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FROM TKK BSqiTKST OP 

CHARLES SUMNER. LL.D., 

OF BOSTON. 

(CUm of itgo.) 

**For Books relating to Politics and 
Fine Arts." 



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HISTORY JLND BI06RAPHY. 



Vol. XXV. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLICATION FUND OF 

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 

No. 1300 LOCUST STREET. 
1901. 



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CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXV. 



Memoirs of Brigmdier-Gaienl John Laoegr^ of Pennsjlraiiia. (Oom- 

tinued.) 1, 101, S41, 496 

Biographical Sketeh of Bev. Bemhard Adam Ombe. Bj John W, 

JordtM. (Pwrtnit.) 14 

Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. - Bj LewU 

Bvrd Walker. (Oantmued.) {PorinUU.) 20, 145, 280, 462 

Index to American Portraits. By Bunfcrd Samuel 47, 228, 884 

Inauguration of President Thomas Jefferson, 1801. By Jfrs. 

Reheooa Llojfd Bhippen • 71 

An Interesting Historical Letter. {Fae-HmUe.) .... 77 

The Penns and the Taxation of their Estates by the ProTineial As- 
sembly. iOowimued.) 80 

Extracts from the Orderly-Book of Major Bobert Clayton, of the 
Seventeenth B^giment British Foot, 1778. By JoJm W. Jot' 
dan 100 

Dr. Thomas Wynne's Account of his Early Life. By WW/iam 

MaeLean, Jr. 104 

Lithographic Portraits of Albert Kewsam. By D. MeN. Stauifer. 

(Addenda.) 100 

Plundering by the British Army during the American BevohttioiL 

By WUIiam Brooke Bowie, Bag 114 

Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1720-1776. (OonHn- 

ued.) 118, 266, 400, 660 

Tie Late Howard Williams Lloyd 182 

Notes and Queries 188, 282, 417, 676 

Book Notices 148, 288, 482, 606 

Key. John Ettwein's Notes of Travel from the North Branch of 
the Susquehanna to the Beaver River, Pennsylvania, 1772. 
By John W. Jordan m . • 208 

The Last of the General Assembly under the Pennsylvania Con- 
stitution of 1776. By WUUam Brooke Bawle, Beq. ... 220 

Account of the Destruction of the Brig " Peggy Stewart,** at An- 
napolis, 1774 248 

Passenger List of the Ship " EUsabeth,** which arrived at Phila- 
delphia in 1810 266 

Letter of Lambert Cadwalader to l^mothy Pickering on the Cap- 
ture of Fort Washington 260 

Letter of Chief-Justice John Marshall 268 

Biographical Sketch of Colonel Thomas Hartl^, of the Pennsyl- 
vania Line. By John W. Jordan. (Portrait.] . . .303 

(iii) 



) 



iv Contents of Volume XXV 

PAOB 

Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. '' A Letter from a Merchant in London 
to hia Nephew in North America/' 1766. (Conttniieei.) (Fo^ 
MffiOe.) 307, 516 

AaseBsment of Damagei done by the British Troops during the 

Occupation of Philadelphia, 1777-1778 .... 823, 544 

Johann Gottfried Seelig and the Hymn-Book of the Hermits of 

the Wissahickon. By E^m. Bamuel W. Pmmypaoker . 336 

Letters of Prendents of the United StatM and "Ladies oi the 

White House." {Oontmtted.) . . . . .355,527 

A Ck>llection of Puns and Witticisms of Judge Richard Peters . 866 

Letter of General Washington to Lieutenant-Oolonsl John Lau- 
rens, 1780 ....»..••. ^ 870 

Papers relating to the Founding by the ** Society for the Propaga- 
tion of the Gospels in Foreign Parts," Londim, of the Missions 
at Trading and Morlattan, Berks County, PennsylYania. By 
B. F. Qioen,. . . . . 372, 637 

The Late Major James Edward Carpenter 383 

The Sodety of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. By 

Franoia van A, Oaheen. {Oontinued,) 433 

Officers of the Historical Society oi PennsylTaaia . .597 

Index 601 



Vol. XXV. 



APRIL. 190I 



No. 97 



THE 



PENNSYLVANIA 
MAGAZINE 



or 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY 



PUBLISHED QUARTERLY 




PUBLISHED BY 

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OP PENNSYLVANIA 

FOR SUBSCRIBERS 

I* 

raiLADELPHIA 

I9OI 

¥ 

For SiJe «t 1300 Locust Street. PMladelpUa. Price. 7S ceati 
pec Number, or S3.OO per jreMf 



Emarad u tlw Pott-Officc ml PhiUdelphia u S*c<»d-claM ■ 



CONTENTS. 



Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Laoey, of Pennsylvania. ( Con- 
tinued.) 1 

Biographical Sketch of Hev. Bemhard Adam Grube. {Portrait. ) . 14 

Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. By LewU . 
Burd Walker, {Omtinued.) 20 

O Index to American Portraits. By Bunford Samuel. ( Continued. ) . 47 

Inauguration of President Thomas Jefferson. By Mrs. Rebecca 

Lhyd Shippen 71 

An Interesting Historical Letter. (Facsimile.) 77 

The Penns and the Taxation of their Estates by the Provincial 

Assembly. (Continued.) 80 

Extracts from the Orderly-Book of Major Robert Clayton, of the 

Seventeenth British Foot, 1778 100 

Dr. Thomas Wynne's Account of his Early Life. By WiUiam Mac- 
Lean, Jr 104 

Lithographic Portraits of Albert Newsam. By D. McN. Stauffer. 

(Addenda.) 109 

Plundering by the British Army during the American Revolution. 

By William Brooke EawUf Esq. 114 

Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775. ( Continued. ) 118 

The Late Howard Williams Lloyd 132 

Notes and Queries 133 

Book Notices 143 

The Trustees of the Publication Fund desire it to be understood that 
they are not answerable for the opinions or observations that may be 
expressed in articles under the names or initials of the contributors. 



BOUND VOLUMES OF THE MAGAZINE. 

Copies of all the volumes of this Magazine can be obtained at the 
Hall of the Historical Society, bound by Messrs. Pawson and Nicholson, 
in the very best manner, in the style known as Roxburgh, half cloth, 
uncut edges, gilt top, for $3.75 each and the postage. They will be fur- 
nished to subscribers in exchange for unbound numbers, in good condi- 
tion, on the receipt of 75 cents per volume and the postage. 



#. B. larriJWATT compai»t. 



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THB 



PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 



Of 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol. XXV. 1901. No. 1. 



MEMOIES OF BRIGADIBB-GBNBEAL JOHN LACBT, 
OP PENNSYLVANIA. 

[Traoacribed from the original maniucript in the librarj of the His- 
torical Society of PennBylvania^ entitled ^Memmoree of John Lacey 
Esq' a Brigadier Ctoeral in the Pennsylvania Militia daring the Bevo- 
Intionary War with Great Britain, with Copies and Extracts of letters 
firom and to General Washington & others, relative to the occorances 
of the War, and other Documents : with a Biographical sketch of his 
life Ac Written by himself."] 

I was bom in Bucks County in the Province of Pennsyl- 
vania the 4th. Day of February in the year 1755, of very 
reputable parents, John and Jane Lacey. My father waa 
the son of John and Rachel Lacey. My Great Grandfether 
was among first settlers under W" Penn & emigrated firom the 
Isle of Wight in England. My Grand Motiier was a Hes- 
ton, her Family came firom New England & settled in Bucks 
County, were reputable Farmers and owned considerable 
Landed property. My Grandfether possessed two Planta- 
tions and a share in a Grist Mill — one of which at his Death 
descended to my Father with his part of the G[rist] M [ill] , 
the other part was purchased by my Father & to which he 
added a Saw Mill on the same stream running through the 
VOL. XXV. — 1 ( 1 ) 



2 Memoirs of Brigadier'Gffikr4[l John Ldeej/y of Permsylvarda. 

Plantation. My Mother was the Daughter of Abraham k 
Susan Chapman, they were both bom in America. Abra- 
ham's Father came from England in the early part of the set- 
tlement of Pennsylvania — ^he was of a wealthy Family there 
and contracted for the lands he held in Bucks County before 
he left England with W" Penn — ^he possessed several Valu- 
able Plantations in Bucks County — ^had five sons and at his 
Death left each a Plantation. Was in his lifetime a Man of 
note in the Province ; he acted in various Public offices, as 
Justice of the Peace, Member of the Assembly for the 
County of Bucks &c. My Grandmother was of an older 
Family resided in New Jersey, all reputable. 

It will not avail me to brag of high origin, but I can esti- 
mate my Ancestors among the first and most enterprising Set- 
tlers of North America, who regardless of [torn] expanded 
and boisterous Ocean, 3000 miles to seek in the wilds of 
Korth America among savage Indians an assalum where 
they might worship that Omnipotent being who rules [torn] 
according to the dictates of their own Contiences, which 
were forbidden them in their native Country. They were 
all of the society of Quakers, at that time sorely persecuted 
on that account in England. They were all freemen, and at 
least independent in their resources, if not Bich or of 
Noble Blood. They were the Companions of William 
Penn, the Founder of Pennsylvania, who was of the same 
Religious profession. To encounter the Perils of such an 
undertaking at so early a period of the settlement of this 
Country, at once bespeaks them to be a People not easily 
daunted at triffles, and by the Confiicting elliments, or of 
limitted enterprise. Their progress in aggraculture k mack- 
anism, at the date of which I am speaking, can be no bet- 
ter testafyed, than the proof exhibitted by the appearance of 
their well cultivated Farms. EUigant and convenient 
Houses, Mills and Manu&cturies, all of which are in proof 
of their Industry and Acconemy. I believe their are few 
Men among the Settlers of this Country who can boast of 
much higher Ancestors, at least among the first Emigration 



Memoirs of Brigadter-Grenercd John Laeey, of Permsylvama. 8 

in Pennsylvania or New Jersey. I am proud to Own and 
acknowledge mine to be Farmers. 

The greatest defect in the Society of Quakers had hitherto 
been, the almost total omition to edducate their Children, 
very few indeed at least in the Country gave their sons what 
might be called more than a limitted common education 
[torn] It was my Misfortune to be of this Class. I neither 
knew nor foresaw the deplorable condition of my unculti- 
vated Mind untill it was too late to repare it My Father 
as a Farmer or rather a Miller, had no better learning him- 
self, did not see or feal the want of a more liberal one, he 
knew as much as other Farmers or Mecanicks, wrote a tol- 
lerable plain hand, understood Common arethmatic and kept 
his own Books of Accompt I was early sent to school, 
such as it was, the Master himself could neither read or 
write correctly, as he knew nothing of Grammer, it was not 
to be expected he could teach it to others, Grammer never 
was taught at any school I went to — ^no book of this kind 
or the most remote rudiments of it was, that I remember, 
talked of at any of the Country Schools I was acquainted 
with. None but Quaker Families resided in the neighbour- 
hood where I was brought up, among whom the Bible k 
Testament with Dilworth's spelling-book were the only books 
suffered to be used in the Quaker Country Schools, from 
which circumstances no one will hesitate to acknowledge 
the extreme limitted education & acquirements of litend 
knowledge by youth so circumscribed, nor can the want of 
this knowledge be known, or felt, untill the practical use of 
it be required. Young men ariving to the state of Man- 
hood, are called by the sufferages of their fellow Citizens 
into Public employments, to act as representatives of the 
People or in some office of the Gloverment of their Country 
— then will the defects of the want of a liberal Education 
become conspicuous, then will the want of it be fealt and 
known, then will those whose natural intelect be ever so 
good, for want of those liberal acquirements which cultivate 
the mind, expands the Ideas, and fits them for active and 



4 Memoirs of Brigadier- Chneral John Lacey, of Permst/lvama. 

useful employment — ^finding themselvea/inaderquate to meet 
their cotemporaries on equal ground-Hmrink from the Field 
of Honourable or active employments, are found inactive, 
behind the Curtin, or sleeping on the back ground, fearful 
of exposing their incapasities fot want of better liberal ac- 
quirements. From what little^ experience I have had of 
others, and of my own defects on that score, I am per- 
suaded this is verifyed in many if not all who fall under this 
prediciment Among whome I trust may be reckened some 
of our best and ablest Citizens, who for this cause alone 
never appear in public, or on the great Theatre of Public 
a&res. 

With a laudable intent on the part of my Father I was, 
however, kept at this hum Drum School until I reached my 
IS**" or 14** year, when I was placed in my Father's Grist 
& Merchant Mill, sometimes on the Farm, Cooper's Shop & 
Saw Wllf my time was spent in the various occurrences 
produced in the different branches of carrying on & con- 
ducting these several concerns in active employment k busi- 
ness, without any occurrence worth relating untiU the year 
1773. In the month of July I have to date the commence- 
ment of my wandering carrere. Hitherto I had been con- 
fined to business as above related, the only relaxation from 
which was a few days in a season I stole from the Cooper's 
shop or the Mill on a Fox hunt My Parents being in full 
and strict Membership in the Society of Quakers, and of 
course by berth I was also in Unity. Our Family were 
strict attenders as well of the Meetings of Business, as for 
divine Worship. It was at the Monthly Meeting held at 
Wrightstown Meeting-house, Zebulin Heston brother to my 
Grandmother Lacey, and a Public Preacher in the Society, 
applyed to the Meeting for a recommendation to the Meet- 
ing of Sufference of Friends in the City of Philadelphia, 
he having a Call as he expressed it, to visit the Delaware 
Nation of Indians settled on the Waters of the Ohio Biver. 
This tribe of Aborigines were the original natives inhabit- 
ing the Waters of the Delaware Eiver, from whom it de- 



Memoirs of Brigadier-Oeneral John Lacey^ of Pennsylvama. 6 

rived the [NTame. They were in the time of my Uncles 
jnvenile years still in great numbers inhabiters in Bucks 
County, and with many of their young men he had been 
in habits of strict and fiiendly intercourse— he was now 
grown old, upwards of 70 years of age— and these unhappy 
Wanderers of the Wilderness long since removed to a great 
distance, driven by the Europien immigrants and settlers 
fisu* into new desarts to seak a retched existance. My Uncle 
still retained the attachment imbibed in his youth to this 
tribe of Indians, and he expressed to this Meeting his de- 
dre to pay them a religis visit before his Death, that he 
was growing old, and that while he was able to travel, he 
conceived it to be duty religiously injoined on him and that 
he was now prepared to comply with the call of Heaven as 
he conceived it injoined on him. BBs request was cordially 
granted, and the Clerk ordered to make him a pasport or 
Certificate of recommendation to the Meeting of Sufference 
of Friends in Philad*. Being present at this transaction, it 
occured to me that this would be a good oppertunity of 
seeing the Country and acquiring a better knowledge of the 
World, than I had in my present occupation. I waited un- 
till the close of the Meeting, when I called on my Uncle, 
and asked him if he would accept of a Companion, that he 
was old and might want assistance on so long a Boad, his 
going alone might be attended with many unforeseen diffi- 
culties, and that if he would accept my Company, I would 
attend him all the way throughout his intended Journey. 
He appeared much pleased at my offer & said he would next 
day call & see my Parents, & if they had no objection he 
would gladly accept my Company — and in the meantime di- 
rected the Cleark to delay making out his Certificate untiU 
he had adjusted that matter — so that my name might be 
inserted in the Certificate— all which being fixed to my sat- 
isfaction we set off on our rout on the 7*** Day of July A.D. 
1773, and came to the City of Philad* the same day. 

My Uncle next day accomplished his business ; we were 
the day after joined by John Parrish, a very pious Friend, 



6 Memoirs of Brigadier-Genercd John Lac^j of Pennsylvania. 

when we all started on our way to Pitsburg. The Meeting 
of Sufference having placed in Friend Parrish'B hands a 
sum of Money to bear our expenses, and to make some 
presents to the Indians at our discression. On the evening 
of the 18** we reached Pitsburg — ^nothing material occured 
on the way. A great part of our Bout however, being little 
cultivated, the Boads in many parts almost impassible — ^we 
passed over monsterous Mountains, having never before been 
so far from Home or in so rough & broken a Country. The 
scenes were new and afforded me much matter for contem- 
plation. We met many Travellers who were all on Horse- 
back, the Boads being so bad, no loaded Waggon was able 
to pass them. Altho a very considerable trade was carryed 
on, all the goods, or nearly so, were transported to and from 
Lancaster, Carhle & Pitsburg on Pack Horses, great Droves 
of which we met and passed on their way to & from these 
places, with Dry Goods, Firs, Dear, Bear & other sldns. 

On the Twentyeth of July we left Pitsburg crossed the 
Alligany in Canoes swiming our Horses by their sides 
holding them by the Bridles, pursued our journey through 
the Wndemess. Our object was a Delaware town called 
New Commers Town — ^were accompanyed by John Gibson, 
an Indian Trader, who had an Indian wife k several chil- 
dren at this Town, and Captidn White Eyes, an Indian Chief 
and also a Trader, who. resided a few miles below New Com- 
mers Town on the Muscingum Biver called White Eyes 
Town. Altho Gibson kept his wife who was a Delaware at 
Newcommers Town his trade was carryed on much beyond 
that place, with Indians further down the Ohio & on the 
Bioto k Miamees Biver. I discovered him to be a man of 
note among them, he speaks the Delaware and Mingo lan- 
guages as fluent as the Natives themselves, and appeared to 
be a man of respectability and good sense. 

On the twenty fifth we reached New Commers Town, 
having been five days passing through the WUdemess. On 
our arrival were rec* very Cordially by King Netowhelemon, 
who called his Council of the Chiefs or seachams at his 



Memoir8 of Brigadier-Omerid John Lace^ 7 

House or Pallase, which was indeed much the best House 
in the Town. As to fumature he had none or very little k 
not a Chair or stool in it, every one siting on the floor or 
small blocks of wood. After the seremony of reception 
was over, we were conducted to an empty Log House, 
which we were told was to be our Quarters. John Gib- 
son had hitherto been our Interpature, but left us to 
follow his goods gone on to the junction of the Sioto with 
the Ohio Rivers. A messenger was sent to the Upper 
Moravian Indian Town about eighteen or twenty miles 
above Newcommers Town on the Muskingum Biver. 
Samuel Moor an Indian, the interpreter having arived, our 
first audiance or meeting was held on the twenty eight of 
July, at the great Council House of the Ifation, a build- 
ing erected for that purpose, about sixty feet in length 
and twenty wide, the sides formed of uprite pallasades, 
covered with bark. Our Credentials froxo, the Monthly 
Meeting of Wrightstown, and Meeting of SujBference in 
Philad* were read and interpreted, my TJncle made a 
Prayer and spoke for some time. The Interpreter explaining 
every sentence as he went on to the Indians in the Delaware 
language. After which Cap* White Eyes made a speach k 
delivered us a Belt of Wampum in token of Friendship. 
We had several meetings of worship, in all of them the 
Indians behaved with proper decorum, but when my Uncle 
was not speaking they appeared uneasy k seme to express 
much solicitude and uneasiness untiU he began again, ex- 
hibiting a total dereliction to Silent Meetings. When my 
Uncle was done speaking they would leave the Assembly in 
crowds remaining outside of the great Hall, and on his 
again speaking crowd into the appartment all siting on the 
ground or littie billits of wood, a few even of such seats 
were found in the Council House, and they appropriated for 
the use of the Chiefe only. Having kept a Journal at the 
time of this toor I refer my friends to that, for the ftirther 
particulars of the expidition, noting only that I reached my 
Fathers again on the foiirteenth of September, having per- 



8 Memoirs of Brtgadier-Qeneral John Laceyy of Pennsylvania. 

formed a journey into the Wilderness of about five Hun- 
dred miles out, and considering the round through Yir^nia 
on the whole upwards of one thousand miles in two months 
and seven days. 

Before I finally dismiss this subject I shall take notice of 
a custom among the Indians at this Town, the Capital of 
the Delaware Nation, because I have not seen [torn] is 
prevalent in any other place or among the Aborigines of 
any other Tribe I cannot say. After we had been presented 
to the Eing and Council, we were conducted to an empty 
log house or cabbin, such as are made by the Colyers at the 
Iron "Works, covered with palacadoes & bark, there were 
three berths erected in it, raised on croches set in the 
ground, on each was spread or laid a corse of split plank or 
palacadoes wide enough for two persons to lay on — on these 
planks were spread one or more Deer or bear skins for beds 
— ^no florre but the earth was in this house, and many more 
in the Town, indeed few only had floors — ^these were I be- 
lieve confined to the nobility alone, none others that I saw 
had any boards in them. The Kings and Killbuck were 
toUerably well finished, and their bed rooms up stidrs. The 
skins however, made comfortable beds, and we could not com- 
plain of our lodgings. Between sunset and dark, our habi- 
tation was surrounded by a large number, fi-om twenty to 
thirty young Indian girls, dressed in their best apperal, who 
kept up an almost insessant serenade on juseharps. Altho 
Quakers my fiiends & myself shew no signs of disagree- 
ment — ^if we had, we were compelled to let them play on. 
They would approach the door, but ventured no fiurther. 
We all supposed their design was a mear Compliment and 
an Honour confered on us as Friends and strangers, took no 
further notice than apparentiy to be pleesed with their 
music, which continued night after night for nearly the 
whole of the first week of our residence. Two whitemen 
Traders, John Freeman & James Forbs had a store of goods 
in this Town, with whome I made an early acquaintance, 
and was often invited to Dine & Sup with them. On the 



Memoirs of Brigadier^ General John Laceyy of Pennsylvania. 9 

second or third day of our residence, while at dinner, Free- 
man asked me if I did not observe the Indian girls playing 
the Joseharps at our lod^ng, and if I knew their meaning. 
I answered in the affirmative, and that I supposed it was out 
of compliment; he said it was a custom, when a stranger 
came to reside at the Town ever so short a time, the girls or 
single women, presented themselves in that way, in token 
of their willingness to enter into a contract for such time as 
his business required his stay there, during which time they 
acted as housekeeper and performed every necessary act in 
the care of your baggage or goods, cooked, washed and 
conducted herself in all things with punctuallity, honesty 
and care, as well of your goods as person, that if you were 
in danger of insult, they would give you the earlyest notice, 
and in that respect they were sometimes peculiarly useful. 
No part of their contract would be neglected, but in all 
things do and perform their duty as good Housewife ought 
to do. Tou must pay for all these services in money or 
clothing according to your agreement as shall have been 
previously contracted. Being thus master of this secret of 
which I knew my companions to be ignorant, I could not 
refrain from lafter, at the simple credulity of my Uncle k 
Friend Parrish, who seemed to be tickled and allevated at 
the young Squaws musick — ^as they crowded the threshold 
of our habitation, altho., they would crowd and jossel each 
other for the possession of the door, they omitted to enter 
our appartment. After some time finding their musick to 
have made no impression upon us and we not inclined to 
accept their services, disappeared, at which my companions 
seemed really to regret sorroftilly saying, they believed the 
girls had got tired of them, which I have no doubt was 
really the case. I believe this custom to be not only lisened 
but approved and encouraged by the Chieft of the Nation, 
as I observed Cap* Eillbucks daughter with her harp among 
the crowd, and one of the foremost to approach the door. 
She had a spritely and innosent countenance k fine per- 
son. My acquaintance Freeman k Forbs, had each of them a 



10 Memoirs of Brigadier-Qeneral John Laceyj of Pemisylvama. 

young female Indian who did all the menual services of 
their fEunely, both living in one house, in a leanto, attached 
to which they kept their goods, and seme to enjoy all the 
social blessings of life, so &r as I was capable of jud^ng of 
their cituation. The number of inhabitants according to 
Cap* Killbuck's account amounted to upwards of three hun- 
dred at this Town, and their young men, of which they 
counted Waryers, upwards of one hundred. 

After my return I again betook myself to my former oc- 
cupation, but my engagements were principally in the Mill 
in manufJBU^turing Flour for market, of which I had the 
principal care and management, my Father taking care of the 
Farm. [NTothing material hapened during the next year 
1774. In '75 the contest between Great Brittain and her 
Colonies in America began to assume a more formable ap- 
pearance, in which all seemed to take a part, on one side or 
the other, altho, on the first onset, very few appeared to 
espouse the cause of the Mother Country, but there were 
some who secretly clung to her, and afterwards became open 
and bitter enemies to the Union and independence of the 
United States, among whom were some of my nearest rela- 
ys tions. On reading the publications and occurrences of the 
times, I was lead to consider the claims of Great Brittain to 
be unjust, tiranical and oppressive. Under these impressions 
I united with her oponents and joined the Standard of the 
Itevolutionists, throwing ofiT my passive and non-resisting 
principles, of which I had hitherto been in the practice of 
believing (from the prejudice of Education) to be right, but 
seeing now in a very diffirent light, considering it a duty 
all ow'd their Country, themselves and posterity — ^I without 
hesitation inroled myself under the banner of my Country, 
being young and full of fire ; Patriotism beat high in my 
breast. Every where the Citizens were flying to Arms, 
vying with each other, who should be the best perficient in 
the Military exercise. I was chosen Captain of an Associa- 
tion of young men from the Townships of Buckingham and 
Wrightstown, several of whom were of the Society of 



Memobra of Brtgadier-G^neral Joh^ 11 

FriendBy as well aa myself, but whose patriotism was not 
genion, and who all fell off on the first onset of opposition. 
I alone stood the Ordeal of the Quaker Society of which I 
was then a member. My Patriotism was pure and irrista- 
ble, including all the principles of social and Public virtue, 
imbracing an Enerjective devotion to support the liberty, the 
Independence, and political safety of my native Country 
against the strong arm of British oppression, invasion and 
tyroney, offering up on the Altar of Public weal, the sacri- 
fice of my private interest and social Felicity, looking on 
the land which gave me birth as my Parent, and on her 
Children as my brethren, my carreer was not to be controled, 
the recital of dangers only increased my arder, thus wound 
up in the Political inthusiasm of the times, to be inactive 
was to me an intolerable burthen, which at that time I 
could not brook, and thus my arder led me to accept a Cap- 
tains Commission in the troops to be raised to oppose the 
British Armey then in possession of Boston. 

The Functions of the General Assembly of Pennsy* being 
Buperseeded by that of a Committee of Safety chosen by the 
People, who under a recommendation of Congress, ordered 
several Regiments of Troops as her quota to be raised, to 
defend the Country agidnst the invading Brittish k Hessen 
Armey, who in the spring were expected to attack New 
York. My Commission was dated Jan^ 5** 1776, but I did 
not receive recruiting Orders untill the 20*^. Such was my 
diligence and good fortune, however, that by the 12** of 
FeV, only 22 days, I inlested my compliment of men. Con- 
sisting of 85 non-commissioned officers and privates. On 
the 12*^ by order of Colo* Wayn Commanding the Re^- 
ment to which I was attached, the 4*** in the Pennsy* line, I 
marched fi-om Bucks County for Chester, a little Town on 
the Biver Deleware about 15 mUes below Philada. "We 
reached Darby on the 14***, eight miles fi-om Chester, where 
we were stoped by Mcgor Houseker, the Major of our Re^- 
ment, here he ordered the Men to be quartered on the In- 
habitants — Chester being fall of troops — expecting to stay 



12 Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey^ of Pemtsylvcmia. 

here bat a few days. [NTo agreement was made with the 
People where the men were quartered, they very early in- 
formed me they should not be satiefyed with the Allowance 
Congress had ordered to be paid, and that they should look 
to me for the payment of the men's board, which they said 
would be six shiUings more than the sum stipulated by act 
of Congress. I mentioned this to the CoW and beged we 
might be removed to Chester, as I foresaw an approaching 
altercation witii the People of Darby. The Colo* ordered 
me to take no notice of their demands saying, he would 
take upon himself the settiement of their accoimts. 

On the 21** of March the Company was ordered on to 
Chester, and on the 22nd. drew our Arms. The Re^ment 
being ordered to New York, we bemg the first ready, were 
ordered on board Shallops to go by water to Trentown, and 
from thence by land to New York. I left Chester with 
Major Houseker, rec* pay for the men, and on the 23* the 
Company arived off the City. Houseker hurryed me on 
board and next day arived at Trenton, and on the 28*^ at 
New York almost weryed to Death in keeping the Company 
in order. An officer commanding young recruits, ought to 
have the patience, and fortitude of an old Commander. We 
were all young, and in a manner unacquainted with human 
nature, quite Novices in Military matters, had every thing 
to learn, and no one to instruct us who knew any better 
than ourselves. 

On my return through Darby to Philad* I again called on 
some of the People k informed them Colo^ Wayn had as- 
sured me he would settle with them for the men's board, 
that my Company had gone to New York, and that I was 
on my way there also, that I had drawn no money, neither 
for the pay or retained rations of the men, and that it was 
impossible, if I was ever so desirable to pay them, and as it 
was not my orders, but sorely against my will that the men 
were quartered on them. I had forebodings even then, that 
this affidr might be productive of evil, but it was out of my 
power to controle or alter it As soon as we became sta- 



Memoirs of JBrigadiar'Oeneral John Lacejfy of Pennayloama. 18 

tionary at Darby, I used every effort to procure clothing for 
the men, by purchasing Cloth myself, seting such of the men 
who were Taylors to work, and employed others in Darby 
to assist in making Uniform Coats &c., by which means my 
Company were clad several weeks before any other Com- 
pany in the Begiment, and of course the first ready to 
march, were ordered to New York, the others were to follow 
immediately on their being equiped. 

(To be oontinaed.) 



14 Biographical Sketch of Bev. Bemhard Adam Gfrube. 



BIOGEAPHICAL SKETCH OF EBV. BBENHAED 
ADAM GEUBE. 

Bemhard Adam Grube, bom June 1, 1715, at "Walsch- 
leben, a village near Erfiirth, in Thuringia, was educated in 
the parish schools and at Jena. He entered the ministry 
of the Moravian Church in 1740, and for several years had 
charge of congregations in Holland, and subsequently be- 
came one of the professors in the seminary at Lindheim, 
near Frankforton-the-Mdn. In the spring of 1748 he was 
dispatched to Pennsylvania, where he was first employed in 
the schools at Bethlehem, and as private tutor to the sons of 
Thomas Noble, of New York, one of the original trustees 
of the Academy erected for Whitefield in Philadelphia. He 
entered the Indian mission service in January of 1752, and 
was stationed at Menioldgom^ka, a village located west of the 
Wind Gkip, in what is now Eldred Township, Monroe County, 
Pennsylvania. While here, he tells us, his awkwardness at 
handling an axe almost cost him a limb, and confined him 
for weeks in a cold hut, where he lay on a board, with a 
wooden bowl for a pillow. He, in the mean time, studied the 
Delaware dialect and daily held meetings for the Indians. 
Six months later he was relieved, and then sent to the mis- 
sion at Shamokin, which had been commenced in 1747 at 
the request of Chief ShikeUimy, the representative of the 
Five Nations in business affidrs with the Proprietary gov- 
emment. In the summer of 1758 he visited the Indian 
villages on the west branch of the Busquehanna and in the 
Wyoming Valley, where in the wigwam of Chief Paxanosa 
he baptized a Mohican woman, — ^the first Moravian baptism 
performed in that valley. 

In the autumn of 1754 Grube was temporarily withdrawn 
fi'om the Indian mission to take charge of a colony of sin- 
gle men selected to begin a settlement on the tract of one 




^- ^/ f-^/^ -^ 




^.^ fr^uD 



Biographical Sketch of Rev. Bemhard Adam Grube, 16 

hundred thousand acres purchased by the Moravians of Earl 
Granville, in what was then Rowan County, North Carolina. 
In the spring of 1755 he returned to Bethlehem, where he 
was married, and appointed to the mission at Gnadenhuetten, 
on the Lehigh Biver. On the evening of November 24, 
when the mission house on the Mahoning Creek was burned 
and eleven of its inmates murdered by the French-Indians, 
Grube with his converts fled to Bethlehem for safety, where 
for the ensuing two years they found a home. In June of 
1758 he was transferred to the mission at Pachgatgoch 
(Kent) in Connecticut, where he labored for two years. The 
first winter of his residence there was a severe one, and for 
several nights the cold was so intense that his wife was 
compelled to put their little daughter to sleep between two 
large Indian dogs to keep her from freezing. 

In October of 1760 Grube was sent to the mission at 
Wechquetanc, on Head's Creek, in the present Polk Town- 
ship, Monroe County, where a part of the Christian Indians 
at Bethlehem had been located m the spring of that year. 
His knowledge of Delaware qualified him to keep all the 
church services in that dialect, and he began the translation 
from German into Delaware of a harmony of the Gospels 
and selected hymns, which were printed in the years 1762 
and 1768 by John Brandmiller, at Friedensthal Mill, located 
on the easternmost plantation of the Barony of Nazareth. 
These translations are the first contributions to Indian bib- 
liography by a Moravian missionary, and were used in the 
Indian missions in Pennsylvania and Ohio until superseded 
by those of Zeisberger about a quarter of a century later. 

No copy of Grube's " Hirmony of the Gospels" is known 
to exist, and but one incomplete copy of his " Dellaweerisches 
Gesang-Biichlein" has been discovered and is preserved in 
the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, a fac- 
simile of the first page of which is here reproduced. 

In the library of Harvard University two of his manu- 
scripts are to be found : <^ Einige Dellawaerische Bedensarten 
und Worte," and "Einige Heine Anreden an Indianer," 



16 Biographical Sketch of JRev. JBemhard Adam Ombe. 

and also a number in the Moravian Archives at Beth- 
lehem. 

DELLAWiERISCHES 

Gefang-Buchlein. 

mitniAitiMtrgnsJrSbaMffiA Vi. 

Nda wopanacbinaane 
Woaktsch n'gauwui wulaqvinaane 
Lamm guntschi neschginggunk newulleok 
j^'hakkey guwinggi gMntanggelen. 

3. 

I^am Gottes guwinawammel 
nTeheok gattosomowoitldll 
Achgoone gifchquewi wnllanggofnil 
Eiim m'fchakkaoian peanuo<£ll!L 

5- 

Mbi^-Ccfaog. 
Melod. ifif^M Jt^tr Vt, 

Je^ Ckrift wulapanacheauaeeo 
Jukk* dabpl^eek 

On the outbreak of the Pontiac war, in 1763, the bor- 
ders of PennBylvania were overran with bands of maraud- 
ing Indians. A large number of the settlers in the neigh- 



Biographical Sketch of Sev. Bemhard Adam Orube. 17 

borhood of 'Wechquetanc considered the presence of the 
Indian converts a better protection than soldiers, but there 
were others who accused them of participating in the forays 
in the vicinity^ and threatened that unless they were removed 
** blood would flow/' "As we are in constant danger/' 
wrote Grube, " as well from the white people as from In- 
dians/' it was decided to abandon the mission and claim the 
protection of the provincial government. On October 11 
the chapel and huts were boarded up and the converts trans- 
ported to Nazareth, and later to Bethlehem, from whence, 
on November 8, they departed for Philadelphia, and were 
first taken to the barracks. Writing from Province Island, 
November 11, Grube states, "The rage of the people in 
Philadelphia is indescribable, and we had to stand five hours 
before the barracks and be insulted. Thousands foUowed us 
through the city. . . . We were taken to a landing, em- 
barked on boats, and taken to this island, which we reached 
at night, and took possession of our lodgings in two roomy 
houses. Our people are very thankful that the hard journey 
is ended. . . . The island is a large one, and the two houses 
we occupy contain twenty rooms, in which a year ago lived 
the Arcadians.'' 

From a letter of Frederick W. von Marschall, dated 
January 5, 1764, we quote: "It having been ascertained 
that the rioters were bent on killing our Indians, the Gov- 
ernor resolved to send them under escort of a company of 
Blghlanders to New York, and thence to Albany to Sir 
William Johnson. In view of this the Indians were kept 
busy the whole night packing, and at two o'clock took boats. 
The sick and blind were taken in wagons and the well on 
foot, before daylight, to the city, to tiie church [on Bace 
Street] where in the chapel they were given breakfast and 
thirty blankets distributed among them. Scarcely a soul 
knew they were in the city." 

Amboy was reached on January 11, and just as the first 
detachment was about to embark, Grube was informed by 
Captain Bobinson, of the Highlanders, that, as permission to 

TOL. XXV. — 2 



18 Biographical Sketch of JSev. Bemhard Adam Orube. 

land in New York had not been given, it would be dan- 
gerous to proceed. There was no other alternative but to 
return to Philadelphia, where they arrived January 24, 
escorted by the company of Captain Schlosser, and were 
quartered in the barracks. The return of the Indian con- 
verts renewed and increased the opposition to their protec- 
tion by the Province, and not many days later it was re- 
ported that the " Paxton Boys" were on the march to the 
city, on murder bent " At midnight February 6," writes 
Grube, <<a general alarm was sounded and all rushed to 
arms. The bells in the city were rung. The citizens were 
awakened and summoned to the State House, for word had 
been received that the insurgents would be on hand at day- 
break. . . . The day passed amid the utmost confusion. 
Two companies of citizens, among whom were many 
Quakers in arms, came to the barracks." Three days later 
he also wrote, " We have seen on this occasion that we have 
many hundred friends in this city, who are not wOling that 
our converts should be put to death. . . . Messrs. Hamilton 
and Chew had so much influence in their efforts to arouse 
the citizens against the insurgents, that about five hundred 
men were formed into companies for our protection." The 
attitude of the government and the determination of the 
citizens that the Indian converts should be protected at all 
hazards deterred the " Paxton Boys" from executing their 
designs. The days of restraint were now relaxed, and it 
was not long before the Indian women were allowed to at- 
tend the markets to dispose of the brooms, baskets, and 
other wares they manufactured. During the trying experi- 
ences of Grube in Philadelphia he approved himself true to 
duty and brave in the face of danger. 

"With the return of peace, in December, arrangements 
were made for the removal of the Indian converts to 
Wyalusing, on the north branch of the Susquehanna, 
which had been selected by the government for their new 
home. About the middle of March, 1765, they set out for 
Bethlehem, where they were to prepare for their long jour- 



Bwgraphieal Sketch of Rev. Bemhard Adam Ombe. 19 

nejy and on April 8 Grube bid them a tender £EU*eweU. On 
this date Grube's connection with the Indian mission of his 
church terminated. 

After a few weeks of needed rest, Grube was sent to the 
congregation at lititz, in Lancaster County, where he re- 
mained for twenty years. Here his wife died in 1776, and 
two years later he again entered the bonds of matrimony. 
After a short service near Nazareth, he was for one year 
pastor of the congregation at Philadelphia. His last ap- 
pointments were at Hope, on Paulin's EU, in Warren 
County, New Jersey, and at Emaus, Lehigh County, Penn- 
qrlvania. The evening of his long life was spent at Bethle- 
hem, and on his ninety-first birthday the hale old man, 
with staff in hand, walked on one lovely June day ten 
miles to Nazareth, there once more to talk over with his 
friends the incidents of his life among the Indians. He 
died at Bethlehem, March 20, 1808. 

The portrait of Grube, presented in January last to the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania by Mr. William H. 
Jordan, is copied from the original in the possession of the 
artist J. Augustus Beck, a great-grandson of the missionary. 
The Hon. James M. Beck, Assistant Attorney-General of 
the United States, is a great-great-grandson. 



20 lAfe of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 



LIFE OP MARGAEBT SHIPPBN, WIFE OP BENEDICT 

ARNOLD. 

BT LEWIS BURD WALKER. 

(Continued from Vol. XXIV. page 429.) 
ANIMOSITIES IN PHILADELPHIA DURING THE REVOLUTION. 

It is difficult for the ordinary reader to realize the situa- 
tion of Philadelphia during the Revolution. According to 
a census taken in 1777, by order of General Howe, the in- 
habitants then in the city were 15,847.* The directory of 
1784 gave the names of 3570 householders.' A map pre- 
fixed to the directory of 1794 shows that the greatest por- 
tion of the buildings in the city were then east of Third 
Street, and there was only one built-up square in that part 
of the city lying south of Market Street and West of Eighth 
Street; the directory itself contains somewhere between 
6500 and 7000 names, showing a population of about 
80,000. 

The foUowing paragraph from Watson's Annals (Vol. L 
p. 335) wiU give some idea of the appearance of one 
street, viz. : 

'' A smgular case of duel occurred in 1778 or 1779 between Henry 
Laurens, President of Congress, and John Penn, member of Congress 
from North Carolina. The parties were fellow boarders, and break£Euited 
together the same morning. They started to go out Chestnut Street to 
the yacant lot vis-li-yis, present Masonic Hall. In crossing at Fifth 
Street, where there was a deep slough, Mr. Penn kindly offered his hand 
to aid Mr. Laurens, who was much the older, and when it was accepted 
he suggested to him that their meeting (solicited by Laurens) was a fool- 
ish affidr, &c. — to which Mr. Laurens assenting, it was made up on the 
spot" 

Think of the morass at the comer of Fifth and Chestnut, 
and the retired situation of the vacant lot on the south side 

* Watson, Vol. m. p. 287. « Ibid., Vol. H. p. 99. 



lafe of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benediet Arnold. 21 

of Chestnut, between Seventh and Eighth Streets, which 
caused it to be selected as a fit place for a duel ! 

The change of so many producers to soldiers, the rava^ng 
the country by hostile armies, and the total cessation of 
commerce combined to render all sorts of commodities very 
scarce, and consequently prices very high. Added to this 
was another great evil, — ^viz., the successive emissions of great 
amounts of paper notes, which began immediately to de- 
preciate and steadily sank in value until they became worth- 
less. Prices rose with such frightful rapidity that every- 
where distress was occasioned and business was whoUy 
demoralized. When we read of a pound of tea costing 
twenty pounds and a pound of loaf sugar fifty shillings, and 
hear that a pair of leather breeches sold for one thousand 
dollars, we will be apt to think that the poor had reason to 
complain. To remedy this state of things town meetings 
were called, and it was resolved to have a committee fix 
the maximum prices for the necessaries of life, which prices 
were to be reduced every two weeks until the old state of 
trade was brought back. Nothing could be simpler or more 
direct than this action, and the committee (no doubt com- 
posed of would-be purchasers) fixed the prices to suit them- 
selves. The only thing that interfered with the success of 
the plan was, that merchants who had psdd a certain price 
for their goods refused to sell them for less, even though 
these lower prices had been fixed by the committee. This 
naturally produced more dissatis&ction than ever, and after 
much bitter feeling had been excited, the plan was aban- 
doned. 

Very few events of the Revolution excited a greater 
degree of public interest in Philadelphia than the trial of 
two Quakers, in September, 1778, upon the charge of 
treason. 

One of them, John Roberts, a miller of Lower Merion 
Township, being nearly sixty years of age, had " from his 
youth up lived not only irreproachably but spent his whole 
Life in the performance of the Duties of a tender Parent, a 



22 life of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Faithful Friend, kind Neighbour & useful Citizen. To the 
Poor^ the Stranger, and the Orphan his hospitable House 
was ever open, his liberal Hand most Cheerfully extended." 
Some of the ultra- Americans suspected him of being a Tory, 
and threatened his life. He fled to Philadelphia, then occu- 
pied by General Howe's army. On May 8, 1778, the Su- 
preme Executive Council issued a proclamation, requiring 
John Roberts (among a great many more) to surrender him- 
self under pain of being attainted of high treason. John 
Roberts left Philadelphia and surrendered himself, took and 
subscribed an affirmation of allegiance, and entered bail for 
his appearance for trial. He was tried upon the charge 
that he " did felsly and traiterously prepare, order, wage 
and levy a public and cruel war against this Commonwealth, 
then and there committing and perpetrating a miserable and 
Cruel slaughter of and amongst the faithful and Liege sub- 
jects and inhabitants thereof;" etc. 

The evidence against him was slight, and it is said that 
ten of the jury were in fevor of acquittal, but yielded to the 
argument that it was necessary for the State to secure a con- 
viction, but that the jury would all join in a petition for a 
pardon so that his life would be spared.* Accordingly the 
jury did petition as follows, viz. : 

" That it appeals to ub that the said John Roberts was under the in- 
fluence of fear, when he took the impradent step of leaving his family 
and coming to reside among the enemy, while they had possession of 
this City. That, altho. by the oath we have taken, we found ourseWes 
obliged Uiprcmounoe him QuUty, yet knowing that Juries are but fallible 
Men, and reflecting that the evidence before us was of a very compli- 
cated nature, and some parts of it not reconcileable with his general con- 
duct, and other evidence of his good offices to many persons who were 
prisoners among the enemy, or had leave to come to the city on business. 

"That, altho' general Laws cannot be framed with an eye of com- 
passion to guilt, yet it is the glory of every wise State, that the doors of 
mercy should be kept open, and ours has made ample provision in this 
case. In compassion, therefore, to the unhappy object of this petition 
and his distressed fiEunily, and relying on the humanity lodged in the 

* See ''Life of Joseph Reed," Vol. II. p. 85, note, etc. 



lAfe of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict AmoUL 28 

breasts of your honors, as manifested to us in the charge you gave us on 
the trial, we most earnestly pray, 

" That your honors would be pleased to join ns, and recommend this 
our petition, to the Supreme Executive Ck>uncil, that the penal part of 
the said John Boberts's sentence may be suspended till the Assembly 
can take his Case into consideration, for the exercise of that mercy which 
the Constitution hath lodged in their power." 

Judge McEean recommended a reprieve, and Joseph 
Seed, one of the prosecuting attorneys, also wrote to the 
same effect to the Vice-President of the Executive Council. 

The notes of the trial are not accessible, but the following 
extract from the sentence of Judge McEean, as published 
in the Pennsylvania Packet of November 7, 1778, states some 
of the £Etcts urged as extenuating circumstances, viz. : 

" It is in vain to plead, that you have not personally acted in this wicked 
business ; for all who countenance and assist are partakers in the guilt. 
Tour junction gave encouragement to the inyaders of your country ; 
your example occasioned the defection of others ; and you exerted your- 
self in forwarding their arbitrary designs. It is in vain to plead, that 
you fled to the enemy for protection against some of your neighbours, 
who threatened your life, because they thought you a Tory ; for you 
might have applied for, and obtained protection from the civil magis- 
trate, or fit)m the army of your Country. ... It is true, and I mention 
it with pleasure, that your interest with the Commander-in-Chief of the 
British army was frequently employed in acts of humanity, charity, and 
benevolence." 

The ministers of Philadelphia (William White, after- 
wards Bishop, among them) presented a petition, saying that 
they,— 

<< Deeply sympathizing with their distrest wives, children and rela- 
tives ; earnestly desiring that the Mercy and Forgiveness which we 
preach, through Christ, may be accepted and copied among men ; and 
hoping that, if possible, the Foundation of our civil Liberty may be 
firmly established without the Blood of Fellow-citizens, Do, therefore, 
Pray that the lives of the said Abraham Carlisle and John Roberts, who 
are now far advanced in years, may be spared, & such measure of mercy 
and forgiveness extended to them as may be thought consistent with the 
public safety." 



24 lift of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Petitions from some American soldiers set forth that they 
had been taken prisoners and that their lives had been saved 
by the kindness of John Boberts, when they were confined 
in the British jail, and that he had procured the release 
of some and had gone bail for others. 

Finally, petitions from over one thousand of the best men 
of the State, forty-two military officers among them, prayed 
for a reprieve until the Assembly, which alone had the 
power to pardon, could take these cases into consideration. 

The petitions were presented to the Supreme Executive 
Council on November 2, a reprieve was reftised on No- 
vember 3, and John Boberts and Abraham Carlisle were 
executed on November 4. 

What mattered it that the counsel who prosecuted, the 
judge who tried, and the jury who convicted asked for a 
reprieve ? What consideration was given to the names of 
Lewis Morris and Beigamin Rush (two of the signers of 
the Declaration of Independence) when they appeared on 
the petition for pardon ? What cared the Council for the 
mercy and forgiveness of which the ministers prated? 
What credit was given to the statement of the militiamen, 
whose lives he had saved, that John Boberts was ^^ a man 
who has Bealy done much goods to many Prisoner, so 
that some even did believe that it was so ordered by 
Providence that he must be in Town'* ? What availed it 
that officers who had seen blood shed in battle asked that 
his might be spared ? The Jacobinism of the mob (who 
had submitted to the exactions of the British army without 
a whimper) had grown so intense that nothing but blood, 
shed without any risk to themselves, could satisfy their 
fury, and Boberts and Carlisle were the victims, as << an ex- 
ample was necessary." 

Among the members of the Continental Congress was 
James Wilson, a lawyer by profession, who afterwards 
became one of the judges of the Supreme Court of the 
United States. For a while he was opposed to the Declara- 
tion of Independence, thinking such action premature. He 



lift of MctTgaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 26 

was, however, soon convinced of the necessity of the 
measure, and his vote turned the scale and gave Pennsyl- 
vania's sanction to liberty and independence. 

He was one of the counsel for Roberts and Carlisle, and 
subsequently obtained acquittals for a number of persons 
tried for treason, and by thus attending to his professional 
duties he had ^ven great offence to the mob. Robert 
Morris had also incurred enmity by refusing to open his 
warehouse and sell goods for less than cost On the night 
of October 3, 1779, placards were posted throughout the 
city, threatening Robert Morris, James Wilson, and others. 
Wilson at that time lived in a large stone house on the 
southwest comer of Third and Walnut Streets, which, from 
the circumstances about to be related, was afterwards called 
" Fort Wilson." The occurrences of October 4, 1779, are 
thus related by Watson : * 

'' A mob was fonned, who gave out an intention to aasault his honse 
and injure his person. His friends gathered around him with arms — 
soon the conflict was joined — ^many muskets were fired — some were 
wounded, and a few died. It was a day of great excitement, and long 
the name and incidents of 'Fort WUson' were discussed and remem- 
bered. 

