,  the  reforms 
he  suggested  were  more  carefully  considered  and  far  less 
drastic.  The  reasons  for  Bishop  Crespo's  failure  to  appreci- 
ate the  fact  that  the  number  of  missionaries  in  New  Mexico 
was  already  inadequate  and  for  his  recommendation  that 
it  be  still  further  reduced  are  obvious.  Gustos  Fray  Andres 
Varo  was  never  a  diplomat  when  his  convictions  were 
challenged,  and  Bishop  Crespo  seems  to  have  been  little 
more  able  to  compromise.  As  a  result,  feeling  ran  so  high 
that  neither  party  to  the  dispute  was  capable  of  true 
objectivity. 

Letter  of  Bishop  Benito  Crespo  to  Viceroy  Juan  Vazquez  de  Acuna, 
Marques  de  Casafuerte.  Bernalillo,  September  8,  1730. 
Most  excellent  lord: 

Sir:  In  fulfillment  of  my  obligation,  I  have  made  an  inspection 
to  which  I  have  given  due  reflection,  because  I  have  traveled  through 
all  the  Indian  pueblos  and  Spanish  settlements  in  the  district  of  the 
Villa  of  Santa  Fe,  130  leagues  from  El  Paso  del  Rio  del  Norte,  except 
Zuni,  Laguna,  and  Acoma.  And  I  have  found  seven  ministers  of  the 
number  endowed  by  his  Majesty  (God  keep  him)  lacking  in  the 
pueblos,  and  according  to  information,  they  have  been  lacking  for 
a  long  time.  The  enclosed  memorandum  will  prove  this  to  your 
Excellency. 

I  must  place  before  you  for  your  superior  consideration  what  I 
believe  necessary  for  the  service  of  God  and  of  the  King  our  lord, 
but  I  do  not  intend  thereby  to  do  more  than  express  my  opinion  to 
your  Excellency.  And  this  is  that  if  the  ministers  fulfill  their  obli- 
gations, the  faithful  can  be  better  served  at  less  expense,  and  Christi- 
anity in  these  regions,  where  there  is  so  much  grain  which  fails  to 
bear  fruit  for  lack  of  cultivation,  can  be  increased. 

In  the  Villa  of  Santa  Fe,  a  Spanish  settlement,  whose  church 
the  citizens  built  at  their  own  expense,  there  can  be  and  can  be  founded 
a  benefice  served  by  a  secular  priest,  who  will  have  sufficient  for 

1.     AGM,  Arzobispos,  tomo  7. 

222 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  223 

his  sustenance  without  excessive  expense  to  the  royal  exchequer. 
The  same  in  the  Villa  Nueva  named  Santa  Cruz,  populated  by 
Spaniards,  together  with  the  places  called  Rio  Arriba,  Chama,  and 
Chimayo  here,  because  the  minister  it  has  is  endowed  for  the  pueblo 
of  Santa  Clara,  where  he  has  never  resided,  and  it  is  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river.  There  is  a  church  in  the  said  villa,  which  was  built 
at  the  expense  of  its  Spanish  citizens.  And  the  distance  from  the 
administrative  center  of  the  said  villa  to  the  places  already  named  is 
three  leagues  of  flat  terrain.  And  the  same  in  the  Villa  of  Albuquerque, 
whose  church  was  also  built  by  the  Spanish  citizens  at  their  own 
expense.  And  it  can  be  administered  by  and  provide  sufficient  suste- 
nance for  a  curacy,  along  with  the  places  of  Alameda,  Atrisco,  and 
Bernalillo,  which  all  lie  within  six  leagues  of  flat  terrain.  The  citizens 
desire  this  with  all  eagerness,  and  they  asked  me  to  seek  it,  even 
though,  both  in  the  said  villas  and  in  the  missions,  there  are  no  other 
vestments  than  those  which  his  Majesty  (God  keep  him)  has  given. 
I  have  not  observed  this  practice,  nor  does  it  exist,  in  any  of  the 
missions  of  this  so  extensive  diocese,  for  I  believe  that  out  of  a  hundred, 
there  are  ninety  of  the  sacred  Order  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,2  the 
poorest  of  which  has  its  church  better  adorned  than  is  the  one  of  the 
Villa  of  Santa  Fe,  which  surpasses  all  those  of  this  district,  because 
it  does  not  even  have  vestments  for  high  mass,  according  to  the-?-,3 
as  I  have  seen. 

The  pueblos  of  Tesuque  and  Nambe,  with  Santa  [Maria  de  Guada- 
lupe]  4  of  Pojoaque,  in  all  three  of  which  there  are  86  families  and 
440  persons,  children  and  adults,  Pojoaque  being  a  quarter  of  a  league 
from  Nambe,  and  Tesuque  three  short  leagues  of  flat  terrain,  can  be 
well  administered  by  a  minister  residing  at  Nambe  or  Tesuque. 

The  pueblos  of  San  Juan  de  los  Caballeros,  which  has  54  families 
and  300  persons,  San  Ildefonso,  which  has  60  families  and  296  persons, 
and  Santa  Clara,  which  has  49  families  and  279  persons,  are  within  an 
area  of  three  leagues  of  flat  terrain.  They  can  be  well  served  by  one 
minister,  with  the  head  mission  at  San  Ildefonso,  which  is  in  the  middle. 

According  to  the  distance  between  them,  which  is  seven  leagues, 
the  pueblos  of  Picuris  and  Taos,  both  of  which  have  110  families  and 
732  persons,  might  be  well  administered  by  one  minister.  But  three 
leagues  are  in  the  sierra,  where  the  road  is  usually  blocked  by  snow 
for  some  time,  according  to  the  traces  and  indications  I  observed. 
And  I  therefore  find  a  resident  minister  necessary  at  the  said  pueblo 
of  Picuris,  and  that  of  Taos,  which  has  endowments  for  two,  can  be 
well  administered  by  its  single  minister,  who,  if  he  is  zealous,  will 


2.  When   this   manuscript   was   bound,   the   right-hand   margin   of   the  versos  was 
sewn  in  too  closely  and  a  number  of  words  cannot  be  read.   In  some  cases  the  sense 
is  obvious,   bu't  in  others   it  is  possible  only   to  supply  what  appears   to  be  the  most 
likely  interpretation.   Here  the  original  reads :    "que  me  parece  .  .  .  ?  de  ciento,"   etc. 

3.  Sewn  in. 

4.  Id. 


224  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

be  able  to  make  expeditions  to  Jicarilla5  and  Cuartelejo,6  fifteen  or 
twenty  leagues  away,  where  there  are  many  pagan  Indians  who  have 
formed  settlements  and  sown  land.  And  these  offer  great  hopes  of 
their  reduction  to  our  Holy  Faith,  since  they  worship  the  holy  cross 
and  have  placed  it  in  their  houses  and  plantings.  During  such  absences 
the  minister  of  Picuris  will  be  able  to  attend  to  the  administration 
of  the  said  pueblo  of  Taos.  This  pueblo  of  Taos  is  the  last  one  of 
Christianity,  and  it  lies  directly  to  the  north  and  is  thirty  leagues 
from  the  Villa  of  Santa  Fe. 

All  the  Indian  pueblos  mentioned  and  the  population  of  the  Villa 
of  Santa  Cruz  and  the  other  Spanish  pueblos  belong  to  the  Santa  Fe 
district,  a  very  fertile  land  for  all  grains,  especially  wheat  and  maize ; 
and  they  have  gathered  an  abundant  harvest  this  year,  both  because 
the  weather  has  been  favorable  and  because  they  have  irrigation 
from  perennial  rivers  [tributary  to?]7  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte. 

The  pueblos  of  Pecos,  which  has  98  families  and  521  persons,  and 
that  of  Galisteo,  both  eight  leagues  from  the  Villa  of  Santa  Fe,  can 
be  well  administered  by  one  minister  since  they  are  no  more  than 
[five] 8  leagues  of  flat  terrain  from  one  another,  and  Galisteo  does 
not  have  more  than  50  families  and  188  persons. 

The  pueblo  of  Jemez  has  59  families  and  307  persons;  Zia  61 
families  and  3[18]9  persons;  and  Santa  Ana  has  42  families  and 
209  persons.  And  the  distance  from  Jemez  to  Santa  Ana  is  six  leagues 
of  flat  terrain,  with  Zia  in  between,  so  that  after  having  said  mass 
at  Jemez,  I  was  in  Zia  at  eight-thirty.  I  celebrated  confirmations 
there,  and  in  the  afternoon  I  went  on  to  Santa  Ana,  where  I  also 
celebrated  them,  and  there  was  more  than  enough  time  to  reach  this 
place  [Bernalillo],  which  is  two  leagues  from  the  aforesaid  pueblo 
of  Santa  Ana. 

The  pueblo  of  Cochiti  has  72  families  and  372  persons;  Santo 
Domingo  has  47  families  and  281  persons;  and  San  Felipe  has  45 
families  and  234  persons.  San  Felipe  is  four  leagues  of  flat  terrain 
from  Cochiti,  and  Santo  Domingo  is  in  the  middle,  two  leagues  from 
each  of  the  others.  And  although  the  said  pueblo  of  Santo  Domingo 
is  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  there  is  a  canoe  at  San  Felipe  for 
use  in  the  short  season  when  it  usually  rises.  At  this  season  the  min- 
ister can  be  in  Cochiti,  and  afterwards  in  Santo  Domingo,  and  another 
in  the  pueblo  of  Isleta  [sic."] 


5.  Three   years    later,    in    1733,    Gustos    Fray    Jos6    Ortiz    de  Velasco    founded    a 
mission  for  the  Jicarillas   five   leagues   north  of  Taos.   It   did   not   last,   for   Governor 
Cruzat    y    G6ngora    ordered    the    soldiers    of    the    presidio    to   drive    the    Indians    off. 
Declaration   of   Fray   Miguel   de   Menchero,    Santa   Barbara,    May    10,    1744.    Hackett 
(1937),  p.  403. 

6.  For   speculation   about  the  location  of  Cuartelejo,   where  some  of   the   Pueblo 
Indians  fled  at  the  time  of  the  .reconquest  of  New  Mexico  after  the  Pueblo  Revolt  of 
1680,  see  Hackett   (1937),  p.  883,  note  219. 

7.  Sewn  in. 

8.  Id. 

9.  Id. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  225 

In  the  pueblo  of  Zuni,  which  has  more  than  100  families  and  about 
800  persons,  one  resident  minister  suffices.  And  although  this  mission 
is  twenty-five  leagues  from  the  pueblos  of  Acoma,  which  has  about  90 
families  and  600  persons,  and  Laguna,  which  has  70  families  and  400 
persons,  all  three  are  in  charge  of  a  single  minister. 

The  said  pueblos  of  Acoma  and  Laguna  can  be  well  administered 
by  one  minister,  for  they  are  only  four  short  leagues  of  flat  terrain 
from  one  another.  I  must  place  before  the  Christian  and  pious  con- 
sideration of  your  Excellency  the  fact  that  with  zealous  workers,  they 
will  be  able  to  obtain  great  increase  in  Christianity  because  the  place 
of  the  pagans,  called  Cebolletas,  is  within  seven  leagues  of  the  pueblo 
of  Laguna.  I  have  proof  that  the  reason  they  give  for  not  being  con- 
verted is  seeing  that  those  who  have  been  reduced  are  not  well  con- 
verted (these  are  their  formal  words)  because  they  do  the  same  as 
they  do  with  regard  to  idolatry. 

From  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Ana  to  the  aforesaid  one  of  Santa 
Clara  upstream  is  the  numerous  tribe  of  Navahos,  who  show  signs  of 
being  converted  if  there  were  evangelical  laborers,  both  because  they 
plant  and  because  of  their  great  worship  of  the  holy  [cross],10  which 
they  keep  in  their  houses  like  the  Jicarillas  mentioned  above. 

This,  my  lord,  does  not  mean  that  evangelical  laborers  should  be 
placed  in  these  regions  immediately,  but  serves  to  lay  before  your 
Excellency  that  if  those  in  the  nearby  missions  mentioned  are  zealous 
and  vigilant  for  the  increase  of  Christianity,  the  conversion  of  the 
said  Indians  will  be  easy,  for  the  mission  of  Jemez  is  five  leagues 
from  the  Navahos  and  they  are  trading  with  all  the  pueblos  of  that 
range.  And,  after  God,  zeal,  industry,  and  good  example,  and  knowl- 
edge of  the  language  are  the  most  efficacious  attractions,  because, 
being  such  materialists,  they  believe  only  what  they  see.  I  have  had 
personal  experience  of  this,  for  I  assure  your  Excellency  that  in  the 
very  large  number  of  missions  in  the  rest  of  my  diocese  already  men- 
tioned, in  the  one  with  the  shortest  distance  and  the  easiest  to  admin- 
ister of  the  pueblos  assigned  to  each  minister  in  the  provinces  of 
Tepehuanes,  Tarahumaras,  Sinaloa,  and  Sonora,  the  distances  are 
twice  that  here.  Moreover,  they  are  all  -?-U  lands,  and  the  habita- 
tions are  different,  for  in  all  the  said  provinces  each  family  has  its 
separate  dwelling  at  a  distance  from  one  another.  So  there  are  pueblos 
which  cover  at  least  half  a  league  in  circumference.  And  those  of  this 
province  are  reduced,  according  to  their  size,  to  one,  two,  three,  four, 
or  five  tenements,  all  together,  which  form  a  town  with  their  family 
divisions  inside  and  outside  by  ladders  to  enter  windows,  each  one 
having  its  own,  with  two,  three,  four,  and  five  stories.  And  therefore 
the  minister  has  no  more  labor  for  one  [family]  than  for  another. 

A  benefice  for  a  priest  can  also  be  erected  in  the  pueblo  of  El 
Paso.  The  church  will  be  built  with  ease  by  the  Spaniards  who  desire 


10.  Id. 

11.  Id. 


226  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

it  so  greatly,  and  there  is  sufficient  for  his  support  with  the  Spanish 
population  there  and  in  the  Real  de  San  Lorenzo,  leaving  a  single 
minister  in  the  said  pueblo  of  El  Paso,  for  the  Indians  they  call  Mansos 
and  also  the  Indians  in  the  Real  de  San  Lorenzo,  a  short  league  from 
the  aforesaid  El  Paso.  And  the  said  Indians  consist  of  72  families  and 
about  300  persons.  The  other  pueblos  of  the  said  El  Paso  district, 
which  are  Senecu,  Isleta,  and  Socorro,  which  have  115  families  and 
more  than  600  persons  all  together,  can  be  well  administered  by  a 
single  minister,  since  all  three  lie  within  an  area  of  two  leagues  of 
flat  terrain,  with  Isleta  in  the  middle. 

I  have  traveled  through  and  observed  all  these  places  with  the 
greatest  thought,  celebrating  confirmations  in  all  of  them,  preaching 
and  confessing  in  all  places  and  farming  settlements  where  there  have 
been  Spaniards.  And  in  order  to  report  immediately  to  your  Excellency, 
I  do  not  enlarge  further  upon  the  places  and  their  boundaries  in  all 
directions,  and  because  I  do  not  have  time  to  do  so. 

For  five  years  the  five  or  six  missions  of  the  north  at  the  Junta  de 
los  Rios,  also  belonging  to  this  Custody,  have  been  without  ministers. 

In  view  of  all  this  your  Excellency  will  decide  as  you  see  fit. 

Our  Lord  keep  your  Excellency  the  many  years  I  beg  for.  Place 
of  Berna[lillo],  and  September  8  of  the  year  1730. 

Most  excellent  lord,  your  attentive  servant  kisses  your  Excel- 
lency's hands, 

Benito,  Bishop  of  Durango 

Most  Excellent  Lord  Marques  de  Casafuerte,  Viceroy  of  New  Spain. 

Enclosure 

List  of  the  [number  of]  missionary  ministers  endowed  by  his 
Majesty  (God  keep  him)  in  the  province  of  New  Mexico,  which  includes 
the  missions  of  El  Paso  del  Rio  del  Norte;  and  of  the  missionaries  who 
are  in  the  said  province  at  present;  and  also  of  those  who  are  lacking 
and  have  been  lacking  for  a  long  time. 
Those  who 

are  and 

have  been  Endowments 

lacking  for 

1         Villa  of  Santa  Fe,  with  the  pueblo  of  Tesuque, 

has  2 

Villa  of  Albuquerque  has  1 

Villa  Nueva  de  Santa  Cruz  has  1 

Pueblo  of  San  Juan  de  los  Caballeros  has  1 

1         Pueblo  of  Taos  has  1 

Pueblo  of  Picuris  has  1 

1         Pueblo  of  Santa  Clara  has  one,  and  there  has 
not  been  one  there,  and  it  has  been  admin- 
istered by  the  one  at  Villa  Nueva  1 
Pueblo  of  San  Ildefonso  has  1 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  227 

Pueblos  of  Nambe  and  Santa  Maria  Pojoaque  1 

1         Pueblo  of  Pecos  has  two  2 

Pueblo  of  Galisteo  has  1 

Pueblo  of  Santo  Domingo  has  1 

Pueblo  of  Cochiti  has  1 

Pueblo  of  San  Felipe  has  1 

Pueblo  of  Santa  Ana  has  1 

Pueblo  of  Zia  has  1 

Pueblo  of  Jemez  has  1 

Pueblo  of  La  Isleta  has  1 

1         Pueblo  of  La  Laguna  has  1 

Pueblo  of  Acoma  has  1 

1         Pueblo  of  Zuni  has  2 

Those  who 

are  and 

have  been  Endowments 

lacking  for 

Paso  del  Rio  del  Norte 

Pueblo  of  the  Mansos  and  Spaniards  has  2 

Pueblo  of  San  Lorenzo  of  Spaniards  has  1 

Pueblo  of  Senecu  has  1 

Pueblo  of  La  Isleta  has  1 

Pueblo  of  Socorro  has  1 

Letter  of  Bishop  Crespo  to  the  Viceroy.  El  Paso,  September  25,  1730. 
Most  excellent  lord: 

Sir:  In  prosecution  of  the  general  visitation  of  this  diocese,  I 
found  the  Father  Gustos  of  the  missions  in  this  province,  New  Mexico, 
with  the  surprising  attitude,  which  had  never  crossed  my  mind,  of 
opposition  to  my  exercising  jurisdiction  in  the  said  province,  for  he 
says  that  he  has  received  orders  from  the  Reverend  Father  Commis- 
sary General  not  to  permit  me  to  enter  said  province.  And  when  I 
remonstrated  with  him  about  what  the  reason  for  this  innovation 
could  be,  since  in  my  preceding  visitation  of  five  years  before  no  diffi- 
culty whatsoever  had  been  made,  he  persisted  in  his  contradictory 
stand.  Thereupon  I  made  a  verbal  statement  to  the  said  father  and 
the  others  who  were  with  him  of  the  actions  de  facto  and  de  jure 
which  uphold  the  Mitre  of  Durango,  courteously  showing  them  the 
royal  cedula  of  his  Majesty  with  the  decision  made  after  seeing  the 
allegations  of  the  Father  Procurator  of  their  sacred  Order,12  my 
own  inner  certainty  about  the  revocation  of  the  bulls  they  might  cite 
in  their  favor,  and  the  original  letters  of  the  Reverend  Father  Com- 
missary General.  Because  I  am  in  these  places,  I  shall  not  dilate 
further  upon  this  subject  until  I  reach  Durango.  And  I  refer  to  the 

12.  He  refers  to  the  royal  cedula  dated  at  San  Lorenzo  el  Real,  July  30,  1721. 
AGM,  Arzobispos,  tomo  7.  The  copy  was  made  at  El  Paso  on  September  22,  1730.  See 
Introduction,  note  22,  supra. 


228  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

formal  notification  and  demand  (requerimiento)  the  original  of  which 
is  enclosed,  which  I  made  to  the  said  Father  Gustos  in  the  Villa  of 
Santa  Fe  because  the  protests  he  had  made  at  this  place  did  not  sat- 
isfy him.  These  are  also  enclosed,  along  with  the  other  legal  instru- 
ments which  are  mentioned  in  the  aforesaid  notification.13 

Under  these  circumstances  I  proceeded  to  the  said  capital  of 
Santa  Fe,  as  did  the  said  Father  Gustos,  whose  intention  was  that 
they  should  not  receive  me  as  is  customary  and  proper.  When  I  learned 
this  two  days  beforehand,  I  told  [them] 14  that  I  was  going  to  make  my 
entrance  in  the  way  I  should  and  that  although  the  church  belonged  to 
the  King  our  lord  (God  keep  him)  and  had  been  built  by  the  devotion 
of  the  Spaniards  and  citizens,  if  I  found  it  closed,  I  would  not  avail 
myself  of  the  measures  the  sacred  declarations  prescribe  in  such  cases, 
but  that  I  would  have  a  portable  altar  set  up  in  order  to  make  my 
formal  entrance  without  the  assistance  of  ecclesiastical  persons  other 
than  those  in  my  suite.  This  was  not  necessary  because  the  said 
entrance  was  made  with  due  solemnity  according  to  the  Roman  Pon- 
tifical. The  said  father  and  the  other  ministers  who  were  present 
received  me,  and  in  the  same  manner  as  in  the  villas  and  most  impor- 
tant and  populous  towns  in  this  diocese.  The  whole  population  of  the 
jurisdiction,  Spaniards  and  Indians,  came  with  equal  demonstrations. 
And  even  beforehand,  coming  to  the  road  to  see  me,  they  made  them 
before  the  said  Father  Gustos  and  four  other  friars  who  were  present. 
They  made  their  speech  [of  welcome]  by  means  of  an  interpreter, 
and  their  statements  showed  that  they  were  inspired  by  God,  for  they 
said  that  they  all  felt  great  rejoicing  in  their  hearts,  pointing  to 
heaven  with  their  hands,  and  that  it  came  to  them  from  there.  I  took 
the  occasion  to  remonstrate  with  the  said  Father  Gustos  so  that  he 
would  take  heed  not  to  impede  the  fruits  [my]  ministry  might  be 
able  to  bring  forth. 

Realizing  afterwards  in  the  said  [capital]  that  although  the 
pretext  the  said  father  divulged  for  having  summoned  [the  friars?] 
was  that  they  might  receive  me  [properly?],15  since  they  held  several 
meetings  and  in  order  to  anticipate  any  foolish,  conspicuous  action, 
I  made  the  notification  mentioned  above  and  insisted  upon  exercising 
all  the  acts  of  jurisdiction,  both  delegated  and  pertaining  to  the 
ordinary,  which  the  occasion  offered.  I  abstained  only  from  making 
visitations  of  churches  and  demanding  parish  books  and  faculties  [of 


13.  This  requerimiento  is   dated   Santa  Fe.   August   2,   1730,   and   consists   chiefly 
of  a  summary  of  the  arguments  in  favor  of  the  bishop's   right  to  exercise  episcopal 
jurisdiction  in  New  Mexico.  It  was  presented  to  Gustos  Fray  Andres  Varo  on  August  3. 
His  reply  reiterated  the  protests  he  had  made  at  El  Paso  in  July.  On  the  same  day 
Bishop    Crespo   issued   a   decree    in   which   he   declared   his    intention    to   abstain    from 
making  a   formal   visitation   of   the   churches,   etc.,   to   prevent  the   Franciscans    from 
ever  alleging  that  he  was  in   any  way  responsible  for  an   unseemly  clamor.    But  this 
was  not  to  prejudice  the  rights  of  the  bishopric.  Cf.  Introduction,  supra. 

14.  Sewn  in. 

15.  Id. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  229 

the  priests  to  hear  confessions,  etc.],  as  is  of  record  in  the  decree 
included  in  the  said  notification,  but  without  allowing  this  to  prej- 
udice [the  episcopal  jurisdiction]  or  serve  as  a  precedent.  And  I  also 
remitted  to  them  the  investigations  of  matrimonial  cases  with  regard 
to  some  dispensations  I  granted.  They  were  unwilling  to  admit  them, 
even  though  this  has  been  done  up  to  now,  giving  the  same  reason 
that  they  had  received  orders  from  the  aforesaid  Father  Commissary 
General  to  act  in  this  way.  Therefore  it  was  necessary  for  me  to  make 
use  of  the  priests  in  my  suite.  I  preached  in  the  church  of  the  said 
villa  the  three  Sundays  that  I  was  there;  I  heard  confessions;  I  cele- 
brated confirmations  and  minor  orders  in  the  oratory  of  my  hospice 
in  the  presence  of  the  said  Father  Gustos  and  other  religious,  and 
major  orders  in  the  said  church. 

And  afterwards  I  went  on  as  far  as  the  last  pueblo,  which  is  Taos, 
preaching,  hearing  confessions,  and  celebrating  confirmations  in  all 
the  mission  pueblos,  and  settlements  and  farming  communities  of 
Spaniards.  By  means  of  an  interpreter  I  explained  to  the  Indians 
the  sacrament  of  confirmation,  its  establishment,  gifts,  and  fruits,  all 
included  in  an  act  of  contrition  for  the  best  possible  disposition  for 
receiving  the  sacrament.  And  I  omitted  only  the  three  missions  of 
Zurii,  Acoma,  and  Laguna,  because  the  said  pueblo  of  Zuni  is  forty 
leagues  away.  And  in  exactly  the  same  way  I  performed  the  same  acts 
of  preaching,  hearing  confessions,  and  the  rite  of  confirmation  in  all 
the  other  Indian  pueblos  and  Spanish  settlements  and  farming  com- 
munities of  the  said  province,  lodging,  except  at  two  pueblos  at  the 
urging  of  the  father  ministers,  in  the  community  houses,  without  pay- 
ing any  attention  to  the  nature  of  my  reception,  because  I  went  pre- 
pared not  to  enter  the  churches  if  I  did  not  find  them  open.  But  they 
all  received  me. 

I  have  seen,  understood,  and  heard  in  all  the  pueblos  that  the  pre- 
cept prescribing  annual  confession  and  communion  is  not  fulfilled  in 
any  one  of  them,  because  there  has  not  been,  and  is  not,  any  minister 
who  understands  the  language  of  the  Indians.  And  the  latter  do  not 
confess  except  at  the  point  of  death  because  they  do  not  want  to  con- 
fess through  an  interpreter.  They  told  me  before  I  reached  the  said 
-?-16  that  they  [the  interpreters]  made  their  sins  public.  And  because 
I  was  ignorant  of  this,  whenever  I  preached  I  exhorted  -?-17  and 
especially  the  Indians  through  an  interpreter,  telling  them  that  the 
confessors,  even  though  they  might  be  killed  for  it,  could  tell  nothing. 
The  latter  thanked  me  for  it.  But  afterwards  I  learned  the  reason 
[for  the  Indians'  reluctance] ,  which  is  that  they  make  said  confessions 
through  an  interpreter  belonging  to  the  same  Indians.  And  since  the 
final  conquest,  which  took  place  in  the  year  1696,  there  is  no  case 
when  there  has  been  a  minister  who  knows  the  language  of  the  Indians, 


16.  Id. 

17.  Id. 


230  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

which  must  [cause  wonder?].18  And  as  a  unique  thing,  they  tell  of 
two,  Fray  Antonio  Miranda  and  Fray  Francisco  Irazabal,  who  know 
the  language,  not  in  general  but  only  that  of  the  Zuni  Indians. 
[Irazabal]  is  at  present  minister  of  Spaniards  at  the  aforesaid  capital 
of  Santa  Fe,  and  he  is  now  in  this  pueblo  [of  El  Paso].  Fray  Antonio 
Miranda  is  [the  minister]  of  the  Keres  Indians,  whose  tribe  consists 
of  the  pueblo  of  Acoma,  [where]  he  has  been  about  twenty  years. 
And  at  present  he  is  blind,  as  is  evident  from  his  statement  about 
the  place  of  Moqui.19  And  with  regard  to  the  rest,  for  there  are  many 
who  have  been  in  residence  eighteen  or  twenty  years,  not  one  has 
dedicated  himself,  and  they  are  as  alien  as  if  they  had  had  no  dealings 
with  the  said  Indians.  I  have  seen  and  learned  this,  and  I  have  heard 
that  the  same  thing  has  been  going  on  since  time  immemorial. 

For  this  reason  not  many  of  the  pagans  on  the  borders  are  con- 
verted. They  are  bartering  and  trading  with  them  every  day,  as  I 
have  seen.  And  all  the  pueblos  of  said  missions  remain  in  their  pagan- 
ism and  idolatry,  as  the  fathers  themselves  affirm,  and  they  apostatize 
daily.  It  is  the  common  opinion  that  this  has  been  the  origin  of  the 
uprisings  that  have  occurred  in  said  province.  And  the  reason  why 
they  have  not  revolted  since  the  last  conquest  has  been  the  royal 
presidio  which  is  in  the  said  capital.  And  the  reciprocal  lack  of  love, 
both  of  the  father  ministers  for  the  Indians  and  of  the  latter  for  the 
said  fathers,  arises  from  this,  and  especially  when  the  languages  are 
not  so  difficult  that  they  cannot  be  comprehended  in  a  short  period 
of  friendly  intercourse  and  communication;  because  in  those  I  heard, 
I  found  ease  of  pronunciation,  which  is  not  the  case  with  many  others 
of  this  diocese.  All  the  Indians  in  general  complain  of  this,  telling 
me  that  they  are  Christians  and  that  for  this  reason  they  lack  what 
is  most  important;  as  well  as  asking  how  they  are  to  believe  what 
is  preached  to  them  if  they  see  the  contrary  done  by  the  very  father 
ministers  in  general,  since  scarcely  four  out  of  them  all  are  exceptions, 
and  two  of  these,  newcomers  to  said  missions.  Both  Indians  and  Span- 
iards say  things  of  this  kind,  with  opinions  that  they  [the  friars] 
may  try  to  refute,  and  with  the  same  insinuations  that  said  Father 
Gustos  used  to  me  two  days'  journey  before  we  reached  Santa  Fe, 
taking  occasion  to  do  so  because  some  Spaniards  came  to  receive  me. 
I  replied  that  he  was  not  to  utter  such  words,  because  no  one  had  said 
anything  to  me  and  that  in  case  they  did,  I  [promised]  20  not  to  give 
ear.  This  I  afterwards  did,  without  [permitting]21  anyone  to  talk  to 
me,  when  I  made  a  secret  inquiry  of  what  there  might  be  in  need 
of  remedy,  which,  thank  God,  I  did  with  regard  to  everything  that 
came  up.  For  the  same  reason  I  abstained  from  promulgating  the 


18.  Id. 

19.  Cf.  Hackett  (1937).  pp.  385-887. 

20.  Sewn  in. 

21.  Id. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  231 

general  edict  [against  public  sins],  as  is  of  record  in  my  last  decree 
in  the  aforesaid  notification.  And  I  know  by  experience  that  in  such 
places  only  seeing  for  oneself  is  the  best  indication  of  what  is  actually 
being  done. 

In  the  said  villa  the  said  Father  Gustos  proposed  that  I  should 
suggest  a  method  to  safeguard  their  consciences  with  regard  to  the 
administration  of  the  sacraments.  I  replied  that  I  was  [ready  to  dis- 
cuss it]  22  and  that  for  their  part,  they  should  elucidate  those  they 
might  consider  most  suitable,  that  for  my  part,  [I]  did  not  [wish  to 
do  so]  ,23  This  was  how  it  came  out,  because  having  [agreed]  24  with 
me  that  the  minister  who  has  charge  of  Santa  Fe  should  have  the 
appointment  as  vicar  and  ecclesiastical  judge — and  this  man  was 
ecclesiastical  judge,  by  whose  authority  I  do  not  know,  but  he  was 
exercising  jurisdiction  by  virtue  of  a  -?-  title  which  did  not  name  me 
or  any  other  [bishop] — at  this  point,  when  I  thought  everything  was 
going  harmoniously,  then,  within  an  hour,  he  sent  me  a  message  by 
two  religious  that  they  could  not  do  it  even  in  this  way,  even  though 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  dispatches  I  have  [forwarded  to] 25  the 
whole  diocese  on  the  occasions  that  his  Majesty  (God  keep  him)  has 
remitted  them  to  me  by  his  royal  cedulas,  and  especially  the  one  which 
included  the  brief  of  his  Holiness  for  the  Holy  Year  Jubilee,  have 
been  published  in  the  names  of  the  fathers  Gustos,  with  the  statement 
that  his  Majesty  (God  keep  him)  sent  them  to  them.  But  I  did  it 
so  that  they  might  calm  down  until  there  is  a  decision  by  his  Majesty 
or  your  Excellency.  Therefore,  in  response  to  the  clamorous  appeals 
of  the  Spanish  settlements  and  by  virtue  of  the  royal  cedula  of  the 
year  1728,  with  the  enclosed  briefs  of  his  Holiness,  permitting  the 
appointment  of  outsiders  as  vicars  within  two  days'  journey  and  revok- 
ing the  privileges  for  dispensations,  I  left  appointed  as  vicar  and 
ecclesiastical  judge  the  Bachelor  don  Santiago  Roibal,  priest,  son  of 
well-known  Spaniards,  native  of  the  said  capital,  whom,  as  my  domi- 
ciliary, I  had  ordained  and  confirmed  previously  and  had  canonically 
founded  the  chaplaincy  which  was  established  for  this  purpose.  Al- 
though he  is  an  exemplary  priest,  I  warned  him  to  make  every  effort 
to  conduct  himself  with  the  greatest  mildness  and  modesty  in  his 
relations  with  the  said  fathers. 

I  drew  up  schedules  of  fees  according  to  law  and  according  to  a 
special  order  of  his  Majesty  (God  keep  him),  dating  from  the  year 
1725  (which  I  do  not  have  here  because  it  is  in  Durango) ,  to  the  effect 
that  all  the  regular  ministers  shall  conform  to  the  schedules  made  by 
the  ordinaries.  [I  did  this]  because  everyone  said  that  the  fees  are  so 
high  and  exorbitant  that  there  was  no  fixed  schedule  except  the  will 


22.  Id. 

23.  Id. 

24.  Id. 

25.  Id. 


232  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  father  ministers,  even  though  this  land  is  the  poorest  I  have 
seen.  And  for  the  same  reason  I  drew  up  another  for  the  burial  places 
in  the  Spanish  settlements,  since  this  was  also  arbitrarily  decided 
by  the  ministers  and  the  proceeds  were  not  applied  to  repairs  to  the 
church  buildings  or  for  vestments,  as  is  proper,  for  they  have  no 
others  except  the  ones  his  Majesty  (God  keep  him)  has  given. 

On  my  return  I  came  to  this  pueblo,  which  I  reached  on  the 
twentieth  day  of  this  month  [September],  and  on  the  twenty-first  I 
celebrated  confirmations  in  the  church.  And  when  I  was  about  to  go 
on  to  celebrate  them  in  the  pueblo  of  Isleta  [and]  the  other  pueblos 
(as  I  did),  the  incident  which  your  Excellency  will  have  evidence  of 
from  the  enclosed  copy  of  the  notification  and  demand  I  made  to  the 
chief  magistrate  occurred.26  [I  must]  27  place  before  the  superior  con- 
sideration of  your  Excellency  the  fact  that  the  custodes  have  not 
performed  confirmations  for  more  than  forty  years,  because  this  deci- 
sion was  made  after  the  final  conquest,  when  Fray  Juan  de  la  Pena, 
custos  twenty  years  ago,  was  prevented  from  performing  the  rite  by 
the  most  Illustrious  Lord  Bishop  of  this  diocese  and  by  his  own  supe- 
riors, although  according  to  the  opinion  of  everyone  in  general,  he  died 
of  chagrin.  And  this  was  in  the  pueblos  of  Zuni,  Acoma,  and  Laguna, 
and  the  said  villa  of  Santa  Fe,  for  in  the  others  I  confirmed  all  those 
who  had  been  baptized.28  I  say  all  this,  as  is  my  obligation,  for  the 
Christian,  superior  understanding  of  your  Excellency,  as  the  one  who 
may  make  prompt  provision  for  peace  and  quiet,  because  I  have  had 
no  other  aims  than  considering  myself  compelled  by  my  duty  without 
paying  attention  to  private  interests,  as  is  known,  for  even  when  the 
chapter  of  my  cathedral  wanted  to  petition  the  King  our  lord  in  his 
Royal  Audiencia  and  Chancery  of  Mexico  for  the  tithes  of  this  province, 


26.  Requerimiento  of  Bishop  Crespo  to  Don  Jos4  de  Alganza,  El  Paso,  September 
S5,   17  SO.  AGM,   Arzobispos,    tomo    7.    "...  I   decided   to    go   to   the   pueblo   of   Isleta 
on   the  twenty-third   because   it  is   between   those  of   Socorro   and   Senecu,   one  league 
from  each.  Therefore  the  natives  were  notified  by  the  chief  magistrate  and  his  sub- 
ordinates. When  I  was  about  to  leave,   [the  magistrate]   told  me  that  the  Indians  who 
needed  to  receive  the  holy  sacraments   had   been   notified  on   behalf  of  the  Reverend 
Father  Fray  Andres  Varo,  Custos,  who  was  in  this  pueblo,  that  they  were  not  to  go. 
Upon   receipt   of   this    information,    I   sent   a   message   with   all   courtesy   to   the   said 
Reverend  Father  Custos  by  Br.  don  Ignacio  de  Hasco,  a  cleric  in  minor  orders,   one 
of  my  suite,  telling  him  that  I  had  this  report  and  that  if  he  had  done  so  lest  the 
natives   be   inconvenienced,   I   would   go   to   the   said  pueblos.    He  replied    that   it   was 
true  that   he   had   given   the   said   order   because   the  intention    was   to   celebrate  said 
confirmations.  Nevertheless  I  went  to  the  said  pueblo  of  Isleta.  The  said  chief  magistrate 
sent  his  ensign  from  there  to  the  pueblo  of  Socorro  to  make  the  Indians  come,  and 
Father  Fray  Salvador  Lopez,  minister  of  the  said  pueblo,  replied  that  he  had  an  order 
from  the  said  Reverend  Father  Custos  not  to  permit  them   to  go.   And   Father   Fray 
Diego   de   Espinosa,    companion   of  said   minister,    told   the   aforesaid  ensign    that  the 
Indians  were  by  no  means  to  go,  because  if  they  did,  he  would  drive  them  back  with 
a  stick.  And  after  the  lieutenant  of  those  pueblos  repeated  the  order,   they  all  came 
[and]  I  confirmed  them.  .  .  ." 

27.  Sewn  in. 

28.  This  is  not  clear.  Perhaps  Bishop  Crespo's  scribe  omitted  something. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  233 

I  deferred  it  until  [I  should  learn  in  my]  visitation  what  the  fathers 
Gustos  have  collected  and  collect  without  having  the  authority  of  a 
pontifical  or  royal  rescript  for  it,  availing  themselves  only  of  the 
[custom  in  a?]  distant  benefice.  And  up  to  a  short  time  ago,  they 
have  been  very  scanty,  but  now  they  have  increased  greatly  up  to 
four  or  five  thousand  pesos.  And  also,  as  your  Excellency  knows,  al- 
though I  have  not  given  my  express  consent  before  fully  informing 
myself  about  this  whole  diocese  for  its  division,  and  of  which  I  have 
given  an  incidental  account  to  his  Majesty  on  two  occasions  in  relation 
to  the  state  of  the  potential  cathedral  church  in  the  Villa  of  San 
Felipe  el  Real  de  Chihuahua,  and  that  I  have  always  been  of  this 
mind,  I  am  unable  to  make  further  representations  at  present  other 
than  those  referred  to  and  the  aforesaid  notification  until  I  reach 
Durango.29 

I  humbly  beg  your  Excellency  to  be  pleased  to  issue  the  provisions 
you  consider  most  suitable  promptly. 