"Among those in the house were Messrs. Wilson, Morris, Burd, 
George and Daniel Clymer, John T. Mifflin, Allen McLane, Sharp De- 
laney, George Campbell, Paul Beck, Thomas Laurence, Andrew Robin- 
son, John Potts, Samuel 0. Morris, Captain Campbell, and Generals 
Mifflin, Nichols and Thompson. They were provided with arms, but 
their stock of ammunition was yery small. While the mob was march- 
ing down. General Nichols and Daniel Clymer proceeded hastily to the 
Arsenal at Carpenters' Hall, and filled their pockets with cartridges : 
this constituted their whole supply. 

« In the mean time the mob and militia (for no regular troops took 
part in the riot) assembled on the commons, while a meeting of the 
principal citizens took place at the Coffee House. A deputation was 
sent to endeayor to prevail on them to disperse, but without effect. The 
first troop of city cavalry assembled at their stables, a fixed place of ren- 
dezvous, and agreed to have their horses saddled, and ready to mount at 
a moment's warning. Notice was to be given to as many members as 
could be found, and a part was to assemble in Dock below Second Street, 

* See Vol. I. p. 425, etc. 



26 Uvft of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

and join the party at the stables. For a time a deceitful calm pre- 
vailed; at the dinner honr the members of the troop retired to their 
homes, and the rebels seized the opportunity to march into the city. 
The armed men amounted to two hundred, headed by low characters. 
They marched down Chestnut to Second street, down Second to Walnut 
stieet, and up Walnut street to Mr. Wilson's house, with drums beating 
and two pieces of cannon. They immediately commenced firing on the 
house, which was warmly returned by the garrison. Finding that they 
could make no impression, the mob proceeded to force the door ; at the 
moment it was yielding, the horse made their appearance. 

'< After the troop had retired at dinner time, a few of the members, 
hearing that the mob was marching into town, hastened to the rendes- 
Tous : these members were Majors Lennox and the two Nichols, Samuel 
Morris, Alexander Nesbitt, Isaac Coxe, and Thomas Leiper. On their 
route to Wilson's they were joined by two troopers firom Bristol, and 
turning suddenly round the comer of Chestnut street, they charged the 
mob, who, ignorant of their number, at the cry of 'the horse, the horse,' 
dispersed in every direction, but not before two other detachments of 
the first troop had reached the scene. Many of them were arrested, and 
committed to prison ; and as the sword was yery fireely used, a consider- 
able number were severely wounded. A man and a boy were killed in 
the streets ; in the house. Captain Campbell was killed, and Mr. Mifllin 
and Mr. S. C. Morris wounded. The troop patroled the streets the 
greater part of the night The citizens turned out, and placed a guard 
at the powder magazine and the arsenal. It was some days before order 
was restored. Major Lennox was particularly marked out for destruc- 
tion. He retired to his house at Gkrmantown : the mob followed and 
surrounded it during the night, and prepared to force an entrance. 
Anxious to gain time, he pledged his honour, that he would open the 
door as soon as daylight appeared. In the meantime, he contrived to 
dispatch an intrepid woman, who lived in his family, to the city for 
assistance ; and a party of the first troop arrived in season to protect their 
comrade ; but he was compelled to return to town for safety. . . . The 
gentlemen who had comprised the garrison were advised to leave the 
city, where their lives were endangered. General Mifflin and about 
thirty others accordingly met at Mr. Gray's house below Gray's Ferry, 
where it was resolved to return to town without any appearance of in- 
timidation. But it was deemed expedient that Mr. Wilson should 
absent himself for a time." 

In a note it is stated : 

'^ General Arnold came to repress the mob, but he was so unpopular, 
they stoned him." 



lAft of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 27 

And 80 James "Wilson was forced to leave Philadelphia 
for having defended his home and his life from the attack 
of a ftirious mob, who perpetrated outrages almost within 
the shadow of Independence Hall! Had it not been for 
the diversion made by the City Troop, the soil of Phila- 
delphia would have been stained with the blood of three of 
the signers of the Declaration of Independence, whose 
patriotism was not sufficiently ardent to satisfy these Amer- 
ican Jacobins. Such was the narrow escape of the City of 
Brotherly Love from horrors similar to those which, known 
in history as the " Massacres of September," were the dis- 
grace of Paris in 1792. 

The defenders of Wilson's house had to give bail, but an 
obsequious legislature made haste to pass an act of oblivion 
for the protection of the mob who had caused the riot 

Where can we find another such conclusion, outside of 
comic opera or stage fierce ? 

A short account of one feature attending the rejoicings 
over the news of the surrender of Cornwallis will fitly con- 
clude this chapter. The "Journal of Elizabeth Drinker"* 
contains the following, viz. : 

«Y« 17th of this month, October, Qenl. Cornwallis was taken, for 
which we grievously suffered on y 24th, by way of rejoicing. A mob 
assembled about 7 o'clock or before, and continued their insults until 
near 10, to those whose Houses were not illuminated. Scarcely one 
Friend's House escaped. We had nearly 70 panes of glass broken ; y* 
sash lights and two panels of the front Parlor broke in pieces ; y* Door 
cracked and violently burst open ; when they threw stones into y* House 
for some time, but did not enter. Some &red better and some worse. 
Some Houses, after breaking y* door, they entered, and destroyed the 
Furniture, Ac. Many women and children were frightened into fits, 
and 'tis a mercy no lives were lost." 

From the " Diary of Miss Anna Bawle" ' we take the 
following, viz. : 

* See Penna. Mao., Vol. XVI. p. 106, note 1. 
» Ibid., p. 104, etc. 



28 Uft of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

"I suppose, dear Mammy, thee would not haye imagined this house 
to be illuminated last night, but it was. A mob surrounded it, broke 
the shutters and the glass of the windows, and were coming in, none 
but forlorn women here. We for a time listened for their attacks in 
fear and trembling till, finding them grow more loud and violent, not 
knowing what to do, we ran into the yard. Warm Whigs of one side, 
and Hartley's of the other (who were treated even worse than we), 
rendered it impossible for us to escape that way. We had been there 
many minutes before we were drove back by the sight of two men 
climbing the fence. We thought the mob were coming in thro' there, 
but it proved to be Cobum and Bob. Shewell, who called to us not to be 
frightened, and fixed lights up at the windows, which pacified the mob, 
and after three huzzas they moved off. A number of men came in 
afterwards to see us. French and J. B. nailed boards up at the broken 
pannels, or it would not have been safe to have gone to bed. Cobum 
and Shewell were really very kind ; had it not been for them I really 
believe the house would have been pulled down. Even the firm Uncle 
Fisher was obliged to submit to have his windows Oluminated, for they 
had pickaxes and iron bars with which they had done considerable 
injury to his house, and would soon have demolished it had not some 
of the Hodges and other people got in back and acted as they pleased. 
All Uncles sons were out, but Sammy, and if they had been at home it 
was in vain to oppose them. In short it was the most alarming scene I 
ever remember. For two hours we had the disagreeable noise of stones 
banging about, glass crashing, the tumultuous voices of a large body of 
men, as they were a long time at the different houses in the neighbor- 
hood. At last they were victorious, and it was one general illumination 
throughout the town. As we had not the pleasure of seeing any of the 
gentlemen in the house, nor the ftimiture cut up, and goods stolen, nor 
been beat, nor pistols pointed at our breasts, we may count our sufferings 
slight compared to many others. Mr. Gibbs was obliged to make his 
escape over a fence, and while his wife was endeavoring to shield him 
firom the rage of one of the men, she received a violent bruise in the 
breast, and a blow in the face which made her nose bleed. Ben. Shoe- 
maker was here this morning ; tho' exceedingly threatened he says they 
came off with the loss of four panes of glass. Some Whig friends put 
candles in the windows which made his peace with the mob, and they 
retired. John Drinker has lost half the goods out of his shop and been 
beat by them ; in short the sufferings of those they pleased to style 
Tories would fill a volume and shake the credulity of those who were 
not here on that memorable night, and to-day Philadelphia makes an 
uncommon appearance, which ought to cover the Whigs with eternal 
confiision. A neighbor of ours had the effirontery to tell Mrs. G. that 
he was sorry for her ftimiture, but not for her windows — a ridiculous 



lift of Margaret Shippmy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 29 

diBtinction that many of them make. J. Head has nothing left whole 
in his parlonr. Uncle Pennington loet a good deal of window-glan. 
Aunt Burge preserved hers thro' the care of some of her neighbors. 
The Drinkers and Wains make heavy complaints of the Carolinians in 
their neighbourhood. Wains' pickles were thrown about the streets and 
barrells of sugar stolen. . . . 

"It seems universally agreed that Philadelphia will no longer be that 
happy asylum for the Quakers that it once was. Those joyful days 
when all was prosperity and peace are gone, never to return ; and per- 
haps it is as necessary for our society to ask for terms as it was for Com- 
walliB. Juliet says all Uncle Pennington's fine pictures are broken ; his 
parlour was full of men, but it was nothing, he said, to Nancy's illness, 
who was for an hour or two out of her senses and terrified them ex- 
ceedingly." 

COUBTSHIP AND MABBIAGB. 

Margaret Shippen was just entering her seventeenth year 
when the Declaration of Independence was signed. She 
developed into a gentle, graceful, and lovely woman, with 
such beauty that she became celebrated therefor, so that 
later the British officers declared she was the most beautiful 
woman in England or America. She was one of the belles 
of Philadelphia, and attracted the admiration of every be- 
holder. When Mtgor Andr6 was a prisoner in the early 
part of the war, and afterwards during the British occupa- 
tion of Philadelphia, he visited at her fisither's house and 
drew her likeness. 

During the time Major Edward Burd was held prisoner 
by the British his health was imp^ed by his captivity, so 
that after his release he was compelled to relinquish the 
military service and return to his professional duties as a 
lawyer. On August 12, 1778, he was appointed Prothono- 
tary of the Supreme Court, which position he held until 
his resignation on January 2, 1806. So satisfactorily and 
correctly did he discharge his duties that even the Supreme 
Court judges themselves referred an inquirer to him as to a 
question of practice which they had not decided. 

After the departure of the British army from Philadel- 
phia, in June, 1778, preparations for his marriage with Eliza- 
beth Shippen were made, and, next to the bride and groom, 



80 Lift of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

"P^ggy*' Shippen was no doubt most deeply interested 
therein, for this was the sister she most dearly loved, whose 
confidante she was, and upon whose example she founded 
her own conduct It was at this period that she first met 
General Arnold, who had been appointed to the command 
of Philadelphia on June 19, 1778. He fell in love with her 
at first sight, and on September 25, 1778, he wrote as 
follows : 

"Dear Madam; — 

''Twenty times have I taken up my pen to write to you, and as often 
has my trembling hand refused to obey the dictates of my heart — a heart 
which, though calm and serene amidst the clashing of arms and all the 
din and horrors of war, trembles with diffidence and the fear of giving 
offence when it attempts to address you on a subject so important to its 
happiness. Dear madam, your charms have lighted up a flame in my 
bosom which can never be extinguished your heavenly image is too 
deeply impressed ever to be efSaced, 

"My passion is not founded on personal charms only ; that sweetness of 
disposition and goodness of heart, that sentiment and sensibility which 
so strongly mark the character of the lovely Miss P. Shippen, renders 
her amiable beyond expression, and will ever retain the heart she has 
once captivated. On you alone my happiness depends, and will you 
doom me to languish in despair? Shall I expect no return to the most 
sincere, ardent and disinterested passion ? Do you feel no pity in your 
gentle bosom for the man who would die to make you happy? May I 
presume to hope it is not impossible I may make a fovourable impression 
on your heart? Friendship and esteem yon acknowledge. Dear Peggy, 
suffer that heavenly bosom (which cannot know itself the cause of pain 
without a sympathetic pang) to expand with a sensation more soft, more 
tender than Mendship. A union of hearts is undoubtedly necessary to 
happiness ; but give me leave to observe that true and permanent happi* 
ness is seldom the effect of an alliance founded on a romantic passion ; 
where £uicy governs more than judgment. Friendship and esteem, 
founded on the merit of the object, is the most certain basis to build a 
lasting happiness upon ; and where there is a tender and ardent passion 
on one side, and Mendship and esteem on the other, the heart (unlike 
yours) must be callous to every tender sentiment if the taper of love is 
not lighted up at the flame. 

'' I am sensible your prudence and the affection you bear your amiable 
and tender parents forbids your giving encouragement to the addresses of 
any one without their approbation. Pardon me, Dear Madame, for dis- 



lAft of Mcargcaret SMpperiy Wife of Benedict AmoUL 81 

dosiiig a paanon I could no longer confine in my tortured bosom. I 
liaye presumed to write to your Papa, and have requested his sanction 
to my addresses. Suffer me to hope for your approbation. Ck>nsider 
before you doom me to misery, which I have not desenred but by loving 
you too extravagantly. Ck>n8ult your own happiness, and if incompatible, 
forget there is so unhappy a wretch ; for may I perish if I would give 
you one moment's inqui^ude to purchase the greatest possible felicity to 
mysell Whatever my fstte may be, my most ardent wish is for your 
happiness, and my latest breath will be to implore the blessing of heaven 
on the idol and only wish of my souL 

''Adieu, dear Madame, and believe me unalterably, your sincere 
admirer and devoted humble servant, 

"B. Abnold. 
"Sept 25, 1778. 

''MiBB Peggy Shippbn." 

When Arnold wrote this letter his reputation was at its 
best He was known as one of the bravest and most daring 
of the American generals. On May 7, 1778, Washington 
had written to him : 

''A gentleman in France having very obligingly sent me three sets of 
epaulettes and sword-knots, two of which, professedly, to be disposed of 
to any friends I should choose, I take the liberty of presenting them to 
you and (General Lincoln, as a testimony of my sincere regard and 
approbation of your conduct'' ^ 

At this time in his thirty-seventh year, even his lameness 
caused by a wound received in battle lent additional in- 
terest to him and pleaded most strongly for him in the heart 
of this fidr maiden, whose sister was just about to wed one 
who had also been an American officer. 

Bid not the recital of ^neas's adventures win the heart 
of Dido of old ? And, like Othello, Arnold could say, — 

** I spake of most disastrous chances. 
Of moving accidents by flood and field. 
Of hair-breadth scapes i' the imminent deadly breach. 
Of being taken by the insolent foe 

She lov'd me for the dangers I had pass'd. 
And I lov'd her that she did pity them." 

» Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 861. 



82 lAft of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

And 60 he won her affection^ though General Greene 
was his rival, according to Sabine. Her fether was opposed 
to the match for the obvious reasons that Arnold was over 
twice her age, a widower with three children, and notori- 
ously extravagant; though when he saw that her heart was 
fixed, and that her health had failed in consequence of his 
refusal, he reluctantly gave his consent^ The earnest court- 
ship of Arnold soon attracted the notice of observers. In 
November, 1778, Mrs. Morris, writing to her mother, says, 
" I must tell you that Cupid has given our little General a 
more mortal wound, than all the host of Britons could, 
unless his present conduct can expiate for his past — ^Miss 
Peggy Shippen is the fair one." And on December 17, 
1778, Charles Stewart wrote to Joseph Galloway in England 
that it was certain Arnold was to marry the daughter of 
Edward Shippen. 

From an unexpected quarter comes a glimpse of the 
manner of her courtship. Franklin's daughter, writing 
to her father about this time concerning her daughter, 
his grandchild, remarks, "You cant think how fond of 
kissing she is, and she gives such old-fiashioned smacks 
General Arnold says he would give a good deal to have 
her for a school-mistress to teach the young ladies how to 



This is an unlooked-for witness to the correct conduct and 
modesty which always distinguished Margaret Shippen. 

On December 21, 1778, Edward Shippen wrote to his 
father at Lancaster : 

"Hon'dSib; 

"I received your forour of the 16th inst, acquainting me with the 
Bale of Mr. CWoway's house to Mr. Yeates. I had some desire to make 

^ In after-yeaiB Edward Shippen wrote to his brother, whose son's 
marriage had not been acceptable to his parents, '' I sincerely condole 
with you on a mental Affliction which a Circumstance in your fiuoily 
must necessarily hare occasioned ; and concerning which I have more 
than common reason to sympathize with you.*' 

• Pbnna. Mag., Vol. m. p. 882. 



lAft of MargaTet Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 88 

the purchase on my own account as well as yours, as it is not very un- 
likely I shall find myself under the necessity of removing from this 
Bcene of expense ; and I don't know where I could more properly go 
than to Lancaster. The common articles of life, such as are absolutely 
necessary for a fEunily, are not much higher here than at Lancaster, 
but the style of life my &shionable daughters have introduced into 
my fiunily, and their dress, will, I fear, before long, oblige me to 
change the scene. The .expense of supporting my family here will not 
&11 short of four or five thousand pounds per annum, an expense insup- 
portable without business. I have at last completed my purchase in 
Chester county, greatly to my satisfaction, and have sold my Jersey 
estate for nine thousand pounds ; so that if I should in Lancaster, I 
can be supplied with a variety of necessaries from my own fium, which 
is about twenty-four miles from thence, with a very good road all the 
way. 

'' The orchard I must now defer planting till the spring ; if you could 
in the mean time secure me the first choice of the best apple trees in the 
nursery you mentioned, it would be very well. I gave my daughter 
Betsy to Neddy Burd last Thursday evening, and all is jollity and mirth. 
My youngest daughter is much solicited by a certain (General, on the 
same subject ; whether this will take place or not, depends upon circum- 
stances. If it should, I think it will not be till spring. What other 
changes in my fiunily may take place to forward or prevent my removal 
firom Philadelphia, is still uncertain. As to the sale of Shippensburgh, 
I would not advise yon to think of it unless you can beforehand meet 
with something to lay the money out in which would yield you a better 
income.'' 

As the sentence of this letter relative to household ex- 
penses has been used as a proof that the Shippen girls were 
criminally extravagant, we desire to call the reader's atten- 
tion to the fact that the Continental currency had become 
depreciated to less than one-seventh of its nominal value ; 
and, according to the table of depreciation afterwards ap- 
proved by Congress, five thousand pounds was worth on the 
day the letter was written only nineteen hundred dollars 
specie. An expenditure of nineteen hundred dollars specie 
per annum for the household expenses of one of the leading 
fiunilies of Philadelphia does not impress us as being ex- 
travagant, even though the cost of living was less then than 
now. 

VOL. XXV. — 3 



84 Life of Margaret ShippeUj Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

But we think it no more than fair to give the views of 
one of the young ladies on the subject of dress, and quote 
from a letter (original in the possession of C. R. Hildebum, 
Esq.) from " Betsy" Shippen to her first cousin, Mrs. Jasper 
Yeates, dated June 6, 1777 : 

"You desire to know how the Girk manage about finery ? tolerably 
well I assure you, as we had a pretty good stock, we intend wearing that 
out and hope by that time we shall be able to purchase more, if we cannot 
we must be satisfied without it and try if we cannot make ourselves look 
tolerably smart in homenspun.'' 

*' Philadxlphii. Dec, 22nd, 1778. 
"Dear Sir; 

"On Thursday Evening last, I formed the most pleasing Connexion 
with my most amiable Girl. We had none that lived out of the Family 
except Aunt Willing, Mr. Tilghman, & the Brides Man & Maids present 
at the Ceremony. My dear Betsy went thro' it with tolerable Courage 
considering the very important Change it will make in her Life : — We 
saw Company for three days & on Friday Evening had a little Hop for 
our unmarried Acquaintances. This, with Punch Drinking, &c. is all 
the Entertainment that was given, & even this Expence must have been 
very considerable. I was disappointed in getting the Cloathes I ex- 
pected & was obliged to purchase others. Betsy joins me in her kind 
Love to yourself, Mrs. Yeates & Family. I have a Prospect of getting 
Mrs. Francis's House with the Use of her Furniture. She intends to 
spend a few Months in Maryland ; In the mean time I can look out for 
a House & be providing Furniture. I have got some Linnen at my 
father's both fine & coarse. It will be proper I should use my own 
Sheeting & Table Linnen. I wish I could get that & my Table Linnen 
sent down as soon as is convenient. If you have an Opportunity per- 
haps you could desire my Father to send them to you. There are some 
Pickles at Gen'l Beed's, of yours which I am to convey to you ; but I 
must get a Joiner or Carpenter to make a Box for them, for fear they 
should break. In my next, I shall attend to your Commands. I am, 
with my Love to the Family, Dear Sir, 

"Your very aff*ectionate Brother ; 
"Edw. Bubd. 

"Jasper Yeatbs Esq." 

EQs sister, Mrs. Jasper Yeates, wrote as follows to the 
bride on December 80, 1778 : 



life of Margaret Shippen^ W^e of Benedict Arnold. 86 

''Pennit me, my dear Betsy to congratulate yoa on your Change of 
Condition. Our new Connection gives me the highest Joy & Satis- 
&ction, and I trust no unfriendly Event will ever interrupt our Affec- 
tion as Bisters. I beg leave to assure you that I shall think myself 
exceedingly happy in having it in my Power on any Occasion to demcm- 
strate my Love for you and my Brother. 

''We flatter ouiselves we shall have the Pleasure of your Company 
here, whenever the Weather will pennit your travelling. I need not, I 
think, tell you that our House is your Home, where you will always be 
welcome. 

" Pray teU me, will Cousin P^pgy follow your Example? Every one 
tells me so with such Confidence, that I am laughed at for my Unbeliefl 
Does she know her own Mind yet? 

** You will greatly oblige me by presenting my Duty to your Papa A 
Mama & Love to your Sisters & Brothers. That you & Neddy may ex- 
perience every Felicity the married State is capable of, are the ardent 
Wishes of. Dear Betsy, 

''Your most affectionate Sister ; 

It wafl probably in answer to this letter from his sister 
that Neddy wrote as follows to Jasper Yeates on January 
3,1779: 

" Being now become an old married fellow, I can sit down to Business 
with more composure than formerly — that is I have relapsed into a rea- 
sonable Being, which I had almost lost all pretensions to, by the happy 
Event which had taken place. The serious Care of providing for a 
Family will soon employ my Attention and Industry, I am almost 
frightened when I consider of the amazing Price of every Article and 
Necessary of Life in this City. Suppose I had an Inclination to pur- 
chase 20 or 80 Bushels of Wheat what could I procure it for in or near 
your City ? Mrs. Francis has a neat new House at the Comer of fourth 
and Walnut Streets, which she intends to let me have the Use of for six 
or eight Months as well as of her Furniture I paying the House Rent, 
Maid's Wages, and replacing the Wood, flour and such other Articles as 
I shall consume when I leave the House. It is such a House as I would 
chuse. It is large enough, warm, convenient, and not 100 yards from 
Mr. Shippen's, and rents at £60 per annum. Could any thing happen 
more fortunately for a young Couple just beginning the World ? . . . 

"... I wrote you as soon after my Marriage as my attention to 
Company and flutter of Spirits would permit. 

'* You mention a Eeport of another Wedding being likely to take place 
in the family. You may recollect my Suspicions, when I last saw you 



86 lAft of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

notwithstanding the Refusal. My Expectations have been answered : I 
was abnost sure it ooold not be otherwise. A lame Leg is at present the 
only Obstacle. Bnt a Lady who makes that the only Objection, and is 
firmly persuaded it will soon be well can never retract, however ex- 
pressly conditional an Engagement may have been made. However we 
have every reason to hope it will be well again, Tho' I am not so san- 
guine as he is with respect to the time ; — but the Leg will be a couple of 
Inches shorter than the other and disfigured. He appears from the 
slight Knowledge I have of him to be a well dispositioned Man, and one 

that will use his best Endeavours to make P happy, and I doubt not 

will succeed. He has acquired something handsome and a Settlement 
will be previously made. 

" I can write you no News but that Mr. McKean has prosecuted Oen- 
eral Thompson for a Libel, he was discharged upon ye first Warrant for 
its Irregularity. . . . 

"General Cadwalader, the Town says is to be married to Miss Willy 
Bond. He has laid a dozen pair of Gloves with Peggy Shippen that 
there will be 12 Marriages among her Acquaintances before next Christ- 
mas, my Wedding and his own inclusive." 

On January 2, 1779, Edward Shippen, of Lancaster, 
wrote to Colonel Burd, "We understand that General 
Arnold, a fine gentleman, lays close siege to Peggy, — and 
if so, there will soon be another match in the femily." 

It has been falsely stated that Margaret Shippen's father 
was not opposed to Arnold, but the letter of Edward Burd, 
of January 3, 1779, clearly shows that Arnold had been re- 
fused, and the uniform tradition of the family is that it was 
her father's reftisal that is here referred to. 

It is also insinuated that no inquiries were made concern- 
ing Arnold after the charges against him were published 
on February 3, 1779. But there is a letter from Edward 
Shippen, of Lancaster, dated February 15, 1779 (in the His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania), inquiring about these very 
charges, from which we quote as follows : 

"I see there are a number of Things laid to the charge 
of G — ^1 A — d; I wish you would favor me with a few 
lines concerning that matter." 

The letter of Edward Shippen contains a reference to 
Arnold, and it seems as if the writer had still indulged the 



lift of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 87 

secret hope that something might yet occur to break off the 
match to which he had so reluctantly consented. 

But a £Ehr more interesting letter, in reference to Betsy 
Shippen's wedding, is the following written to the bride by 
her first cousin, Elizabeth Tilghman : 

" CmBTKBTOWN, Janiutfj 2IMh 1779. 

''well my dear yonng Matron how is it with your highness now. 
have you got oyer aU your litde palpitations, and settled yourself as a 
sober discreet wife— oh t hearens, what a moathfal, and is it really pos- 
sible that you are married, and have receiyed the golden Pledge before 
the Cassock and Twenty Fiye. shameless girl, how conld you be so 
naughty as to haye so many witnesses of your actions, and then after 
all to pretend in a squeaking yoice to send me trotting aU oyer the house 
for a shoyel. it is well that I had a good Tilly or I should haye been 
frightened to death with your Nonsense. I dare say that you are 
ashamed of yourself by this time for making such a riot for a trifle. I dare 
say Miss B[ond] will behaye much better, — ^you ask me whether I was 
not surprized at hearing of that match, why no my dear, for I had some 
reason for suspecting that the General [Cadwalader] looked upon her 
with eyes of kindness, when I was in Town. I dare say it will be a 
tlout wedding, an't you sorry that you did not ask the Bride elect to 
your Ball. Mrs. Dickinson is sitting by me framing a Letter to the fiur 
intended. She laughs and rails at being obliged to write such a formal 
scrawl, but she cannot ayoid it and therefore must puzzle her Brains to 
write nonsense as she calls it, between friends dont you think that the 
noble general has made rather a homely choice, but they say she is 
mighty good, and thats enough for any reasonable Christian. I sup- 
pose that Johnny considers that a face is a flower that Blooms and dies, 
talking of Beauty, the dear Pe[nn] had just darted across my brain alas I 
he had like neyer to haye called at Polly's door again. I am well in- 
formed that she had 10 fits in half a second, when she heard the dreadful 
afBedr which I think a fityourable sign for Johnny P[enn]. They say 
that he was determined to die like an Adonis, and of course put on the 
white damask Jacket and bought a new wig which he neatly flowered, 
powder you know is rather ezpensiye.'' [The foregoing refers to the 
Penn-Laurens duel.] 

'' Miss T[ilghman] shed a few tears at his disaster, but she is now com- 
posed do you think that she has a place still in his heart, Tilly I mean, 
it is a monstrous Bore to say heart — ah I my dear Eliza those happy six 
weeks appear like a dream why was I snatched from you so soon, but I 
keep up my spirits at the thoughts of meeting you in the spring, giye 
my best loye to Counsellor Burd you haye some slight knowledge of the 



88 lAft of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict AmoUL 

youth I presume, but at your perril dont let him peep at this elegant 
scrawl of mine, tell the girls they have my best wishes for their pro- 
motion, but I warn Madam Sarah [Shippen] not to think of young Jo[hn 
Penn?] as I am determined to dispute the charmer with her — oh t all ye 
powers of love I had like to have forgot the gentle Arnold, where is he, 
how does he, and when is he like to convert our little Peggy, they say 
she intends to surrender soon I thought the fort would not hold out 
long well after all there is nothing like persererence, and a regular at- 
tack, adieu my dear, supper waits, let me hear from you soon if you 
wish to give pleasure to your 

"affectionate E.T." 

Alafl for the dignity of Revolutionary patriots ! Where 
now is that mantle of ahnost supernatural gravity and wis- 
dom with which the members of the Continental Congress 
have been invested from the " time whereof our memory 
runneth not to the contrary*'? To think that a "most 
potent, grave, and reverend" signer of the Declaration of 
Independence should be termed " Johnny !" But if we are 
right in supposing that " Madam Sarah" Shippen alludes to 
the same gentieman in an undated note now before us, a 
fresh horror overwhelms us, for she says, "I think you 
have a great deal of assurance to give me tight-skin (which 
by the bye I think an excellent name) for a gallant" Could 
irreverence go ftirther than this ? 

Returning now to Arnold, we find that he had at last 
obtained her fether's consent, for on February 8, 1779, he 
writes from the camp at Raritan, as follows : 

"My Dbabbst Life ; — 

"Never did I so ardently long to see or hear from you as at this 
instant. I am all impatience and anxiety to know how you do ; six 
days' absence, without hearing from my dear Peggy, is intolerable. 
Heavens I what must I have suffered had I continued my journey — the 
loss of happiness for a few dirty acres. I can almost bless the villanous 
roads, and more viUanaw men, who oblige me to return. I am heartily 
tired with my journey, and almost so with human nature. I daily dis- 
cover so much baseness and ingratitude among mankind that I almost 
blush at being of the same species, and could quit the stage without 
regret was it not for some gentle, generous souls like my dear Peggy, who 
still retain the lively impression of their Maker's image, and who, with 



lift of Mcargaret Shippertj Wife of Benedict AmoUL 89 

smilee of benignity and goodness, make all happy around them. Let 
me beg of you not to Buffer the rude attacks on me to give you one 
moment's uneasiness ; they can do me no injury. I am treated with the 
greatest politeness by General Washington and the officers of the army, 
who bitterly execrate Mr. Beed and the Council for their villanous at- 
tempt to injure me. they hare adyised me to proceed on my journey. 
The badness of the roads will not permit, was it possible to support an 
absence of four weeks, for in less time I could not accomplish it. The 
day after to-morrow I leare this, and hope to be made happy by your 
smiles on Friday evening ; 'tiU then all nature smiles in vain ; for you 
alone, heard, felt and seen, possess my erery thought, fill erery sense 
and pant in every vein. 

'' Clarkson will send an express to meet me at Bristol ; make me happy 
by one line, to tell me you are so ; please to present my best respects to 
your manuna and the family. My prayers and best wishes attend my 
dear Peggy. Adieu I and believe me sincerely and affectionately thine. 

"B. Arnold. 

"Mmb Pbggy Shippen." 

On March 18, 1779, Elizabeth Tilghman writes to Mrs. 
Burd 88 follows : 

" I think all the World are running mad, what Demon has possessed 

the People with respect to Gen. A d, he is certainly much abused ; 

ungrateful Monsters, to attack a character that haa been looked up to, in 
more instances than one, since this war commenced; but however I 
have not a doubt of his not clearing himself with honor : Poor P^pgy 
how I pity her ; at any rate her situation must be eztreamly disagree- 
able, she has great sensibility and I think it must have been often put 
to the tryal. Will you give my Ck>mpts. to the General, I wish him 
happy because I think he deserves to be so.'' 

On March 22, 1779, Arnold purchased Mount Pleasant, 
a fine old place on the eastern bank of the Schuylkill, now 
in Fairmount Park, containing ninety-six acres, and settled 
it on himself for life with remainder to his wife and chil- 
dren. This was not very far from Edward Shippen's country- 
seat, and on one of the oldest beeches in Ormiston Glen we 
remember to have seen in boyhood's days the initials " B. A." 

In the Pennsylvania Packet of April 15, 1779, the follow- 
ing notice appeared : " Married, Major-Qeneral Arnold to 



40 Lift of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Miss Peggy Shippen, youngest daughter of Edward Ship- 
pen, Esq." 

In Wateon's Annals, Vol. HI., p. 448 (edition of 1891), 
the following account by Mrs. Ann "Willing Morris is given : 

'' As a petted child she was permitted to be present at the marriage of 
General Arnold with the daughter of Chief-Justice Shippen. Of the 
character and exploits of the traitor she in after life spoke in detesta- 
tion ; and for far more serious cause did she then sympathize with her 
grandmother, the aunt of 'the heautiful bride/ in her sorrow and sur- 
prise that so great a sacrifice was permitted to one so much her senior, 
a widower with ^ildren, and who, by herself at least, was not regarded 
with the confidence and respect necessary to render the connection de- 
sirable or agreeable. Owing to a recent wound, received under circum- 
stances which would alone have established a claim to grateful remem- 
brance had not his subsequent extraordinary defection obliterated his 
name firom the roll of his country's heroes, Arnold during the marriage 
ceremony was supported by a soldier, and when seated his disabled 
limb was propped upon a camp-stool. These wounds may perhaps have 
made him more interesting to the lovely but unfortunate bride. At all 
events, her 'hero' except for his character for extravagance, was then 
regarded with a share of public fiivor, if not with any feeling of popu- 
lar afiection. He had rendered ' some service to the state,' and was 
distinguished for gallantry among the bravest of the land." 

By way of epilogue to this chapter we quote the follow- 
ing lively letter from Miss Tilghman, who soon after mar- 
ried James Lloyd, the " certain Major" she speaks of: 

*• Cheotsb Town April 14th 1779. 
"Get married as soon as you can — ^and so that is really the burden of 
your song, my dear Eliza, good Lord I what will this world come to ? 
who could have ever Imagined that you would turn Preacher, and that 
Matrimony should be the Text, perhaps you think that I dont remem- 
ber the Quakes tremblings and a thousand other Quirks that you had 
on a certain occasion, if your feelings were affected, yon are a mon- 
strous Hypocrite and have a very great sin to answer for in frightening 
poor Peggy and myself into a solemn Oath, never to change our State, 

which Oath, Madam P most religiously kept, till she was Burgoyned 

— ^which, report says was on Thursday last, will you my dear give my 
best love to Mrs. Arnold, tell her that I wish her every happiness that 
this world is capable of affording, and that she may long live the de- 
light and comfort of her adoring General — ^there's a flourish for you. 



lAft of Margaret Shtpperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 41 

dont yoa think I am a good deal in the Haro stile ? I have you all 
before me thiB instant, and have even seen in Imagination every joyous 
scene that the Wedding has produced. Heigh-ho I why did not the 
fates allow me to make one of the gay throng that snrrounded the Mr 
Bride. Apropos ; has our Friend Zane exerted her genius on the happy 
occasion ? I dont think that the United States can produce her equal. I 
hare a Letter from her which is beyond all description. I thought that 
her Extempore in the Courts, was a master Piece, but indeed (to use 
her own expressions) they were poor & lean compared to some flights of 
&ncy in my Letter ; to me she is really a treasure ; and I would not 
give up her Correspondence on any account she will be a constant 
fund of entertainment to me as she intends writing every thing that 
passes in Town and her comments are peculiar to Hersel£ so that you 
see I shall not be reduced to the Necessity of taking a certain Major, by 
way of softening the Solitude of Maryland, pray my dear from whence 
did you get your Intelligence? has my good Friend £. T. been puffing 
a second time of my making a Confidant of her ? my heart is almost 
broke on N. Chew's leaving us. Grod knows when we shall meet again, as 
every scheme is blown away, now my Father has given up all thought 
of living this Summer at the Falls, we are to spend this summer in 
Talbot at Uncle William Tilghman's. next to being with you it is the 
only place that I wish to pass my time, it is an enchanting situation, 
genteel Neighbourhood, and to crown all, they are a Family that I adore, 
and will receive us with open arms, you saw Nancy Tilghman in Phila- 
delphia ; she is a sweet girl ; her manners and conversation often put 
me in mind of you my dear Betsy, judge then if I have not reason to 
love her. I had a letter from her yesterday she is in Baltimore, acting 
Bridesmaid to Miss Hetty Levy who is married to a Doctor Ooodwin. 
so goes the world, who would have thought that child would have 
been married so soon ? I declare it makes me feel quite old. I very well 
remember her an infant, my respects to my tall cousin Burd, you have 
seen the Gentleman, how dare he call me little ? is not my height the 
Ton. I wonder who would even wish to be higher than the right honour- 
able Mrs. R d. Farewell my dear, that you may always be as happy 

as you now are is the wish of your ever affectionate 

'*R TiLGHBiAN. 

"Mbs. Burd. 

"Philadelphia." 

THE JOURNEY TO WEST POINT. 

After his marriage, Arnold lived at his house in Philadel- 
phia and at Mount Pleasant in a style of ostentation which 
he could not afford. Mrs. Arnold probably visited her 



42 lAft of Margaret Shipperty Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

cousin at Sunburj, i^ear Bristol, Pennsylvania; for a letter 
from A. Coxe to Mrs. Burd, dated Sunbury, June 9, 1779, 
contains this sentence: "Pray give my love to the girls, 
one of them I hope will come up with Mrs. Arnold who 
we expect every day." 

Mrs. Arnold's first son was bom on March 19, 1780 ; and 
Washington, writing to Arnold on March 28, 1780, says, 
" Let me congratulate you on the late happy event. Mrs. 
Washington joins me in presenting her wishes for Mrs. 
Arnold on the occasion." * 

On August 8, 1780, Arnold obtained the command of 
West Point. He had been in communication with the 
British commander since about April, 1779.* 

By August 80, 1780, Arnold's plot only awaited a meet- 
ing with the representative of Sir Henry Clinton to have the 
final details arranged.' 

Sir Henry Clinton, in his report to Lord George Germain, 
says, — 

"It became necessary at this ingtant, that the secret correspondence 
under feigned names, which had been so long carried on, should be ren- 
dered into certainty, both as to the person being General Arnold com- 
manding at West Point, and that in the manner in which he was to sur- 
render himself, the forts, and troops to me, it should be so conducted 
under a concerted plan between us, as that the King's troops sent upon 
this expedition should be under no risk of surprise or counterplot ; and 
I was determined not to make the attempt but under such particular 
security." * 

At this time Mrs. Arnold was in Philadelphia, and did not 
leave the city until Thursday, September 6, 1780, probably 
arriving at West Point on September 12, 1780. The fol- 
lowing letter fi-om Hannah Arnold fixes the dates : 

" Sunday, September 10, 1780. 
" I address you, my dear Mrs. Arnold, from the regions of gloom and 
solitude ; but when this splenatic scrawl will reach you, know not, for 
at present hare not the shadow of a conveyance for it 

» Sparks's Washington, Vol. VI. p. 494. 

• Ibid., Vol. VII. p. 520. 

» Sparks's Arnold, p. 176. * Ibid., p. 169. 



Life of Margaret ShippeUj Wife of Benedict Arnold. 48 

"This is Monday, the fourth day Bince your departure, and I have 
not once in the whole time Btep'd my foot over the threshold of our own 
door, and have scarcely been off the bed two hours together ; haye had 
the slight but troubleBome ferer that has so indiscriminately attacf d all 
orders of people (old maids not exempted.) Mrs. Burd has been in the 
same situation with myself, so that we have as yet not seen each other. 
Mr. Burd has kindly called once or twice ; if you could conceire how 
we miss you and the dear little bantling, you would pity us. Harry was 
inconsolable the whole day you left us, and had, I believe, not less than 
twenty the most violent bursts of grief; his little brother Edward seems 
to be the principal theme of the mournful song — ^not one day has es- 
caped without his shedding tears at his absence ; he laments that just 
as he began to know and love his brother, he must be removed so for 
£nom him that he cannot even hear how he does ; this day with a £dling 
tear, he observed to me that he thought it very hard when he had so few 
relations, that they should all be at such a distance from him ; must own 
the observation call'd forth a sympathetic drop from my eyes. Am ex- 
tremely anxious to know how you perform your journey ; am very fear- 
ful for the poor little sore-headed boy, and am surpriz'd that I have not 
heard a syllable from you, but comfort myself with the thought that no 
news is good news, as I cannot imagine but I should have heard it, if 
any material accident had befidlen you. Yesterday got a letter from 
your anxious husband, who, lover-like, is tormenting himself with a 
thousand fancied disasters which have happened to you and the family ; 
however hope by the day after to-morrow you will be able to remove aU 
his distreesing fears. Heaven guard you safely to him, for in your life 
and happiness his consists. 

"Your papa was in yesterday ; the &mily at the Cottage were all well, 
and had just heard your mamma was gone down to your aunt Pierce's — 
my head aches, and as I am sleepy, will close my letter for to-night ; 
sweet repose to you and yours. — 

** Monday Morning. — Had wrote the above, hoping some opportunity 
would present for sending it ; and left it unsealed to make whatever ad- 
ditions I found proper ; but none presenting, had left it in statu quo ; 
was just dressing myself, with an intent to creep out and make Mrs. 
Huntington a morning visit, when Punch came tripping up stairs (show- 
ing his teeth), with a letter in his hand from mistress : I broke the seal 
with eager solicitude, and am more than happy to find you performed 
your journey as far as Brunswick with so much ease and pleasure ; may 
they both attend in your train to the end of it ; — am rejoiced at the ac- 
count you give me of Edward ; hope the little rogue holds out as well 
as he began ; reckon he will this night finish his first grand tour. — 

'' Sent just now to see how Mrs. Burd was ; have for answer that she 



44 Liift of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

is much better ; if my morning's yinting don't make me sick, dedgn 
seeing her in the evening. — 

'' Thunday. — ^Nothing new to-day. Saw Mrs. Burd last night, and 
we have made an appointment to Mrs. Morris's to-morrow. — ^feunily 
affidrs go on smooth ; find I have got a steady, clever, industrious old 
cook ; she has been out only once to church, and seems to have no in- 
clination for gadding ; your papa keeps Mrs. Allen's house for you, or 
himself; which takes it wiU be determined soon ; he thinks Mrs. Allen's, 
on some accounts, most convenient for him, and knows the one we are 
now in, most so for you ; for my part, wish he may find it most con- 
venient to take Mrs. Allen's himself. 

^^ Friday Evening, — ^Am just returned from Mrs. Morris's where I 
drank tea with Mr. and Mrs. Isaac Cope, two Miss Marshalls, Miss 
Nellie McCall, Mrs. Harrison, Mrs. Burd, Miss Sally Morris, of New 
Jersey, and another Miss — name unknown, the two Mr. Coxes, all the 
beaux we had to help ourselves with. Hear nothing from the little boys 
at Maryland. Mr. and Mrs. mead are just annonc'd ; adieu for to-night. 

" Saturday Evening, — ^The day has passed ofi* without hearing one lisp 
from you ; I cannot account for it, unless by delays on the road ; prom- 
ise myself you are now happy with my brother ; hope you have by this 
reach' d, and Edward qiiite well of his sore head. Your papa has been 
unwell for a few days, but is better ; he went from here two hours since ; 
aU well at the cottage. Your mamma is not yet return' d. Harry de- 
sires his duty to papa and mamma, his love to Edward and Betsy ; he 
says he wishes mamma would please to kiss Edward one hundred times 
for him, and when her hand is in, she may, if she pleases, give him 
fifty for his aunt ; make my love to my brother, if you please. I shall 
expect letters the first and all opportunities, and am with sincere esteem 
and regard. Yours, 

"H. Abnold. 

'' I have nothing to say in excuse for this ill pen'd scrawl, but that 
writing is not my talent 

"H. A." 

Mrs. Arnold no doubt pursued the route which had been 
carefully marked out for her in Arnold's own handwriting, 
in a paper which was afterwards found at West Point, but 
is now in the Department of State at Washington. It is as 
follows : 

" Directions for Mrs. Arnold on Her way to Wt. Point 
" You must by all means get out of the Carriage in Crossing all Ferries, 
and going over all large Bridges to prevent accidents. 



Lift of Margaret Shvppen^ Wife of Bemdict Arnold. 46 

" 1 Tour first nights Stage will be at Bristol. Mr. Coxes 20 Miles 

" 2 The Second at Trenton, Banagers unless you to Q. Dickinsons or 
Col. Caduc's. 10 

" 8 The third night to Brunswick Wm. Mairiners a good house 28 If 
the weather is warm and this Stage too long you can lodge at Princeton 
12 Miles from Trenton. 

'' 4 the fourth Night at Newark ... 26 If this Stage is too long you 
can stop 6 miles Short at Elizabeth Town, or if any danger is Apprehended 
firom the enemy you will be very safe by riding a few miles out of the 
Common rode. 

<' 5 the fifth Night at Paramus. 12. 

"The 6th night Judge Coe's 14 Miles and If not fisttigued to Joshua 
Smith Esqr. 6 Miles further and only three firom King's Ferry where you 
will be hospitably received & well accommodated, you will get tollera- 
ftble Beds at Coe's, & from thence or Smith's can reach Wt. Point next 
day with ease as you will go fi*om King's Ferry by Water, so that in 
Seven days if the Weather is cool, you will perform the Journey with 
ease. You must not Forget to bring your own Sheets to sleep in on the 
road, and a Feather Bed to put in the Lt. Waggon which will make an 
easy Seat, and you will find it cooler, and pleasenter to ride in in smooth 
roads, than a Close Carriage. — and it will ease your Carriage Horses. 
At Paramus you will be very politely received by Mrs. Watkins & Mrs. 
Provost, very Genteel People 

*'let me beg of you not to make your Stages so long as to fisttigue 
yourself or the Dr. Boy. If you should be much longer in Coming 

*We call the reader^s particular attention to the sentence, 
" At Paramus you will be very politely received by Mrs. 
"Watkins k Mrs. Provost, very Genteel People." An in- 
spection of the original paper in the State Department at 
"Washington, D. C, shows that Arnold first wrote "very 
polite People," and afterwards struck out the word " pohte" 
and interlined the word " Genteel." The addition of the 
three words " very Genteel People" shows that Mrs. Arnold 
was not acquainted with Mrs. Provost; for if they had been 
friends previously, Arnold would not have said Mrs. Pro- 
vost was " Genteel" and would not have mentioned Mrs. 
"Watkins at all. This fact, apparently so trivial, has a most 
important bearing upon the charges afterwards made against 
Mrs. Arnold. The point assumed in Burr's story, as we 
shall see, was that Mrs. Arnold was such a friend of Mrs. 



46 lAft of Margaret Shippen^ W}fe of Benedict Arnold. 

ProvoBt that she could trust her with a secret on which her 
life depended. 

It is poetic justice, as we shall see, that the husband whom 
Aaron Burr sought to wrong should have unwittingly fur- 
nished proof of the fidsehood of Burr's accusation against 
his wife, Mrs. Arnold. > 

She reached West Point in safety, and took up her abode 
in the " Eobinson" House, which was finely situated on a 
knoll on the eastern side of the Hudson overlooking the 
river. 

It seemed now as if heaven had granted to her the fairest 
blessings of life. She was with her husband, fitr remov^ 
from the calumnies and slanders which had incessantly as- 
sailed him in Philadelphia. Her darling child was in her 
arms, and in one of the most beautiful and romantic situa- 
tions of America the golden month of September was daily 
displaying new beauties of the forests to her delighted eyes. 
It was the last gleam of sunshine in her life, which from 
this time was passed in trouble and sorrow. 

(To be continued.) 



Index to American Portraits. 47 



O 



INDEX TO AMEEICAN PORTEAITS. 

BY BUNFORD SAMUEL, OF THE RIDOWAT BRANCH OF THE PHILA- 
"^ DELPHIA LIBRARY. 

This index is a selection only from one of a general nature 
in manuscript, covering portraits of all nations. On account 
of space, even the American ones are selected, and comprise 
the period from 1782 to 1862, whereas the unpublished manu- 
script comes down to 1896, and includes popular magazines, 
such as Harper J Scribnery and others. Our present selection 
is from the magazines given below, the dates of which repre- 
sent the volumes accessible in the principal libraries of Phila- 
delphia, — ^viz., the Library Company of Philadelphia, the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, the University of Penn- 
sylvania, the Mercantile Library, and the Philadelphia Free 
Library. 

As negative information is sometimes useftil, we may 
state that the following magazines have been searched with- 
out result, — viz.. The American Magazine^ 1767 and 1758 ; 
The New American Magazine^ 1758-60 ; The American Maga- 
zincy 1769; and The Pennsylvania Magazine^ 1775 and 1776. 

Our selection follows the plan necessary to the larger 
index, whereof it is a part. It does not choose or reject a 
portrait upon grounds of rarity or authenticity, etc., but in- 
dexes anything purporting to represent a subject within its 
scope at its face value, whether really a " counterfeit pre- 
sentment" or not; and it gives no ftirther information as to 
portraits indexed than the name of painter and engraver, 
afforded by themselves. 

The reader is reminded that an index of portraits may, 
besides its main object, be found of use for others, — e.g.y as 
an assistance to artists seeking the costume of a period, as 
a clue to biographical text, to fac-simile autographs, etc. 



48 



Index to American Portraits. 



Magazines Indexed. 

London Magazine 1782-1772. 

Universal Magazine 1747-1816. 

WeBtminster Magazine .... 1778-1786. 

European Magazine 1782-1826. 

Colombian Magazine 1786-1792. 

MassachusettB Magazine .... 1789-1798. 

Monthly Mirror 1796-1810. 

PortFoHo 1801-1827. 

Union Magazine 1801-1808. 

Polyanthoe 1806-1814. 

La Belle Aesembl^e 1806-1828. 

Analectic Magazine 1818-1820. 

Muieum 1822-1861. 

Democratic Review 1888-1862. 

American Whig Review .... 1846-1851. 

From the following magazines portndta of those person- 
ages only have been selected whose portraits also appear in 
one or more of the above list A number of books are 
also included to the same extent, though not specified here. 



New Monthly Magazine 
Knickerbocker Magazine 
Bentley's Miscellany 
Harper's Monthly Magazine 
Scribner's Magazine . 
Century Magazine 
Cosmopolitan Magazine 



1821-1878. 
1884-1866. 
1887-1868. 
1850-1896. 
1870-1896. 
1881-1896. 
1886-1896. 



Abebcbombdc, James, D.D.; Port Folio, frontispiece, Noyember, 1810. 

Trott del., Edwin sc 
Adams, John; European Magazine, frontispiece, August, 1783. 

, John; American Universal Magazine, vol. i. p. 361, March, 1797. 

, John ; Philadelphia Monthly Magazine, July, 1798. 

, John; Literary Magazine and American Register, frontispiece, 

August, 1804. B. Tanner sc. 
, John; Museum, July, 1827. Q. Stuart p., Longacre sc. Prom 

portrait in Delaplaine's Gallery. 
, John; National Portrait Gallery, vol. iv., frontispiece, 1836. G. 

Stuart p., J. B. Longacre sc From a copy by Otis. 
, John; Jones, A. D., Illust. Am. Biog. N. Y., vol. i. p. 59, 1863. 

J. W. Orr sc 



Index to American Portraits. 49 

Aj>AMa, JoHH; Brotherhead, WnL, Centennial Book of the Signers, 
Phila., n. cL, p. 853. 

, JoHH; Harper, p. ^, July, 1876. 

, JoHH; Duyddndce's Cyclopedia, toI. L p. 196, 1877. 

, John; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hiet. of the U. 8., N. T., yoL iL 

p. 21, 1878. MedaL 

, John; Qncken, Dae Zeitalter Friedriche dee Grossen^ Berlin 

(Oncken, Allg. Ge8.),yol. iL pp. 718, 719, 1882. Trumbull p. (Pic- 
ture of signing of Declaration of Independence.) Sadd ic 

, John; Harper, p. 838, May, 1883. 

, John; Harper, p. 553, March, 1884. Q. Stuart p., Q. Kruell to. 

, John; Hopp, Bundesetaat in Nord Amerika. Berlin (Qncken, 

Allg. Gee.), pp. 274-276, 1886. 

, John; Century, p. 322, July, 1887. G. Stuart p., T. Johnston sc 

, John; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. vi 

p. 36, 1889. From print in Amsterdam ed. of '^ Geechichte van het 
Geschil," etc 

, John ; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, toI. tIL 

p. 90, 1889. From eng. in European Magazine. 

, John; Century, p. 826, April, 1889. 

, John; Scrib., p. 61, January, 1896. G. Stuart. From copy by 

Jane Stuart. 

, John Quinot; Casket, frontispiece, June, 1828. 

, John Quinot; National Portrait Gallery, vol. iy., 1836. Du- 

rand p., J. W. Paradise so. 

, John Quinot; American Ber., frontispiece. May, 1845. Mar- 
chant p., G. Parker sc. 

, John Quinot; Illustrated London News, p. 283, April 29, 1848. 

, John Quinot; Jones, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., N. T., vol. L 

p. 119, 1853. J. W. Orr sc 

, John Quinot; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, voL i. p. 679, 1877. 

, John Quinot; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., N. T., 

vol. ii., plate 54, 1878. Furst Medal. 

, John Quinot; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nord Amerika, Berlin 

(Qncken, Allg. Ges.), p. 446, 1886. Chappel p. 

, John Quinot; Harper, p. 119, June, 1884. G. P. A. Healy p. 

, John Quinot; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. yii. p. 550, 1889. From eng. in National Portrait Gallery. 

, John Quinot; Scrib., p. 204, February, 1895. Stuart p. 

, Saml.; Polyanthos, vol. iii. p. 73, September, 1806. S. Harris sc 

, Saml.; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. ii. part 1, p. 1, 1815. Cop- 
ley p., Goodman and Piggot sc 

, Sajii..; Casket, September, 1832. Copley p., €k)odman and Pig- 
got sc 

, Saml.; National Portrait Gallery, vol. iv., 1836. Copley p., G. F. 

Storm sc From drawing by Longacre. 

, Saml.; Harper, p. 154, July, 1851. 

VOL. XXV. — 4 



60 Index to American Portraits. 

Adams, Saml.; Jones, A. D., niuBt. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. L p. 6Z, 

1853. J. W. Ott 8C 
, Saml.; Brotherhead, Whl, Centennial Book of the Signers, Phila., 

n. d., p. 173. 

, Saml.; Harper, p. 186, July, 1876. 

, Saml.; Harper, p. 192, July, 1876. "Johnston port." 

, Saml.; Qndcen, Das Zeitalter Friedrichs des Grossen, Berlin 

(Onckcn, All. Ges.), vol. ii. pp. 718, 719, 1882. Trumbull p. (pic- 
ture of signing of Declaration of Independence), Sadd sc. 

, Saml.; Harper, p. 739, October, 1883. 

, Saml.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. vi. 

p. 40, 1889. From cut by Norman in "An Impartial History of 

the War." 
, Saml. ; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. vL 

p. 41, 1889. From portrait in London edition of 1700 of "An 

Impartial History of the War." 
Adbain, Robt., Democratic Rev., voL xiv. p. 559, June, 1844. Ingham p., 

P. H. Reason sc. 
Aqassiz, Louis Jean Rodolphk; Jones, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., 

N. Y., p. 459, 1854. 
, LoxTis Jean Rodolphs; Hlust. Lond. News, p. 296, March, 20, 

1858. 
, Louis Jean Rodolphk; Litteirs living Age, July, 1859. F. 

GroUsc. 
, Louis Jean Rodolphs; Hlust. Lond. News, p. 4, January 3, 

1874. 

, Louis Jean Rodolphe; Harper, p. 200, January, 1876. 

, Louis Jean Rodolphe; Scrib., p. 353, July, 1876. 

, Louis Jean Rodolphe; Century, p. 498, February, 1883. After 

etching by Merritt. 
, LoxTis Jean Rodolphs; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit. Hist, of 

Amer., Boston, vol. i. p. 373, 1889. Photo, in the Somerset Glub. 
, Loins Jean Rodolphs; Book News, p. 387, May, 1893. From 

Holder's " Louis Agassiz." 
AiTKSN, James (" John the Painter") ; London Magazine, March, 1777. 

Drawing taken at his trial. 
Allen, Wm. (of Ohio) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, September, 1843. 

Daguerreotype. Fred. Halpin. 

, Wm. (of Ohio) ; Harper, p. 863, November, 1881. 

, Wm. Henbt, Oapi. U.8.N,; Port Folio, frontispiece, January, 

1814. Edwin sc 
Allston, Washington; Democratic Rev., October, 1843. 
, Washington; Gampbeirs Mag., frontispiece, March, 1844. Sar- 

tain sc 
, Washington; Lester, E. Edwards, Artists of America, N. Y., 

p. 1, 1846. Harding p., Burt sc 
, Washington; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 

195, 1853. J. W. Orr sc 



Index to American Portraits. 61 

AixsTOir, WASHiiTGTOir; Putnam's Mag., vol. x. p. 497, October, 1857. 

, Washdigton; Harper, p. 696, April, 1876. 

, Washington ; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. ii. p. 17, 1877. 

, Washington; Century, p. 83, January, 1892. 

, Washington; Scrib., p. 2, January, 1892. G. W. Flagg p., G. 

Kruell 8C. 
Amebious Vesfucius; See VeepuciuB. 
Ames, Fishes; Port Folio, vol. xx. p. 89, 1825. Stuart p., Leney sc 

, Fisher ; Port Folio, p. 101, February, 1813. Edwin sc 

, Fishes; Analeotic Mag., frontispiece, April, 1814. Stuart p., 

Leney sc 
, Fishes; Delaplaine's Bepository, vol. i. part 1, p. 45, 1815. 

Stuart p., Boyd sc 
, Fishes; National Portrait Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. G. Stuart p. 

Engraved by J. F. E. Prudhonune after Edwin. 
, Fishes; Jones, A. D., lUust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 81, 

1863. J. W. Orr sc 

, Fishes; Harper, p. 244, January, 1884. 

, Fishes; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, voL 

vii. p. 311, 1889. After eng. in Analectlc Mag. 

, Fishes; Century, p. 807, April, 1889. 

Andrews, John (Provost) ; Port Folio, p. 425, May, 1813. Sully p., 

Edwin sc 
Arnold, Benedict; Westminster Mag., p. 610, November, 1780. 
, Benedict; European Mag., frontispiece, February, 1783. Du 

Simitidre sc 
, Benedict; Du Simitidre p., Thirteen Portraits of American Legis- 
lators, plate 13, 1783. Du Simiti^re del., B. Reading sc. 

, Benedict; Howard, Alfred, Biog. Illust., plate 10, 1830. 

, Benedict; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 85, 

1853. J. W. Orr sc 

, Benedict; Harper, p. 461, September, 1851. 

, Benedict; Harper, p. 721, November, 1861. 

, Benedict; Harper, p. 832, May, 1876. 

, Benedict; Schuyler, John, Institution of the Society of Cin- 
cinnati, N. Y., p. 253, 1886. H. B. Hall aq. f. 
, Benedict; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vi. p. 223, 1889. From eng. in "Impartial History of War 

in America.'' 
, Benedict; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

p. 447, 1889. Du Simiti^re p., Adam sc. 
, Benedict; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

p. 448, 1889. Cut in Geschichte d. Kriege in und ausser Europa. 
, Benedict; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

p. 449, 1889. Cut in Murray's " Impartial History of Present War." 

, Mrs, Benedict. See Shippen, Margaret. 

Ashman, Geo.; American Bev., vol. xvi. p. 193, September, 1852. 

A. H. Ritchie sc 



52 Index to American Portraits. 

Abbmajx, Gbo.; Century, p. 666, September, 1887. 

Athsbtoit, Chas. G.; Democratic Rev., vol. xxiiL, frontispiece, July, 

1848. Daguerreotype. T. Doney sc 
, Chas. G.; Jonee, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 431, 

1854. 
Audubon, John James; Illust. Lond. News, p. 144, February 15, 1851 

, John James; Godey's Lady's Book, frontispiece, May, 1861. 

, John James; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., p. 275, 

1854. 
, John James; Duyddncks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 678, 1877 

Roberts sc 

, John James; Harper, p. 665, October, 1880. 

, John James; Scrib., p. 269, Merch, 1892. Cruiksliank p., Tur 

ner sc 
, John James; Scrib., p. 268, March, 1893. Profile from death- 



, John James; Scrib., p. 273, March, 1893. J. W. Audubon p. 

, John Jambs; Scrib., p. 275, March, 1893. Portrait shortly be- 
fore death. 

Bainbbidoe, Wm., Commodore; Polyanthos, 1812. 
f Wm., Commodore; Analectic Mag. (2d ed.), frontispiece, Janu- 
ary, 1813. Stuart p., Edwin sc. 
, Wm., Commodore; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, October, 1818. 

Stuart p., Edwin sc 
^ Wm.; Port Folio, frontispiece, December, 1813. Stuart p., Ed- 
win sc > 
, Wm., Commodore; National Portrait Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. 

J. W. Jarvis p., G. Parker sc 
, Wm., Commodore; Wyatt, Thos., Memoirs of Generals and other 

Commanders in the American Army and Navy, Phila., p. 215, 1848. 

Medal. 
, Wm., Commodore; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. 

p. 123, 1853. J. W. Orr sc 

f Wm., Commodore; Harx>er, p. 171, January, 1862. 

, Wm., Commodore; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of U. S., N. Y., 

vol. ii. plate 29, 1878. Fflrst. Medal. 
, Wm., Commodore; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 380, 1889. From National Portrait Gallery. 
Baldwin, Rooeb S.; American Rev., vol. x. p. 331, October, 1849. 

Daguerreotype. A. H. Ritchie sc 
Babolat, Jas. T.; litteirs Living Age, frontispiece, January 1, 1859. 

Sartain sc 
Bablow, Joel; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, Aug. 1814. Edwin sc 
, Joel; National Portrait Gallery, vol. i., 1836. Robt. Fulton p., 

A. B. Durand sc 
, Joel; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 243, 1854. 

J. W. Orr sc 



Index to American Portraits. 68 

Bablow, Joel; DujckinckB'B Cyclopedia, yoL i. p. 409, 1877. 
Babnabd, DAifL. Dbwkt; American Ber., p. 521, May, 1848. A. H. 

Ritchie sc 
Babbt, John, Commodore; Port Folio, frontispiece, July, 1813. Stuart 

p., Edwin Bc 
Babton, Bkk. Smith; Port Folio, frontispiece, April, 1816. Qo- 

brecht sc 
, Bin. Smith; Winsor, J., Narr. and CMt. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. i. p. 371, 1889. 
Batabd, Ja8. a.; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, February, 1816. Wert- 

muller p., Goodman and Piggot sc. 
, Jas. a. ; National Portrait Gkdlery, vol. ii, 1836. Wertmuller p., 

Wellmore sc 
, Jas. A.; Jones, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i., 1863. 

J. W. Orr sc. 
Belkkap, Jbbkmt; Polyanthos, voL i., frontispiece, 1805. S. Har- 
ris sc. 

, Jesemt; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 266, 1877. 

Bkll, John; American Rev., vol. xvi. p. 289, October, 1852. A. H. 

Ritchie sc 

, John; Century, p. 670, September, 1887. J. C. Buttre sc 

, John ; Scrib., p. 339, September, 1888. Campaign medal. 

Bennett, Jas. Gobdon, Sb.; Democratic Rev., vol. zzxi. p. 419, No- 
vember and December, 1862. Daguerreotype. J. Ourdan sc 
, Jas. Gobdon, Sb. ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, November, 1862. 

Daguerreotype J. Ourdan sc 
, Jas. Gobdon, Sb. ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, December, 1862. 

Daguerreotype. J. Ourdan sc 
, Jas. Gobdon, Sb.; Port. Monthly of the N. Y. Hlustrated News, 

p. 148, April, 1864. 
, Jas. Gobdon, Sb.; Century, p. 223, June, 1892. Caricature, 

" The Mustang Team." 

y Jas. Gobdon, Sb.; Cosmopolitan, p. 83, November, 1894. 

Benton, Thos. Habt, Col,; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, October, 

1837. Ch. Fenderich del., Bannerman sc 
, Thos. Habt, Col.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, July, 1843. 

Daguerreotype Engraved by Halpin. 

, Thos. Habt, Col.; Ulust. Lond. News, p. 224, April 3, 1847. 

, Thos. Habt, Col.; Bungay, O. W., Off-Hand Takings, N. Y., 

p. 345, 1854. J. 0. Buttre sc. 
, Thos. Habt, Col.; Scrib., pp. 272, 275, July, 1874. Statue in 

Lafayette Park, St. Louis. 
, Thos. Habt., Col.; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 732, 1877, 

Roberts sc 
, Thos. Habt, Col.; Harper, p. 510, March, 1884. Statue in La- 
fayette Park, St. Louis. 
, Thos. Habt, Col.; Century, p. 859, April, 1887. 



64 Index to American Portraits. 

Benton, Thos. Habt, Col; Century, p. 767, March, 1891. Drawing by 

C. Fenderich, lith. by Lehman & Duval. 

, Thos. Habt, Col; Century, p. 224, June, 1892. Caricature, 

" The Democratic Platform." 
Be&nabd, John; Polyanthos, voL ii., frontispiece, 1806. S. Harris sc. 
Bkbbikn, John Macphebson; American Rev., vol. y. p. 433, May, 1847. 

T. Doney sc 
, John Maophkbson; White, Hist. Collections of Georgia, N. Y., 

p. 372, 1855. 
BiDDUB, James, Copt. U.8,N,; Port Folio, frontispiece, October, 1809. 

D. Edwin sc. 

, James, Oapt, UM.N.; Analectic Mag., November, 1815. 

, James, Capi, UM.N.; Port Folio, frontispiece, November, 1815. 

J. Wood p., Gimbrede sc. 
, James, Capi. U.8,N,; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of Generals and other 

Commanders in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 289, 1843. 

Medal. 
, James, Capt U.8.N.; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of U. S., 

N. Y., vol. ii. p. 49, 1878. Fflrst. Medal. * 
, James, Capt. U.8.N,; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 409, 1889. From Analectic Mag. 
, Nicholas, Capt,; Port Folio, vol. ii. p. 285, October, 1809. D. 

Edwin sc. 
Bingham, Lavinia, Countess 8penoer; La Belle Assemblfie, frontis- 
piece, August, 1811. Robt. Cooper sc. 
, Lavinia, Countess 8penoer; Illust. Lond. News, p. 49, January 

20, 1877. Reynolds p. 
, Lavinia, Countess 8penoer; Illust. Lond. News, pp. 2, 4, of Sup., 

Febniary 27, 1892. Reynolds p. 
Blaib, Francis P. ; Democratic Rev., vol. xvii., frontispiece, July, 1845. 

Sully p., Sartain sc. 
, Fbancis p.; Democratic Rev., vol. xvii., frontispiece, August, 

1845. Sully p., Sartain sc. 

, Francis P.; Scrib., p. 340, September, 1888. Campaign medal. 

, Francis P.; Century, p. 219, June, 1892. Caricature, "Jackson 

clearing his Kitchen." 
Blakelt, Johnston, Capt.; Analectic Mag., frontispiece. May, 1816. 

Gimbrede sc. 
, Johnston, Capt.; Wyatt, Thos., Memoirs of Generals and other 

Commanders in the American Army and Navy, Phila., p. 289, 1848. 

Medal. 

, Johnston, Capt.; Harper, p. 179, January, 1862. 

, Johnston, Capt.; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., 

N. Y., vol. ii. plate 39, 1878. Fflrst. Medal. 
Bokee, D. a.; American Rev., p. 89, Augxist, 1851. J. P. Ourdan sc 
Bokeb, Geo. Henbt; International Mag., vol. iv. p. 156, September, 

1851. 
, Geo. Henbt; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. ii. p. 710, 1877. 



Index to American Portraits. 56 

BOKEB, Gbo. Hsinnr; Harper, p. 331, Februarj, 1882. 

BONAPABTK, JosKPH; Woodward, C. M., Caricature Mag., v. p., 1808. 
Caricatures. 

, Joseph; La Belle ABsembl^e, frontispiece, June, 1811. 

, Joseph; Campaign of Waterloo, illustrated with eng., p. 5 of 

Biog. Notices, 1816. 

, Joseph; Baines, Edward, Hist, of the Wars of the French Revo- 
lution, vol. ii. p. 131, 1817. Medal of 1809. 

, Joseph; Edwards, Edwd., Napoleon medals, plate 25, 1837. 

Medals. 

f Joseph; Trteor de numis., M6d. de I'Empire, plates 25, 27, 1849. 

Medals. 

, Joseph; Scrib., p. 763, October, 1877. Medallion in snuff-box. 

, Joseph; Harper, p. 4, December, 1879. 

, Joseph; Scrib., p. 36, November, 1880. 

, Joseph; Oncken, Das Zeitalter der Revolution, Berlin, (Oncken, 

Allg. Oes.), vol. ii. p. 213, 1884. Regnault p. (picture of marriage 
of Jerome Bonaparte). 

, Joseph; Century, p. 89, May, 1893. J. Qobaud p., Rodolphe 

Piguet. 

, Joseph; Century, p. 503, February, 1895. Picture in Hotel de 

Ville, Ajaodo. F. E. Fillebrown sc. 

, Joseph; Century, p. 210, November, 1895. Gerard p., E. 

Pape del. 

, Joseph; Century, pp. 20, 21, November, 1895. David p. (pic- 
ture of coronation of Napoleon). 

BoTTS, John ^Iinob; American Rev., frontispiece, December, 1847. 
T. Doney sc 

BouDiNOT, EuAS; Port Folio, vol. ix. p. 265, 1820. T. Sully del., J. 
Boyd sc 

, EiJAS; National Portrait Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. Waldo and 

Jewett p., J. W. Paradise sc 

, Elias; Century, p. 807, April, 1889. Waldo and Jewett p., 

Durand sc 

BowDOiN, James, Chvemor; Massachusetts Mag., frontispiece, Janu- 
ary, 1791. Silhouette. S. Hill sc 

, James, Oovemor; Polyanthos, 1812. 

, James, Chvemor; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 229, 1889. From eng. in Massachusetts Mag. 

BowuN, James B.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece. May, 1846. Da- 
guerreotype T. Doney. 

Bbadfobd, Wm. (Atty.-Gen.) ; Port Folio, frontispiece, September, 1809. 
Edwin sc. 

Bbent, J. Fenwick; Democratic Rev., vol. zxii., frontispiece, January, 
1848. T. Doney sc. 

Bbiggs, Geo. N.; American Rev., frontispiece, November, 1849. Da- 
guerreotype. A. H. Ritchie sc 



66 Index to American PcrtraitB. 

Bbigos, Geo. N. ; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. T., vol. ii. p. 443, 
1854. J. W. Orr 8C. 

Bbooks, Nathan Covinotowj Qodey's Lady's Book, frontispiece, Sep- 
tember, 1835. Hills p., Horton sc 

, Nathan Covinoton; Livingston, John, Portraits of Eminent 

Americans, p. 465, 1854. Daguerreotype. J. C. Buttre sc 

, Nathan Covinoton; Biog. Cyclopedia of Md., p. 689, 1879. 

Daguerreotype. J. C. Buttre sc 

Bbown, Al. G.; Democratic Bev., frontispiece, November, 1849. En- 
graved by T. Doney. 

, Jaoob, Qen,; Analectic Mag., vol. v. p. 292, April, 1815. J. 

Jarvis p., P. Maverick sc. 

f Jaoob, Gen,; Port Folio, frontispiece, February, 1816. J. Wood p., 

Gimbrede sc 

1 Jacob, (?e»i.; National Portrait Gallery, vol. ii., 1836. J. W. 

Jarvis p., A. B. Durand so. After copy by Herring. 

, Jaoob, €^en,; Wyatt, Thos., Memoirs of Generals and other Com- 
manders in the American Army and Navy, Phila., p. 129, 1848. 
Medal. 

, Jacob, Gen.; Harper, p. 749, November, 1863. 

, Jacob, Gen.; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., N. Y., 

vol. ii. plate 40, 1878. Ftirst. Medal. 

Bbownson, Orestes Augustus; Democratic Bev., frontispiece, April, 
1843. Daguerreotype. A. L. Dick sc. 

Bbyant, Wm. Cullbn; Burton's Gentleman's Mag., frontispiece. May, 
1840. 

, Wm. Cullbn ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, March, 1842. H. 

Inman del., G. Parker sc. 

, Wm. Cullen; Harper, p. 581, April, 1851. 

, Wm. Cullen; International Mag., vol. iv. p. 588, December, 

1851. Daguerreotype. 

, Wm. Cullen; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. 

p. 163, 1853. J. W. Orr sc. 

, Wm. Cullen; Bungay, Geo. W., Oflf-Hand Takings, N. Y., p. 309, 

1854. J. C. Buttre sc. 

, Wm. Cullen; Illust. Lond. News, p. 245, March 6, 1858. 

, Wm. Cullen; Knickerbocker Mag., vol. liii., frontispiece, 1859. 

C. L. Elliott p., J. C. Buttre sc 

, Wm. Cullen; LittelPs Living Age, frontispiece, May 14, 1859. 

F. CroU sc 

f Wm. Cullen; Port. Monthly of the N. Y. Illustrated News, 

p. 120, February, 1864. 

, Wm. Cullen; Harper, p. 246, July, 1876. 

, Wm. Cullbn; Harper, p. 248, July, 1876. Bryant vase medal- 
lions. 

, Wm. Cullbn; Duyckincks's Cyclopaedia, vol. i. p. 901, 1877. 

W. Roberts sc 

, Wm. Cullen; Harper, p. 48, December, 1877. 



Index to American PortraUs. 67 

Bbtaitt, Wm. Cullkn; Scrib., yoL tH., frontispieoe, May, 1878. 

Wyatt Eaton deL 

, Wm. Gdllsn; niiut. Lond. Newi, p. 581, June 22, 1878. 

, Wm. Cullbn; Century, p. 642, March, 1891. Daguerreotype. 

T. Johneon sc 

, Wm. Cullkn ; Harper, p. 630, September, 1894. 

, Wm. Cullen; Harper, p. 631, September, 1894. Launt Thomp- 

■on. BuBt. 
, Wm. Cullkn; Century, frontispiece, July, 1895. Daguerreotype 

of 1850. R. O. Tietze sc 
Buchanan, Ja8. (Prest.); Democratic Ber. frontispiece, December, 

1842. T. Eichholtz p., A. L. Dick sc 

, Jab. (Prest) ; Illust. Lond. News, p. 555, Noyember 29, 1856. 

, Jas. (Prest.); Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of U. 8., N. Y., 

vol. ii., plate 69, 1878. Paquet. Medal. 
, Jas. (Prest); Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist of U. 8., N. Y., 

vol. ii., plate 70, 1878. Ellis and Willson. Medal. 
, Jas. (Prest); F. EUis and 8. Evans, Hist of Lancaster Co., 

Pa., Phila., p. 229,. 1883. 
^, Jas. (Prest); Harper, p. 250, January, 1884. Engraved by 

Kruell from engraving by Buttrc 
, Jas. (Prest) ; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nord Amerika, Berlin 

(Oncken, Allg. Ges.), p. 639, 1886. 

, Jab. (Prest) ; Century, p. 370, July, 1887. Photo. 

, Jas. (Prest); Centiuy, pp. 220, 222, 224, 225, June, 1892. 

Political Caricatures. 

, Jas. (Prest) ; 8crib., p. 347, March, 1895. Photo. 

BuEL, Alkx. W.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, December, 1850. T. 

Doney sc 
BUBKB, IbMUND, Hon, (b. 1809) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, Janu- 
ary, 1847. Daguerreotype T. Doney sc 
Butler, Benj. Franklin (1795-1858) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, 

January, 1839. 
, Benj. Franklin (1795-1858); Democratic Rev., frontispiece, 

March, 1844. Daguerreotype Lith., Davignon del. 
, Wm. C, Oen,; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, October, 1848. 

Daguerreotype A. H. Ritchie sc 
Btles, Mather; Polyanthos, vol. iv., frontispiece, 1807. 8. Harris sc 
, Mather^ Duyddncks's Cyclopsedia, vol. i. p. 127, 1877. 

, Mather; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., Boston, 

vol. V. p. 128, 1889. From chalk drawing in American Antiq. 

8ociety. 

Calhoun, John Caij>well; Casket, frontispiece, March, 1827. C. B. 

King p., J. B. Longacre sc. 
, John Cauiwell; National Portrait Gallery, vol. ii., 1836, J. B. 

Longacre del., T. B. Welch sc 



68 Index to American Portraits. 

Calhoun, John Caldwell; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, April, 1838. 
C. Fenderich del. 

, John Caldwell; Democratic Rev., vol. xii., frontispiece, Janu- 
ary, 1843. Blanchard p., A. L. Dick sc. 

, John Caldwell; Illust. Lond. News, p. 269, April 20, 1860. 

, John Caldwell; Amer. Rev., vol. xii. p. 112, August 1860. 

Daguerreotype. F. E. Jones sc 

, John Caldwell; Jones, A. D., Illust Amer. Biog., N. Y., voL i. 

p. 129, 1863. J. W. Orr sc. 

, John Caldwell; Harper, p. 122, June, 1884. De Block p. 

, John Caldwell; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nord Amerika, Berlin 

(Oncken, Allg. Ges.), p. 496, 1886. After engraving by Nordheim. 

, John Caldwell; Century, p. 381, July, 1887. D. C. Fabronius p. 

, John Caldwell; Century, p. 219, June, 1892. Caricature, " Jadc- 

son clearing his Kitchen." 

, John Caldwell; Harper, p. 914, November, 1892. Death-mask. 

, Jgbx Caldwell; Scrib., p. 200, February, 1896. King p. 

Cambbeleng, Chxtbohill C. ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, September, 
1842. Daguerreotype. A. L. Dick sc. 

Caret, Henbt C; Amer. Rev., vol. xiii., frontispiece, 1861, Collier del., 
Burt sc 

f Henbt C. ; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 491, 

1864. 

Cabboll, Chas. (of Carrollton) ; New York Mirror, p. 33, August 4, 
1832. Mason sc 

, Chas. (of Carrollton) ; National Port. Gallery, vol. L, 1836. 

Harding p., A. B. Durand sc. 

, Chas. (of Carrollton) ; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., 

vol. ii. p. 142, n. d. 

1 Chas. (of Carrollton) ; Oncken, Das Zeitalter Friedrichs dee 

GroBsen, Berlin (Oncken Allg. Ges.), vol. ii. p. 719, 1882. Trum- 
bull p. (in painting of Declaration of Independence). 

, Chas. (of Carrollton) ; Brotherhead, Wm., Centennial Book of 

the Signers, Phila., n. d. 

Cabt, Alice; Ladies' Repository, frontispiece, August, 1855. J. B. 
Jones sc. 

, Alice; Cosmopolitan, p. 164, June, 1893. 

Cass, Lewis; National Portrait Gallery, vol. i., 1836. J. B. Long- 
acre del., T. B. Welch sc 

, Lewis; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, April, 1846. Daguerreo- 
type. J. B. Forrest sc 

, Lewis; Hlust. Lond. News, p. 224, October 7, 1848. 

y Lewis ; Buchanan's Journal of Man, frontispiece, January, 1849. 

, Lewis; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 181, 

1853. J. W. Orr sc 

, Lewis; Illust. Lond. News, p. 314, September 27, 1866. 

, Lewis; Harper, p. 721, May, 1863. 

, Lewis; Century, p. 694, March, 1887. Photo. 



Index to American Portraits. 59 

Cass, Lewis; Scrib., p. 337, September, 1888. Campaign medal. 

, Lewis; Century, p. 220, June, 1892. Caricature, "Loco-foco 

candidates travelling." 

CHAifDLEB, Joseph R.; Amer. Bev., yoL xL p. 331, April, 1850. Da- 
guerreotype. P. M. Whelpley sc. 

Chapman, Nathaniel, MJD.; Muaeum, frontispiece, November, 1826. 
Sully p., Neagle 0C 

Chaunget, Isaao, UMM.; Analectic Mag., vol. iiL, frontispiece, March, 
1814. J. Wood p., D. Edwin uc 

, Isaac, UM.N.; Harper, p. 176, January, 1862. 

, Isaao, UMJf,; Harper, p. 741, November, 1863. 

, Isaac, UMJf.; Winaor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. viL p. 388, 1889. From engraving in Analectic Magazine. 

Chew, Benjamin; Port Folio, frontispiece, February, 1811. Silhou- 
ette. 

Choatb, Rxnrns; Amer. Rev., vol. v. p. 63, January, 1847. T. Doney sc 
From Anthony, Clark & Co.'s National Qallery of Daguerreotype 
Likenesses. 

, RuTUS; Jones, A. D., lUust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 173, 

1853. 

, Rurus; Hari>er, p. 876, November, 1878. 

CnxET, Jonathan; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, September, 1838. 

Clabk, Lswis Gatlobd; Knickerbocker Mag., vol. xli., frontispiece, 
1853. C. L. Elliott p., J. Cheney sc 

Clat, Henbt; National Portrait Gallery, vol. i., 1836. W. J. Hub- 
ard p., J. B. Longacre sc 

, Henbt; Illust. Lond. News, p. 321, November 23, 1844. 

, Henbt; American Rev., vol. i., frontispiece, 1845. Daguerreo- 
type T. Doney sc 

, Henbt; Amer. Rev., vol. xiii. p. 383, May, 1851. Daguerreotype 

Packard and Ourdan sc. 

, Henbt; Illust. Lond. News, p. 36, July 17, 1852. 

, Henbt; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 211, 

1853. J. W. Orr sc 

, Henbt; Harper, p. 945, May, 1884. Davignon del. 

, Henbt; Century, p. 480, July, 1885. 

, Henbt; Century, pp. 162, 165, 176, December, 1886. 

, Henbt; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nord Amerika, Berlin (Oncken, 

Allg. Ges.), p. 401, 1886. 

, Henbt; Scrib., p. 336, September, 1888. Campaign medal. 

, Henbt; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 343, 1889. Port, in Long Island Historical Society. 

, Henbt; Harper, p. 914, November, 1892. Mask. 

, Henbt; Scrib., p. 201, February, 1895. Daguerreotype Photo. 

, Henbt; Century, p. 769, September, 1895. M. H. Jouett, T. 

Johnson sc 

CiJFiOBO, Nathan (Atty.-Gen.) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, Octo- 
ber, 1847. Engraved by T. Don^. 



60 Index to American Portraits. 

CuiTOED, Nathan; Carson, Hampton L., Supreme Court of U. &., 
Phila., p. 395, 1891. Photo, by Lamson, Albert Rosenthal etched. 

, Nathan (Atty.-(>en.) ; Scrib. p. 74, July, 1895. 

CiJFFTON, Wm.; Analectio Magazine, p. 479, June, 1814. Fidd p., 
Edwin sc. 

, Wm.; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 629, 1877. 

Clinton, Db Witt; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. i. part 2, p. 189, 1815. 
Trumbull p., Leney sc. 

— =— , Db Witt; Museum, p. 1, July, 1826. Trumbull p., Leney sc 

, Db Witt; Casket, frontispiece, September, 1827. Trumbull p., 

Leney sc 

, Db Witt; Hosack, David, Mem. of Clinton, N. Y., frontispiece, 

1829. W. J. Coffee, fecit, A. B. Durand sc. 

, Db Witt; Museum, frontispiece, July, 1829. Trumbull p., 

Leney sc 

, Db Witt, New York Mirror, p. 9, July 14, 1832. Inman p., 

Mason sc 

, Db Witt; National Portrait Gallery, vol. ii., 1836. C. Ing- 
ham p., A. B. Durand sc. 

, Db Witt; Jenkins, John S., Lives of Governors of N. Y., Au- 
burn, p. 209, 1851. 

, Db Witt; O'Callaghan, J. B., Documentary Hist, of N. Y., 

Albany, vol. iv. p. 1025, 1852. 

, Db Witt; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 147, 

1853. J. W. Orr sc 

, Db Witt; Valentine's Manual of the Corporation of N. Y. City, 

p. 551, 1861. Engraved by J. Rogers. 

, Db Witt; Harper, p. 836, May, 1872. 

, Db Witt; Harper, p. 505, September, 1891. Trumbull, p. 

, Gbo.; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. ii. part 1, p. 19, 1815. Ames 

p., P. Maverick sc. 

, Gbo.; Museum, frontispiece, September, 1826. Ames p., P. 

Maverick sc. 

, Gbo.; Jenkins, John S., Lives of Governors of N. Y., Auburn, 

frontispiece, 1851. Lith. of F. Michelin. 

, Geo. ; Harper, p. 688, April, 1872. 

, Gbo.; Oncken, Das Zeitalter Friedrichs des G^ssen, Berlin 

(Oncken, AUg. Ges.), vol. ii. p. 719, 1882. Trumbull p. (picture 
of signing of Declaration of Independence), Sadd sc 

, Gbo.; Harper, p. 916, November, 1883. With wife. 

, Gbo.; Schuyler, John, Institution of the Society of the Cincin- 
nati, N. Y., p. 177, 1886. Engraved by H. B. Hall & Sons. 

, Geo. ; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. vi. 

p. 308, 1889. From Delaplaine's Repository. 

, Gbo. ; Century, p. 820, April, 1889. Trumbull, p. 

, Gbo.; Scrib., p. 61, January, 1895. Ezra Ames. 

Clover, Lewis P.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, March, 1850. 

Cobb, David, Hon.; Polyanthos, 1812. 



Index to American Portraits. 61 

Ck)BB, Howxu.; Democratic Bar., frontispieoe, September, 1840. En- 
graved bj T. Doney. 

, HowxLL; White, Hist. Collections of Georgia, N. Y., p. 252, 1855. 

— = — y Howell; Century, p. 65, November, 1887. 

, Joseph B.; Amer. Rev., vol. xiiL p. 97, Fd)mary, 1851. 

CoLDEif, Cadwalladeb D.; Ncw York Mirror, p. 193, Dec 20, 1834. 

Monumental medallion. 
, Cadwalladeb D.; Valentine's Manual of the Corporation of New 

York City, p. 624, 1863. 

, Cabwalladeb D.; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 85, 1877. 

, Cadwalladeb D.; Harper, p. 602, September^ 1891. 

, Cadwalladeb D.; Cosmopolitan, p. 475, February, 1891. 

CoLLAMEB, Jaoqb, Hon.; Amer. Rev., frontispiece, February, 1849. 

Daguerreotype. A. H. Ritchie sc 

, Jaoob, Hon.; Illust Lond. News, p. 85, July 27, 1850. 

, Jaoob, Han,; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. 

p. 507, 1854. 
CoLTDN, Calvih; Intematicmal Mag., vol. iv. p. 1, August 1, 1851. 
Columbus, Chbistopheb; Colon, Fernando, La Hist, de D. F. Colen en 

la qual se da relacion de la vida de el Almirante Don Christoval 

Colon, n. p., n. d., frontispiece. Bart. Vasquez sc 
, Chbistopheb; America pars quinta, Francof. ad Mcsnum, T de 

Bry, p. 1, 1595. 

, Chbistopheb; Montanus, America, Amster., p. 42, 1671. 

, Chbistopheb; Frehems, Theatrum, vol. ii. p. 1428, 1688. 

, Chbistopheb; Mufies, Juan Baut., Hist, del nuevo mundo, 

Madrid, after p. zzx, 1793. Mariano Maella p., Fernando Selma sc 
, Chbistopheb; Cladera, Christobal, Investigadones sobre los 

descubrimientos de los Espafioles, Madrid, frontispiece, 1794. A. 

Camicero del., Sim. Brieva sc 
, Chbistopheb; Edwards, Bryan, Hist, of the British Colonies in 

the West Indies, L., vol. ii., frontispiece, 1794. Old Spanish picture 

of Columbus and his sons, in possession of E. Home. Wilson sc. 
, Chbistopheb; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. i. part 1, p. 1, 1815. 

Maella p., Maveridc sc 
, Chbistopheb; Museum, frontispiece, January, 1827. Maella p., 

Maverick sc. 

, Chbistopheb; Howard Alf., Biog. Dlust, L., plate 28, 1830. 

, Chbistopheb; Costa, Lorenzo, Cristoforo Colombo, Geneva, fron- 
tispiece, 1846. Damele e Merello, inv. 
, Chbistopheb; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y. vol. i. p. 1, 

1853. J. W. Orr sc. 
, Chbistopheb; Harper, p. 358, August, 1871. Memorial tablet 

in cathedral in Havana. 

, Chbistopheb; Harper, p. 1, December, 1876. Venetian mosaic 

, Chbistopheb; Harper, p. 8, December, 1876. Bust. 

, Chbistopheb; Ruge, Qeschichte des Zeitalter d. Entdeckungen, 

Berlin (Oncken, Allg. Ges.), p. 234, 1881. Original in Ministry of 

Marine, Madrid. 



62 Index to American Portraits. 

GoLXTMBUS, Ohristopheb; Ruge, Geschicte des Zietalter d. Entdeck- 
ungen, Berlin (Oncken, Allg. Ges.)> p. 235, 1881. Original in 
National Library, Madrid. 

, Chbistopheb; Harper, p. 729, October, 1882. 

, Chbistopheb; SchloBser, Fr. Chr., Weltgeachichte, Berlin, vol. ix. 

p. 176, 1885. Old Italian engraving. 

, Chbistopheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit Hist, of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. ii. p. 71, 1889. Giovio. 

y Chbistopheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. ii. p. 72, 1889. The Yanez Columbus. 

, Chbistopheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. ii. p. 73, 1889. Capriolo. 

, Chbistopheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. ii. p. 74, 1889. From the Jefferson copy of the Florence 
picture. 

, Chbistopheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. ii. p. 75, 1889. De Bry port. 

, Chbistopheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. ii. p. 76, 1889. Jomard port. 

, Chbistopheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. ii. p. 77, 1889. Havana medallion. 

, Chbistopheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist, of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. ii. p. 78, 1889. Port, in the Ministry of Marine. 

, Chbistopheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. ii. p. 79, 1889. From Montanus. 

, Chbistopheb; Illust Lond. News, p. 441, April 4, 1891. Sebas- 
tian del Piombo p. 

, Chbistopheb; Book News, p. 171, December, 1891. Jovius. 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, frontispiece, January, 1892. Ver- 
sailles port. 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 259, January, 1892. Cogoleto 

port 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 260, January, 1892. Rinoon and 

Capriolo ports. 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 261, January, 1892. Ministry 

of Marine port 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 262, January, 1892. Giovio port. 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 263, January, 1892. Crispin de 

Pas port, and Navarrete port. 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 264, January, 1892. Canciliero 

and Havana port. 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 265, January, 1892. Yanez port. 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 266, January, 1892. Altissimo 

and Belvedere ports. 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 267, January, 1892. Di Orchi 

port 

, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 409, February, 1892. Zearing 

tablet 



Index to American Portraits. 68 

CkxLUicBUS, CHRiflTOPHEB; Cosmopolitan, p. 410, February, 1892. 

Oladera port. 
, Chbistopheb; Ck>0mopolitan, p, 411, February, 1892. Ellsworth 

port. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 412, February, 1892. Rinck and 

Thevet ports. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 413, February, 1892. Gunther 

port. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 414, February, 1892. Parmi- 

giano port. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 415, February, 1892. Berwidc 

Alba port. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 416, February, 1892. Montanus 

port. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 417, February, 1892. De Bry 

port. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 418, February, 1892. Herrera 

and Mufioz ports. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 419, February, 1892. Tonnard 

port. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, p. 420, February, 1892. Venetian 

mosaic. 
, Chbistopheb; Cosmopolitan, frontispiece, April, 1892. Monu- 
ment in Genoa. 

, Chbistopheb; Century, p. 124, May, 1892. Statue by Sofiol. 

, Chbistopheb; Century, p. 2, May, 1892. Port, in Marine Mu- 
seum. T. Johnson sc. 
, Chbistopheb; Century, p. 802, October, 1892. "Lotto port." 

T. Johnson sc 
, Chbistopheb; niust. Lond. News, Supp., pp. i, iv, t, October 8, 

1892. 
, Chbistopheb; Lten, Nestor Ponce de, Columbus Gallery, N. Y., 

1893. 
CooKE, Phujp Pendleton; International Mag., vol. It. p. 300, October 

1, 1851. 
, Phujp Pendleton; Duyckincks's Cyclopsedia, vol. ii. p. 571, 

1877. Roberts sc 
Coombs, Leslie, of Kentucky; American Rev., frontispiece, November, 

1851. J. Ourdan sc 
CoopEB, James Fenimobb; National Portrait Gallery, vol. i., 1836. 

J. W. Jarris p., E. Scriven sc 
, James Fenimobe; Democratic Rev., vol. xv., frontispiece, July, 

1844. H. Chilton (daguerreotype miniature), J. B. Forrest sc. 
, James Fenimobe; Bentley, vol. zxi. p. 533, 1847. A. Kautz del., 

T. Cook sc 
, James Fenimobe; Litemational Mag., vol. iv. p. 289, October 1, 

1851. Daguerreotype. 
, James Fenimobe; Illust. Lond. News, p. 408, October 4, 1851. 



64 Index to American Portraits. 

GooPBB, James Fenhcobb; Jones, A. D., Illuat. Amer. Biog., N. T., 

vol. i. p. 205, 1853. J. W. Orr sc. 

, James Fenhcobb; Harper, p. 21, December, 1871. 

, Jambs Fenimobb; Duyddncks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 807, 1877. 

W. Roberta sc 

, James Fenimobb; Book News, p. 39, October, 1889. 

, T. A. (actor) ; Polyanthos, vol. i. p. 73, January, 1806. S. 

Harris sc. 
GoBWiN, Thos.; Amer. Rev., vol. vi. p. 310, September, 1847. T. 

Doney sc. 
, Thos.; Amer. Rev., vol. xlvi., frontispiece, July, 1862. A. H. 

Ritchie sc 
, Thos.; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 355, 

1854. J. W. Orr sc. 

, Thos. ; Cosmopolitan, p. 443, February, 1890. 

CozzENS, Feed. 6.; Knickerbocker Mag., vol. xlix., frontispiece, 1857. 

C. L. Elliott p., J. C. Buttre sc 
Cbawfobd, Geo. W. ; Amer. Rev., frontispiece, July, 1849. Daguerreo- 
type. A. H. Ritchie sc 

, Geo. W.; White, Hist. Collections of Georgia, N. Y., p. 245, 1855. 

CusHHTO, Caleb; Democratic Rev., vol. xviL p. 403, December, 1845. 

Daguerreotype. J. Doney sc 
, Caleb; Livingston, John, Portraits of Eminent Americans, N. Y., 

p. 47, 1854. Engraved by F. Halpin. 

, Caleb; Harper, p. 169, July, 1875. 

, Caleb; Century, p. 533, August, 1887. 

, Caleb; Scrib., p. 449, April, 1895. 

Dale, Rd., Commodore; Port Folio, Jime, 1814. Wood p., Edwin sc. 

, Rd., Commodore; National Portrait Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. J. 

Wood p., R. W. Dodson sc. From drawing by Longacrc 

, Rd., Commodore; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii 

p. 231, 1854. J. W. Orr sc 

, Rd., Commodore; Harper, p. 162, January, 1862. 

, Rd., Commodore; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. vii. p. 369, 1889. From National Portrait Gallery. 

Dallas, Alex. James; Analectic Mag., October, 1817. Stuart p., 
Leney sc. 

, Geo. Miffliw; Democratic Rev., Frontispiece, February, 1842. 

P. H. Reason sc 

, Geo. Mifflin; Illust Lond. News, p. 348, April 5, 1856. 

, Geo. Mifflin ; Scrib., p. 336, September, 1888. Campaign 

medal. 

, Geo. Mdtlin; Century, p. 162, June, 1891. Sully p., T. John- 
son sc. 

Daniel, John M.; Democratic Rev., May, 1852. Daguerreotype J. 
Ourdan sc 



Index to American Portraits. 65 

Daboan, Edwd. 6., Justice; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, July, 1851. 

Daslet, Mrs. John; Polyanthos, vol. iii. p. 145, October, 1806. 
Doyle p., Edwin ic 

Davszao, Auouste; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, February, 1845. 
J. B. Forrest sc. 

Davis, John, Hon.; American Rev., frontispiece, February, 1850. 
Daguerreotyped by Brady. Mezzotinted by Whelpley; etched by 
8. V. Hunt. 

, John, Han,; American Rev., frontispiece, August, 1850. Da- 
guerreotype. Mezzotinted by Whelpley. 

, John, Hon,; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 

383, 1854. J. W. Orr sc. 

Datton, Wm. L.; American Rev., frontispiece, Jime, 1849. Daguerre- 
otype. A. H. Ritchie sc 

, Wm. L.; Jones, A. D., Dlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 503, 

1854. J. W. Orr sc. 

, Wm. L.; Century, p. 107, May, 1887. 

Deane, Silas; European Mag., July, 1783. 

Deoatub, Stephen, Commodore; Analectic Mag., frontispiece. May, 
1813. G. Stuart p., D. Edwin sc. 

, Stephen, Commodore; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of Generals and other 

Commanders in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 214, 1848. 
Medal. 

, Stephen, Commodore; Jones, A. D., IHust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., 

vol. i. p. 185, 1853. J. W. Orr sc. 

, Stephen, Commodore; Harper, p. 180, January, 1862. 

, Stephen, Commodore; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of U. S., 

N. Y., vol. ii., plate 28, 1878. Medal. 

Dempster, Wm. R.; ELnickerbocker Mag., vol. xxviii. p. 95. August, 
1846. 

Dennie, Joseph; Port Folio, May, 1816. Silhouette. Goodman & Pig- 
got sc 

Dickinson, Danl. S.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, August, 1846. 
Daguerreotype. T. Doney sc 

DiMMiCK, EL H. (of Col.); American Rev., vol. xiii. p. 193, March, 
1851. C. Burt sc 

Disney, David T.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, March, 1850. Da- 
guerreotype H. S. Sadd sc 

Dix, John Adams, Oen,; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, November, 
1846. Daguerreotype T. Doney sc. 

, John Adams, Oen,; Moore, Frank, Heroes and Martyrs, N. Y., 

p. 139,1861. Photo. Eng. 

, John Adams, Oen,; Moore, Frank, Rebellion Record, N. Y., vol. i. 

p. 59, 1861. 

, John Adams, (Ten.; Port. Monthly of the N. Y. Illust. News, 

p. 49, October, 1863. 

, John Adams, Oen,; Duyckincks's Cydopawiia, vol. ii. p. 842, 1877. 

VOL. XXV. — 5 



66 Index to American Portraits. 

DoBB, Thos. Wilson; Democratic Bev., frontispiece, August, 1842. 

Daguerreotype. A. L. Dick sc 
DoBSKT, Jouif Syitg; Analeotie Mag., frontispiece, April, 1819. 

Sully p., C. Qoodman and R. Piggot sc. 
Downs, Solomon W.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, June, 1849. T. 

Doney sc. 
Duff, John (actor) ; Polyanthos, 1812. 
DuNOAN, James, Col.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, March, 1852. 

J. Ourdan sc . 
DwiOHT, Timothy, Rev,; Analectio Mag., frontispiece, April, 1817. 

Wood del., Leney sc 
, Timothy, Bev.; National Portrait GaUery, vol. i., 1836. J. 

Trumbull p., J. B. Forrest sc 
, Timothy, Rev.; Jones, A. D., lUust Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. it 

p. 467, 1854. 
, Timothy, Rev.; Duyckincks's Cydopsdia, vol. i. p. 371, 1877. 

Roberts sc 

Eaton, Wm., Gen.; Polyanthos, vol. v. p. 73, May, 1807. Doyle p., 

Snyder sc 
Elliot, Jkssb Dxtnoan, Cwpt.; Port Folio, frontispiece, December, 1814. 

Edwin sc 
Ellsworth, Oliveb; Analectic Mag., p. 382, May, 1814. Trumbull p., 

Edwin sc. 