Our  Lord  keep  your  Excellency  the  many  years  I  beg  Him.  Pueblo 
of  El  Paso  del  Rio  del  Norte,  and  September  25  of  the  year  1730. 

Most  excellent  Lord,  your  humblest  servant  kisses  your  Excel- 
lency's hands. 

Benito,  Bishop  of  Durango 


29.  The  question  of  new  bishoprics  was  under  discussion.  We  do  not  have  at 
present  the  documents  which  might  clarify  Bishop  Crespo's  reference  to  his  opinion 
about  the  erection  of  a  cathedral  in  Chihuahua. 


Book  Reviews 

The  Spanish  Heritage  of  the  Southwest.  By  Francis  L.  Fu- 
gate.  El  Paso,  Texas :  Texas  Western  Press,  1952.  Pp.  32. 
$2.00  and  $5.00. 

Three  years  ago  in  this  book  review  section,  I  deplored 
a  work  on  Marcos  de  Niza  by  Cleve  Hallenbeck,  but  waxed 
enthusiastic  over  the  illustrations  by  Jose  Cisneros  and  the 
printing  by  Carl  Hertzog,  and  concluded  by  calling  their 
contribution  "a  fine  piece  of  jewelry  made  to  display  a  beau- 
tiful pearl  that  unfortunately  turns  out  to  be  a  bitter  pill." 

Cisneros  and  Hertzog  have  teamed  up  again  to  produce 
another  beautiful  book-  This  time,  however,  the  author  of  the 
text  draws,  not  criticism  or  censure,  but  the  same  praise 
shared  by  the  other  two  artists  in  this  venture.  For  Mr.  Fu- 
gate  succeeds  very  well  with  a  running  commentary  that 
flows  smoothly  in  spite  of  being  channeled  severely  within 
the  confines  of  a  single  page  facing  each  of  Cisneros'  dozen 
drawings.  These  complementary  pages  of  drawing  and  text 
vividly  and  charmingly  reproduce  the  influence  of  Spanish 
colonization  on  our  own  Rio  Grande  Southwest — from  El 
Paso  del  Norte  up  to  Santa  Fe.  Their  content  is  aptly  de- 
scribed by  the  twelve  chapter  headings:  "Elements  of  the 
Conquest,  The  Seeds  of  Christianity,  The  Glitter  of  Gold, 
Beginnings  of  Government,  Building  the  Churches,  The 
Coming  of  the  Cattle,  The  Point  of  the  Sword,  The  Flavor  of 
the  Food,  Naming  the  Land,  The  Victory  of  the  Fiesta,  Tell- 
ing the  Adventure,  and  Aftermath  of  the  Conquest." 

The  full-page  pencil  drawings  are  a  delight  to  the  eye  and 
fancy  because  the  artist,  by  virtue  of  his  own  style,  conjures 
up  the  very  atmosphere  of  the  Southwest,  besides  telling  a 
historically  authentic  story;  for  Cisneros  knows  his  cos- 
tumes and  armor  perfectly,  and  styles  in  arms  and  apparel 
changed  with  each  succeeding  period.  In  other  words,  here 
De  Vargas  does  not  wear  Onate's  accoutrement. 

The  genius  of  Hertzog  consists  in  combining,  and  quick- 
ening, text  and  illustrations  into  a  breathing  whole.  The 
handset  type,  the  texture  of  the  paper,  even  the  dun-hued 

234 


BOOK   REVIEWS  235 

line  fencing  the  black  letters,  all  contribute  equally  and  ad- 
mirably to  this  genuine  contribution  to  the  world  of  fine 
books.  In  the  smaller  world  of  Southwestern  fine  books,  this 
slender  but  large  volume  stands  at  the  very  top,  and  no  lover 
of  artistic  books  on  the  Southwest  ought  to  be  without  a  copy 
to  treasure  forever.  By  this  I  mean  the  limited  five-dollar 
bound  edition  with  its  wonderful  original  binding  "taken" 
from  a  real  adobe.  The  paper-back  edition  of  two  dollars  is 
identical  except  for  this  binding,  but,  in  lacking  this,  it  is 
minus  more  than  the  three  extra  dollars  asked  for  the  bound 
volume. 
Jemez  Pueblo,  New  Mexico  FRAY  ANGELICO  CHAVEZ 

Camels  to  California.  By  Harlan  D.  Fowler.  Stanford  Trans- 
portation Series.  Stanford,  California :  Stanford  Univer- 
sity Press,  1950.  Pp.  xi,  93.  Illus.  Bibliographical  Notes. 
$3.50. 

Although  Uncle  Sam's  Camel  Corps  of  the  1850's  has 
been  exploited  in  many  articles  and  feature  stories,  this  is 
the  first  book  on  the  subject  since  1932.  It  is  comprehensive, 
starting  with  the  voyage  of  The  Supply  to  the  Levant  for  the 
purchase  of  the  camels,  continuing  through  the  events  of  the 
overland  journey  by  camel  caravan  from  San  Antonio, 
Texas,  to  Fort  Tejon,  California,  and  ending  with  tales  of 
the  dispersed  herd  in  the  Southwest  past  the  turn  of  the 
century. 

While  Fowler  gives  the  major  share  of  credit  for  spon- 
sorship of  the  novel  experiment  to  Jefferson  Davis,  then 
Secretary  of  War,  Fred  S.  Perrine,  writing  in  the  NEW  MEX- 
ICO HISTORICAL  REVIEW  and  using  many  of  the  same  sources 
(Vol.  I,  No.  4,  October,  1926),  found  that  the  leaders  in  this 
scheme  were  actually  the  men  who  carried  it  out,  namely 
Major  Henry  C.  Wayne  and  Lieutenant  Edward  F.  Beale, 
who  enlisted  "the  support  of  Honorable  Jefferson  Davis." 
This  interpretation  is  maintained  also  by  L.  B.  Leslie  in  his 
Uncle  Sam's  Camels  (Cambridge:  Harvard  University 
Press,  1929) . 


236  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  author  gave  little  attention  to  the  broader  setting 
in  the  intense  rivalry  between  the  North  and  South  for  the 
control  and  development  of  the  projected  transcontinental 
railway,  for  which,  according  to  Paul  Wellman  (Kansas 
City  Times,  June  22,  1939),  Jefferson  Davis  envisioned  the 
establishment  of  a  camel  route  as  a  strategic  forerunner. 

Nevertheless,  Fowler  has  told  well  a  story  which  has  in- 
herent interest  due  to  the  amusing  incidents  and  peculiar 
vicissitudes  of  loading  and  riding  the  strange,  spiteful,  mal- 
odorous, but  efficient  beasts  over  difficult  trails  and  among 
curious  onlookers  in  the  American  Southwest.  He  has  dug  up 
new  anecdotes  about  the  phantom  camels  of  later  years  and 
the  fate  of  the  Greek  and  Turk  stockmen  who  were  brought 
over  with  the  original  herd. 

The  format  is  superb  and  the  proof-reading  is  flawless. 
The  search  of  sources  has  been  thorough.  While  the  profes- 
sional historian  may  regret  that  there  are  no  footnote  cita- 
tions for  his  reference,  the  general  reader  may  find  the  book 
more  attractive  for  this  omission. 
New  Mexico  Highlands  University  LYNN  I.  PERRIGO 

Ethnobotany  of  the  Ramah  Navaho.  By  Paul  A.  Vestal. 
Cambridge,  Mass.:  Papers  of  the  Peabody  Museum  of 
American  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Vol.  40,  No.  4. 
1952.  Pp.  ix,  94  (Reports  of  the  Ramah  Project,  Report 
No.  4). 

This  publication  is  one  aspect  of  a  considerable  amount 
of  work  that  has  been  done  on  the  Ramah  Navaho  within 
recent  years  by  a  number  of  investigators.  Happily,  Vestal 
brings  together  not  only  the  results  of  his  two  seasons  of 
field  work  among  these  Indians  but  as  well  the  ethnobotani- 
cal  data  bearing  on  the  Ramah  Navaho  as  gleaned  from  the 
notes  of  Kluckhohn,  Bailey,  Tschopik,  and  Wyman. 

This  study  presents  the  results  of  investigations  on  the 
utilization  of  native  plants  for  such  purposes  as  food,  medi- 
cine, dyes,  ceremony,  smoking,  string  and  rope,  basketry, 
toilet  accessories,  household  articles,  fuel,  and  arrow  poison. 


BOOK   REVIEWS  237 

Also,  there  is  a  treatment  of  cultivated  plants  in  which  the 
author  does  a  creditable  job  not  only  in  presenting  a  state- 
ment of  the  growing  and  utilization  of  cultivated  plants  but, 
equally  important,  a  brief  statement  of  techniques  of  culti- 
vation. Moreover,  he  has  made  a  successful  attempt  at  giv- 
ing a  judgment  of  the  extent  of  cultivation  in  terms  of  spe- 
cific crops  in  relation  to  acreages  as  well  as  of  the  relative 
importance  of  specific  native  food  plants.  Of  considerable 
interest  is  the  fact  that  Vestal's  study  of  the  nature  of  the 
Ramah  Navaho  concept  of  plant  classification  confirms  the 
general  conclusion  reached  earlier  by  Wyman  and  Harris 
with  regard  to  Navaho  plant  nomenclature  in  general.  The 
list,  as  well  as  the  statement,  covering  Navaho  names  for 
plants  is  most  useful  as  are  the  special  statements  of  the 
several  categories  of  plant  utilization. 

Interesting  and  very  useful  features  of  the  publication 
are  the  Table  of  Uses,  the  Botanical  Index,  and  the  Common 
Name  Index  which  make  it  possible  for  the  reader  to  easily 
make  the  maximum  use  of  the  study. 

The  field  studies  on  which  the  paper  is  largely  based  have 
been  admirably  executed,  and  the  results  of  the  investiga- 
tion have  been  presented  in  an  exceptionally  well-organized 
manner.  From  this  reviewer's  point  of  view  the  only  impor- 
tant fault  of  the  study  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  is  very  largely 
botanical  in  outlook  and  fails  to  investigate  the  interrelation- 
ships between  the  Ramah  Navaho  and  their  plants,  in  other 
words  the  cultural  aspects  of  plant  utilization. 
University  of  New  Mexico  E.  F.  CASTETTER 

Wagon  Roads  West:  A  Study  of  Federal  Road  Surveys  and 
Construction  in  the  Trans-Mississippi  West,  1846-1869. 
By  W.  Turrentine  Jackson.  Berkeley  and  Los  Angeles: 
University  of  California  Press,  1952.  Pp.  xv,  422.  Maps, 
bibliography,  and  index.  $5.00. 

This  well  printed  and  excellently  documented  book  de- 
scribes the  role  of  the  federal  government  in  the  location, 
survey,  and  construction  of  wagon  roads  in  the  territory 


238  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

west  of  the  Mississippi  before  the  railroad  era.  The  author 
believes  historians  heretofore  have  left  the  impression  that 
enterprising  pioneers,  alert  to  business  opportunities,  were 
primarily  responsible  for  locating  the  roads  in  the  west  be- 
fore the  building  of  the  Pacific  railroads.  This  book  was 
written  "to  alter  and  modify  that  interpretation." 

Following  a  brief  introductory  chapter  the  author  has 
divided  his  account  into  four  unequal  parts.  The  first,  con- 
sisting of  about  one  third  of  the  book,  is  devoted  to  Wagon 
Road  Surveys  and  Construction  in  the  Western  States  and 
Territories  by  the  United  States  Army,  1846-1861 ;  the  sec- 
ond part  deals  with  Wagon  Road  Construction  by  the  De- 
partment of  the  Interior,  1856-1861  and  is  based  mainly  on 
the  little  used  Manuscript  Records  of  the  Pacific  Wagon 
Roads  Office.  The  author  expresses  the  belief  that  no  inves- 
tigator had  previously  used  this  material.  Part  three  tells 
how  the  Army  continued  to  build  roads  West  after  the  at- 
tempt of  Congress  to  transfer  all  wagon  road  construction  to 
the  Interior  Department  in  1856,  and  part  four  explains  the 
futile  attempt  at  cooperation  between  the  two  Departments 
in  wagon  road  building  after  the  Civil  War.  The  book  is  not 
a  complete  history  of  all  wagon  roads  built  in  the  West  dur- 
ing the  period,  or  even  those  built  with  federal  aid,  but  is 
limited  mainly  to  those  initiated  as  national  projects  by 
Congress  or  by  order  of  the  Secretaries  of  War  or  Interior. 

Despite  sharp  differences  of  opinion  on  the  constitution- 
ality of  internal  improvements  at  federal  expense,  the  na- 
tional government's  contribution  to  western  transportation 
was  continuous  and  dominant  during  most  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  From  1806  to  1838,  federal  appropriations  for  the 
Cumberland  Road  alone,  the  first  national  internal  improve- 
ment, totalled  $6,824,919.  After  the  impact  of  the  depression 
of  1837,  federal  aid  for  road  construction  within  state  boun- 
daries was  usually  denied.  It  was  generally  recognized,  how- 
ever, that  Congress  had  exclusive  power  to  make  regulations 
for  the  territories  and  military  roads  were  justified  on  the 
basis  of  providing  for  the  common  defense.  With  the  open- 
ing of  the  Great  West  after  the  Oregon  Treaty  and  the  Mexi- 


BOOK  REVIEWS  239 

can  War,  the  necessity  for  communication  lines  over  the  vast 
distances  of  the  new  domain  was  immediate  and  pressing. 
Californians  petitioned  for  wagon  roads  connecting  their 
state  with  the  Mississippi  valley.  Territorial  assemblies  me- 
morialized Congress  for  a  network  of  roads  involving  the 
expenditure  of  many  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  Thirty- 
fourth  Congress  approved  almost  $800,000  for  wagon  roads 
in  the  Trans-Mississippi  West.  Accepting  the  principle  that 
roads  could  be  built  to  regulate  commerce  with  the  Indians 
as  well  as  to  provide  for  the  common  defense,  President 
Pierce  in  1856  signed  the  Fort  Ridgely-South  Pass  Wagon 
Road  bill,  authorizing  the  Interior  Department  rather  than 
the  War  Department  to  supervise  construction.  A  year  later 
the  Secretary  of  Interior  established  a  new  agency,  the 
Pacific  Wagon  Roads  Office,  to  direct  road  building  assigned 
to  his  Department.  Previously  the  federal  road  program  had 
been  supervised  almost  entirely  by  the  Bureau  of  Topo- 
graphical Engineers  of  the  War  Department. 

Division  of  responsibility  in  the  federal  road  program 
between  the  two  executive  departments  was  most  unfortu- 
nate. It  was  motivated  in  part  by  House  Republicans  who 
wanted  to  avoid  the  influence  of  Jefferson  Davis  and  partly 
by  western  Congressmen  who  hoped  the  construction  con- 
tracts would  go  to  civilians,  described  as  "practical  men." 
Military  roads  in  the  territories  remained  under  the  Bureau 
of  Topographical  Engineers,  but  roads  to  be  used  primarily 
by  emigrants,  stage  coaches,  mailcarriers,  and  for  the  Indian 
trade  were  assigned  to  the  Pacific  Wagon  Roads  Office.  The 
record  of  this  civilian  agency  was  the  worst  in  the  history  of 
federal  aid  to  road  building,  mainly  because  of  the  poor  ad- 
ministration of  the  superintendents  in  charge  of  the  road 
construction  projects.  Most  of  them  were  appointed  because 
they  were  frontiersmen  with  political  influence  or  had  ren- 
dered "service  to  Democracy"  in  pivotal  states.  One  super- 
intendent, William  M.  F.  Magraw,  who  was  dismissed  for 
chronic  intoxication,  chaotic  financial  accounts,  and  inability 
to  account  for  extensive  amounts  of  government  property, 
was  a  long  time  personal  friend  of  President  Buchanan.  On 


240  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  other  hand,  the  War  Department's  Topographical  Engi- 
neers, freer  from  partisan  political  influence  and  with  ex- 
perience in  both  road  building  and  bookkeeping,  have  left 
quite  a  different  record. 

During  the  Civil  War  the  road  building  program  was 
dormant  except  for  the  completion  of  the  Mullan  Road.  It 
was  revived  in  March  1865  by  a  law  providing  for  a  series 
of  roads  leading  to  the  Montana  and  Idaho  gold  mines.  This 
road  program  was  to  be  directed  by  the  Department  of  the 
Interior.  Military  escorts  would  be  necessary,  however,  be- 
cause of  the  extreme  hostility  of  the  plains  Indians  and 
President  Lincoln  urged  the  War  and  Interior  Departments 
to  cooperate  in  solving  the  policing  and  transportation  prob- 
lems. The  key  road  of  the  series  was  from  Niobrara  to  Vir- 
ginia City.  This  was  strongly  favored  by  enterprising  Sioux 
City  business  men  and  equally  opposed  by  the  regular  out- 
fitting points  of  the  overland  trade,  Council  Bluffs  and 
Omaha.  The  latter  would  prevent  the  opening  of  any  other 
route  than  the  regular  Omaha-Salt  Lake  Trail.  Military  men 
considered  it  advisable  to  confine  plains  travel  to  one  or  two 
routes  and  judged  the  Niobrara  route  impracticable  for 
wagon  travel.  The  growing  conflict  between  the  two  execu- 
tive Departments  over  Indian  policy  was  extended  to  the 
road  program,  rendering  most  attempts  at  cooperation  fu- 
tile. After  1869,  the  interest  of  transportation  enthusiasts 
shifted  to  transcontinental  railroads  and  wagon  roads  be- 
came of  secondary  importance. 

The  value  of  the  book  is  greatly  enhanced  by  the  inclusion 
of  over  twenty  excellent  maps,  which  are  a  joy  to  the  reader 
in  keeping  his  bearings  through  the  many  roads  discussed. 
Forty-six  pages  of  footnotes,  placed  at  the  end  of  the  book, 
and  an  eighteen  page  classified  bibliography  indicate  a  large 
amount  of  research  and  a  careful  study  of  the  works  of  other 
students  of  wagon  transportation,  many  of  whose  conclu- 
sions are  integrated  in  this  study.  The  following  minor  er- 
rors were  noted:  "Clark  Fork"  (p.  267,  284)  for  "Clark's 
Fork"  of  the  Yellowstone;  "folk"  (p.  290)  for  "fork"  of  the 
Cheyenne;  and  "international"  (p.  320)  for  "internal"  im- 


BOOK   REVIEWS  241 

provements.  Fort  Reno  must  have  been  nearer  thirty,  rather 
than  "three  hundred"  miles  from  Fort  Philip  Kearney  (p. 
286) ,  and  John  Owen's  Fort  (p.  316)  was  not  just  below  the 
mouth  of  Lolo  Creek  but  twenty  miles  up  the  Bitterroot 
River  to  the  south.  But  these  are  just  minutiae  and  do  not 
detract  from  the  General  excellence  of  the  book. 
Montana  State  University  EDWARD  EARL  BENNETT 

Soldiers,  Indians,  and  Silver.  The  Northward  Advance  of 
New  Spain,  1550-1600.  By  Philip  Wayne  Powell.  Berke- 
ley and  Los  Angeles:  University  of  California  Press. 
1952.  Pp.  ix,  317.  Maps,  bibliography,  and  index.  $4.50. 

This  is  a  scholar's  monograph  and  not  a  popular  tale, 
despite  its  colorful  jacket  and  attractive  appearance.  Much 
of  the  material  presented  in  this  substantial  study  has  al- 
ready seen  the  light  of  day  in  various  historical  reviews,  and 
now  Dr.  Powell  brings  it  all  together  with  some  added  data 
to  tell  the  story  of  relations  between  the  Spaniards  and  the 
Chichemeca  Indians  during  the  half -century  following  the 
discovery  of  silver  in  Zacatecas.  The  rush  to  this  bonanza  in 
northern  Mexico  was  well  started  by  1550  and  continued 
throughout  the  rest  of  the  century,  insofar  as  the  brave  and 
skillful  Chichemecas  would  permit.  Mining  operations  and 
supply  services  were  constantly  hampered  until  the  Indians 
were  subdued  and  this  carefully  wrought  account  explains 
how  the  Spaniards  achieved  their  final  victory. 

The  soldiers  first  tried  the  method  they  knew  best,  fire 
and  sword  for  the  "dirty,  uncivilized  dogs"  as  they  consid- 
ered the  Indians,  whose  martial  qualities  they  vastly  under- 
estimated. When  force  failed  the  viceroys  adopted  a  peace 
policy  and  provided  food,  clothing,  gifts,  and  friars  to  tame 
the  nomadic  tribes.  Franciscans  and  Jesuits  organized  a 
mission  system,  converted  the  Indians,  taught  them  the  ways 
of  peace,  built  churches,  and  thus  stabilized  the  frontier. 
Finally,  Tlaxcalan  Indians  were  brought  from  the  south  to 
aid  in  the  civilizing  process.  The  Marques  de  Villamanrique, 
seventh  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  was  the  initiator  of  this  new 


242  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

approach  in  1585  but  he  had  able  successors  who  continued 
his  work.  As  the  author  concludes,  "it  took  slightly  more 
than  a  decade  of  an  intelligent  'peace  by  purchase'  policy  to 
achieve  what  four  decades  of  warfare  had  not  been  able  to 
accomplish."  By  1600  the  long  northern  frontier  of  the  Span- 
ish empire  was  largely  at  peace. 

The  results  of  laborious  digging  in  archives  are  to  be 
found  on  every  page  of  this  book.  Indeed,  manuscript  ma- 
terial from  widely  scattered  repositories  in  Spain,  Mexico, 
and  the  United  States  is  used  in  such  abundant  detail  that 
the  reader  is  at  times  bewildered  if  not  lost.  Too  many  docu- 
ments are  included  in  the  text  to  make  for  easy  perusal,  and 
the  heavily  factual  presentation  makes  for  a  clotted  style. 

The  Indian  side  of  the  encounter  between  these  civiliza- 
tions is  well  represented.  Anthropological  information  is 
provided,  but  emphasis  is  placed  on  military  detail.  Nothing, 
or  almost  nothing,  is  given  on  social  history,  the  development 
of  mining,  or  growth  of  town  life.  The  author  evidently  set 
out  to  write  military  history  and  this  task  he  competently 
achieved  using  a  rich  variety  of  source  material. 
The  University  of  Texas  LEWIS  HANKE 


lS[ew  ^Mexico 
Historical  "Review 


Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 


October,  1953 


Editors 
FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 

VOL.  XXVIII  OCTOBER,  1953  No.  4 


CONTENTS 

Page 

New  Mexico  and  the  Sack  of  Rome:  One  Hundred  Years  Later 

Eleanor  B.  Adams  and  John  E.  Longhurst 243 

New  Mexico  During  the  Civil  War 

William  I.  Waldrip  (concluded) 251 

Bishop  Tamaron's  Visitation  of  New  Mexico,  1760  (continued) 

Eleanor  B.  Adams,  editor 291 

Notes  and  Documents 316 

Book  Reviews 319 

Constitution  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico      .       .       .      321 


THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  is 
(8.00  a  year  in  advance ;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
UNIVERSITY  PRESS,  ALBUQUERQUE,  N.  M. 


NEW   MEXICO    HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

VOL.  XXVIII  OCTOBER,  1953  No.  4 

NEW  MEXICO  AND  THE  SACK  OF  ROME : 
ONE  HUNDRED  YEARS  LATER 

By  ELEANOR  B.  ADAMS  AND  JOHN  E.  LONGHURST* 

WITH  the  development  of  the  European  national  state 
system  in  the  early  sixteenth  century,  ambitious  secular 
rulers  waged  a  successful  contest  with  the  Catholic  Church 
for  political  supremacy  within  their  own  borders.  National 
independence  of  control  from  Rome  was  achieved  in  England 
by  a  direct  break  under  Henry  VIII.  In  nominally  Catholic 
France,  the  Gallican  Church  was  under  control  of  the  mon- 
arch. The  rulers  of  Catholic  Spain  and  its  vast  overseas 
empire  displayed  true  fervor  in  the  defense  and  propagation 
of  the  Faith,  but  this  did  not  prevent  them  from  being  ex- 
tremely jealous  of  their  authority  and  privileges  in  the  man- 
agement of  Church  affairs. 

The  Roman  Church  did  not  abdicate  its  claim  to  political 
power  without  a  struggle,  and  the  conflict  between  the  claims 
of  State  and  Church  continued  to  rage  for  many  years.  Al- 
though the  Spanish  monarchs  professed  undying  loyalty  to 
Rome,  they  would  tolerate  no  interference  by  the  Pope  with 
their  political  ambitions.  This  was  spectacularly  demon- 
strated in  1527  when  Emperor  Charles  V,  angry  at  the 
attempts  of  Pope  Clement  VII  to  force  Charles  from  Italy, 
permitted  his  troops  under  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  to  sack  the 
city  of  Rome  with  a  ferocity  unequaled  since  the  days  of  the 
barbarian  invasions. 

This  humiliation  of  the  papacy  at  the  hands  of  a  secular 


*Miss  Adams  is  Research  Associate  in  History,  University  of  New  Mexico. 
Dr.  Longhurst  is  Assistant  Professor  of  History,  Department  of  History,  University 
of  New  Mexico. 

243 


244  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

prince  revealed  to  Europe  the  hollowness  of  Church  claims 
to  universal  jurisdiction  over  high  and  low  alike.  Nor  was  its 
significance  appreciated  only  in  the  Old  World.  A  century 
after  the  sack  of  Rome,  a  Spanish  governor  in  New  Mexico 
cited  Charles  V's  attack  on  the  Holy  City  as  a  proper  example 
to  follow  against  a  clergy  which  questioned  the  supremacy 
of  State  over  Church. 

The  Church-State  struggle  which  precipitated  the  sack 
of  Rome  was  repeated  in  the  New  World  empire  carved  out 
by  the  Spanish  conquerors.  All  over  the  American  continents 
the  Church  played  an  important  political  role,  and  its  claims 
to  authority  frequently  conflicted  with  the  ambitions  of  those 
who  represented  secular  interests.  In  the  northern  outpost 
of  New  Mexico,  conflict  between  Church  and  State  was  an 
almost  constant  factor  in  provincial  life  from  the  earliest 
days  of  the  colonial  period.  Hopeful  explorers  and  adven- 
turers were  soon  disillusioned  about  the  rumors  of  the  golden 
cities  to  be  found  in  the  north.  When  they  returned,  however, 
with  reports  of  a  large  native  population,  ripe  for  conver- 
sion, the  Spanish  Crown  felt  obliged  to  maintain  the  unpro- 
ductive frontier  region  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  missionary 
enterprise.  The  Franciscan  Order,  entrusted  with  the  task 
of  saving  souls  in  New  Mexico,  naturally  felt  that  their  work 
greatly  outweighed  in  importance  any  secular  aims  which 
threatened  to  interfere  with  their  spiritual  labors. 

On  the  other  hand,  settlers  and  provincial  officials  were 
unwilling  to  accept  the  complete  domination  of  the  clergy  in 
provincial  affairs.  They  were  determined  to  exploit  what 
resources  there  were,  and  the  Indian  population  as  a  poten- 
tial labor  force  was  the  greatest  of  these. 

Such  conflicting  aims  often  led  to  irreconcilable  differ- 
ences, not  only  over  matters  of  Indian  policy,  but  also  over 
the  related  question  of  who  held  authority  in  provincial  af- 
fairs. Many  of  the  leaders  of  both  sides  were  stubborn, 
hotheaded  men,  tenacious  in  their  opinions  and  unable  to 
compromise,  and  so  in  the  seventeenth  century  a  bitter 
struggle,  with  only  short  intervals  of  comparative  agree- 
ment, went  on  until  the  native  population  took  the  upper 


SACK  OF  ROME  245 

hand  and  drove  all  the  Spaniards,  clergy  and  laymen  alike, 
from  New  Mexico  in  the  Pueblo  Revolt  of  1680. 

During  the  early  days  of  the  Church-State  struggle  in 
the  province,  perhaps  the  most  articulate  proponent  of  secu- 
lar control  of  New  Mexico  affairs  was  Don  Juan  de  Eulate, 
who  became  governor  at  the  end  of  1618.  Eulate  was  a  new- 
comer to  America  when  he  began  to  serve  as  a  representative 
of  the  Spanish  Crown  in  one  of  the  most  remote  outposts 
of  the  Spanish  Empire.  He  had  seen  service  in  Flanders  and 
is  said  to  have  distinguished  himself  at  the  siege  of  Ostend, 
before  coming  to  New  Spain  as  a  captain  of  artillery  in  the 
1617  fleet.1  This  ambitious,  irreverent  professional  soldier 
held  a  very  exalted  notion  of  his  importance  and  authority 
as  the  King's  governor,  and  as  a  result  of  his  anti-clerical 
regalism,  his  term  of  office  in  New  Mexico  from  1618  to 
1625  was  one  of  the  most  bitter  and  shocking  phases  of  the 
Church-State  controversy  there.  In  Church  and  State  in  New 
Mexico,  16 10-1 650, 2  F.  V.  Scholes  has  related  the  story  of 
Eulate's  acrimonious  dispute  with  Fray  Esteban  de  Perea, 
who  was  a  worthy  opponent  of  the  governor  in  upholding 
the  authority  of  the  Church.  It  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  this 
story  here.  What  we  wish  to  emphasize  is  that  the  situation 
in  New  Mexico  was  but  one  phase  of  a  long  conflict  which 
caused  such  disasters  as  the  sack  of  Rome,  and  that  it  is  of 
interest  to  find  that  both  the  conflict  and  the  story  of  the 
sack  extended  to  the  outermost  fringes  of  the  Spanish  Em- 
pire in  America. 

Eulate  soon  became  a  vociferous  spokesman  for  the  anti- 
clerical element  in  New  Mexico.  He  made  no  secret  of  his 
opinions  on  the  subject  and  exercised  considerable  influence 
over  the  thinking  of  his  supporters,  who  numbered  both  sol- 
diers and  settlers.  Nor  did  he  hesitate  to  acquaint  the  clergy 
with  his  views;  on  one  occasion  he  furiously  lectured  Fray 
Pedro  de  Haro  on  the  subject  of  Church-State  relations : 


1.  Archive   General   de   Indias,    Seville,    (hereinafter   cited   as   AGI)    Contadurfa, 
leg.  720. 

2.  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico,  Publications  in  History,  vol.  7   (June,  1937), 
Albuquerque.   First  published   in   the  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL   REVIEW,   vol.    11    (nos. 
1-4,  1936),  voL  12  (no.  1,  1937). 


246  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

About  a  year  ago  [1620],  he  [Fray  Pedro  de  Haro]  heard  Governor 
Don  Juan  de  Eulate  say  that  the  prelate  of  this  land  and  its  churches 
had  no  jurisdiction  whatsoever  over  any  layman,  but  only  the  governor 
[has  jurisdiction  over  them] ;  and  that  the  lord  archbishop  in  Mexico 
had  no  jurisdiction  over  any  layman  and  that  if  he  wished  to  punish 
or  seize  anyone,  the  Royal  Audiencia  immediately  took  the  culprit  away 
from  him.  And  he  said  this  with  scorn  for  the  Church  and  ecclesiastical 
persons.  And  on  many  occasions  when  he  speaks  scornfully  of  the 
Church  and  ecclesiastics,  he  speaks  with  such  great  contempt  and  scorn 
of  the  ecclesiastics  that  it  seems  that  he  wants  to  abase  them  and  lay 
them  low.  In  a  certain  conversation  in  which  the  said  Governor  Don 
Juan  de  Eulate  and  this  witness  took  part,  there  was  a  discussion 
about  the  authority  of  His  Holiness.  The  governor  said  that  if  the 
Pope  gave  him  one  command  and  the  King  gave  him  another,  he  would 
obey  the  King  alone  and  not  the  Pope.  And  when  this  witness  replied 
that  if  His  Holiness'  command  was  just  and  Catholic,  it  must  be  obeyed, 
the  said  governor  replied  with  great  anger,  and  his  choler  making  him 
look  like  a  demon,  that  in  spite  of  everything  he  had  no  obligation  to 
obey  anyone  but  the  King.  ...  He  has  heard  some  persons  say,  and 
he  even  thinks  he  has  heard  the  governor  say  that  el  Rey  es  su  gallop 
and  this  in  contradiction  of  the  authority  of  the  Pope  and  of  the  Church 
when  ecclesiastical  authority  is  under  discussion.4 

Eulate's  chief  adversary  was  Fray  Esteban  de  Perea, 
prelate  of  the  Franciscans  in  New  Mexico  during  the  first 
years  of  this  governor's  term  of  office.  Perea  was  little  im- 
pressed by  the  exaggerated  claims  of  the  soldier-governor, 
but  Eulate's  behavior,  which  was  undermining  respect  for 
the  Church,  aroused  his  anger  and  spurred  him  to  open  re- 
sistance. Under  Eulate's  influence,  he  complained,  the  set- 
tlers of  New  Mexico 

say  that  the  secular  state,  especially  that  of  war,  which  is  their  life 
here,  is  more  perfect  than  the  religious  state,  especially  that  of  the 

3.  This  cynical  phrase  comes  from  the  Spanish  saying:   Buen  gallo   le  canto:   A 
good   (or  well-omened)   cock  crowed  for  him.  This  was  said  of  a  person  who  attained 
good  fortune  by  the  favor  and  help  of  another,  and  he  referred  to  his  benefactor  as 
his   gallo    (cock).   Hence   the  catch   phrase.    El   Rey   es   mi  gallo.    Hereafter   we   shall 
translate  this  as  "The  King:  is  my  patron."  Maestro  Gonzalo  Correas,   Vocabulario  de 
refranses  y  frases  proverbiales  y  otras  formulas  communes  de  la  lengua  castcllana  .... 
Madrid,    1924.    Correas    was    professor    of    Greek    and    Hebrew    at    the    University    of 
Salamanca  in  the  first  third  of  the  seventeenth  century   and   published  a   number  of 
works  on  the  Spanish  language,  but  this   Vocabulario  remained  in  manuscript  at  his 
death. 

4.  Testimony   of    Fray    Pedro    Haro   de    la   Cueva,    Sandia,    August   22,    1621,    in 
Ynformacion  contra  D.  Juan  de  Eulate  .   .   .  hecha  por  FT.   Esteban   de  Perea,   juez 
ordinario,    Archive   General   de   la    Naci6n,    Mexico,    (hereinafter   cited   as    AGM)    In- 
(luisicion,  Tomo  356. 


SACK  OF  ROME  247 

friars,  who  are  the  only  clergy  here.  Others  say  in  scorn  of  the  author- 
ity the  Church  has  over  all  the  faithful,  "The  King  is  my  patron," 
meaning  that  they  have  to  obey  only  the  King  and  not  the  Church.5 
In  the  same  scornful  way  others  say  that  the  governor  [Eulate]  is 
their  patron.  .  .  .  There  are  those  who  say  and  affirm  that  there  cannot 
be  two  heads  here,  ecclesiastical  and  secular,  for  it  would  be  a  mon- 
strosity, but  only  one,  who  is  the  governor  who  stands  in  the  King's 
place,  because  there  is  no  church  or  prelate  or  head  of  the  Church; 
along  with  other  propositions  offensive  to  pious  ears,  suspect,  and 
scandalous.6 

By  1623,  Fray  Esteban  de  Perea  was  more  than  ever 
anxious  for  the  backing  of  superior  authority  in  his  battle 
against  Eulate  and  all  he  stood  for.  In  a  letter  to  the  Holy 
Office,  dated  at  Sandia  on  August  14,  1623,  he  requested 
permission  to  go  to  Mexico  City  to  give  evidence  about  condi- 
tions in  New  Mexico  and  stated  his  view  of  his  differences 
with  Governor  Eulate  in  no  uncertain  terms.  He  complained 
that  "this  Antichrist"  was  responsible  for  the  wretched  state 
of  affairs  in  the  province 

because  he  persists  in  holding  the  things  of  God  and  His  Holy  Faith 
up  to  scorn  in  both  words  and  deed.  ...  I  receive  reports  to  this 
effect  momentarily,  and  I  fear  that  if  this  land  did  not  belong  to  so 
Catholic  a  King  and  Lord,  we  should  be  very  open  to  reproach  in  the 
integrity  of  the  Faith.  He  has  so  little  respect  for  God  or  prelate, 
being  of  the  opinion  that  the  King  is  above  everything  and  instilling 
this  belief  in  the  simple  minded  populace,  especially  four  or  five  sol- 
diers of  his  own  stamp,  wicked  men  who  are  under  sentence,  who  sup- 
port him  and  approve  everything  he  says  and  does  because  they  have 
need  of  him,  that  with  their  help  he  is  oppressing  this  very  new  plant 
of  the  Church  and  its  prelate  and  friars  so  that  there  is  no  way  of 
resisting  him  because  of  his  overweening  arrogance  and  the  concept 
that  the  King  is  above  everything.  When  anyone  discusses  the  Church 
and  its  authority  with  him,  in  an  attempt  to  correct  his  sins  and  reform 

5.  One  of   Eulate's   captains   echoed   the  governor   on   this   point.    Testifying:   at 
Santo  Domingo  before  Fray  Alonso  de  Benavides,  commissary  of  the  Holy   Office  in 
New  Mexico,  on  June  12,  1626,  Fray  Jeronimo  de  Zarate  Salmeron  reported  that  some 
years  before  he  had  taken   part  in   a  conversation   at  Isleta,   during   which   Captain 
Juan   Gomez   "made  the  affirmation  that  in   this   land  the  King  was   more  than   the 
Pope.  This  was  heard  by  Father  Fray  Juan  de  Salas,  guardian  of  the  said  convent, 
Captain  Alonso  Ramirez  de  Vargas  and  his  wife,   Captain  Juan  Lopez  Mederos  and 
his   wife,   Juan   Lujan,   Captain   Domingo  Gonzalez,   and   this   witness,   for   they  were 
present.  And  when  this  witness  heard  this  proposition   from  the  said  Captain  Juan 
Gomez,  he  reproved  him  for  it,  saying  that  the  son  was  not  more  than  the  father; 
that  the  King  wrote  to  the  Pontiff  addressing  him  as   Our  Most  Holy   Father,   and 
the  Pontiff  wrote  to  the  King  as  Our  Son  King  Philip."  AGM,  Inquisicion,  Tomo  356. 

6.  Ynformacion  contra  D.  Juan  de  Eulate. 


248  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

him,  or  to  oppose  them,  they  are  usually  confounded  by  the  reply  that 
the  prelate  is  not  qualified  to  go  into  such  matters  with  him.  He  says 
that  he  treats  him  as  one  who  has  business  with  his  governor  and  not 
as  a  prelate,  for  the  governor  considers  himself  superior  in  both 
spiritual  and  temporal  matters.7 

Sometime  between  1622  and  1625,  Governor  Eulate  was 
excommunicated  by  Vice-Gustos  Fray  Ascencio  de  Zarate. 
We  know  little  of  the  circumstances,  but  obviously  the  gov- 
ernor was  not  greatly  humbled  in  spirit  by  the  powerful 
manifestation  of  ecclesiastical  displeasure.  When  one  of  his 
captains  persuaded  Father  Zarate  to  absolve  Eulate,  the  lat- 
ter at  first  refused  to  go  to  the  friar,  insisting  that  it  was  the 
priest's  place  to  come  to  the  representative  of  the  King.  It 
was  only  after  considerable  persuasion  that  Eulate  consented 
to  visit  Fray  Ascencio  and  receive  absolution.8 

After  Eulate's  stormy  term  as  governor  ended,  Fray 
Alonso  de  Benavides,  commissary  for  the  Inquisition  in  New 
Mexico,  took  a  number  of  depositions  about  his  conduct  for 
transmission  to  the  tribunal  of  the  Holy  Office  in  Mexico 
City.  Benavides  forwarded  them  to  his  superiors  with  the 
following  comment : 

The  enclosed  denunciations  against  Don  Juan  de  Eulate  seem  to  me 
to  be  most  important,  for  according  to  what  is  said  and  his  evil  and 
scandalous  reputation,  one  would  never  finish  writing  it.  The  outstand- 
ing characteristic  of  this  man's  conversation  is  that  he  always  brings 
in,  whether  it  is  relevant  or  irrelevant,  the  downfall  of  bishops  and 
ecclesiastical  persons,  for  he  seems  to  have  purposely  studied  all  his- 
tories for  this  evil  end,  glorying  in  relating  them  among  this  ignorant 
Spanish  population  here,  and  as  a  result  they  get  a  bad  impression  of 
ecclesiastical  persons.  .  .  .9 

Among  the  histories  Eulate  had  read  "for  this  evil  end" 
was  an  account  of  the  sack  of  Rome  in  1527.  The  Duke  of 
Bourbon,  who  led  the  forces  of  Charles  V  in  the  assault  on 
the  Holy  City,  did  just  what  Eulate  would  have  done  under 
the  same  circumstances.  Eulate  was  first  and  last  a  sup- 
porter of  royal  authority,  which,  in  his  eyes,  was  superior 

7.  AGM,  Inquisicion,  Tomo  345. 

8.  Testimony  of  Captain  Juan  de  Vitoria  Carbajal,  Santa  Fe,  May  29.  1626.  AGM, 
Inquisicion,  Tomo  356. 

9.  Fray  Alonso  de  Benavides  to  the  Holy  Office,  New  Mexico,  June  29,  1626.  AGM, 
Inquisicion,  Tomo  356. 


SACK  OF  ROME  249 

to  any  other,  including  that  of  the  Church.  In  the  sack  of 
Rome  he  saw  clear-cut  justification  of  his  own  position  in 
regard  to  the  Church-State  controversy  in  New  Mexico.  An 
unsigned  statement  made  on  August  31,  1626,  gives  the  fol- 
lowing account  of  a  conversation  in  which  Eulate  took  part 
when  he  was  on  his  way  to  Mexico  City : 

On  Monday,  the  thirty-first  day  of  August  of  the  year  1626,  at 
about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  in  the  pueblo  of  Alamillo  near  the 
Rio  del  Norte  in  these  provinces  of  New  Mexico,  the  following  persons 
were  seated  in  the  shade  of  a  house:  Father  Fray  Esteban  de  Perea, 
Father  Fray  Jeronimo  de  Zarate,  don  Juan  de  Eulate,  who  had  just 
finished  his  term  of  office  as  governor  of  the  aforesaid  provinces,  Cap- 
tain Francisco  Perez  Granillo,  Captain  Diego  de  la  Cruz,  Captain 
Tomas  de  Albizu,  and  I.  We  were  all  conversing,  discussing  the  power 
of  the  King  and  the  scope  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  especially  the 
authority  held  by  the  prelates  of  this  land  and  whether  they  can  or 
cannot  punish  the  governors  of  this  land  when  they  commit  irrever- 
ences or  sins  against  the  Church.  Fray  Esteban  de  Perea  was  defend- 
ing their  right  to  do  so,  because  the  Church  had  authority  for 
everything,  and  he  cited  a  text:  Spiritualis  homo  judicat  omnia.  Don 
Juan  de  Eulate  replied  and  said,  'I  do  not  know  where  there  is  any 
law  that  permits  them  to  punish  one  of  his  Majesty's  ministers.  I  only 
know  that  the  King  is  my  patron.'  Therefore  Fray  Esteban  de  Perea 
said  to  him,  'Because  of  those  words  and  others  like  them,  the  soldiers 
are  beginning  to  repeat  them  and  such  unbridled  statements  as:  'The 
King  is  my  patron  whatever  happens.'  Don  Juan  de  Eulate  replied  to 
this,  'I  say  so  and  I  say  it  again,  and  I  say  that  if  my  lord  the  King 
should  order  me  to  do  what  Bourbon  did,  I  would  do  it.'  Father  Fray 
Esteban  de  Perea  asked  him,  'What  did  Bourbon  do?'  Don  Juan  de 
Eulate  replied,  'When  the  Emperor  Charles  V  sent  him  to  sack  Rome, 
he  went  and  he  sacked  it;  and  so  I  say  that  whatever  happens  I  must 
do  whatever  the  King  may  order  me,  wrong  or  right.  Let  him  judge 
his  orders  to  me,  for  I  am  obliged  to  obey  him.'  Father  Fray  Esteban 
de  Perea  replied  to  these  words,  'Look,  your  lordship,  those  are 
heretical  propositions,  and  they  are  matters  that  will  have  to  come 
out  publicly  in  Mexico  City.'  And  he  replied,  'These  things  never  come 
out  in  public,  for  here  they  lurk  in  corners.' 

When  they  had  mounted  to  overtake  the  wagons,  Captain  Diego  de 
la  Cruz  asked,  'Sir,  what  could  the  outcome  of  this  league  against  the 
Pope  have  been?'  And  Don  Juan  replied,  'That  must  be  concluded  by 
now,  and  if  the  King  had  sent  me  on  that  expedition  as  captain  gen- 
eral, I  would  have  gone  willingly,  even  against  the  Pope.'  And  since 
this  conversation  was  becoming  more  impassioned  with  every  word, 
Father  Fray  Esteban  de  Perea  left  it  at  that  without  discussing  the 
subject  any  further.  I  related  this  incident  to  Father  Fray  Alonso 


250  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

de  Benavides,  commissary  of  the  Holy  Office,  who  told  me  that  he 
did  not  take  action  as  he  could  because  of  the  inconvenience  involved, 
but  that  I  should  set  down  in  writing  the  details  of  what  had  happened 
against  the  time  when  it  might  be  necessary  to  make  a  statement.10 

On  September  8,  1626,  Benavides  summarized  this  epi- 
sode in  a  letter  to  the  Holy  Office,  and  said  that  he  had  not 
instituted  proceedings  because  his  secretary  was  not  present 
and  because  all  the  witnesses  were  going  to  Mexico  City  and 
could  make  their  statements  there.11  But  if  the  Tribunal  of 
the  Inquisition  in  Mexico  took  action  against  Don  Juan  de 
Eulate,  the  records  have  disappeared.  A  few  years  after 
these  events,  in  the  early  1630's,  he  was  governor  of  Mar- 
garita, where  he  appears  to  have  found  an  outlet  for  his 
fervor  in  behalf  of  his  King  in  vigorous  efforts  to  expel 
heretical  Dutch  and  English  intruders  from  the  island  of 
Trinidad  nearby.12  Like  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  a  century 
before,  he  might  lay  a  heavy  hand  on  the  Church  in  the  in- 
terest of  his  royal  master,  but  he  was  no  friend  to  heretics. 


10.  AGM,  Inqnisici6n,  Tomo  356. 

11.  AGM,  Inquisicion,  Tomo  856. 

12.  AGI,  Audiencia  de  Santo  Domingo,  leg.  180. 


NEW  MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR 

By  WILLIAM  I.  WALDRIP 

(Continued) 

III  Union  Successes 

SOON  after  General  Sibley  had  decided  upon  a  course  of 
action,  the  Confederates  acted  quickly,  and  began  their 
trek  to  the  North.  When  the  Texans  reached  Socorro  on  Feb- 
ruary 22,  the  militia  stationed  there  surrendered  almost  im- 
mediately.1 The  townspeople  were  accused  of  disloyalty,  and 
complaints  were  also  raised  against  the  native  troops  who 
deserted  as  the  enemy  approached.2  Continuing  on  to  Albu- 
querque, the  Texans  entered  the  town  on  the  second  of 
March. 

The  Federals,  knowing  of  the  Confederate  approach, 
had  given  away  and  burned  much  of  their  military  supplies 
just  prior  to  the  entrance  of  the  enemy.  Fear  of  destroying 
private  homes  by  fire,  however,  kept  the  destruction  from 
being  complete.3  The  townspeople  in  "...  their  insatiable 
desire  for  plunder  .  .  ."  frightened  the  Quartermaster  into 
leaving  much  property  undamaged.4  The  Confederates  de- 
scended upon  these  stores  voraciously.  Over  six  million  dol- 
lars worth  was  seized,  and  then  foolishly  destroyed.  One  of 
the  troops,  who  saw  no  purpose  in  such  destruction,  opined 
it  occurred  "...  because  our  men  were  getting  drunk  on 
the  whiskey  and  our  commander  had  never  been  sober, .  .  ."5 
On  the  thirteenth  of  March  the  Texans  issued  a  proclama- 
tion which  granted  amnesty  to  all  who  would  quit  the  Fed- 
eral service  in  ten  days.6  This  was  designed  to  weaken  fur- 
ther the  allegiance  of  the  natives. 

Governor  Connelly  complained  of  the  conduct  of  the  in- 
vaders when  he  wrote : 


1.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.  171.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  April  26,  1862. 

2.  O.  R.,  I,   9 :605.  Major  Charles  E.   Weache  Report,   April  25,    1862. 

3.  L.  R.,  loc.  cit. 

4.  O.  R.,  I,  9:528.   Enos  to  Donaldson,  March   11,   1862. 

5.  Noel,  op.  cit.,  p.  61.   (Noel  himself  was  a  teetotaler,  p.  40.) 

6.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.  171.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  April  26,   1862. 

251 


252  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

I  am  sorry  to  say  that  the  Texans  have  not  behaved 
with  the  moderation  that  was  expected,  and  that  desolation 
has  marked  their  progress  on  the  Rio  Grande  from  Craig  to 
Bernalillo.  Exactions  and  confiscations  are  of  daily  occur- 
rence, and  the  larger  portion  of  those  who  have  anything  to 
give  or  to  lose  are  here  [Las  Vegas]  on  this  frontier,  seeking 
a  refuge  from  their  rapacity,  and  have  left  their  houses  and 
contents  a  prey  to  the  invaders.7 

This  ruthlessness  which  may  have  been  forced  by  neces- 
sity was  later  to  prove  a  serious  handicap  when  the  tables 
were  turned. 

Continuing  on  to  Santa  Fe,  the  Confederates  resumed 
their  burning  and  destruction,  and  soon  again  were  short  of 
supplies.8  At  the  same  time  ex-Surveyor  General  William 
Pelham  was  appointed  Territorial  Governor  at  Santa  Fe  by 
the  Confederates,  and  everyone  was  required  to  swear  alle- 
giance on  penalty  of  loss  of  property.9 

With  the  Texans  making  such  rapid  progress,  Canby 
again  pleaded  for  more  troops.10  This  time  Secretary  of  War 
Stanton  ordered  Major-General  Henry  W.  Halleck,  at  that 
time  the  ranking  officer  in  the  West,  to  "re-enforce  Canby 
by  all  means.  We  have  felt  great  anxiety  about  him."  n  Hal- 
leck immediately  suggested  sending  4,000  to  5,000  men  and 
raising  Canby  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General.12  He  added, 
"I  know  General  Canby  well.  He  is  one  of  the  best  officers 
in  the  service."13  Washington  was  at  last  becoming  aware 
of  the  conflict  in  New  Mexico. 

While  Canby  was  pleading  for  additional  troops,  the 
Confederates  were  having  their  troubles.  Although  Union 
military  leaders  complained  of  the  disloyalty  and  apathy  of 
the  natives,  the  Texans  were  equally  dismayed.  Not  only 
were  their  stores  in  short  supply,  but  they  began  to  realize 
that  their  ruthless  policy  of  confiscation  had  left  them 
"...  in  the  midst  of  a  population  of  80,000  souls  possessing 


7.  O.  R.,  I,  9:651.  Connelly  to  Seward,  March  23,  1862. 

8.  Noel,  op.  cit.,  p.  62. 

9.  L.  R.,  Micro.   No.   175.   Arny  to  General    (?),   March    19,    1862. 

10.  O.  R.,  I,  8:627.  Halleck  to  Stanton,  March  20,   1862. 

11.  Ibid.,  I,  8:628.  Stanton  to  Halleck,  March  20,   1862. 

12.  Ibid.,  I.  8:629.  Halleck  to  Stanton,  March  21,  1862. 

13.  Ibid.,  I,  8:633.  Halleck  to  Stanton,  March  23,   1862. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  253 

no  very  friendly  spirit  toward  us.  .  .  ."  Internal  command 
problems  were  also  causing  concern. 

...  a  spirit  of  insubordination  and  prejudice  against 
General  Sibley,  which  appears  to  have  been  aggravated  by 
the  fact  that  General  Sibley  was  sick  during  the  battle  near 
Fort  Craig  (as  he  had  been  for  some  days  previous)  and  did 
not  command  on  the  occasion — a  prejudice  that  goes  so  far 
as  to  accuse  him  of  a  deliberate  plan  to  deliver  his  command 
into  the  hands  of  our  enemies.14 

Although  Pelham  was  established  as  Governor  of  the 
Territory  in  Santa  Fe,  Major  Pyron  was  in  command  of  the 
Confederate  troops.  Sibley  had  originally  sent  men  to  Santa 
Fe  because  Federal  reinforcements  from  Colorado  were  re- 
ported at  Fort  Union.  The  capital  was  held  by  the  South 
for  about  a  month,  and  many  friendly  to  the  Confederacy 
were  released  from  "durance."15  The  prestige  to  be  derived 
from  the  capture  of  the  enemy  capital  was  probably  an  addi- 
tional motive  for  its  seizure. 

With  Arizona  and  southern  New  Mexico  under  almost 
complete  control,  and  the  principal  towns  and  the  capital 
subjugated  as  well,  the  Confederate  campaign  had  reached 
its  apex.  The  position  of  the  Texans  was  precarious  however. 
With  supplies  running  low,  with  the  population  indifferent 
to  their  welfare,  if  not  actually  hostile,  the  invaders  could 
not  remain  idle.  Too,  Fort  Craig  to  the  south  was  manned 
by  a  strong  force  which  cut  them  off  from  El  Paso,  and  to  the 
northeast  was  the  menace  of  Fort  Union. 

In  answer  to  the  pleas  from  New  Mexico,  volunteer 
troops  were  sent  to  Fort  Union  by  the  Governor  of  Colo- 
rado.16 The  journey  was  made  over  difficult  terrain  and  in 
inclement  weather.  Such  was  the  urgency  of  the  call  that 
over  400  miles  were  covered  in  only  thirteen  days.17  Al- 


14.     Ibid.,  I,  3:793.  Steele  to  Cooper,  March  7,  1862. 

IB.  Ibid.,  I,  9:509.  Sibley  Report,  May  4,  1862.  F.  S.  Donnell  in  his  "When  Las 
Vegas  Was  the  Capital  of  New  Mexico,"  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  8 :265, 
October,  1933,  recalls  that  the  Union  government  was  removed  to  Las  Vegas  at  this 
time  for  a  short  period. 

16.  Hayes,   op.   cit.,  p.   164.   Governor   Gilpin   organized   the   troops   from   among 
the  citizens  of  Colorado,  and  appointed  John   P.   Slough,  a  lawyer  and   "War  Demo- 
crat,"   as   Colonel. 

17.  Congressional  Globe,    37th    Congress,   2nd    Session,    p.    2026.    Bennett   of   Colo- 
rado, May  8,  1862. 


254  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL   REVIEW 

though  the  additional  men  were  welcomed,  a  controversy 
soon  arose  over  command  and  strategy.  Colonel  J.  P.  Slough, 
leader  of  the  Coloradoans,  finding  that  Colonel  G.  R.  Paul 
"...  had  completed  the  preliminary  arrangements  ...  by 
seniority  of  volunteer  commission  .  .  .  claimed  the  com- 
mand   "18 

Colonel  G.  R.  Paul,  irked  at  being  placed  in  a  secondary 
position,  angrily  informed  Washington  of  the  action  taken 
by  Slough,  and  asked  for  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General.19 
At  the  same  time  he  complained  that  Slough  planned  to  leave 
Fort  Union  and  meet  Canby  en  route,  although  he  (Slough) 
had  been  ordered  to  remain  within  the  fort.  Paul  crossly 
added  that  "my  object  in  this  communication  is  to  throw 
the  responsibility  of  any  disaster  which  may  occur  on  the 
right  shoulders."20 

Canby,  a  more  cautious  strategist,  attempted  to  restrain 
the  daring  Slough  by  reminding  him  that  the  entire  effort 
was  intended  to  defeat  "...  the  Confederates  in  such  a 
way  that  an  invasion  of  this  Territory  will  never  again  be 
attempted."21  Canby,  however,  did  decide  to  leave  Fort  Craig 
for  Albuquerque,  although  he  termed  the  action  of  Slough 
as  "premature"  and  "...  at  variance  with  my  instruction 
.  .  .  ,"22  In  rebuttal  Slough,  either  intentionally  or  uninten- 
tionally misinterpreting  his  orders,  declared  that  "...  the 
instructions  of  Colonel  Canby  are  not  only  to  protect  Fort 
Union,  but  to  harass  the  enemy."23  So  with  1,300  soldiers, 
he  started  toward  Apache  Canyon  where  he  had  heard  that 
the  enemy  had  1,000  troops  prepared  for  battle.24 

Although  the  ensuing  encounter  was  the  turning  point  of 
the  entire  campaign,  neither  of  the  commanding  generals 
participated.  Canby  was  en  route  from  Fort  Craig,  while 
Sibley  was  engaged  in  other  pursuits.  The  barber  who 
shaved  Sibley  on  the  critical  morning  of  the  28th  of  Febru- 
ary reported  that  the  Southern  leader  was  twenty  miles 

18.  O.  R.,  1,  9:534.  Slough  to  Wash.  Hq.,  March  30.   1862. 

19.  Ibid.,  I    9:646.  Paul  to  Wash.  Hq.,  March  11,  1862. 


20.  Ibid.,  I 

21.  Ibid.,  I 

22.  Ibid.,  I 

23.  Ibid.,  I 

24.  Ibid.,  I 


9:652.   Paul  to  Wash.   Hq.,   March  24,   1862. 
9:649.  Canby  to  Slough,  March  18,   1862. 
9:658.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  March  81,   1862. 
9:654.  Slough  to  Paul,  March  22,  1862. 
9:533.  Slough  to  Canby,  March  29,  1862. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  255 

away,  and  "...  seems  to  have  been  supplied  (perhaps  for 
medicinal  purposes!)  with  whiskey."25 

The  engagement  between  the  contending  forces,  Slough 
leading  the  Union,  and  Colonel  W.  R.  Scurry  in  charge  of  the 
Texans,  took  place  between  Las  Vegas  and  Santa  Fe.  The 
actual  fighting  occurred  at  La  Glorieta,  a  pass  at  the  south- 
ern end  of  the  Sangre  de  Cristo  range  of  mountains.  This 
gap  is  a  few  miles  long  with  narrow  apertures  at  either  end 
which  widen  out  to  about  a  fourth  of  a  mile  at  the  center.26 
The  western  part  of  the  pass  is  known  as  Apache  Canyon.27 
The  beautiful  growth  of  cottonwoods  and  pines  which  cov- 
ered the  mountains  at  this  point  gave  the  area  its  name, 
and  later  the  entire  pass  was  thus  designated.28 

On  March  26,  the  opening  struggle  began  when  a  de- 
tachment under  Major  John  M.  Chivington  entered  Apache 
Canyon  and  met  the  Confederates,  under  Major  Pyron,  who 
were  already  established  there.  Although  Chivington 
claimed  a  slight  victory,  only  a  few  hundred  troops  were  in- 
volved. The  Texans  retreated,  but  as  night  was  falling,  the 
Federals  returned  to  Pigeon's  ranch  instead  of  pursuing  the 
foe.29  Bancroft  deemed  this  engagement  a  Union  victory,30 
which  it  was,  although  a  small  one. 

The  twenty-seventh  saw  no  action,  but  on  the  twenty- 
eighth,  the  fighting  was  renewed.  The  region  in  which  the 
fighting  occurred  made  ordinary  tactics  difficult,  and  Slough, 
who  now  assumed  command,  termed  "...  the  engagement 
of  the  bushwacking  kind."31  The  fighting  lasted  over  five 
hours,  and  the  Union  leader  considered  it  " .  .  .  defensive 
from  its  beginning  to  its  end  .  .  ."  as  the  enemy  was  met 
unexpectedly.32  Colonel  Scurry,  however,  regarded  this  as 
"...  another  victory  .  .  .  added  to  the  long  list  of  Con- 

25.  Hayes,  op.  eit.,  p.  169.  Noel,  op.  cit.,  p.  62,  said  "The  Commanding  General 
of  our  forces  was  an  old  army  officer,  whose  love  for  liquor  exceeded  that  for  home, 
country   or   God." 

26.  J.   F.   Santee,    "The   Battle  of  Glorieta   Pass,"   NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL   RE- 
VIEW,   6 :66,    January,    1931. 

27.  Ibid.,  p.   71. 

28.  Whitford,  op.  cit.,  p.  23. 

29.  O.  R.,  I,   9:530.   Chivington  to   Canby,   March   26,    1862. 

30.  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  p.   695. 

31.  O.  R.,  I,  9:538.  Slough  to  Canby,  March  29,   1862. 

32.  Ibid.,   I,    9:535.    Slough   to   Canby,   March    30,    1862. 


256  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

federate  triumphs."  The  Texans  claimed  that  the  fleeing 
Union  forces  were  followed  until  exhaustion  demanded  that 
the  pursuit  be  terminated.  The  Texas  leader  found  time 
for  recrimination,  when  he  accused  the  Federals  of  having 
fired  upon  a  chaplain,  who  was  caring  for  the  wounded,  and 
who  had  presumed  he  was  immune  from  attack  because  of 
the  white  flag  which  he  was  carrying.33 

Regardless  of  the  Confederate  claims  and  charges,  a 
successful  coup  by  the  Federals  did  much  to  bring  about  the 
Confederate  retreat  which  followed.  Colonel  Chivington, 
who  had  been  detached  early  in  the  morning,  circled  to  the 
rear  of  the  Texans,  found  their  supply  train,  and  burned 
the  same.  The  Colonel  found  time  to  praise  Collins,  "... 
in  some  way  connected  with  Indian  affairs  in  this  Territory, 
.  .  ."  who  acted  as  guide  and  interpreter,  and  who  im- 
pressed Chivington  with  his  good  sense  and  bravery.34 

Apparently  Major  William  H.  Lewis  of  the  Union  Army 
was  an  important  factor  in  this  action,  but  never  received 
the  proper  recognition.  The  Rio  Abajo  Weekly  Press 
claimed  that  Lewis  actually  led  the  attack,  and  was  forced 
to  spend  two  hours  in  persuading  Chivington  to  proceed.35 
Lewis  was  not  promoted  for  this  action  although  it  had 
much  to  do  with  the  eventual  retreat  of  the  Texans  from 
New  Mexico.  This  led  Meline  to  observe  sarcastically  that 
this  "served  him  right  for  not  being  on  duty  in  some  com- 
fortable, quiet  place."38 

Both  sides  claimed  a  major  success.  However,  one  Con- 
federate soldier  grandiloquently  described  the  retreat  from 
Glorieta  as  "every  man  for  himself,  nothing  on  the  order  of 
things.  The  retreat  of  Napoleon  from  Moscow  would  be 
about  the  only  parallel  in  history."37  Another  less  sanguine 
Confederate  trooper  felt  that  "if  it  had  not  been  for  those 


33.  Ibid.,    I,    9:541-2.    Scurry    Report,    March    30,    1862. 

34.  Ibid.,  I,  9:530.  Chivington  Report,  March  28,  1862.  Collins  was  superintendent 
of  Indian  Affairs,  Department  of  New  Mexico. 

35.  Rio  Abajo  Weekly  Press,  March  8,   1864.   Chivington,  an   ex-Methodist  elder, 
was   later   condemned    by   a   Joint    Military    Commission    for   the   Indian    Massacre   at 
Sand  Creek,  Colorado,  in  1864,  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  October  7,  1865. 

36.  James    F.    Meline,    Two    Thousand    Miles    on    Horseback     (New    York:    The 
Catholic    Publication    Society,    1873),    p.    116. 

87.     Noel,  op.  cit.,  p.  60. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  257 

devils  from  Pike's  Peak,  this  country  would  have  been  ours 
.  .  .  ,"38  This  testimony  seemed  to  bear  up  the  contention 
of  Governor  Gilpin  of  Colorado  who  insisted  that  his  troops 
were  the  real  victors,  and  started  the  Texans  on  the  way 
out  of  New  Mexico.39  Governor  Connelly,  however,  com- 
plained that  a  more  smashing  victory  could  have  been 
achieved  if  a  more  aggressive  pursuit  had  been  carried  out.40 
Later  critics  of  the  action  at  Glorieta  emphasize  the  impor- 
tance of  the  rear  attack  on  the  Confederate  supply  wagons 
as  the  primary  cause  for  the  retreat  and  eventual  evacua- 
tion of  New  Mexico.  Twitchell  believed  that  the  rear  attack 
made  it  "...  impossible  for  the  Confederates  to  continue 
their  offensive  operations,"41  while  Coan  thought  that  it 
prevented  any  plan  for  attacking  Fort  Union.42  Bancroft 
also  felt  that  the  Confederates  retreated  (even  though  they 
had  an  apparent  victory)  because  of  the  operations  of  the 
men  under  Chivington.43 

As  the  Texans  hastened  from  the  Territory  in  small 
groups,44  there  were  words  of  praise  for  some  of  the  enemy. 
Mrs.  Canby,  the  sister  of  General  Sibley,  was  lauded  by  one 
of  the  Confederate  troops  for  her  aid  to  the  wounded,  and 
was  declared  "...  a  sympathiser  [sic]  with  the  south,  . 
.  ."  The  same  soldier  also  called  Canby  himself  "...  one 
of  the  noblest  men  that  ever  served  in  any  army."45  Another 
claimed  that  "...  Mrs.  Camby  [Canby]  captured  more 
hearts  of  Confederate  soldiers  than  the  old  general  ever 
captured  Confederate  bodies."46 

The  Confederate  retreat  down  the  Rio  Grande  was  not 
completed  without  some  minor  military  action.  Canby  had 
come  from  Fort  Craig  (hastened  by  the  action  of  Slough) , 
and  had  met  Paul  and  Slough  thirty  miles  east  of  Albuquer- 

38.  Twitchell,  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History,  II,  380-1,  note  303. 

39.  Hollister,   op.   oit.,   pp.    126-7. 

40.  O.  R.,  I,   9:660.   Connelly  to   Seward,   April  6,    1862. 

41.  Twitchell,  op.  eft.,  II,  385. 

42.  Coan,  op.  cit.,  p.  212. 

43.  Bancroft,   of.   cit.,   pp.    696-7. 

44.  L.  R.,  Micro  No.   171.   Collins  to  Dole,   April  26,   1862. 

45.  Lansing:   B.   Bloom,  editor,    "Confederate   Reminiscences,"   NEW    MEXICO   HIS- 
TORICAL REVIEW,  5:315-24,  July,  1930;  H.  C.  Wright  letter  to  T.  L.  Greer,  September 
7,  1927,  p.  823. 

46.  Ibid.,  p.  320.  Harvey  Halcomb  to  Greer,  August  5,   1927. 


258  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL   REVIEW 

que.47  Canby  demonstrated  against  Albuquerque  as  he  said, 
to  draw  the  Confederates  away  from  Santa  Fe,48  but  the 
townspeople  suffered  more  than  the  Texans,  so  this  maneu- 
ver was  halted.49 

Sibley  retreated  south  to  Peralta,  where  the  Union  troops 
followed,  and  desultory  firing  by  both  sides  was  engaged 
in.50  It  was  reported  that  the  Texans  became  incensed  at 
their  leaders,  and  allegedly  threatened  to  shoot  Colonel 
Scurry,  who  had  led  them  at  Glorieta.51  During  the  night 
of  April  13,  1862,  the  Confederates  slipped  away,  and  re- 
sumed their  flight  south.  The  Union  troops  pursued,52  but 
apparently  without  much  enthusiasm.  Colonel  Roberts  had 
desired  to  attack  the  Confederate  position  in  the  morning, 
but  Canby  had  opposed  this.  He  wished  to  drive  them  from 
the  country  without  more  killing  on  either  side.  Mills  agreed 
that  "...  perhaps  he  was  wise"  in  doing  so.53 

Sibley,  continuing  south,  decided  to  by-pass  Fort  Craig 
and  thus  avoid  any  further  military  action  with  which  it 
would  be  difficult  to  cope.  At  the  same  time  a  different  route 
would  mystify  the  enemy.54  The  Confederates  reached  the 
river  near  Fort  Thorn  (near  where  Rincon  now  is)  and 
from  there  on  suffered  many  more  hardships.  Noel,  who 
traveled  the  entire  distance  related  that 

.  .  .  we  walked  and  staggered  along  like  the  reeling,  hungry, 
thirsty  wretches  that  we  were,  with  no  head,  nobody  to 
direct  or  command,  with  the  bloodthirsty  Dog  Canyon  Apache 
Indian  following  in  our  wake  and  scalping  the  poor  unfor- 
tunate boys  whose  blistered  feet  and  enfeebled  frame  made 
it  impossible  for  them  to  march  farther. 

En  route  to  San  Antonio  the  Indians  who  allegedly  had  been 
friendly  to  Sibley  on  his  way  west  were  now  the  reverse. 
Kit  Carson  was  supposedly  the  instigator  of  their  terroristic 
acts,  which  included  the  filling  of  the  few  available  wells 

47.  Mills,   op.   cit.,   p.    59. 

48.  O.  R.,  I,  9:650.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  April   11.   1862. 

49.  L.  R.,  Micro.   No.    171.  Santo  Fe   Gazette,   April  26,    1862. 
60.  O.  R.,  I,  9:510.   Sibley   Report,   May  4,    1862. 

51.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.   171.  Santo  Fe  Gazette,  April  26,   1862. 

52.  O.  R..  I,  9:551.  Canby  Report,  April  23,  1862. 

53.  Mills,  op.  cit.,  p.  60. 

54.  O.  R.,  I,  9:511.   Sibley  Report.  May  4,   1862. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  259 

with  dead  sheep.55  In  contrast  to  the  account  by  Noel  an- 
other Confederate  soldier  reported  only  a  few  deaths  on  this 
march  south  and  noted  that  the  pursuit  was  not  close.56 

The  Texans,  although  somewhat  reduced  in  number,  had 
managed  to  leave  the  territory.  Canby  was  criticized  for 
this.  Bancroft  mentioned  that  he  was  accused  of  not  wish- 
ing to  kill  old  associates  (Sibley  was  his  brother-in-law), 
of  jealousy  toward  the  volunteers  (he  complained  contin- 
ually about  them),  and  even  of  cowardice.57  Nevertheless, 
the  enemy  had  left,  and  many  lives  had  been  spared.  The 
lack  of  food  and  supplies  was  an  important  deterrent  to  a 
more  aggressive  policy.  Canby  had  complained  on  numer- 
ous occasions  about  the  lack  of  sustenance  available  to  him. 
The  floods  in  the  southern  part  of  the  territory  slowed  Union 
action.58  Meanwhile,  the  Colorado  troops,  who  had  played 
such  an  important  role,  left  for  home  because  of  this  same 
lack  of  food.59 

Despite  the  Coloradoans  leaving,  the  request  for  addi- 
tional Federal  troops  was  reduced  from  five  regiments  to 
two,  as  it  was  not  thought  possible  to  provide  for  more. 
Since  the  threat  of  another  attack  was  believed  unlikely,60 
Canby  now  set  about  reorganizing  his  military  forces. 
Colonel  B.  S.  Roberts  was  placed  in  command  of  the  Cen- 
tral, Northern  and  Santa  Fe  Districts,  and  Colonels  Paul 
and  Chivington  were  each  given  columns  to  direct.61  Slough 
had  resigned.62  The  civil  government  also  came  to  life  again. 
Governor  Connelly  returned  to  Santa  Fe  and  found  that  no 
one  had  taken  his  place.  The  Gazette  noted  that  "the  only 
memento  they  [the  Texans]  had  left  for  our  worthy  Chief 
Magistrate  was  some  of  Sibley's  proclamation's  [sic]  and 
empty  champagne  bottles."63  Connelly  did  complain,  how- 


55.  Noel,  op.  cit.,  pp.  63-4. 

56.  Bloom,  op.  cit.,  p.  323  ;  Wright  to  Greer,  September  7,  1927. 

57.  Bancroft,    op.    cit.,    p.    698. 

58.  O.  R.,  I,  9  :676.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  June  21,  1862. 

59.  Hollister,   op.   cit.,   p.    126. 

60.  O.  R.,  I,  9  :669-70.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  June  21,  1862. 

61.  Ibid.,  I,   9:664.   General  Order  No.   30,   April   16,   1862. 

62.  Santee,  op.  cit.,  p.   75.  Twitchell,   The  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  His- 
tory,   II,    385,    note   309,    says    that   Slough    resigned    in    disgust   because   he    was    not 
allowed  to  pursue  the   Confederates. 

63.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.  171.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  April  26,   1862. 


260  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ever,  that  the  Texans  had  damaged  his  home  south  of  Albu- 
querque (at  Peralta)  to  the  extent  of  thirty  thousand  dol- 
lars—  "...  much  of  this  through  a  pure  vandalistic 
spirit."64 

As  the  loyal  forces  in  New  Mexico  were  getting  their 
house  in  order,  General  Sibley  had  a  few  parting  shots  ready 
for  New  Mexico.  He  believed  that 

.  .  .  except  for  its  political  position,  the  Territory  of  New 
Mexico  is  not  worth  a  quarter  of  the  blood  and  treasure  ex- 
pended in  its  conquest.  .  .  .  The  indispensible  element,  food, 
cannot  be  relied  on. 

He  commented  further  on  the  difficulties  of  another  attempt, 
saying  "...  sir,  I  cannot  speak  encouragingly  for  the  fu- 
ture, my  troops  having  manifested  a  dogged,  irreconcilable 
detestation  of  the  country  and  the  people."65 

Accounts  vary  on  the  number  of  Texans  who  were  able 
to  return  to  the  south.  Mills  believed  that  only  1,500  of  the 
4,000  ever  got  back  to  Texas,66  while  Roberts,  a  subordinate 
of  Canby,  said  only  1,200  of  the  3,000  returned  and  that  the 
rest  were  facing  complete  annihilation.67  A  participant  re- 
lated that  less  than  half  who  left  San  Antonio  ever  got 
back,  "...  and  the  larger  half  of  those  who  did  lived  a  life 
of  suffering  because  of  their  extreme  hardships  in  this  cam- 
paign."68 

The  campaign  had  been  a  difficult  one  for  both  sides. 
The  Union  forces,  however,  were  to  receive  unexpected  aid 
in  the  struggle.  As  early  as  July,  1861,  troops  were  raised 
in  California  to  protect  the  Overland  Mail  Route  to  the 
East,69  but  "treason  stalked  abroad"  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  state,  and  General  James  H.  Carleton  (then  a  Colonel 
of  the  1st  California  Volunteer  Infantry)  was  sent  in  that 
direction.70  The  Federal  government  also  had  prepared  a 

6T OTfl.,  I,  9:672.  Connelly  to  Seward,  May  17,   1862. 

65.  Ibid..  I.  9:511-12.  Sibley  Report,  May  4,   1862. 

66.  Mills,  op.   fit.,   p.   73. 

67.  O.  R..  I.  9:666.  Roberts  to  Wash.  Hq.,  April  23,   1862. 

68.  Noel,  op.  cit.,  p.   69. 

69.  Ray  Allan  Billington.  •with  the  collaboration  of  James  Blaine  Hedges,    West- 
ward Expansion   (New  York:  The  Macmillan  Company,   1949),  pp.  635-6. 

70.  O.  R..  I,  9:594.  McNulty  Report,  October.  1863. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  261 

plan  for  an  army  to  be  raised  on  the  coast.71  However,  when 
Captain  Hunter  of  the  Confederate  Army  occupied  Tucson 
with  a  few  hundred  men,72  the  Commanding  Officer  of  the 
Pacific  instructed  Carlton  to  go  forward  with  the  object  of 
retaking  "...  all  of  our  forts  in  Arizona  and  New  Mexico, 
driving  the  rebel  forces  out  of  that  country  or  capturing 
them  .  . .  .  "73  The  California  column  thus  began  its  arduous 
march  across  the  desert  with  the  double  purpose  of  prevent- 
ing an  invasion  of  the  coast,  and  at  the  same  time  aiding 
the  Federal  Government.  The  difficulties  encountered  were 
"almost  insurmountable."74 

Early  in  May  the  California  militia  began  its  journey 
from  Fort  Yuma  with  over  2,000  troops,75  but  moved  slowly 
because  of  the  shortage  of  water.76  The  first  important  stop 
was  Tucson,  Arizona,  which  was  occupied  on  May  20,  1862, 
"without  firing  a  shot."77  In  the  face  of  superior  numbers, 
the  Confederates,  who  had  boasted  that  "the  entire  popula- 
tion" was  southern  in  sentiment,78  retreated  from  this  ad- 
vanced outpost,  while  those  private  citizens  who  were 
sympathetic  to  the  South  departed  for  Mexico.79 

From  Tucson  Carleton  sent  word  to  Canby  that  he  was 
enroute,  but  two  of  the  three  messengers  were  killed  by 
Apaches,  and  the  third  was  captured  by  the  Confederates. 
Expressman  John  Jones,  although  captured,  was  able  to  get 
his  message  through.  The  knowledge  that  an  additional 
enemy  was  so  near  hurried  the  Confederate  preparations 
for  departure  from  New  Mexico.  On  July  4,  a  small  advance 
force  of  California  troops  arrived  near  Fort  Thorn  and 
occupied  it  the  next  day.  Confederate  unpopularity  now 
began  to  reach  a  head,  and  rumors  were  heard  that  the 

71.  Captain    George   H.    Pettis,    "The   California   Column."    Historical   Society   of 
New   Mexico,    Publications,   No.    11    (Santa   Fe,    New   Mexico:    New   Mexico    Printing 
Company,    1908),  p.   5. 