^, Oliveb; Port Folio, vol. xx. p. 185, 1825. Trumbull p., Edwin sc 

, Oliveb; National Portrait Oallery, vol. iv., 1836. J. Herring p., 

£. Mackenzie sc 
, Oliveb; Century, p. 171, December, 1882. R. Earle p. With his 

wife 
, Oliveb; Century, p. 441, July, 1887. J. Trumbull p., T. John- 
son sc 
, Oliveb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 261, 1889. From National Portrait Gallery. 
, Oliveb; Century, p. 807, April, 1889. Trumbull p. From minia- 
ture. 
, Oliveb; Carson, Hampton L., Supreme Court of U. S., Phila., 

p. 185, 1891. Sharpless p.. Max Rosenthal etched. 
Emebson, Wm., Rev.; Polyanthos, 1812. 
Evans, Geo., Hon.; Amer. Rev., July, 1847. T. Doney sc 
EvEBETT, Alex. H.; Democratic Rev., May, 1842. 
EvEBETT, Edwd. ; National Portrait Gallery, vol. iv., 1836. Durand p., 

G. Parker sc 
, Edwd. ; Amer. Rev., frontispiece, November, 1850. R. M. Staigg, 

J. Cheney. 
, Edwd.; Bungay, Geo. W., Off-Hand Takings, N. Y., 1854. J. 

Cheney sc 
, Edwd; Jones, A. D., Illust Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 447, 

1854. J. W. Orr sc 



Index to American Portraits. 67 

EvEBiTT, Edwd.; Ererett, life of Washington, N. Y., frontispieoe, 1860. 
A. H. Ritchie bc. Bust. 

, Edwd.; Harper, p. 194, January, 1876. 

, Edwd.; 8crib., p. 360, July, 1876. 

, Edwd.; Duyddncks'B Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 883, 1877. W. Rob- 
erts sc 

, Edwd.; Century, p. 671, September, 1887. 

, Edwd.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 495, 1889. Photo, of 1861. 

, Edwd.; Scrib., p. 289, September, 1893. Statue in Boston Public 

Garden. 

EwiNO, Jab. S., MJD.; Port Folio, vol. xvii. p. 433, 1824. G. Fairman 
del., C. G. Childs sc 

, John, DJ>.; Port Folio, p. 353, 1827. 

, Thob. (Secy. Home Dept.) ; American Rev., vol, xi., frontispiece, 

January, 1850. Daguerreotype. A. H. Ritchie sc 

, Thos.; Democratic Rev., p. 191, August, 1852. Caricature. 

Faibfikld, Johk, Hon.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, March, 1846. 

Daguerreotype T. Doney sc 
Fenkell, Jas.; Polyanthos, vol. iv. p. 217, March, 1807. Doyle p., 

Snyder sc. 
Field, Ctbus West; Knickerbocker Mag., vol. lii. p. 331, October, 

1858. John A. (XNeiU. 

, Cyrus West; Harper, p. 826, November, 1871. 

, Cyrus West; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of U. S., N. Y., voL 

ii., plate 77, 1878. Buff and Barber. Medal. 

, Cyrus West; Harper, p. 841, November, 1886. 

, Cyrus West; Book News, p. 311, March, 1893. From port, in 

D. M. Field's " Story of Atlantic Telegraph.'' 
FnxMORE, Millard; American Rev., vol. viii. p. 331, October, 1848. 

Daguerreotype. A. H. Ritchie sc. 

, Millard; Hlust. Lond. News, p. 29, January 13, 1849. 

, MnxARD; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 471, 

1864. J. W. Orr sc 
, MnxARD; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of U. S., N. Y., vol. ii. 

plate 66, 1878. Ellis and Willson. Medal. 

, MnXARD; Century p. 105, May, 1887. 

, MiLi«ARD (Prest.) ; Scrib., p. 339, September, 1888. Campaign 

medal. 
, Millard; Century, pp. 222, 224, June, 1892. Caricatures, 

"The right man in the right place" and "The great presidential 

sweepstakes." 

, Millard; Scrib., p. 343, March, 1895. Carpenter p., 1858. 

Fish, Hamilton; American Rev., vol. viii. p. 546, December, 1848. 

DaguerTeotyx>e. A. H. Ritchie sc 
, Hamilton; Jenkins, John S., Lives of Governors of N. Y., 

Auburn, p. 817, 1851. F. Michelin lith. 



68 Index to American Portraits. 

Fish, Hamilton; Schuyler, John, Institution of the Cincinnati, N. Y., 
p. 127^ 1886. H. B. Hall & Sons sc 

, Hamilton; Scrib., p. 289, March, 1895. 

Flobenob, Thos. B.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, February, 1861. 
lUman & Sons sc. 

FooTB, H. S., Hon,; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, August, 1861. 
Daguerreotype. Illman k Sons sc. 

FoBSTTH, John (Secy, of State) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, June, 
1838. Ch. Fenderich del. 

Fbankun, Bsnj.; Westminster Mag., frontispiece, July, 1774. Walker 
sc 

, Benj.; Universal Mag., p. 113, September, 1777. From "port 

drawn from the life at Paris." 

1 Benj.; European Mag., frontispiece, March, 1786. From paint- 
ing of 1782. 

, Benj.; Columbian Mag., p. 146, March, 1788. From Lavater's 

Physiognomy. 

^, Benj.; Massachusetts Mag., frontispiece, May, 1790. From print 

in London edition of Franklin's " Philosophic Papers." 

f Benj. ; A portrait in color, engraved by F. Janinet, is advertised 

in the Gkizetie Nationale, on Le Moniteur Universel, June 13, 
1790, p. 1. 

, Benj.; Literary and Biog. Mag. and British Rev., frontispiece, 

January, 1791. 

, Benj.; Lady's Mag., February, 1793. 

, Benj.; American Universal Mag., vol. i. p. 291, March 6, 1797. 

W. Harrison, Jr., sc. 

, Benj.; Literary Mag. and Amer. Register, frontispiece, Novem- 
ber, 1804. Drawn by T. Hollo way from bust modelled at Paris. 
Allardice sc 

, Benj.; L'H^misphdre, vol. i. p. 409, 1810. 

, Benj.; Polyanthos, 1814. 

, Benj.; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. ii. part 1, p. 41, 1816. Mar- 
tin p., Longacre sc 

, Benj.; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, June, 1818. Martin p., G. 

Goodman and R. Piggot sc. 

, Benj.; Franklin, Mem. by Himself, Phila., frontispiece, 1818. 

f Benj.; Franklin, Wm. Temple, Mem. of B. Franklin, L., frontis- 
piece, 1818. Duplessis p., Chas. Pye sc 

, Benj.; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, June, 1818. Martin p., G. 

Goodman and R. Piggott sc. 

f Benj.; Port Folio, frontispiece, October, 1819. Martin p., Long- 
acre sc. 

, Benj.; Dyer, Ghas. €^., Biographical Sketches, L., 1819. M. 

Ghamberlin p. Engraved by J. Romney from drawing by G. M. 
Brighty. 

f Benj.; Franklin, Autobiography, N. Y., frontispiece, 1826. 

Martin p., W. H. Smith sc 



Index to American Portraits. 69 

FBA2najN, BsNJ. ; Howard, All., Biog., niust, L., plate 44, 1830. 

> Ben J.; National Portrait Gkdlery, vol. ii., frontispiece, 1836. 

R. W. Dodson sc From painting by Longacre after a miniature. 
, Bknj.; National Portrait (Jallery, vol. ii., t. p., 1836. Houdon. 

Longacre del., £. Wellmore sc Bust. 
, Ben J.; National Portrait Gallery, vol. ii., p. after "Contents," 

1836. Martin p., T. B. Welch sc 
f Benj.; Trdsor de Numis, 1819 (M^ Francaises, part 3, plate 53, 

1849). Dupr& MedaL 

, Benj.; Harper, p. 145, January, 1862. 

, Benj.; Harper, p. 289, February, 1852. 

, Benj.; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 43, 1863. 

J. W. Orr sc. 
, Benj.; Hlust. Lond. News, p. 414, October 26, 1856. Greenougb. 

Statue. 

1 Benj.; Armo^, Wm. C, Governors of Penna., Phila., p. 261, 1872. 

, Benj.; Owen, Hugh, Two Centuries of Ceramic Art in Bristol, 

Gloucester, p. 92, 1873. From a porcelain plaque. 

, Benj.; Guizot, Hist, de France, P., vol. v. p. 341, 1873. 

, Benj.; Duyddncks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 117, 1877. 

, Benj.; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of U. S., N. Y., vol. iL, 

plates 16, 16, 1878. Aug. Dupr6. Medals. 

, Benj.; Stevens, Henry, Benj. Franklin's Life and Writings, L., 

t. p., 1881. 
, Benj.; Stevens, Henry, Benj. Franklin's Life and Writings, L., 

p. 2, 1881. Port, owned by T. W. Sumner. Engraved by G. F. 

Storm. 
y Benj.; Stevens, Henry, Benj. Franklin's Life and Writings, L., 

p. 8, 1881. D. Martin p., T. B. Welch sc. 
y Benj.; Stevens, Henry, Benj. Franklin's Life and Writings, L., 

p. 14, 1881. Duplessis p., J. Andrews sc. 
, Benj.; Stevens, Henry, Benj. Franklin's Life and Writings, L., 

p. 16, 1881. Houdon. T. B. Welch sc. Bust. 

, Benj.; Harper, p, 837, May, 1883. 

, Benj.; Schlosser, Fr. Chr., Weltgeschichte, Berlin, vol. xiv. p. 

432, 1886. Duplessis p. 
, Benj.; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nord Amerika, Berlin (Oncken, 

Allg. Ges.), p. 163, 1886. Schoffer p., Girardet sc. 

, Benj.; Century, p. 174, June, 1886. 

, Benj.; Century, p. 12, November, 1887. 

>'Benj.; Century, p. 741, March, 1888, Duplessis p., Chevillet sc 

, Benj.; Book News, p. 118, December, 1888. From "Children's 

Stories of the Great Scientists." 
, Benj.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 37, 1889. From " Impartial Hist, of the War." 
, Benj.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 38, 1889. From *' Andrews's Hist, of the War." 



70 Index to American Portraits. 

Vbankllr, Benj.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston* 

YoL vii. p. 39, 1889. S. Ehner. Rider sc. 
, Bknj.; Century, pp. 198, 202, 208, December, 1890. AUegorical 

pictures. 
, Bknj.; Century, p. 201, December, 1890. 0. W. Peale p., H. 

Velpen sc 

, Ben J.; Blades, Wm., Pentateuch of Printing, L., p. 79, 1891. 

, Bknj.; Century, p. 542, August, 1892. Carl R. Smith. Statue. 

, Benj.; Harper, page 910, November, 1892. Mask. 

, Ben J.; Oncken, Das Zeitalter Friedrichs des Grossen, Berlin 

Oncken, AUg. Ges.), vol. ii. p. 719, 1892. Trumbull p. (picture of 

Declaration of Independence), Sadd sc. 

, Ben J.; Oncken, Das Zeitalter Friedrichs des Grossen, Berlin 

(Oncken, Allg. Ges.), p. 733, 1892. Wilson p. 
, Benj.; Cosmopolitan, p. 606, March, 1892. Statue on Electrical 

Building, Columbian Exposition. 
, Benj.; Scrib., p. 617, May, 1894. J. M. Renaud. Terra ootta 

medallion. 

, Benj.; Cosmopolitan, p. 601, October, 1895. Thouron p. 

, Benj.; Harper, p. 285, July, 1895. Miniature owned by Mrs. 

Gillespie. 
Fulton, Robt.; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. i. part 2, p. 201, 1815. 

B. West p., W. S. Leney sc. 

, Robt.; Analectic Mag., p. 394, May, 1815. B. West p., Leney sc 

, Robt.; Museum, frontispiece, April, 1826. B. West p., W. S. 

Leney sc 

, Robt.; Casket, frontispiece. May, 1827. B. West p. 

, Robt.; New York Mirror, p. 17, July 21, 1832. Inman p., 

Mason sc 
, Robt.; National Portrait Gallery, voL iii., 1836. B. West p., 

G. Parker sc 
, Robt.; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 121, 

1853. J. W. Orr sc 
, Robt. ; F. Ellis and S. Evans, Hist, of Lancaster Co., Pa., Phila., 

p. 861, 1883. 
, Robt. ; Book News, p. 245, January, 1892. From port, in '* Robt. 

Fulton: His Life and its Results." 

(To be continued.) 



IrumgvTotitm of President Thomas Jefferson^ 1801. 71 



INAUGUEATION OP PRESIDENT THOMAS JEF- 
FERSON, 1801.1 

OONTRIBTJTED BY MBS. BEBEOOA LLOYD 8HIPPEN. 

" The long agony is over," as Governor Morris exclaimed 
on the decision of an important and warmly debated ques- 
tion. " The long agony is over," might Congress with more 
emphasis have said when the awful crisis was passed which 
terminated the conflict between two great political parties, 
and eventuated in the election of a Democratic President 
But let us pass over retrospections which can only serve to 
awaken feelings which should be laid in an eternal sleep. 

On the fourth of March 1801, Mr. Jefferson took the Oath 
of Office. The vanquished party having no inclination by 
their presence to add to the solemnities of the scene and the 
crowd of strangers who had thronged the City during the 
previous period of anxious suspense satisfied with the result, 
departed, without waiting to witness the mere ceremony of 
the Inauguration of the President At this period the pop- 
ulation of the infiint metropolis did not exceed that of a 
small village ; it had been taken possession of as the seat of 
government the preceding winter ; the impending change 
of parties prevented the individuals who were attached to 
Mr. Adams' administration fipom locating themselves in a 
permanent manner. Like a flock of birds of passage they 
only, as it were, alighted on the ground and with their 
leader, the ex-President, took flight early on the fourth of 
March. 

Owing to these peculiar circumstances the City on that 
day lost half of its migratory population, and it» wide sur- 
fiice had a desert and solitary appearance. There were no 

*^ This account of the inauguration of President Jefferson first ap- 
peared in ''The Lady's Magazine." 



72 IrumguraUon of President Thomas Jefferson^ 1801. 

streets, no mass of houses ; one wing of the Capitol only 
was erected, not finished ; a temporary room fitted up for 
the accommodation of the House of Representatives. The 
Senate Chamber was finished, and it was there in the pres- 
ence of the Senators, and Judges of the Supreme Court that 
the Oath of Office was administered to Mr. Jefferson. 

During the preceding winter, he being Vice President, 
had boarded at Canaird's, the largest and most respectable 
lod^ng house in the City ; it was on the south side of Cap- 
itol Hill; about thirty republican members of Congress 
likewise boarded there, among whom he lived on terms of 
perfect equality and firiendship ; or if there was any ine- 
quality, his unassuming spirit yielded to them a precedence, 
at which their stem democracy eagerly caught; as is evinced 
by a trivial, but characteristic circumstance. 

The dinner table was necessarily very long, to accommo- 
date a company of more than thirty persons ; the end nearest 
the fire was appropriated to the ladies who were of the 
femily ; Mr. Jefferson was among the latest who entered 
the room, on the first day of their assembling; the com- 
pany had taken their seats without waiting for him, and on 
his entrance the only vacant place was at tiie bottom of the 
table, the most remote from the fire, and close to the door 

that opened in the hall. Mrs. , the wife of one of the 

Senators, stimulated by personal regard, as well as by a 
sense of what was due, not only to a station, but still more 
to age, urged the gentlemen near her to offer him a seat at 
the end of the table ; they laughed, and answered " he must 
not be allowed to forget that he is one of the people and 
that all were equal." " There is however a distinction which 

nature makes," urged Mrs. , " and gray hairs should 

be respected in what ever Condition they are found." But 
democracy prevailed over any kinder feeling and those 
very men who would have resigned their lives and fortunes 
to have elevated him to the Presidency would not com- 
promise their principle of political equality, by yielding him 
a seat above their own. Mrs. indignant at what she 



Inauffwralicm of President Thomas Jefferson^ 1801. 78 

called a savage rudeness, rose and offered him her seat which 
of course he declined. 

I said some among these stem republicans would have 
risked their lives to secure his succession to the Presidency ; 
and this recalls to mind an incident which proves the asser- 
tion. 

At the time of the election by the House the result d^ 
pended on a single vote. Mr. Nicholson one of the Repr^ 
sentatives from Maryland,* had been for some weeks con- 
fined to his bed, and was so ill, that his life was considered 
in danger ; ill as he was he insisted on being carried to the 
Hall of Representatives, in order to give his vote. The 
physicians absolutely forbid such a proceeding ; he insisted 
and they appealed to his wife, telling her such a removal 
and the consequent excitement might prove fatal to his life, 
" Be it so then," she said, " if my husband must die, let it 
be at the post of duty ; no weakness of mine shall oppose 
his noble resolution." How little did these physicians expect 
when they appealed to the influence of one of the fondest 
of wives this more than Spartan courage, and in an Ameri- 
can to find a Roman Matron. Of course they withdrew 
their opposition, the patient was carried in a litter to the 
Capitol, where a bed was prepared for him, in an Anti- 
room adjoining the Senate Chamber, followed by his heroic 
wife, where during the four or five days and nights of bal- 
loting she remained by his side, supporting by various 
restoratives but more by her presence the strength of the 
feeble and almost expiring invjJid, who with difficulty traced 
the name of Jefferson each time the ballot-box was handed 
to him. Such was the Spirit of that day — ^the Spirit of that 
party. 

What a contrast did Capitol Hill and the circumjacent 
scenery afford, on the fourth of March 1829 ! 

The ardent, the violent, the imbettered, the exulting feel- 

^ Our contributor, Mrs. Eebecca Lloyd Shippen, is a granddaughter 
of Hon. Joseph H. Nicholson and his wife, Rebecca Lloyd, of *'Wye 
House." — ^Ed. Penna. Mao. 



74 Inaugwration of President Thomas Jefferson^ 1801. 

ing which had been excited during the contest had subsided, 
the conflicting elements were stilled ; the eager crowds that 
had surrounded the Capitol during the election, the tread 
of the many feet, and the hum of the many voices that had 
echoed through its vaulted passages had ceased. 

No triumphant multitude with loud acclamations, no van- 
quished opponents with murmured deprecations were present 
on that morning (1801) — , the unfinished and solitary febric 
amidst the huge stones and other materials for its construc- 
tion, scattered over the ground among towering and vener- 
able Oaks, that still shaded their native soil, looked more 
like a ruin amidst its fallen fragments, and its coeval shades, 
than a new, and rising edifice. The silence and solitude of 
the surrounding grounds were calculated to enforce this 
idea; for the hundred or two individuals collected on the 
occasion were not sufficient to dissipate solitude, and silence 
through such an extent of space. Beyond Capitol Hill as 
fitr as the eye could reach, the Ciiy as it was called, lay in a 
state of nature, covered with forest trees, fields of grain, 
and verdant plains, with here and there a house. Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue, was a new, but as yet unfi-equented road, 
connecting the Capitol to the President's House, which at 
two miles distance stood in its loneliness in the midst of a 
plain. 

The Sun shone bright on that morning, (March 4*** 1801), 
the Senate was convened, those members of the republi- 
can party that remained at the Seat of Government; the 
Judges of the Supreme Court, some citizens and gentry 
fi-om the neighboring County, and about a dozen ladies 
made up the Assembly in the Senate Chamber, who were 
collected to witness the ceremony of the President's inaugu- 
ration. Mr. Jefferson had not yet arrived; he was seen 
walking fi*om his lodgings which were not fitr distant, at- 
tended by five or six gentlemen who were his fellow 
lodgers. 

Soon afterwards he entered, accompanied by a Committee 
of the Senate and bowing to the Senate, who arose to re- 



IruxugwraUon of President Tharruia JeffersoHy 1801. 76 

ceive bim, he approached a table on which the Bible lay, 
and took the Oath, which was administered to him by the 
Chief Justice. 

He was then conducted by the President of the Senate, 
to his chair, which stood on a platform raised some steps 
above the floor; after the pause of a moment or two he 
arose, and delivered that beautiful inaugural address, which 
has since become so popular and celebrated ; — ^with a clear, 
distinct voice, in a firm and modest manner. On leaving 
the chair he was surrounded by friends who pressed forward 
with cordial and eager congratulations and some, though 
not many, of the more magnanimous of his opponents, 
most of whom however silently left the Chamber. 

The new President, walked home with two or three of 
the gentlemen who lodged in the same house. At dinner 
he took his accustomed place, at the bottom of the table, his 
new station not eliciting from his democratic friends any 
new attention, or courtesy. A gentleman from Baltimore, 
as an invited guest, who accidentally sat next to him, asked 
permission to wish him joy, "I would advise you," an- 
swered Jefferson, smiling, " to follow my example on nup- 
tial occasions, when I always tell the bridegroom, I will wait 
till the end of the year before offering my congratulations." 
And this was the only and solitary instance of any notice 
taken of the event of the morning. His election to the 
second term of service was so unanimous, so unopposed, 
that it seemed less like a new election, than a matter of 
course, a looked for continuity in oflBlce— it excited none of 
the interest and attention new elections create, and passed 
so quietly as scarcely to be noticed, being marked by little 
ceremony or display. In the language of that day, he came 
into office on the fall tide of popularity; a tide that never 
ebbed, during the whole term of office, but which with a 
swollen flood, and increased force carried him triumphantly 
back to the peaceftil and happy haven of domestic life. Nor 
even then did it ebb ; his popularity did not arise from his 
possession of power or patronage, but flowing from his 



76 BumgwcLtion of President Thomas Jefferson^ 1801. 

talents, his virtues, his patriotism, of which added proo& 
were given with every added year, it increased in power, 
as he increased in length of days. 

Those days are finished, his mortal remains are moulder- 
ing back into their parent dust, but his talents, his virtues, 
his patriotism, still live embodied in his works embalmed 
in history. 

The spirit which governed the Councils over which he 
presided, still governs public opinion, and with augment- 
ing influence wiU continue to govern Republican America, 
so long as the maxims of his wisdom shall flow through the 
channels of a firee press, into the minds of free men ; and 
the fuR tide of popularity which brought him into power, 
with an increasing impetus, shall carry his memory into ages 
yet unborn. 

S . . . . 

Washington City. 



Ayy. A^.-/C»,«. tj;5-j^<^ Ifi',-^ 










f^f^' <?t, ^. 



^i 






FACSIMILE OF THE ORIGINAL IN THE BUCHANAN PAPERS, HISTORICAL SOCJETV 

OF PENNSYLVANIA. 







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i^:;*^ 



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€!!^e^«c-£.gf£^ 



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An Interesting Historical Letter, 77 



AN rNTBRESTmG HISTORICAL LETTER. 

The ori^nal of the letter which we ^ve in fiic-simile is 
in the "Buchanan Papers'* of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania. This valuable collection, largely composed 
of the correspondence of the Hon. James Buchanan, of 
Pennsylvania, was presented by his nieces, the daughters 
of the late Rev. Edward Y. Buchanan, D.D. The letter is 
in the handwriting of Jefferson Davis, and in the collection 
of autographs which endorse his recommendation will be 
recognized many of those who were conspicuous as his 
councillors in the days of the Southern Confederacy. 

Washzmoton D. C. 
Dec. 16. 1867 

HoK. Jno. B. Floyd 
Sec, of War. 

Sib, it gives me pleasure to present to your favorable consideration the 
name of John Rogers Meigs, for the appointment of cadet " at large." 

He is the son of Capt. M. 0. Meigs of the Army and therefore belongs 
to that class not eligible for an appointment from a Ck>ngre8sional Dis- 
trict. The young gentleman possesses high mental and physical quali- 
fications for the military service, exhibits a fondness for scientific pursuits 
and gives promise of a career worthy of his illustrious Grand Father 
Commodore Rogers, and his distinguished and usefiil Father Capt 
Meigs. 

I am sure his appointment would give much satisfaction to the large 
number of the firiends and admirers of Capt. Meigs, & to none more 
than to your Mend & obt sevt. 

Jeffeb. Davis. 

I cordially concur with Col Davis in the above recommendation. 

S. A. Douglas. 
I also concur very cordially in the above. 

R. M. T. HUITTEB. 

I also cordially concur in the above. 

Wm. M. Gwnsr. 



78 An Interesting Ststarical Letter. 

The undenigned cheerfully concur in the foregoing recommendation. 

Alfbed Iyebson, 
J. A. Batabd, 
A. G. Bboww, 
Wm. Bioleb, 

Z. CHAKDLEBy 

Cha« E. H. Stewabt, 
J. M. Mason, 
John Slidell, 
J. P. Benjamin. 

John Sogers Meigs, a son of Montgomery C. Meigs, of 
Pennsylvania, Quartermaster-General U. S. A., was ap- 
pointed by President Buchanan a cadet^at-large to the Mili- 
tary Academy at West Point, September 7, 1859, from 
which he graduated June 11, 1863, number one in his class. 
He was appointed first lieutenant of Engineers, and for 
gallant and meritorious conduct at the battle of Fisher's 
Creek, in Vlr^nia, was promoted brevet m%jor, September 
22, 1864. He was killed by guerillas, near Harrisonburg, 
Vir^nia, October 3, 1864, when in the twenty-second year 
of his age. His remains were buried at Oak Hill Cemetery, 
near Washington D. C, President Lincoln, Secretary of War 
Stanton, Secretary of State Seward, General Halleck, and 
other prominent oflBlcials being present. 

Secretary of War Stanton made the following official 
announcement of his death : 

WAflaanfOTOir, Oct 7. 1864. 
A despatch from . . . reports an officer of Qeneral Sheridan's staff 
jost arriyed. General Sheridan was still at Harrisonburg. His supply 
trains were going on all right, occasionally interrupted by guerilla par- 
ties, the only force on the road. This officer brought in the remains of 
Lieutenant John Bogera Meigs, of the Engineer Corps, and son of 
Brev't Migor Qeneral Meigs, Quartermaster Qeneral, who was killed by 
bushwhackers on Monday last, while making a military survey. In the 
death of this gallant officer the Department has occasion to deplore no 
ordinary loss. Last year he graduated at the Military Academy, West 
Pointy with the highest honors, at the head of his class, was commis- 
sioned as a lieutenant of engineers, and immediately sent into the field. 
He performed meritorious and dangerous services during the last year on 



An Interesting Historical Letter. 79 

the fortificationB at Baltimore, at Harper's Ferry, and at Oomberland, 
and was made chief engineer in the Army of the Shenandoah. In the 
campaigns he accompanied the army nnder Sigel, Hunter and Sheridan. 
In eyery position he gave proof of great professional skill, personal 
courage, and devoted patriotism. One of the youngest and brightest 
ornaments of the military profession, he has finllen an early victim to 
murderous rebel war&re. . . . 

Edwin M. Stantok. 

Secretary of War, 

Gteneral P. H. Sheridan, in his " Personal Memoirs/' writes 
of Lieutenant Meigs, — 

At Harper's Ferry sent for Lieut. J. B. Meigs, the Chief E^ngineer 
officer of the command, to study with him the map of my geographical 
division. . . . Meigs was £uniliar with every important road and stream, 
and with all points worthy of note west of the Blue Bidge. He was 
killed by guerillas October 8, 1864. The fact that the murder had been 
committed inside our lines was evidence that the perpetrators of the 
crime having their houses in the vicinity, had been clandestinely residing 
there, and secretly harbored by some of the neighboring residents. 

Determining to teach a lesson to these abettors of the foul deed — a 
lesson they would never forget — ^I ordered all the houses within an area 
of five miles to be burned. 



80 The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 



THE PBITNS AND THE TAXATION OF THBIE ESTATES 
BY THE PEOYINCIAL ASSEMBLY. 

(Contmued from Vol. XXIV. page 494.) 

I have now gone through all the restrictions, 
wherein the proprietaries have restrained their 
Lieutenant-Governors from consenting to any 
tax upon their own particular property; and 
will in the next place state and submit to your 
consideration the residue of the restrictions con- 
tained in their twenty-first instruction, and which 
relate to every person's estate in the province, 
viz. — 
Land-tax for In casc you pass land-title Bills they shall be 
made to continue for one single year only and 
no longer. 



one year only. 



Agreeable to They shall be made as agreeable as possible 

the Engllah "^ or 

act to the general tenor of the Acts for raising the 

land tax in England. 

Especially by laying the tax upon the par- 
ticular houses or lands in the respective districts 
by which the rate of it may at any time be seen. 
On the annual The tax ou the real estate shall be laid on the 
^* true annual rent or yearly value and not upon 
the value of the fee simple of the estate. 
Not to exceed The land-tax shall not be more than after the 
in ttie pound, rate of One, two, three or at the utmost four 
shillings in the pound for any one year upon 
the annual rent or yearly value. 
Tenant! to pay Every such Bill shall contain clauses for the 
tenants of real estates paying such tax, and 
deducting the same out of the yearly rent 
payable to the landlord, provided the yearly 
rent amounts to twenty shillings and upwards. 



and deduct it. 



The Penns and the Taxation of their Mtates. 81 

And Bhall contain clauses of distress upon ^^*^ ^^^ 

tres not of 

any matters distrainable, being upon the taxed 
premises. 

But no clause or power to distrain or sell the 
house or land itself or any part thereof for sat- 
is&ction of the taxes. 

Now the charter provides that all laws to be 
passed in Pennsylvania shall be consonant to 
reason and not contrary or repugnant, but as 
near as may be agreeable to the laws, statutes 
and rights of the mother country England. 

The proprietaries conceive that every one of 
these last mentioned restrictions or prohibitions to 
their Lieutenant-Governor are strictly agreeable 
to the laws and statutes of this kingdom. 

Acts of Parliament passed here and extend- 
ing to the plantations, do of themselves bind the 
Lieutenant-Governor and all others there, not^ 
withstanding which the Crown by its instructions 
to the proprietaries given upon the approbation 
of every new lieutenant-governor of Pennsyl- 
vania and other proprietary governments in- 
structs and orders the proprietors to give 
directions to and to charge their lieutenant- 
governors to inform themselves of and strictly 
to pursue those Acts of Parliament 

So the charter of the province ^ves power to 
the proprietors and assembly to pass any laws 
there but under the forementioned proviso, not 
to be contrary or repugnant but as near as may 
agreeable to the laws and statutes of this king- 
dom. And if they should attempt to pass laws 
beyond the power given by the charter, such 
laws might not only be nullities, but besides 
that it might possibly be an offence. 

To guard agidnst anything of that sort the 
proprietors out of abundant caution have used 

VOL. XXV. — 6 



82 The Perms and the Taxation of thdr Estates. 

their own discretion here and have restrained 
their Lieutenant-Governor not to pass laws 
without observing the before mentioned re- 
strictions, and every one of which restrictions 
as they conceive are not only just and reasonable 
in themselves, but also tend to bring the Land- 
Tax Acts in Pennsylvania (if they will pass 
such) as near as may be to the like Acts passed 
here in the mother country. 

These restrictions it is apprehended are 
reasonable, just and expedient, as tending to an 
equal land-tax, and they are lawful as imitating 
the provisions made by the Parliament in Eng- 
land in the same case. To make the land-tax 
annual is a restriction which contributes to pre- 
vent the burthen from lasting longer than the 
necessity. To lay it on the annual profits is more 
easy and equally as expedient for the public 
service as laying it upon the value of the in- 
heritance, and the rule of assessment is more 
easy to be settled on the annual profit than 
upon the whole value of the land. To limit it 
at four shillings in the pound as a general 
rule seems not unreasonable and it is conform- 
able to the practice in England. To lay it upon 
the tenant who may deduct it out of his rent is 
best for the public and the landlord too. And 
where the payment is refused, to levy it by 
distress upon the land, secures the revenue to 
the public, whilst the other methods em- 
powering those who levy the tax to sell the 
lands, opens a door to partiality and arbitrary 
abuse and much injury to the landlord. 

The remaining restrictions are not many. 
On umoii not g^ much of the land-tax Acts in Pennsyl- 

groM Yftloa of 

pmonai et- vania as relate to personal estates must lay the 
same upon the annual interest or profit and not 
upon the capital gross sum. 



The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 88 

That is the constant custom and the practice 
and positive law here, for when the tax here is 
four shillings in the pound a man who is taxed 
for £100 personal estate, is not enacted to pay 
£20, which is the fifth part of the capital of 
£100. but twenty shillings only, which is the 
fifth part of £5. which is a year's interest of that 
capital £100. And so the land-tax Acts here 
do precisely express. And if so, this is only 
another instance of the like sort with the last 
mentioned restrictions for keeping up to the 
laws and usages of the mother country. 

The Bill must contain specially in iteelf the To conum 

^ ^ the whole 

whole method of assessing, collecting and pay- method of 
ing in of the tax, and not by reference to any 
other Bill or Act. 

This seems an orderly and reasonable re- 
striction in itself, and is observed in land-tax 
acts in England also, but there is still a great 
deal more than that to be said to justify this re- 
striction, for, the land-tax acts which they have 
passed in Pennsylvania (to tax other persons' 
estates, excepting thereout the proprietary 
estates) very shortly enact that there shall be 
levied upon all the estates real and personal in 
the province (other than the proprietaries' 
estates) the sum of six pence for every pound 
clear value of the estates yearly for the space 
of four years. This is so ambiguous that it is 
difficult to fix any certain construction what is 
meant by these words. 

But then they go on and enact fiirther that 
the sums so to be raised shall be assessed and 
levied as in and by an Act passed in the eleventh 
year of the late King Gteorge the First, en- 
titied " An Act for raising of County Bates and 
Levies," and that everything therein contained 



84 The Penna and the Taxation of their Estates. 

shall be put in practice for assessing and levying 
the tax hereby imposed as if the same were in- 
serted in this Act, except in such cases as are 
hereinafter ascertained, provided for or altered. 
This dark sort of explanation leaves the matter 
just where it found it, and the Governor ac- 
quainted them in his speech or message of the 
eleventh of February 1767, that some of the 
assessors construe this to be two shillings in the 
pound according to the gross value of the capital 
or fee simple and others to be two shillings in 
the pound only upon the annual value, which 
must make great inequality and confusion in the 
province when some assessors compute the tax 
upon the annual value and others upon the 
gross value, by which means two men of like 
estates, one of them may be taxed for one 
hundred pounds as the annual value, the other 
for twenty-five hundred pounds as the value of 
the fee-simple. However with a great deal of 
diflBlculty it may be proved that the Assembly 
meant upon the gross value, for by a Report of 
their Committee made on February 16th. 1767 
in answer to the said message from the Gov- 
ernor, they say that as to the uncertainty of the 
Act which he complained of, the mode directed 
by that Act is the same that has ever been used 
in that province, and is what the commissioners 
and assessors are accustomed to and well under- 
stood. Be it so, but we still remain at a loss to 
know and to fix what that mode is ; whether to 
compute upon the annual or upon the capital 
value. But as they tell us that the mode is now 
the same it ever was we must go further yet to 
find it out Now long before that time, viz. on 
the 12th of June 1709 (when they had like 
county levy acts in being) the Assembly in an 



The Perms and the Taxation of their Eetatei. 86 

address or reply to the governor tell him ex- 
pressly thus ; " The taxes in Great Britain are 
upon the profits or incomes not as here, upon 
the whole estate itsel£^' So that at length we 
can fix that the Assembly meant the tax to be 
computed upon the capital and not upon the 
annual value of estates. 

Besides this doubt, what the quantity of the 
tax is to be, many other obscurities and insuper- 
able difficulties arise from their not enacting a 
clear, direct and certain mode in the present 
acts for assessing, levying and paying the tax, 
but referring back to a string of other acts to 
obscure and perplex the matter, that it may not 
be able to be shown what methods they are to 
proceed in* 

We see that we have already two long Acts to 
look through, viz. The Act of 1766 and the 
Act of 1726.^ But these are not all the Acts 
referred to, for when you come to that Act of 
1725, it recites that by the help and direction of 
another Act passed in the 4th of E3ng George 
the First the method of assessing county rates ^ 
and levies is brought to a competent certainly 
and regulation. So that now there are three 
Acts to be referred to. Besides these that Act 
of 1726 recites that still another Act of the 8th 
of King Q^orge the First, anno 1721, and that 
Act is said in their statute-book to be supplied 
and therefore has its titie only printed and not 
the Act itself. Here are four Acts therefore to 
be referred to (if they can be found out and 
understood) nor is this all yet, for the Act of 
1726 has a supplementary Act added to it and 
passed in 1782, so that in order to clear up in 
what mode the tax is to be raised, assessed, 
> See Chapter CCLXXXIV., Vol. IV. p. 10. 



86 The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 

levied and paid, no less than five Acts (some of 
which are repealed and others out of print) are 
to be got at and looked into, and when found 
are far from being clearly intelligible ; so that if 
any case can necessarily require order and clear- 
ness this does; and there seems to have been 
even a necessity to oblige them to put their bills 
into some clear method, and to insert specially 
in their land-tax Bills (as the mother country 
does) from time to time the whole method of 
assessing, collecting and paying in the tax, and 
not to refer backwards and forwards to so many 
different Acts of Assembly. 
Eflectofti Every such Bill in order to be founded in 

cIaqscs to 8^ 

certain the equal justicc shall have in it the same effectual 
^^^^^ clause to ascertain the true and real rent or 

yearly value of every estate in land or houses in 
the province. 

This is so in land-tax Acts here and surely is 
consonant to justice. 
Substantial And shall have a good number of the most 
ereandaauf- considerable inhabitants out of every township 
flcient num- ingertcd in the Bill as commissioners. 

ber. 

Their counties in Pennsylvania are very large 
and one person only out of each county cannot 
possibly have any personal knowledge of the 
several persons' estates in that wide extended 
county: and the English Acts of Parliament 
name a very large number of commissioners in 
each county who subdivide themselves again 
into several districts to carry the same into 
execution. 
T6 be sworn. The commissioners shall be sworn or affirmed 
to do justice before they act and shall have 
power to cite and compel tenants and witnesses 
to appear and be sworn or affirmed in order to 
discover what rents are really and truly paid in 



The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 87 

cases where land or houses are let out at rack- 
rent 

There is but one other restriction contained in Method of m- 

... /» . . -I certalning 

the proprietaries twenty first instruction, and vftiue of 

that is their order to their Lieutenant-Governor ^^ by^^e 

to the following effect and substance, viz. Not ownen. 

to pass any land-tax Bills, unless a method shall 

be enacted in it for ascertaining the true value 

of real estates which are possessed by the owners 

and have no certain annual rent in order to 

bring it to a certain annual value ; as to which 

real estates (and as to personal estates also to be 

included in the same Acts) the proprietors have 

directed that the same shall in those cases be 

reduced to an annual value or income after the 

following manner. Compute the value of the fee 

simple of the real estate, as if to be sold, and 

also ascertain the capital of the personal estate : 

then, suppose either real or personal estate 

amounts in value to £1000. compute one year's 

interest at three per cent only for such £1000, 

which shall be the supposed income, and you 

that have land or houses (not let out at a certain 

rent but occupied by the owner) and worth 

£1000 to be sold, or you that have personal 

estates worth £1000 shall be taxed in proportion 

as having an estate of £30 per annum. 

To this the Assembly have objected. They committee's 

, . ^ . "^ Report 16th 

say interest of money there is five or six per February 
cent and by a random computation which they 
make without any just foundation, they first 
take for granted that all the lands are in this 
condition (without having any certain annual 
rent upon any of them) then they suppose how 
much the quantity of all those lands amounts to, 
and thirdly they draw a calculation that by put- 
ting such a low annual value upon all those 



1767. 



88 The Perms and the Taxation of their States. 

lands, and npon all which as they snppoee the 
whole personal estates in the province may 
amount to, a tax of four shillings in the pound 
thereon will not produce above j£30.000 per 
annum, which sum they say may not be suffi- 
cient in case of great emergencies for them to 
raise for the public service in a year. 

To this it is answered that such a yearly sum 
(supposing their calculations were entirely right 
and just) is much more than they can afford to 
raise and pay in a year considering how much 
they are already run in debt, and that their ex- 
cise duty is mortgaged for ten years and their 
land-tax is mortgaged for four years to come 
and considering that the war may unhappily 
continue for several years yet to come. 

K this were not large enough, yet surely it is 
a tax large enough for the land to bear and all 
other sort of taxes are open to them to add 
thereto, as for instance excises of all kinds. 
The excise which is the only other tax to which 
the province is liable is a trifling duty of four 
pence their currency (not two pence half penny 
sterling) per gallon upon such retailers only of 
spirits and wine as buy or sell less than seventy 
gallons at a time. That trifle produces more 
than j£3000 per annum and is hitherto most un- 
justly and unequally laid only upon the lower 
part of the people who buy small quantities, 
from hand to mouth, and the better sort of the 
people (who consume most and who buy in 
larger quantities) don't contribute a penny to it 
That excise might therefore and in justice ought 
to be extended further and to take in every 
person and would produce greatly more than 
it does. Low aa that excise is it has for a 
great many years passed been the single and 



The Poms and the Taxation of their Estates. 89 

only tax ever laid upon the people in Pennsyl- 
vania. 

But besides all this the proprietaries by re- 
ducing the annual values, upon a computation 
of three per cent, only on the capital value 
really intended to ease and lighten the load in 
favor of land owners, who are the strength and 
stay of the province and thought they should 
oblige them by it and are in no sort desirous to 
continue any such restriction but if they like to 
have a higher computation made as at four or 
five or even six per cent in order to bring to a 
higher yearly value or computation the estates 
of such persons as possess or improve their own 
estates (for such only it concerns) the proprietar 
ries are most ready and willing to direct their 
governor accordingly, for this matter does not 
affect the proprietaries who have no land in that 
situation. 

By the heads of complaint so as aforesaid de- 
livered to the proprietaries it is intended to 
aggravate the instructions and restrictions which 
are complained of; by showing what conse- 
quences have arisen firom the proprietaries lay- 
ing the lieutenant-governor under such restric- 
tions ; for they say by means of these restraints 
" sundry sums of money granted by the Assembly 
for the defence of the province have been by 
their deputy to the great injury of his Majesty's 
service in time of war and danger of the loss of 
the colony,^' and again, that by these means 
" the Assembly in time of war are reduced to 
the necessity of either losing the country to the 
enemy or giving up the liberties of the people 
and receiving law from the proprietary and if 
they should do the latter in the present case it 
will not prevent the former, the instructions 



90 The Perms and the Taxation of their JSstates. 

being Buch as if complied with it is impossible 
to raise a sum sufficient to defend the country/* 

K the Assembly could be content to stick to 
truth and candor matters might most clearly be 
brought to points so as to receive a determina- 
tion, but the greatest difficulty of all is to clear 
up matters from their fidlacies, &lsehood and 
misrepresentation. 

To take these supposed consequences into con- 
sideration step by step, we say that notwith- 
standing all these instructions, his Majesty^s ser- 
vice has not been at all prevented. But this 
infant colony has actually raised and given more 
money to the King^s use than its proportion, 
when compared with any other colony, viz. 

£55.000 by the land-tax Act of 27th Noyember 
1755. 
80.000 by the Excise Act of 9th Sept 1756. 
100.000 by the Land-tax Act of 28d March 1757. 



185.000 
10.000 in flour &c to G^eral Braddock and for 

cutting his roads. 
10.000 in provisions to G^eral Shirley for the 
New England and New York forces. 
100.000 by the Land-tax Act of October 1758. 
100.000 by the Land-tax Act of October 1759, 
now opposed ; of which the public has 
received the benefit 



Total £405.000 



And all these Acts have passed and all this 
money has been raised in Pennsylvania which 
cannot well afford it notwithstanding that other 
colonies on the eastern part of America, viz. 
New England, New York and New Jersey have 
£115.000 sterling and other colonies on the 
western part of America, viz. Bouth and North 



1756. 



The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 91 

Carolina and Virginia have had £60.000 Sterling ^'^J^^ 
given to them by the Parliament here, of which of nss and 
Pennsylvania had no share, bnt £200.000 has 
since been given to the colonies in general of 
which Pennsylvania has a share allotted to it 
which amounts to £26.000 Sterling. 

But the Assembly can claim no sort of merit 
in these large pecuniary grants of theirs, they 
having been all given by them under absolute 
necessity and to save and cover their practices, 
and to avoid raising a regular militia in that 
populous province which had been of greatly 
more benefit and service than raising even much 
larger sums than they have done and in order 
to force the governor to give up to them the 
executive powers of government 

They have been called upon to raise and pass 
laws for a militia and to give money. The mili- 
tia they never will enforce in any reasonable or 
constitutional way whatever, declaring in their 
very Acts of Assembly that they are religiously 
principled against warlike measures. K you will 
not do that — at least give money. That they 
had almost as little inclination to do as the other, 
but yet they must do something or else they 
would certainly pull down upon them the just 
resentment of the King and the mother country 
which was to be avoided. To avoid that say 
they, we will offer Bills to raise great sums but 
in an unreasonable and an unjust way and will 
tax the proprietaries (who never before were 
taxed) four shillings in the pound on the utmost 
value that our assessors shall calculate or com- 
pute the proprietaries' estate to, and we will call 
that our grant of money to the Eing. K the 
governor does not pass these Acts we save our 
credit and our money too and will clamour that 



92 The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 

we have offered to give, but the governor will 
not pafis our Bills. If the governor should pass 
those Bills then we call it our grant But we 
make our proprietaries pay a most unreasonable 
and unconscionable share of it. Those Bills 
therefore being refused they at last offer other 
Bills to tax themselves only and not the proprie- 
taries (and this to very near as large [an] amount 
afi would have been granted to the King's use by 
their first mentioned Bills if they had been as- 
sented to) but even by this method they were to 
gain and did gain another &vorite point if the 
governor should pass those last mentioned Bills — 
For we will turn all the grants into paper money 
as they have actually done, for whereas they only 
had £80.000 paper currency two years ago, now 
they have got je466.000 paper money there : viz. 

The original £80.000 reemitted and continued. 

65.000 more coined by the Land-tax 

Act of Nov. 27, 1756. 
80.000 more coined on the Excise 

Act of Sept 9, 1766. 
45.000 more coined by the £100.000 
Land-tax Act of March 28, 
1757. 
and the remaining 65.000 of that Act is since coined 

into paper corrency. 
100.000 in 1768, and 
100.000 more in 1759 by the Act now 
opposed. 



£465.000 



All which is now circulating in Pennsylvania 
if the Assembly have not sunk and destroyed 
part of them according to the provisions of the 
several Acts which you will perceive by the 
observations on the reSmitting Act they have 
not always done. But if they have complied 



The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 98 

with thoBO Acts yet still there must be £828.000 
in paper money circulating there now. 

It remains under this head to be proved (as tiw crown bas 

^ ^ not inifered 

well afi said) that the refusal of passing their byoierofasai 
money Bills has not occasioned the loss of sun- ^^^'^ 
dry sums for the Elng^s use aa is pretended by 
the heads of complaint, which proof is made as 
follows : 

These instructions were given in May 1766 and 
the governor arrived there in August 1756. 

The only money Bills offered to him and by 
him refused to be passed were two : 

September 9th, 1766 they offered him a BiD 
for striking j£60,000 in bills of credit and giving 
the same to the Sing's use and char^g the 
same on the Excise to be paid off in twenty 
years. But there was a clause reserving any 
surplus money to the application of the Assem- 
bly only and the paper money not be redeem- 
able till twenty years which being without inter- 
est too it must have depreciated ; so he returned 
and refused to pass that Bill on the 16th of 
September. Whereupon the 17th of Septem- 
ber they sent him another Bill for striking only 
j£80.000 in bills of credit and giving it to the 
Song's use charging it upon the excise and 
the Bills to be paid in ten years, which the gov- 
ernor passed on the 21st of December 1766. 
Here indeed is the only instance of any money 
at all — ^being not raised for the King's service 
by means of their instructions. For as the 
governor would not let them raise £60.000 just 
as they would, so they have given the King only 
£80.000 in lieu of it But please to observe that 
the Ejng or public lost no more than £6000 
currency by this transaction, for if the governor 
had passed their £60.000 Bill, there was only 



94 The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 

£85.000 of it given to the Elng as a new grant, 
the remaining £25.000 being given to pay off 
old debts formerly contracted and formerly pro^ 
vided for by the Assembly, 
jtn. 22 1767. "pijq Assembly sent him another Bill for grant- 

ing £100.000 to the King's use to be raised in 
one year by a land-tax of four shillings in the 
pound on the proprietaries' and all other per- 
sons' estates there, with such clauses as have 
been before mentioned. He on the 25th of Jan- 
uary returned it to them with his dissent They 
on the 28th of January again sent it to him 
along with a remonstrance demanding as their 
right his assent thereto without any alteration 
or amendment, as he would answer to the 
Crown for all the consequences of his reftisal ; 
and he again refused to pass it After this in 
February 1757 they sent him up a new Bill by 
way of supplement to a former Act passed in 
1755, by which new BiD they proposed to raise 
£100.000 by a land-tax of one shilUng in the 
pound for four years (excepting the proprietaries' 
estates from that tax) and although there were 
many injurious clauses therein and that Bill or- 
dered £45.000 part of the said tax to be issued 
in paper money (and eighty-five thousand pounds 
new paper money had already been coined) and 
although this new Bill was so uncertain in rais- 
ing the tax that the officers in some counties 
under the former Act (to which this new Act 
wholly referred) construed it was to be raised on 
the annual value and others in other counties 
construed it to be laid on the whole capital value 
and that the governor represented all those mat- 
ters to the Assembly yet at length their obstinate 
persistance was so great and the exigent circum- 
stances BO strong that he passed that second Bill 



Tht Penns and the Taxation of their JSstates. 96 

mischievious and nncertain as it was and the 
public service has that whole £100.000 and by 
these Bills of 1756 and 1767 two several land- 
taxes are continued there for four years concur- 
rent which was never yet known or heard of in 
the mother country. 

The next matter of aggravation mentioned in 
the complaint is that by flie proprietaries laying 
their governor under such restrictions the As- 
sembly must either loose the country to the 
enemy or give up the liberties of the people and 
receive law from the proprietary. 

This certainly is not a consequence. Pass any 
other laws (and you may do so to raise taxes of 
many other kinds exclusive of paper money and 
land-tax) and these restrictions don't affect the 
case. 

Either the Governor or else the Assembly i>*«sretk)n of 
(one of the two) must judge of the discretion of and not uie 
all laws to be offered. The charter does indeed -^*«"Wy- 
require the assent of the freemen to the making 
of every law ; but it has in express terms reserved 
the discretion of all laws in the first place to 
the proprietor and his deputy and finally to the 
Crown. For in the words of the charter the Xing 
reposing special trust and confidence in the 
fidelity, wisdom, justice and provident circum- 
spection of Mr. Penn grants free, full and abso- 
lute power to him and his heirs and to his and 
their deputies or lieutenants for the good and 
happy government of the country to ordain, 
make and enact and under his and their seals 
to publish any laws whatsoever for the raising of 
money, &c. Ac. according to their best discre- 
tions with the advice and assent of the freemen. 
And again a second time lest as it is declared in 
the charter Mr. Penn or the inhabitants should 



96 The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 

by misconstruction of the powers aforesaid, 
through inadvertancy or design depart from 
their fidth or allegiance by color of any extent 
or largeness of powers thereby given or pre- 
tended to be given or by force of any laws to 
be made in the said province by virtue of any 
such powers, the charter commands a duplicate 
of all laws to be transmitted to the Privy Coun- 
cil within the time therein mentioned for the 
Crown's approbation or disallowance. 

So that although it is the duty of the Assem- 
bly to grant or raise the money for defence of 
the province, yet it is apprehended they beg the 
most material question in the affair when they 
contend that they will prescribe the forms and 
modes of raising it and will also themselves issue 
and pay it whetiier by methods equal or unequal, 
just or unjust, obscure or clear, reasonable or 
unreasonable. And it is thought the discretion 
of all Pennsylvania laws is by the charter in the 
proprietaries and that it is no invasion of the 
Assembly's or the people's rights for the proprie- 
taries to use their discretion and to lay down 
restrictions : K you will have paper money — ^if 
you will ndse money by land-taxes it shall be 
under such and such restrictions, always pro- 
vided the restrictions are just and reasonable in 
themselves, so that the proprietaries use a sound 
discretion and not an unjust or unreasonable 
one. 

The other aggravation mentioned in the com- 
plaint is to this effect that the proprietaries' 
instructions and restrictions are so very unrea- 
sonable that if the Assembly was to yield and 
comply with all of them it would not be pos- 
sible to raise a sum sufficient for the defence of 
the country. 



7%€ Penns and the Taxation of their Estates. 97 

If this wafi true it might have great weight 
but it is not so and it is taken for granted upon 
an arbitrary and ill founded calculation made 
entirely by guess and fimcy in order to square 
with the assertion itself But it is indeed a most 
apparent fallacy and falsehood. To say that a 
land-tax Act alone would not under these re- 
strictions be sufficient, may or may not be true ; 
but suppose it ever so true are not all other sort 
of taxes open to them and unrestrained ? May 
not, ought not the excise in justice to the country 
be extended to all wine and spirits, that the rich 
man who consumes the most of these liquors 
and who buys at the cheapest hand and can best 
afford an excise should pay for his liquor as 
much in proportion as a poor man who con- 
sumes but little, buys at the worst hand and can 
ill afford to pay at all, would not that add to the 
land-tax Act and raise sufficient? May not 
duties and taxes be laid now in time of need on 
all luxuries ? May not poll-taxes be laid ? And 
many other sorts of taxes to make up any diffi- 
cency in the land-tax, if that be really dificient 
No, say the Assembly, we will use none of those 
methods, we will raise no money at all by any 
ways or means whatever but by a land-tax only 
and that to be raised after our manner and then 
we will pretend that we cannot consistently with 
the proprietaries restrictions raise money suffi- 
cient for the defence of the country and this they 
state as a consequence of the proprietary's re- 
strictions as to passing money Bills for raising 
moneys by a land-tax. Whereas it is a conse- 
quence only of their own obstanacy in reftising 
to use any of the other methods. 

Upon the whole we apprehend that the in- 
structions given to the lieutenant-governors re- 
voi*. XXV. — 7 



98 The Perms and the Taxation of their Estates. 

specting the private property of the proprietaries 
are reasonable, just and legal, and that the pro- 
prietaries have a right to enforce such instruc- 
tions by bond. 

We also apprehend that the particular instruc- 
tions given with regard to what concerns the 
public are also in themselves reasonable, just and 
legal; tending to preserve the due distinction 
between the executive and legislative powers, 
tending to preserve the prerogative of the Crown 
in general and the just rights of the proprie- 
taries, derived to them from the Crown, from 
the encroachments of the Assembly from both 
and tending to preserve and not in the least to 
encroach on the just rights of the people. 

The only objection seems to be, not to the 
particular instructions given but to instructions 
in general, because instructions are permanent, 
by which the governor is bound, which prevents 
the freedom of debate and renders him under 
the disability of conviction, making it impossi- 
ble for him, though ever so convinced by treaty, 
debate or conference, to vary or soften anything 
without danger of forfeiting of his bond. 

The governors immediately under the direc- 
tion of the Crown have always instructions, and 
a law is rejected by the Privy Council at once if 
passed contrary to his instructions, one of which 
generally is that he shall pass no law of a new 
and extraordinary nature without a suspending 
clause. 

An Act was passed at the island of Montser- 
rat against papists have a vote in the election of 
members for the Assembly ; two thirds of the 
inhabitants there being papists. 

This Act was opposed and in 175-, and came 
on before the Privy Council. There were many 



The Perms and the Taxation of their JEstaies. 99 

subBtaxktial objections to the Act itself and 
among others that it had no suspending clause. 
Upon this occasion a case was quoted where an 
Act of a new and extraordinary nature had been 
sent over without a suspending clause and though 
the Act itself was approved in every particular 
but that. It was rejected for want of the sus- 
pending clause, but it was intimated that if the 
very same Act was sent over again with a sus- 
pending clause it should be confirmed. 

In the case of the Montserrat Act the present 
Lord President declared he would reject the 
Act for want of the suspending clause only and 
he declared his opinion publicly to the intent (as 
he said) that the colonies might be given to un- 
derstand that he would reject any law of a new 
and extraordinary nature though ever so right in 
itself for want of a suspending clause. 

This is not mentioned to draw any parralel 
between the right of the Crown and the proprie- 
taries with regard to giving instructions. But 
it is apprehended that the proprietaries (who 
themselves receive instructions from the Crown 
upon the appointment of every new lieutenant- 
governor directing them to give him instructions 
with regard to the Acts of Trade and other par- 
ticulars are well warranted in imitation of the 
Crown to give instructions to their Governor in 
regard to public afl&drs, so long as such instruc- 
tions are founded in sound discretion, are just 
and legal, preserving the just rights and prerog- 
atives of the Crown and the liberties of the 
people. 

(To be contmued.) 



100 Extracts from Orderly-Book of Maj. Robert Clayton, 1778. 



BXTRA.CTS FEOM THE OEDBELY-BOOK OF MAJOE 
EOBEET CLAYTON, OF THE SEVENTEENTH EEGI- 
MENT BEITISH FOOT, 1778. 

[Robert Clayton, bom in 1746, was a son of John Clayton and his wife 
Elizabeth, daughter of Bey. Dr. Goodwin, rector of Tankerley, County 
York, England. He entered the army as ensign of the Seventeenth 
Foot (Leicestershire regiment), December 9, 1767, which in 1771 was 
transferred to Ireland. In July of 1771 he was promoted lieutenant, 
and in September of 1775 embarked with his regiment for Boston, and 
after that city was evacuated, sailed for Halifax. He was promoted 
captain May 1, 1775, participated in all the principal battles which took 
place in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, and was taken prisoner 
at the capture of Stony Point. After being exchanged he was transferred 
to the army of Earl Comwallis, in the South, was in the battle of Guil- 
ford Court-House, and again made a prisoner on the surrender of York- 
town. From 1784 to 1785 he was stationed in Nova Scotia and New- 
foundland, and was promoted major July 27, 1785. In the summer 
of 1786 he returned to England, and from 1789 to his death in 1889 
was major, on half-pay, of the Eighty-second Foot. He was married 
in 1786 to Christophora, daughter of the Rev. Dr. Baldwin, prebend of 
Carlisle and rector of Aldingham, but left no issue. On the decease of 
his brother, in April of 1828, he succeeded to the baronetcy as Sir Robert 
Clayton of Adlington Hall, County Lancaster. The Orderly-Book from 
which these extracts are taken was captured at Stony Point and pre- 
sented by Major William Wayne (a great-grandson of General Anthony 
Wayne) to Mr. John W. Jordan, and by him to the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania. — Ed. Penna. Mag.] 

Head Quabtebs, New York, Augst 16, 1778. 

The Commander in Chief haa been pleased to make the 
following promotions : 

The Hon"' Capt. Charles Cochran of y* King's Own Reg* 
is appointed Major to Col. Lord Cathcart's Legion. 

Head Quabtebs New Yobk, 

October 21, 1778. 
Orders. 

Lt. Col. Jno. Bayard of the Binges Orange Bangers having 
been tried by the Gteneral Court Martial, of which Major 



JEztractsfrom Orderly-Book of Maj. Robert Glaytan, 1778. 101 

Qen. Vaughan was president, for wounding Lt Byrd of 
sidd regiment, of which wound he died. 

The Court are of opinion that the prisoner, Lt CoL 
Bayard was not guilty of the murder, but of voluntary 
manslaughter, in the heat of passion, and therefore judge 
the prisoner, Lt. Col. Bayard, to be suspended for three 
months. 

But being ordered by Sir William Howe, then Com- 
mander in Chief, to revise the proceedings, the Court are of 
opinion that according to the circumstances this distinction 
of the law being thoroughly considered they could not have 
acted otherwise; but laying these distinctions aside and 
acting entirely as a Military Court, they were of opinion 
Lt Col. Bayard was guilty of wounding Lieut Byrd, of 
which wounds he died and therefore sentence him to be 
cashiered as Lt Col. to the Orange Rangers. 

The Judge Advocate Gteneral, by order of his Majesty, 
has signified to his Excellency the Commander in Chief, 
although the Lt Col. Bayard was not expressly arraigned 
upon a charge of murder, yet, as the Court Martial thought 
the trial to have had [defiewed] point particularly in view 
and has actually declared not guilty of murder, but of man- 
slaughter only, the BSng considers this declaration of the 
Court as a complete acquittal of the prisoner of the crime 
of murder, and his Majesty is pleased to confirm the said 
acquittal, which seems to be warranted from the evidence. 
But his Majesty does not think fit to ratify the opinion of 
the Court by which the prisoner is found guilty of man- 
slaughter, a distinction peculiar to the Common Law of Eng- 
land, nor the judgment of the Court whereby the prisoner is 
sentenced to be cashiered, but is graciously pleased absolutely 
to remit the same and to order that the prisoner, Lt Col. 
Bayard be released fi'om his arrest 

Head Quabtebs New Yokk, 24*»» Oct 1778. 
Capt John McKennon of his Majesty's Batt**" of Roman 
Catholic Volunteers, tried by the Gen* Court Martial of 



102 Extracts from Orderly-Book of Maj. Robert ClayUm, 1778. 

which Lt. Col. Ludlow is President, for ungentlemanly be- 
haviour — 

firsts Plundering in y* Jerseys ; 

secondly, Suffering himself to be kicked by Capt McAvoy 
of the same Corps, without properly resenting it, is found 
guilty and sentenced to be dismissed from his Majesty's 
service. 

The Comm' in Chief confirms the above sentence. 

Capt. Martin McAvoy of the Roman Catholic Volunteers 
tried by y* above Court Martial for Plundering in y* Jerseys, 
in taking a horse and cows, and behaving indecently on the 
Parade, is found guilty and sentenced to be dismissed from 
his Majesty's service. 

The Comm' in Chief confirms the above sentence. 

Lieut BawBwill, of the Maryland Loyalists, tried by the 
above Court Martial for disobedience of orders, in Plunder- 
ing and marauding, is found not guilty and therefore ac- 
quitted with honor. 

The Comm' in Chief confirms y* above sentence. 

William Freeman, an inhabitant of Long Island, tried by 
y* above Court Martial, for endeavouring to seduce some 
soldiers of ye Loyal American Regiment to desert to the 
Rebels, the Court is of opinion that he is guilty of y* charge, 
and that he forfeit the sum of £40. stg., and upon failure of 
payment of s* sum within four days of the Comm' in 
Chief's approbation of y* sentence, the Court orders him to 
receive 1000 Lashes at the Court House, Jamaica. 

Head Quabters New Yoek, Oct 26, 1778. 
The Commander in Chief has been pleased to appoint 
the Rev. Mr. Batwell, to be Chaplain to the New York 
Volunteers. 

The Rev. Mr. Field to be Chaplain to DeLancey's Second 
Battalion. 

Head Quaktees New Yoek, 28* Dec. 1778. 
The Commander in Chief has his Majesty's orders to sig- 
nify to the officers and soldiers of the Army that marched 



Extracts from Orderly-Book of Maj. Robert Clayton^ 1778. 108 

through the Jerseys from Philadelphia last Campaign His 
Majesty's Eoyal Approbation of the intrepidity and perse- 
verance which they displayed during the march, and in the 
affia.ir of the Rear Guard at Freehold. His Excellency is 
further directed to express to Lt. Gen. Knyphausen and 
Earl Comwallis, Major Gen. Grey and to Brigadier Generals 
Matthews, Lisle, and Sir William Erskine, and to convey 
to each of them and particular His Majesty's fullest appro- 
bation, which his Excellency the Commander in Chief takes 
the most publick manner of doing. 

Head Quartebs, New York, 

December 28, 1778. 

Congress having recalled such British and German 
officers as are here on Parole, the Commander in Chief in 
consideration of the long journey, which these gentlemen 
will be obliged to take, is pleased to order one hundred, 
sixty five days prize money shall be issued to them on 
Thursday next. They will please to send their names to 
the Adjutant General's Office, who will transmit a list of 
them to Major Brewin, D. Q. M. General. 

Capt. Andre, of the 26th Regiment is appointed Aid de 
Camp to the Commander in Chief. 



104 Dr. Thomas Wynnes Account of his Early Life. 



DE. THOMAS WYNNE'S ACCOUNT OP HIS EARLY 

LIFE. 

OONTRIBUTED BT WILLIAM MaoL£AN, JR. 

The contributor has recently obtained from a London 
book-store a pamphlet entitled as follows ; " AlN Antichristian 
Conspiracy Dbteotei), and Satans Champion Defeated. 
Being a Reply to an Envious k Scurrilous Libel, without 
any Name to it, Called Work for a Cooper. Being also a 
Vmdicaiion of my Book, entituled, The Antiquity of the Qua- 
kers; From the Base Insinuations, False Doctrine and 
False Charge therein contain'd against me, my Book, and 
against God's People called Quakers in general. By me 
Thomas Wynne. Printed in the year 1679" Dr. Wynne 
quotes various portions from the work of the " Libeller'* 
and then appends his reply. The concluding chapter is of 
especial interest, as it contains many personal references, and 
is given below in foil. 

Of his Reflection on me, calling me COOPER, &c. 

In tiliis he spits his Malice at me as much as in any; and indeed 
his Book sayoors of little else ; and in this he thought to Character to 
Disgrace, by Reflecting upon my small Original ; but I am quite of 
another mind ; for if this would be so to me, it would certainly be of 
much more to very many that I could name, were it not lest any should 
think I did reflect on them, who are now Persons of known Repute 
and Honour in the World, who had smaller Beginnings than myself: 
I could bring the Libeller under this Odium also, if he thinks it be 
any, if he be the Man he is said to be ; but Revenge is none of my Way, 
therefore will at present reply to him of this Matter. 

Hf^ 8 fitter to Plant Tobacco, or at beet to mind his Ax 
^ and Saw, the Joynter and the Adz, alias, Nedde, the Oriste 
and the Head-Knife^ dtc. 

Rep. Its known to many now living, in this my Native Country 
wherein I live, (and it being also near the place where I was Bom) that 
my genious from a Child did lead me to Surgery, insomuch that before I 
was Ten Years old, I several times over-ran my School and Home when 
I heard of any ones being wounded or hurt, & used all my endeavours, 
then to see Fractures and Dislocations reduc'd, and Wounds dressed, 
and have been so long missing, that my Parents thought they had 



Dr. Thomas Wynnf^s Account of his Early lAfe. 106 

lost me^ for which I underwent Bevere Ck>rrection, and the troublesome 
Times being then, my Parents sustained great Plunder, and my Father 
dyed before I was Eleaven Years old, and my Mother not being then able 
to produce so great a Bum of Money as to set me to Chyrurgery, I be- 
took my self to this honest & necessary Calling he upbraids me with, 
with several other things that in those dayes pleased my mind; yet 
during all this time, I lost no opportunity to inform my self in the Prac- 
tice of Chyrurgery, and continued thus until I became acquainted with 
an honest Friend, and good Artist in Chyrurgery, whose Name was 
Richard Moore qf Salop, who seeing my forwardness to Chyrurgery, did 
farther me in it, and brought me to Desections in Salop ; the Anoto- 
mistB being men of known worth in that Practice, whose Names are Dr, 
Needham and Dr. JBolliru, who at this day are doubtless of deserved 
Bepute in their Professions (in England) and I being then expert in 
Drils, and Handy in Knife and Lancet, & other Instruments for that 
purpose, I set on making a Skellton of a mans Bones, which I only 
with the assistance of Richard Moore performed to their content, at 
which time they thought me fit to be Licensed the practice of Chyrur- 
gery, and this is near 20. Years ago, and soon after I being taken 
Prisoner to Denbigh, where I remained a Prisoner near six Years for the 
Testimony of Jesus, I then betook my self wholly to the Practice of 
Chyrurgery, and €k>d was with me in my undertakings, to him be the 
Glory forever; and why then did not my envious Adversary to the 
abovesaid Instruments, have added the Plaister Box and Salvatory, the 
Trafine and the Head-Saw, the Amputation Saw, and the Catling, the 
Cautery Sirring and Catheter, with many more which with €k>ds assist- 
ance I have used with good success, for the space of near 20. years last past 
(which was near thrice as long as I used those he speaks of to the great 
comfort of many who had some of them, their Limbs gangrened others 
Fractured, others Dislocated, others desperately Wounded by Gun shots, 
others pierced thorow with Eapiers, others with Ulcers and Fistula's, 
and Cancers, which I exterpated, & by Gtods assistance Cured, yea, many 
Scores are living Monuments of Gk>ds Mercy to this day, who were 
Spectacles of great misery in these respects ; And as touching his Re- 
flection and Detraction, enviously seeking to lessen my reputation in my 
present Calling of Chyrurgery, is no more to me then the barking of a 
Dog ; and though Dogs yelp at the Moon, yet they cannot hinder her 
light. 

Ibekve he is Ignorant in his very Trade of quack Chyrur- 
gery, and cannot so much as Enlighten his credulous and Libeller, 
very adventerous Patients with the meaning of the JBtpo & !*««• 20. 
Bipigastoea, the Medulla, Spinalis, and Filoras, &c. 

Bep. Its possible that for all his malign Detraction, that to any whom 
it may concern I shall be able to give them such satisfaction, as becomes 



106 Dr. Thomas Wynne^s Account of his Early Life. 

a Practitioner in ChTrurgery to do, having for at least 20. Years of great 
Industry informed my self in Anatomy, especially that part of it that 
belongs to a Chyrurgeon (viz.) of knowing the Structure and Scituation 
of mans Body, and not only so, but have with painful endeavours in- 
formed my self of the best Authors with the Nature of the Humours, 
Spirits and Ferments, and of their Ck>-opperation in the Bodies of men, 
neither have I rested here, but have acquainted my self with both 
antient and modem Institutions, and the Aphorisms (& Observations) 
of worthy men ; but what my attainments are in these particulars, I 
think not fit to be mentioned here, nor was it ever in my Heart to have 
said thus much, had it not been a force put upon me ; however this I 
hope I alwayes shall be ready, while God enables me (as I have been 
hitherto) when called upon to serve my CJountry, according to my 
ability, not only in saying, but doing also, and there is no mark of dis- 
grace which my Adversary would Characterize me by, to disgrace me 
with but I would as freely serve my Country now therein as ever, were 
I not able to serve them in a better capacity. I could, if it were need- 
ful, bring many Testimonies of famous men in the practise of Chyrur- 
gery, who were first bred up Mechanicks, as Perecu, Fellix, Wortew, 
Carramus, Fellopius, SptgdlittSy JBUldanus and Aqitepandente ; nay, Leon- 
ard Fhycrebeate, a very famous Man, sayes, lis necessary for Youth to be 
sobred up, his Reason is, it will make them more handy and dexterous in 
the manuel OpperaHons of Chyrurgery, 

Libeller, in pag. 27, calls me Lay-Preacher, and bids me call my self 
a Lyar and Fool, for when, said he, did any true Minister of the Church 
of England make any f atoning Addresses to Bichard Cromwell, or bemone 
the Death of Oliver. 

Bep. What I said there concerning the Priests is certainly true ; for 
I said some of the Priests bemoned the Death of Oliver, and in their 
Addresses to Bichard, compared Oliver to Moses, and Bichard to Joshuah, 
&c it therefore had become him to read the Priests Addresses, before he 
had charged me with Lyar and Fool, and did it not at this time look 
too like Bevenge, which is none of my way. I have a Sheet in readi- 
ness that I could have produced to my defence, which if a force be put 
upon me may come forth, which will shew them in their Colours, and 
further clear the point ; and for my part I heartily wish we may hear 
no more of this, except we hear it and see it in the Penetential Con- 
fession of the Offenders. 

And although I be a Lay-man, as he calls me, yet I have a Testimony 
to bear for God in this day and time ; and since he would exclude such, 
what makes him believe the antient QuaJkers, who were Lay-men, Ezod, 
S, 1, Moses was a Keeper of Sheep ; and was it not this Lay-man and 
Quaker that gave record how Qod created Man in the Beginning, and 
the World, and all therein ? and did not this Lay-man give Testimony 



Dr. Thomas Wynne^s Account of his Early Life. 107 

of the Flood destroyiiig the old World, and of Noah* 9 being saved in 
the Ark, with much more of the Work of God for the Deliverance of 
his People, both Patriarchs and Prophets, &c as may at large be read 
in his books ? And was not David a Keeper of Sheep, 2 Sam, 7. 8, I 
took thee from the Sheep-coats ^ 1 Sam, 2^, 3, Saul came to the Sheep- 
coatB after David, 1 Kings 19, 19, Elisha was a Plow-man. Amos 3, ^. 
AmosYTBS a Herds-man. Mat, 4, 18, Simon Peter, and Andrew his 
Brother, were Fishers. John 2, 1, Simon Peter said, I go a Fishing ; 
they that were with him, said. We go with thee, John 21. 3. He ex- 
pressed himself after the same manner. 

Now you may see how these Preachers, after they had been preaching 
to the Nations, Mai, 10, they fell to their Nets again ; and I hope the 
LibeUer dare not say, but that they were rightly ordained to their Minis- 
try ; yet we see that their way of Livelihood was their Fishing-trade, 
and not to usurp Authority over the people ; nor were they Incombants 
to any Places nor inducted to any Benefice with Bight to Tythes of One 
hundred, or Two Hundred, or Three Hundred a Year, more or less. 
Now if Peter or John should have come in their Fishers Coats to preach 
the Qoepel in our days, would not the Libeller abuse them, think ye, 
and bid them mind their Nets and their Fishing-trade, and call them Lay- 
Preachers, and scofT at their Fisher's Coats, especially knowing them to 
be illiterate men ? & did not the great SchoUars, (who had the Hebrew, 
Greek and Latin in those days) in Derision call Christ a Carpenter's Son, 
and Blasphemer, and Devil f thus their Tongues and Languages deceived 
them ; for they knew him not with all these Tongues, Acts 18, 3, Were 
not Paul, and PridUa and Aquilla Tent-makers ? and were not these 
true Preachers? sure they were. 80 all people that are spiritually 
awakened may see, how that God in the time of the Prophets and 
Apostles made choice of Lay-men (as my Adversary his stile is) to be 
his Ministers : but it may be the Libeller thinks that now the Case is 
alter' d, and that €k)d hath changed his mind from Lay-men to SchoUars 
only ; if not, why are Lay-men excluded now adays ? is not this to limit 
the Holy One of Israel f who will not be limitted, but is now risen in 
his Power in a poor and despised Remnant, to whom he hath made 
known a heavenly Principle, which is the Spirit and Light of Christ 
Jesus, €k)d's Anointed, the Second Adam, who is made a Quickening 
Spirit (as saith the Apostle) in man ; and this was it I bore Testimony 
to in my Book, and its notfe lo defe to deny all outward Teaching, (in 
the days of the Oospel) that springs not from Christ Jesus, the Anointed 
of God, who is enjoyed within by the true Christians in this Age, as 
was by such in former Ages. Olary to the Lord Ood for the same, 
Christ saith, God is a Spirit, and they who Worship him, they must wor- 
ship him in the Spirit and in the Truth, 

And this spirit is the true Teacher, which we have believed in, & this 



108 Dr. Thomas Wyrm^s Account of his Early Life. 

iB he whom (jk>d hath anointed to preach good Tidings to the Poor, even 
Christ Jeeus in his Children ; this is he whom QuA has sent to hind up 
the hroken-hearted, and to proclaim Liberty to the Captiyes, and the 
opening of the Prison to those that are bound, and to proclaim the 
Acceptable Year of the Lord, and the Day of the Vengeance of our 
€k>d to all that oppose the Appearance of his Son ; yea, and to comfort 
all that truly mourn for Sin ; yea, and to appoint to all that mourn in 
9Um, to giye to them Beauty for Ashes, and the Oyl of Joy for mourn- 
ing, and the Gkurment of Praise for the Spirit of Heayiness, that they 
may be called Trees of RighteousneBS, the planting of the Lord. 

This chapter is followed by a conclusion in Welsh and an 
epistle to the Quakers, the latter of which is signed " Thomas 
Wynne'* "Caerwis the Ist day of 11th moneth, 1678/' 
There is in addition to this a postscript 



lAihographie Portraits of Albert Newsam. 109 



LITHOGEAPmC POETEAITS OF ALBERT NBWSAM. 

BT D. HON. STAUFFER. 

(Addenda to Vol. XXTV. page 452.) 

Souvenir db Henry Herz. 
Title to sheet music. A. Newsam. P. S. Duval, lith., 
Philada. Philadelphia, A. Fiot, No. 196 Chesnut Street 
and I New York, Wm. Dubois, No. 316 Broadway | En- 
tered according to act of Congress 1847, by A. Fiot. Title 
— Souvenir | de | Henry Herz | Grande Valse brillante | 
compoB^e par | H. Thorbecke | Size 5.2 x 4.7 ins. 

Parlour Duets. 
Title to sheet music, A. Newsam. P. 8. Duval, lith., 
Phila. Philadelphia, A. Fiot, No. 196 Chesnut Street | 
New York, W. Dubois, 316 Broadway | Title— The | Par- 
lour Duets I for two performers on one Piano | arranged 
with fingering | by | J. C. Viereck | in 6 numbers | etc. 
Size 6.8 X 7 ins. 

Jambs Monroe. 
Oval, in rectangular ornamental frame. Bust, fiace f to 
left. On stone by A. Newsam. P. S. Duval, lith., Philada. 
Published by C. S. Williams, N. E. Comer of Market and 
7*^ St Title — James Monroe, 5th. President of the United 
States. Size about 10.6 x 8.16 ins. 

B. Frank Palmer. 
Full bust, face f to right. On stone by A. Newsam. 
From a daguerreotype by Root. P. S. Duval & Co., Stm. 
Lith. Press, Phila. For the Scalpel. Title — ^As above in 
autograph. Size 6x4 ins. 



110 lAtkographic Portraits of Albert Newsam. 

William and Chables Stobvbr. 
Over half-length, seated towards right; holding letter, 
addressed — " For Messr's Wm. & Ch's. Stoever, Philada." 
On stone by A. Newsam. From a daguerreotype by M. A. 
Boot. No title. Size 9 x 12.2 ins. 

John Tyler. 
Oval, in rectangular frame, ornamented. Bust, fiace | to 
right. On stone by A. Newsam. P. 8. Duval, lith., 
Philada. Published by C. 8. Williams, N. E. Comer of 
Market & 7th 8t. Title— John Tyler, 10th. President of 
the United States. Size about 10.6 x 8.15 ins. 

Martin Van Burbn. 
Oval, in rectangular ornamental frame. Bust, fiice f to 
right On stone by A. Newsam. P. 8. Duval, lith., 
Philada. Published by C. 8. Williams, N. E. Corner of 
Market & 7th. 8t. Title— Martin Van Buren, 8th. President 
of the United States. Size about 10.6 x 8.15 ins. ^ 

Henry Clay. 
Full bust, face f to left. This is printed on the same 
sheet with John Sergeant Title— Henry Clay. Size 4.8 
X 8.12 ins. 

Mr. & Mrs. F. B. Conway. 

Full bust, portraits facing each other, with Mrs. Conway 
to the left. On stone by Albert Newsam. Daguerreotype 
by W. L. Gtermon. Title— as above. Size 10.8 x 16 ins. 

Mr. Collins. 
Full length, face f to left; rectangular frame. On stone 
by A. Newsam. From a daguerreotype by M. A. Boot. 
Title — Mr. Collins, as McShane, in the Nervous Man; fac- 
simile signature. Size 12.5 x 9.5 ins. 

* As each of the above Presidents is lettered above the frame, " Por- 
traits of the Presidents," there was probably a fall set of them up to 
the date of their publication. 



lAthographic Portraits of Albert Newsam. Ill 

Wm. Hbnby Harrison. 
Rectangular, half-length to front, in uniform, fece f to 
left; arms folded, with sword in left hand. On stone by A. 
Newsam from a Painting by R. Peale | Lehman & Duval 
lith'rs., Philada. | Philadelphia, Published by Lehman & 
Duval, Lith'rs. | Title — General Harrison; the title and name 
on either side of a medal containing the words, "Tippe- 
canoe, Port Meigs, Thames." Size 12.8 x 10.4 ins. 

Hill Family. 

Li the " Hill Family," published in Philadelphia in 1854, 
are the following lithographs ascribed to Newsam, printed 
by P. S. Duval & Co., Phila. ; these have not been seen by 
the compiler : — 

Henry Hill, oval, size 8.4 x 4.4 ins. 

Margaret Hill, rectangular, size 8.4 x 4.4 ins. 

Mary Lamar, rectangular, size 3.4 x 4.4 ins. 

Harriet Scott and child, rectangular, size 8.4 x 4.4 ins. 

Margaret Morris Collins, oval, size 3.4 x 4.4 ins. 

Thomas L. McKbnnby. 
Rectangular, half-length seated towards right, face f right ; 
three Lidian heads in background. On stone by A. Newsam. 
P. 8. Duval, lith., Phila. Title— Faithfully yours | Tho. L. 
McKenney (auto.). Size 5.14 x 4.11 ins. 

J. S. Du SOLLB. 
Half-length to front, cloak over shoulders, face front. 
On stone by A. Newsam. Painted by T. E. Barratt. P. S. 
Duval, lith. Phila. Title — ^as above in autograph. Size 4.7 
X 4.5 ins. 

Simon Murray. 

Rectangular, half-length to front, face front. Engraved 
by A. Newsam. Joseph Kyle, pinxt P. S. Duval, lith., 
Phila. Published by Joseph How, Phila. Title— Rev* 
Simon Murray | Pastor and Founder of the Wesley Metho-- 
dist Episcopal Church of Christ, Hurst St, Philadelphia. 
Size 12.5 X 10.7 ins. 



112 IMhographk Portraits of Albert Newsam. 

Daniel Scott. 
Rectangular, full bust towards front, fiwe front Below 
the rectangle is a vignette, with the Baptism of Christ and 
one line beneath. Engraved by A. Newsam. Joseph Kyle, 
pinxt P. S. Duval, lith., Philada. Published by Josaple 
How. Title — ^Rev'd Daniel Scott | Pastor and Pounder of 
the Union Baptist Church of Christ, Philadelphia. Size 
12.5 X 10.8 ins. 

Francis E. Shunk. 

Pull bust towards front, face f to right. Drawn on stone 
by A. Newsam. From the original painting executed by 
Thomas Sully, Jr., at Pittsburg, 1844. Published by a 
Committee of his friends in the City & County of Philar 
delphia. Title— F. R. Shunk (auto) | Francis R Shunk. 
Size 10.12 X 10.6 ins. 

Olb Bull. 

Three-quarter length, standing with arms folded, fiwje f 
to right. Drawn on stone by A. Newsam. P. S. Duval's 
lith., Philada. Philadelphia, Published by A. Fiot, — ^New 
York, Wm. Dubois. Sheet music — Title— Souvenir d'Ole 
Bull, Fantaise sur H Carnavale de Venezia, etc. Size 8.10 
X 8.8 ins. 

Charles W. Gardner. 

Rectangular, half-length, seated towards front, face front 
From life on stone by A. Newsam. P. S. Duval, lith., 
Philad*. Philadelphia, published by Joseph How. Title 
— Rev^ Charles W. Gardner | Pastor of the first Presby- 
terian Church I of the People of Colour in Philadelphia. 
Dec' 20, 1841. Size 12.13 x 10.13 ins. 

William Henry Harrison. 
Bust turned towards left, fiice f to left. Drawn on stone 
by A. Newsam. Painted from life by J. H. Beard, Cin- 
cinnati. Lithography of J. T. Bowen. Sold at J. T. 
Bowen's Lithographic & Print Colouring Establishment, 94 
Walnut St, Phila. Published by James Akin, Philadelphia 
(1840). Title— W. H. Harrison (auto.). Size 8.8 x 8 ins. 



Lithographic Portraits of Albert Newsam, 118 

William Maclure. 
Rectangular, half-length, seated towards right, right hand 
to head, face | to right. On stone by A. JSTewsam. Thos. 
Sully, pinxt. P. 8. Duval, lith., Phila. Title— Wm. 
Maclure (in auto) | ^tat 60. Size 4.7 x 8.13 ins. 

Notes. — ^Robert M. Wharton, pp. 447, should be Robert Wharton. 
Mr. CharleB Roberts has an unlettered lithograph by Newsam, marked in 
pencil — **Mr. Colt, Bait." Tbis portrait does not agree with the 
"John Colt" m our list. It is— Full bust, face front. Painted by T. 
Sully, P. A. I Childs A Inman, lith'rs | Size 8.8 x 8.10 ins. Who is it? 
The portrait of N. Collin, D.D., in Rev. J. C. Clay's ''Annals of the 
Swedes," edition of 1835, is also by Newsam ; in the subsequent edition 
it appears to be a reproduction. 



VOL. XXV. — 8 



114 Jnvndering by the British Army during the RevohUmu 



PLUNDERING BY THE BRITISH ARMY DURIJ^G THE 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

CONTRIBUTED BT WILLIA^. ^ROOKB RAWLE, ESQ. 

[The following is taken from the Common-Place Book of William 
Bawle (the elder), dated October 12, 1781, and written while he was a 
8tudent-at-law in the Inner Temple, London. Ab a boy he had re- 
mained in Philadelphia daring its occupation by the British forces from 
September, 1777, to June, 1778. On June 18, prior to the eyacuation 
of the city, he sailed for New York, and remained there until June 15, 
1781, when he sailed for Europe for the purpose of pursuing his legal 
studies and trayelling.] 

A writer in one of the English newspapers under the 
signature of Fabricius had the confidence to assert that in 
the march from the head of the Elk to Philadelphia Sir W. 
Howe stopped the plunder by one single example. 

The fiict is that not less than five soldiers were executed 
before the arrival of the British army at Philadelphia, and 
that they abstained from plunder at no part of the march. 
The enemies of Sir W. Howe have unjustly compared his 
marches thro' the country to the track of a ship thro' the 
sea, or a bird in the air, which was immediately closed up 
and left no vestiges behind. It might with more justice be 
likened to the path of one of those tornados which, be- 
tween the tropics, traverse the country in dreadftd ftiry, 
and leave a mournful picture of devastation and destruc- 
tion. 

When the British camp was pitched at Gtermantown, and 
was afterwards contracted to Philadelphia, the vicinities of 
the city and the city itself constantly exhibited a dreary 
picture of want and desolation ; houses empty and aban- 
doned with windows taken out and floors pulled up ; en- 



Flvndermg by (he British Army during the BevohUwru 116 

closures levelled to the ground; gardens ravaged and 
destroyed ; forests cut down, opening an extensive prospect 
of a silent and deserted country. Such was the change 
from what, a few weeks before, were the most beautiful, the 
best cultivated and the most fertile environs of any city in 
America. 

Of these enormities the Hessian soldiers were chiefly ac- 
cused. 

To mitigate the reluctance with which these people em- 
barked from Germany on being taken into the British 
service, a report was circulated amongst them that the 
Americans, having rebelled against their King, had forfeited 
all the rich and fertile country they held, which was ready 
to be divided among the soldiery on taking the trifling 
trouble to drive out the possessors. It is easy to imagine 
how this persuasion operated amongst them. When they 
landed on Staten Island in 1776, they were for a time 
patient and quiet, for they considered tiieir post as a kind 
of preliminary to the property they were assumed to take 
possession of; their hopes therefore ensured their obedience, 
and they remained in the peaceful expectation of unbounded 
wealth. When it was supposed they were sufficiently re- 
covered from the fiatigues of the voyage they were called 
off to a scene of warfere and of labor. They were led in 
pursuit of a flying enemy thro' many miles of a hostile 
country, where they had first to experience, for they were 
mostly new troops, the dangers, the troubles and the dis- 
tresses of an American campaign. They soon discovered 
how much they had been mistaken, and they were disgusted 
at their disappointment. To remonstrate was ineffectual ; 
to be clamorous was dangerous; the resentment which 
could not be exerted against those who had deceived them 
was turned against the country they were in. Stimulated 
at once by avarice and by anger, they began, not without 
the connivance of their officers, who in point of knowledge 
and humanity are few degrees superior to the men, a system 
of depredation and barbarity which was universally pur- 



116 Plundering by the British Army during the BevohUion. 

sued with a savage eagerness and inhumanity the most dis- 
gracefiil to Great Britain, the most detrimental to her 
cause. They had then penetrated into the Jerseys and were 
in possession of New York. In these places no principles, 
conduct or character, no age, sex or condition were security 
for property or a protection from insult The very seats 
of learning which Genl. Washington had taken pains to 
preserve were pillaged without remorse. The Library of 
the College at New York which it had long been the 
employment and the pleasure of the citizens to encrease 
and embellish, was plundered, and the books hawked about 
at low prices. When a purchaser could not be found, as 
few would purchase what the same licentious hands might 
soon deprive them of again, they were consigned to the 
offices of the guard room, of which lighting fires was the 
most honorable. The philosophical apparatus were de- 
stroyed for the sake of the brass. These circumstances 
deserve more to be remembered because it must be a 
passion more brutal and degrading than mere avarice that 
could prompt soldiery to enter the walls of a college, where 
whatever is valuable is too bulky to be the proper object of 
a soldier's rapine, and because this conduct of the Hessians 
bears so great a resemblance to their illustrious predecessors 
who, under the conduct of Alaric, ravaged Rome in the 
fifth century. The Hessians too had their Alaric, and the 
man complained as a hardship that he was not allowed to 
sell the house in New York of which he had taken pos- 
session, and transmit the money to Germany. 

In a little time the Hessian soldiers became individually 
rich and well provided with those little comforts and con- 
veniences that constitute the luxury of a soldier. The 
British, while they remarked the inferiority of their own 
condition, were naturally led to imitate the conduct which 
appeared so beneficial, and, encouraged by the laxity of 
discipline prevalent in the army, a kind of rivalry ensued 
between the two nations which should most distress the 
country, that with a ridiculous inconsistency their masters 



Phmdering hy the British Army during the JRevolution. 117 

affected the strongest desires to reconcile. Whether it was 
owing to a savage ferocity peculiar to the people, or to longer 
habits of villainy, it is remarked that the Hessians constantly 
maintained a superiority in cruelty of treatment and avidity 
of plunder, that a mixture of generosity, a tinge of com- 
passion sometimes attended the Englishmttn in his outrages, 
but that the ravages of a Hessian were always known by his 
meanness, rapacity and brutality. 



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182 The Late Howard WiUiams lAoyd. 



Zhc late Howarb MiUiams %lo^. 

We regret to announce the death of Howard Williams 
Lloyd, corresponding secretary of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, which occurred on February 11, 1901, at his 
residence in Qermantown. He was elected a member of 
the Society December 19, 1887, and its corresponding secre- 
tary in May of 1898. 

Mr. Lloyd was a son of Henry Paschall and Annabella 
Williams Lloyd, and was born in this city January 17, 1851. 
He was educated at the Friends' Central and Philadelphia 
High Schools, and subsequently for ten years was engaged 
in commercial pursuits. The last twenty years of his life 
were devoted to historical and genealogical researches in 
America and Great Britain, and his knowledge of Quaker 
and Welsh genealogies caused his advice and aid to be in 
constant request His contributions to the Pennsylvania 
Magazine were always prepared with great care. 

Mr. Lloyd was one of the founders and for a time the 
corresponding secretary of the Genealogical Society, the 
Registrar of the Colonial Society of Pennsylvania, a mem- 
ber of the Pennsylvania Society Sons of the Revolution, and 
other societies. 



Notes and Queries. 188 

NOTES AND QUEKIES, 

flote0. 

Death of William Hekby Egle, M.D., ex-State Librabiah. 
— ^William Henry Egle was bom September 17, 1880, at Harrisbai^i 
Pennsylvania, and died in that city February 19, 1901. After com- 
pleting his education in the local schools, he devoted several years to 
literary work, and in 1854 commenced the study of medicine, and 
graduated from the medical department of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania in March of 1859. To the call of his country he did not fJEul, for 
in response to a telegram from Qeneral Russell, after the battle of Chan- 
tilly, he went to Washington to relieve the wounded, sick, and suffering. 
In September following he was commissioned assistant surgeon of the 
Ninety-sixth Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers, and in the summer of 
186S surgeon in the Forty-seventh Regiment Pennsylvania Militia. 
At the close of this service he resumed the practice of his profession, 
but afterwards accepted the appointment of surgeon of volunteers by 
President Lincoln, and was assigned to Camp Nelson, Kentucky, to 
examine the color^ troops being raised in that State. He was subse- 
quently detailed with the cavalry battalions commanded by Colonels 
James Brisbin and James F. Wade, thence ordered to the Department of 
the James, under Greneral B. F. Butler, as surgeon of the One Hundred 
and Sixteenth United States Colored Infantry, and later assigned to the 
Twenty-fourth Corps, as executive medical officer during the Appomattox 
campaign. Upon his return from that duty, he was ordered to Texas 
with (General Jackson's Division, Twenty-fifth Corps, as chief medical 
officer. In December of 1865 he resigned from the service and partly 
resumed his profession at Harrisburg. For a period of four years Dr. 
Egle served on the board of medical examiners for pensions, and for 
twenty yeais as physician to the D«iphin County Prison. In March of 
1887 he resigned the latter position to accept the appointment of State 
librarian, tendered to him by Governor James A. Beaver. So efficiently 
did he fill this important office that Governor Robert £. Pattison re- 
commissioned him in 1891, and again in 1894, and Governor Daniel H. 
Hastings in 1897. He was devoted to the duties of his position and 
discharged them with diligence, accuracy, and fidelity, and the present 
effectiveness of the State Library of Pennsylvania is due to his manage- 
ment and energy. 

When the National Guard was organized in 1870, Dr. Egle was ap- 
pointed surgeon-in-chief of the Fifth Division, with the rank of lieu- 
tenant-colonel, and subsequently. In the consolidation of the commands, 
transferred as surgeon of the Eighth Regiment. In 1885 he was com- 
missioned surgeon-in-chief of the Third Brigade, and when he retired, 
about a year ago, he was the senior medical officer of the National Guard 
of Pennsylvania. 

As has been stated. Dr. Egle early developed a taste for literary work 
and historical research, and in 1866 he commenced the preparation of 
his ''History of Pennsylvania," published in 1876, and a second edition 
in 1883. Among his other historical publications are: ''Historical 



184 Notes cmi Queries. 

EegiBter," two TolumeB (1888-84); "History of the County of Dau- 
phin" (1888); "History of the County of Lebanon" (1883); "Cen- 
tennial, County of Dauphin and City of Harrisburg" (1886); "Penn- 
sylvania Gen^ogies, Sootch-Irish and G^erman" (1886, and a second 
edition 1896); " Harrisburg-on-the-Susquehanna" (1892); "Some 
Pennsylvania Women of the Bevolution" (1898) ; "Notes and Queries, 
Historical, Biographical, and Genealogical," eleven volumes (1878- 
1900). He was co-editor of the ' ' Pennsylvania Archives, ' ' second seri es. 
Volumes L to Xn., and editor of the same series, Volumes XTTT. to 
XIX., and also of the third series. Volumes L to XXVI. In 1878 
La£Eiyette Collie conferred on him the honorary d^ree of M.A., in 
appreciation of his services in American history. 

Dr. Egle was a member of the American Historical Association, the 
principal historical societies of the United States, as well as of several 
learned societies in England and France. He was one of the founders 
and the first president of the Pennsylvania-German Society, a vice- 
president of the Pennsylvania Society Sons of the Bevolution, a mem- 
ber of the Society of the Cincinnati of Pennsylvania, Military Order of 
the Loyal Legion, Grand Army of the Republic, Society of Colonial 
Wars, and Society of the War of 1812-14. He was also a member of 
the Dauphin County Medical Society and the Association of Military 
Surgeons of the United States. 

Dr. Egle was elected a member of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania in March of 1866, and his historical and biographical contributions 
to the Pennsylvania Magazine date from the year 1877. 

Two Ancient Folios. — ^Francis B. Lee, Esq., of Trenton, New 
Jersey, contributes the following : 

In the office of the Secretary of State, at Trenton, New Jersey, is a 
large foUo of one hundred and fifty pages (''Vol. C Gloucester Deeds 
No. 1") containing principally deeds of Gloucester County lands, 1677- 
1689. On the reverse side are the accounts of Bichard Floyd, treasurer 
to the Corporation of New England, which are of interest to both Old 
and New England. There is also a thin folio (''Vol. C Gloucester Deeds 
No. 2"), from page 23 to end being taken up with deeds 1684-1701 and 
some miscellaneous matter. From page 1 to 28 are the accounts for 
fiirm rents of the Mercers' Company, of London, for Woodhouse, Nor- 
thumberland ; the Parish of Hempstead, Middlesex ; Manor of Erswell, 
Sufiblk ; Bucklers-Bury, London ; west end of Panics, London ; Trinity 
Parish, London ; Sufiblk Place, Kent ; aU embraced within the period 
1652-1664. There is nothing which relates to the American Colonies. 

It would be interesting to be able to trace the wanderings of the two 
folios of these corporations to New Jersey, where they were utilized for 
provincial records. ^ 

Andbew Hamilton. — ^Afler a search of several years, the marriage 
record of Andrew Hamilton and his wife Ann Preeson has been dis- 
covered in the marriage license bonds of Northampton County, Virginia, 
according to which it appears that the marriage of Andrew Hamilton 
and Ann Preeson, widow, took place March 6, 1706. At that time 
bonds were required, which were filed in packages, and this license was 
a bond with security by two or more persons that the lady should never 
become a charge upon the parish. Ann Preeson was the widow of 



Notes and Qtteries. 186 

Joseph Preeson and daughter of Thomas Brown and his wife Susanna 
Denwood. The will of Thomas Brown, of Northampton County, Vir- 
ginia, is dated November 2, 1704, in which he leaves certain property 
to his daughter Ann ''during her single life," and Andrew Hamilton 
appears as one of the witnesses to this will. From this, two fACta be- 
come evident, — ^viz., that Andrew Hamilton, at the time of the date of 
this will, was already known under the name of Andrew Hamilton, and 
was residing on the eastern shore of Virginia, and that Ann Brown had 
not yet married Joseph Preeson, November 2, 1704. The will was pre- 
sented in court and proved May 29, 1705, by the widow and children of 
Thomas Brown, and the daughter then appears as ''Mrs. Anne Preeson," 
indicating that she had been married meantime.^ It has been argued by 
a genealogist in Virginia that the daughter Ann may have been married 
to Joseph Preeson before November 2, 1704, and was a widow at the 
time her father made his will, but this does not appear to me likely, as 
Thomas Brown mentions that his daughter Anne is to have certain prop- 
erty ''during her single life," which he would scarcely have done if she 
were a widow, without distinctly mentioning her as such. Periods of 
mourning were not aUowed to last long in those days, as she became the 
bride of Andrew Hamilton March 6, 1706. 

The will of Susanna Brown is d^ed February 4, 1714, in which she 
mentions, among others, her grandchildren Andrew Hamilton the 
younger and Margaret Hamilton, to both of whom she leaves small 
bequests. James, the oldest Hamilton child, who became Deputy Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, is not mentioned ; but this is not remarkable, as a 
number of other grandchildren of Susanna Brown are also not mentioned 
in the will.* 

It has been asserted that James fi[amilton married and left issue, and 
also that he was the same James Hamilton who married Gratiana Michael 
in Virginia. In the Accomac County Records, Volume 1729-1737, page 
81, from an entry dated March 8, 1729, it appears that James Hamilton 
married Gratiana Michael, daughter of John and Ann Michael, and that 
this James Hamilton was living in Accomac County, but no further trace 
of him has been discovered. However, on July 8, 1755, Volume XIX., 

1 Abstntcts from will of ThomM Brown, of Xorthampton Ooimtv% Virginia, dated 
Kovember 2, 1704. witnessed by Robert Samuel French and Andrew Hamilton ; proved 
May 29, 1705, being presented to court by Mn. Susanna Brown, Mrs. Eliz. Preeson, Mrs. 
Sarah tJnshur, Mrs. Anne Preeson, and Mrs. Mary Littleton, Joint executors. Thomas 
Brown signed his name as a witness to several deeds or wills on record at Accomac, and 
wrote the name Browne with the final e, but the signature to his will omits the letter e, 

" I give unto my Daughter Anne all my land at ye Sea Side not already disposed of, 
that is to say all the land on the South side of ye line before mentioned, including both 
hammocks— by estimation 681 acres— to her and her heirs of her body forever, and fall- 
ing such heirs, to goe to ye heirs of my Daughter Elizabeth and their heirs forever. 