72.  Bancroft,   op.   tit.,   p.   690. 

73.  O.  R.,  I,  4:91.   Wright  to  Carleton,   January   31,   1862. 

74.  Ibid.,  I,  9:595.  McNulty  Report,  October,  1863. 

75.  Pettis,  op.  tit.,  pp.  7-8. 

76.  Ibid.,  p.   10. 

77.  O.  R.,  I,  9:533.  Carleton  to  Cal.  Hq.,  May  25,   1862. 

78.  Ibid.,  I,  9:707.  Hunter  to  Baylor,  April  5,  1862. 

79.  Ibid.,  I,   9:533.   Carleton   to  CaL  Hq.,   May  25,    1862. 


262  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

native  population  was  beginning  to  rise  on  all  sides  against 
the  retreating  Texans.80 

Governor  Connelly  received  word  that  the  southern  re- 
treat was  due  to  their  having 

.  .  .  consumed  and  destroyed  everything  even  to  the  grow- 
ing crops.  The  people  here  are  with  their  eyes  open  toward 
the  North,  in  the  hope  of  being  relieved  from  the  devastations 
of  these  locusts.  More  than  1,000  men  are  waiting  with 
open  arms  to  receive  the  liberal  Government  of  the  North.81 

The  Confederate  policy  of  living  off  the  land  was  turning 
the  natives  from  a  feeling  of  indifference  to  one  of  actual 
hatred. 

Colonel  William  Steele,  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of 
Fort  Fillmore  by  the  Confederates,  retired  to  Fort  Bliss, 
July  8,  1862.  In  enumerating  his  reasons  for  leaving,  the 
Colonel  noted  that  he  had  only  400  troops  to  fight  1,500 
Californians,  besides  those  marching  from  Craig.  Further- 
more, outnumbered  and  with  ammunition  running  low, 
the  natives  were  not  willing  to  accept  Confederate  paper 
money.  When  the  Texans  seized  supplies,  the  people  became 
aroused.82  In  leaving  New  Mexico  Steele  informed  the 
Union  leaders  that  there  was  ill  will  between  the  Americans 
and  the  natives,  and  that  he  wanted  the  Americans  who  re- 
mained to  be  protected  against  possible  reprisals.83  When 
the  Californians  entered,  they  took  advantage  of  this  dis- 
satisfaction and  attempted  to  gain  support  by  assuring  the 
natives  that  "...  the  era  of  anarchy  and  misrule  .  .  ." 
was  at  an  end.84 

Canby  ordered  Carleton  to  remain  within  the  Mesilla 
valley,85  although  the  latter  wished  to  pursue  the  Texans 
down  the  Rio  Grande  as  he  felt  that  "...  it  would  be  a 
sad  disappointment  to  those  from  California  if  they  should 
be  obliged  to  retrace  their  steps  without  feeling  the  enemy." 
The  Californian  also  suggested  that  now  might  be  the  time 


80.  Ibid., 

81.  Ibid., 

82.  Ii.id.. 
88.  Ibid., 

84.  Ibid., 

85.  Ibid., 


9:554.  Carleton  to  Cal.   Hq.,  July  22,   1862. 
50:1140-1    (part   1).    Connelly   to   Canby.   June    15.    1862. 
9:722.   Steele  to  Cooper,  July   12,   1862. 
9:687.    Steele   to   C.    O.    U.    S.    Forces. 
9:602.  General  Order  No.    15,   August   15,   1862. 
9:683.  Canby  to  Carleton,  July  9,   1862. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  263 

to  send  troops  into  Texas  where  he  had  heard  that  the  time 
was  ripe  for  action.86  Colonel  E.  E.  Eyre,  a  subordinate  of 
Carleton,  complained  that  he  had  wished  to  proceed  to 
Franklin  (El  Paso),  but  had  been  restrained  by  Chivington 
and  Howe.87  However,  even  though  Carleton  was  not  per- 
mitted to  continue  his  aggressive  policy,  the  appearance  of 
additional  troops  had  much  to  do  with  the  flight  of  the 
Texans.88 

The  success  of  this  long  journey  was  equally  divided  be- 
tween the  men  and  their  commander.  The  troops  were  com- 
mended for  their  endurance  and  Carleton  for  the  care  taken 
of  his  charges.  McNulty,  the  medical  officer,  believed  that 
"to  conduct  this  expedition  successfully  required  a  clear 
head,  sound  judgement,  indomitable  will,  and  perseverance. 
All  these  General  Carleton  possesses  in  an  eminent  de- 
gree."89 A  less  charitable  commentator  felt  that  "the  march 
was  as  good  a  one  as  could  have  been  made  under  so  ineffi- 
cient a  general."90  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  arrival 
was  advantageous  to  the  Union  cause. 

The  aid  which  New  Mexico  and  the  Federal  Government 
had  received  from  both  Colorado  and  California  made  it 
almost  impossible  for  the  Confederacy  to  achieve  any  last- 
ing success.  Texas  alone  was  not  able  to  furnish,  or  at  least 
it  did  not  furnish,  enough  troops  or  supplies.  Confederate 
inability  to  gain  much  support  from  the  native  population 
was  also  a  contributing  cause  to  defeat. 

IV  Military  Affairs  After  the  Invasion 
After  the  invasion  attempt  of  the  Texans  had  been  re- 
pulsed, there  were  still  many  problems  facing  the  military 
and  civil  authorities.  Because  the  war  was  yet  in  progress 
in  the  East,  and  because  the  civil  government  had  been 
superseded  by  the  military  in  the  Territory,  the  army  con- 
tinued to  dominate  the  scene  in  New  Mexico  for  several 
years.  However,  General  Canby  was  not  to  be  in  charge 


86.  Ibid.,  I,  9:559.   Carleton   to   Canby,   August  2,    1862. 

87.  Ibid.,  I,   9:566.   Carleton  to  Cal.   Hq..   September  20,    1862. 

88.  Santa,  Fe  New  Mexican,  March  5,   1864. 

89.  O.  R.,  I,  9:602.  McNulty  Report,  October,  1863. 

90.  Mowry,    op.    cit.,   p.    60. 


264  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

much  longer,  and  on  August  5,  1862,  orders  relieving  him 
from  duty  in  New  Mexico  were  issued.1  He  had  waged  a 
successful  campaign.  His  cautious  policy  had  been  criticized 
by  more  daring  spirits,  but  a  victory  had  been  won  with 
small  loss.  Too,  his  problem  of  defense  had  been  more  diffi- 
cult than  that  of  the  Texans  who  were  not  responsible  for 
the  civilian  population,  and  who  could  live  from  the  land  if 
they  were  able.  Canby  protected  not  only  the  private  citizens, 
but  was  responsible  for  military  supplies  and  personnel  as 
well.  The  Texans  were  gone,  and  he  could  now  recommend 
disposal  of  the  available  soldiery.  He  suggested  that  the 
New  Mexico  Volunteers  be  used  in  Indian  fighting  on  the 
frontier.2  The  Indians  had  been  unrestrained  during  the 
invasion,  and  the  natives  were  recognized  as  excellent  for 
that  purpose. 

General  James  H.  Carleton  now  became  the  military 
representative  of  the  Federal  government,3  and  was  ex- 
pected to  protect  the  people  of  the  Territory.4  With  the  Con- 
federate departure,  the  most  pressing  remaining  problem 
was  that  of  subduing  the  Indians  who  had  run  wild  during 
the  hostilities  with  Texas.  In  handling  this  important  mat- 
ter Carleton  was  praised  for  his  "...  wisdom,  energy,  and 
indomitable  perseverance  .  .  ."5  The  General,  however,  gave 
much  credit  to  the  citizens  of  New  Mexico  in  aiding  the  army 
to  rid  the  country  of  the  war-like  tribes.6 

Although  the  policy  of  dealing  firmly  with  the  Indians 
and  placing  them  on  reservations  was  not  original  with  Gen- 
eral Carleton  or  even  completely  successful  under  his  stew- 
ardship, a  forceful  beginning  was  made.  The  chance  for  a 
successful  execution  of  policy  possibly  would  have  been 
greater  except  that  three  governmental  agencies — the  mili- 
tary, the  Indian  office,  and,  to  a  lesser  extent,  the  territorial 


1.  O.  R.,  I,  9:688.  S.  O.  No.  181  War  Department,  August  6,  1862. 

2.  Ibid.,  I,  9:689.  Canby  to  Wash.   Hq.,  August  6,   1862. 

8.     Ibid.,  I,  9:682.   General  Orders   No.   84.   September   18,    1862. 

4.  Congressional  Globe,  37th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  Sec'y.  of  War  Stanton,  Ap- 
pendix, p.  29.  December  2,  1862. 

6.  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  Year  1866  (Washing- 
ton, D.  C. :  Government  Printing  Office,  1866),  p.  134.  Graves  to  Cooley. 

6.     O.  R.,  I.  26:82    (part  1).  General  Order  No.   3,   February  24.  1864. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  265 

officials — concerned  themselves  with  the  problem.7  This  di- 
vision of  authority  created  confusion  and  misunderstanding. 
Another  deterrent  to  success  was  the  limitation  of  money 
and  supplies.  Carleton  thus  through  necessity  proceeded 
slowly.  The  Mescalero  Apaches  in  the  southeastern  part  of 
the  Territory  were  partially  subdued  and  sent  to  Fort  Sum- 
ner.  In  the  spring  of  1863  Carleton  turned  his  attention 
toward  the  Navaho  in  the  northwest.8 

The  problem  of  the  Navaho  was  a  much  more  difficult 
one.  Carleton  conceived  the  plan  of  placing  all  Navahos 
with  the  Mescaleros  on  a  great  reservation,  the  Bosque  Re- 
dondo,  at  Fort  Sumner.9  Many  of  the  Navahos  refused  to 
leave  their  ancestral  home  and  eventually  Kit  Carson,  who 
was  active  and  effective  in  the  field,  invaded  their  strong- 
hold at  Canyon  de  Chelly  in  January,  1864.  During  the  next 
few  years  force  and  diplomacy  were  indulged  in  to  persuade 
a  greater  number  to  go  to  Fort  Sumner.10  However  the  entire 
group  was  never  completely  assembled.11 

The  reservation  policy  forwarded  at  Fort  Sumner  by 
Carleton  aroused  a  controversial  storm.  Michael  Steck,  who 
succeeded  Collins  in  New  Mexico  as  Indian  Superintendent, 
although  not  opposed  to  the  reservation  idea,  spearheaded 
the  attack  on  the  Bosque  Redondo  as  a  home  for  the 
Navaho.12  Steck  and  his  supporters  also  complained  of  the 
forceful  tactics  used  by  Carleton,  claiming  that  greater 
success  could  have  been  achieved  with  less  expense  by  a 
more  peaceful  policy.13  Steck  gained  the  support  of  some 
citizens  of  New  Mexico  because  they  feared  renewed  Indian 
depredations  and  the  loss  of  grazing  lands.  They  also  claimed 
that  an  additional  barrier  to  the  East  was  being  erected.14 

Although  some  of  the  charges  against  the  Bosque  reser- 
vation were  not  well  founded,  the  reservation  itself  proved 

T.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  "The  Federal  Indian  Policy  in  New  Mexico,  1858-1880," 
NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  12:221,  July,  1937. 

8.  Ibid.,    12:248. 

9.  Ibid.,   12:249. 

10.  Ibid.,  12  :253. 

11.  Ibid.,  12 :254. 

12.  Ibid.,   12:256. 

13.  Ralph  H.  Ogle,   "Federal  Control  of  the  Western   Apaches,   1848-1886,"   NEW 
MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  14:355,  October,  1939. 

14.  Reeve,  op.  cit..   12:258. 


266  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

a  failure  for  a  variety  of  reasons.  Carleton  and  Carson  in 
concert  did  well  in  rounding  up  the  inhabitants  who  were 
sent  to  the  Bosque,  but  were  not  so  successful  in  coping  with 
less  martial  endeavors.15  The  Steck-Carleton  controversy  did 
much  to  bring  about  the  eventual  abandonment  of  the 
Bosque  Redondo.  However,  there  were  other  causes  as  well. 
The  site  lacked  an  adequate  wood  supply,  and  a  series  of 
crop  failures  plagued  the  Indians  in  their  efforts  to  adjust 
to  the  sedentary  life  of  agriculturists.  In  addition  the  funds 
available  for  maintenance  of  the  reservation  were  inade- 
quate, and  the  hostile  Comanches  were  troublesome  as  well.16 
In  evaluating  the  whole  affair  Bancroft  praised  Carleton  for 
his  policy  of  Indian  removal  and  the  vigor  with  which  it  was 
carried  out,  although  he  considered  the  location  poor,  and 
the  reservation  a  failure  as  a  means  of  civilizing  the  In- 
dian.17 Twitchell,  too,  thought  the  Bosque  Redondo  a  great 
failure  as  a  means  of  civilizing  the  Indian,  but  deemed  it  a 
wise  policy  as  a  show  of  Federal  power.18 

Although  control  of  the  Indian  was  a  matter  of  great 
concern,  Carleton  had  other  problems  and  duties  of  impor- 
tance both  to  New  Mexico  and  to  the  Federal  government. 
The  troops  under  Carleton  not  only  opened  new  roads  in 
New  Mexico  which  were  vitally  needed  and  repaired  others 
damaged  by  flood,  but  guarded  wagon  trains  against  Indian 
attacks  as  they  crossed  the  barren  wastes  of  the  Territory.19 
Some  new  forts  were  constructed  during  this  period  and 
old  ones  were  repaired.  The  improvements  made  and  the 
reconstruction  work  done  by  Carleton  were  held  by  the  Santa 
Fe  Gazette  to  be  among  his  greatest  achievements.20 

Although  Carleton  had  internal  problems  to  solve,  he 
prepared  for  another  invasion  by  Texans.  This  attack  was 
never  consummated,  but  the  preparation  was  made  with 
good  reason.  The  Union  leader  found  that  "...  rumors  are 
rife,  .  .  .  that  another  demonstration  is  to  be  made  against 

16.  Charles  Amsden,  "The  Navaho  Exile  at  Bosque  Redondo."  NEW  MEXICO  HIS- 
TORICAL REVIEW,  8 :44,  January,  1933. 

16.  Reeve,  op.  eft.,  13  :24. 

17.  Bancroft,  op.  eft.,  p.  731. 

18.  Twitchell,  op.  eft.,  II,  483-4. 

19.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  March  18,  1865. 

20.  Ibid.,   December   24,    1864. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  267 

this  country  by  a  rebel  force.  .  .  ."21  He  lamented  that  with 
such  a  wide  area  and  so  many  entrances  to  defend  a  plan 
of  action  was  necessary.  The  General  planned  to  gather  as 
much  grain  as  possible,  arrest  possible  enemies,  and  arouse 
the  natives  to  the  new  danger  and  at  the  same  time  permit 
them  to  fight  as  guerrillas.22  This  was  in  direct  contrast 
to  the  method  of  Canby,  who  had  attempted  to  use  them  in 
the  same  manner  as  trained  troops  were  used.  Carleton,  in 
warning  Kit  Carson,  emphasized  the  different  tactics,  which 
were  more  suited  to  the  surroundings,  when  he  wrote: 

If  a  force  of  rebels  come  you  know  how  to  annoy  it — 
how  to  stir  up  their  camps  and  stock  by  night;  how  to  lay 
waste  the  prairies  by  fire;  how  to  make  the  country  very 
warm  for  them  and  the  road  a  difficult  one.  Do  this,  .  .  ,23 

Possibly  because  Canby  had  feared  an  invasion  either  via 
the  Canadian  River  or  the  Pecos,  Carleton  also  kept  a 
mounted  company  east  of  the  latter.24  On  one  occasion  a 
group  of  native  buffalo  hunters  was  halted  by  this  mounted 
group  while  going  down  the  Pecos  because  it  was  feared 
that  the  150  cattle  which  accompanied  them  might  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  Texans.25  A  few  months  earlier  some  south- 
ern sympathizers  were  turned  back  from  the  Canadian.26 
There  was,  however,  no  report  of  incoming  enemy  troops, 
but  Confederates  were  stationed  not  far  from  New  Mexico. 

Late  in  1862  Colonel  Baylor  was  placed  in  command  of 
the  northern  and  western  Texas  frontier,27  although  this 
was  largely  done  to  defend  the  country  against  Indian  attack. 
The  Colonel  had  his  own  ideas  how  the  Indian  problem 
should  be  met.  He  held  that 

. .  .  the  general  belief  among  the  people  is  that  the  extermina- 
tion of  the  grown  Indians  and  making  slaves  of  the  children  is 
the  only  remedy.  This  system  has  been  practiced  in  New 
Mexico.  There  is  not  a  family  in  that  country  but  has  Indian 
slaves  derived  from  that  source.28 

21.  OTR.,  I,   15:697.   Carleton   to  Wash.   Hq.,   November   16,    1862. 

22.  Ibid.,  I,   15:599-600.   Carleton  to  West,   November   18,   1862. 

23.  Ibid.,   I,   15:579.    Carleton   to  Carson,   October    12,    1862. 

24.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.   173.   Collins  to  Dole,   November   13,    1862. 

25.  O.  R.,  I,  15:153.  Captain  W.  H.  Backus  Report,  December  1,  1862. 

26.  Ibid.,  I,   15:158.  Lt.  G.  L.  Shoup  to  Backus,   December  1,   1862. 

27.  Ibid.,  I,  15:858.  S.  O.  No.  26,  November  8,  1862. 

28.  Ibid.,  I,  15  :917.  Baylor  to  Magruder,  December  29,  1862. 


268  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  Confederate  Secretary  of  War,  displeased  with  the  atti- 
tude of  Baylor  concerning  Indian  slavery,  charged  that  he 
(Baylor)  could  not  raise  troops  for  his  enterprises  in  his 
own  Department.29 

Early  in  1863  Carleton  began  to  feel  easier  as  he  had 
heard  of  no  new  rumors,  and  believed  that  the  only 
reason  for  an  invasion  (possibly  sharing  the  opinion  of 
Sibley  as  to  the  value  of  New  Mexico)  lay  in  "...  the  right 
of  way  to  the  Pacific,  to  which  great  importance  is  said  to 
be  attached  by  the  Southern  Confederacy  . . .  ,"  or  the  acqui- 
sition of  Sonora  or  Chihuahua.30  Although  the  Rio  Aba  jo 
Weekly  Press  had  heard  of  an  invasion  by  "Los  Tejanos," 
the  paper  was  confident  that  Carleton  would  handle  the 
situation,  especially  since  he  knew  how  the  natives  could 
best  fight,31  and  further  that  they  would  be  allowed  to  do 
so.32  The  invasion  threat  was  not  an  unmixed  blessing,  as  it 
had  the  effect  of  keeping  troops  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
Territory,  where  they  were  used  to  good  advantage  against 
the  Indians.33 

There  was,  however,  some  pressure  for  an  invasion  of 
Texas  from  New  Mexico.  Canby  had  felt  that  such  a  move 
was  not  practicable  because  of  his  lack  of  confidence  in 
native  troops.34  General  Halleck,  who  was  not  aware  of 
actual  conditions,  later  wanted  such  an  effort,35  but  Carleton 
was  dubious  because  of  lack  of  funds,  and  felt  that  "...  if  I 
can  block  the  road  from  Paso  del  Norte,  it  will  be  as  much 
as  can  prudently  be  done, . .  ,"36  Although  differing  in  reason 
from  Canby,  Carleton  now  was  no  more  anxious  than  the 
former  for  such  an  effort.  Experience  in  New  Mexico  had 
brought  about  a  change  of  viewpoint. 

Again  in  1865  the  matter  of  a  Texas  invasion  arose.  An 
entry  into  southern  Arizona  from  Mexico  by  a  group  of 


29.  Ibid.,  I.   16:857.  G.  W.  Randolph   to  Magruder,   November   7,    1862. 

80.  Ibid.,  I,  15:669.  Carleton  to  Wash.  Hq.,   February   1.   1863. 

81.  Rio   Abajo    Weekly   Press,    April   28,    1868. 

82.  Ibid..  May  26,   1863. 

83.  Pettis,   op.   eft.,   p.   19. 

84.  O.   R.,  I,   9:674.   Canby   to  Carleton,   August   11,    1862. 

86.  Ibid.,   I,   34:256    (part  2).   Halleck   to   Carleton,    February   6,    1864. 

86.  Ibid..  I,  34:673    (part  2).   Carleton   to  Halleck.  March   20.    1864. 


NEW    MEXICO  DURING   THE   CIVIL   WAR  269 

southern  sympathizers,37  and  a  raid  into  New  Mexico  itself 
by  "...  a  band  of  lawless  desperadoes  .  .  .  ,"  was  expected.38 
Nothing  resulted  from  these  threats.  However,  both  Gov- 
ernor Luis  Terrazas  of  Chihuahua39  and  Governor  Evans  of 
Colorado  had  proffered  aid  previously,40  and  possibly  could 
be  relied  upon. 

Carleton  and  the  army  had  some  difficulties  of  an  internal 
nature  as  well.  Southern  New  Mexico,  the  seat  of  earlier 
disaffection,  continued  as  a  center  of  irritation.  Sylvester 
Mowry,  the  alleged  Confederate  sympathizer,  was  declared 
an  enemy  of  the  Union  by  a  board  of  officers41  who  probably 
acted  more  harshly  because  of  the  heat  of  recent  conflict. 
Mowry,  who  held  mining  property  in  southern  Arizona,  was 
stripped  of  this  under  the  Confiscation  Act,42  and  in  June, 
1862,  was  placed  in  prison.43  He  immediately  raised  a  great 
outcry,  and  accused  the  General  of  profiting  financially  in 
the  matter.44  The  New  Mexican  recalled  that  United  States 
Marshal  Cutler  was  later  able  to  buy  this  property  for 
$4,000.45  The  matter  was  not  of  tremendous  importance, 
except  to  Mowry,  but  it  was  a  step  toward  weakening  the 
position  of  Carleton,  and  indirectly  placed  the  military  in 
an  unfavorable  light. 

In  addition  to  the  Mowry  incident,  the  people  in  southern 
New  Mexico  were  a  source  of  annoyance  and  concern  to 
Carleton.  The  General  had  retained  the  system  of  martial 
law  which  Canby  had  begun,  and  the  citizens  through  their 
Grand  Jury  complained  bitterly.46  Carleton  was  not  entirely 
pleased  with  the  arrangement,  as  he  felt  that  military  offi- 
cers were  carrying  a  burden  which  belonged  to  civil  author- 
ity.47 When  General  Halleck  received  information  of  military 
interference  in  strictly  civil  affairs,  he  ordered  that  it  be 

37.  Santo  Fe  Gazette,  April   8,   1865. 

38.  Ibid.,  May   18,   1865. 

39.  O.  R.,  I,  15:701.  Terrazas  to  Carleton,  April  11,  1863. 

40.  Ibid.,  I,   15:666.   Carleton   to  Evans,   January  28,    1863. 

41.  Ibid.,  I,   9:693.   S.   O.   No.    17,   June   16,    1862. 

42.  Mowry,  op.  cit.,  p.  237. 

43.  Ibid.,  p.  62. 

44.  Ibid.,  p.  208. 

45.  Santa   Fe   New   Mexican,   July    29,    1864. 

46.  Ibid.,  July  1,   1864. 

47.  O.  R.,  I,  15  :665.  Carleton  to  Arny,  January  27,  1863. 


270  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

discontinued,  if  true.48  The  Gazette,  however,  loyal  to  Carle- 
ton,  denied  that  any  military  interference  with  civil  au- 
thority had  ever  existed.49  The  southern  part  of  the  Terri- 
tory was  doubtless  sensitive  about  past  events  and  resented 
close  surveillance  by  the  military,  although  the  general  popu- 
lace must  have  appreciated  protection  from  the  marauding 
Indians. 

The  military  department  was  faced  also  with  another 
matter,  that  of  peonage  and  Indian  slavery.  The  distinction 
between  peonage  and  slavery  was  not  easily  determined,  al- 
though the  condition  of  peonage  was  brought  about  through 
debt,  while  slavery  resulted  from  the  capture  of  Indians  who 
were  forced  to  labor  involuntarily. 

The  practice  of  peonage  was  recognized  by  law  in  New 
Mexico,50  and  there  were  actual  Indian  slaves  in  the 
Territory.61  Except  for  an  occasional  servant  of  an  army 
officer,  negro  slavery  was  never  a  problem.  Carson,  who  was 
familiar  with  Indian  slavery,  suggested  that  it  be  continued 
as  a  means  of  taking  care  of  the  people,  and  also  of  breaking 
up  the  tribes.52  Carleton  strongly  rejected  the  idea.53 
Eventually  President  Johnson  learned  of  the  practice  and 
recommended  its  suppression.54  Peonage  was  a  more  com- 
plicated matter,  and  had  been  accepted  in  New  Mexico,55 
but  was  abolished  by  law  in  1867.56  The  actual  cessation  was 
not  such  an  easy  matter,  and  there  were  slaves  for  many 
years  after. 

The  relative  merit  and  aid  given  by  the  troops  who  came 
from  outside  the  Territory  caused  a  minor  tempest  at  the 
time  which  was  touched  off  by  a  Joint  Resolution  passed 
by  the  New  Mexico  Legislature,  shortly  after  the  Texans 


48.  Ibid.,  I,  34:245   (part  2).  Halleck  to  Carleton,  February  4,  1864. 

49.  Santa  Fc   Gazette,   May  27,   1865. 

50.  L.  R.,  Micro  No.  182.  Executive  Message  of  Acting  Governor  William  F.  M. 
Arny  to  the  Legislative  Assembly  of  the  Territory,   December  2,   1862. 

51.  Ibid.,  Micro.  No.   155.  Arny  to  Dole,  January  6,   1862. 

62.     O.  R.,  I.  26:234    (part  1).   Carson  to  Carleton,  July  24,   1863. 

58.     Ibid.,    I,   26:235    (part   1).    Carleton    to   Carson,   August   18,    1863. 

54.  James  D.  Richardson,  editor,  A  Compilation  of  the  Messages  and  Papers  of 
the  Presidents,  1789-1897  (Washington,  D.  C. :  Bureau  of  National  Literature  and 
Arts,  1908).  6:342. 

56.     Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  Year  1868,  p.   137. 

66.     Twitchell,  The  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History,  II,  826. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  271 

were  driven  from  the  area.  Both  California  and  Colorado 
were  tendered  thanks  "...  for  their  timely  aid  and  assist- 
ance in  driving  the  traitors  and  rebels  from  our  soil."  In 
addition,  the  Californians  were  praised  for  their  march, 
and  "...  the  utmost  confidence  ..."  was  expressed  in  Carle- 
ton  himself.57  Carleton,  too,  issued  an  order  at  the  time 
praising  the  troops  who  participated  in  the  crossing.58  The 
New  Mexico  legislators  doubtless  were  attempting  to  ingra- 
tiate themselves  into  the  good  graces  of  Carleton  without  in- 
tending to  belittle  the  role  of  the  Pike's  Peakers.  One  paper 
stated  that  Governor  John  Evans  of  Colorado  was  the  only 
complainant  regarding  the  Resolution,  and  that  he  was 
difficult  to  please  anyway.59  In  answer  to  the  complaint  the 
Legislature  attempted  to  atone  handsomely  with  another 
Resolution,  which  fell  short  of  the  mark,  when  it  stated 
That  it  was  not,  nor  has  it  been  the  intention  of  the 
Territory  of  New  Mexico,  to  do  the  least  injustice  to  the 
bravery  and  sacrifice  of  our  neighbor  Territory  of  Colorado, 
nor  to  place  their  brave  and  patriotic  soldiers  second  to  none 
in  the  defense  of  this  Territory.60 

The  troops  at  the  disposal  of  Carleton  were  never  large 
in  number,  considering  the  area  to  be  protected.  After  the 
Texans  had  dispersed,  there  were  4,680  men  available.61 
During  the  year  1863  the  number  was  decreased  by  approxi- 
mately 1,000  ;62  by  1864,  it  had  leveled  off  at  3,454,63  and  was 
slightly  less  the  next  year.64  There  was  a  further  temporary 
reduction  at  the  end  of  the  war  due  to  the  mustering  out  of 
the  California  troops  and  the  discontinuance  of  new  enlist- 
ments.65 As  the  discharge  of  the  Californians  took  place,  the 


57.  Laws  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico.  Passed  by  the  Legislative  Assembly, 
Session  of  186 2-1 863.    (Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico:   Charles   Leib,   Publisher  of  The  New 
Mexican,  Public  Printer,  1863),  p.  106. 

58.  O.  R.,  I,  15 :575.    General  Order  No.  85,  September  21,  1862. 

59.  Rio  Abajo   Weekly  Press,  April  12,  1864. 

60.  Laws  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico.  Passed  by  the  Legislative  Assembly, 
Session  of  186S-1864.   (Albuquerque,  New  Mexico:  Hezekiah  S.  Johnson,  Printer  "Rio 
Abajo  Press,"   1864),  pp.   128-30.   Joint  Resolution,   February  8,   1864. 

61.  O.  R.,  I,  9:696.  Carleton  Report,  September  20,  1862. 

62.  Ibid.,  Ill,  3:1198.  Abstract,  December  31,  1863. 

63.  Congressional  Globe,  39th  Congress,  1st  Session,  Appendix  p.  7.  Sec'y  of  War 
Stanton,    November   22,    1865. 

64.  O.  R.,  I,  48:703   (part  1).  Abstract,  January,  1865. 

65.  Ogle,  op.  cit.,  15:12.  January,  1940. 


272  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

men  who  had  served  Carleton  so  well  raised  an  outcry  which 
was  heard  in  Washington.  Even  the  Governor  of  California 
supported  them.66 

This  troop  protest  reached  its  climax  when  the  Secretary 
of  War  was  asked  to  explain  the  matter  to  the  House  of 
Representatives.67  Some  of  the  Californians  were  chagrined 
over  the  amounts  of  travel  pay  received  and  over  their  dis- 
charge in  New  Mexico  rather  than  in  California.  Carleton 
in  rebuttal  believed  that  many  wished  to  remain  in  New 
Mexico  (as  they  actually  did)  and  also  that  the  Territory 
could  use  such  capable  citizens.  He  advised  Washington  that 

Political  reasons  connected  with  the  filling  up  of  the  rich 
mineral  lands  by  a  hardy  population  of  experienced  miners, 
and  by  trained  soldiers,  who  at  any  time  can  be  called  upon 
to  defend  the  country,  whether  against  savages  within  or 
rebels  without  its  borders,  should  and  doubtless  will,  have 
great  weight  with  the  government.  Such  timely  forecast  will 
give  an  impetus  to  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  which  will  be  felt 
not  only  by  these  Territories  but  by  the  United  States  at 
large.  For  it  is  to  such  men  the  country  must  look  for  the 
speedy  development  of  the  precious  metals,  now  so  greatly 
needed.68 

Editorial  opinion  in  New  Mexico  was  divided  over  the  affair. 
The  Gazette  dismissed  the  matter  as  the  disappointment 
caused  by  inaction.  It  stated  that  Carleton  had  treated  the 
volunteers  better  than  would  have  been  the  case  if  another 
officer  had  been  in  charge.69  The  New  Mexican,  which  was 
opposed  to  Carleton,  reported  that  the  troops  were  dis- 
pleased with  guarding  peaceful  citizens  instead  of  fighting 
Indians.70 

Conceding  that  there  was  some  dissatisfaction,  Carleton 
had  acted  in  a  manner  which  reflected  great  concern  for 
both  the  national  and  territorial  welfare  in  attempting  to 
fill  a  potentially  valuable  area  with  the  proper  type  of 
citizenry. 


66.  Home  Executive  Document,   No.   138.   39th   Congress,    1st   Session    (Washing- 
ton, D.  C. :  Government  Printing  Office,  1866),  p.  2.  Low  to  Carleton,  May  22,  1865. 

67.  Ibid.,  p.   1.  July  26,   1866. 

68.  Ibid.,    pp.    7-8. 

69.  Santa  Fe  Gazette.  April   15,   1865. 

70.  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican,  January  6,   1865. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  273 

Along  with  the  settlement  of  individual  troop  problems, 
the  matter  of  peace  time  military  reorganization  presented 
itself.  New  Mexico  was  dependent  upon  expenditures  of  the 
military  establishment  to  a  great  extent,  and  naturally  was 
interested  in  any  alteration  of  the  Military  District  of  New 
Mexico.  At  the  beginning  of  the  conflict,  New  Mexico  had 
been  attached  to  the  Missouri  Department;  later  it  was 
transferred  to  California  and  then  returned  to  Missouri 
at  the  termination  of  the  war.71  There  was  some  agitation 
to  make  New  Mexico  a  separate  department,  but  that  was 
unsuccessful.72  If  New  Mexico  could  have  achieved  this 
status  the  population  would  have  benefited  financially  as 
more  funds  would  have  been  spent  locally,  and  the  military 
would  have  received  equipment  and  supplies  more  expedi- 
tiously. 

With  the  end  of  the  war,  the  critics  of  Carleton  became 
more  vocal.  Much  of  the  criticism  stemmed  from  the  policy 
of  Carleton  in  establishing  the  Bosque  Redondo  as  a  reserva- 
tion for  the  Navaho.  The  climax  was  reached  when  the 
Territorial  Legislature  went  so  far  as  to  present  a  memorial 
to  the  Secretary  of  War,  which  condemned  Carleton  and 
demanded  a  Court  of  Inquiry  as  to  his  stewardship.73  Finally, 
on  September  19,  1866,  the  General  was  removed.  A  short 
time  previously  the  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  had  complained 
that  although  Carleton  had  had  more  troops  than  at  any 
previous  time,  he  had  done  nothing  but  reward  favorites.74 

Carleton  had  performed  good  service  for  the  United 
States  Government  and  for  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico. 
His  attempt  to  solve  the  Indian  problem  and  especially  his 
establishment  of  Bosque  Redondo  did  not  meet  with  uni- 
versal approval,  but  it  was  at  least  an  honest,  forceful  at- 
tempt. His  defensive  plans  for  the  Territory  were  carefully 
made  and  well  thought  out,  even  though  no  further  invasions 
were  attempted  by  the  Texans.  While  it  is  difficult  to  com- 
pare Canby  and  Carleton  as  each  had  a  different  problem, 
Carleton  seemed  to  get  greater  cooperation  from  the  natives 

71.  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican,  November  4,   1865. 

72.  Ibid.,    December   9,    1865. 

73.  Ibid.,  December  30,  1865. 

74.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.  198.  Santo  Fe  New  Mexican,  October  27,  1866. 


274  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

than  did  Canby.  The  willingness  of  Carleton  to  utilize  the 
New  Mexicans  in  a  military  way  in  which  they  were  ac- 
customed made  for  better  understanding  between  the 
groups.  Carleton  was  the  more  aggressive  military  com- 
mander. The  Gazette,  although  an  admitted  partisan, 
deemed  Carleton  "...  a  gentleman  officer  who  is  more  highly 
esteemed  and  appreciated  for  his  genuine  worth  than  any 
commanding  officer  we  have  ever  had, .  .  ." 75 

V  Politics  and  Loyalty  to  the  Union 
At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the  Territory  was  placed  in  a 
difficult  position  because  of  the  questioned  loyalty  of  part 
of  its  military  and  civil  leadership.  Although  Twitchell 
found  that  the  principal  army  officers  were  not  loyal  to  the 
Union,1  the  situation  was  clarified  when  actual  conflict  be- 
gan. Those  favoring  the  Southern  cause  resigned  their  com- 
missions and  joined  the  Confederacy.  It  was  more  difficult, 
however,  to  determine  loyalties  among  those  who  held  civil- 
ian positions.  Ganaway  has  found  in  his  study  of  New 
Mexico  politics  prior  to  the  War,  that  the  loyalty  of  some 
was  questionable,  largely  because  many  Southerners  had  re- 
ceived appointments  to  public  office  in  the  Territory.2 

When  hostilities  began,  Abraham  Rencher,  a  former 
Congressman  from  North  Carolina,  was  Territorial  Gover- 
nor.3 Samuel  Ellison,  a  close  associate,  considered  Rencher 
"...  conservative,  honest,  and  intellectual.  Was  highly 
esteemed  by  the  people  of  the  territory."4  The  Governor 
deemed  himself  a  loyal  Democrat,  who  would  put  his  duty 
to  his  country  above  that  to  his  party,5  while  the  Gazette 
felt  that  "he  has  our  interest  as  much  at  heart  as  if  he  had 
been  chosen  by  the  free  suffrages  of  the  people."6  The  Terri- 

7fT     Santa  Fe  Gazette,  April  8,  1865. 

1.  Ralph  E.  Twitchell,  "The  Palace  of  the  Governors,"  Historical  Society  of  New 
Mexico,   Publications,   No.   29    (N.   P.,   1924),   p.   27. 

2.  Ganaway,    op.   eit.,   p.    91. 

3.  W.   G.   Ritch,   compiler,    The  Legislative  Blue-Book   of   the    Territory   of  New 
Mexico   with   the    Rules   of   Order,    Fundamental   Law,   Official   Register   and   Record, 
Historical   Data,    Compendium   of   Facts,    etc.    ( Santa    Fe,    New    Mexico :    Charles   W. 
Greene,   Public   Printer,    1882),   p.    118. 

4.  J.   Manuel  Espinosa,    "Memoir   of  a   Kentuckian   in   New   Mexico,    1848-1884," 
NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  13:9,  January,  1987. 

5.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.  133.  Rencher  to  Collins,  April  23,  1859. 

6.  Ibid.,  Micro.  No.  144.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  May  22,  1860. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  275 

torial  Secretary  at  the  same  time  was  the  Irish-born  A.  M. 
Jackson,  whose  boyhood  was  spent  in  Mississippi.7 

When  President  Lincoln  assumed  office  in  1861,  changes 
were  made  in  high  civil  offices  in  the  Territory.  Henry  Con- 
nelly was  placed  in  the  gubernatorial  chair  for  the  duration.8 
The  new  Governor,  although  born  in  Virginia,  had  lived  in 
New  Mexico  since  1828.9  He  had  married  into  a  prominent 
native  family — the  daughter  of  Don  Pedro  Perea  of  Berna- 
lillo  and  the  widow  of  Don  Mariano  Chaves.10  The  appoint- 
ment by  the  President  was  a  happy  one  according  to 
Twitchell  who  considered  Connelly  to  be  "...  an  intensely 
loyal  man.  .  .  ."n  Bancroft,  however,  said  that  Connelly 
"...  was  a  weak  man,  of  good  intentions,  who,  notwith- 
standing his  loyal  sentiments,  made  no  very  brilliant  record 
as  a  'war'  governor."12  Ellison  also  was  somewhat  critical, 
terming  him  as  "...  of  a  visionary,  romantic,  poetic  turn, 
.  .  .  [although]  .  .  .  tolerated  because  he  was  appointed 
from  the  territory.  Still  he  was  a  good  man."13 

At  the  same  time  that  Connelly  was  appointed,  Miguel 
A.  Otero  was  given  the  post  of  Secretary.  He  replaced  Jack- 
son, who  had  gone  over  to  the  Confederates,  but  served  only 
a  few  months  because  the  Senate  refused  confirmation.14 
Otero  had  been  a  strong  advocate  of  the  slavery  code  in  New 
Mexico,  and  was  called  "disloyal  to  the  core"  by  Twitchell.15 
His  son,  Miguel  A.,  Jr.,  governor  of  New  Mexico  from  1897 
to  1906,  has  softened  the  charge,  declaring  that  the  sympa- 
thies of  his  father  were  with  the  South,  although  he  never 
favored  secession.16  Mrs.  Otero,  who  had  a  strong  influence 


7.  Ganaway,  op.  tit.,  p.   86. 

8.  Ritch,    op.    eit.,    p.    118. 

9.  Ganaway,   op.  cit.,  p.   95. 

10.  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican,  November  21,  1863. 