" I likewise give unto my Daughter Anne my negroe Mury Frank, his wife Matt, his 
two sons Stephen and Oliver and my negroe girle Mary at ye Sea Side. I also give her 
twelve cowes and calves, or other cattle equivalent, and for what household goods my 
children have had my Will is mv Daughter Anne's part be made answerable to ye full 
out of my Estate and if any of her own goods have been made up of in ye house, my 
Will is they be made good out of my Estate. 

'* My Will is further yt my Daughter Anne have during her single life ye use of my 
Brandy Rill with other conveniences, as houseroom, flreing, and ye like. 

'* I nominate and appoint my loving Wife and my four Daughters aforesaid Joint 
executors of this my last Will ana Testament" 

s Abstracts from will of Susanna Browne, of Northampton County, widow. Dated 
February 4, 1714, proved May 19, 1719. 

" I nve unto Margaret Hamilton ye negro girl named Ariadne, now in the possession 
of her Father Hamilton. 

'* I give unto Andrew Hamilton, the Younger, ten pound in money, which I now 
have delivered to his Father for his use. 

" I constitute and appoint Elintbeth Preeson, Wife of Thomas Preeson, Executrix of 
this my last Will and Testament" 



186 Notes and Queries. 

Deeds, page 285, Northampton County Beoords, there ia a deed from 
James Hamilton, of Philadelphia, Pennsylyania, ''son and heir of 
Andrew and Ann Hamilton, formerly of Northampton County, Virginia, 
to Thos. Dalby, 681 acres of land, formerly bequeathed to said Anne by 
her Father, Thomas Brown, lying at the Sea Side," etc. The error 
appears to have arisen from the natural conclusion that these two records 
refer to the same individual. The tract of six hundred and thirty-one 
acres which Mrs. Ann Hamilton had received from her father's estate 
was sold by Andrew and Ann Hamilton in 1721 to Zerobabel Preeson, 
their nephew, and in turn Thomas Preeson, the son of Zerobabel, sold the 
tract to Dalby. For some reason not evident, James Hamilton, son and 
heir of Andrew and Ann Hamilton, deeded as above, July 8, 1755, the 
same tract to Thomas Dalby, probably in order to msJce the title clear. 
The purchaser, Zerobabel, is supposed to have died, and consequently the 
new deed from James Hamilton to Thomas Dalby was required. See 
Volume XIX., Deeds, page 285. 

No evidence has ever been produced to prove that James Hamilton, 
the son of Andrew and Ann, married, and as Jaltaies Hamilton in his 
will left his property entailed on the heirs of his brother Andrew, and, 
in the event of that branch becoming extinct, then on the heirs of his 
sister Margaret, there would appear to be no possible ground to claim 
that he left children of his own. 

According to rumors which have been current on the eastern shore of 
Virginia, ^drew Hamilton came to Accomac County, Virginia, about 
1696, and taught a classical school for some time after his arrival in the 
Colony. Among his scholars were members of the Preeson family. After 
the death of Joseph Preeson he managed the property for Ann Preeson, 
the widow, whom he a little later married. 

R. WiNDEE Johnson. 

Rachel Wilbok. — In a copy of Saunder's Pocket Almanack for 
1769, in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, is the 
following record : " Rachall Wilson went on Board the Ship at Chester 
the Ninth Day of 11 mo 1769. Nat Fortner Cap^ and arived at Dale 
Oald, England, in Thirty Days." 

Letters of Maetha Washikgtok in the Deeee Collection 
OP the Historical Society op Pennsylvania. — 

June 1, 1700. 

Dear sister 

I have had the pleasure of receiving your very welcome and affect. 
Letters of the 10th of May intended to come by Jack and the 28*^ by 
Mr. Bassett who I must acknowledge myself greatly obliged to for the 
£Eivour of his last visit — I should not have suffered him to go without a 
letter to you had I not known of the oppertunity that now offers and hear 
I must do myself the pleasure of congratulating you very sincearly on 
your happy delivarance of I wish I could say boy as I know how much 
one of that sex was desired by you all — I am very sorry to hear my 
mammas complaints of ill helth and I feel the same uneasiness on that 
account that you doe but hope Mr. prescriptions will have the de- 
sired effect — ^the children are now very well and I think myself in a 
better state of helth than I have been in for a long time and dont dout 
but I shall present you a fine healthy girl again when I come down in 



Notes and Queries. 187 

the Fall which is as soon as Mr. W — ^ns business will suffer him to leave 
home I am very much pleased to hear Betsy continues to grow a fine 
hearty child and will make you happy in that desirable bless- 
ing I also hope you are out of all fear of sore Breasts before this time 
Mr. Bassett will inform you of the mirth and gaiety that he has seen 
so I hope I have no occasion to enlarge upon that head in order to induce 
you to Try Fair&x in a pleasanter season than you did last time I shall 
now conclude but not tiU I have desired you to present my Best good 
wishes to Mrs Dawson and Judy in which Mr. Washington desires to 
join me also b^ you will give our Blessing to the dear little children 
and to each of Siem half a Dozen kisses and hope you will not imagine 
that yourself and Mr. Bassett is forgot by my dear 

nancy your sincear and loveing sister 

KlBTHA WASHINOTON 

To Mbs Bassett 

Philadklphia, October the 22 1794 
My deab Fanny 

I expect that this letter will be handed to you by Mrs. Izard the lady 
that I mentioned to you in my letter of the 19th of this month, — she has a 
desire to see mount vemon — if you could make it convenient to yourself, 
I shall be much obliged to you to go down with the Ladys to mount 
vemon, as I wish every thing thair to be made as agreable to them as 
poesable as the notice is short, Mrs Izard is a very agreable Lady and 
her family amiable — we have been acquanted ever since I went up to 
new york — I should be very much gratified to hear that the Ladis of 
alexandria shows the Ladis sevility — ^if they should be obliged to make 
any stay thair — ^you will find them all very agreable. Miss Izard has 
been long a friend of nellys — do my dear Fanny have everything as 
good as you can for them and put up any little thing that may be neces- 
sary for the children on the road — I send you a &shionable cap caul and 
Border — ^if you will scollop or overcast tiie borders it will add to thair 
beauty — 

my love and good wishes attend you and the children — ^I am my dear 
Fanny your ever affectionate 

M Washington. 
— October I have not heard 

from the President since the 

eleaventh 

Richard Penn's Estimate op the Strength op the Penn- 
sylvania Absociators in 1775. — ^Richard Penn (son of Richard the 
Governor), with his family, in the summer of 1775 left for England, 
taking with him the second petition of Congress addressed to the King, 
which had been drawn up by John Dickinson. In November, when it was 
under consideration in the House of Lords, Penn was interrogated as to 
the condition of the American Colonies, and in answer to the question, 
*< What force has the Province of Pennsylvania raised ?" the following 
series of questions and answers took place : 

A, When I left Pennsylvania they had 20,000 men in arms embodied, 
but not in pay, and 4500 men since raised. 

Q. What were these 20,000? militia, or what? 

A, They were volunteers throughout the province. 



138 Notes and Queries. 

Q. What were the 4500 men? 

A. They were minute men, when upon service in pay. 

Q. Are they included in the 20,000 men, or excluBive of them? 

A, Exclusive. 

Q, Doth the province oontrihute money besides to the continental 
army? 

A. They do. 

Q, How many men fit to bear arms is it supposed there are in Penn- 
sylvania? 

A. Sixty thousand. 

Q. What proportion of these 60,000 men do you believe would wil- 
lingly come forth, if necessary, in the present contest? 

A, All, I believe. 

BbQUEST of MlNIATUBES TO THE HiSTOBICAL SOCIETY OP PENN- 
SYLVANIA. — Under the will of Mary Battera Snyder, late of the borough of 
Selin's Grove, Pennsylvania, she has bequeathed to the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania '' the miniatures of my grandparents Hon. John Wilkes 
Eattera and his wife Ann Moore Kittera ; also blue china teapot which 
belonged to Governor Simon Snyder.'' The miniatures were painted 
by Robwrt Fulton. 

WoEKs OP De Bey peesented to the Histoeical Society op 
Pennsylvania by Mb. Clabence B. Moobe. — Five folio volumes of 
the works of these fEimous publishers, fother and sons, have been pre- 
sented to the Society's library by Mr. Moore. Three volumes are oc- 
cupied with early voyages to America, and the other two volumes with 
voyages elsewhither, chiefly by the Dutch. 

The Sale op the Ashbubton Libbaby. — One of the most in- 
teresting book sales of the present London season was the recent 
dispersion of the Ashburton Library in the middle of last No- 
vember. The prices realized on this occasion indicate a well -sustained 
demand for that class of literature which is called Americana. The 
general appearance of the books themselves as they were arranged on 
the shelves of Messrs. Southeby, Wilkinson & Hodge's salesroom was 
that of a well-bound and well-caj^-for library of a man of varied and 
cultivated tastes. Aside from the books themselves, there was an 
American interest in the vendor as a descendant of William Bingham, 
sometime United States Senator from Pennsylvania, whose wife was a 
daughter of Thomas Willing, a member of the Continental Congress and 
the president of the Bank of North America ; and whose splendid man- 
sion on South Third Street was one of Philadelphia's fiunous houses in 
the days of Washington's presidency. Among the earlier items of the 
sale were twelve volumes of pamphlets, possibly collected by William 
Bingham, ranging from the time of Braddock's defeat to the recognition 
of the independence of the United States. Copies of nearly all of them 
were already in the collection of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 
The Society has, however, secured one volume which is of exceptional 
interest, as it contains a copy of Bivington's Army List (as it is called), 
of which I believe but one other is known to have been preserved. 
The following is the title and collation, neither of which are quite ac- 
curately given in Sabin's Dictionary : 



Notes and Queries. 189 

A I list I of the | Officers of the Army, | serving in | North- America, 
I Under the Command of his Excellency | G^eral Sir Guy Carleton, 
K.B. I With l^e Dates of their Conmuasions, as they Rank in each | 
Corps, and in the Army. | For the Year 1783. | New-York : J Printed 
by James Bivington Printer to the King's | Most Excellent Majesty. | 
M,DCC,LXXXin. I 8vo. Collation : Title 1 leaf; text, pp. 3-98 ; Cor- 
rections and Alterations, pp. (4). 

The words interpolated by Sabin's copyist (Dictionary, 4, 14, 66) 
are not on the title-page, and undoubtedly refer to the manuscript alter- 
ations in the copy in the collection of the New York Historical Society, 
from which his title was transcribed, as they are not borne out by an 
examination of the copy just acquired. As the Society already possessed 
the first (1777), second, third (1779), and fourth of the series of rosters 
of the officers of the British army serving in America during the Bevo- 
lutionary War, this is a most important acquisition. It is especially so, 
being the fullest and most accurate as well as the last one of the series, 
which are the only source of information as to the officers of the Loyalist 
and Hessian corps whose names do not appear in the official army lists 
printed in Englimd. The rosters of one or two of the regiments of the 
former are to be found nowhere else, owing to their having been raised 
during the final year of the war. 

The prices realized at this sale show the ever-increasing figures brought 
by works relating to the colonial and revolutionary history of our 
country. Among the American tracts which wese sold separately were : 
Denton's ** Brief Description of New York," London, 1670 (an uncut 
copy), $2000 ; Lederer's ** Discoveries in Three Marches from Virginia," 
London, 1672, $510; Captain John Smith's ** Advertisements for the 
unexperienced Planters in New England," London, 1631, $800 ; " New 
England's Plantation,'' $490 ; ''True Relation of the late Battall fought 
in New England between the English and the Pequet Indians," $420 ; 
" Virginia's Cure," London, 1662, $880 ; Gabriel Thomas's "Historical 
Description of Pennsylvania," London, 1698, $810 ; Winslow's 
"Good Newes from New England," London, 1624, $1200. 

Chables B. Hildebubn. 
London. 

[The copy of Thomas's "Pennsylvania" in the library of the His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania was purchased at the Brinley sale, and 
is the largest copy extant. — ^Ed. Penna. Mag.] 

Obsebvations upon the Consumption of Teas in Nobth 
Amebiga, by Samuel Whabton, 1778. — 

From the latest and best Estimation, it is imagined. That there are at 
least three Millions of British subjects upon that Continent 

The Use of Teas, and of the black sort in particular, is so common 
and &shionable in America, That it is usually drank twice a Day; 
Even by the Frontier Lihabitants of all the Colonies, from New York to 
North Carolina inclusive; — for the Expence of transporting it is so 
very trivial. That the Land Carriage, quite from Philadelphia to the 
Ohio, is only about a Penny a Pound — ; Inshort, the Practice of Tea 
Drinking, is so prevalent that the Tribes of the Mohocks and 
Cononjohare Indians, upon the Mohocks River in the Province of New 
York, drink it frequently twice a Day, as do many of the Delawares, 
upon Ohio. 



140 Notes and Queries. 

It is apprehended, That at least two Millions of the Americans drink 
Tea Daily, and that they Yearly consume, not less, than five Millions 
of Pounds of that Article ; — ^And by some intelligent Persons, it is pre- 
sumed, Thai \f the Statute w<u repealed which lays a Duty of Sd, per Pound 
on Teas— payable in America, That the Exportation from hence thither, 
would be very great, and That it would put an End to the illicit Com- 
merce in that Article, carried on, between Holland, Lisbon and the 
Colonies. — ^Many Reasons induce me, to be of a different Opinion ; A 
few of which, I will take the Liberty of mentioning — 

The Ports of England, being yery seldom open, for the Importation 
of American Com and flour ; and the East India Sales of Tea, not 
being made, at oertain fixed limes , — so known to the Americans, That 
in Case Their Com and Flour were always admissible in the Brit- 
ish Ports, they could direct their Proceeds to be invested in Teas, 
bought at those Sales and thereby make homeward Freights for their 
Vessels; — ^They necessarily therefore send their Vessels to the Ports 
of Holland and Portugal in Europe and S^ Eustatius in America, — 
As they know, they are always open for the Reception of their 
Flours Com, &c. ; And at these Places, they can be supplied with 
Teas at a moderate Price and upon the Advantageous Terms of Dis- 
count, Difference of Weight &c, amounting in the whole, to near 20 V 
Centum. 

Let it also be remarked, that the Americans, not being in a Capacity 
and especially those from Rhode Island to North Carolina inclusive 
(except possibly a few in the Tobacco Trade in Maryland and Vir- 
ginia) To deposit Money in the Hands of Merchants in London, for the 
particular Purpose, of buying Teas (at the India Sales) on the benefi- 
cial Terms, of Discount &c. Their chief Means of Purchasing viz' Their 
Com and Flour not being, as above stated, always admissable in England, 
They have therefore, hitherto, been constrained, either to purchase their 
Teas from Foreigners, or to buy them on exorbitant Terms, from the 
Merchants in London. 

The Invoice hereto subjoined, marked N*^ 1 shews upon what Condi- 
tions the American Merchant is supplied with Teas, when he can remit 
Money to his Correspondent in London, in Order to buy them at the 
East India Sales. 

The Invoice marked N** 2, also shews, upon what Terms, the American 
Merchant is supplied, when he cannot remit Money to buy Teas at the 
India Sales, but purchases them, on a Credit of 9 or 12 Months from 
the London Merchant 

A Cursory Examination of the different Conditions, contained in 
these two Invoices, will, perhaps suggest to every candid and intelligent 
Mind, That supposing the Statute repealed which lays a Duty of 3d, a 
Found payable in America on Teas imported from hence. It would not 
enable the American Merchants, generally, to Lodge Money in 
London for the Purpose of buying Teas, at the India Sales and of 
Course, would not prevent them from purchasing Teas at those Foreign 
Places, where they can in Fact exchange the Flour Com &c for them ; 
— ^There is therefore, in my poor Opinion, but one Method, by which 
this Country can effectually avail itself of all the Tea Trade of North 
America, and that is, by a Quantity of Teas sufficient for the Consump- 
tion of that Continent, being annually landed immediately from China, 
in the most central Part of North America, and there being sold, at 



Notes and Queries. 141 

stated public Times, upon a Credit of 9 or 12 Months, with the usual 
Discount and Deductions as in England. 
London, January 19*, 1778. 

Queried. 

Smyth. — ^Information is desired as to the parents of Rey. Thomas 
Smyth, bom January 25, 1747, died January 25, 1792 ; married Mary 
Weir, widow of Dr. William Ruth or Bouth. Graduated from Prince- 
ton Goll^e in 1768. Licensed to preach 1772, and ordained and settled 
as pastor of Middletown and Penca Churches, in Delaware, in 1774. 

Lucy Smyth CJoopeb. 

MoKiNLEY. — On October 10, 1768, in the city of Cork, Ireland, Mary 
Connolly and John McKinley were married by '* Parson Paul Parish." 
It was an elopement Mary Connolly was the youngest daughter of Sir 
William Connolly, of Castletown, County Kildare, and Anne, daughter 
of Thomas Wentworth, third Earl of Strafford. 

The eldest daughter, Anne, married George B3rng, Viscount Torring- 
ton, Frances married Sir William Howe, Caroline became the second 
wife of the Earl of Buckinghamshire, and the only son, Thomas, mar- 
ried Louisa Augusta L^ioz, daughter of the Duke of Richmond. 

Eug^e Kelly, Jr., of New York, has recently purchased the old Con- 
nolly estate of Castletown. John McKinley and his wife came to this 
country in 1769 and settled at Mount Royal Forge, Frederick County, 
Maryland. About the year 1772 they moved to the Northwestern 
frontier in West Virginia. They had five children. The first, Eliza- 
beth, was bom at Gravel Walks, Dublin, in 1767 ; married New- 
man. The second, Thomas, was bom at Mount Royal Forge, Mary- 
land, 1769, and married Sarah Stewart, of ''Stewart's Crossing,'' West 
Virginia. The third, Harriet, bom at Mount Royal Forge in 1771, 
married Randall Gibson, of Washington, Mississippi. They were the 
grandparents of Randall Gibson, who represented the State of Louisiana 
in the national Congress for seventeen years, and was senior Senator 
from that State when he died in 1892. fiances was bom in 1778 at the 
"Mouth of Wheeling Creek," West Virginia; married David Gibson, 
of Mississippi, brother of Randall Gibson, Sr. John was bom at the 
" Mouth of Wheeling Creek" in 1776. He probably died young. 

John McEanley served through the war of the Revolution until the 
surrender of Comwallis. In 1782 he went with Crawford on his expe- 
dition against Sandusky, was taken prisoner with him, and was one of 
the five tomahawked in the presence of Colonel Crawford only a short 
time previous to the latter's terrible torture and death. 

He was in the Thirteenth Virginia Regiment, commanded by Colonel 
John Gibson, until the battle of Germantown, when he was wounded 
in the neck, and afterwards transferred to the Ninth Virginia. 

This is all I know of Captain John McKinley. I do not know where 
or when he was bom, the names of his parents, brothers, and sisters, or 
his occupation and home previous to his marriage. 

Will be grateful to any one who will give me this information or any 
information concerning him. 

Mbs. S. G. Humphreys, 
Gibson Station, 

Southern Pacific Railroad, 

Louisiana. 



142 Notes and Queries. 



BiOBEN (Penna. Mag., Vol. XXIV. p. 527). — John Bioren, of the 
publishing firm of Bioren & Madan, was bom March 28, 1772, in Phila- 
delphia. His parents were Benjamin and Mary (Lykins) Bioren, who 
were married February 18, 1769. John Bioren died August 22, 1835. 
The partnership between Bioren and Madan seems to have terminated 
shortly after the publication of their first American edition of Shake- 
speare (a copy of which is in the library of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, and another in my possession), for all the later publica- 
tions of John Bioren appear with his imprint only, or else in connection 
with a joint publication with other firms. I have been informed that 
he printed an edition of the Prayer-Book of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church, containing the words ''into the place of Departed Spirits," in 
the Apostles' Creed, in place of "into Hell," which edition was later 
recalled by the Qenend Convention. The Laws of the State of Penn- 
sylvania were also published by authority in 1808 and 1804. 

John S. Bioeen. 

New England Company. — ^A query was inserted in the Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine (Vol. XXIV. p. 527) in regard to two items which 
appear in Book A of Surveys, Surveyor-General's Office at Burlington, 
New Jersey. The items refer to two entries relating to the payment 
of money for the printing of Eliot's Indian Bible. In one of these 
entries the phrase ''this Corporation" is used, and the question is raised 
as to what particular ** Corporation" was meant. Without much doubt 
the reference is to the Governor and Company for the Propagation 
of the Gkwpel in New England, a corporation which afterwards became 
known as iJie New England Company. 

In the year 1896 a volume entitled "Some Correspondence between 
the Qovemors and Treasurers of the New England Company in London, 
and the Commissioners of the United Colonies in America, and others 
between the years 1657 and 1712" was privately printed in London. 
The editor of the book was John W. Ford, ** Governor of the New 
England Company," and in his pre&ce he says, — 

'"In connection with the printing of Eliot's Indian Bible the follow- 
ing extract from the Company's Ledger for the years 1653-1664, now in 
the State House at Trenton, New Jersey, U. S. A., will be of interest : 

Cr. 
21 July 1664 : 

£ 8. d, 

Bmding Indian Bibles 10 

Bills of Exchange 800 

Feb. 

John Eliott as a gratuity given him for his extraordinary 

pains amongst the Indians in New England . . . 50 
Salary of Marmaduke Johnson : 

Salary for printing Indian Bibles . . . 85 0" 

These pajrments evidently refer to the same transactions mentioned 
by your correspondent Mi. Ford, the editor, says frirthermore in his 
preface, — 



Notes and Queries. 148 

" I have added in an alphabetical list a short account of nearly all 
those whose names appear as signatories or otherwise in the accompany- 
ing correspondence, which I think may be of interest to members of 
the Company, and would express a hope that the dispersal of this volume 
among collectors in America may lead to the discovery of the present 
possessor of the old Minute Book, and to a copy being supplied by him 
to its original owners, the New England Company/' 

Inferentially it would seem that Book A of Surveys at Burlington, 
New Jersey, is the old Minute Book of the New England Company, now 
missing from the archives of that corporation. If the Company's 
ledger in some unknown manner found its way to the State-House at 
Triton, why may not the Minute Book in some equally mysterious 
manner have drifted in the same direction, and found its way to Bur- 
lington? 

Samuel A. Green. 

MAfl8AGHU8E1T8 HI9TOBI0AL SOCnETT. 

JSooKi flotice0. 

Valley Forge. — ^Two of the February magazines contain carefully 
prepared articles on the camp at Valley Forge, liberally illustrated from 
photographs taken by the compilers. Mr. W. H. Richardson, of the 
Montgomery County Historical Society, contributes one to the New 
England Magazine, and Thomas M. Longcope, Jr., the other to the 
Penn Charter Magazine, of Philadelphia. 

Biographical Sketch op Samuel Bowell and Notices op 
SOME OF his Descendants, with a Genealogy for Seven 
Generations, 1754-1898. By Roland RoweD, Manchester, 
New Hampshire, 1898. 8vo, 216 pp. Illustrated. Price $2.50, 
postage paid. 
Samuel Rowell was a descendant in the fifth generation of Thomas 
Rowell, who emigrated from England to Salisbury, Massachusetts, about 
16B9, and was one of the original grantees of land in the town. The 
parents of Samuel were John and Elizabeth Rowell, who resided at 
Chester, New Hampshire, at the date of his birth in 1754. When the 
war for independence broke out he served in the battle of Bunker Hill, 
joined Arnold's corps in the Canadian expedition, and participated in 
many of the important battles of the war. Unlike the ordinary gen- 
ealogy, where only those bom to the family name are followed, this work 
deals with all the descendants of its subject to the present day, giving 
dates of births, marriages, and deaths. Soon after the battle of Ben- 
nington Samuel Rowell married Sarah Duston, a great-granddaughter 
of Hannah Duston, a well-known figure in colonial history. Of the 
descendants of this couple, the compiler has found five hundred and 
thirty-three. The family is a typical New England one, and will fairly 
represent the fortunes of the descendants of most of the settlers who 
came early to our shores. The work is substantially bound in cloth, and 
contains sixty full-page half-tone engravings and many smaller ones. 

^HB Literary Era (Vol. VIII., No. 1, 1901).— This excellent 
literary monthly comes to us in an enlarged form, with a new and 
attractive cover. Its corps of contributors has been increased, and the 



144 Notes and Queries. 

Historical and (Genealogical Department, again in charge of Mr. 
Thomas Allen Glenn, has been much improved. 

Philip Vickers Ftthian, Jouilkal and Lettebs, 1767-1774. 

Edited by John Rogers Williams, Princeton, New Jersey, 1900. 

8yo, 820 pp. niostrated. 
Philip Vickers Fithian, bom December 29, 1747, was a student at 
Princeton College, 1770-1772, Henry Lee, Aaron Burr, and James 
Madison being among his associates. After graduating in theology in 

1773, he became a tutor in the £Eimily of Robert Carter, of Virginia, 
and between 1775 and 1776 served as missionary among the settlers of 
Western Virginia and Pennsylvania. In July of 1776 he was appointed 
chaplain of Heard's brigade of New Jersey militia, and served in the 
battles of Long Island and Harlem Heights. He was taken down with 
camp fever, and died near Fort Washington October 8, 1776. 

The volume under notice is composed of selections from the Fithian 
Papers deposited in the library of Princeton University, his letters be- 
tween 1767 and 1773, and journal during his residence in Virginia, 1773- 

1774, with letters from there covering the same period. Especially in- 
teresting are his descriptions of student life at Nassau Hall, and the 
account which he gives of his residence in the Old Dominion is a most 
delightful picture of the social life of the period,— of refinement and 
culture, of elegance of living and lavish hospitality, of balls and fox- 
hunts, and an almost constant round of entertainments. The editor has 
added numerous valuable annotations to the text and prepared an ex- 
cellent index. 

The German Sbcttabians of Pennsylvania, 1742-1800. A Criti- 
cal AND Legendary History of the Ephrata Cloister and 
THE DuNKERS. By Julius Friedrich Sachse, Philaddphia, 1900. 
8vo, pp. 586. Illustrated. Price, $600. 
The second and concluding volume of this work exhibits the same 
astonishing labor and exhaustive investigation which characterize the 
first volume, and we have also the same lavish display of illustrations 
throughout the text The chapters which will particularly interest the 
reader are those on Christopher 8aur and his German Bible, the indus- 
trial, educational, and musical history, and the rules of the sisterhood 
of the Community, the sketches of Conrad Weisser, Friedsam Gk>t- 
trecht, and Prior Jabez, and the issues of the Ephrata press, with foe- 
similes of the title-pages of the most important works printed. Un- 
questionably the work is the most important one that has been printed 
on the German Sectarians of Pennsylvania, and the author must be con- 
gratulated on the success of his labors. 



PUBLICATION FUND 

or THE 

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA 



This Fund, which now amounts to $40,000, is made up of 
Bubscriptions of $25 each, which have been invested by the 
Trustees, and the interest only used for the publication of his- 
torical matter. Copies of all publications are sent to subscribers 
to the Fund durinff their lives, and to libraries for twenty ye^rs. 
The fund has published fourteen volumes of Memoirs of the 
Society and twenty-three volumes of the Pennsylvania Magazin9 
of History and Biofpraphy. 

Of the Magazme about 25 sets remain on hand. As long as 
this edition lasts, persons who subscribe $25 to the capital account 
and wish complete sets of the Magazine can obtain the twenty- 
three volumes bound, and numbers of current volume, for $50 
extra. These subscribers will also receive all future issues of the 
Magazine and Memoirs. 

TRUSTEES or THE PUBLICATION FUND. 

1300 Locust Street, Philadelphia. 

THE GERMAN SECTARIANS OF PENNSYLVANIA 

1708-1742. 

▲ Crttleal and Legendary History of the Epbrata dolster 
and tlie IHuilcen. 

BY JULIUS FRIEDRICH SACHSE. 

Complete in two volumes. Volume I. now ready ; Volume II. ready June 1. 

Price, $5 per vol. 8vo. 606 pp. Full Index. 

Copiously Illustrated. 

Orders may be addressed to the Compiler, 4428 Pine Street, or "W. J. 
Campbell, I^IS Walnut Street, Philadelphia. 

New York 6enealo6ical and Biographical Record 

FOR 1901. 

DEVOTED TO TEE INTERESTS OF AMERICAN OENEALOQY 
AND BIOGRAPHY. 

ISSUED QUARTERLY AT TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM. 



The Society ha« a few complete sets of the Record on sale. Subscrip- 
tions, payable in advance, should be sent to B. W. Piebson, Treasurer, 
No. 226 West Fifty-eighth Street, New York. 



THE PENNSYLVANU HISTORICAL STUDY 
ENCOURAGEMENT FUND. 



purview of *Tbw FitUiaa^tia rufidol' tli« Ui«ti»ri«ml &«a«tj wf 

ll 1 1' ■!■ rJM- [■^n.i.'WTrii* works, ul" r yf 

Fifmifiylva]il& and tiie Federal OonstittttloiL, 1767*178S. 

BclHi!^i l»v John lUat MtM^aTKii Ncid PuFitKRi' « D, }ltf>}rs. 

Pb»ltidt?lpJim, 1888. Svo. «i)fi |>|n CopifJii*ly ilhi>itP«J«l, t*ri**P. f/V. 

The Becords of HolyTrimty (Old Swedes) Ohureti. Wil* 
minftOE, DeL. from 1697 to 1773^ 

fr*f ■.i?M,.,i fmrnlhooH^innlt^Ht^dbh hy El+irara BirtiHt witlittts abtfttftcl 



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4 Ii^nipe-EiitrliBh BietioEiary. 

Pif>cn lU) HtionjmciUB M8, iti tlio Archiv™ of tht* 3^ ^ 

BMlUtfTht^m, Pa. Eilttiid wHVi ttildiuofis, by Dakikl ' 

M 1 > , 141 ul K RT A L 5 jcni S m a<| k J ic I> Airmo jrt, ^^ ru inatjpanj i too 

Sontbom Qaakefi mA Slavery. 

Early History of the UisiTeraity of PeniiBylvanla from iti 
Origin to the Year 1827. 

Uf Okojmsk ft- W*>tJij, M.D.^ with -imi^lomf^nuirj cluw»UMa hj FmMSt^ 

Hiitory of Proprietary QovenuQeot m tenmylras^B^ 

By %V)LLl4*i IL 6lf 1£FUK&D, PhD. Npw Yoi*. I8»fi. Bw. 601 pp. 

Memoir of Dr. Oeorge Logan of Stenton. 

Or Im widow, Dicnoiuit ITomKift XyiOAK* with lelictiom ^^laa hyi«iTf«» 

wtih ftn lii(A«Jt»tiiimi by OiiAHtJe* J. StiljlI* PWtaWpl*l«, 1«U». 
Hi?. 207 Ff. IlluHtnii«L FriiXi 12* 

n«l« v^uiQOi wnftm <ir^tiirT<d hf till* S-:^*Tty in tlie foU&wtli^ w»t : 

pcflplkfn^ und %k*j prufit nmioc: ibi^r* ff<>n:i ^as ti\ part u»«3 to iwBiAt th? 

»t WLriiii*gt<fn !;y ^tili*t*riblnj| far 14 tiUmW^rorcojii***, i i 
fr«t» thwin tw.i wiirk** w«»*Jii liiMi ii*P!l *" « Hi" m*-i 

>'-.-i ...-'' -.. *.. ti.,.. SfiiyHy by ii* late Prc^iiv]. '.-i. 

1TM prf«ttit«d by Cliwl«» H-if 
^r IM i#«o«|EK litPKAH*' wwi piiisl f'n ty 



wtnli 






Vol. XXV. 



JULY, 1 90 1 



No. 98 



THE 



PENNSYLVANIA 
MAGAZINE 



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HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY 



PUBLISHED QUARTERLY 




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CONTENTS. 



Life of Maigaret Shippen, wife of Benedict Arnold. By Lewis Burd 

Walker, (CovUinuecL) {Illustrated,) 145 

Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Pennsylvania. ( Con- 

Hnued,) 191 

Eev. John Ettwein's Notes of Travel from the North Branch of the 
Susquehanna to the Beaver River, Pennsylvania, 1772. By 
John W, Jordan 208 

The Last of the General Aasemhly under the Pennsylvania Consti- 
tution of 1776. By William Brooke Bawle 220 

Index to American Portraits. By Bunford Samuel, ( Continued. ) . 228 

Account of the Destruction ol the Brig '* Peggy Stewart,'* at An- 
napolis, 1774 248 

Passenger List of the Ship " Elizabeth,'* which arrived at Phila- 
delphia in 1819 255 

Letter of Lambert Qidwalader to Timothy Pickering on the Capture 

of Fort Washington 259 

Letter of Chief Justice John Marshall 263 

Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775. (Ccm- 

tinued,) 266 

Notes and Queries 282 

Book Notices , . . 288 



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ALEXANDER HAMILTOTT 
Nat-l?57-0b-18n4 



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ii !.:> i U Iv 1 i\ : =.' ■ 
\ r.. XXV. • '•: 

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THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OF 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 

Vol. XXV. 1901. No. 2. 



LIFE OP MAEGAEBT SHIPPBN, WIPE OP BENEDICT 

ARNOLD. 

BY LEWIS BDBD WALKER. 

(Oontmued from page 46.) 
MBS. ARNOLD AT WEST POINT. 

It will be noticed that in Hannah Arnold's letter Edward 
Shippen is mentioned as keeping Mrs. Allen's house for 
either himself or daughter to occupy upon her return to 
Philadelphia. And in a letter written by Arnold to Betsy 
Mansfield on August 81, 1780, he says: "I expect Mrs. 
Arnold here soon to spend some weeks with me." Her 
actual stay was from September 15, when she arrived, till 
her departure for home on September 27. It was only 
twelve days, but the events of years were crowded into 
that short period. There were three other gentlemen at- 
tached to Arnold's military family. These were Migor 
Franks, Colonel Varick, and Dr. Eustis. 

The intercourse at Robinson's House was pleasant and 
harmonious, except on two occasions when Joshua Hett 
Smith was present. He was suspected of not being favor- 
ably disposed to America; and Varick warned Arnold not 
VOL. XXV. — 10 ( 145 ) 



146 lAfe of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

to trust him. This not producing the result wished for, 
Variek and Franks determined to aflfiront or insult Smith. 
In answer to Major Franks's question, Variek says in his 
sworn testimony : 

"On the 23rd September he (Smith) came to Arnold's Quarters and 
dined with us — mj unfavorable opinion of his moral and political char- 
acter, and his usual and unparalleled impertinence and forwardness, 
and General Arnold's Countenancing him (notwithstanding my advice 
and frequent solicitations to the Contrary) fiixed a resolution in me to 
affiront him before Arnold the first opportunity. A trifling one ofiered 
at Table. I embraced it with warmth ; a very high dispute took place 
in which you became a volunteer with me. Arnold opposed you and 
often addressed to you with warmth answers to my observations, and I 
reply' d to his answers, addressing myself to Smith. You as well as 
myself were cavalier with Smith till Mrs. Arnold (who also thought ill 
of Smith) observing her Husband in a passion, beg'd us to drop the 
matter. I soon quitted the Table and went to my room which was then 
theofSce. 

''After dinner. Smith went ofi* and Arnold came into the office and 
took you to task in very illiberal language for affronting Smith. He 
lashed me over your Back without addressing himself to me — ^he declared 
that \f he asked the Devil to Dine with him the Gentlemen of his Family 
should he civil to him. You told him that if Smith had not been at his 
Table you would have sent the Bottle at his head and would thereafter 
treat him as a Rascal. I then found it necessary to do you as well as 
myself Justice, by taking the Blame of affironting Smith on myself. 
You thereupon declared to Arnold that you had of late observed that he 
viewed every part of your Conduct with an eye of Prejudice and beg'd 
him to discharge you from his Family. You went out of the room in a 
passion and to New Burgh on Business from which you did not return 
till the 24th. 

'* The dispute between Arnold and myself continued very high. I 

cursed Smith as a Rascal, a scoundrel and a Spy, and said my 

reason for afi&onting him was that I thought him so. I also told Arnold 
that my advice to him had proceeded from a Regard to his Reputation 
which he repeatedly and confidentially told me he wished should stand 
well in this State, and which I had very often told him would sufier by 
an improper Intimacy with Smith. I further told him that Smith's 
Insolence to you and his ungentlemanlike Conduct to Mrs. Arnold, in 
speaking impertinently to you before her in a Language she did not un- 
derstand, justified your treating Smith as you did and worse, and also 
merited his resentment instead of Countenance. Arnold then told me 



lAfe of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 147 

that he was always willing to be advised by the Gentlemen of his Family, 
but by would not be dictated to by them ; that he thought he pos- 
sessed as much prudence as the Gentlemen of his Family. Some other 
words ensued till I had occasion to leave him to dispatch an Express, 
and when I returned he had left the office." 

Colonel Lamb happened to be at the dinner spoken of, 
and he says : 

''When we were at Dinner at Saturday, the 23rd September there 
happened to be a scarcity of Butter at the Table. On Mrs. Arnold's 
calling for more Butter she was informed by the servant that there was ' 
no more. Arnold immediately said, * Bless me, I had forgotten the oil 
I bought in Philadelphia ; it will do very well with salt fish,' which was 
one of the dishes. The oil was produced, and on Arnold's saying it 
cost Eighty Dollars, Smith replied Eighty Fence, that a Dollar was really 
no more than a penny, upon which you said with some warmth, either, 
'You are mistaken,' or, 'That is not true Mr. Smith,' I do not particu- 
larly recollect which. This you said in such a tone of voice as con- 
vinced me you was determined to afiront him. A great deal was said on 
the subject between you and Smith. From some expression which 
Smith dropped Major Franks became a party in the dispute which was 
growing very warm, when Mrs. Arnold (who had observed that Arnold 
was getting very angry) interposed and begged that the dispute might be 
dropped as it gave her great pain. After dinner you told me you was 
determined to affiront Smith as oft;en as he came to the House and drive 
him from it if possible." 

On the morning of this very day, Saturday, September 
23, Andre had been captured, and the papers which ftilly 
revealed the plot had been sent to Washington, who was 
then on his way to West Point 

In the "Life of Washington," Irving thus related the 
events of the journey : 

''On approaching the Hudson Washington took a more circuitous 
route than the one he had originally intended, striking the river at Fish- 
kill just above the Highlands, that he might visit West Point, and show 
the marquis the works which had been erected there during his absence 
in France. Circumstances detained them a night at FishkilL Their 
baggage was sent on to Arnold's quarters in the Robinson House, with a 
message apprising the general that they would break&st there the next 
day. In the morning (Sept 25*^*) they were in the saddle before break 
of day, having a ride to make of eighteen miles through the mountains. 



148 lAfe of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

It was a pleasant and animated one. Washington was in excellent 
spirits, and the buoyant marquis, and genial, warm-hearted Knox, were 
companions with whom he was always disposed to unbend. 

''When within a mile of the Bobinson House, Washington turned 
down a cross road leading to the banks of the Hudson. Lafayette ap- 
prised him that he was going out of the way, and hinted that Mrs. 
Arnold must be waiting breakfast for him. * Ah, marquis I' replied he 
good humoredly, 'you young men are all in love with Mrs. Arnold. I 
see you are eager to be with her as soon as possible. Go you and break- 
fast with her, and tell her not to wait for me. I must ride down and 
examine the redoubts on this side of the river, but will be with her 
shortly.' 

"The marquis and G^eral Knox, however, turned off and accom 
panied him down to the redoubts, while Colonel Hamilton and La&yette's 
aide-de-camp. Major James McHenry, continued along the main road to 
the Bobinson House, bearing Washington's apology, and request that 
the breakfinst might not be retarded." 

The £Ekmily with the two aides-de-camp sat down to break- 
fast. 

"Mrs. Arnold had arrived but four or five days previously from Phil- 
adelphia, with her in&nt child, then about six months old. She was 
bright and amiable as usual. Arnold was silent and gloomy. It was an 
anxious moment with him. This was the day appointed for the con- 
summation of the plot, when the enemy's ships were to ascend the 
river. The return of the commander-in-chief firom the East two days 
sooner than had been anticipated, and his proposed visit to the forts, 
threatened to disconcert every thing. What might be the consequence 
Arnold could not coi\jecture. An interval of fearful imaginings was 
soon brought to a direful close. In the midst of the repast a horseman 
alighted at the gate. It was the messenger bearing Jameson's letter to 
Arnold, stating the capture of Andr6, and that dangerous papers found 
on him had been forwarded to Washington." 

Alexander Hamilton, who was present, thus describes the 
scene in two letters he wrote to Henry Laurens and to Miss 
Schuyler : 

"Arnold, a moment before his setting out, went into Mrs. Arnold's 
apartment, and informed her that some transactions had just come to 
light, which must forever banish him from his country. She fell into a 
swoon at this declaration ; and he left her in it, to consult his own 
safety, till the servants, alarmed by her cries, came to her relief. She 



Ufe of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 149 

remained frantic all day ; accusing every one who approached her, with 
an intention to murder her child (an infant in her arms) ; and exhibiting 
eyery other mark of the most genuine and agonizing distress. Ex- 
hausted by the fatigue and tumult of her spirits, her phrensy subsided 
toward evening, and she sank into all the sadness of affliction. It was 
impossible not to have been touched with her situation. I saw an ami- 
able woman, frantic with distress for the loss of a husband she tenderly 
loved ; a traitor to his country and his &me ; a disgrace to his connex- 
ions : it was the most affecting scene I ever was witness to. She, for a 
considerable time, entirely lost herself. The €^eral went up to see 
her, and she upbraided him with being in a plot to murder her child. 
One moment she raved, another she melted into tears. Sometimes she 
pressed her in&nt to her bosom, and lamented its &te, occasioned by 
the imprudence of its father, in a manner that would have pierced insen- 
sibility itself. AU the sweetness of beauty, all the loveliness of inno- 
cence, all the tenderness of a wife, and all the fondness of a mother, 
showed themselves in her appearance and conduct. We have every 
reason to believe, that she was entirely unacquainted with the plan, and 
that the first knowledge of it^ was when Arnold went to tell her he must 
banish himself from his country and from her forever. She instantly 
fell into a convulsion, and he left her in that situation. 

"This morning she is more composed. I paid her a visit, and en- 
deavoured to soothe her by every method in my power ; though you may 
imagine she is not easily to be consoled. Added to her other distresses, 
she is very apprehensive the resentment of her country will &11 upon 
her (who is only unfortunate) for the guilt of her husband. I have 
tried to persuade her that her fears are ill founded ; but she will not be 
convinced. She received us in bed, with every circumstance that would 
interest our Sympathy : and her sufferings were so eloquent^ that I 
wished myself her brother, to have a right to become her defender. 
As it is, I have entreated her to enable me to give her proo& of my 
friendship. Could I forgive Arnold for sacrificing his honour, reputation, 
and duty, I could not forgive him for acting a part that must have for- 
feited the esteem of so fine a woman. At present she almost forgets his 
crime in his misfortunes ; and her horror at the guilt of the traitor, is 
lost in her love of the man." 

Irving, quoting Lafayette as authority, says : 

''In the mean time, Mrs. Arnold remained in her room in a state 
bordering on frenzy. Arnold might well confide in the humanity and 
delicacy of Washington in respect to her. He regarded her with the 
sincerest commiseration, acquitting her of all previous knowledge of her 
husband's guilt. On remitting to her, by one of his Aides-de-camp, the 



150 Life of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

letter of her husband, written from on board the Vulture, he informed 
her that he had done all that depended upon himself to have him ar- 
rested, but not haying succeeded, he experienced a pleasure in assuring 
her of his safety." 

Varick, in hie sworn testimony, gives the following 
acoount: 

"Sometime in the course of the Day, I do not recollect when — think 
it was pretty soon after His Excellency arrived — Capt Lt. Hubbell 
came into my room and in conversation told me he saw Arnold's Barge 
going down the Eiver. But that circumstance made no impression on 
me. Not long after you mentioned your suspicions to me Mrs. Arnold 
called for me, and when I waited on her I found from her Language and 
conduct that she was in great distress and had lost her reason, but could 
not divine the cause. Some time before dinner (the hour I do not know, 
but I think just before His Excellency (General Washington returned 
from West Point), Mrs. Arnold recovering her Beason in some measure, 
complained to me that she was left without a friend. I attempted to 
sooth her by saying that she had many Friends, enumerating you and 
myself and that General Arnold would be there soon. On my mention- 
ing his name she replied in great agony. Oh no, no / he is gone, gone 
forever/ 

''I soon left the room, found His Excellency had returned, and that 
Arnold had not been at West Point, and then recollecting your Declaration 
while I lay in bed, and his unaccountable and long absence, and Captain 
Hogland having come with dispatches to His Excellency, and avoiding 
answers to my enquiries with respect to Anderson's being taken, I men- 
tioned to you that I was very apprehensive of his having destroyed him- 
self or gone off. In very few minutes after we mentioned our fears to 
Eustis in Cbnfidence lest we might be deceived. We were anxious to 
advise the G^enl. of our suspicions but fearftil of doing it in a direct 
manner, when Mrs. Arnold's request to see him to ask for relief soon 
ftimished us with the opportunity, and I waited on His Excellency into 
her room accordingly. I soon aft;er and just before dinner communi- 
cated my suspicions to Colo. Lamb in Confidence, and it was not until 
aft^ Dinner that His Excellency communicated Arnold's Perfidy and 
Treachery to us." 

In answer to Variek's questions, Major Franks testifies : 

'< Arnold, I believe, did receive two letters by a militia officer, tho' I 
did not see them. You did not I am sure — ^you was sick in your room. 
Arnold did not come in nor did you see him aftier break&st that day. 
His conduct was that soon aft«r he received the letters above mentioned 



lAfe^ of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 151 

he went up Stairs to his Lady. In about two minuteB His Excellency 
General Washington's servant came to the door and informed me that EUs 
Excellency was nigh at hand. I went immediately up stairs and informed 
Arnold of it. He came down in great confosion and ordering a horse to be 
saddled mounted him and told me to inform His Excellency that he was 
going to West Point and would return in about an hour. His Excellency 
came about half an hour after Arnold went off and after taking break^Eust 
went to West Point Soon after Mrs. Arnold's unhappy situation called 
us all to her assistance. Her alarms together with Arnold's precipitate 
departure gave me much uneasiness. I hoped to see him return soon 
and you and myself were about to send for him. An hour and a halt 
or thereabouts after he was gone a report was spread about our quarters 
of a spy of the name of John Anderson being detected nigh our lines. 
On my hearing it I flew to you with indescribable agitation and told you 
I was sure Arnold was a Villain, but on farther reflection and further 
Conversation we agreed that it was uncharitable, and that we were not 
warranted to think so, and that if any bad consequences were to ensue 
to Arnold from our suspicions, our characters would be ruined. 

''Soon after His Excellency returned from West Point where he had 
been some considerable time, and during which Mrs. Arnold was in the 
most alarming distress of mind. You were frequently with her and in- 
formed me that she had complained that she had no friends, she was left 
alone, and on your telling her that she had many friends (here enumer- 
ating yourself, me, and General Arnold)— on your mentioning him she 
exclaimed in an agony of grief. Oh no, he is gone, gone forever ! This 
at last confirmed your and my suspicions which were communicated to 
Dr. Eustis immediately." 

Dr. Eustis said, in answer to Varick^s questions : 

" I came out of Mrs. Arnold's chamber with you and Major Franks. 
I asked you where G^eral Arnold was gone, and beg'd you for Gbd's 
sake, to send for him, or the woman would die. You took me into my 
chamber and both Major Franks and yourself (after enjoining on me the 
most sacred secrecy) informed me of your suspicions that Arnold had 
gone to the enemy. On my asking if you had told it to €^eral Wash- 
ington, I think you told me it was a bare suspicion, and that you were 
afraid to lisp it to any creature living, lest proving untrue it should 
ruin your reputations forever. You afterwards informed me that your 
suspicions were confirmed by Mrs. Arnold saying in her delirium that 
he (meaning her husband) was gone forever " 

The testimony of Variek, Franks, Lamb, and Dr. Eustb 
was given in an investigation or trial to determine whether 



152 Lift of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Varick and Franks were guilty of complicity with Arnold. 
A copy of the testimony is in the possession of the Mercantile 
Library in New York, and an article containing selections 
from it was printed in the Magazine of American History for 
November, 1882. Varick and Franks were unanimously 
acquitted. 

On page 574 of Thacher^s Military Journal it is said : 

''In about an hour and a half after Arnold had abeconded, Dr. 
Eustifl, who had charge of the hospital in the vicinity, was called to the 
assistance of Birs. Arnold whose situation was alarming. He found her 
at the head of the stair case, in great dishabille, her hair disheveled, 
knowing no one, and frantic in the arms of her maid, and Arnold's two 
aids, struggling to liberate herself from them. She was carried back to 
her chamber, and fell into convulsions, which lasted several hours. In 
a lucid interval she inquired of the Doctor, if General Washington was 
in the house, expressing a wish to see him. Believing that she intended 
to say something which would explain the secret of Arnold's unaccount- 
able absence, he hastened below, gave notice of her request, and con- 
ducted the general to her chamber, who remained no longer than to hear 
her deny that he was (General Washington, and to witness the return of 
her distraction." 