11.  Twitchell,  Old  Santa  Fe,  p.  368. 

12.  Bancroft,  op.   cit.,  p.   705. 

18.     Espinosa,  op.  cit.,  13 :9.  January,   1937. 

14.  Miguel  Antonio  Otero,  My  Life  on  the  Frontier,  186^-1882   (New  York:  The 
Press  of  the  Pioneers,  Inc.,  1935),  p.  283.  According  to  Twitchell,  The  Leading  Facts 
of  New   Mexican   History,   II,    391-2,   the   appointments    of   both    Connelly   and    Otero 
were  made  entirely  on  the  recommendation  of  John   S.   Watts,   a   native  of  Indiana, 
and  the  Territorial  Delegate  from  New  Mexico,  "...  in  whose  integrity  and  loyalty 
President   Lincoln   had  great   confidence." 

15.  Twitchell,  Old  Santa  Fe,  p.  368. 

16.  Otero,  op.  cit.,  p.   283. 


276  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

upon  her  husband,  "...  came  from  one  of  the  most  promi- 
nent Southern  families,  and  had  grown  to  womanhood  in 
Charleston,  S.  C."17  To  replace  Otero,  James  H.  Holmes  of 
Vermont  received  the  position,  but  the  next  year  W.  F.  M. 
Arny  succeeded  to  the  post  and  retained  it  until  hostilities 
ended.18 

While  the  Texans  were  within  the  Territory,  the  civil 
government  did  not  function  successfully.  As  long  as  the 
invaders  occupied  Santa  Fe,  Connelly  remained  in  Las 
Vegas.  When  the  Confederates  "had  been  whipped  out"  Con- 
nelly again  took  charge  of  his  office.19  However,  during  the 
war  the  civil  officers  cooperated  with  the  Commanding  Gen- 
eral in  every  way.20 

As  the  conflict  was  about  to  get  under  way,  Baylor  be- 
lieved that  "all"  of  the  prominent  Americans  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Connelly  were  for  the  South.21  With  many  of  the 
higher  army  officers  and  most  of  the  government  officials 
going  over  to  the  Confederate  side,  what  was  the  position  of 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  citizenry?  One  citizen,  who  had  in- 
vestigated the  southern  part  of  the  Territory,  believed  that 
the  only  disaffection  existed  among  the  "Americans,"  who 
were  mostly  Texans.22  Canby  judged  the  natives  to  be  loyal, 
but  deplored  their  apathy.23  An  editorial  in  the  Santa  Fe 
Gazette  stated  emphatically  at  the  outset  that  New  Mexico 

.  .  .  desires  to  be  let  alone.  No  interference  from  one  side  or 
the  other  of  the  sections  that  are  now  waging  war.  She  neither 
wants  abolitionists  or  secessionists  from  abroad  to  mix  in  her 
affairs  at  present;  nor  will  she  tolerate  either.  In  her  own 
good  time  she  will  say  her  say,  and  choose  for  herself  the 
position  she  wishes  to  occupy.  .  .  .2* 

Baylor,  who  had  sent  such  a  glowing  report  of  "Ameri- 
can" sympathy,  soon  learned  that  the  natives  were  "...  de- 
cidedly Northern  in  sentiment,  .  .  ,"25  A  Union  investigator 

17.  Ibid.,  p.  2. 

18.  Ritch,  op.  eft.,  p.  118. 

19.  Espinosa,    op.    cit.,    p.    9. 

20.  Twitchell,   The  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History,   II,   892. 

21.  O.  R.,  I,  4:109.  Baylor  to  Texas  Hq.,  September  24.  1861. 

22.  L.   R.,  Micro.   No.    160.   Collins   to   Dole.   June   22,    1861. 
28.  O.  R.,  I.  4:65.   Canby  to  Missouri   Hq.,   August   16,   1861. 

24.  Ganaway,  op.  cit.,  p.  91,  quoting  the  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  July  18,  1861. 

25.  O.  R.,  I,  4  :188.  Baylor  to  Sibley.  October  25.  1861. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  277 

confirmed  the  opinion  of  Sibley  when  he  wrote  that  "the 
Mexican  population  is  with  the  Government,"  although  he 
admitted  that  the  natives  required  "encouragement"  to  be 
effective.26  Very  many,  however,  waited  until  the  Texans 
were  on  the  run  before  showing  any  great  sentiment  either 
way.  It  was  not  until  the  Confederates  were  at  last  repulsed 
that  the  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  trumpeted  that 

New  Mexico  is  under  loyal  control.  .  .  .  The  people  with 
some  few  exceptions,  are  loyal  in  their  feelings  and  wishes. 
New  Mexico  has  no  other  destiny,  aside  from  the  north.27 

Aside  from  the  expediency  of  backing  the  winning  side, 
there  were  several  factors  in  this  apparently  gradual  shift 
from  indifference  to  espousal  of  the  Northern  cause.  The 
expulsion  of  the  Texans  had  its  effect,  but  there  were  deeper 
roots.  Governor  Connelly  helped  by  canvassing  northern 
New  Mexico  with  speech  and  letter.  He  reminded  the  natives 
of  the  past  claims  of  Texas,  and  of  her  ruthlessness.  He  at- 
tempted to  stir  up  hatred  for  Texas,  rather  than  emphasiz- 
ing loyalty  to  the  Union.  He  also  recalled  to  memory  that 
the  Texans  had  been  defeated  in  the  past.28  Fear  of  Indian 
depredation  aided  the  Union,29  especially  as  the  war  gave 
the  redfolk  greater  opportunity  to  create  havoc.  The  eco- 
nomic motive  was  possibly  the  greatest  of  all.  Union  cur- 
rency, which  had  been  spent  in  the  past  and  also  during  the 
conflict,  filtered  into  many  pockets.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Texans,  either  because  they  were  unable,  or  because  they 
refused,  did  not  pay  as  readily  as  the  Union  did.  The  natives 
were  suspicious  of  the  Confederate  paper.  Brevoort,  who 
called  the  war  "a  great  blessing  to  the  natives,"  opined  that 

Naturally  the  people  were  inclined  to  favor  the  party  that 
treated  them  fairly  and  seemed  willing  to  protect  them.  That 
was  the  secret  of  their  devotion  to  the  northern  side.30 


26.  L.  R.,  Micro.   No.   161.   Steck  to   Collins,  July   15,    1861. 

27.  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican,  November  21,  1863. 

28.  Ganaway,    op.    tit.,   p.    96.    Citing   Watts    to   Lincoln,    (N.    D. :    Washington, 
N.  A.)    Justice  Dept.  Records,  Atty.  Gen.  Mss. 

29.  Ibid.,  p.  125. 

30.  Maurice  G.   Fulton  and  Paul  Horgan,  editors,   New  Mexico's  Own  Chronicle 
(Dallas,    Texas:    Banks    Upshaw    and    Company,    1937),    pp.    201-2.    Extract    from 
Elias    Brevoort,   "A    Common   Soldier's   Impressions." 


278  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

This  matter  of  fair  financial  dealing  and  kind  treatment 
rewarded  the  Union  with  tangible  fruits.  Although  Canby 
complained  of  slow  volunteer  enlistments,31  Connelly  was 
"...  proud  to  say  that  my  loyal  and  patriotic  fellow-citizens 
of  New  Mexico  have  manfully  responded  to  their  country's 
call,  .  .  ,"32  He  placed  the  number  in  the  field  at  3,500,33 
although  Twitchell  said  that  Connelly  and  Canby  between 
them  achieved  the  seemingly  impossible  and  signed  up  be- 
tween 5,000  and  6,000.34 

The  greatest  sympathy  that  existed  for  the  Confederacy 
was  confined  pretty  largely  to  the  south  of  the  Jornada  del 
Muerto.  This  region  felt  neglected  by  the  government  in 
Santa  Fe,35  and  there  was  some  sentiment  for  separation. 
As  early  as  1854,  a  representative  from  Dona  Ana  County 
had  unsuccessfully  requested  division  to  the  New  Mexico 
legislature.36  Sylvester  Mowry,  who  later  was  to  come  in 
conflict  with  Carleton,  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  this  move. 
His  mining  interests  in  Arizona,  which  were  not  fully  pro- 
tected by  the  government,  no  doubt  prompted  this  action, 
although  he  was  lauded  as  a  lover  of  that  region.37  Mowry 
wished  to  include  within  his  proposed  territory  the  settle- 
ments along  the  Rio  Grande  which  lay  south  of  the  Jornada, 
as  this  area  contained  two-thirds  of  the  population  of  Ari- 
zona, which  he  placed  at  10,000.  He  believed  that 

The  only  effect  of  the  present  connection  of  Arizona  with  New 
Mexico  is  to  crush  out  the  voice  and  sentiment  of  the  Amer- 
ican people  in  the  Territory;  and  years  of  emigration  under 
present  auspices  would  not  serve  to  counterbalance  or  equal 
the  influence  of  the  60,000  Mexican  residents  of  New  Mexico. 


81.  O.  R.,  I.  4:61.  Canby  to  Wash.  Hq.,  July  29,   1861. 

82.  Journal  of   the   Council  of  the   Legislative   Assembly   of  New   Mexico,   of   a 
Session   Begun   and   Held   in    the    City   of  Santa   Fe,    Territory   of   New    Mexico,    on 
Monday,  the  Second  Day  of  December,  A.  D.,  1881,  It  Being  the  Eleventh  Legislative 
Assembly   for    Said    Territory    (Santa    Fe,    New    Mexico:    Putnam    O'Brien,    Printer, 
1862),   p.   20. 

33.  Ibid.,  p.  22. 

34.  Twitchell,  The  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History,  II,  874. 

85.  F.   S.    Donnell,    "The   Confederate   Territory   of   Arizona,    As    Compiled    from 
Official  Sources,"  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  17:148,  April,  1942. 

86.  Patrick    Hamilton,    compiler,    The    Resources    of    Arizona,     (San    Francisco: 
A.  L.  Bancroft  &  Co.,  Printers,   1883),  p.  18. 

87.  Browne,  op.  cit.,  30:282.  February,  1865. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  279 

New  Mexico  has  never  encouraged  American  population.  She 
is  thoroughly  Mexican  in  sentiment,  and  desires  to  remain 
so.38 

The  feeling  in  southern  New  Mexico  reached  a  head  in 
March,  1861,  when  a  convention  held  at  Mesilla  resolved 
"...  not  to  recognize  the  present  Black  Republican  Admin- 
istration. .  .  ,"39  This  was  strong  talk,  and  was  backed  up  by 
threats  to  tar  and  feather  a  representative  of  the  Indian 
Service.  Labadi,  the  agent  thus  threatened,  was  permitted  to 
leave  unharmed  because  he  was  "a  Mexican."40 

This  Confederate  sentiment  was  not  entirely  unanimous 
however.  There  were  requests  to  the  governor  from  Mesilla 
for  troops,41  and  a  Federal  agent  believed  that 

There  is  ...  a  latent  Union  sentiment  here,  especially  among 
the  Mexicans,  but  they  are  effectually  overawed.  Give  them 
something  to  rally  to,  and  let  them  know  that  they  have  a 
Government  worthy  of  their  support,  and  they  will  teach 
their  would-be  masters  a  lesson.42 

In  the  northern  part  of  the  Territory,  where  seventy 
per  cent  of  the  population  and  resources  were  located,43 
Confederate  sentiment  was  the  exception  rather  than  the 
rule.  There  were  some  efforts  to  escape  service  in  the 
militia,44  but  the  people  in  most  instances  cooperated  with 
the  military  authorities.45  The  Armijo  brothers  of  Albu- 
querque were  important  Confederate  sympathizers.  Sibley 
was  so  grateful  for  their  support,  both  moral  and  financial, 
that  he  recommended  that  they  not  be  forgotten  in  the  final 
reckoning.46 

When  the  Texans  were  finally  expelled  from  the  Terri- 
tory, resumption  of  the  elective  processes  was  in  order. 


88.  Mowry,  op.  cit.,  pp.  33-35. 

39.  L.  R.,  Micro.  No.   160.  Resolution  of  Convention  Held  at  Mesilla,   March   16, 
1861. 

40.  Ibid.,  Micro.  No.  160.  Labadi  to  Collins,  June  16,  1861. 

41.  O.  R.,  I,   1:605.  N.  M.  Hq.   to  Paul,  May   19,   1861. 

42.  Ibid.,   I,   4:56.   Mills  to  Watts,   June  23,    1861. 

43.  Ibid.,  I,  4:46.   N.  M.   Hq.  to  Lynde,  June  23,   1861. 

44.  Ibid.,  I,  4:71.  Chapin  to  Russell,  September  27,  1861. 

45.  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican,  May  7,  1864. 

46.  O.  R.,  I,  9:511.  Sibley  Report,   May  4,   1862. 


280  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

During  the  time  of  trial,  politics  were  kept  quiet,  but  in 
1863  it  was  possible  to  hold  the  election  for  the  important 
post  of  territorial  delegate  to  the  United  States  House  of 
Representatives.  Joab  Houghton,  "...  a  gentleman  in 
every  sense  of  the  word  .  .  .  ,"  was  suggested  as  a  likely 
candidate,47  but  he  later  withdrew  to  aid  in  the  defeat  of 
Jose  Gallegos,  "...  the  disgraced  priest  .  .  .  ,"48  who  had 
entered  the  lists.  In  opposition  to  Gallegos,  who  had  a  strong 
native  following,  Colonel  Francisco  Perea  was  entered  by 
his  friends.49 

The  question  of  the  fitness  of  Gallegos  for  the  post  was 
an  important  factor  in  the  campaign  which  ensued,  although 
the  question  of  statehood  was  an  issue  too.  The  politicians 
opposed  to  statehood  were  accused  of  resisting  the  idea  be- 
cause of  the  possibility  of  losing  their  government  posts. 
Attempts  were  also  made  to  raise  the  bogey  of  increased 
taxation,  and  Federal  troop  withdrawals,  if  statehood  were 
achieved.60 

In  the  meantime  Arizona  was  detached  from  New  Mexico 
by  Act  of  Congress,  and  made  into  a  separate  territory.51 
There  was  also  some  sentiment  in  Dona  Ana  County  for 
separation  from  New  Mexico.  According  to  Arny  there  was 
a  plan  afoot  to  merge  Franklin  County,  Texas,  and  Dona 
Ana  County  into  a  new  territory  to  be  called  Montezuma,52 
but  this  proposition  was  never  consumated. 

The  Gallegos-Perea  contest  terminated  in  the  quiet  and 
comparatively  honest  election  of  September  7,  1863. 53  The 
two-to-one  victory  of  Perea  was  determined  by  heavy  ma- 
jorities in  Bernalillo,  Valencia,  and  Socorro  Counties,  and 


47.  Rio  Abajo  Weekly  Press,  March   17,   1863. 

48.  Ibid.,  June  30,  1863.  The  issue  of  June  16,  1863,  relates  that  Father  Gallegos 
came   in   conflict   with    Bishop    Lamy,    and    was    forced   to    leave   the   church    in    1852. 
Twitchell  in   his   Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican   History,   II,   p.    334,   mentions   that 
Galleg-os  then  turned  to  politics,  and  was  elected  delegate  from  the  territory  in  1853. 

49.  W.   H.   H.    Allison,   "Colonel   Francisco   Perea,"    Old  Santa   Fe:   A   Magazine 
o]  History,  Archaeology,  Genealogy,  and  Biography   (1:210-23,  October,  1913),  p.  219. 

60.     Rio  Abajo  Weekly  Press,  March   10,   1863. 

51.  Twitchell,    The   Leading   Facts   of   New   Mexican    History,    II,    409.    The   Act 
separating   Arizona  was  passed   February   24,    1863.   Twitchell  says   that   New   Mexico 
had   favored  this  since   1858. 

52.  Rio  Abajo   Weekly  Press,   April  21,    1863. 

53.  Ibid.,  September  8,  1863. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  281 

was  credited  more  to  anti-Gallegos  feeling  than  to  any 
other  factor.54 

The  election  of  1865  between  Perea  and  J.  Francisco 
Chaves  for  the  position  of  congressional  delegate  was,  for 
several  reasons,  a  more  bitter  struggle  than  that  of  the  pre- 
vious campaign.  The  issues  were  more  distinct,  and  the  per- 
sonal angle  was  altered.  The  most  controversial  issue  arose 
from  the  placing  of  the  Navaho  at  Bosque  Redondo.55  Those 
who  opposed  the  reservation  policy  favored  Chaves,56  and 
those  who  defended  the  plan  of  Carleton  supported  Perea. 
Corruption  allegedly  entered  the  New  Mexico  Legislature 
for  the  first  time  over  this  matter,  with  bribery  being  used 
to  support  the  policy  of  Carleton  in  order  to  make  it  more 
palatable.57 

A  less  controversial  issue  was  the  re-acquisition  of  Los 
Conejos,  that  section  of  New  Mexico  which  had  been  granted 
by  Congress  to  Colorado  in  1861.  The  complaint  was  raised 
that  the  only  reason  for  the  change  ".  .  .  was  to  give 
eveness  (sic)  and  symmetry  to  the  southern  boundary  of 
Colorado."  Further  arguments  in  favor  of  reversion  in- 
cluded the  fact  that  the  people  were  more  closely  aligned 
racially  and  linguistically  with  New  Mexico.58  Perea  had 
introduced  a  bill  to  return  the  section  to  New  Mexico,  but 
Colorado  refused  to  give  it  up.59  The  supporters  of  Chaves 
presumably  thought  that  he  would  exert  greater  efforts  for 
the  return  of  the  disputed  area. 

Carleton  himself  was  an  issue  in  the  race.  He  was  dis- 
liked by  many  in  New  Mexico,60  and  the  long  occupancy  and 
control  of  the  territory  by  the  army  probably  wearied  the 
citizens  as  well. 

The  campaign  was  a  long  and  bitter  one.  Kirby  Bene- 
dict, who  had  long  held  public  office  in  New  Mexico,  was 
accused  of  wishing  the  position  for  himself,61  although  he 


64.  Ibid.,  September  15,  1863. 

56.  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  Year  1886,  p.  131. 

56.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  June  10,  1865. 

57.  Espinosa,  op.  tit.,  13 :9.  January,  1937. 

58.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  February  18,  1866. 

59.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  July  23,  1864. 

60.  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  Year  1886,  p.  131 

61.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  December  24,  1864. 


282  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

supported  Chaves  for  the  post.62  When  President  Johnson 
removed  Benedict  from  office,  the  Gazette  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  castigate  its  opponent  (Benedict)  when  it  chided 
that 

He  has  gone  up  the  spout,  and  if  he  is  possessed  of  the 
'fine  legal  attainments,  and  the  thorough  knowledge  of  the 
Spanish  language  and  laws,'  which  he  proclaims  for  himself, 
he  will  soon  be  in  a  condition  to  put  them  into  re-quisition, 
as  well  as  his  'extended  popularity'  with  the  people.  But  if  his 
success  as  a  practitioner  should  be  no  more  'ample  and  bril- 
liant' than  has  been  his  official  and  editorial  career  it  will 
not  be  much  to  brag  on.63 

Benedict  continued  his  leadership  of  the  anti-Carleton  party, 
however. 

Perea,  who  conducted  a  gentlemanly  campaign,  came  out 
for  the  reservation  policy  of  Carleton,  and  at  the  same  time 
deplored  the  injection  of  the  race  issue  into  the  election. 
He  spoke  highly  of  his  opponent,  as  "friend  and  relative."84 

Both  parties  filled  their  platforms  with  platitudes,  but 
at  the  same  time  took  a  firm  stand  on  the  principles  upon 
which  they  stood.  The  Union  Convention  which  had  nomi- 
nated Perea  supported  the  reservation  policy,  praised  Carle- 
ton  and  promised  him  support,  thanked  the  troops,  recog- 
nized the  supremacy  of  the  civil  government,  condemned 
the  assassination  of  Lincoln,  and  denounced  the  raising  of 
the  race  issue.65  The  "administration"  party,  which  had 
chosen  Chaves,  opposed  Carleton  and  his  policies,  plumped 
for  internal  improvements,  and  felt  that 

.  .  .  the  native  citizens  of  this  territory  are  entitled  to  the 
same  rights,  privileges  and  liberties  as  any  other  citizens 
from  other  parts  in  the  United  States  who  may  establish 
themselves  among  us.66 

The  day  after  the  election,  Chaves  was  proclaimed  the 
winner  by  unofficial  totals.67  A  short  time  later  this  count 

62.  Ibid.,  August  5,  1865. 

63.  Ibid.,  July  1,   1865.  The  Gazette.  November  26,   1864,  mentions  that  Benedict 
was  editor  of  its  rival,  the  New  Mexican,  for  almost  a  year. 

64.  Ibid.,  July  8,  1865. 

65.  Ibid.,  June  21,  1865. 

66.  Ibid..  April  29,  1865. 

67.  Santo  Fe  New  Mexican,  September  8,  1865.    Twitchell,  in  his  Leading  Facts 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  283 

was  made  official,  and  Chaves  was  declared  the  victor  with 
a  majority  of  over  2,000  out  of  a  total  vote  of  over  14,000. 
Perea  had  been  able  to  carry  only  Rio  Arriba  and  Mora 
Counties.68 

Thus,  with  the  end  of  the  war,  New  Mexico  returned  to 
the  practice  of  selecting  her  delegates  to  the  U.  S.  Congress. 
Carleton  and  his  policies  were  repudiated,  and  the  native 
voters  entered  politics  to  a  greater  extent  than  had  been 
the  case  previously.  These  early  territorial  elections  set  the 
pattern  for  later  heated  contests  which  were  to  become 
common. 

VI  Economic  Conditions 

Economically  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico  was  not 
prosperous,  but  efforts  were  being  made  by  her  leaders  to 
improve  the  situation.  The  strongest  factor  in  economic 
retardation  was  the  presence  of  the  warlike  Indian,  but 
there  were  others  as  well.  Lack  of  adequate  communication 
with,  and  transportation  to,  the  East  kept  the  Territory  in 
financial  bondage.  A  short  water  supply  and  a  sparse  popu- 
lation were  other  important  factors.  The  leaders  of  the  area 
were  aware  of  these  difficulties,  and  were  trying  to  alter  or 
alleviate  them,  which  boded  well  for  the  future. 

To  the  above  conditions,  the  war  added  another  prob- 
lem. The  citizens  of  New  Mexico  had  been  hard  hit  finan- 
cially. It  was  claimed  that  the  war  had  caused  an  estimated 
loss  of  at  least  two  or  three  million  dollars.1  To  aid  in  mak- 
ing up  this  loss,  various  suggestions  were  presented.  While 
the  war  was  in  progress,  John  S.  Watts,  the  Territorial 
Delegate,  proposed  to  Congress  that  large  amounts  of  un- 
sold Texas  land  should  be  confiscated  and  turned  over  to 
New  Mexico.  He  pointed  out  that  this  would  be  just,  as 
Texas  had  invaded  New  Mexico.2  Another  idea  presented  to 
Congress  favored  the  confiscation  of  the  property  belonging 
to  disloyal  citizens.  This  confiscated  property  then  might 

of  New  Mexican  History,  II,  400,  recalls  that  Colonel  Chaves  fought  at  Valverde  and 
in  numerous  Indian   campaigns.     In   the  election  of   1867   Chaves   was   seated   after  a 
contested  election.  He  was  re-elected  in  1869,  but  defeated  by  J.  M.  Gallegos  in   1871. 
68.     Santa  Fe  Gazette,  September  30,  1865. 

1.  Congressional  Globe,  39th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  4307.  J.  F.  Chaves. 

2.  Ibid.,  37th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  July  9,  1862,  p.  3164. 


284  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

be  turned  over  to  those  who  had  remained  loyal.3  Later, 
another  plan  was  formulated.  This  called  for  Congress  to 
make  direct  appropriations,  and  thus  pay  for  the  damage 
and  loss  due  to  "the  Texas  invasion."4  According  to  Ban- 
croft, the  claims  of  New  Mexico  citizens  were  never  paid.8 
Twitchell  felt  that  the  territorial  delegates  from  New  Mex- 
ico did  not  accomplish  much  for  their  constituents  in  this  or 
other  matters  during  this  period.6 

Although  the  Indians  were  a  source  of  danger  and  loss, 
(Carson  allegedly  said  that  New  Mexico  would  be  impover- 
ished as  long  as  the  Indian  remained)7  their  presence  was 
of  some  assistance  to  the  territory.  Twitchell  opined  that 
much  of  the  prosperity  of  Santa  Fe  depended  on  army  spend- 
ing,8 while  Marcy  held  that  not  many  would  stay  were  it  not 
for  the  army  and  the  Indian  contracts.9  J.  K.  Graves,  special 
Indian  Agent  for  New  Mexico,  said,  "Let  the  government 
withhold  the  purchase  of  military  supplies,  .  .  .  and  New 
Mexico  would  instantly  assume  an  attitude  of  mourning 
and  sorrow,  .  .  .  "10 

But  there  was  a  bright  side  to  the  financial  picture.  If 
the  citizenry  had  suffered  a  severe  loss,  and  the  Territory 
was  not  rich,  its  delegate  could  boast  that  the  Territory  did 
not  owe  a  dollar  anywhere.11  This  condition  continued,  and 
almost  two  years  later  her  government  still  spoke  of  the 
"...  truly  prosperous  conditions  of  its  [New  Mexico's] 
Finances."12  Bancroft  states  that  the  Territory  was  never 
in  difficult  financial  straits.13 

Territorial  leaders  recognized  that  access  to  the  outer 
world  was  a  crying  need.  It  was  necessary  to  use  troops  to 

5.  Ibid.,  38th  Congress,  1st  Session,  June  11,  1864,  p.  149.  Pcrea. 

4.  Ibid.,  39th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  February  7.  1867,  p.  1073. 

5.  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  p.  719. 

6.  Twitchell,  The  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History,  II,  399. 

7.  Meline,  op.  cit.,  p.  249. 

8.  Twitchell,  Old  Santa  Fe,  p.  324. 

9.  Randolph  B.  Marcy,  Border  Reminiscences   (New  York:  Harper  and  Brothers, 
Publishers,  1872),  p.  878. 

10.  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  Year  1866,  p.   134. 

11.  Congressional  Globe,  37th  Congress.  3rd  Session,  February  27,   1863,   p.  1849. 
Watte. 

12.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  December  10,  1864. 
18.     Bancroft,  op.  cit..  p.  717. 


NEW    MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  285 

guard  and  open  new  wagon  roads.14  While  the  lack  of  roads 
retarded  progress,  the  need  for  telegraph  and  railroad 
service  to  the  East  was  of  greater  moment.  Possibly  de- 
spairing of  government  aid,  an  effort  had  been  made  before 
the  war  to  finance  a  telegraph  line  from  Denver  to  Santa 
Fe  with  private  capital.  An  attempt  was  made  to  revive 
the  idea.15  In  1862  Congress  passed  a  bill  to  establish  rail- 
road and  telegraph  facilities  between  the  Mississippi  and 
the  Pacific.  New  Mexico  was  hopeful  that  the  route  would 
pass  through  her  lands.  Perea  introduced  a  bill  in  Congress 
to  achieve  this  goal,  but  it  failed  to  pass.16 

Even  though  efforts  along  this  line  were  unsuccessful, 
the  agitation  was  continued.  Some  encouragement  was  re- 
ceived from  Major  General  Dodge  of  the  Missouri  Depart- 
ment, who  favored  the  building  of  the  telegraph  through  the 
Territory,  although  he  doubted  very  much  whether  the  War 
Department  would  approve  it.17  In  advancing  the  idea  of  a 
railroad  through  New  Mexico,  the  Gazette  cited  the  advan- 
tages which  would  accrue  to  the  nation,  if  such  a  step  were 
followed.  The  lower  altitude,  the  many  passes,  and  the  sup- 
plies of  coal  and  water  were  all  stressed,18  but  to  no  avail, 
even  though  the  need  for  a  railroad  was  great.19 

Trade  with  the  East  continued  to  grow,  although  more 
modern  communication  was  denied  the  Territory.  From  a 
scant  200  wagons  per  year  which  had  entered  New  Mexico 
in  1843,  the  number  had  grown  to  over  3,000  by  the  end  of 
the  war.  Unfortunately,  many  of  these  were  forced  to  re- 
turn to  the  East  empty.20  During  the  war  years  almost  all 
commerce  was  halted  because  of  the  Indians.21  By  1863 
Carleton  was  able  to  notice  the  increased  trade,  some  of 
which  was  occasioned  by  the  establishment  of  the  Bosque, 

14.  House  Executive  Document,  No.  70,  38th  Congress,  1st  Session  (Washington, 
D.  C. :  Government  Printing  Office,  1864),  XVI  :30.  Halleck  to  Stanton,  November  15, 
1863. 

IB.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  November  5,  1864. 

16.  Ibid.,  November  5,  1864. 

17.  Ibid.,  April  15,  1865. 

18.  Ibid.,  October  28,  1865. 

19.  Ibid.,  October  21,  1865. 

20.  Meline,  op.  cit.,  p.  254. 

21.  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  p.  644. 


286  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

but  thought  that  New  Mexico  would  never  be  prosperous 
until  the  Indians  had  been  forced  out  of  the  way.22 

By  1865  the  price  of  goods  in  New  Mexico  had  risen, 
even  though  they  had  fallen  in  the  East.23  Part  of  the  re- 
sponsibility for  this  was  placed  on  the  shoulders  of  the  specu- 
lators,24 but  the  rise  of  wages  and  of  prices  of  local  products 
due  to  the  war  was  a  contributing  factor.25 

Although  there  was  little  tangible  evidence  that  the  popu- 
lation was  increasing  by  immigration,  the  Rio  Abajo  Weekly 
Press  hopefully  expected  such  an  influx.26  The  census  fig- 
ures, however,  did  not  bear  out  this  wishful  thinking.  In 
1860  New  Mexico  had  a  total  population  of  93,516.  Of  this 
number  82,924  were  white,  with  a  free  colored  population 
of  only  85.  The  Indians  reputedly  numbered  10,452,  and 
half  breeds  were  listed  at  55.27  Arizona  County  which  was 
separated  from  New  Mexico  before  the  next  census,  was 
credited  with  a  total  population  of  only  6,428.28  Acting 
Governor  Arny  believed  that  of  this  total  of  almost  100,000 
over  fifty  per  cent  could  not  read  or  write.  (There  was  not 
a  free  school  in  the  Territory,  except  those  conducted  by  the 
Catholic  Church.)28 

When  the  Census  was  taken  a  decade  later,  New  Mexico 
actually  showed  a  loss  in  numbers.  The  figures  then  read 
91,874.  The  loss  of  Arizona  accounted  for  much  of  this  de- 
crease, but  it  was  evident  that  the  Territory  was  not  making 
much  progress  towards  increasing  its  population.  The 
colored  population,  although  negligible  in  number,  had  in- 
creased over  100  per  cent  from  85  to  172.30 

New  Mexico  was  able  to  retain  some  of  the  soldiers  who 
had  come  with  the  California  Column,  but  was  desirous  of 

22.     O.  R.,  I.  15  :723-4.  Carleton  to  Hq.,  May  10,  1868. 
28.     Santa  Fe  Gazette,  April  1,  1865. 

24.  Ibid.,  November  19,  1864. 

25.  Ibid.,  November  12,  1864. 

26.  Rio  Abajo  Weekly  Press,  January  27,   1863. 

27.  Census  for  I860    (Washington,   D.   C. :  Government  Printing  Office,   1864).  p. 
567. 

28.  Ibid.,  p.  567. 

29.  The  Second  Annual  Message  of  Acting  Governor  Arny  to  the  Legislative  As- 
sembly of  New  Mexico.    Delivered  December,   1866    (Santa  Fe,   New  Mexico:    Mander- 
field  and  Tucker,  Public  Printer,  1862),  p.  5. 

30.  Census   for    1870    (Washington,    D.    C. :    Government    Printing    Office,    1872), 
pp.  8-12. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  287 

encouraging  still  further  soldier  immigration.  The  mining 
opportunities  were  emphasized  to  this  group,  as  well  as  the 
chance  to  continue  the  adventuresome  life  which  had  been 
followed  in  the  Army.  The  Gazette  offered  these  "...  high 
spirited,  well-meaning  fellows,  but  hard  to  manage,  ..."  a 
chance  to  acquire  "...  not  only  wealth,  but  plenty  of  bush- 
whacking for  those  who  have  a  passion  for  that  sort  of 
amusement."31 

What  resources  the  Territory  possessed  were  bound  up 
chiefly  in  mineral  and  pastoral  wealth.32  The  Pinos  Altos 
region  in  the  southwestern  part  of  the  Territory  was  the 
scene  of  a  mild  boom  in  1860  when  gold  was  discovered  and 
1,500  people  were  drawn  to  the  area,33  although  there  had 
been  reports  of  earlier  gold  found  there  by  the  Mexicans.34 
During  the  war,  however,  mining  and  farming  were  prac- 
tically abandoned  within  the  area  when  the  troops  were 
withdrawn  in  the  spring  of  1861.35  The  region  prospered 
again  in  the  years  1862-1864,  when  mining  operations  were 
resumed.  A  new  mining  rush  occurred  in  1866.36  In  1863 
the  first  important  silver  in  New  Mexico  was  found  near 
Magdalena  and  Pueblo  Springs.37 

To  encourage  prospecting,  or  at  least  to  assure  more 
equitable  opportunity  in  that  field,  the  Legislature  author- 
ized every  discoverer  to  register,  up  to  the  length  of  600 
feet,  any  vein  found.  The  entire  width  of  the  vein  was  to 
be  included  as  well.38  A  geologist  was  engaged  by  Watts  to 
survey  the  mineral  wealth  of  the  Territory.  He  reported  a 
visit  to  the  Santa  Rita  area,  and  also  to  the  Organ  Moun- 
tains to  the  east  of  Las  Cruces.  Copper  was  the  important 
ore  in  the  above  places.  Deposits  of  kaolin  used  in  the  mak- 
ing of  procelain  were  located  in  New  Mexico.  This  was 
prized  because  known  locations  in  the  United  States  were 

31.  Santo  Fe  Gazette,  August  12,  1865. 

32.  Ibid.,  July  29,   1865. 

33.  Stuart  A.   Northrop,   Minerals  of  New  Mexico    (Albuquerque,   New    Mexico: 
The  University  of  New  Mexico  Press,  1944),  p.  23. 

34.  R.   S.   Allen,   "Pinos   Altos,   New   Mexico,"   NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL   REVIEW, 
23:302.  October,  1948. 

85.     Reeve,  op.  cit.,  13:284.  July,  1938. 

36.  Allen,  op.  cit.,  23:305.  October,  1948. 

37.  Northrop,  op.  cit.,  p.  24. 

88.     Santa  Fe  Gazette,  April  8,  1865. 


288  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

few.  A  five  foot  thick  coal  bed  also  was  reported  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  Territory,  along  with  several  other 
smaller  deposits.39  None  of  these  was  a  recent  discovery, 
but  promised  something  for  future  prosperity.  In  addition, 
gold  and  anthracite  were  reported  north  of  Santa  Fe,  and 
copper  near  the  Jemez  pueblo.40 

Colonel  Perea  spoke  glowingly  of  the  mineral  wealth  to 
be  derived  in  New  Mexico,  which  he  claimed  was  attracting 
attention  in  the  East.  He  wrote  of  the 

.  .  .  mountains  that  have  towered  to  the  heavens  from 
primeval  time,  in  the  sullen  majesty  of  their  hidden  wealth, 
[and  which]  will  now  unbosom  their  treasures  to  the  magic 
call  of  civilization,  and  your  neglected  country  will  rise, 
from  the  shades  of  an  unrevealed  wilderness,  into  the  light 
of  a  brilliant  and  commanding  development.41 

Along  with  the  optimistic  predictions  of  wealth  for  New 
Mexico,  there  were  definite  drawbacks  to  utilization  of  the 
Territorial  minerals.  President  Lincoln  had  noted  the  "great 
deficiency  of  laborers"  not  only  in  New  Mexico,  but  in  the 
entire  West  in  both  mineral  and  agricultural  pursuits.42 
Secretary  of  Interior  J.  P.  Usher  stressed  the  need  for  a 
railroad  into  the  area,43  and  later  complained  that  the  min- 
eral wealth  was  being  "indifferently  wrought"  because  of 
its  inaccessibility.44  A  lack  of  water  in  certain  areas  was 
an  additional  drawback,45  while  the  Indians  again  were 
blamed  as  a  factor  in  preventing  further  exploitation  of  the 
metals  in  the  region.46 

Aside  from  the  minerals,  the  other  principal  sources  of 
New  Mexican  wealth  lay  in  pastoral  and  agricultural  pur- 

39.  Ibid.,  November  12,  1864. 

40.  Ibid.,  November  26,  1864. 

41.  Ibid.,  July  23,  1864. 

42.  Congressional  Globe,  38th  Congress,   1st  Session,  Appendix,  p.  1.  Lincoln  Ad- 
dress, December  8,  1863. 

48.     Ibid.,  p.  26.  Usher  Report,  December  6,   1868. 

44.  Ibid.,  38th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p.  21.  Usher  Report,  December  5,  1864. 

45.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  April  8,  1865. 

46.  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  of  New 
Mexico,  of  the  Session  Begun  and  Held  in  the  City  of  Santa  Fe,   Territory  of  New 
Mexico  on  Monday,  the  Seventh  Day  of  December,  A.  D.  One  Thousand  Eight  Hundred 
and  Sixty-Three;    It   Being    the   Thirteenth    Legislative   Assembly   for   said    Territory 
(Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico:  Thomas  S.  Tucker,  Public  Printer,  1864),  p.  21.  Message  of 
Governor  Connelly,  December  9,  1863. 


NEW   MEXICO  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR  289 

suits.  General  Carleton  considered  the  Territory  as  "... 
eminently  a  stock  growing  country"  and  thought  that  a 
market  could  be  provided  at  home,  if  other  settlement  could 
be  encouraged.47  Although  the  possession  of  "many  fine 
grazing  lands"  was  extolled,  a  warning  note  was  added  that 
"energy  and  perseverance"  were  necessary  because  "drones 
cannot  succeed."48 

Sheep,  along  with  cattle,  were  also  prominently  in  the 
picture.  The  same  grazing  lands  were  available  to  them. 
Recommendations  were  made  for  improving  the  stock,  which 
would  thus  procure  a  higher  price  for  the  wool  produced. 
New  Mexican  wool  was  bringing  only  fifteen  cents  a  pound 
in  the  Eastern  market  in  comparison  with  eighty  cent  wool 
from  other  regions.49  Shortly  after  the  Texans  left,  New 
Mexico  was  able  to  boast  of  at  least  a  million  pounds  being 
shipped  to  Kansas  City,  but  even  though  selling  there  for 
fifteen  cents,  it  brought  only  four  cents  to  the  Territorial 
producers.  These  figures  aided  in  the  creation  of  a  demand 
for  the  establishment  of  wool  processing  and  manufactur- 
ing in  the  Territory  itself.50  During  the  next  year  the  price 
paid  in  Kansas  City  per  pound  had  risen  to  forty  cents, 
which  heartened  the  producers  considerably.51  Still  demands 
for  local  processing  were  continued.52 

When  actual  combat  on  New  Mexican  soil  had  termi- 
nated, the  Territory  still  faced  the  problem  of  supplying 
itself  with  sufficient  grain.  In  1863  crop  failures  occurred 
in  the  Rio  Aba  jo,53  and  the  next  year  the  eastern  frontier 
and  the  area  south  of  the  Jornada  suffered  the  same  fate.54 
This  contributed  to  the  rise  of  food  prices.  In  1865  the 
region  south  of  Albuquerque  suffered,  not  only  from  frost 
and  insects,  but  from  river  floods  as  well.55  Although  the 
wheat  "failed  entirely,"  the  corn  crop  unexpectedly  yielded 


47.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  January  21,  1865. 

48.  Ibid.,  November  25,  1865. 

49.  Rio  Abajo  Weekly  Press,  April  7,  1863. 
60.  Ibid.,  February  17,  1863. 

51.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  August  20,  1864. 

62.  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  Year  1866,  p.   135. 

53.  Santa  Fe  Gazette,  June  21,  1865. 

64.  Ibid.,  November  5,  1864. 

55.  Ibid.,  June  17,  1865. 


290  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

well.  Carleton,  after  having  experienced  several  near 
famines,  ordered  corn  and  flour  to  be  brought  in,  although 
this  move  later  proved  unnecessary.56 

Irrigation,  which  had  been  practiced  by  the  Indians  for 
centuries,  was  an  important  answer  to  the  problem  of  flood 
and  famine  which  plagued  New  Mexico.  It  was  suggested 
that  if  irrigation  were  increased,  the  greater  acreage  avail- 
able would  encourage  further  immigration,  and  that  these 
new  settlers  would  soon  supply  the  population  with  the 
necessary  food.57  Systematic  irrigation  was  expected  to 
cover  ".  .  .  with  luxuriant  vegetation  millions  of  acres."58 

The  flood  problem  was  not  so  easily  answered,  but  Bald- 
win has  blamed  the  war  at  least  for  the  floods  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  Territory.  In  some  cases  lack  of  man  power 
and  finances  caused  by  the  conflict  allowed  irrigation  ditches 
to  be  weakened,  and  thus  fall  easy  prey  to  flood  waters. 
The  change  of  the  course  of  the  river  which  placed  Mesilla 
on  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  1865  was  attributed 
to  this.59 

The  Territory  was  aware  of  the  need  for  improvement 
of  its  economic  condition,  but  was  not  entirely  successful 
in  coping  with  the  situation.  The  comparatively  meager 
resources  available  plus  the  lack  of  interest  shown  by  the 
East  were  insurmountable  difficulties.  The  problems  of  the 
1860's  are  to  some  extent  still  present  today. 


56.  Ibid.,  December  2,  1865. 

57.  House  Miscellaneous  Document,  No.  70,  38th  Congress,  1st  Session   (Washing- 
ton, D.  C. :  Government  Printing  Office,   1864),  111:1. 

58.  Senate  Preliminary  Report  on  the  Eighth  Census,   I860,  87th   Congress,   2nd 
Session  (Washington,  D.  C. :  Government  Printing  Office,  1862),  p.  90. 

59.  P.  M.  Baldwin,  "A  Short  History  of  the  Mesilla  Valley,"  NEW   MEXICO  HIS- 
TORICAL REVIEW,  13:314-24.  July  1938,  p.  820. 


BISHOP  TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION 

OF  NEW  MEXICO,  1760 

Edited  by  ELEANOR  B.  ADAMS 

(Continued) 

San  Juan 

THIS  pueblo  of  Tewa  Indians  is  fifteen  leagues  southwest 
of  Taos.  We  left  the  latter  pueblo  and  went  across  the 
same  valley,  but  in  a  westerly  direction.  Its  four  rivers  were 
again  crossed ;  these  soon  flow  into  the  Rio  Grande.  Leaving 
this  Taos  valley,  we  entered  a  Canada  of  the  sierra.  The  mid- 
day halt  was  made  near  a  stream  of  cold  water. 

In  the  afternoon  the  journey  was  continued  as  far  as  a 
valley  which  is  called  Embudo.  In  this  place  there  is  a  large 
house  and  other  houses  belonging  to  citizens.  Confirmations 
were  performed,  and  we  spent  the  night  there.  It  is  a  district 
of  the  parish  of  San  Juan.  Those  confirmed  numbered 
ninety-six.  They  were  prepared  for  it,  and  they  recited  the 
catechism. 

There  is  an  abundant  river,  which  we  crossed  by  a 
bridge.  Near  there  this  river  also  flows  into  the  Rio  Grande. 

On  the  following  day,  June  13,  the  feast  of  St.  Anthony 
[of  Padua],  mass  was  said,  after  which  the  journey  con- 
tinued. Coming  out  of  the  pine-covered  sierra,  there  was  a 
drop  to  a  plain  and  the  shore  of  the  Rio  Grande.  We  kept 
that  in  sight  like  the  sea  as  far  as  San  Juan,  which  is  also 
near  it.  It  is  five  leagues  south  of  Embudo. 

A  Franciscan  missionary  parish  priest  resides  in  this 
pueblo.  There  are  50  Indian  families,  with  316  persons,  in 
the  pueblo,  and  75  families  of  citizens,  with  575  persons.90 

La  Canada 

The  villa  of  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Canada  is  two  leagues  from 
San  Juan  to  the  east.  A  Franciscan  missionary  parish  priest 

90.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59,  gives  the  last  figure  as  175,  obviously  an  error  by  the 
copyist.  The  1750  census  of  San  Juan  shows  67  households  with  261  persons.  The 
number  of  Indians  given  in  the  table  is  500.  At  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Soledad  del 
Rio  del  Norte  Arriba,  which  was  in  the  parish  of  San  Juan,  there  were  36  Spanish 
households  with  330  persons,  including  servants ;  and  14  households  of  genizaros  with 
58  persons.  According  to  the  table,  the  number  of  non-Indians  was  300.  BNM, 
leg.  8,  no.  81. 

291 


292  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

resides  there.  The  church  is  rather  large  but  has  little  adorn- 
ment. There  is  no  semblance  of  a  town.  The  settlers  are  scat- 
tered over  a  wide  area.  There  are  241  families  of  Spaniards 
and  Europeanized  mixtures  with  1515  persons.91 

I  made  this  priest  vicar  and  ecclesiastical  judge.  The 
following  missionary  parish  priests  presented  themselves 
here:  Fray  Juan  Jose  de  Toledo,  of  the  pueblo  of  Santo 
Tomas  de  Abiquiu,  50  years  old,  who  has  served  in  those 
missions  for  a  long  time;  and  his  mission  is  ten  leagues 
north  northwest  of  La  Canada,  upstream  and  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river.  And  the  mission  parish  priest  of  the 
pueblo  of  Santa  Clara,  which  is  two  leagues  from  La  Canada 
but  is  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  I  desired  to  go  there. 
They  did  not  permit  it  because  of  the  height  of  the  river 
and  the  poor  condition  of  the  canoe.  The  genizaros  of  Abi- 
quiu, Santa  Clara,  and  Ojo  Caliente  were  confirmed  at  La 
Canada.  The  parish  books  of  Santa  Clara  and  Abiquiu  were 
presented  and  examined.  In  the  Abiquiu  books  I  found  a 
guide  to  confession  and  catechism  in  the  Tewa  and  Spanish 
languages,  upon  which  I  admonished  the  fathers,  but  they  re- 
plied that  they  did  not  agree  with  it  and  that  it  was  useless. 

Abiquiu 

This  pueblo  of  genizaro  Indians  has  a  Franciscan  mis- 
sionary parish  priest,  as  has  already  been  mentioned  and 
also  the  distance  from  La  Canada.  There  are  57  Indian  fami- 
lies with  166  persons,  and  there  are  104  families  of  citizens, 
with  617  persons.92 

Santa,  Clara 

There  is  a  Franciscan  missionary  in  this  pueblo  of  Tewa 
Indians.  It  is  on  the  west  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  two  leagues 
from  La  Canada  to  the  west  southwest.  There  are  70  Indian 
families,  with  257  persons,  and  39  families  of  citizens,  with 


91.  The  1750  census  shows  197  families  with  approximately  1303  persons,  including 
servants.   A   note  states   that  there  were  scarcely    100   Indians   there.   The   table  gives 
the  number  of  non-Indians  as  1205  and  the  number  of  Indians  as  580.  Ibid. 

92.  BNM.   leg.   9,    no.    59,   gives   the   following   figures:    75    families   of   genizaros 
with  166  persons ;  24   families  of  citizens  with   612  persons.   These  must  be  errors  by 
the  copyist. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  293 

277  persons.93  I  looked  at  this  pueblo  as  I  passed  by  when 
I  went  down  from  La  Canada  to  San  Ildef onso.  Its  bells  were 
heard,  and  its  Indians  accompanied  me. 

San  Ildef  onso 

This  pueblo  of  Tewa  Indians  is  three  leagues  south  of 
La  Canada,  downstream.  A  Franciscan  missionary  parish 
priest  resides  there.  There  are  90  Indian  families,  with  484 
persons,  and  4  families  of  citizens,  with  30  persons.94  The 
governor  came  down  here  for  our  final  leave-taking. 

Cochiti 

This  pueblo  of  Keres  Indians  is  about  fourteen  leagues 
south  southwest  of  San  Ildefonso.  A  Franciscan  missionary 
parish  priest  resides  there.  On  the  west  side  of  the  river 
there  are  105  Indian  families,  with  450  persons,  and  40 
families  of  citizens,  with  140  persons.95 

They  received  me  in  a  large  house  belonging  to  a  settler 
opposite  the  pueblo  on  the  east  side  of  the  river.  I  wanted 
to  cross  to  the  other  side  in  a  canoe,  but  they  made  difficul- 
ties. And  there  the  people  had  brought  the  Europeanized 
mixtures  across. 

The  catechism  was  put,  and  the  Indians  were  prepared. 
They  do  not  confess  and  are  like  the  rest.  They  recited  in 
Spanish,  following  what  the  fiscals  say.  They  promised  to 
confess.  Three  hundred  thirty-nine  persons  were  confirmed. 

The  journey  from  San  Ildefonso  to  this  house  at  Cochiti, 
which  lasted  from  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  until  one- 
thirty,  all  over  fairly  flat  country,  was  the  most  grievous 
of  the  whole  visitation  because  of  the  terrible  heat  of  the 
sun  on  the  day  of  June  20. 


98.  The  1750  census  shows  40  Indian  families  with  about  188  persons.  The  table 
gives  the  number  of  Indians  as  272.  The  settlers  at  Chama,  part  of  the  parish  of 
Santa  Clara,  numbered  39  households  with  about  412  persons.  Father  Varo's  figures 
for  1749,  used  in  the  table,  were  21  non-Indians.  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81. 

94.  The  1750  census  gives  the  number  of  Indians,  adults  and  children,  as  871. 
There  were  66  married  couples  and  26  widows  and  widowers.  There  were  7  Spanish 
families  with  56  persons  including  Indian  servants.  The  figures  in  the  table  are  68 
non-Indians  and  354  Indians.  Ibid. 

96.  According  to  the  1750  census  there  were  64  Indian  households  with  621  persons, 
adults  and  children.  There  were  6  non-Indian  households  with  35  persons,  including 
children  and  Indian  servants.  The  same  figures  are  used  in  the  table.  Ibid. 


294  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

San  Felipe  de  Jesus 

This  pueblo  of  Keres  Indians  has  its  Franciscan  mission- 
ary parish  priest.  It  is  three  leagues  south  of  the  house  at 
Cochiti  from  which  the  departure  was  made.  We  went  by 
the  pueblo  of  Santo  Domingo.  This  pueblo  of  San  Felipe 
is  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  which  I  crossed  in  a  good 
canoe.  The  river  flows  in  a  single  channel,  very  deep  and 
quiet.  This  is  the  best  place  to  cross. 

There  are  89  Indian  families,  with  458  persons  in  this 
pueblo.96  They  also  presented  equal  difficulties  with  regard 
to  their  confirmation.  They  said  that  thirteen  had  confessed. 
The  missionary,  Fray  Tomas  Valenciano,  is  very  able,  and 
I  gave  him  effective  orders.  And  he  is  the  one  I  thought 
might  compose  the  guide  to  confession  and  catechism  for 
the  Keres,  and  this  was  also  entrusted  to  him,  although  no 
results  have  been  attained. 

Santa  Ana 

This  pueblo  of  Keres  Indians  has  its  Franciscan  mission- 
ary parish  priest.  It  is  four  leagues  west  of  San  Felipe,  flat 
country.  There  are  104  Indian  families,  with  404  persons.97 

Sia 

The  titular  patron  of  this  pueblo  of  Keres  Indians  is  Our 
Lady  of  the  Assumption.  A  Franciscan  missionary  parish 
priest  resides  there.  There  are  150  Indian  families,  with  568 
persons.98  It  is  two  long  leagues  from  Santa  Ana  over  dunes 
and  sandy  places. 

Jemez 

The  titular  patron  of  this  pueblo  of  Indians  who  speak 
the  Pecos  language  is  San  Diego.  It  is  three  leagues  north  of 

96.  BNM,   leg.  9,   no.   59,  gives   the  number  of  families   as   98.   The   1750   census 
gives   the  following   figures   for   the   Indians   of   San   Felipe:    71    households    with  218 
children   under   religious    instruction,    26    widows    and    widowers,    164    married    people, 
61  babies,  or  a  sum  of  453  persons.  The  table  states  that  there  were  70  non-Indians 
and  400  Indians.  BNM,  leg.  8.  no.  81. 

97.  BNM,   leg.   9,   no.   69,   gives  the  number  of  families   as  98.    The   1750   census 
shows  20   households  of  widows  and  widowers  and  68   households   of  married  couples 
with   approximately   353   persons.    The   table   gives    100   non-Indians    and    600  Indians. 
BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81. 

98.  The  1750  census  shows  131  Indian  households  with  approximately  481  persons ; 
and  about  28  non-Indians.  The  table  gives  600  Indians  and  100  non-Indians.  Ibid. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  295 

Sia.  It  has  a  Franciscan  missionary  parish  priest.  There  are 
109  families,  with  373  persons."  The  difficulties  with  re- 
gard to  confessions  and  catechism  continue. 

La  Laguna 

The  titular  patron  of  this  pueblo  of  Keres  Indians  is  San 
Jose.  A  Franciscan  missionary  parish  priest  resides  there. 
It  is  twenty  leagues  west  of  Sia,  and  we  spent  two  days  on 
the  road  from  there. 

On  the  first  day  the  midday  stop  was  made  at  the  place 
of  the  Cuevas.100  We  traveled  six  leagues  in  the  afternoon. 
After  a  league  and  a  half  we  came  to  the  Rio  Puerco.  It  was 
dry  at  the  crossing ;  there  were  only  a  few  pools,  where  the 
cattle  drank.  The  night  was  spent  at  the  place  called  El 
Alamo.  Water  is  very  scarce,  and  from  there  to  Laguna,  a 
journey  which  tired  the  animals  greatly,  we  traveled  at  the 
end  of  June,  and  the  sun  burned  as  if  it  were  shooting  fire. 

On  one  side  of  this  road,  to  the  north,  is  the  place  of  the 
Cebolletas,  where  Father  Menchero  founded  the  two  pueblos 
already  mentioned.  The  inhabitants  are  Navahos  and 
Apaches,  and  many  of  them  live  in  those  canadas.  Some  are 
heathens,  and  others  apostates.  Some  of  their  huts  were 
seen. 

This  pueblo  [Laguna]  has  174  Indian  families,  with  600 
persons,  and  there  are  20  families  of  citizens,  with  86  per- 
sons.101 The  father  missionary  parish  priest  who  was  here 
is  called  Fray  Juan  Jose  Oronzo,  62  years  of  age.  He  had 
served  as  a  missionary  in  this  kingdom  for  twenty-eight 
years,  and  I  asked  him  why  he  had  not  learned  the  language 
of  the  Keres  Indians  in  so  many  years,  and  why  he  had  not 
formulated  a  guide  to  confession  so  that  he  might  confess 
them  annually  and  when  they  were  dying  without  the  aid 
of  an  interpreter.  He  appeared  disconcerted  by  this;  he 

99.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59,  gives  the  number  of  persons  as   378.   According  to  the 
1750  census,  there  were  81  Indian   dwellings  with  about  383   persons.   The  table  uses 
Varo's  estimate,  574  persons.   BNM,  leg.   8,  no.  81. 

100.  I  am  indebted  to  F.   D.  Reeve  for  the  information  that  there  was  a  small 
settlement  of  three  or  four  families,  called   La   Cueva,   in   the   Puerco  Valley   on   the 
east  side  of  the  river.   T12N,  R1W,   New  Mexico  Principal  Meridian.   As  of  June  21, 
1886.  Federal  Land  Office,  Santa  Fe,  Land  Grant  File  no.  49    (F93). 

101.  BNM,   leg.   9,   no.   59,   gives  the  number  of  persons   as   85.   According  to  the 
1750  census,  there  were  65  Indian  households  with  about  528  persons.  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81. 


296  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

gave  various  excuses  on  the  ground  that  because  of  the  in- 
difference of  the  Indians,  which  was  even  more  marked  in 
the  women,  no  one  confessed.  I  gave  my  orders,  and  the 
matter  rested  there. 

The  church  is  small,  and  its  adornment  poor.  There  is  a 
great  lake  near  there,  from  which  a  stream  arises.  This  is 
the  headwater  of  the  Rio  Puerco.  On  one  side  there  is  a 
small  spring  of  water  as  cold  as  snow.  They  send  from  the 
mesa  to  get  it.  It  is  very  delicious. 

Zuni 

The  titular  patron  of  this  Indian  pueblo  is  Our  Lady  of 
Guadalupe.  It  has  a  Franciscan  missionary  parish  priest. 
It  is  thirty  leagues  west  of  La  Laguna,  to  which  the  mission 
parish  priest  came  with  forty  Indians,  including  the  cacique 
and  the  interpreter,  bringing  the  parish  books. 

I  felt  an  inclination  and  desire  to  go  to  Zuni.  I  did  not 
succeed  in  doing  so,  although  I  made  every  effort.  The  chief 
thing  that  prevented  me  was  the  assurance  that  the  mules 
with  the  supplies  were  swollen  with  the  extreme  heat,  that 
there  was  only  one  watering  place  on  the  way  to  Zuni,  and 
that  one  near  there,  and  that  the  mules  would  die  of  thirst, 
and  that  there  was  no  pasturage.  I  abandoned  this  under- 
taking with  great  regret. 

I  confirmed  some  persons,  and  they  promised  to  send  me 
others  at  Isleta.  They  are  as  stupid  and  backward  in  confes- 
sion and  catechism  as  the  rest.  Only  one  confessed. 

I  examined  the  parish  books.  I  was  told  that  the  church 
was  good  and  the  pueblo  large.  This  pueblo  of  Zuni  has  182 
Indian  families  and  664  persons.102  These  were  the  ones  who 
could  be  listed.  I  heard  tell  that  this  was  the  largest  pueblo 
of  the  kingdom,  and  therefore  it  probably  has  a  larger  popu- 
lation. One  of  the  difficulties  alleged  against  my  going  there 
was  that  I  should  not  find  even  half  of  the  inhabitants  be- 
cause they  are  so  dispersed  in  their  ranches.  They  breed  live- 
stock, and  large  flocks  of  sheep  come  from  there. 

102.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59,  gives  the  number  of  families  as  181.  The  1750  census 
of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Alona  y  Zuni  gives  the  number  of  Indians  as  824.  The  table, 
however,  says  there  were  2000,  probably  Father  Varo's  estimate.  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81. 
Cf.  Tamaron's  comment  on  the  population,  infra. 


TAMARON'S   VISITATION  297 

While  I  was  in  Laguna,  a  group  of  Apache  Navaho  In- 
dians arrived,  saying  that  they  wished  to  become  Christians. 
Their  captain,  Tadeo,  who  is  a  Christian  and  roams  with 
them,  is  now  an  old  man  and,  they  say,  a  great  rogue,  for 
he  has  three  infidel  wives.  He  confessed  to  me  that  he  had 
one.  I  asked  him  whether  the  Church  had  given  her  to  him, 
and  he  was  silent.  I  questioned  him  about  the  catechism. 
He  recited  the  Our  Father  and  the  Ave  Maria.  I  admonished 
them  to  come  to  recite  with  the  mission  father,  to  build  their 
pueblo,  and  he  would  baptize  them.  I  entrusted  this  to  the 
friar,  and  they  went  off  to  seek  the  protection  of  the  Span- 
iards so  that  their  enemies,  the  Utes,  might  not  finish 
them  off . 

Acoma 

The  titular  patron  of  this  pueblo  of  Keres  Indians  is  San 
Esteban.  It  has  a  Franciscan  missionary  parish  priest.  It  is 
five  leagues  west  southwest  of  Laguna  over  flat  road,  but  the 
entrance  to  the  pueblo  is  very  difficult  and  rugged.  The 
pueblo  stands  on  a  very  high  mesa,  a  stone  mesa,  almost 
round,  inaccessible  on  all  sides.  The  only  ascent  is  half  over 
sand  dunes,  in  which  the  riding  beasts  are  buried,  and  the 
other  half  via  great  rocks,  obviously  perilous.  Here  I 
ascended  on  foot. 

It  is  a  singular  thing  how  the  round  hill  rises  from  that 
plain,  without  connection  with  any  other ;  and  there  they  put 
the  pueblo,  although  there  is  no  water.  They  bring  it  up  from 
a  spring  which  is  below.  They  have  concavities  like  water 
jars  in  the  rock,  and  these  are  filled. 

It  is  the  most  beautiful  pueblo  of  the  whole  kingdom, 
with  its  system  of  streets  and  substantial  stone  houses  more 
than  a  story  high.  The  priest's  house  has  an  upper  story 
and  is  well  arranged.  For  burials  they  cut  the  cemetery, 
which  is  large,  and  covered  it  with  earth  which  they  brought 
up  from  below,  because  all  the  ground  is  rock. 

This  pueblo  consists  of  308  Indian  families,  with  1502 
persons.103  The  missionary  of  this  pueblo  is  called  Fray 

103.  The  1750  census  of  Acoma  says  that  there  were  960  Indians,  of  whom  247 
were  capable  of  bearing  arms.  There  were  302  married  people,  44  widowers,  68  widows, 
91  unmarried  men,  94  unmarried  women,  361  children.  BNM,  leg.  8,  no.  81. 


298  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Pedro  Ignacio  del  Pino.  He  has  been  a  missionary  for  twenty 
years.  He  keeps  his  Indians  better  instructed  in  Christian 
doctrine  than  the  rest.  Some  in  that  kingdom  recite  in  uni- 
son and  individually.  They  have  seven  interpreters.  He 
obliges  them  to  attend  catechism  and  mass.  He  assists  at 
catechism  in  person.  He  has  had  to  whip  them,  and  he  keeps 
them  in  order,  although  not  up  to  date  with  regard  to  con- 
fession. He  understands  the  language,  but  he  does  not  know 
how  to  speak  it,  and  therefore  in  order  to  hear  their  con- 
fessions he  needs  an  interpreter  only  for  what  he  has  to  say 
to  them. 

The  bringing  up  of  the  water  struck  me  as  a  very  out- 
landish thing.  Since  the  view  is  so  extensive,  I  went  out  to 
take  the  air  two  afternoons,  and,  at  one  side  of  the  hill,  but 
through  its  center,  I  saw  a  swarm  of  women  and  children 
emerge  with  pots  and  jars  full  of  water  on  their  heads.  I 
inquired  how  that  was  done.  The  hill  is  pierced  there  as  if 
by  a  narrow,  very  deep  well.  They  have  made  hollows  on  the 
sides,  or  a  kind  of  steps  in  which  the  feet  barely  fit.  and 
they  go  in  and  come  up  by  them.  Although  they  explained 
it  to  me  at  length,  I  never  succeeded  in  understanding  how, 
in  view  of  the  tremendous  depth,  the  ascent  through  so  nar- 
row a  tube  is  managed,  for  those  people  frequent  it  at  all 
hours  with  the  weight  they  carry  on  their  heads.  They  told 
me  that  two  had  thrown  themselves  down,  and  I  admonished 
the  missionary  with  regard  to  this. 

From  here  we  departed  for  Isleta,  a  two  days'  journey. 
The  first  day  we  dined  at  the  place  of  Los  Alamos,  twelve 
leagues  away.  The  little  spring  of  water  was  very  scanty.  In 
the  afternoon  we  covered  three  leagues,  as  far  as  the  Rio 
Puerco.  Although  it  was  dry,  there  were  some  pools,  and 
there  we  spent  the  night. 

La  Isleta 

This  pueblo  of  Tigua  Indians  and  settlers  has  San 
Agustin  for  its  patron  saint.  It  has  a  Franciscan  missionary 
parish  priest.  It  is  five  fairly  flat  leagues  from  the  Rio 
Puerco,  where  we  slept,  and  it  is  twenty  leagues  east  of  the 
pueblo  of  Acoma  and  fifteen  from  Laguna,  which  was  in- 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  .       299 

spected  on  the  way  in.  It  is  called  Isleta  because  it  is  very 
close  to  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte,  and  when  the  river  is  in 
flood,  one  branch  surrounds  it.  It  is  not  innundated  because 
it  stands  on  a  little  mound. 

It  has  107  families  of  Indians,  with  304  persons,  and  210 
families  of  settlers,  including  those  of  the  place  of  Belen, 
with  620  persons.104  The  Isleta  church  is  single-naved,  with 
an  adorned  altar.  The  Indians  know  the  catechism ;  they  con- 
fess annually,  and  they  did  so  in  preparation  for  confirma- 
tion, because  they  speak  Spanish.  The  settlement  of  Belen  is 
six  leagues  south  of  Isleta,  downstream. 

Twenty-seven  Zuni  Indians  arrived  from  that  side  of 
Isleta  with  an  interpreter.  With  his  help,  an  act  of  contri- 
tion was  formulated  for  them  so  that  they  would  confess  in 
Zufii.  The  interpreter  confessed,  and  I  confirmed  twenty  of 
them,  for  seven  had  already  been  confirmed. 

The  people  of  Isleta  have  good  lands,  with  irrigation 
from  the  river.  They  sow  wheat,  maize,  and  other  grains. 
They  have  some  fruit  trees,  which  usually  fail  to  bear  be- 
cause of  the  frost.  Vine-stocks  had  been  planted  which  were 
already  bearing  grapes. 

Here  a  canoe  had  been  made  ready  to  cross  the  river.  It 
was  old,  and  although  they  tried  to  repair  it,  it  was  leaking 
a  good  amount  of  water,  which  they  covered  so  that  I  should 
not  see  it  coming  in.  A  crowd  of  Indians  made  up  this  de- 
ficiency, for  otherwise  the  crossing  in  it  would  have  been 
very  risky,  and  the  river  is  very  wide  there.  It  took  about 
half  an  hour  to  cross  to  the  other  side,  and  on  this  day  we 
reached  Tome,  which  is  four  leagues  southeast  of  Isleta.  It 
is  the  first  settlement  through  which  one  enters  and  must 
leave  that  interior  part  of  New  Mexico. 

In  this  village  of  Tome  the  necessary  preparations  are 


104.  BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59,  gives  the  number  of  Indian  families  as  102,  and  of 
Spanish  families  as  242.  According  to  the  1750  census,  there  were  79  Indian  households 
with  421  persons.  The  Spaniards,  Europeanized  mixtures,  and  genizaros  were  as 
follows :  Pajarito,  9  households  with  82  persons  ;  Rancho  de  Padilla,  4  households  with 
31  persons ;  Sitio  de  Gutierrez,  10  households  with  59  persons ;  San  Clemente,  12 
households  with  95  persons ;  Beten,  13  households  with  98  persons ;  genizaros,  20 
households  with  68  persons.  A  note  in  another  hand  says :  "The  number  of  Indians 
here  will  be  about  600."  The  table  gives  100  non-Indians  and  500  Indians.  BNM, 
leg.  8,  no.  81. 


300  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL   REVIEW 

made  for  the  departure  for  El  Paso,  including  supplies, 
horses,  and  the  escort  that  must  be  taken.  The  latter  num- 
bered only  twenty-one  soldiers,  with  an  ensign  who  went  as 
commanding  officer;  and  in  addition  to  these,  fifty-five 
armed  men,  Spaniards  and  Indians.  The  number  of  persons 
in  all  was  ninety-four ;  four  hundred  twenty-nine  horses  and 
mules;  twenty-eight  bulls;  four  hundred  fifty  sheep.  The 
departure  from  Tome  with  all  this  train  took  place  on  the 
eighth  day  of  July.  The  daily  journeys  continued  in  the  same 
way  as  when  I  entered.  Some  of  the  stopping  places  for  the 
night  were  found  to  be  flooded  because  of  the  extraordinary 
freshets  the  river  had  that  year.  The  difference  on  the  re- 
turn trip  was  that  it  took  two  days  less,  because,  as  a  result 
of  the  rains,  we  found  water  in  the  middle  of  the  Jornada 
del  Muerto  at  the  place  they  call  Perrillos,  and  we  did  not 
have  to  make  the  detour. 

And  at  the  beginning  of  this  day's  journey  we  found  two 
crosses  from  the  Indians,  with  sacks  for  food.  And  at  this 
point  they  shouted  from  the  hill  of  the  San  Cristobal  sierra ; 
the  cries  increased;  they  said,  "We  are  good,"105  meaning 
peaceful.  There  appeared  to  be  a  large  force.  Our  men  were 
ordered  to  assemble  and  take  arms,  but  they  made  no  other 
movement,  and  we  continued  our  journey  and  reached  El 
Paso  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  that  month  of  July.  We  crossed 
the  river  on  a  raft,  but  it  was  not  so  full  as  the  first  time  we 
crossed.  The  leagues  traveled  from  Tome  to  El  Paso  on  our 
return  trip  were  eighty-four. 

I  remained  in  El  Paso  until  the  twenty-eighth,  when  I 
left  for  Chihuahua,  a  journey  of  ninety-three  leagues,  also 
through  unpopulated  and  dangerous  country.  The  former 
provisions  were  left  behind,  and  a  new  lot  was  taken.  There- 
fore in  the  New  Mexico  region,  they  supplied  me  with 
seven  different  sets  of  provisions:  First,  the  captain  of  El 
Paso,  from  the  Rio  Santa  Maria  to  his  house;  second,  the 
same,  from  El  Paso  to  Santa  Fe;  third,  from  Santa  Fe,  by 
the  governor,  to  Pecos  and  Galisteo ;  fourth,  the  same,  from 
Santa  Fe  to  San  Ildef onso ;  fifth,  from  there,  by  the  afore- 
said, to  the  return  to  Tome ;  sixth,  from  there  to  El  Paso,  by 

105.     "Estamos  bonos." 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  301 

the  said  governor;  seventh,  from  El  Paso  to  Chihuahua,  by 
the  said  captain ;  with  all  new  supplies  of  food  and  different 
mules  and  horses,  most  of  which  were  paid  for  by  the  said 
governor  and  captain,  for  there  was  no  other  way  or  means. 
Only  with  regard  to  food  did  I  and  the  Father  Gustos  make 
some  provision;  and  on  the  journey  from  El  Paso  to  Chi- 
huahua, they  sent  a  two-seated  chaise  and  a  drove  of  mules 
and  a  volante  from  the  latter  place,  which  they  bought  on 
my  order,  with  four  mules.  It  cost  me  money  and  was  of 
little  use. 

To  conclude  this  report  of  New  Mexico,  some  particulars 
about  that  country  will  be  given.  It  was  discovered  in  the 
year  1581  by  Father  Fray  Agustin  Ruiz  [sic,  Rodriguez], 
a  Franciscan  religious,  and  by  Antonio  Espejo,  who  gave  it 
the  name  of  New  Mexico.106  Nearly  a  hundred  years  after 
its  reduction,  on  August  10,  1680,  those  Indians  and  others 
leagued  with  them  contrived  so  secret  and  violent  a  conspir- 
acy that  they  rose  in  arms  everywhere  simultaneously, 
wreaking  untold  havoc  on  the  Spanish  people.  They  took 
the  lives  of  all  who  fell  into  their  hands,  including  twenty- 
one  Franciscan  missionary  religious.  They  trampled  the 
sacred  images  under  foot  and  outraged  them.  They  de- 
stroyed and  leveled  the  churches.  Those  who  managed  to 
escape  took  the  road  to  El  Paso,  where  some  families  found 
a  haven,  and  also  some  Indians  who  had  not  joined  the 
rebellion.  The  four  pueblos  of  El  Paso  were  founded  with 
these  people. 

Although  the  kingdom  was  reconquered  afterwards,  it 
cost  great  effort,  and  many  pueblos  remained  in  ruins. 
Nothing  is  being  done  about  rebuilding  them,  and  only  the 
preservation  of  what  has  been  reduced  is  attempted.  The 
Spanish  families  are  increasing  somewhat,  which  is  a  means 
of  preservation,  although  the  Comanches  are  so  prejudicial 
to  this.  Intelligent  persons  have  told  me  that  they  [the  Co- 
manches] are  useful  in  holding  the  rest  of  the  Indians  in 
check,  because  they  all  fear  them  and  realize  that  the 
method  of  defending  themselves  against  them  is  to  resort 


106.     Bishop  Tamaron's  knowledge  of  early  New  Mexico  history  was  rather  sketchy. 
Benavides  also  uses  the  form  Ruiz  instead  of  Rodriguez. 


302  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  the  Spaniards  for  aid.  The  Ute  tribe  is  very  numerous 
on  the, New  Mexico  border.  Formerly  they  waged  war,  and 
now  they  are  at  peace  because  of  their  fear  of  the  Co- 
manches.  The  same  applies  to  the  Faraon  Apaches. 

In  the  year  1759  a  rumor  spread  that  the  Indians  were 
going  to  rise  on  the  day  of  Corpus  Christi.  The  governor 
was  alarmed;  he  took  precautions  and  made  inquiries,  but 
he  was  unable  to  clarify  the  matter.  When  I  was  there  the 
following  year,  they  remembered  this  and  told  me  about  it. 

Although  I  made  inquiries  throughout  my  visitation,  I 
was  unable  to  discover  any  use  or  practice  of  formal  idola- 
try, nor  was  any  denunciation  made  before  me.  I  continued 
to  have  my  suspicions.  I  asked  questions  and  was  not  told 
of  any  defection  on  the  basis  of  which  I  could  judge  this 
matter,  to  which  the  Indians  are  usually  prone,  as  experience 
has  shown  in  other  regions.  In  New  Mexico  I  did  not  ap- 
prove of  the  so-called  estufa,  which  they  maintain  in  the 
pueblos  I  went  to  inspect,  after  I  was  informed  about  it 
and  its  nature.  Digging  three  or  four  varas  deep  in  the  earth 
a  circle  about  five  varas  in  diameter,  they  build  a  wall  about 
a  vara  and  a  half  high  all  around  it  above  ground,  and  they 
roof  it  like  a  terrace.  The  entrance  is  through  the  roof  and 
looks  like  the  hatch  of  a  ship,  with  its  small  ladder.  There 
is  no  other  door  or  window.  Outside  it  has  the  shape  of  the 
crown  of  a  hat.  There  they  say  they  hold  their  dances,  con- 
venticles, and  meetings,  and  receive  Indians  of  other  places 
there.  I  did  not  find  proof  of  anything  evil,  but  I  ordered 
them  [the  friars]  to  keep  their  eyes  open.  They  argued  the 
difficulty  of  depriving  them  of  that  dark  and  strange  re- 
ceptacle, which  is  also  a  temptation  to  evil. 

The  apostate  Moqui  tribe  has  its  home  sixty  leagues 
northwest  of  the  pueblo  of  Zufii.  Their  pueblos  are  six: 
Oraibi,  Mozan,  Walpi,  Shongopovi,  Awatovi,  and  Janos. 
These  stand  on  as  many  stone  mesas.  Water  is  scarce  and 
difficult  to  make  use  of.  Those  missionaries  are  accustomed 
to  make  some  expeditions  there,  but  at  long  intervals  be- 
cause of  the  lack  of  escorts  to  protect  them.  When  they  ob- 
tain them,  they  do  make  a  few  conversions.  The  Moquis  are 
now  very  near  the  Sierra  Azul,  which  is  about  twelve  days' 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  303 

journey  from  there.  They  say  that  there  is  a  great  deal  of 
silver  beyond  this  sierra.  Many  relations,  observations,  and 
reports  agree  that  the  great  town  of  bearded  men  and  costly 
buildings,  supplied  with  arms  and  munitions,  is  not  far  from 
there.  This  is  common  talk  in  New  Mexico,  and  the  friars 
who  have  gone  to  the  Moquis  assure  me  that  they  learned 
it  there  from  the  Coninas  [Havasupai]  Indians  and  that  via 
these  lands  of  the  Moquis,  it  will  be  easier  to  discover  the 
headwaters  of  the  Colorado  River  and  whether  the  Califor- 
nias  are  an  island  or  a  peninsula. 

Itinerary107 

Itinerary  taken  on  the  diocesan  visitation  which  began 
on  the  twenty-second  day  of  October,  1759,  on  which  day 
Dr.  don  Pedro  Tamaron,  its  bishop,  left  the  city  of  Durango. 
The  memorandum  is  arranged  in  six  columns,  as  follows :  In 
the  first  the  days  will  be  noted ;  in  the  second,  the  directions ; 
in  the  third,  the  number  of  leagues ;  in  the  fourth,  the  places ; 
in  the  fifth,  the  number  of  persons  confirmed ;  in  the  sixth, 
the  sermons  or  discourses  which  he  preached  in  person.  To 
differentiate  the  places,  the  following  designations  will  be 
used :  Sa.  means  sierra.  Co.  that  the  night  was  spent  in  the 
field  or  an  unpopulated  place.  Po.  is  an  Indian  pueblo.  Va. 
is  villa.  Vo.  is  a  settlement  of  Europeanized  citizens.  Rl.  is  a 
mining  town.  M.F.  indicates  a  mission  of  Franciscan  reli- 
gious. M.J.  indicates  a  mission  of  the  fathers  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus.  Hcda.  means  hacienda.  .  .  . 