Washington gave Mrs. Arnold her choice either to re- 
turn to her father in Philadelphia or go to her husband in 
New York. She chose the former. 

RETURN TO PHILADELPHIA. 

After Mrs. Arnold had in some measure recovered her 
senses she determined to avail herself of Washington's 
permission to return to her father, from whom she was 
certain of a welcome, however great might be her mis- 
fortunes. She started to return to Philadelphia on Wed- 
nesday, September 27, 1780, with her nurse and son Ed- 
ward Shippen Arnold, and reaching Paramus in the evening, 
she stopped overnight at the house of Mrs. Prevost, whose 
acquaintance she had made on her journey to West Point, 
two weeks before. While here she met Aaron Burr, who 
expressing esteem for the Shippen family, treated her with 
marked politeness, and, after magnifying the dangers to 



lAft of Margaret Shippm, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 153 

which she might be exposed, offered to accompany her. 
His father, Rev. Aaron Buir, President of Princeton Col- 
lege, had become well acquainted with the Shippens from 
their interest in college affairs. After the deatii of Mrs. 
Burr, which soon followed that of President Burr, their 
orphan children, Sarah and Aaron, were taken to the house 
of Dr. William Shippen, the uncle of Edward Shippen, in 
Philadelphia, which became their home during the year 
Margaret Arnold was bom. When less than twenty years 
of age Burr had accompanied Arnold on the expedition to 
Quebec, on which occasion he assumed the disguise of a 
Catholic priest in order to communicate with Montgomery. 
All men, friends or foes, who knew him, remarked the 
suavity of his manners and the address with which he 
insinuated himself into the good opinion of those whom he 
wished to win. A curious instance is afforded in a letter 
before us, in which a young man, speaking enthusiastically 
of the advantages he was to receive through Burr, adds : 
" He treats me on every occasion as I were his son." It is, 
perhaps, needless to say that this young man was disap- 
pointed in his expectations. 

In September, 1780, Burr's bad qualities were unknown 
to the public, to whom he seemed a perfect gentleman, dis- 
tinguished for his courtesy; so that when he met Mrs. 
Arnold at the home of Mrs. Prevost and offered to escort 
her to her father's house in Philadelphia, his offer was 
gladly accepted. 

But in order to rightly understand the incident that fol- 
lows it is necessary to know Burr's true character^ and after 
that is examined we are ready to apply Thackeray's opinion 
of Philip of Konigsmarck to Burr, and say "a greater 
scamp does not walk the history of America." 

When he was less than two years old his mother had 
written of him, " Aaron is a little, dirty, noisy boy, . . . 
very sly and mischievous." The workings of his prurient 
mind are displayed in his comments on the sleighing 
party, in the latter part of his letter written to his invalid 



154 lAfe of Margaret Shippmy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

sister before he was eighteen. When aide-de-camp to Gen- 
eral Putnam, in 1776, his position brought him in contact 
with Margaret Moncrieffe, who had by the fortunes of war 
become separated from her father, Major Moncrieffe, an 
officer of the British army. While she, a girl less than 
fourteen years of age, was under the care of General Put- 
nam Burr seduced her. M. L. Davis says (Burr's "Me- 
moirs,*' Vol. L page 90) : 

"Miss Moncrieffe before she had reached her fourteenth year, was 
probably the victim of seduction. The language of her memoirs, when 
taken in connection with her deportment soon after her marriage, 
leaves but little room for doubt Major Burr while yet at OoUege, had 
acquired a reputation for gallantry. On this point he was excessively 
vain, and regardless of all those ties which ought to control an honora- 
ble Mind. In his intercourse with females he was an unprincipled flat- 
erer, ever prepared to take advantage of their weakness, their credulity 
or their confidence. She that confided in him was lost. In referring to 
this subject, no terms of condemnation would be too strong to apply to 
Colonel Burr. 

"It is truly surprising how any individual could have become so emi- 
nent as a soldier, as a statesman, and as a professional man who devoted 
so much time to the other sex as was devoted by Colonel Burr. 

" For more than half a century of his life they seemed to absorb his 
whole thoughts. His intrigues were without number. His conduct 
most licentious. The sacred bonds of fiiendship were unhesitatingly 
violated when they operated as barriers to the indulgence of his pas- 
sions. For a long period of time he seemed to be gathering, and care- 
fully preserving, every line written to him by any female whether with 
or without reputation ; and when obtained, they were cast into one 
common receptacle, — the profligate and the corrupt by the side of the 
thoughtless and betrayed victim. All were held as trophies of victory, — 
all esteemed alike valuable.'' 

When Margaret Arnold accepted the escort of Aaron 
Burr she little anticipated the painful and humiliating trial 
to which she exposed herself. It will not require a very 
vivid imagination to picture what followed. We can almost 
see Aaron Burr employing his most fascinating wiles to 
win her regard. He told her how he revered Dr. Shippen, 
who had cherished him when his mother died; how he 
loved that family circle, in which he had the happiness to 



Life of Margaret ShippeUj Wife of Benedict Arnold. 166 

enter before her (Mrs. A/s) birth. He pitied her child, and 
promised ever to protect him, in requital for the kindness he 
had received. For the same reason he would protect her 
from the brutal insults of a fiirious populace. He pitied 
her forlorn and distressing situation ; but behind the cloud 
the sun was still shining, and she had many years to live, 
which he hoped would bring her happiness and joy. He 
wondered that Arnold would allow her to be exposed to 
popular fary if he loved her. Had he (Burr) found &vor 
in such fair lady^s eyes, his heart's blood should flow ere a 
breath of unkindness touched her. The baseness of Arnold 
in allowing her to be sent home had broken the fetters 
which bound her to him. The proudest in the land might 
well wish to be her brother to have a right to become her 
defender, and he entreated her to enable him to give her 
proofs of his regard and aflPbrd him an opportunity of 
meriting her kindness. 

And so the tempter moved in serpent circles, ever smaller, 
around his intended victim. But the libertine found that 
the arts which he had successfully used against Margaret 
Moncrieffe, had a very different effect upon Margaret Ar- 
nold. With her thoughts upon her babe she listened to his 
words, but heeded not their import till a dubious phrase 
awakened her attention. Then surprise and amazement 
succeeded attention, only to give place to indignation, as 
his baseness was revealed. Her cheek was crimsoned with 
shame at the nature of the insult, but her eyes flashed, and she 
poured forth her scorn and contempt upon the caitiff before 
her in a manner worthy of " Down-right Shippen'* of old. 
And Aaron Burr slunk away. 

The foregoing account is justified by the tradition of the 
SWppen family. "We quote the following from page Ixii. of 
the Shippen Papers, published in 1866 : 

" he (Davis) does not say that Burr himself met her at Mrs. PreTOst's, 
and when she left the house in the morning, offered his escort, which he 
pretended might be useftil to her in the then excited state of the pnblic 
mind on the subject of the treason. Still less does he tell, what his 



166 Uife of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict AmoUL 

friend would not have yentured to repeat, that on the way he made love 
to this afflicted lady, thinking to take advantage of her just feelings of 
indignation towards her hushand, to help him in his in&mous design. 
Yet this is the fact, if our tradition be true. And indignantly repelled, 
he treasured up his reyenge, and left a story behind him worthy of his 
false and malignant heart, to blast this amiable lady's fame, when there 
might be no one to disprove or deny it" 

After the departure of Aaron Burr, Mrs. Arnold con- 
tinued her journey to Philadelphia without any further 
molestation. 

BANISHMENT. 

Very bitter controversies had arisen between Arnold and 
the authorities of Pennsylvania. The Supreme Executive 
CoXmcil accused Arnold of misconduct in his position as 
commanding general in Philadelphia. Without any regard 
for propriety, their charges were printed and circulated in 
advance of his trial, and with a view to discredit him. The 
Council had gone to extremes. They apparently preferred 
British success to Arnold's continuance in command. A 
letter from the President of the Council ("Pennsylvania 
Archives," Vol. VTL p. 230, 1st Series) states : 

''There is a resolve of this Board against calling out any Militia 
while Qen. Arnold continues in Command in this State, upon which we 
are determmed to act" 

Irving says,— 

"Nothing fraudulent on the part of Arnold was proved." 

and adds, — 

" We have forhome to go into all the particulars of this trial, but we 
have considered them attentively, discharging from onr minds, as much 
as possible, all impressions produced by Arnold's subeeqaent history, 
and we are surprised to find, after the hostility manifested against him 
by the council of Pennsylvania, and their extraordinary measure to pos- 
sess the public mind, against him, how venial are the trespasses of 
which he stood convicted." 

Is it any wonder that Lafayette wrote to Washington, — 

''There are open dissensions in Congress; parties who hate one 
another as much as the common enemy." 



LAft of Margaret Shippearty Wife of Bemdict Arnold. 167 

The chief cause of Amold^s unpopularity in Philadelphia 
was his Proclamation of June 19, 1778, closing the stores, 
in obedience to the resolve of Congress. His haughty dis- 
position exasperated still more the men who attributed to 
him the interference with their private business. False re- 
ports were circulated concerning him long before the treason. 
On October 9, 1779, " Neddy" Burd wrote to his father: 

<< You may have heard that (General Arnold was in Gku>l & had been 
in Wilson's house, but neither of them is true ; he is at home with his 
wife. It is true he was in ye street with ye rest of ye Citizens and was 
pursued by two Men but he happened to have his Pistols &, prevented 
them from hurting him by threatening to fire at them." 

When the news of the treason was received in Philadel- 
phia the feeling against the traitor was most violent. No 
story of his evil deeds was too incredible to be believed. 
Not only the treason, but all other acts of Arnold, became 
the subjects of criticism and abuse. The following curious 
instance will exemplify the universal tendency to impute 
evil to all Arnold's actions. In the Index of Vol. XTL 
** Colonial Records'' we find the following entry : " Arnold, 
General, his conduct in Philadelphia very reprehensible." 
On turning to the pages cited we do not find the particulars 
of any bad conduct as we might expect, but instead we do 
find that a letter or certificate of Messrs. Gteddis and Govet 
was returned to them by the Council as being unsatisfactory, 
** For that the Certificate does not Contain the circumstances 
of misconduct in General Arnold's command." 

Under date of September 27, 1780, the following ap- 
pears in the minutes of the Pennsylvania Supreme Exec- 
utive Council : 

'<The Hon'ble Thomas McEean, Esq'r, Chief Justice, attended in 
Council, and informed the Board that certain intelligence had been re- 
ceived of General Arnold's having joined the enemy at New York ; 
whereupon, 

**Be$olved, That the Sheriff of the city and county of Philadelphia be 
directed to make diligent search for General Arnold's papers, and that 
he seize and bring the same before this Board for examination/' 



158 Ijife of Margaret SMppen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Among the papers found on this occasion the following 
appears to be the only one ever deemed to be of any im- 
portance : 

" Head-Quabteks, New Yore, the 16th Aug., 1779. 
"Madame, 

" Miyor Gilee is so good as to take charge of this letter, which is meant 
to solicit your remembrance, and to assure you that my respect for you, 
and the Mr circle in which I had the honour of becoming acquainted 
with you, remains unimpaired by distance or political broils. It would 
make me very happy to become useful to you here. You know the Mes- 
quianza made me a complete milliner. Should you not haye received 
supplies for your fullest equipment from that department, I shall be glad 
to enter into the whole detail of cap-wire, needles, gauze, &c., and, to 
the best of my abilities, render you in these trifles services from which I 
hope you woidd infer a zeal to be further employed. 

"I beg you would present my best respects to your sisters, to the Miss 
Chews, and to Mrs. Shippen and Mrs. Chew. 

''With the greatest r^ard, I have the honour to be, 

<< Madam, your most obedient and most humble servant, 

**JOHN Andbe.*' 

We are told that this letter was in Reed's possession (see 
Reed's "Life," Vol. U. p. 272), and this fact probably fur- 
nishes a clue to the authorship of the following article which 
appeared in the Pennsylvania Packet of September 30, 1780 : 

''Our Correspondent concludes with a remark on the fallacious and 
dangerous sentiments so frequently avowed in this city that female opin- 
ions are of no consequence in public matters. 

''The Romans thought &r otherwise, or we should not have heard of 
the Clelias and Cornelias and Anias of antiquity ; and had we thought 
and acted like them we should have despised and banished from social 
intercourse every character, whether male or female, which could be so 
lost to virtue decency and humanity, as to revel with the plunderers of 
their countrymen. Behold the consequence. Col. Andrie under the 
mask of Friendship and former acquaintance at Meschianzas and Balls 
opens a correspondence in August 1779 with Mrs. Arnold, which has 
doubtless been improved on his part to the dreadful and horrid issue we 
have described, and which but for the overruling care of a kind Provi- 
dence, must have involved this country and our Allies in great distress, 
and perhaps utter ruin." 

The fallacy in the above article can easily be shown. The 
obvious meaning of Andre's letter is innocent, so that if it 



lAfe of Margaret SMppeUy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 169 

is treasonable, it must be so by virtue of some secret mean- 
ing attached to ordinary words. But such secret meanings 
imply previous communications and agreements. No pre- 
vious communications have been shown, and after the ex- 
piration of over a century, in which all sources of informar 
tion have been thoroughly explored, it is not even alleged 
that any other letters passed between Andr6 and Mrs. Ar- 
nold. As no other letter was sent, it is also an error to say 
that a " correspondence" was opened. 

Is, then, the natural import of the letter a sufficiently 
probable one to afford a satisfiictory explanation of its being 
written ? Would " cap-wire, needles, gauze, &c.," be accept- 
able to a lady nineteen years and two months old who had 
some pretensions to feshion ? 

As we find Prankhn's daughter writing to him to buy 
her lace, feathers, linen, and pins (Pennsylvania Magazine, 
Vol. nL p. 373, etc.), and we further find that Edward Tilgh- 
man (after General Howe's permission had been asked) car- 
ried fi-om Philadelphia a package of " six gauze handker- 
chiefe, two small piece of gauze, and two sets of coloured 
ribbons" to Mrs. Paca, " a Delegates Lady" (Pennsylvania 
Magazine, Vol. XVL 216), we wonder why even the mob 
would consider it treason. 

In Sparks's " Writings of Washington," Vol. VII. p. 520, 
it is said : 



'^ Eighteen months before the consummation of his treason, Q^neral 
Arnold commenced writing to Sir Henry Clinton anonymously, and from 
time to time communicated to him important intelligence. Not knowing 
the person nor the rank of his correspondent, Sir Henry at first received 
his adyances coldly, but permitted the correspondence to be continued, 
as no harm could result from it, and the intelligence would be useful. 
The business was intrusted to Major Andre, who was then his aid-de- 
camp. Fictitious names were assumed. Arnold adopted that of Gus- 
tavus, and Andre signed his letters John Anderson. 

'^ It was not till after Arnold had taken the command at West Point, 
that Sir Henry Clinton considered his proposals of sufficient moment to 
deserve particular attention." 



160 life of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

We thus have the statement that it was not known to the 
British till later who Gustavus was ; and the dullest reader 
can perceive the necessity that compelled Arnold to conceal 
his name for his own protection, and yet to say that Andr6*s 
letter to Mrs. Arnold was treasonable involves us in the 
absurdity of supposing that Arnold was well known to 
Andr6 as his correspondent over a year before they actually 
met! 

Resuming now the account of Mrs. Arnold's misfortunes, 
we find the following order (see " Colonial Records," Vol. 
Xn. p. 520), viz. : 

*' Pim.APiT.PHiA, Friday, Oct 27 1780. 
'' The Council, taking into consideration the case of Mrs. Margaret Ar- 
nold (the wife of Benedict Arnold, an attainted traitor, with the enemy 
at New York), whose residence in this city has become dangerous to the 
public safety ; and this board being desirous, as much as possible, to 
prevent any correspondence and intercourse being carried on with per- 
sons of disaffected character in this State and the enemy at New York, 
and especially with the said Benedict Arnold, therefore, Besolyed, That 
the said Margaret Arnold depart this State within fourteen days from the 
date hereoi^ and that she do not return again during the continuance of 
the present war." 

We may learn what were the hopes of her friends from 
the following letter from "Neddy^* Burd to his father 
Colonel James Burd, which is as follows : 

" Lanoasteb Not lOth 1780 

<'Deak a Honored Sir 

'' I was in great hopes of receiving a letter from you this Court But 
as some of the Paxton People will be a going up this afternoon I must 
embrace the opportunity of writing to you. 

*' You have doubtlees heard of the unfortunate affair of Mrs. Arnold. 
We tried every means to prevail on the Council to permit her to stay 
among us, and not to compel her to go to that infernal villain her 
husband in New York. The Council seemed for a considerable time to 
£Eivor our request, but at length have ordered her away. Yesterday was 
the day she was to have set off, and Mr. Shippen, intending to accom- 
pany her the greatest part of the way, could not be up at this Court. 
This drcumstance has involved the whole family in the deepest distress. 
Mr. Shippen had promised the Council, and Mrs. Arnold had signed a 
writing to the same purpose, engaging not to write to Oen Arnold any 



lAfe of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 161 

letters whatever, and to receive no letters without showing them to the 
Council, if she was permitted to stay. 

''However, this did not answer the purpose we hoped for. If she 
could have staid Mr. Shippen would not have wished her ever to be 
united to him again. It makes me melancholy every time I think of 
the matter. I cannot bear the idea of her re-union. The sacrifice was 
an immense one at her being married to him at all. It is much more 
so to be obliged, against her will, to go to the arms of a man who appears 
to be so very black. 

• * Uncle J. Shippen is here & very hearty as is his &mily. My G. 
faJ^er looks very well. Pleaae to inform me whether Dunnell has 
threshed rye & what crop he has put in this &11. He should deliver it 
to you as soon as possible. I have bought two cows of Mr. Shippen' s 
tenant who was to put them upon his meadow & afterwards upon some 
rye sown for the purpose of fattening Cattle. I intend to go down there 
tomorrow & order them to be sent to Phila. There is no news of any 
consequence that I know of. It is the prevailing opinion that the Eng- 
lish have left Virginia. 

"I received your letter respecting Mr Behaviour. P^gyisthe 

best Judge, whether he has sufficiently apologized or not. His former 
conduct was not quite agreeable to our Notions of Propriety. I believe 
however he is a clever young fellow & hope he will conduct himself 
better in that affair. 

** I b^ my love in which Unde Shippen joins me to my Mother & all 
& family & am Dear Sir 

"Your Affectionate & dutifhl Son 

**E. BUKD." 

On November 20, 1780, Colonel James Burd replied : 

''The affair of Mrs. Arnold gives us all great uneasiness, we think it 
a little hard that the Councill would not grant the Indulgence she Re- 
quired we dont know what to think of her going to New York but theres 
no help." 

Anna Rawle wrote to her brother on November 4, 1780 : 

'* I was mistaken in imagining Mrs. Arnold would be allowed to stay 
here. Betsy Dorsey told me Mr. Shippen was at their house, and said 
his poor unhappy daughter had received an order to quit this state in 
fourteen days." 

The letter of Edward Burd of November 10, 1780, has 
been in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania for many years, and the late librarian called the 

VOL. XXV. — 11 



162 lAfe of Margaret SMppen, Wife of Benedict Arfwld. 

special attention of the writer to its closing paragraph, as 
he was very decidedly of the opinion that that particular 
passage refers to the insnlt offered to Mrs. Arnold by Aaron 
Burr, as previously related. 

Resuming now the thread of our story, we find that 
Edward Shippen accompanied his daughter on her way to 
New York, arriving about November 18. A doleful jour- 
ney it must have been, with the prospect of a separation 
which might prove eternal. 

After Edward Shippen's return, on December 22, 1780, 
he wrote to his fether as follows : 

''I am settled for this winter at least with my fiunily in Phil- 
adelphia, in good health and tolerable Spirits, considering our late 
troubles. My poor daughter P^^s unfortunate Connection has given 
ns great grief. She is however safe arrived at New York and well pro- 
vided for ; which is all the Consolation we could expect considering all 
Circumstances. When will this terrible War with all its Evils have an 
end ? We have been every now and then flattered with the prospect of 
a Peace, which notwithstanding seems yet at a great distance, and we 
have nothing for it but Patience and Resignation. The old Adage of 
'War begets Poverty and poverty Peace* is in part verified, yet our 
Poverty is not yet it seems to procure us peace. The Taxes begin to 
grow enormous, and we that live only on what we had before feel it 
most" 

During her stay in New York we have only the following 
accounts from the letters of Miss Anna Rawle in Philadel- 
phia, and her mother, Mrs. Shoemaker, in New York, and 
the diary of the latter. We quote Mrs. Shoemaker to her 
daughter, November, 1780. (After mentioning the arrival 
of Captain Lloyd of the Guards and his beautiful wife, a 
Miss Lee, of the Isle of Wight) She says : 

"P... .A. ...is not 80 much admired here for her Beauty as one 
might have expected. All allow she has great Sweetness in her Connte- 
nance, but wants Animation, Sprightliness & that fire in her eyes which 
was so captivating in Capt L's wife. But notwithstanding she does not 
possess that Life A animation that some do, they have met with every 
atterUion indeed, mnch more than they could have promised themselves, 
& the very genteel Appointment which he (Gen. A) holds in the Service, 



lAft of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedkt Arnold. 168 

joined to a Very large present, (which I am told he has received,) is 
fhlly sufficient for every Demand in genteel lafe. You know by this 
time I expect where his Destination is. His particular situation is such 
as must give her great pain A anxiety I think." 

February 8, 1781, Anna Rawle to Mrs. Shoemaker : 

''I hope when P. Arnold visited thee she made an apology for living 
in your house ; it was necessary I think. They tell strange stories here 
of her, and strive to blacken her character in a way which her uncom- 
mon affection for the General renders very improbable." 

Aug. B9th 1781 ; Diary of Mrs. Shoemaker. ''Peggy Arnold had a 
son bom today." 

Se^, M 1781; "I drank a social dish of tea with Peggy Arnold to- 
day %L the (General came in while we were at ii You wonder, I don't 
doubt, at my improving an acquaintance there. I have never been in 
the House since the morning Visit I paid her upon her first coming in, 
& she had set a long afternoon without ceremony while the Qen. was in 
Virginia (Dec. 80 & Jan. 81) as well as having been in a morning ; & 
then she is a Philadelphian." 

Nov. 5th 1781 : " Qea. Arnold & fiunily go home in the next Convoy." 

Nov, 97 th 1781 ; ''A Short Visit from Qen Arnold ; he goes home in 
the Bobuste with Lord Comwallis." 

December 5, 1781, Anna Rawle to Mrs. Shoemaker: 

" . . . . weeks ago I heard Mrs. A. was to sail in a fortnight so that 
I suppose she has gone by this time. No doubt they will attract atten- 
tion in England, for all who are related to the G excite curi- 
osity." 

December 16, 1781, Mrs. Shoemaker to her daughters : 

'* The Fleet suled from the Hook today .... Lord Comwallis, his 
Suite A Qen. Ar . . . d in the Bobuste. P .... A ... . Sl her fiunily in a 
private ship as more agreeable for her than a man of War, yet not safe 
for him. They give for the cabin 800 Guineas & then took in what 
company they chose, chiefly Military I believe. I do not hear of any 
females but her maids." 



LATER LIFE AND DEATH. 

For a short period after her arrival in England Margaret 
Arnold seems to have attracted the attention of some of the 
people of rank. A friendship with Lord ComwalliB was 



164 Ijife of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

fonned, to which her children were greatly indebted for 
their future advancement 

In Arnold's " Life of Benedict Arnold," page 227, it is 
said : " Tarleton and other returning officers, after she went 
to London, reported that she was the handsomest woman in 
England." Li Drake's "Historic Fields of Middlesex," 
page 258, it is said ; " The queen was so interested in favor 
of Mrs. Arnold as to desire the ladies of the court to pay 
much attention to her." 

Yet even with this flattering reception she made no at> 
tempt to lead a life of fashion ; and we have no account of 
her being present at any scene of gayety and pleasure. Li 
this connection we desire to quote a sentence from her letter 
of May 14, 1804, in which she says, — 

" You wish mj dear Sister to know whether mj pension would be 
affected by his (the King's) death ; I much fear that it would, as it 
would of course cease ; and its renewal would depend upon the whim 
of his Successor, who at present shows no disposition to respect the 
wishes of his Father, and with whom I have no interest." 

To have been the " handsomest Woman in England," and 
to have had no " interest" with the Prince of Wales, after- 
wards George IV., is an unpremeditated testimonial to her 
purity of character, which only the readers of Huish and 
similar works can fully appreciate. 

In March, 1785, we hear that she was all day with her 
brother going around the London shops, so as to give her 
advice in the selection of a set of china for her sister, Mrs. 
Edward Burd. 

In a note to page 147 of the " Life of Peter Van Schaack," 
by Henry C. Van Schaak, a notable scene is thus described : 

" In one of Mr. Van Schaack's visits to the Abbey, some time after 
Arnold's treason, his musings were interrupted by the entrance of a 
gentleman, accompanied by a lady. It was General Arnold and the lady 
was doubtless Mrs. Arnold. They passed to the cenotaph of M^jor 
Andre, where they stood and conversed together. What a spectacle t 
The traitor Arnold in Westminster Abbey, at the tomb of Andre, de- 



lAft of Margaret Shippm, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 166 

liberately perusiiig the monumental inscription, which will transmit to 
future ages his own infamy." 

In earlier life her affection for her parents and kindred 
had been one of the most noticeable traits of Margaret 
Shippen's character. In later years her principal object 
and aim in life was the education and advancement of her 
children, upon whom she lavished an unbounded affection. 
We beg the reader's indulgence to excuse a short digression 
upon this subject, after which we will resume the chrono- 
logical thread of her story. 

Margaret Arnold had five children who survived her, viz. : 

Edward Shippbn Arnold, bom March 19, 1780; died 
December 17, 1818. 

Jambs Robertson Arnold, bom August 28, 1781 ; died 
December 27, 1854. 

Sophia, bom July 28, 1785 ; married to Colonel Pownall 
Phipps, April 17, 1818; died June 28, 1828. 

Qborgb Arnold, bom September 5, 1787 ; died Novem- 
ber 1, 1828. 

William Fitch Arnold, born June 25, 1798 ; died No- 
vember 7, 1846. 

In addition to the above-named she had two children, a 
son and a daughter, who died in infancy. 

Of her children she thus speaks in her letters : 

''June 20, 1792 ; I am extremely anxious to place the little money 
that we have reseryed for my Children, to the greatest advantage, in 
order to give them a good education, which in this country is attended 
with great expence, and to secure them sufficient to keep them from 
want, should any accident happen to us. Will you, my dear Sir, give 
me your adyice and Assistance to effect this desirable end ; which would 
take from me a load, which has long oppressed me. The greatest part of 
our Income being dependent on our liyes, would make our deaths severely 
felt by my children ; and until I know that in case of such an event, 
they would be secured from Beggary and absolute dependence, I cannot 
know tranquility. ... If you would have the goodness to undertake 
the business for me and my Children, I would leave it entirely to your 
management, and you would relieve a heart, anxiously and tenderly 
solicitous for the future welfare of those so dear to it." 



166 life of Margaret Shippeny Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

On May 20, 1797, she says : 

''I could be contented in a very humble retired situation ; but to see 
my Children's rising prospects blasted, would fill me with the keenest 
anguish." 

On February 6, 1800, she writes to her father, — 

''I am about experiencing a very severe trial in the separation from 
my beloyed Edward who goes this Spring to India in the Engineer line. 
• . . James is yeiy eligibly situated at Gibraltar. . . . 

** I feel myself my dear Sir, particularly blessed in my Children ; and 
can with truth assure you, that neither of these young men have ever 
given me a moment's uneasiness, from any misconduct of any kind. 
My dear Girl is better than she has been ; nothing but the most unre- 
mitting attention has saved her life." 

About the close of the year 1801 she says, — 

'* Among the greatest of which (i.e. Blessings) is the uncommon excel- 
lence of my Children the partiality natural to a Parent may lead you to 
suppose that mine influences me in my fovorable opinion of them ; but 
when I assert that two of my Sons have arrived at the age of manhood, 
without having by any misconduct, given me an hour's uneasiness ; and 
that my third Son is exactly treading in their steps, you will not think it 
a vain boast when I do justice to their worth. And my dear girl is in 
point of disposition, temper, rectitude of conduct, A goodness all that a 
fond Mother can wish her, with a pleasing person, and cultivated and 
well regulated mind." 

On June 2, 1802, she says, " Indeed I am much blessed in 
my children." 

On June 6, 1808, she writes, — 

'* My boys are getting on as well as I could expect I am highly 
delighted with the College in which I had the good fortune to get George 
placed, and he has distinguished himself there in a way to induce the 
(Governor to send me the most flattering reports of his conduct." 

On July 27, 1808, she writes, " The excellence of my 
children is a never-failing source of delight to me." 

On May 14, 1804, she writes, — 

** I have every comfort necessary to my situation, for which I am in- 
debted to the great liberality of the best Sons in the world, who con- 



lAft of Margaret Stdppen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 167 

tribute their little mite to render me so. . . . My dear Qeorge will 
leave me, for India in a few weeks ; he will go under many advantages, 
and my situation greatly reconciles me to his going. My beloved Ed- 
ward has been a sharer in the honor of all those brilliant victories in 
India, obtained by General Lake, and as a cavalry Officer was exposed 
to great danger, which Qod be praised he escaped, except a wind wound, 
which much bruised his arm, and his hone touched in many places. I 
trust his conduct will lead to something advantageous to himself, as 
Qenl. Lake, after the action, gave him a Cometxj in an old Eegt. of 
the King's Dragoons for G^rge, who would probably have been a lieu- 
tenant by the time he arrived, with pay and emoluments of £540 pr. an. 
But I am this day going to send on his resignation of it, by the advice 
of all my Mends ; the Company's service being preferable, as attended 
with more permanent advantages. My dearest James is Stationary Com- 
manding Engineer at Barbadoes, as well as Adjutant which gives him 
many advantages, particularly most capital quarters, immediately over 
the Sea, a circumstance of infinite importance to his health. Nothing 
can be going on better than all my Children, and you do not know how 
high their characters stand." 

In concluding this branch of our subject we wish to 
remark that the children of Margaret Arnold were faithful 
to every trust confided to them, and lived irreproachable 
lives ; surely deriving those good qualities, which were so 
conspicuous in them, from the mother who bore and reared 
them. 

Resuming now the story of Mrs. Arnold's own life, we 
find that in a few years from his arrival in England Arnold, 
with the object of increasing his means, had entered into 
trading speculations which led him far away from her. On 
March 6, 1786, Mrs. Arnold wrote to her father as follows : 

" I am still in the most unhappy state of suspense respecting the 
(j^eral, not haying heard from him since the account of his Ships being 
lost ... I assure you my dear Papa, I find it necessary to summon all 
my Philosophy to my aid, to support myself under my present situation. 
Separated firom, and anxious for the fiite, of the best of Husbands, torn 
^m almost every body that is dear to me, harassed with a troublesome 
and expensiye Lawsuit, having all the General's business to transact, 
and feeling that I am in a strange Country, without a creature near me 
that is really interested in my fiite, you will not wonder if I am 
unhappy," 



168 Uife of Margaret Shippm, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

In 1787 she accompanied her husband to St Johns, N. 
B., whence she wrote on June 80, 1788 : 

*< I am much gratified by your earnest solicitations for me to pay you 
a visit, and hope to accomplish so desirable an event in the Fall. Inde- 
pendent of the happiness it will afibrd me, I feel it a duty to make every 
exertion to comply with the wishes of Parents, for whom I feel the 
highest respect and tenderest afiection. Yet my pleasure will not be 
unaccompanied by pain ; as when I leave you, I shall probably bid you 
adieu forever. Many disagreeable, and some fovorable circumstances, 
will, I imagine, fix me forever in England, upon my return to it" 

In August, 1788, she wrote that her visit would probably 
be made in October, but it was delayed until the following 
year; for on November 16, 1789, Edward Burd wrote as 
follows to Jasper Yeates : 

<< We have received an account of Mrs. Arnold's Arrival at New York 
tho' no Letters have been received firom her. The vessel she came in, ye 
papers say run ashore, but I suppose must have got off, or she would not 
have been in New York. I understand she has brought a child with her. 
Her friends will be extremely rejoiced to see her, as she was exceedingly 
beloved for her many good qualities." 

She arrived in Philadelphia prior to December 8, 1789, 
staying with her father until her departure for St John's on 
April 26, 1790. The accounts of the nature of her recep- 
tion in Philadelphia are conflicting : we quote the following 
passage from Sabine's "American* Loyalists," page 179, 
edition of 1864 : 

''She came once to her natiye land. Her visit is mentioned in a let- 
ter dated at Philadelphia in January 1790. The writer remarks, that 
she had been there six months, and intended to stay the remainder of 
the winter ; that 'she is handsome and a woman/ that out of respect 
to her feimily, many warm Whigs had been to see her, though the com- 
mon opinion was, that, as her presence placed her friends in a painfbl 
position, she would have shown more feeling by staying away. I learn 
from another source, that she was treated with so much coldness and 
neglect, even by those who had most encouraged her ill-starred marriage, 
that her feelings were continually wounded. She never could come 
again." 



lAfe of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 169 

We think the assertion that the coldness and neglect of 
her former friends prevented any further visits from her 
cannot be sustained ; for in her letter of June 80, 1788, she 
had spoken of her intended visit as a final one. The truth 
seems to be, that though some who formerly professed great 
friendship for her treated her coolly, yet there were others 
who welcomed her as kindly as ever they had done in days 
gone by. In a letter from St. Johns to her sister on July 
5, 1790, Mrs. Arnold says, — 

<' How difficult iB it to know what will contribnte to our happineis in 
this life ; I had hoped that by paying my beloved friends a last visit, I 
should insure to myself some portion of it^ bi\t I find it far otherwise. 
The afiectionate attention of my friends, has greatly increased my love 
for them, and of course my r^ret at this cruel dreadful separation I 
shall never forget my dear, my beloved Sister, your tender and affec- 
tionate behaviour to me, and that of my more than brother, Mr. Burd, 
who has endeared himself extremely to me, and of whom I have as high 
an opinion as it is possible for me to entertain of any human being.'* 

She returned to England in the latter part of 1791, or the 
beginning of 1792, and settled in Cavendish Square, London. 

In 1792 the Earl of Lauderdale, in an address in the 
House of Lords, in speaking of the conduct of the Duke 
of Richmond, concluded with the words, " K apostacy could 
justify promotion, he was the most fit person for that com- 
mand General Arnold alone excepted." 

The consequences of this remark are thus related by 
Mrs. Arnold. Li a letter to her father dated June 26, 1792, 
she says, — 

** Should the public Papers of a few days back reach you, you will 
obserye a paragraph, mentioning that Genl. A. is killed in a Duel, with 
the Earl of Lauderdale. This was for some time so generally believed, 
that our firiends were flocking to the house, to condole with, and make 
me ofiers of service. This circumstance has given me a great deal ot 
pain, as it has made known to GknL A. what I had hoped he would not 
hear ; which was that Lord Lauderdale had cast some reflections on his 
political Character, in the House of Lords. I am not without strong 
fears that he will think it necessary to demand an apology, and re- 
sent being refused one. But this is a subject, upon which of course, 



170 life of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

he is, to me sileat ; and all that I can obtain from him, are Aflsaiances 
that he will do nothing rashly, and withont the adrice of his friends. 
Ton may readilj conceiye that my sitoation must be a very unhappy 
one, till the Affiiir is settled ; but I call all my fortitude to my aid, to 
prevent my sinking under it, which would unman him and prevent his 
acting himself— I am perfectly silent on the subject ; for weak Woman 
as I am, I would not wish to prevent what would be deemed necessary 
to preserve his honor. — ^Lord Lauderdale is at present out of town, but 
is expected to return in a few days." 



On July 6 she writes again to her father : 



'The affidr is settled most honorably for the (General, and his conduct 
upon the occasion has gained him great applause. The circumstances 
that gave rise to it you may wish to hear : Lord Lauderdale (who is 
violent in the opposition, and was the only man in the House of Lords 
who voted against an address of thanks to the King, upon a late procla- 
mation), in an attack upon the Duke of Richmond, respecting the Re- 
form in Parliament, is said to have used the following expressions : 
* That he did not know any instance of Political Apostacy equal to the 
Duke of Richmond's, except General Arnold's,' and that 'the in- 
tended Encampment was designed to overawe the inhabitants of the 
Kingdom, and the Metropolis in particular ; and prevent a Reform in 
Parliament, that the Duke of Richmond was the most proper person he 
knew of to command it. General Arnold first struck off the list' 

''Upon the (General's demanding an apology for this unprovoked 
attack upon his character, lus Lordship positively denied having made 
use of the last expression, or any similar to it ; the fiist he a(^owl- 
edged, and made a kind of apology for it ; but, it not satisfying the 
General, he drew up such a one as he would accept, which his Lordship 
reftised to sign. 

"Lord Hawke (who is a most respectable Peer, and our particular 
friend) voluntarily offered his services upon the occasion : and as the 
matter could not be amicably settled, his Lordship waited upon Lord 
Lauderdale, and a place was named for a meeting. The time ap- 
pointed was seven o'clock on Sunday morning last — ^Mr. Charles Fox, as 
second to Lord Lauderdale ; Lord Hawke, the Ctoeral's. It was agreed 
that they should fire at the same time, upon a word given, which the 
General did, without effect Lord L. refiised to fire, saying he had no 
enmity to General Arnold. He at the same time refused making an 
apology, and said the General might fire again, if he chose. This was 
impossible, but the General desired Lord Hawke to tell Mr. Fox, that 
he would not leave the field without satisfaction ; and that if Lord 
Lauderdale persbted in his refusal of giving it to him, either by an 



Lift of Margccrei Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 171 

apology or firing again, that he ahoold be nnder the necesidty of using 
sach ezpreerionB to him, as would oblige him to do the latter. Up<m 
this, the seconds had a conference, daring which time Lord Lauderdale 
and the Ctoeral met ; when he told his Lordship that he did not come 
there to couTince the world that he dare fight, but for satisfection for 
the injury done his character ; and that he certainly would not quit the 
field without it. After a consultation between Lord L. & Mr. Fox, his 
Lordship came forward, and said that he had no enmity to General Ar- 
nold — that he did not mean to asperse lus character or wound his feel- 
ings, and was sorry f<Hr what he had said. (General A. said he was 
perfectly satisfied with this apology, provided the seconds, as men of 
honor, declared he ought to be so, which they, without hesitation, did. 
Before they left the ground, Lord Lauderdale expressed great concern at 
finding that I had been made unhappy, and begged leave to wait upon 
me, to make an apology. A variety of circumstances combined to 
make me acquainted with the whole transaction ; what I suffered for 
near a week is not to be described ; the suppression of my feelings, lest 
I should unman the General, almost at last proved too much for me ; 
and for some hours, my reason was despaired ot" 

From this time until her death she kept up a constant 
correspondence with her father and sisters in Philadelphia, 
as she had formerly done. 

In her letter of May 2, 1796, to her &ther, she says, — 

"I am extremely impatient for the arrival of your picture, which I 
hope is on its way. Tou could not have bestowed upon me a more 
valued gift. Repining is useless, but it is surely a hard lot to be so 
separated firom all my relations ; do not suffer absence to weaken your 
affection for me, and believe that though fete has deprived me of the hap- 
piness of contributing to the comfort of your latter days, I could sacrifice 
almost my life to render them easy, and firee firom care and pain.'' 

On July 29, 1796, she says,— 

<< I cannot express to you my dear Sir, the high gratification you have 
afforded me, by your goodness in sending to me your valuable picture ; 
the sight of it occasioned sensations I never before experienced ; and 
though I scarcely had it out of my hand the whole of the day I re- 
ceived it, I could not rest without getting up twice in the night to look 
at it" 

In her letter of May 20, 1797, to her father, she gave 
an account of a piece of plate which had belonged to 
" Downright" Shippen as follows : 



172 Life of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

**l was yesterday gratified by the sight of the Cup A Cover and 
Stand that was given to the fiunous Member of Parliament of our name 
in the reign of G^ige the Ist. I heard of its being at a Silver Smiths, 
and hoped it might be for sale ; in which case, I should have endeav- 
oured to have obtained it, in exchange for some of mj most useless 
plate, and have presented it to you, to whom it would have been valu- 
able. I find however that it was sent by Ck>l. Labourne to be re-gilt, 
who values it highly. It is very handsome; the inscription 'A 
Legacy firom the Duke of Buckingham A Normandy to the worthy Mr. 
Shippen.' Its weight 160 oz." 

In her letter of February 5, 1800, she thus spoke of the 
death of General Washington : 

" I am sincerely sorry to hear of the death of General Washington. 
I admired his public, and revered his private Character. I fear that 
America will sustain an irreparable loss in him, as he appeared to pos- 
sess the happy talent of uniting all parties.'' 

On May 20 she wrote her sister : 

" I was very sorry to hear of General Washington's Death ; nobody 
in America could revere his character more than I did." 

On June 14, 1801, Arnold died, and upon his wife the 
burden of settling his estate was cast After ^ving a few 
small legacies, he makes the following devise to his Wife : 

**Iiem, I give Devise and Bequeath to my Beloved Wife, her Heirs, 
Executors and Administrators all my Estate both Eeal and Personal that 
I may die possessed of, after paying my Debts and Legacies as before and 
hereinafter mentioned, for her own use and benefit during her continuing 
a Widow and to be disposed of among all my Children at her Death, as 
she may think proper, not doubting her doing them all equal justice. 
But should she Marry again. Then it is in that case, my Will and 
Pleasure that all my property shall be divided among my Children upon 
her second Marriage, and in that case, I hereby Give, Devise and Be- 
queath all my Estate both Beal and Personal that I may have, or die 
possessed of to my Children to be divided among them in such equal 
proportions as my beloved Wife shall think Just and Proper, considera- 
tion being had to these Sums of Money that they have already received 
and that have been expended upon them for their Education, &c. And 
Consideration being also had to their respective Ages and Situations in 
Life, not doubting that she will do them all equal Justice as she knows it 
is and has always been my intention (as my afiection has been equally 
divided among them) to make an equal provision for them all.'' 



LAft of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 178 

But it was soon found that the claims against Arnold's es-' 
tate were so great as to leave but little after paying his debts. 
On November 5, 1802, she writes, — 

** I have been under the necefleity of parting with mj fumitare, wine, 
and many other comforts provided for me by the indulgent hand of af- 
fection ; and have by these sacrifices paid all ascertained debts, within a 
few hundred pounds, and hope to be enabled to discharge the remainder 
and to pay a part of the l^acies, provided a demand to a large amount, 
made by a Swede for the detention of his Vessel, is not substantiated." 

On January 5, 1803, she wrote : 

''But I am very thankful for the blessings still spared me, and have 
great satisfaction in informing you my dearest Sir, that my exertions in 
the laborious task I have undertaken have been so &r crowned with 
success ; that I have paid every ascertained debt due from the Estate of 
my late lamented husband, within four or five hundred pounds, and 
this I have the means of discharging. I will not attempt to describe to 
you the toil it has been to me ; but may without vanity add, that few 
women could have effected what I have done. And to you, my dear 
Parent am I indebted for the ability to perform what I have done, as 
you bestowed upon me the most useful, and best education that America 
at that time afforded." 

We have mentioned that Margaret Arnold was subject to 
nervous attacks of an hysterical nature when under mental 
excitement, and the scene at West Point is a well-known 
instance of this characteristic. Major Franks said : 

" In truth, she was subject to occasional paroxysms of physical in- 
disposition, attended by nervous debility, during which she would give 
utterance to any thing and every thing on her mind. This was a fact 
well known amongst us of the Gteneral's fiEunily ; so much so as to cause 
us to be scrupulous of what we told her or said within her hearing." 

In later life we find her still subject to such attacks ; in 
her letter of August 14, 1788, she says, — 

'' I have been unwell for two days past, with an extreme headache and 
slight fever, and am still confined to my room. You will perceive that 
my ideas are not very clear." 

In her account of Arnold's duel with Lord Lauderdale 
^he says, — 



174 lAft of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

' '' A variety of circnmBtances combined to make me acquainted with 
the whole transaction ; what I saffered for near a week is not to be de- 
scribed ; the suppression of mj feelings, lest I should unman the (Gen- 
eral, almost at last proved too much for me ; and for some hours, mj 
reason was despaired of." 

On May 20, 1797, she wrote : 

" I informed you, mj dear Sir, that I was then laboring under the effects 
of a violent attack in my head, that had nearly proved fatal ; every pre- 
caution has been used to prevent a return of if 

She wrote on rebruary 6, 1800 : 

"I shall write to my Sister soon ; my head which is too full of blood, 
will not admit of my writing more than one letter at a time." 

On August 16, 1801, she wrote to Edward Burd : 

*' My health is impaired by long anxiety of mind, and loss of rest, 
and my former strength of mind, and energy have entirely forsaken me, 
and indeed I sometimes fear that my reason will give way." 

In the fall of 1801 she wrote : 

''My returning health and serenity of mind will I am sure my be- 
loved friends, be a source of great comfort to you, and would have been 
more so had you witnessed my late sufferings. It would be impossible 
for me to describe them and the more so, as I am convinced my reason 
was affected. I look back with thankfalness for my preservation ; — a 
preservation from worse than death. — ^But indeed death itself had nearly 
been the consequence of the despairing state to which I was reduced ; for 
at one period, when I viewed everything through a felse medium, I &n- 
cied that nothing but the sacrifice of my life would benefit my children, 
for that my wretchedness embittered every moment of their lives ; and 
dreadful to say, I was many times on the point of making the sacrifice. 
Nothing more strongly proves to myself the deprivation of my reason ; 
for situated as they are my life is most valuable to them, as the remainder 
of my days will be devoted to them & their advancement & welfare." 

On June 2, 1802, she wrote : 

" Sometimes I have been in the de&peBt distress, and sometimes in a 
state of irritation not to be described, at present I am neither one or the 
other, but have a total loss of memory, as far as relates to present occur- 
rences. 



Lift of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 175 

"... The Bill to MiaB F. has been reoeiyed. I do not know for 
what porpoee I wished it Bent to me, bat belieye I requested it when I 
did not know very well what I did." 

On July 8, 1803, she wrote : 

" I have been a great sufferer, mj beloved Sister, for the last three 
years, but can thank (jk)d, though laboring under apprehensions for my- 
self, restored to a perfect serenity of mind, and a degree of contentment, 
that some time ago, I thought it impossible for me ever to regain." 

In her forty-fourth year Margaret Arnold had reached 
the critical period of a woman's life, and the changes which 
then took place in her physical system affected her health 
very unfavorably. 

On November 2, 1808, she wrote : 

" There was but little variance in the 'opinion I had already had of the 
mode to be adopted, to if possible, avert the dreaded evil, a Cancer, and 
I have steadily pursued the plan laid down for nearly six months. — ^I 
have lately been much worse, in consequence of a very large tumor 
having formed which broke and discharged an immense quantity. To 
prevent another is now the great object, but I am not much encouraged 
to hope for success.'' 

On May 14, 1804, she wrote her sister : 

"I have been indeed very near death, my dear Sister, and my com- 
plaints are such, as to give me but little hope of long continuing an 
Inhabitant of this world. . . . My only chance is from an internal 
operation, which it is at present dangerous to perform. I trust I bear this 
heavy affliction with great resignation ; and I do not suffer my spirits to 
overcome me." 

On July 6, 1804, Daniel Coxe, whose family had been 
very friendly to her, wrote to Edward Shippen as follows : 

"her complaints have increased, and, I much lament, appear, from 
some late and present attacks, to be coming forward to that crisis, which 
must terminate, sooner or later, the existence of one of the finest women 
I know. This sad reflection, my dear Sir, cannot affect you more as a 
fiither, than it does me, who feel for her all the affections and interest of 
a Father and Friend. . . . Tour daughter now lies on a sick bed, very 
painful and alarming, not able to partake of the least exercise, such is 
the nature of her complaints. I need say no more to a £ftther. I saw 
her this day on her sopha, reclined and looking so ill as to shock me. 
She was not able to write to you or would have done if 



176 Ufe of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

In her last letter dated July 15, 1804, she says, — 

''M7 sitoatioii ifl extremely critical, mj recovery appears greatly to 
depend upon an operation, which hitherto it has been impossible to per- 
form without the most imminent danger of immediately putting a period 
to my life." 

She had passed through many trials, and the end came on 
August 24, 1804. 

We think we may trust to her father's opinion of her, 
written on September 17, 1804, before he knew of her de- 
cease, in answer to the letter of July 5 from Daniel Coxe : 

'' I am unable to express in words my sense of your unparallelled 
kindness and attention to my dear daughter and her fiimily. Tou can 
easily conceive my feelings in reading your friendly and foreboding 
letter. Qod grant some unexpected turn may take place, altho' after 
the Sentiments you express from such good authority, I have scarcely 
room to expect it. I must lay my account upon the worst that can 
happen : my great Ckyn\fort is that her well spent lyfe will secure her a 
happy Existence hereajter,** 

This is not a doting father making excuses for his erring 
daughter; no, it is the statement by the chief justice of 
Pennsylvania of the fact upon which he relied for conso- 
lation. 

Her relatives always loved her, and even as late as 1855 
Sarah Burd by her will directed four diamond rings, each 
of the value of one hundred and fifty dollars, to be pur- 
chased for the children of Mrs. Phipps, who was Margaret 
Arnold's only daughter, << as an expression of kind feeling 
to Mrs. Phipps, and of the love, esteem, and high regard I 
have had for her mother." 