Year  1760 
KINGDOM  OF  NEW  MEXICO 


5  8  §                            §  f 

§  £  §                                .3                                  It 

Q  Q  >-3                                     ft.  O             to 

[April]  19  east  northeast  8  Salinas  Co.  0000  0000 

20  east  northeast  12  Puertecito   .....Co.  0000  0000 

21  east  northeast  15  Ojito  de  Cholome  Co.  0000  0000 

22  north  12  In  the  field  ...  ....Co.  0000  0000 


107.     Tamaron  (1937),  pp.  382-384. 


304 


NEW    MEXICO    HISTORICAL   REVIEW 


| 

1 

1 

s 

I 

to 

23 

north 

Royal  presidio  of  El  Paso 

1742 

0010 

30 

east 

6 

M.F.  Po.  El  Socorro 

0383 

0001 

May 

1 

west 

2 

M.F.  Po.  Isleta 

0364 

0001 

2 

west 

2 

M.F.  Po.  Senecu 

0484 

0001 

3 

west 

2 

M.F.  S.  Lorenzo 

0002 

0001 

The  Rio 

del  Norte 

was 

crossed 

7 

north 

5 

Quemada 

Co. 

0000 

0000 

8 

north 

5 

Alamitos 

Co. 

0000 

0000 

9 

north 

4 

Trujillo    .. 

Co. 

0000 

0000 

10 

north 

6 

Rancheria 

Co. 

0000 

0000 

11 

north 

7 

Robledo 

Co. 

0000 

0000 

12 

north 

5 

San  Diego  . 

Co. 

0000 

0000 

13 

north 

20 

San  Cristobal  . 

Co. 

0000 

0000 

Jornada 

del 

Muerto 

14 

north 

10 

El   Rio   

Co. 

0000 

0000 

15 

north 

7 

San  Pascual 

0000 

0000 

16 

north 

6 

Luis  Lopez  

Co. 

0000 

0000 

17 

north 

8 

Alamitos    .. 

Co. 

0000 

0000 

18 

north 

5 

M.F.  Tome 

0606 

0000 

19 

north 

9 

Nutrias    

Co. 

0000 

0000 

20 

north 

10 

M.F.  Va.  de  Albuquerque 

0732 

0004 

22 

north 

4 

M.F.  Po.  Sandia 

0450 

0002 

23 

north 

6 

M.F.  Po.  Sto.  Domingo 

0272 

0001 

24 

north 

12 

M.F.  Va.  Sta.  Fe 

1532 

0007 

29 

east 

8 

M.F.  Pecos 

0192 

0001 

30 

west 

5 

M.F.  Galisteo 

0169 

0001 

31 

north 

7 

M.F.  Va.  de  Sta.  Fe 

0000 

0000 

June 

6 

north 

3 

M.F.  Tesuque 

0132 

0001 

7 

north 

3 

M.F.  Nambe 

0323 

0001 

8 

north 

11 

M.F.   Picuris 

0376 

0002 

10 

north 

12 

M.F.  Taos 

0574 

0002 

12 

southwest 

10 

Vo.  Embudo 

0093 

0001 

13 

south 

5 

M.F.  San  Juan 

0486 

0002 

14 

east 

2 

M.F.  Va.  de  la  Canada 

1517 

0006 

18 

south 

5 

M.F.  San  Ildefonso 

0467 

0003 

20 

south 

12 

Ro.  de  Pena 

0339 

0002 

TAMARtfN'S  VISITATION 


305 


ft,  O  to 

M.F.  S.  Felipe  0185  0001 

M.F.  Sta.  Ana  0178  0001 

M.F.  Zia  0494  0002 

Canada  del  Alamo  Co.  0000  0000 

M.F.  Laguna  0382  0003 

M.F.  Acoma  0523  0002 

July          2  east  15     Rio  Puerco  Co.  0000  0000 

M.F.  Isleta  0649  0003 

Vo.  Tome  0000  0000 

Nutrias    Co.  0000  0000 

Alamo  Co.  0000  0000 

Luis  Lopez  Co.  0000  0000 

San  Pascual  Co.  0000  0000 

Fr.  Cristobal  Co.  0000  0000 

Jornada  del  Muerto  ....Co.  0000  0000 

Perrillos  Co.  0000  0000 

Robledo Co.  0000  0000 

Bracito  Co.  0000  0000 

Alamito   Co.  0000  0000 

Royal  presidio  of  El  Paso  0000  0000 

El  Ojito  Co.  0000  0000 

Ojo  de  Lucero Co.  0000  0000 

Vo.  Carrizal  0226  0001 

Copy  of  the  report  which  the  Most  Illustrious  Lord  Tamaron, 
Bishop  of  Durango,  makes  to  the  King  our  lord  (God  keep 
him) ,  with  regard  to  the  curacies  and  missions  of  this  dio- 
cese in  so  far  as  it  pertains  to  our  friars  and  the  missions 
which  are  in  charge  of  the  Order,  both  within  the  boundaries 
of  this  province  of  Zacatecas  and  in  the  Custody  of  New 
Mexico  .  .  .  1765.108 

Kingdom  of  New  Mexico 

When  I  visited  this  kingdom  in  the  year  1760,  there  were 
thirty  Franciscan  friars  residing  in  this  governmental  dis- 
trict [of  New  Mexico],  six  in  the  pueblos  of  El  Paso  and 
twenty-four  in  the  interior.  They  are  comfortably  off,  each 
one  alone  in  his  pueblo ;  and  the  King  contributes  three  hun- 

108.     BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  59. 


21  south 

3 

23  west 

4 

24  west 

2 

26  west 

11 

27  west 

9 

30  south 

5 

2  east 

15 

3  east 

5 

7  southeast 

4 

8  south 

5 

9  south 

9 

10  south 

3 

11  south 

8 

12  south 

7 

13  south 

18 

14  south 

4 

15  south 

8 

16  south 

7 

17  south 

9 

18  south 

8 

28  south 

12 

29  south 

16 

30  south 

8 

306  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

dred  [pesos  a  year  for  their  support].  This  comes  to  them 
every  two  years,  when  their  share  is  six  hundred  pesos 
apiece.  Of  this,  forty-eight  pesos  are  deducted  for  expenses, 
and  they  net  552  pesos,  which  are  used  to  buy  them  [what 
they  need]  in  accordance  with  the  order  each  interested 
party  gives  to  their  procurator  in  Mexico.  This  usually  con- 
sists of  chocolate,  beeswax,  habits,  paper,  and  other  necessi- 
ties. In  addition  to  this  alms  from  the  King,  the  Indians 
contribute  their  services.  The  secular  priest  and  vicar,  Br. 
don  Santiago  Roibal,  gives  me  a  statement  of  this  in  his 
letter  of  April  6,  1764.  It  reads  as  follows : 

The  services  which  the  Indians  give  to  the  reverend 
fathers  are:  They  sow  for  them  three  fanegas109  of  wheat, 
four  almudes110  of  maize,  two  almudes  of  broad  beans,111 
two  of  vetch;112  some  of  them  also  sow  two  or  three  almudes 
of  chick  peas  and  half  a  fanega  of  frijoles  and  their  vegetable 
or  kitchen  garden.  Throughout  the  year  they  never  lack  fire- 
wood, which  the  Indians  who  serve  weekly  bring  in  carts  or 
on  their  backs.  They  have  forty  [of  these  Indians  who  serve 
for  a  week  at  a  time],  and  some  have  more.  They  have  two 
sacristans.  All  the  Indians  give  prompt  obedience  to  the  com- 
mands of  the  reverend  father  missionaries.  This  is  true  and 
is  public  knowledge  in  the  whole  kingdom. 

The  said  vicar  to  this  point. 

The  mission  fathers  also  draw  obventions  in  full  from 
the  citizens  who  are  their  parishioners,  and  also  the  first- 
fruits  in  accordance  with  their  harvests  of  grain,  as  the 
vicar  reports. 

When  I  arrived  to  make  my  visitation,  there  were  two 
vicars  acting  as  ecclesiastical  judges.  They  were  secular 
priests.  The  Order  of  St.  Francis  has  opposed  with  inflexi- 
bility and  vigor  the  Bishop  of  Durango's  being  bishop  of 
and  exercising  jurisdiction  in  New  Mexico,  but  the  King  has 
permitted  it.  I  went  there  to  make  a  visitation,  as  three 
bishops  have  done,  of  whom  I  was  the  most  recent.  In  view 

109.  As   a   measure    for  grain    the  fanega    varies    greatly    in    different    localities. 
The   Spanish   fanega   is   somewhat  more  than   one   and   a   half  bushels,    the   Mexican, 
more  than  two  and  a  half  bushels. 

110.  The  almud  as  a  dry  measure  varies  even  more  than  the  fanega  according  to 
the  locality.  It  can  be  from  three  to  twenty-three  liters. 

111.  "Habas."  Vieia  /aba. 

112.  "Alberjones."  Arvej6n  or  almorta;  lathyrut  sativug  L.  or  trieia  sativa  L. 


TAMAR6N'S  VISITATION  307 

of  my  information  about  the  state  of  this  dependency  and  of 
the  fact  that  the  latest  royal  cedula  orders  the  Bishop  of 
Durango  to  remove  the  secular  priest  who  is  now  vicar,  from 
which  cedula  an  appeal  has  been  made, — and  the  vicarship 
of  Santa  Fe  has  been  in  existence  for  thirty  years — I  entered 
New  Mexico  with  some  misgivings.  But  when  I  found  that 
I  was  not  gainsaid  in  anything  and  that  I  was  made  free 
of  everything,  as  if  they  were  secula"r  priests,  I  tried  not  to 
waste  the  opportunity. 

I  soon  observed  that  those  Indians  were  not  indoctri- 
nated. They  do  recite  the  catechism  in  Spanish,  following 
their  fiscal,  but  since  they  do  not  know  this  language,  they 
do  not  understand  what  they  are  saying.  The  missionaries 
do  not  know  the  languages  of  the  Indians,  and  as  a  result 
the  latter  do  not  confess  except  at  the  point  of  death,  and 
then  with  the  aid  of  an  interpreter.  I  remonstrated  about 
this  repeatedly,  and  I  ordered  the  missionaries  to  learn  the 
languages  of  the  Indians.  These  mandates,  along  with  others, 
were  recorded  in  their  parish  books.  And  I  have  since  made 
inquiries  of  the  Father  Gustos,  and  I  have  his  replies  in  sev- 
eral letters,  which  I  am  keeping,  in  which  he  expresses 
hopes.  But  they  are  not  realized,  as  the  secular  vicar  says 
in  a  letter  I  quote,  and  these  are  his  words : 

I  also  advise  your  lordship  that  none  of  the  friars,  old  or 
new,  apply  themselves  to  learning  the  native  language,  nor,  in 
my  opinion,  would  they  do  anything  about  it  even  if  further 
precepts  were  applied.  They  are  little  inclined  to  be  studious, 
and  therefore  they  continue  as  always  with  their  fiscals  and 
interpreters,  who  are  used  for  deathbed  [confessions],  which 
is  the  only  occasion  when  the  sacrament  of  confession  is  ad- 
ministered to  the  Indians.  I  am  not  aware  that  the  Indians 
fulfil  their  annual  duty  to  the  Church.  Up  to  now,  I  am  not 
aware  that  any  father  is  qualified  to  teach,  nor  do  they  even 
provide  any  means  whereby  the  Indians  might  learn  the  Span- 
ish language.  This  would  be  the  easiest  solution,  as  I  found 
by  practical  experience  in  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Maria  de  las 
Caldas,  where  I  bought  many  primers  and  set  them  to  read- 
ing. And  so  in  a  single  year  they  were  all  speaking  Spanish; 
they  conversed  with  their  fathers  and  mothers  in  the  same 
Spanish  language,  and  as  a  result  all  became  Spanish-speak- 
ing. But  I  observe  no  effort. 


308  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Said  vicar  to  this  point.113 

If  other  measures  are  not  taken,  experience  has  already 
shown  that  the  Franciscan  fathers  will  not  find  a  way  out  of 
the  difficulties  in  which  they  have  thus  far  remained,  and 
those  poor  Indians  will  go  on,  like  their  Christian  fore- 
fathers, unindoctrinated.  I  do  not  know  how  to  express 
the  mental  anguish  I  went  through  with  regard  to  con- 
firming adults.  Since  the  parish  priests  are  friars,  who 
turn  their  backs  on  the  bishop,  his  mandates  lose  most  of 
their  force. 

The  year  before  last  the  governor  of  New  Mexico  insti- 
tuted proceedings  concerning  various  idolatries  committed 
by  sorcerers  and  persons  possessed  by  devils,  which  had  not 
only  spread  their  contagious  infection  in  that  government 
but  also  had  jumped  to  the  neighboring  provinces.  The  secu- 
lar priest  who  is  vicar  informed  me  about  it,  but  the  friars, 
not  even  the  Gustos  nor  the  other  two  vicars,  nor  any  other, 
failed  to  notify  me. 

When  these  proceedings  were  reviewed  in  the  vice- 
royalty,  for  the  said  governor  remitted  them  there,  also 
relating  the  lack  of  indoctrination  among  those  Indians,  it 
was  ordered  that  a  copy  be  sent  to  the  Bishop  of  Durango 
in  order  that,  as  diocesan  of  New  Mexico,  he  should  proceed 
against  the  idolatrous  Indians  and  witch  doctors.  And  since 
the  bishop's  jurisdiction  is  not  effectual  enough  for  him  to 
consider  it  productive  of  results,  I  wrote  to  the  Most  Excel- 
lent Lord  Viceroy,  acknowledging  receipt  of  the  said  copy 
of  the  proceedings,  and  with  the  aim  of  making  clear  to  his 
Excellency  the  actual  state  of  my  jurisdiction  there,  asking 
him  to  undertake  to  clarify  and  expedite  matters  and  to 
propose  means  for  remedying  those  evils.  I  begged  his  per- 
mission to  go  to  Mexico,  but  I  have  received  no  reply  on  this 
point.  And  therefore  what  progress  I  may  make  in  the  afore- 
said cases  will  be  very  little,  although  I  had  already  en- 


113.  We  do  not  know  just  when  Roibal  was  at  Santa  Maria  de  las  Caldas.  In 
his  report  to  Provincial  Fray  Jose  Ximeno,  dated  at  El  Paso,  February  5,  1751,  Fray 
Andres  Varo  grave  an  account  of  the  history  of  this  mission  under  the  secular  clergy. 
His  picture  of  conditions  there  before  its  destruction  in  1749  is  in  strong  contrast 
to  the  idyllic  scene  suggested  by  Roibal's  letter.  Therefore  a  translation  of  Varo's 
statement  will  be  found  infra. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  309 

trusted  the  matter  to  the  vicar,  who  is  a  secular  priest, 
whose  power  there  is  very  limited. 

During1  my  visitation  I  appointed  three  friars  as  vicars : 
the  Gustos  for  El  Paso,  and  the  two  missionaries  of  Albu- 
querque and  La  Canada  for  their  respective  districts.  I 
issued  formal  titles  to  them,  which  included  clauses  reserv- 
ing the  right  to  appoint  secular  priests  at  the  will  of  the 
bishop  and  stating  that  the  Order  did  not  acquire  any  rights 
thereby  since  the  appointments  were  dispatched  in  my  name. 
They  accepted  with  pleasure  and  took  oath  to  perform  their 
office  in  accordance  with  these  conditions,  under  which  they 
exercise  this  authority.  This  seemed  to  me  very  conducive 
to  the  establishment  of  my  jurisdiction  on  a  firmer  basis, 
without  the  risk  of  litigation. 

And  in  order  to  make  the  bishop  respected  in  New  Mex- 
ico, an  extremely  important  measure  would  be  to  give  him 
four  Spanish  parishes.  These  are  El  Paso,  Santa  Fe,  Albu- 
querque, and  La  Canada.  The  revenue  from  obventions,  plus 
first-fruits,  of  the  first  could  amount  to  more  than  four 
thousand  pesos.  That  of  the  second  would  not  be  less  than 
three  thousand  pesos,  and  the  other  two  would  yield  nearly 
two  thousand  pesos.  Although  I  am  short  of  priests,  since 
these  are  goodly  amounts  there  would  be  no  lack  of  candi- 
dates for  these  four.  They  would  be  vicars  and  they  would 
support  assistants.  And  I  make  this  proposal  as  a  necessary 
first  step  in  providing  a  remedy  for  that  kingdom  and  so 
that  the  friars  may  not  be  such  sole  owners  of  it. 

Everything  up  to  here  is  a  literal  copy  of  the  report  made 
by  the  Most  Illustrious  Tamaron,  dated  at  the  Villa  del 
Nombre  de  Dios  on  July  11,  1765,  signed  by  his  hand,  sealed 
with  his  seal,  and  attested  by  his  secretary,  Br.  D.  Felipe 
Cantador.  It  comprises  47  leaves. 

Edicts114 

We,  Dr.  don  Pedro  Tamaron  y  Romeral,  by  the  grace  of 
God  and  of  the  Holy  Apostolic  See  Bishop  of  Durango, 
of  the  provinces  of  New  Vizcaya,  and  other  provinces  of 


114.     Tamar6n  (1987),  pp.  370-374. 


310  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

New  Mexico,  Sinaloa,  and  Sonora,  member  of  his  Majesty's 
Council,  etc.  To  all  parish  priests,  proprietary,  provisional, 
assistant,  deputy,  or  other  who  exercise  the  ministry  and 
care  of  souls  in  this  our  diocese,  whether  they  be  secular 
or  regular  clergy,  greeting  in  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  Who 
is  the  true  salvation. 

Since  our  primary  concern  is  to  watch  and  take  care 
that  the  souls  whom  divine  condescension  placed  in  our 
charge  shall  speedily  enjoy  the  salutary  spiritual  nourish- 
ment which  they  need  in  order  to  obtain  their  eternal  salva- 
tion and  be  free  from  perpetual  damnation;  and  since  the 
parish  priests  are  the  first  who  are  under  just  obligation 
to  prepare  and  minister  these  spiritual  benefits  through 
which  the  felicity  of  eternal  joy  must  be  attained;  and  in 
order  that  they  may  be  diligent,  solicitous,  effective,  and  fer- 
vent in  their  distribution,  and  in  order  to  avoid  certain  negli- 
gences and  neglects  pernicious  to  the  faithful  which  usually 
occur,  and  in  order  that,  in  so  far  as  is  possible,  they  may 
fulfill  the  office  of  the  cure  of  souls  punctiliously;  and  in 
order  that  we  may  aid  them  by  our  pastoral  solicitude  in  so 
far  as  it  is  possible  for  us  to  do  so,  by  reminding  them  of 
the  very  things  that  the  Sacred  Canons  and  the  Holy  Coun- 
cils have  commanded,  we  have  resolved  to  state  the  following 
points  for  the  benefit  of  the  aforesaid  priests  and  their  depu- 
ties so  that  they  may  observe,  practice,  and  perform  them 
with  complete  exactitude. 

They  shall  preach  every  Sunday,  expounding  the  Holy 
Gospel  of  that  particular  Sunday,  concerning  which  they 
shall  pronounce  a  sermon  of  moderate  length,  not  to  take 
more  than  half  an  hour  or  less  than  a  quarter  of  an  hour, 
in  a  serious,  clear,  and  simple  style.  When  they  reprove 
vices,  let  it  be  in  general  terms  and  not  directed  at  specific 
persons.  The  parish  priest  who  is  unable  to  do  this  from 
memory  will  make  up  for  it  by  reading  one  of  the  many 
books  in  our  Spanish  language  which  expound  the  Holy 
Gospels.  And  they  shall  give  the  aforesaid  sermon  during 
mass  after  the  reading  of  the  first  Gospel. 

Moreover,  on  Sunday  afternoons  at  four  o'clock  they 
shall  ring  a  bell  to  summon  the  children  to  recite  the  prayers. 


TAMARON'S  VISITATION  311 

They  shall  question  them  about  some  of  the  Mysteries  and 
shall  give  explanations  of  one  of  them  in  order  that  all 
may  comprehend  them.  They  might  spend  about  another 
half  an  hour  on  this  and  recite  the  Most  Holy  Rosary 
afterwards.  And,  if  arrangements  can  be  made,  they  shall 
then  lead  them  singing  through  the  streets.  If  the  priest 
is  devout  and  industrious,  this  will  be  very  easy  for  him; 
but  if  he  is  not,  the  contrary  will  be  true,  and  these  holy 
ministries  will  be  much  more  trouble  for  them  if  they  are 
preoccupied  with  mundane  affairs  or  diversions. 

And  the  priests  for  the  Indians  shall  continue,  as  is  the 
custom,  to  have  those  who  are  being  indoctrinated  recite 
the  catechism  daily.  The  said  priests  shall  also  prepare 
panegyric  sermons  to  include  the  explanation  of  a  point 
of  Christian  doctrine  in  the  salutation. 

And,  since  it  is  ordered  that  the  holy  oils  be  renewed 
annually,  the  priests  shall  provide  themselves  with  them 
and  shall  take  care  that  and  arrange  for  decent  and  careful 
persons  to  carry  them  in  vessels  which  will  not  spill. 

In  order  that  the  parish  priests  may  be  acquainted  with 
their  flock  and  know  whether  they  abide  by  the  precepts 
of  annual  confession,  they  shall  draw  up  lists  every  year 
between  Septuagesima  Sunday  and  Ash  Wednesday,  and 
as  soon  as  they  complete  their  duties  to  the  Church,  the 
certificates  of  confession  and  communion  shall  be  compared 
with  the  said  list,  or  census,  in  order  to  determine  those 
who  have  failed  to  do  so.  The  priests  shall  produce  these 
lists  during  visitation  or  whenever  we  may  ask  for  them. 

And  because  the  priests  should  be  informed  about 
whether  their  parishioners  know  Christian  doctrine,  they 
shall  examine  them  all  once  a  year.  This  examination  shall 
take  place  before  they  confess  in  fulfilment  of  the  precept 
which  prescribes  annual  confession,  and  they  shall  give 
them  a  certificate  attesting  that  they  know  it.  And  without 
this  certificate,  they  are  not  to  hear  their  confessions  for 
this  purpose.  They  shall  attend  to  this  personally  or 
through  the  agency  of  other  confessors,  and  we  order  them 
to  put  this  into  effective  execution  and  not  to  consent  to 
their  taking  communion  in  fulfilment  of  this  obligation  if 


312  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

they  do  not  have  the  certificate  of  said  examination  and 
that  they  have  confessed.  And  this  examination  shall  be 
given  to  all  before  the  confession  begins  and  not  as  a  part 
of  it. 

Since  death  is  the  end  of  life,  in  order  that  it  may  be 
good,  repeated  succour  from  the  spiritual  father  is  neces- 
sary. And  the  pastor  must  keep  well  on  the  alert  lest  the 
infernal  wolf  prey  on  his  lambs  in  so  terrible  a  crisis  as 
death.  Therefore  we  exhort,  command,  and  beg,  in  visceribus 
Christi,  the  priests  and  their  deputies  to  make  repeated 
visits  to  their  moribund  parishioners,  to  exhort,  reconcile, 
and  aid  them,  and  to  apply  indulgences  for  their  benefit, 
including  a  plenary  indulgence  which  we  concede  to  them. 
And  let  them  read  the  recommendation  of  the  soul  [to  God] 
after  they  have  administered  the  Holy  Sacraments  to  them. 
And  let  them  enter  upon  this  with  love,  affection,  kindness, 
and  pleasure,  whether  they  are  summoned  or  not,  and  avoid 
inspiring  terror  by  ill-advised  methods. 

With  regard  to  all  who  contract  matrimony,  they  shall 
examine  them  beforehand  in  Christian  doctrine  and  shall 
have  them  confess  so  that  they  may  be  worthy  of  approach- 
ing the  holy  sacrament. 

In  each  separate  entry  in  the  baptismal  records  they 
shall  note  the  place  and  day  and  also  record  the  day  on 
which  the  baby  was  born,  the  name  of  the  person  who 
performed  the  baptism,  and  those  of  the  parents  and  god- 
parents. And  in  the  burial  records  they  shall  state  what 
sacraments  were  received  before  death,  whether  the 
deceased  made  a  will  and  in  whose  presence,  his  testa- 
mentary executors,  and  what  he  left  for  pious  purposes. 

The  priests  shall  maintain  constant  residence  in  the 
confines  of  their  parish,  and  they  shall  not  leave  it  without 
leaving  an  approved  priest  there  or  without  our  permission, 
except  for  a  brief  period  for  the  purpose  of  confessing. 

And  since  all  we  have  provided  is  exactly  what  their  very 
office  as  parish  priests  implies,  by  virtue  of  holy  obedience 
we  order  each  of  them  to  conform  and  conduct  himself  in 
accordance  with  the  content  of  this  our  edict,  warning  them 
that  we  shall  make  charges  against  transgressors  according 
to  the  gravity  of  their  faults,  especially  during  our  pastoral 


TAMARtiN'S  VISITATION  313 

visitation,  which,  with  divine  favor,  we  intend  to  begin 
this  present  year,  crossing  the  sierra,  continuing  to  the 
Tierra  Caliente,  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  New  Mexico.  And 
we  notify  the  said  priests  and  confessors  that  during  it 
they  are  to  be  examined  in  moral  matters,  in  order  that 
they  may  have  time  to  prepare  themselves  and  so  that  they 
may  have  no  excuse  on  the  ground  that  this  notice  did  not 
reach  them  in  advance.  And  in  order  that  this  may  come 
to  the  attention  of  all  those  to  whom  the  observance  of 
the  provisions  in  these  writings  of  ours  pertains,  they  shall 
be  published  in  our  holy  cathedral  and  shall  be  affixed  to 
one  of  its  doors,  and  they  shall  be  sent  to  all  the  parishes 
of  this  our  diocese  by  relaying  them  from  place  to  place 
in  order  that  the  priests  may  also  make  the  same  proclama- 
tion. And  they  shall  make  a  copy  of  them  in  any  one  of 
the  parish  books  immediately  so  that  their  content  shall 
be  available  in  future  for  punctilious  fulfilment. 

Given  in  our  episcopal  palace  of  Durango,  signed  by  us, 
sealed  with  our  seal,  and  countersigned  by  our  undersigned 
secretary  of  chamber  and  government,  on  July  7,  1759. 
Pedro,  Bishop  of  Durango.  By  order  of  his  Most  Illustri- 
ous Lordship  the  Bishop,  my  lord,  Br.  Felipe  Cantador, 
secretary. 

We,  Dr.  don  Pedro  Tamaron  y  Romeral,  by  the  grace 
of  God  and  of  the  Holy  Apostolic  See  Bishop  of  Durango 
and  of  the  provinces  of  New  Vizcaya  and  other  provinces 
of  New  Mexico,  Sinaloa,  and  Sonora,  member  of  his  Maj- 
esty's Council,  etc. 

Inasmuch  as  we  have  decided,  subject  to  divine  favor, 
to  make  a  general  visitation  of  all  this  diocese  of  ours  to 
begin  in  the  present  month,  we  have  arranged  our  itinerary 
to  cross  the  Sierra  Madre  in  search  of  Pueblo  Nuevo,  to 
proceed  from  there  to  that  of  Plomosas,  places  which,  so 
far  as  is  known,  have  not  been  visited  by  their  own  pre- 
lates; continuing  from  there  to  Matatan,  Rosario,  and  all 
the  Tierra  Caliente  into  Culiacan,  and  what  it  is  possible 
to  take  in  of  the  sierra ;  and  then  to  proceed  to  the  provinces 
of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  and  to  continue  as  far  as  New  Mexico ; 
then  all  of  Vizcaya ;  an  undertaking  of  the  greatest  magni- 
tude which  we  shall  only  be  able  to  carry  out  with  the 


314  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

powerful  aid  and  assistance  of  the  Omnipotent  Lord  God 
of  Heaven  and  Earth,  Whose  Supreme  Majesty  we  humbly 
beg"  and  pray  to  so  govern  our  actions  that  all  of  them  may 
yield  honor  and  glory  to  Him  and  benefit  to  souls,  as  we 
desire,  and  the  highest  success  in  all  our  ventures. 

And  for  this  purpose  we  have  thought  it  well  to  make 
some  preliminary  dispositions  in  order  to  win  the  harvest 
we  seek  from  so  extensive  and  laborious  a  pilgrimage. 
Notwithstanding  the  edict  issued  by  our  order  in  this  city 
on  July  7  of  this  present  year  and  sent  by  relay  throughout 
the  diocese,  in  which  the  priests  were  reminded  of  their 
principal  obligations,  which  they  were  ordered  to  fulfill 
punctiliously,  and  which  we  reiterate  in  these  our  writings, 
we  still  have  further  admonitions  to  give  them,  which  per- 
tain especially  to  the  ecclesiastical  visitation.  These  are  as 
follows : 

They  shall  not  come  forth  to  receive  us  beyond  the 
limits  of  their  jurisdiction,  and,  with  regard  to  the  expendi- 
tures and  compliments  of  our  reception,  the  priests  and 
vicars  and  other  ecclesiastics  shall  confine  themselves  to 
what  the  honor  of  our  dignity  makes  obligatory,  especially 
with  regard  to  dinners  and  refreshments.  These  shall  be 
in  accordance  with  the  custom  and  practice  of  this  diocese, 
regulated  and  measured  by  our  person  and  family,  without 
inviting  any  guest,  not  even  persons  of  the  highest  esteem 
and  authority  in  the  towns.  Let  there  be  no  worldly  banquets, 
for  they  must  not  serve  more  than  four  different  dishes 
at  each  dinner.  And  we  also  forbid  them  to  issue  invitations 
to  costly  refreshments  on  our  arrival.  And  in  places  where 
it  may  be  necessary  for  us  to  stay  longer  than  usual,  we 
shall  take  care  to  provide  that  the  priests  cease  their  con- 
tributions and  the  expenses  will  be  charged  to  our  account. 
We  shall  also  do  the  same  from  the  time  of  our  arrival  at 
places  where  the  priests  may  be  poor  and  we  consider  that 
they  cannot  bear  the  contribution  that  is  legally  due  us.115 


115.  "La  procuraci6n  que  por  derecho  nos  pertenece."  According  to  canon  law, 
procuraciones  were  the  food  and  lodging  the  bishop  was  entitled  to  exact  when  making 
a  visitation.  See  P.  B.  Golmayo,  Instituciones  del  derecho  canonico,  vol.  1  (Madrid, 
1896),  pp.  158-161;  J.  Donoso,  Instituciones  de  derecho  canonico,  3d  ed.  (Freiburg, 
1909),  p.  169. 


TAMARtfN'S   VISITATION  315 

And  because  we  must  also  administer  the  Holy  Sacra- 
ment of  Confirmation  while  we  are  engaged  in  the  visita- 
tion, it  will  be  the  duty  of  the  priests  to  prepare  all  their 
adult  parishioners  who  are  to  be  confirmed  so  that  they 
may  be  ready  in  time  to  receive  this  holy  sacrament 
worthily,  explaining  its  great  effects  to  them  and  that  they 
must  come  to  it  in  God's  grace  in  order  to  obtain  them. 
And  thus  they  shall  encourage  and  exhort  them  to  confes- 
sion lest  anyone  excuse  himself  from  receiving  this  holy 
sacrament. 

The  said  priests  shall  also  have  ready  lists  and  censuses 
of  all  their  parishioners,  including  even  the  tiny  children, 
and  they  shall  give  us  a  report  of  those  who  have  not 
fulfilled  the  precept  of  annual  confession  and  communion. 
They  are  to  give  us  these  lists.  And  in  order  that  we  may 
be  able  to  dispatch  the  business  of  the  visitation  speedily, 
we  order  our  vicars  and  priests  to  undertake  to  draw  up 
a  list  of  the  testaments  and  bequests  for  pious  purposes 
which  they  are  informed  have  not  been  carried  out,  and 
of  what  vacancies  there  may  be  in  chaplaincies,  so  that 
we  may  make  suitable  provision  without  delay  in  such  a 
way  that  our  provisions  may  have  prompt  and  due  effect. 
And  in  order  that  all  the  testamentary  executors  and  others 
in  whose  charge  the  aforesaid  testaments  may  be  shall  be 
notified  in  time,  this  edict  shall  be  read  on  a  feast  day 
inter  missarum  solemnia  so  that  the  points  expressed  here 
and  the  dispositions  to  be  made  in  anticipation  of  our 
visitation  may  come  to  the  attention  of  all.  And  for  this 
purpose  it  shall  be  sent  beforehand  from  parish  to  parish. 

Given  in  our  episcopal  palace  of  Durango,  signed  by 
us,  sealed  with  our  seal,  and  countersigned  by  our  under- 
signed secretary  of  chamber  and  government,  on  October  12, 
1759.  Pedro,  Bishop  of  Durango.  By  order  of  his  Most 
Illustrious  Lordship  the  Bishop,  my  lord,  Br.  Felipe  Canta- 
dor,  secretary. 

(To  be  continued) 


Notes  and  Documents 

Fray  Andres  Varo's  statement  about  Santa  Maria  de  las  Caldas.1 

Eight  leagues  from  the  mission  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe  of  El 
Paso,  there  was  an  hacienda  with  sheep  and  cattle  which  belonged 
to  Captain  don  Antonio  Valverde,  and  later  to  Captain  don  Antonio 
Valentin  Aganza,  where  their  peons  and  skilled  laborers  and  a  number 
of  Suma  Indians,  some  Christian  and  some  pagan,  who  worked  as 
day  laborers,  lived.  During  its  whole  existence  its  spiritual  nourish- 
ment and  the  administration  of  the  sacraments  were  in  charge  of  the 
mission  fathers  of  Our  Father  St.  Francis,  as  is  of  record  in  the 
books  of  the  mission  of  Socorro,  until  the  year  1730,  when  the  most 
Illustrious  Lord  Dr.  don  Benito  Crespo,  Bishop  of  Guadiana,  made 
his  second  entry  into  this  kingdom  in  order  to  start  his  visitation. 
Seizing  this  occasion,  a  sudden  (but  false)  outcry  was  raised  that  the 
Indians  of  the  said  farm  wanted  a  black  priest,  that  is,  a  secular 
priest,  to  administer  them.  With  this  term,  black  priest,  the  authors 
of  this  falsehood  foretold  the  mourning  to  be  lamented  and  bewailed 
today  [because  of]  the  fatal  outcome  which  resulted  from  this  out- 
cry alone,  and  without  the  consent  of  the  Indians  nor  of  most  of  the 
parishioners,  as  they  loudly  confessed,  and  even  today  they  shout  it. 
His  Most  Illustrious  Lordship  celebrated  this  marriage,  introducing 
as  husband  to  the  curacy  of  Las  Caldas  (for  they  call  it  by  this  name) 
Br.  don  Joseph  de  Ochoa,  excluding  us  as  unworthy  to  be  parish 
priests,  but  leaving  us  with  the  shepherds'  task.  I  do  not  know  what 
value  a  marriage  that  is  legally  null  ex  defecto  consensu  can  have, 
nor  whether  the  laws  1,  8,  and  16  of  bk.  1,  tit.  2,  and  law  2,  bk.  1, 
tit.  6  of  the  Nueva  Recopilacion  were  fulfilled.2  And  with  regard  to 
the  statement  that  he  was  informed  that  the  said  erection  [of  a 
curacy]  was  made  in  a  place  named  El  Palo  Clavado,  in  which  there 
was  already  a  sumptuous  chapel  adorned  with  a  lamp  and  other  silver 
objects,  vestments,  a  splendid  retablo,  bells,  etc.,  the  very  certain 
truth  is  that  if  he  was  so  informed,  it  is  all  lie  upon  lie  and  the 
report  most  false,  for  there  was  never  anything,  anything  at  all,  of 
the  foregoing  during  the  nineteen  years  this  unhappy  (because  intru- 
sive) curacy  lasted.  This  was  established,  not  at  Palo  Clavado,  but 
at  the  said  farm  and  about  two  musket  shots  from  it.  They  named 
this  place  the  curacy  of  Las  Caldas  because  there  was  placed  in  the 


1.  Fray  Andrfo  Va.ro  to  Provincial  Fray  Joa6  Ximeno,  El  Paso,  February  S,  1751. 
BNM,  leg.  9,  no.  63. 

2.  Bk.    1,  tit.   2,    law  1    orders   the   viceroys,    presidents,    and   governors   to    send 
reports  of  the  churches  founded  in  the  Indies  and  of  those  which  should  be  founded. 
Law  8  orders  the  prelates  to  send  two  copies  of  the  erections  of  churches  to  the  Council. 
Law  16  orders  the  prelates  to  see  that  the  churches  and   their  furnishings,   etc.,   are 
kept  in   good  repair.    Bk.   1,  tit.   6,   law  2  provides   that  no   churches   or  other   pious 
foundations  may  be  erected  without  the  King's  permission.  Recopilacitn  de  leyes  de  lot 
reinos  de  las  Indiat,  5th  ed.   (Madrid,  1841). 

316 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  317 

extremely  indecent  chapel  which  I  shall  soon  describe  an  image  of 
Our  Lady  entitled  de  las  Caldas.  The  purpose  for  which  the  said 
pueblo  remained  here,  with  all  the  Indians  already  mentioned,  I  do 
not  state,  for  it  is  already  clear  and  will  become  clearer  in  what  fol- 
lows. What  I  do,  indeed,  know  is  that  said  Indians  allowed  the  said 
settlement  under  the  condition  that  it  should  be  at  Palo  Clavado, 
which  is  twenty  leagues  from  the  farm,  and  the  Indians'  reason  for 
making  the  said  condition  was  that  they  feared  what  they  had  reason 
to  fear,  and  what  I  fear  to  state  and  do  not  dare  [mention].  The 
pueblo,  then,  having  been  made,  after  some  days  had  passed  the  matter 
of  building  a  dwelling  and  house  for  the  husband  took  precedence. 
When  this  was  finished,  I  do  not  know  whether  it  was  because  this 
blessed  man  thought  it  a  great  thing  (for  I  must  not  believe  that  it  was 
less  than  he  considered  it) ,  he  recalled  not  the  magnificent  temple  of 
Solomon  but  the  stable  of  Bethlehem  in  order  to  make  it  a  house  of 
God;  since  when  he  built  this  [house  of  God],  he  assigned  for  the 
purpose  the  very  stable  of  his  house.  And  this  is  not  exaggeration  or 
imagining  what  happened.  It  is  a  well-known  public  and  manifest 
truth,  and  so  much  so  that  the  Father  Preacher  Fray  Joseph  Paez 
says  once  and  many  times  and  swears  in  verbo  sacerdotis  that  on 
repeated  occasions  he  has  tied  his  horse  to  the  manger  of  this  stable, 
and  that  afterward  he  saw  it  made  into  a  chapel.  I  do  not  understand 
the  reason  why  this  was  done.  I  shall  only  say,  because  this  was  public 
and  well  known,  that  divine  worship  was  continued  with  less  decency 
and  reverence  every  day  until  its  final  destruction.  .  .  .  These  were 
the  beginnings  of  this  foundation  and  spiritual  marriage,  which  lasted 
nineteen  years  up  to  the  past  year  of  1749.  During  this  time  this 
parochial  bride  had  seven — I  do  not  know  whether  they  were  provi- 
sional priests,  chaplains,  or  missionaries — but  let  us  call  them  spouses. 
I  do  not  wish  to  name  them  lest  their  names  ring  all  the  way  there 
from  this  paper,  since  it  is  necessary  for  me  (in  order  to  vindicate 
our  honor  against  our  visitor  [Ornedal],  who  takes  it  from  us,  being 
silent  about  our  services  and  publishing  calumnies  against  us)  to  state 
that  all  these  seven  spouses  lived  so  divorced  from  the  bride  that, 
young  as  she  was,  they  left  her  alone  and  lived  in  El  Paso  del  Norte. 
Because  of  these  absences,  the  Franciscan  religious  were,  and  always 
were,  and  during  all  this  time,  the  ones  who  dried  the  tears  of  her 
solitudes,  illnesses,  and  spiritual  needs,  bringing  the  bread  that  her 
children  begged  for  and  needed,  to  distribute  it  with  full  hands  and 
palms  open,  as  is  well  known  and  everyone  knows.  It  now  happened 
that  during  a  great  pestilence  which  occurred,  when  no  one  in  our 
missions  had  died  without  confession,  in  the  curacy  of  Las  Caldas 
many  died  without  the  sacraments,  and  many  more  would  have  died 
if  they  had  not  resorted  to  summoning  the  Minor  physicians.  Such 
was  the  progress  of  this  marriage,  during  which  all  the  husbands 
were  temporary.  The  reasons  why  they  were  not  proprietary  can  now 


318  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

be  inferred.  But  what  were  the  means?  Or  rather,  I  shall  say,  what 
the  ends?  Among  the  many  sorrows  which  this  parish  suffered,  there 
was  one  in  the  year  1745  which  came  so  close  to  the  quick,  or  rather, 
I  shall  say,  to  the  death,  that,  when  all  the  Indians  rose  in  revolt, 
it  was  almost  on  the  point  of  coming  to  an  end  once  and  for  all.  At 
this  time  B.  L.  don  Francisco  Pedro  Romano  died.  The  captain  of 
El  Paso  wrote  me  a  letter,  begging  me  to  do  him  the  favor  of  bring- 
ing every  spiritual  nourishment  to  that  parish,  which  had  now  been 
reduced.  I  was  happy  to  grant  it,  and  it  was  served,  cared  for,  indoc- 
trinated, and  administered  with  all  care  for  seven  months,  from  July 
of  the  said  year  to  February  1746.  Then  another  new  secular  priest 
came.  And  what  were  the  ends?  Such  that  in  the  year  1749,  when 
the  Indians  rebelled  completely  and  simultaneously,  the  marriage  was 
dissolved  and  without  remedy,  the  pueblo  was  destroyed,  the  farm 
was  laid  waste,  everything  being  reduced  to  ashes,  lamentations,  tears, 
and,  what  is  worst,  the  perdition  of  very  many  souls.  All  outcries 
which  reached  and  will  go  up  to  penetrate  the  heavens,  from  whence 
alone  the  remedy  can  be  hoped  for. 

And  were  these  the  ardors  of  the  curacy?  This  the  solicitude  of 
the  priests?  These  their  efforts  on  behalf  of  their  bride?. And  this 
the  famous  marriage?  Yes,  such  they  were.  And  the  most  comic  aspect 
is  that  even  when  it  has  all  come  to  an  end,  the  father  secular  priest 
who  was  the  last  of  the  seven  is  still  called  provisional  priest  of  Las 
Caldas.  It  would  be  better  to  say  of  the  Not  Caldas.  And  the  title 
of  provisional  priests  was  truly  due  us,  with  obvious  truth,  all  those 
nineteen  years,  because  of  our  constant  presence,  service,  and  adminis- 
tration of  this  parish,  not  as  intruders,  but  by  request;  not  as  parish 
priests,  but  because  we  are  shepherds;  not  for  profit,  but  for  charity; 
not  with  envy  or  vanity,  but  with  compassion  and  zeal;  not  vengeful, 
but  meek,  kind,  and  affable.  Let  these  very  fathers  say  so;  let  the 
whole  territory  say  so;  let  the  governors  and  the  magistrates  of  El 
Paso  say  so;  if  they  will.  And  if  they  will  not,  this  sequel,  written 
to  the  vice-custos  by  the  alcalde  mayor  of  El  Paso  will  tell  something. 
And  although  this  and  the  letter  cited  above  prove  some  of  what  I 
have  said,  it  suffices  that  God,  for  Whom  it  has  been  done,  knows 
it  all.  . 


Book  Reviews 

The  Mexican  Venture:  From  Political  to  Industrial  Revolu- 
tion in  Mexico.  By  Tomme  Clark  Call.  New  York :  Oxford 
University  Press,  1953.  Pp.  xii,  273.  $4.50. 

Mr.  Call  obviously  enjoyed  his  year's  leave  of  absence 
from  his  post  as  Associate  Editor  of  the  San  Antonio 
(Texas)  Express  and  Evening  News  while  he  studied  and 
travelled  some  12,000  miles  through  the  Mexican  scene  on  a 
Reid  Foundation  fellowship.  The  product  of  his  year's  ac- 
tivity is  this  volume.  Its  style  is  free-flowing  and,  at  times, 
almost  impressionistic  as  the  author  describes  the  kaleido- 
scope that  is  Mexico. 

The  reader,  however,  soon  becomes  aware  that  Mr.  Call 
has  not  produced  another  travelogue.  He  is  fundamentally 
concerned  with  the  astonishing  new  social  and  industrial 
developments  of  our  southern  neighbor.  He  devotes  whole 
chapters  to  detailing  economic  and  social,  commercial  and 
agricultural  changes  of  the  past  decade.  A  population  growth 
of  approximately  double  the  rate  of  that  of  the  United  States 
causes  him  to  endorse  apparently  the  idea  that  Mexico  must 
prepare  to  enjoy — or  suffer  from — a  population  that  may  be 
expected  to  reach  fifty  to  sixty  millions  of  people  by  the  end 
of  the  twentieth  century.  To  meet  such  rapidly  expanding 
needs  he  agrees  that  government  stimulation  and  control  of 
industry  is  inevitable  in  view  of  what  has  already  been  done 
and  of  existing  conditions.  His  conclusion  is :  "The  eggs  can- 
not be  unscrambled  at  this  late  date,  but  certainly  the  omelet 
can  be  improved"  (p.  132). 

Petroleum  production  is  one  of  the  interesting  factors  in 
the  present  situation.  After  nationalization  of  the  industry 
production  fell  to  33  million  barrels,  its  lowest  point,  in  1932. 
It  rose  to  59  million  barrels  in  1948,  and  to  approximately  80 
million  barrels  in  1951.  Even  more  striking  is  the  fact  that 
gasoline  consumption  in  Mexico  itself  rose  285%  from  1937 
to  1950  (pp.  63-64).  In  other  words,  the  quantity  sold 
abroad  actually  declined  while  the  rapidly  rising  production 
was  being  used  for  the  welfare  and  development  of  the  na- 
tion itself.  The  condition  of  government  finances  is  set  forth 

319 


320  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

(pp.  124-131),  and  the  new  program  for  the  encouragement 
of  foreign  investments  is  explained  with  some  care  (pp.  219- 
226).  Yet,  in  spite  of  his  interest  in  industrialization  the 
author  realizes  that  the  people  of  Mexico  are  fundamentally 
a  rural  folk.  He  points  out  that  much  real  progress  will  have 
to  be  made  in  the  realm  of  agriculture  (with  its  background 
of  village  ownership  of  land  through  the  ejidal  system)  if 
a  rounded  economy  is  to  be  established. 

The  author  is  keenly  aware  of  the  contradictions  with 
which  he  is  dealing.  In  spite  of  a  mixed  heritage,  ineffective 
communications  and  tragic  misgovernment  for  many  years, 
he  has  an  abiding  confidence  in  the  continued  progress  and 
development  of  the  people  concerned.  For  instance,  serious 
inflation  (pp.  112-114)  and  tragically  low  teachers'  salaries 
have  not  blocked  an  astonishing  school  construction  program 
(pp.  146-148) .  Labor  unions  have  become  a  definite  part  of 
the  national  life  and  have  settled  down  from  an  experimental 
period  to  a  fairly  steady  program  on  behalf  of  the  nation's 
workers.  These  and  other  experiments  and  activities  he  feels 
have  resulted  in  a  practicing  democracy  that  enjoys  a  rea- 
sonable freedom  of  expression  for  the  press  and  of  elections 
in  which  popular  wishes  may  be  expressed  in  spite  of  a  one- 
party  control  of  affairs  (chapter  11). 

As  a  professional  historian  the  reviewer  must  record 
that  this  volume  is  not  history  (the  sections  on  history  and 
the  formation  of  foreign  policy  are  so  brief  and  the  state- 
ments made  are  so  sweeping  that  a  number  of  them  will 
cause  the  historian  qualms) — but  it  is  the  stuff  with  which 
historians  work.  The  reviewer's  own  jottings  while  reading 
Mr.  Call's  book  include  the  following :  Well  written ;  Sweep- 
ing historical  statements  and  guesses  which  are  shrewd  and 
usually  correct ;  The  author  loves  Mexico  and  genuinely  ap- 
preciates its  people  and  problems ;  Has  worked  hard  on  his 
statistics  and  uses  them  effectively ;  Has  visited  much  of  the 
country  and  skillfully  interprets  what  he  has  seen.  In  brief, 
this  is  a  first  class  interpretation  of  Mexico  for  the  period 
1940-1950.  The  general  reader  will  enjoy  it  and  the  student 
should  use  it. 
University  of  South  Carolina  W.  H.  CALLCOTT 


CONSTITUTION 

OF  THE 

HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  NEW  MEXICO 
(As  amended  Nov.  25,  1941) 


Article  1.  Name.  This  Society  shall  be  called  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico. 

Article  2.  Objects  and  Operation.  The  objects  of  the  Society  shall 
be,  in  general,  the  promotion  of  historical  studies;  and  in  particular, 
the  discovery,  collection,  preservation,  and  publication  of  historical 
material  especially  such  as  relates  to  New  Mexico. 

Article  3.  Membership.  The  Society  shall  consist  of  Members,  Fel- 
lows, Life  Members  and  Honorary  Life  Members. 

(a)  Members.     Persons  recommended  by  the  Executive  Council 
and  elected  by  the  Society  may  become  members. 

(b)  Fellows.     Members  who   show,  by  published   work,   special 
aptitude  for  historical  investigation  may  become  Fellows.     Immedi- 
ately  following   the    adoption    of   this    Constitution,    the    Executive 
Council  shall  elect  five  Fellows,  and  the  body  thus  created  may  there- 
after elect  additional  Fellows  on  the  nomination  of  the  Executive 
Council.    The  number  of  Fellows  shall  never  exceed  twenty-five. 

(c)  Life  Members.    In  addition  to  life  members  of  the  Historical 
Society  of  New  Mexico  at  the  date  of  the  adoption  hereof,  such  other 
benefactors  of  the  Society  as  shall  pay  into  its  treasury  at  one  time 
the  sum  of  fifty  dollars,  or  shall  present  to  the  Society  an  equivalent 
in  books,  manuscripts,  portraits,  or  other  acceptable  material  of  an 
historic  nature,  may  upon  recommendation  by  the  Executive  Council 
and  election  by  the  Society,  be  classed  as  Life  Members. 

(d)  Honorary  Life  Members.     Persons  who  have  rendered  emi- 
nent service  to  New  Mexico  and  others  who  have,  by  published  work, 
contributed  to  the  historical  literature  of  New  Mexico  or  the  South- 
west, may  become  Honorary  Life  Members  upon  being  recommended 
by  the  Executive  Council  and  elected  by  the  Society. 

Article  4.  Officers.  The  elective  officers  of  the  Society  shall  be  a 
president,  a  vice-president,  a  corresponding  secretary,  a  treasurer,  and 
a  recording  secretary;  and  these  five  officers  shall  constitute  the 
Executive  Council  with  full  administrative  powers. 

Officers  shall  qualify  on  January  1st  following  their  election,  and 
shall  hold  office  for  the  term  of  two  years  and  until  their  successors 
shall  have  been  elected  and  qualified. 

321 


322  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Article  5.  Elections.  At  the  October  meeting  of  each  odd-numbered 
year,  a  nominating  committee  shall  be  named  by  the  president  of  the 
Society  and  such  committee  shall  make  its  report  to  the  Society  at 
the  November  meeting.  Nominations  may  be  made  from  the  floor 
and  the  Society  shall,  in  open  meeting,  proceed  to  elect  its  officers  by 
ballot,  those  nominees  receiving  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast  for  the 
respective  offices  to  be  declared  elected. 

Article  6.  Dues.  Dues  shall  be  $3.00  for  each  calendar  year,  and 
shall  entitle  members  to  receive  bulletins  as  published  and  also  the 
Historical  Review. 

Article  7.  Publications.  All  publications  of  the  Society  and  the  selec- 
tion and  editing  of  matter  for  publication  shall  be  under  the  direction 
and  control  of  the  Executive  Council. 

Article  8.  Meetings.  Monthly  meetings  of  the  Society  shall  be  held 
at  the  rooms  of  the  Society  on  the  third  Tuesday  of  each  month  at 
eight  P.  M.  The  Executive  Council  shall  meet  at  any  time  upon  call 
of  the  President  or  of  three  of  its  members. 

Article  9.  Quorums.  Seven  members  of  the  Society  and  three  mem- 
bers of  the  Executive  Council,  shall  constitute  quorums. 

Article  10.  Amendments.  Amendments  to  this  constitution  shall  be- 
come operative  after  being  recommended  by  the  Executive  Council 
and  approved  by  two-thirds  of  the  members  present  and  voting  at 
any  regular  monthly  meeting;  provided,  that  notice  of  the  proposed 
amendments  shall  have  been  given  at  a  regular  meeting  of  the  Society, 
at  least  four  weeks  prior  to  the  meeting  when  such  proposed  amend- 
ment is  passed  upon  by  the  Society. 


INDEX 


Abiquiu,  292 

Acoma,   297 

Adams,  Eleanor  B.,  "Bishop  Tamaron's  Vis- 
itation of  New  Mexico,  1760,"  81-114  ; 
192-221 ;  291-316 

Adams,  Eleanor  B.  and  John  E.  Longhurst, 
"New  Mexico  and  the  Sack  of  Rome:  One 
Hundred  Years  Later,"  243-250 

Adams,  Ramon  F.,  Come  An'  Get  It,  rev'd., 
68 

Adultery,  98  note 

Aganza,  Capt.  don  Antonio  Valentin,  316 

Agriculture  (1760),  194  passim;  289   (1860) 

Aguilar,  Capt.  Alfonso  Rael  de,  biography, 
188 

Alamito  (Alamillo),  Jornada  del  Muerto, 
201 

Alamo  hacienda,  203 

Albuquerque,   202 

Alcaldes  may  ores,  characterization,  111 

Alvarez,  Fray  Juan,  El  Paso  vicar,  91 

Ancatash,  Ute  chief,  13 

Apache,  115  passim;  199,  203  ;  expansion,  23 
passim;  peaceful  (1760),  215;  population, 
116;  trade,  46;  (Jicarilla)  war  (1854), 
3ff ;  and  Kit  Carson,  1-20 

Apache  Canyon  battle,  255 

Apache  Faraon,  302 

Apache  Jicarilla,  115 

Apodaca,  Serafin,  62 

"Arizona"  Charley's  expedition,  136 

Arizona  Populist,  133 

Arizona  territory,  174 

Army  officers  (1850's),  119ff 

Arnold,  Oren,  Thunder  in  the  Southwest: 
Echoes  from  the  Wild  Frontier,  rev'd.,  157 

Arny,  W.  F.  M.,  276 

Asplund,  Rupert  Franz,  biography,  148 

Atlantic  and  Pacific  RR  and  taxation,  62 

Ayeta,  Fray  Francisco  de,  92 

Baber,  Daisey  F.,  Injun  Summer,  rev'd.,  79 

Baird,  Spruce  McCoy,  See  Clarence  Wharton 

Baldwin,  Daniel  P.,  63 

Baldwin,  Harris,  62 

Bannon,     John     Francis,     History    of     the 

Americas,  rev'd.,  156 
Banta,     Albert     Franklin,     memoirs,     See 

Frank  D.  Reeve 
Barnum,  Tom,  57 
Barrientos,  Don  Pedro  (Bishop  of  Durango, 

1656),  89 


Barth,  Nathan,  59 

Barth,  Solomon,  59  passim 

Battles  with  Apache,  description,  122 

Baylor,  Col.  John  R.,  164  passim 

Belen,  201,  299 

Bell,  Lt.  David   (1854),  119 

Bellot,  H.  Hale,  American  History  &  Amer- 
ican Historians,  rev'd.,  69 

Benavides,  Fray  Alonso  de,  248 

Bender,  A.  B.,  rev.,  Young,  The  First  Mili- 
tary Escort  on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  18S9 
.  .  .,  73 

Benedict,  Kirby,  281 

Bennett,  Edward  Earl,  rev.,  Wagon  Roads 
West  .  .  .,  237 

Bernhisel,  John  Milton,  2 

Black  Robes  in  Lower  California  by  Dunne, 
rev'd.,  152 

Blanco,  Ute  chief,  13 

Boggs,  Thomas  A.,  11 

Bosque  Redondo  reservation,  266 

Boundary  of  New  Mexico,  92,  192 

Bowman,  Capt.  A.  W.,  16 

Brodie,  Alexander  Oswald,  135 

Cachupin,  Gov.  Tomas  Velez,  104 
Caldas,  Santa  Maria  de  las,  316 
California  column,  261 
Call,   Tomme  Clark,   The  Mexican   Venture 

.  .  .,  rev'd.,  319 
Callcot,   W.    H.,   rev.,    Clark,    The   Mexican 

Venture,  320 

Camargo,  Fray  Antonio,  183 
Camels  to  California,  by  Fowler,  rev'd.,  235 
Cameron,  Simon,  Sec.  of  War,  168 
Campa,  Arthur  L.,  rev.,  On!s,  The  United 

States    as    seen    by    Spanish    American 

Writers,  159 

Caracas,  University  of,  100 
Carby,  Lt.  Col.  Edward  R.   S.,   169  passim 
Carleton,  Maj.  James  H.,  5,  260  passim 
Carrizal  pueblo,  197 

Carson,  Kit,  quoted  re  Ute  Indians,  7 ;  char- 
acter sketch,  18f ;  115  passim;  see  M.  D. 

Moody 

Casa  Colorada,  201 
Casados,   Francisco  Lorenza  de,  biography, 

190 
Castetter,  E.  F.,  rev.,  Vestal,  Ethnobotany 

of  the  Ramah  Navaho,  236 
Castro,  Fray  Jacobo  de  (Gustos,  1751),  106 

passim 


323 


324 


INDEX 


Cebolletas,  295 

Chacon,  Jicarilla  chief,  128 

Chambers,  Joe,  57 

Chaves,  J.  Francisco,  281 

Chavez,   Fray   Angelico,    "The   First   Santa 

Fe  Fiesta   Council,    1712,"    183-191 ;   rev., 

Fugate,  The  Spanish  Heritage  .  .  .,  234 
Chinati  Mountains,  50 
Chivington,  Major  John  M.,  255 
Christianity  and  Pueblo  Indians,   32,   111 
Church    in    New    Mexico,    description,    81 ; 

services   (18th  Cent),  311;  records,  312; 

state  friction   (18th  Cent.),  104,  244 
Cibola  Creek,  60 
Cibolo  Indians,  48 
Cieneguilla  battle,  119 
Citizens  of  New  Mexico    (1712),  184 
Civil  War  Politics,  274 
Classes,  social,  93 
Cochiti,  293 

Collins,  James  L.,  death,  52 
Colonial  life,  103 
Colorado  Territory,  281 
Comanche,  attack  Taos  (1760),  217f ;  801 
Comanches,  The  ....  by  Wallace  and  Hoe- 

bel,  rev'd.,  154 

Come  An'  Get  It  by  Adams,  rev'd.,  68 
Commerce   (1860's),  285 
Confederate  sentiments  (1860's),  278f 
Confirmations  (18th  Cent.),  303 
Coninas,  303 

Connelly,  Gov.  Henry,  174  passim;  275 
Cooke,  Philip  St.  George,  and  Apache,  115 
Crespo,  Benito    (Bishop  of  Durango,   1723), 

94;  letters    (1730),  222ff;  816 
Cuevas,  295 
Cusenbury,  Jim,  64 
Cutler,  U.  S.  Marshal,  269 

Dalby,  Dr.,  60f 

Darling,  Walter,  61 

Davidson,  Lt.  J.  M.,  and  Jicarilla  Apache 
fight,  120 

De  Pew,  Ezra  (1850's),  11 

Diocesan  jurisdiction  in  New  Mexico,  81 
passim 

Douglas  Dispatch,  135 

Dunn,  John  W.   (1854),  6 

Dunne,  Peter  Hasten,  Black  Robes  in  Lower 
California,  rev'd.,  152 

Durango,  Bishop  of,  81 ;  boundaries  of  bish- 
opric, 82 

Easterday,  Dr.  George,  61 
Easterday,  Dr.  Jacob  S.,  61 
Ecclesiastical   jurisdiction   in    New   Mexico, 
81  passim 


Education  (18th  Cent.),  307 

El  Alamo,  295 

El  Paso  (1760),  192 

Elizacoechea,  Martin  de  (Bishop  of  Du- 
rango, 1736),  97 

Ellison,  Samuel,  274 

Embudo  settlement,  291 

Escalona  y  Calatayud,  Bishop  Juan  Jos£  de 
(1719).  100 

Escanuela,  Fray  Bartolome  de  (Bishop  of 
Durango,  1676),  91 

Esmay,  J.  P.   (1860's).  8 

Espejo  expedition,  see  J.  C.  Kelley  passim 

Ethnobotany  of  the  Ramah  Navaho,  by  Ves- 
tal, rev'd.,  236 

Eulate,  Gov.  Don  Juan  de,  245  passim 

Evans,  Gov.  John,  271 

Evia  y  Valdes,  Fray  Francisco  de  (Bishop 
of  Durango,  1639),  88 

Eyre,  CoL  E.  E.,  263 

Fairs,  18th  Century,  216 

Fiesta,  Santa  Fe  (1712),  188 

Figueroa,    Fray    Francisco    Antonio    de    la 

Rosa,  Report,  104 
Fine,  Jim,  103 
First-fruits,  109 
First  Military  Escort  on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail 

1889  .  .  .,  by  Young,  rev'd.,  78 
Fort  Burgwin,  120 
Fort  Massachusetts,  126 
Fort  Union,  119  passim 
Foster,   Bennett,   rev.,   Arnold,    Thunder  in 

the  Southwest  .  .  .,  157 
Fowler,    Harlan    D.,    Camels   to   California, 

rev'd.,  235 
Franciscan   Awatovi  ....    by    Montgomery 

et  al,  rev'd.,  75 

Franciscans,  criticism  of,  99 ;  in  New  Mex- 
ico, 81  passim:  income,  806 
Franco  y  Luna,  Don  Alonso  (second  Bishop 

of  Durango),  86 
Frontier  defense    (1750's),   101;  see  A.   B. 

Bender 
Fugate,  Francis  L.,   The  Spanish  Heritage 

of  the  Southwest,  rev'd.,  234 

Galisteo  pueblo,  211 

Gallegos,  Jose  (1860),  280 

Gardner,     Hamilton,     "Philip     St.     George 

Cooke  and  the  Apache,  1854,"  115-132 
Garland,  Gen.  John.  117 
Genizaros,  292 
Geography,    northern    New    Mexico,     126f; 

southern  Colorado,  126 
Gillette,  Arizona  (1870's).  58f 
Glorieta  Pass,  battle,  255 


INDEX 


325 


Gonzalez,  Fray  Fernando  Alonso  (Commis- 
sary General),  95 

Gorospe  y  Aguirre,  Don  Juan  de  (Bishop 
of  Durango,  1660),  89 

Graves,  E.  A.,  Indian  agent   (1853),  116 

Green,  CoL  Tom,  181 

Gutterson,  C.  L.,  60 

Hall,  Sharlot,  147 

Hanke,  Lewis,  rev.,  Powell,  Soldiers,  In- 
dians, and  Silver  .  .  .,  241 

Haro,  Fray  Pedro  de,  245 

Hazledine,  William  C.,  63f 

Hermosillo,  Fray  Gonzalo  de  (first  Bishop 
of  Durango),  83 

Herrera,  Fray  Manuel  de  (Bishop  of  Du- 
rango, 1686),  92 

Highwaymen,  87 

History  of  the  Americas,  Bannon,  rev'd.,  156 

Hoebel,  E.  Adamson  and  Wallace,  The  Co- 
manches  .  .  .,  rev'd.,  154 

Holbrook  Argus,  Arizona  newspaper,  67 

Holmes,  James  H.,  276 

Houghton,  Joab,  280 

Hurtado,  Gov.  Juan  Paez,  biography,  186 

Immigration  (1860's),  280  passim 
Indian :  agent,  see  M.  D.  Moody ;  depreda- 
tions (1750's),  101;  education,  307;  pol- 
icy, see  M.  D.  Moody  and  A.  B.  Bender ; 
warfare  (1760),  217;  Pueblo,  see  J.  C. 
Kelley ;  reservation  policy,  265 ;  services, 
306 

Injun  Summer  by  Baber,  rev'd.,  79 
Irazabal,  Fray  Francisco,  230 
Irrigation   (1760),  193;  Pueblo,  29 
Isleta  pueblo  (south),  196,  298 

Jackson,  W.  Turrentine,  Wagon  Roads  West 

.  .  .,  rev'd.,  237 
Jemez,  294 

Jicarilla  Apache,  116;  battles,  119  passim 
Jones,  John,  261 
Jornada  del  Muerto.   199 
Joseph,  Peter,  3,  11 
Jumano  Indians,  48 

Kelley,  J.  Charles,  "Historic  .  .  .  Pueblos 
.  .  .,"  21-51 ;  rev.,  Montgomery  ct  at., 
Franciscan  Awatovi  ....  75 

Laguna,  295 

La  Junta  de  los  Rios  Pueblos,  21 

Lane,  Gov.  Wm.  Carr,  117 

Larsen,  Jim,  57 

Las  Caldas,  316 

Lewis,  Major  William  H.,  256 


Lezaun,  Fray  Juan  Sanz,  109 

Linford,  Dee,  Man  Without  a  Star,  rev'd., 
158 

Link,  Arthur  S.,  rev.,  Bellot,  American  His- 
tory <fe  American  Historians,  69 

Longhurst,  John  E.  and  Eleanor  B.  Adams, 
"New  Mexico  and  the  Sack  of  Rome :  One 
Hundred  Years  Later,"  243-250 

Lopez,   Fray  Salvador   (El  Paso,   1725),  95 

Lopez,  Luis,  hacienda  (Jornada  del 
Muerto),  200 

Loring,  CoL  W.  W.,  169  passim 

Lynde,  Major  Isaac,  169  passim 

McCord,  Gov.  Myron  H.,  188 

McWillie,  M.  H.,  167 

Madrid,  Lorenzo,  189 

Madrid,  Lt.  Tomas  (1761),  219 

Man  Without  a  Star,  by  Linford,  rev'd.,  158 

Manypenny,  George  W.,  16 

Marin  del  Valle,  Gov.  Francisco,  106 

Martin,  George,  52 

Martin,  J.   C.,   65 

Martinez,  Don  Felix,  biography,  187 

Martinez,  Miguel  de  Dios  Sandoval,  189 

Matlock,  Joseph  Dixon,  rev.,  Owens,  Carlos 
M.  Pinto,  S.J 71 

Maxwell,  L.,  13 

Meriwether,  Gov.,  quoted,  8f 

Mescalero  Apache,  265 

Messervy,  Gov.,  quote  re  Jicarilla,  4 

Mexican  Venture,  The,  by  Clark,  rev'd.,  319 

Military   (1760),  206 

Military  forces  in  New  Mexico   (1853),  117 

Mills,  W.  W.,  quoted,  168 

Minerals,  287 

Mining  (1850's),  15f  ;  287 

Miranda,  Fray  Antonio,  230 

Missions  (1750's),  108  ;  192  passim;  (1730), 
222  passim;  conflict  (1750's),  107;  fi- 
nances, 109  ;  income,  205  ;  work,  207 

Missionary   income,   306 

Montgomery,  Ross  Gordon,  et  aL,  Francis- 
can Awatovi,  rev'd.,  75 

Montoya,  Antonio,  biography,  188 

Montoya,  Salvador  (1712),  biography,  188 

Moody,  Marshall  D.,  "Kit  Carson,  Agent  to 
the  Indians  in  New  Mexico  1853-1861," 
1-20 

Moqui,   302 

Moreyra,  Fray  Juan  Jose,   106 

Mormons,  12f 

Morrison,  Robert  E.,  61 

Mostin,  John  (1850's),  8 

Mowry,  Sylvester,  269 

Murciano,  Fray  Tomas,  207 

Murphy,  Oakes,  67,  134 


326 


INDEX 


Nambe  pueblo,  213 

Navaho,  14,  225,  265 

New  Mexican  society  (18th  Century),  103 

New  Mexico  boundary,  92,  192 

"New  Mexico   During   the   Civil  War,"   by 

Waldrip,  163-182,  251-290 
Newspapers,  Arizona,  59 ;  see  A.  F.  Banta 
Noel,  Theophilus,  quoted,  168 

Obventions,  109 

Ochoa,  Br.  don  Joseph  de,  816 

Ogle,  R.  H.,  rev.,  Baber,  Injun  Summer,  79 

Ojinaga,  Manuel,  36 

Ojo  Caliente,  description   (Rio  Arriba  Co.), 

121 

O'Neill,  "Bucky,"  133  passim 
Onfs,  Jose  de.  The  United  States  as  seen  by 

Spanish  American  Writers,  rev'd.,  159 
Orion  Era,  Arizona  newspaper,  59 
Ornedal  y  Maza,  Don  Juan  Antonio  de,  98 
Oronzo,  Fray  Juan  Jose,  295 
Otalora,  Lie.  Pedro  de  (1621),  82 
Otero,  Miguel  A.,  295 
Owens,  Sister  M.  Lilliana,  Carlos  M.  Pinto, 

S.J.,  Apostle  of  El  Paso,  rev'd.,  71 

Paez,  Fray  Joseph,  817 

Palafox   y   Mendoza,    Juan    de    (Bishop    of 

Puebla),  87 

Panguingia,  card  game,  136 
Paul,  CoL  G.  R.,  254 
Paz,  Fray  Juan  de   (custos  1660),  89 
Pecham,  General  William,  262 
Pecos  pueblo,  206  passim 
Pena,  Fray  Juan  de  la,  232 
Peonage,  270 

People  of  New  Mexico,  98 
Perea,  Col.  Francisco,  280 
Perea,  Fray  Esteben  de,  246 
Perez,  Tom,  Arizona  sheriff,  60 
Perrigo,  Lynn  D.,  rev.,  Fowler,   Camels  to 

California,  235 
Perrillos,  300 

Phoenix,  Arizona  (1870's),  53 
Picuris,  pueblo  and  river,  214 
Pigeon's  ranch,  battle,  255 
Pino,  Fray  Pedro  Ignacio  del,  298 
Pinto,  C.  M.,  biography,  71 
Pioneers,  Arizona,  see  A.  F.  Banta 
Pojoaque  pueblo,  213 
Politics  in  1860's,  274 
Population  (1760),  193  passim;  (1730),  222 

passim;  291f 
Powell,  Philip  Wayne,  Soldiers,  Indians,  and 

Silver  .  .  .,  rev'd.,  241 
Prada,  Fray  Juan  de,  Commissary  General 

(1638),  85 


Pre-historic  pueblos,  see  J.  C.  Kelley,  21 

Prescott  (Arizona),  fire,  135 

Presidio  del  Norte,  33f 

Presidio,  Texan  town,  36 

Prices   (1860's),  108 

Priest,  Loring  B.,  rev.,  Wallace  and  Hoebel, 
The  Comanches  .  .  .,  154 

Priestly  antics  (18th  Century),  310 

Public  opinion,  1860's,  276 

Pueblos,  192  passim;  (1730),  222  passim; 
agriculture,  46 ;  Christian izat ion.  111 ;  ir- 
rigation, 29 ;  religion,  207f ;  and  Spanish 
culture,  32  ;  see  J.  C.  Kelley 

Quinn,  J.  H.,    (1854),  121 

Reeve,  Frank  D.,  ed.,  "Albert  Franklin 
Banta:  Arizona  Pioneer,"  62-67,  133-147 

Religion  and  pueblo  Indians,  207f 

Rencher,  Abraham,  274 

Reservation  policy,  265 

Riva,  Juan  Garcia  de  la,  biography,  190 

Roberts,  Major  B.  S.,  178 ;  CoL,  259 

Robledo,  199 

Roibal,  Don  Santiago  (1730),  96,  202,  231 

Rojo,  Fray  Manuel,  202 

Romano,  B.  L.,  don  Francisco  Pedro,  818 

Rome,  sack  of,  243 

Romero,  Felipe,  hacienda,  201 

Rosa  Figueroa,  Fray  Francisco  Antonio  de 
la,  104 

Rosas,  Gov.  Luis  de,  86 

Rua,  Fray  Hernando  de  la  (Commissary 
General  1668),  89 

Saabedra,  Fray  Lorenzo   (1747),  21 

St.  John's  Herald,  Arizona  newspaper,  59 

Saleri,  Charley,  58 

Sanches,  Jesus  Maria  (1854),  5 

Sandia  pueblo,  202 

San  Felipe  de  Jesus,  294 

San  Felipe  pueblo,  203 

San  Ildefonso,  293 

San  Juan,  Capt.  Don  Manuel  de,  El  Paso, 

110,  197 

San  Juan,  Don  Manuel  de  (1760),  193 
San  Juan  pueblo,  291 
San  Lorenzo  pueblo,  196 
Santa  Ana,  294 
Santa  Barbara  river,  214 
Santa  Clara,  292 
Santa  Cruz  de  la  Canada.  291 
Santa  Fe    (1760),  204;  fiesta    (1712),   183; 

robbery   (1869),  52 
Santo  Domingo  Pueblo,  203 
Santo  Tomas  de  Abiquiu,  292 
Secular  clergy  in  New  Mexico,  81  passim 


INDEX 


327 


Secularism,  309 

Secularization,   113 

Senecu  pueblo,  196 

Settlements,  291;  (18th  Century),  303 

Sevilleta  pueblo,  201 

Shatter,  Texas,  50 

Sheep  industry  (1860's),  289 

Sia,  294 

Sibley,  Brig.  Gen.  H.  H.,  166  passim 

Sierra  Azul,  302 

Sierra  Dona  Ana,  199 

Sierra  Mansos,  198 

Simpson,  Capt.  Smith,  166 

Slave  code,  164 

Slaves,  15 

Slough,  Col.  J.  P.,  254 

Smith,  Caleb  B.,  Sec.  of  Interior,  168 

Smith,  Mark  A.,  135 

Society,  colonial,  103 

Socorro  pueblo,  197 

Soldiers,  Indiana,  and  Silver  ....  by  Pow- 
ell, rev'd.,  241 

Solorzano,  Don  Juan  de  (1631),  85 

Sonnichsen,  C.  L.,  rev.,  Linford,  Man  With- 
out a  Star,  158 

Sonora,  bishopric,  98  note 

Sorcery,  308 

Spanish  Heritage  of  the  Southwest,  The, 
by  Fugate,  rev'd.,  234 

Stage  robber,  52 

Stanton,  Frederick  P.,  169 

State  and  church,  244 

Steck,  Michael,  265 

Steele,  Capt.  Wm.,  262 

Stewart,  Watt,  rev.,  Bannon,  History  of  the 
Americas,  156 

Stoddard,  Ike  T.,  135 

Superstition,  308 

Tadeo,  Navaho  leader,  297 

Tamaron  y  Romeral,  Bishop  Pedro    (1760), 

81;  visitation,  192-221 
Taos  pueblo,  215;  fair  (1760),  216 
Taxation  and  politics,  Arizona,  62 
Teel,  Major  T.  T.,  164 
Telegraph,  168 
Terrazas,  Gov.  Luis,  269 
Territorial  economy  (1860's),  283 
Tesuque  pueblo,  213 
The  Pick  and  Drill,  134 
Thunder  in  the  Southwest  ....  by  Arnold, 

rev'd.,  157 

Tierra  Caliente  (in  Mexico),  81 
Tip  Top  mine,  56 
Tithes,   109 
Tome,  201,  299 
Trade,  18th  Century,  216 


Trampas  river,  215 
Transportation   (1860's),  285 
Troops  in  New  Mexico   (1861),  170 
Tucson,  Arizona  (1870's),  52 
Turpie,  David,  Indiana  Senator,  63ff 

United  States  as  seen  by  Spanish  American 

Writers,  by  Onis,  rev'd.,  159 
Urrisola,.    Gov..    Manuel.    Portillo,      letter 

(1761),  217f 

Utah  Indians,  battles,  119  passim 
Ute,  302  ;  agency,  8 ;  and  Kit  Carson,  1-20 

Valdez,  Juan  Benito   (1854),  5 

Valenciano,  Fray  Tomas,  294 

Valentine,  John  J.,  68 

Valle  Salado,  154 

Valverde,  battle,  177ff 

Valverde,  Capt.  Don  Antonio,  316 

Vargas,  Don  Diego  de,  183 

Vargas,  Fray  Francisco  de  (Gustos),  92 

Varo,  Fray  Andres,  95 ;  quoted,  316 

Vestal,  Paul  A.,  Ethnobotany  of  the  Ramah 

Navaho,  rev'd.,  236 
Vicars,  309 

Wagon  Roads  West  .  .  .,  by  Jackson,  rev'd., 

237 
Waldrip,  William  I.,   "New  Mexico  During 

the  Civil  War,"  163-182,  251-290 
Wallace,    Ernest  and   E.   Adamson   Hoebel, 

The    Comanches:    Lords    of    the     South 

Plains,  rev'd.,  154 
Wallace,  J.  F.,  66 
Watts,  John  S.,  171,  283 
Wells,  Fargo  &  Co.,  52 
Westermeier,  Clifford  P.,  rev.,  Adams,  Come 

An'  Get  It,  68 
Wet  Mountain  Valley,  5 
White,  John  Q.,  editor,  133 
Williams,  C.   (1850's),  8 
Wilson,  Col.  J.  F.,  135 
Witchcraft,  308 

Woodson,  James  B.   (1860's),  11 
Wright,   James   H.,  Arizona  Chief  Justice, 

62 
Wyllys,    Rufus    Kay,    rev.,    Dunne,    Black 

Robes  in  Lower  California,  152 

Xerez,  Father  Fray  Joaquin,  211 
Ximeno,  Provincial  Fray  Jos6,  104 

Young,  Otis  E.,  The  First  Military  Escort 
on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  1829  .  .  .,  rev'd., 
73 

Zuni,  296 


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