The principal trait of Margaret Shippen's character was 
her loyal nature, which was shown by her intense affection 
for her relatives, and especially for her children. In a letter 
from James Robertson Arnold, written from Malta in 1806 
to his relatives in Philadelphia, he says, — 

" Although a stranger, my heart is with you. Much of the unbounded 
attachment of my lamented Mother for her fiimily was instilled into her 



Lift of Margaret SMpperij W\fe of Benedict AmoUL 177 

children, and there is nothing to which I look forward with more 
pleasure than to being with 70a once again. I do propose to visit 
America a yery few years hence, if after the long period that has elapsed, 
former circumstances are sufficiently obliterated to render it proper." 

The conduct of her children in later years justified all 
the praises that Margaret Arnold had bestowed upon them. 
It seemed as if she had taught them that the only way to 
atone for the fault of their father was for them to lead lives 
of the strictest probity and honor. 

Though Arnold had won her regard as a ^rl, and her 
father (on account of her illness occasioned by his first refusal) 
had given a reluctant consent to her marriage, yet her 
married life was full of sorrow and trouble. There is no 
doubt but that the infamy which was attached to Arnold's 
name filled her with anguish. It is doubtful whether she 
would ever have rejoined him against the wishes of her 
relatives in Philadelphia after the treason had not the decree 
of banishment deprived her of all choice in the matter. 

In later years came the painful discovery that although 
her happiness had been sacrificed for Arnold, yet he had 
not always remained true to her. In a letter dated August 
15, 1801, to Edward Burd, Mrs. Arnold says, — 

'' I sometimes fear that my reason will give way. — ^My sufferings are 
not of the present moment only. — ^Years of unhappiness have past, I 
had cast my lot, complaints were unavailing, and you and my other 
friends are ignorant of the many causes of uneasiness I haye had." 

On July 6, 1803, she said : 

"Report has again all but actually married my dear Sister Lea. . . . 
I think was I bo happily niuaied cu she is, I should be very fearful of risk' 
ing a change,*' 

Another marked trait in the character of Margaret 
Arnold was, that instead of being " extravagant" she was 
prudent and economical. Her letters contain evidences of 
this. For instance, when she wanted to get the cup given 
to William Shippen for her father, her thought was not to 
buy it, but to exchange some of her own plate, which she 
VOL. XXV. — 12 



178 lAfe of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

did not needy for it. In her letter from St Johns, to her 
sister, asking her to purchase various articles for her, Mar- 
garet Arnold speaks like a person accustomed to make 
every penny tell. 

On March 28, 1802, Edward Shippen wrote to her: 

" I am glad 70a have taken a smaller house, A shew such a disposi- 
tion to economise. . . . I never had reason to dutruet your prudence,** 

In speaking of this very matter, Mrs. Arnold ^ves the 
exact figures ; in her letter of January 5, 1803, she says, 
" I stand at an uncommonly low rent; that and the Taxes 
upon the house not exceeding £56 a year." 

But we refer our readers to the correspondence, which 
will be found in the Appendix, as the best means of know- 
ing the excellence of her character. 

CHARaES AGAINST BiRS. ARNOLD. 

"We have given an account of Aaron Burr's insult to 
Mrs. Arnold. Let us now consider what course Burr would 
naturally adopt after he had been repulsed. 

In all ages there have been attempts at seduction, but 
there is one remarkable circumstance connected with un- 
successful attempts, which is that the baffled seducer almost 
invariably accuses the person he has injured of the perpe- 
tration of a crime. The Biblical stories of Joseph and 
Potiphar's wife, and Susannah and the elders, are illustrar 
tions of this well-known trait of human nature. Mr. Henry 
0. Van Schaack, author of the " Life of Peter Van Schaack," 
before referred to, says, in speaking of Burr : 

« We have high authority for saying, that Mrs. Arnold is not the only 
lady whom he (Burr) has slandered because he was repelled, and could 
not accomplish his wicked purposes." 

So that we have not only the probability from human 
nature that Burr would make a fidse accusation against 
Mrs. Arnold, but also the fiict that he did the very thing at 
another time in a similar instance. But let us consider 



lAfe of Moargaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 179 

other incidents in Burr's career, related by his biographers, 
as bearing upon the question whether Burr would or would 
not make a fidse charge against Mrs. Arnold. 

Burr obtained the charter for the Manhattan Bank by 
pretending it was for a water company to supply New York 
city.^ 

As a lawyer he would resort to any pettifogging trick to 
win his case.' 

Washington, distrusting his honesty, refused to Burr ac- 
cess to the Archives of the government* 

Henry Clay was firmly convinced that Burr had deliber- 
ately lied to him when he was employed as Burr's counsel.^ 

In 1806 Burr forged the name of General Dearborn, 
Secretary of War, to a letter setting forth that Burr's 
treasonable schemes would be approved by the President.* 

Furthermore, we can say that the duel with Hamilton 
shows that Burr possessed a vindictive and determined 
spirit; and another incident shows that he cherished the 
passion for revenge to the end of his life. The pre&ce to 
Davis's "Life of Burr" states: "His prejudices against 
General Washington were immovable. They were formed 
in the summer of 1776." And yet over fifty years later 
Burr was only prevented by Davis's peremptory refiisal firom 
inserting in his memoirs passages to detract firom Washing- 
ton's fiune. 

Assuming that Burr would make a Mse accusation 
against Mrs. Arnold, let us consider what it would prob- 
ably be. It was not his object to have a judicial investiga- 
tion with a chance for the accused to prove her innocence. 
•That was the very thing he wished to avoid. The accusa- 
tion, then, must be something which would excite most 
feeling against her and be most easily believed without 
being proved. It was useless to accuse her of highway 
robbery, burglary, or murder. In fact, there was no accusa- 

» Parton, Vol. I. p. 288. « Ibid., p. 147. 

• Ibid., p. 186. * Ibid., Vol. H. p. 71. 

» Ibid., p. 66. 



180 lift of Margaret ShippeUy Wfe of Benedict Arnold. 

tion of crime which did not bear its contradiction on ita 
fiice. It being ridiculous to accuse her of the actual com- 
mission of any crime, the charge must be shifted to com- 
plicity with crime committed by another. This at once 
obviated many difficulties ; for the indignation of an injured 
people was violently excited against Arnold, and to charge 
her with being his accomplice would cause his (Burr's) 
story to be less sharply scrutinized, while the accusation 
would render her most odious to the people. Having de- 
termined to accuse her of complicity with her husband, 
how should the accusation be rendered most plausible. He 
could not say he overheard her plotting treason before 
September 25, 1780, for the reply would be. Why did you 
not inform the authorities ? Thus he would be forced to 
say that Mrs. Arnold afterwards made a confession. As it 
would be equally his duty to inform the authorities of a 
confession while it was possible to punish her, he would be 
compelled to say that the confession was made to a third 
party, who afterwards told him. In order to impose upon 
popular credulity such person must possess certain qualifi- 
cations. Such a person must be a woman in order to ren- 
der the fiwjt of confession more probable. She must be at 
least an acquaintance of Mrs. Arnold, and one who had met 
her after the treason, that there might be time and place for 
a confession. She must be intimately connected with Burr, 
to account for the fact no one else has been informed of the 
alleged confession; and, lastly, she must be dead at the 
time the accusation was made, so that there would be no 
chance of contradiction on her part. There was no person 
to whom the part of having heard a confession from Mrs. • 
Arnold, and afterwards repeating it to Aaron Burr, could 
be more fifly assigned than to Mrs. Prevost, afterwards 
Burr's wife. In order to make the alleged confession as 
damaging as possible and to offiet the effect of any asser- 
tions of her innocence to others, it would be necessary to 
add that Mrs. Arnold ftirther confessed that her distress at 
West Point was only feigned. 



lAft of Margaret ShippeUj Wife of Benedict Arnold. 181 

Such an accusation would be the one above all others 
which Burr would prefer to have believed, for in addition 
to its animus against Margaret Arnold, it would be an 
attack upon both Washington and Hamilton, if they were 
shown to be the dupes of a traitress. It would be the 
strongest charge against Washington's character which 
Davis would permit him to make ; and it would also be an 
attack upon the reputation of Hamilton, the two men 
whom Burr hated above all others. Having a threefold 
motive for a particular accusation, we may rest assured the 
accusation would be made in Burr's craftiest and most 
plausible way. 

As it was not possible after November, 1780, for Burr to 
injure Mrs. Arnold personally j his charge of complicity with 
her husband's treason could only affect her reputation; 
and if he (Burr) did not publicly accuse her until after 
her death, there would be no possibility of a direct denial 
from her. As there was no extraneous evidence to sup- 
port Burr's charge, he was not deprived of any evidence 
by delay; but as death was constantiy removing witnesses 
who might have been able to give testimony in fevor of the 
truth. Burr's accusation became harder to refute the longer 
it was delayed. So that if Burr had a fidse charge to make 
m order to gratify his malice, he would probably delay it 
till aft»r his death, when it would appear in his Memoirs. 
But in order to disseminate the story as widely as possible 
he would tell it to his friends whom he could trust, and 
who would believe him without seeking for further evi- 
dence, thinking that their statements might influence public 
opinion. 

We have shown how Burr could make up a story which 
to this point would be incapable of direct contradiction, even 
though it was utterly false in its most important particulars. 
K Burr could assign a plausible reason why a confession 
should be made, and fill in the minor details of his story 
correctiy, there is no reason why a casual reader would not 
implicitiy receive his account, unless Burr's bad character 



182 lift of Margaret Shippeny Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

in other respects would excite the suspicions of the reader 
and induce an examination of the evidence. 

But if he &ils to ^ve a sufficient motive why the alleged 
confession should be made, or if he asserts that she con- 
fessed to incidents which can be proved not to have hap- 
pened, it is the strongest proof possible to be given that no 
confession was made, and that the whole narrative is merely 
Burr's invention. 

Or if, after having related a story, the greater part of 
which depends solely upon Burr's assertions, he has been 
proved to have fidsified in any particular, his whole story 
should be rejected. 

"We will now give Burr's story as he dictated it to his 
friend, Matthew L. Davis, for the purpose of publication in 
his Memoirs, adding in brackets a few corrections made 
necessary by the numerous errors. We quote from Vol. L 
page 219, of Davis's " Memoirs of Aaron Burr :" 

''In the summer of 1780/' [the only letter was dated August 16, 
1779 j"] **Miyor Andre, of the British army, was in correspondence" 
[one letter does not make correspondence'] ''with Mrs. Arnold, the wife 
of Gtoeral Arnold, under a pretext of supplying her, from the city of 
New York, with Millinery and other trifling articles. On the 28rd of 
September, 1780, Miyor Andre was captored and the treason of the 
general discovered. When this news reached West Point, Mrs. Arnold 
became apparently, almost frantic. Her situation excited the sympathy 
of some of the most distinguished officers in the American Army. Mrs. 
Arnold, haying obtained from General Washington a passport, and per- 
mission to join her husband in the city of New York,'' [she went direct 
to her father in Philadelphia,'] ''left West Point, and on her way stopped 
at the house of Mrs. Prevost, in Paramus, where she stayed one night. 
On her arrival at Paramus the frantic scenes of West Point were re- 
newed, and continued as long as strangers were present. Mrs. Prevost 
was known as the wife" [why not say widow f She was then receiving 
Burr's attentions, and was married to him on April 17th 17818,'] "of a 
British officer, and connected with the royalists. In her therefore, Mrs. 
Arnold could confide." [She had spent one night with Mrs, Prevost on 
her way to West Point. Did she, without any necessity, cor^ess herself 
guilty of a crime the punishment of which was death f] "As soon as 
they were left alone, Mrs. Arnold became tranquilized, and assured Mrs. 
Prevost that she was heartily sick of the theatrics she was exhibiting. 



Life of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 188 

She stated that she had corresponded with the British commander — ** 
\after the lapse qf a century the letters have not been shovm;'] ''that 
she was disgusted with the American Cause and those who had the 
management of public affidrs — and that, through great persuasion and 
unceasing perseverance, she had ultimately brought the general into an 
arrangement to surrender West Point to the British.*' [Arnold began 
the correspondence over a year before he applied for the command of West 
PoirU,'^ "Mrs. Arnold was a gay, accomplished, artful, and extravagant 
woman." \We know she possessed^ the true spirit of wise economy,'] 
''There is no doubt, therefore, that for the purpose of acquiring the 
means of gratifying an inordinate vanity, she contributed greatly to 
the utter ruin of her husband, and thus doomed to everlasting in&my 
and disgrace all the fiune he had acquired as a gallant soldier at the 
sacrifice of his blood. Mrs. Prevost subsequently became the wife oi 
Colonel Burr, and repeated to him these confessions of Mrs. Arnold. 

"The preceding statement is confirmed by the following anecdote. 
Mrs. Arnold was the daughter of Chief Justice Shippen, of Pennsyl- 
vania. She was personally acquainted with Major Andre, and, it is be- 
lieved, corresponded with him previous to her marriage. In the year 
1779-1780, Colonel Bobert Morris resided at Springatsbury, in the 
vicinity of Philadelphia, ac^'oining Bush HOI. Some time previous to 
Arnold's taking command of West Point, he was an applicant for the 
post. On a particular occasion Mrs. Arnold was dining at the house of 
Colonel Morris. After dinner, a friend of the fiunily came in, and con- 
gratulated Mrs. Arnold on a report that her husband was appointed to a 
different, but more honorable command. The information affected her 
so much as to produce hysteric fits. Efforts were made to convince her 
that the general had been selected for a preferable station. These ex- 
planations, however, to the astonishment of all present, produced no 
effect. 

" But after the treason of Arnold was discovered, the fiunily of Colo- 
nel Morris entertained no doubt that Mrs. Arnold was privy to, if not 
the n^tiator for, a surrender of West Point to the British, even before 
the general had charge of the post." [ We have not been able to discover 
any proof that such a statement emanated from Robert Morris or any 
member of his family. But even \f it were true, it would not prove that 
Mrs. Arnold was cognizant of the treason, but would show how unsafe it 
would have been to confide a momentous secret to a woman whose nerves 
were so little under her control,] 

Davifl's " Memoirs of Burr" were published in 1886, fifty- 
six years after the meeting with Margaret Arnold. The 
witnesses of these occurrences were all dead except one, 



184 Uft of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Migor Franks. If the accusation were true, it was greatly 
weakened by the delay, which had deprived it of the corrob- 
orative evidence of impartial observers. But if it was fisdse, 
the delay would render any direct contradiction by witnesses 
impossible with a single exception. Knowing the craftiness 
of Burr's nature, we conclude that he would make the ac- 
cusation at the time most &vorable for his purpose ; and if 
he delayed it until witnesses were dead, it was because their 
testimony would contradict his story. 

We think we have clearly shown that if Aaron Burr had 
determined to make a &lse accusation against Margaret 
Arnold it would necessarily have been in the form in which 
his charge actually appears in his Memoirs. Though its 
form, as well as the time of its appearance, renders it ex- 
tremely probable that the whole narrative is merely a febri- 
cation of Aaron Burr, yet we will consider whether (irre- 
spective of these fitcts) his story bears the impress of truth 
or the marks of Msehood. 

First. Is the alleged motive sufficient to account for a 
confession which might cost Mrs. Arnold her life ? It was, 
after three days' assertion of her innocence, << That she was 
heartily sick of the theatrics she was exhibiting." As 
Washington, Hamilton, Lafayette, and other officers believed 
her innocent, it was not necessary to continue any " the- 
atrics." Silence was all that was required. Even if she 
had been guilty of treason, she would not have gratuitously 
invited Mrs. Prevost's contempt by an exhibition of such 
bare&ced duplicity as Burr relates. As Mrs. Arnold's pre- 
vious intercourse with Mrs. Prevost was limited to the one 
night Mrs. Arnold spent at Paramus on her way to West 
Point, her acqucuntance could not have been intimate 
enough to lead us to believe that she would confess the 
secret on which her life depended. No, we cannot believe 
Burr's story that Washington, Lafayette, Hamilton, and the 
physician, Dr. Eustis, were all deceived by a clever piece of 
acting by a woman just entering her twenty-first year, but 
who was well known to them. We want a man with greater 



life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 185 

veracity than Aaron Burr to induce us to believe that Mar- 
garet Arnold had " corresponded" with the British com- 
mander for two years without betraying herself, and would 
then without any necessity risk not only her own life but 
also that of her only child to tell it to the first woman she 
met on her journey. 

Second. In Burr's charge it is said, " She stated she had 
corresponded with the British Commander/' After the 
lapse of over a century, neither the letters nor references to 
them have been discovered; so that statement may be set 
down as false. But being in Burr's account, it would show 
that there was no confession, but merely a fitbrication on 
the part of Burr. 

Tldrd. Burr makes assertions which are not true. For 
example : " In the summer of 1780, Mtgor Andre, of the 
British army, was in correspondence with Mrs. Arnold." 
One letter does not make a " correspondence." The only 
letter that passed between Mrs. Arnold and Andr6 was the 
letter of Andr6 dated August 16, 1779. 

"Mrs. Arnold became apparently, almost frantic." As 
Washington, Hamilton, Lafayette, Varick, Major Franks, 
and Dr. Eustis were convinced that Mrs. Arnold was hys- 
terical. Burr's statement to the contrary is unworthy of 
belief. 

Without giving any reason for the change, another biog- 
rapher of Burr has told this story with tie very material 
variation of making Burr an auditor of this pretended con- 
fession of Mrs. Arnold. 

Perhaps it was only intended to make Burr's story more 
direct and conclusive by this violation of the ethics of histori- 
cal composition, but by so doing Mr. Parton has committed 
the blunder of making a statement which cannot be true un- 
less Burr was an accessory after the fact to the treason at 
West Point 

In the first volume of Parton's " Life of Burr," edition of 
1864, page 125, Parton's version of Burr's charge is thus 
stated: 



186 lift of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

'' In September, it was Colonel Blur's fortune to witness at the house 
of Mis. Prevost a memorable scene. 

'' The news of Arnold's treason was flying in awful whispers over the 
country. Soon after the first shock of the discovery, came touching 
descriptions of Mrs. Arnold's grief at her husband's crime, of which, it 
was universally believed, she had been ignorant up to the moment of his 
flight from West Point The historic reader is fimiiliar with Hamilton's 
high-flown narrative of the scene which transpired under his own eyes." 
[He then quotes from Hamilton's letter describing the condition of Mrs. 
Arnold after the discovery of the treason and continues :] 

'* This was the romantic fedsehood of the affiur. It was fitted to de- 
ceive the good-hearted Hamilton, who was then himself a lover, and 
therefore fhll of tenderness for all women ; and the story was one which 
a young gentleman of a rhetorical turn, and who indeed owed his ad- 
vancement to 'the flowers of his pen,' would delight to telL It fell to 
Burr's lot to become acquainted with the repulsive truth. He was sit- 
ting one evening with Mrs. Prevost, when the approach of a party of 
horse was heard, and soon after, a lady vailed, and attired in a riding 
habit, burst into the room, and hurrying toward Mis. Prevost, was 
on the point of addressing her. Seeing a gentleman present whom, in 
the dim light of the apartment, she did not recognize, she paused, and 
asked in an anxious tone, 'Am I safe? Is this gentleman a firiend?' 
'Oh, yes,' was Mrs. Prevoet's reply, 'he is my most particular firiend. 
Colonel Burr.' ' Thank Qod V exclaimed Mrs. Arnold, for she it was ; 
'I've been playing the hypocrite, and I'm tired of it' She then gave 
an account of the way she had deceived General Washington, Colonel 
Hamilton, and the other American officers, who, she said, believed her 
innocent of the treason, and had given her an escort of horse firom West 
Point She made no scruple of confessing the part she had borne in the 
negotiations with the British general, and declared it was she who had 
induced her husband to do what he had done. She passed the night at 
Paramus, taking care to resume her acting of the outraged and firantic 
woman, whenever strangers were present Colonel Burr's relations with 
the Shippen fiunily, of which Mrs. Arnold was a member, had been of 
the most intimate character from childhood." [Aaron Burr wa» bom 
February 6, 1766 ; was taken to Philadelphia in 1760, and in 1761 was 
removed to Stoelbridge, Massachusetta. We haive no aocoutU that Burr met 
any of the Shippen family between 1761 and the meeting at Paramue,'] 
"They had been his fiither's fiiends ; and the orphan boy had been taken 
from his mother' s grave to their home in Philadelphia. He stood towards 
this fascinating, &lse-hearted woman almost in the light of a younger 
brother," \he was four years, four months, and five days older,"] "and he 
kept her secret until she was past being harmed by the telling of it" 



lAft of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 187 

Past being harmed by the telling of it ? Is it no harm 
"Thus for to blot the honor of the dead?" The reader 
will notice the contradictions in important particulars in 
Burr's statements, as given by his two biographers. "We 
know of no surer test of truth to apply to these narratives 
than one made use of over eighteen hundred years ago, 
when, on a certain important trial, the falsity of the testi- 
mony was fiilly expressed by the words, " but their witness 
agreed not together/' 

But laying aside all these inconsistencies in the narrative, 
and assuming that all the circumstances related extraneous 
to the alleged conversation were uncontradicted, what force 
would Burr's story have in such case ? 

It is a characteristic of human nature to conceal one's 
own wrong-doing for fear of punishment or loss of reputar 
tion. When, therefore, we hear of a voluntary confession 
of a crime, we either doubt the story or assume that a 
motive sufficiently strong to overcome the fear of punish- 
ment exists. A true repentance and remorse for crime has 
thus operated, and often when a criminal is confronted with 
some of the proofs of guilt he confesses all in the hope of 
making his punishment lighter. But where there is no 
repentance for the wrong done, no danger of discovery and 
punishment apparent to the criminal, and no sufficient 
motive shown, we assert that no instance in history of such 
a confession can be exhibited. But there is no reason even 
alleged why Margaret Arnold should volunteer the infor- 
mation that she was guilty of conduct punishable with 
death. She well knew the consequences, for the execution 
of Boberts and Carlisle had impressed even the most care- 
less. 

We think the reader will agree with us that Burr's narra- 
tive by itself is so unworthy of belief as to be worthless as 
evidence. And when we come to this conclusion as to this 
particular alleged confession, we only determine from reason 
what the people of the United States have seen fit to declare 
is the trtie worth of all such confessions. 



188 LAft of Margaret Shipperiy W^e of Benedict Arnold. 

For in Article HL, Section 8, of the Conetitntion of the 
United States, it is provided that, ^^ Ifo person shall be con- 
victed of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses 
to the same overt act, or on confession in open court" 

If such is the general rule as to confessions, even where 
the character of tiie witness for truth and veracity is unim- 
peached, surely no credit should be given to the statements 
of a man notoriously untruthful, and who has in addition 
a secret spite against the person he accuses. 

But we can only see how utterly worthless this so-called 
testimony of Burr is by a comparison with what would be 
required to sustain a conviction for treason. We have seen 
that confession out of court is worthless. If Mrs. Prevost 
had been a witness of an overt act and had afterwards in- 
formed Aaron Burr, his testimony to that fiwt would only 
be hearsay and inadmissible. If Mrs. Prevost herself had 
testified to the commission of an overt act, it would be in- 
sufficient, because two witnesses are required. No matter 
what the evidence is, a conviction cannot be sustained unless 
the charge is made within three years of the commission of 
the treason. This is because the difficulty of proving any- 
thing increases so greatiy with the lapse of time that the 
law does not consider it Mr that a man should be called 
upon to defend himself from such a charge after three years. 
What, then, shall we think of a charge made fifty-six years 
after the event? 

We have said that another way Burr might seek to injure 
Mrs. Arnold was for him to repeat his story to his friends, 
and if preserved in any diaries, these statements would seem 
corroborative of his story. But if shown to ori^Jiate from 
Burr, the corroboration would be only apparent, not real. 
It would only be to the fact that Burr had said these things, 
not that they were true. 

In Stone's " Life of Brant,'' Vol. IL page 101, it is said : 

''The author has long been aware, through confidential Mends of the 
late Col. Borr, that Mrs. Arnold was only acting a part when she exhib- 
ited her distress." 



Life of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 189 

In Vol. L page 746, of " New York in the Revolution," 
by Thomas Jones, it is said : 

''the writer can state, that he was informed by his pasonal Mend, 
the late Richard Varick De Witt of Albany, one of the most upright of 
men — that Col. Varick, Arnold's aid, told him, that at first he believed 
Mrs. Arnold's conduct on the discovery of the plot was the genuine result 
of her innocence of her husband's treachery, but that subsequently he 
was satisfied that it was nothing but a piece of splendid acting." 

Assuming that this report of conversation is precisely cor- 
rect, it only proves that Varick was convinced of Mrs. 
Arnold's innocence as &r as her conduct came under his 
own observation; but svbsequjently he altered his opinion 
from something he afterwards heard. 

We have no doubt but that Richard Varick was one of 
the persons to whom Burr told his story subsequently y and 
that the change in his opinion was due to Burr's artfully 
told falsehood. As Varick was one of Arnold's iddes. Burr 
would, of course, try to convince Mm that his first impression 
was incorrect; and as we know the threefold motive of 
Burr to try to induce Varick to change his view, we cannot 
doubt but that Burr would use every effort, nor need we be 
surprised if Burr were sybsequenAy successful. 

But after all a falsehood did not become the truth, no 
matter how many times Burr repeated it to his confidential 
fiiends, and these frequent repetitions only prove how 
venomously Burr hated Mrs. Arnold, "Washington, and 
Hamilton. 

When writers like Leake in the " Life of Lamb" and 
Stone in the ^^ Life of Brant" speak of Mrs. Arnold as a 
traitress on the authority of Aaron Burr, it is only Burr's 
falsehood which these writers have repeated without giving 
the subject an examination. 

We have found no writer who attidns to the dignity of an 
historian who, after consideration of the evidence on both 
sides, has come to the conclusion that Mrs. Arnold was 
guilty. 

Li this connection we desire to quote the words of Miyor 



190 lAft of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Franks when he heard of the charge made in << Burr's 
Memoirs/' He was the only man living when the accusation 
was publicly made who could, from his own knowledge, 
testify to the occurrences at West Point in 1780. His char- 
acterization of Burr's story is that it was " False ! utterly 
False!" 

To recapitulate, we conclude that the accusation of Burr 
is fiEdse, because 

First He had a motive to make such an accusation. 

Second. Burr would not hesitate at falsehood. 

Third. His accusation is precisely the one which he would 
make if he intended to accuse her falsely. 

Fourth. "We have documentary evidence that portions of 
Burr's statement are not true. 

Fifth. The public accusation was delayed until every wit- 
ness but one was dead. That witness pronounced the charge 
False! utterly False I 

Sixth. Burr's accusation is in the form looked upon with 
such peculiar dis&vor by the law as apt to be false, that 
even tiie Constitution of the United States prevents a con- 
viction for treason upon such testimony as Burr gives, no 
matter how truthfiil the witnesses may be. 

(To be oontinaed.) 



Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey^ of Perma. 191 



IIBMOIES OP BRIGADIBE GENERAL JOHN LACEY, 
OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

(Continaed from page 18.) 

Before I commence my narrative at New York, it will 
be proper to recite the proceedings of the Monthly meeting 
of Quakers to which by birthright I belonged. After being 
visited by several Committes, and finding me inflexable a 
few days before my march from Bucks County, I rec'd a 
Pi^er, containing the following Order and extract from 
their Minutes. 

Whereas John Lacey Ju' hath had his birth and educa- 
tion amongst Friends ; but hath so fax diviated from the 
principles of Friends as to learn the art of War; and 
having been treated with on that account, but not coming 
to a sence of this error, we give forth this our Testimony 
against such practices and can have no further Unity with 
him as a Member of our Society untill he comes to a sence 
of his Misconduct, and condems the same to the satisfaction 
of Friends, which he may do is our desire for him. 

(signed) Joseph Chapman, Clerk 

All my officers as well as myself being total strangers in 
New York, were at a loss to act, no provision having been 
made for our reception, we were left to make the best shift 
among total strangers we could. The Commanding officer, 
called the Town M%jor, however placed us in empty Houses, 
deserted by their former owners in fear of the approach of 
the Enemy who were soon expected. In Broadway I ap- 
pointed Ensign John Beatty, Quartermaster, having no duty 
assigned us I order every Gun to be repaired & put in the 
best order. On the 18*^ of April Cap' Robinson's Company 
joined us & on the 14*^ we were ordered to encamp on Long 



192 Memoirs of Brigadier-Gfeneral John Laeey^ of Perma. 

Island uDder M%jor Housiker who had also arrived^ we en- 
camped in Tents on the North end of the Island. A few 
days after Cap* More's Company arrived unarmed^ and Cap* 
Churches armed with Biffles, which according to the promise 
of Col. Wayne ought to have heen in the hands of my Com- 
pany. When Col. Wayne gave me recruiting orders, he 
told me to procure as many Riffles in Bucks County as I 
could, to he paid for by the Public on my joining the Regi- 
ment, and that if I procured more than any of the other 
Captains, my Company should be the Riffle Company, as 
he intended one of the Companies of his Regiment should 
be armed with Riffles. I procured upwards of twenty. 
None of the other Companies a single one. The Colo* for- 
geting his promise, on our arrival at Chester, the Riffles were 
taken from my People and given to Capt Churches, A my 
men armed with Muskets. I had used more industery to 
Cloth my men than any of the other Captains, their Regi- 
mentals were made in Philada. by the Taylors there mine 
at Darby by my own Men & others at that place under my 
own direction, and of Cloth I had procured myself, by 
which means My Company was Clothed several Weeks be- 
fore any of the other Companies, and thus enabled to go on to 
New York so long before the others were ready to March. 
Our Re^mental Coats were Deep blew faced with white, 
white Vests & Overalls edged with blew Cloth. A very 
beautiful uniform, but on experience was found much better 
adapted for parade than utility in the hardfihips of a Camp, 
as they too easily became soiled, and hard to clean. 

On the 27*** of April Colo' Anth' Wayne came to New 
York, I did not see him. Mtgor Housiker informed me 
the Colo* ordered him to send me immediately to Darby to 
pay the Board of my men, handing me a letter from Colo* 
Johnston our Lieu* Colo* in these words — " immediately to 
return to Darby & settle and pay for the Men's board, I had 
neglected before I left that place, or my Character, which 
had already suffered would sustain much damage.'' I in- 
stantly left the Camp, hastened to Darby, satisfied the People 



Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Penna. 198 

the blame lay with Colo' Wayne, that he had forfeited his 
word with me, and that he was the cause of the Men being 
Quartered on them, as well as their not being paid. They 
were satisfyed and acknowledged me to be innosent but re- 
fused to take the money allowed by Act of Congress. I 
made Application to the Committee of Safety, stated my 
predicament, they ordered a further allowance, and I effected 
a satis&ctory settlement, payed them off and returned to 
long Island, which I reached on the 11*** of May. Five of 
the Companies were still there, with Lieut Colo* Johnston 
A M%jor Housiker — ^Robinsons, mine A Churches were gone 
to Canada with Colo* Wayne. He had taken his Pett Cap* 
Moore with him to Command my Company, leaving his 
Unarmed, with the other four Companies to follow as soon 
as they procure arms. Colo* Johnston informed me Colo* 
Wayne had left orders that I was to take charge of Moors 
Company untill we overtook them. Agreeably to this 
arbitrary mandate I remained here to the 22"^ during which 
My mind was continually harrowed up to the highest pitch 
of Mortification, by repeated accounts from Albany that 
my Company was deserting, that they had refused to March 
under Cap* Moore, that numbers under Guard A twenty 
absent at one time, of which I informed Colo* Johnston, 
who consulted with Gen. Green, then Commanding officer 
on long Island. He directed him to send me after my 
Company, gave me a letter to Colo* Wayne stating the 
reasons for his sending me, and that it was by order of Gkn* 
Green. No time was lost, having no baggage to get ready 
or to incommode me, my Chest A Cloths were gone on with 
the Comp^ taken by Lieut Smith. Lnbarked in a Vessel at 
New York for Albany, with Lieut* Alexander A McClintie, 
Ensign Vamum A Doct' Mouse, mate to our Regiment; 
Alexander, McClintie A Vamum, belonged to Robinson A 
Church's Companies, had been left behind when these Com- 
panies marched from long Island. Altho we made use of 
every effort, by land and water we did not come up with 
the Troops untill the 80***, who lay about half way between 
VOL. XXV. — 13 



194 Memoirs of Briffodier-Chneral John Lacej/y of Penna. 

Crown Point & Sent Johns, encamped on the west side of 
lake Champlain. After we came to Albany we marched to 
Port Gteorge at the southerly end of the lake of the same 
name, crossed that lake in batteans, taking my torn at the 
Oars, hour about, passed a landing place of about a mile 
and a half to Lake Champlain, continued our course in the 
same kind of Vessel down that lake with a Company of 
Indians from Ticonderoga, by Crown point The wind 
being a Head the last day the Troops under Gen' Sullivan 
going to Reinforce Gen' Thompson & Arnold in Canada, 
did not venture out, but lay encamped on the shore, by 
which means, we overhalled them. I waited on Colo' 
Wayne, gave him Johnston's Letter, and related the cause 
of my following the Company A refered him to the letter 
from Colo' Johnston. Next morning, May 81'*, there was 
a fine & fidr wind down the Lake, orders were given for the 
Troops to embark. On the beat of the General the Tents 
were instantly struck, and the Troops hurryed into the 
Batteaus. I was invited by Colo' Wayne to take a passage 
in his boat. 

The Boats were soon under way. Prom the best calcu- 
lation I could make, there were about two Hundred Ves- 
sels, Tents were hoisted for sales. Col' Waynes Division 
leading the Van, the whole made a most formidable and 
beautifrd appearance— I presume, something like the Gretion 
Fleet going to the Seage of Troy — ^having a brisk and fair 
wind went rapidly on, but did not reach sent Johns till after 
dark, having saled upward of Eighty miles. Next Day 
being the first of June, it rained very hard ; lay in our 
Tents all day, the rain continued all night and untill ten 
o'clock next Morning, and the ground we encamped on 
being leavil retained the water, we all had got a good soak- 
ing. The return of the Sun was a welcome Priend — our 
Camp was on the low Ground near Port sent Johns, about 
sixteen miles below the Isle aux Noix at the head, or what 
is called the enterence of the River Sorell. At S* Johns 
the Current of the water is strong but not rapid, it gradu- 



Memoirs of Brigadier-Greneral John Lo/cey^ of Penncu 195 

ally increas untill it arives to the head of the Bapids, about 
three miles below, from whence to Chamblee about the 
same distance it is a swift rapid, meeting a west branch of 
nearly the same seize, when the water becomes almost sta- 
tionary, admitting large Yes^ls to sail up and down the 
sent Lawrence Biver. On the third the Troops marched by 
land to Chamblee about six miles, excepting a few to Man 
the Boats. I went in one of them, down the Bapids to 
Chamblee ; we had a very swift Passage, and the good for- 
tune to have none of the Boats cast away, as is sometimes 
the case on striking the Bocks when they are stove to 
pieces. On our arival at Chamblee, the Troops re-entered 
the Batteaus, and reached the Mouth or Junction of that 
Biver with the 8* Lawrence in the evening. Encamped on 
a beautiful level k sandy piece of Ground on the south east 
fork of these Bivers in froont of the sent Lawrence. 

On the second of June while the Troops lay at sent 
Johns I rec* the following note from CoP "Wayne— 

"Sent Johkb 2»* June 1776. 
" Its Colo' Wayne's Orders that Captain Moore continues 
to Command Capt Lacey's Company untill such time as 
Ci^t Moores arives. The Colonel at the same time disap- 
proves of Capt Lacey's Conduct in proceeding without Cap* 
Moores People which was Contreary to Orders, yet he will 
pass it over with impunity as he is Contious that Capt 
Lacey was only anxious to be at the field of Action, and did 
not intentionally disobey Commands — ^he therefore requests 
Capt Lacey to Act as a Volunteer Continuing his Bank 
untill the arival of Cap* Moores Company. 

"Anth^ Wayne, 
''CoV 4f^ Fenn^ RegV 

This was a Thunder Bolt, I had not foreseen nor expected, 
therefore taken by surprise, an Electricity that Vibrated 
through every nerve. Litirely among strangers, not a Con- 
fident, or a friend to consult with, Lieut Smith k Ensign 



196 Memoirs of BrigacUer-Gfeneral John Lacey^ of Pmna. 

Beaty were already so Humbled by Colo* Wayne's tyranical 
and Haughty Treatment, were Completely Silenced. I had 
not an advocate, nor even a single Person who even semed 
inclined to advise me what to do. I resolved to wait on the 
Colo^ to know his reasons for this Order; his answer was — 
" It was his Orders A they should be obeyed." I reminded 
him that I had Lieut Colo' Johnston's Orders to Follow my 
Company, and that he had first consulted with Gten\ Green, 
who advised him to send me, and that my motives were 
pure and laudable, and my conduct excited by the best in- 
tentions. That, being an elder Capt. to Moore, to have my 
Comp^ given him in my presence, to act as a mere Volun- 
teer, without any Command, or indeed to be commanded 
myself by a Junior officer — ^having committed no offences, 
and contious of having committed no breach of Orders, 
was uigust. That if titere was blame it lay with Lieut. 
Colo' Johnston, without his permition I should not have 
followed the Company, and that I could not conceive my 
conduct any way reprehensible believing my motives most 
concienciously to be innocent I looked upon myself highly 
degraded and injured, and beged the Colo' to reconsider his 
Order ; that if I was guilty of a breach of Orders, I ought 
in Justice to be first convicted before I was so severely 
punished. All I could say had no avail the Colo' was 
inflexable. 

However a Man may cloth himself with Tyroney, and 
lord it over others, a secret sting will still rest on his con- 
tience, and his mind must condemn his Conduct Sensible 
of this Feeling the Colo'* mind condemned his actions, and 
to smooth it over invited me to a Dinner he had ordered in 
the vicinity of the Camp, by sending me the following note. 

Colo' Wayne's best Compliments waits on Capt* Lacey, 
begs the favour of his dining with him on a Boasted Pig at 
2*Clk this afternoon by the edge of the woods. 
To Capt. Laoky, 
Present 



Memoirs of BrigaSer-Ghneral John Laoey, of Penna. 197 

I thought it most advisable to accept the Colo^ invitation ; 
the Pig was well Cooked and very nice ; but I felt such a 
load of Degradation, of injured innocence, of the purest 
Motives of Patriotism, such a deadly blow to all my future 
hopes of Comfort or preferment under such an Absolute, 
such a Tyrent and Partial Commander, I had no appetite, 
nor could I eradicate the Ponderous load that hung upon 
my mind, dejection and dispidr was evidently visible in my 
Countenance. Having embarked at the resk of my Life to 
oppose a foreign Tyrent, and, then meeting an implacable 
one at Home, my mind was inextricably enthralled. 

On our arrival at the Mouth of the Sorrell Biver, I waited 
on Gen* Sullivan, who had gone there before us. Show* 
Colo* Wayne's Order. He gave me fiair promises, and 
assured me he would settle all differences between the 
Colo* and me, and he would see I had Justice done me. On 
the next Day the 5*** of June the Gen* sent for me and or- 
dered me express with letters to Gkn* Arnold at Montreall. 
A Post Chais or rather a common Chair without a Top — 
what they call in Canada a Callash — stood at the Door of 
the General's quarters. The letters were handed me by one 
of the Gen** Aids, with some hard money to pay the drivers 
at the end of each stage, and gave me verbal instructions 
how to proceed. I instantly jumped into the Carriall, to 
which was Geered a small Chunk of a Horse ; the Coach- 
man drove off in ftiU speed up the East side of the Sorrell 
River. We left Head Quarters about four *clock, and after 
two changes arived within six miles of Chamblee, having 
travelled all night. Crossed the river in a boat, persuid my 
course on foot to Lapraree and came to Montreall about 
twelve o clock, delivered my letters to Gen* Arnold, with 
whome I dined. In passing up the River Sorrell I had an 
agreeable and fine prospect of the lycasent Country. On 
the margen of the River and as fitr back into the Country 
as I could see the soil appeared to be of a Sandy loome & 
very Fertile, the banks and for some distance as far as I 
could see the land lay a considerable bight above the Water 



198 Memoirs of Brigadier-Ghieral John Lacej/y of Permou 

in the River, but very level. Some of my Drivers could 
speak English, who informed me that back from the river 
their were a great body of swamp and Marshy Ground, and 
the Country uninhabited ; along the bank and Margen of 
the River, the Villages seme to unite with each other, so 
that it might almost be ssdd to be a string of Villages from 
the Chamblee to the mouth or Junction of the Sorrell with 
the St Lawrence. 

At every Cross Road or vicinity of a Church, of which 
there appeared not a few, — ^to each was erected a Cross or 
Crusifix atteached to a large post fixed in the ground ; as 
we passed each my driver never failed to pull off his Hat, 
and make a low bow as he sat in our Carryall, turning his 
Face toward it, muttering at the same time a few words in 
French, I did not understand. I could not help reflecting 
on the Prejudice of Education on seeing these poor and 
ignorent Canadians so adroit in their devotion to these 
inanimate Posts of "Wood. 

About four o^clock the same day, June 6"*, I received 
other Letters from Gen' Arnold to Gen' Sullivan at the 
Sorrell. The Q^n' ordered five men to accompany me, in a 
large Connoe. We hoisted a Blanket for a sail, having a 
fine fair A easy Wind down the River, untiU we came to 
Lapraree, where we ware overtaken by a Squall of Wind k 
Rain. Steared for the shore, expecting every moment to 
be oversat, the waves runing like littie Mountains. We 
were afraid to take down our sail, kep nearly before the 
Wind so as to make the first land in our course. Luckely 
we maid out to reach the land, but the instant our Connoe 
struck she sunk, fortunately for us the Water being shole 
we reeched the shore in safety. Being thus cast away on 
an Enemies Country, concieved it unsafe to apply to the 
Lihabitants for assistance, as none of us could speak a word 
of French, even if they were disposed to assist us, we could 
not make them understand what we wanted. Providentially, 
however, we discovered a Battau on the shore near the place 
where we landed, which we suppose had been either found 



Memoirs of Brigadier-Ghneral John Laceyy of Perma. 199 

adrift or stolen by the Inhabitants and drawn out of the 
Water; it proved to be a good one with four Ores in it. 
After considerable efforts we lanched her into the River; 
the wind and storm abating, got her under way, altho the 
Waves were still in tremendious adjitation, and our new 
Vessel very leaky, continued our course down the River all 
night. In the morning the Wind shifted ; being ahead we 
had hard roing. Having no Provision with us we landed 
on one of the Islands, of which the S^ Laurence abounds, 
got plenty of Bread and Milk of one of the Inhabitants, 
whome I offered Paper Money, but the Mistress of the 
House— the man not appearing — refused to take it, saying 
No Bom^ I then paid her in Specie, when she seemed to 
be quite overjoyed, brought us more bread & Milk, and 
as well as she could invited us to Eat. We reentered 
our Boat and after hard rowing reached the Mouth of 
the Sorrell River about 10 o'Clock and delivered my 
letters to Gen* Sullivan — ^having started precisely at 4 
o'clock P.M. on the 6*** went to Montreall, — said to be 46 
miles by Water, but more by land— delivered dispatches to 
Gen' Arnold, received other from him and returned to Sul- 
livan's Head Quarters, at the Mouth of the Sorrell, and de- 
livered despatches from Q^n* Arnold to Getf Sullivan by 10 
•Clk A.M. of the 7**", having performed the Toor in less 
than 2 Days. Travelled on foot from River Sorrel near 
Chamblee to lapraree opposite Montreall on the south side 
of the River S^ Laurence about 15 miles — ^the Road from 
the Sorrell to Lapraree was tolerably good, but swampy, was 
Coswaid in many places — ^here and there a habitation and 
improvement — ^the People appearing to live very poor — ^the 
Land level and broken by reason of the swamps, those parts 
laying above the Water appeared fertile & very I^atural to 
Grass, and producing Strawberries in abundance. On my 
arrival at the Sorrell I found the Pennsy* Troops had gone 
down the S* Laurence, left this place the day before to rein- 
force Gen* Thompson A Colo* St. Clear, opposite the three 
Rivers, where the Enemy from Quebec had landed and 



200 Manoirs of Brigadier-Qeneral John Lacej/y of Perma. 

erected fortifications. Gterf Sullivan rec* me very Cordially, 
commended me for the expedition I had made, and advised 
me to stay with him, that in a few days he should join the 
Armey below or they would return, when he would have the 
matter with Colo* "Wayne adjusted. I accepted his advice, 
and was determined not to Join Colo* Wayne again, untill 
something more satisfieu^ry took place between us. 

June 8***, last night Gen' Sullivan rec* a letter from Gen 
Thompson advising him, that he proposed to attack the 
Enemy at the three Rivers by surprise, with his whole body 
this Morning. The river at this place was very wide, called 
lake sent Peters. The Armey was to cross over in Bat- 
teaus, land above the three Bivers and attack the Enemy at 
Daylight — ^Early in the Morning we heard firing down the 
Biver, which we supposed to be the attack on the Enemy 
according to Q^n* Thompson's Letter. It was however, 
broaken and at intervils not like a General charge. We 
waited all this day in suspence without a word of inteligence 
from the Armey. On the morning of the 9**" we again heard 
the report of Cannon, tho singly, & soon discontinued. About 
10 •'Clk A.M. the Batteaus of the Armey came in sight. 
In great anxiety we all hastned to the edge of the Biver to 
meet the Batteaus, but was sadly mortifyed to find Our 
Armey had been defeated. That the Batteaus which trans- 
ported over the Armey being cut off by the E"*^ from the 
Troops who lost their way came up by detachment to the 
Enemies batteries, were driven back, finding the Enemy in 
Possession of the place where the Batteaus were left, took 
to the "Woods and Swamps. Major Woods who was left in 
Command of the Batteaus and Baggage, found himself cut 
off from the American Armey and discovering two of the 
Enemies Frigates under way ordered the Batteaus to push 
up the Biver. Having proceeded some distance & night 
coming on he halted with an expectation to meet with our 
Armey, on their retreat where he remained till morning. 
The Ships of War Major Wood discovered under way the 
Day before, had entered lake S* Peters, nearly abreast of 



Memoirs of Brigadier-Gkneral John JLacey^ of Penna. 201 

the BatteauB — ^finding himself in this precarious situation 
he ordered those in the Batteaus to proceed directly with 
them to the Mouth of the Sorrell — about 45 miles — with 
all possible dispatch, thus abandening the Armey, to make 
the best of their way, through horrid Swamps, up the 
North side of the River. 

On the 10** by Order of Gten* Sullivan crossed the Eiver 
S* Lawrence to the North side with a Scout of Ten Biffler 
men & Lieu* Bead, to proceed down the S* Lawrence untill 
we met the Betreating Armey. Proceeded through most 
Horrid Swamps, were almost devoured by Muskeetoes of a 
Monsterous seize and innumerable numbers, came into a 
very indifferent and Swampy Boad, not meeting with a 
single habitation, which we followed untill after Dark, when 
we luckely fell in with the leading detachment under Cap* 
Smith of the 6*** Pennsy* Be^ment, with whome we re- 
turned leaving two of our men to direct those in the Bear 
the Bout to the mouth of the Sorrell. The troops being so 
scattered, they did not arrive untill the latter part or even- 
ing of the next Day. On the 12*** of June, threw up a 
Breast Work of Sand in front of our encampment. Keeping 
a look out for the Enemy, who were duly waiting for a fidr 
wind to their heavy Vessels up the Bapids into lake St. 
Peters, the only obstruction in their way here, and even up 
to Montreall. On the IS** a Flag arrived from Gten* Carlton 
with letters from Gen* Thompson & Colo* Ervine of the 6*** 
Penny* Begiment, who were taken Prisoners, advising they 
were used well by Gten* Carlton. According to Beport our 
loss was upward of three hundred missing, as very few 
were either killed or wounded at the three Bivers — ^it was 
presumed they were generally taken Prisoners. It appeared 
17 were missing from my Com^ who according to Lieut. 
Smiths ace* must all be Prisoners as the Comp^ never came 
in reach of the Enemies Muskets, and that the Yallient 
Cap* Moore ran at the first fire of the Enemies Cannon, 
without returning a shot, being at too great a distance for 
the fire of Muskets to do any execution. On the night of 



202 Memoirs of BrigcuUer-Ghneral John Lace^j of Penna. 

the 13*** a Council of War was held at Gten* Sullivans Head 
Quarters, at which it was decided that it was advisable for 
the whole of the American Armey to evacuate Canada, 
and to consentor and make a stand at Ticonderoga. On the 
morning of the Fourteenth orders were given to retreat. 
The Baggage and stores of the Armey were hurryed into 
the Batteaus, and the whole proceeded up the Biver towards 
Chamblee. The wind light or contrary we did not reach 
the place untill the 16*** altho. no halt was made by Day or 
night The Armey marched by land keeping about three 
miles behind the Fleet of Batteaus — ^when we came to 
Chamblee, a number of Canadien Carts were procured, 
some drawn by Horses & some by Men, the Baggage and 
many of the Batteaus were hauled up to a place called point 
dispare at the Head of the Bapids, about three miles, where 
the Boats were unloaded, and again lanched into their 
proper Eliment — some of the Batteaus were drawn up the 
Bapids with long Ropes, the men drawing on the shore, 
some in the Vessel with long poles to keep it in Deep Water, 
the Men often up to their armpits in Water. I continued 
with the Boats in all the Bussel, which never seased all 
night and continued two Days. From point dispair we had 
to stem a heavy Current, tho not swift about three Miles to 
S* Johns. We were several times alarmed by a report of 
the approach of the Enemy, which turned out on our good 
Fortune to be Falls alarms. About 4 •Clock on the afternoon 
of the 17*** left St Johns in a Batteau for the fele Aux Noix 
with Ensigne Vamum and Doc** Mouse, with about 25 sol- 
diers to row the Batteau, being very heavy laden with Can- 
non Ball, and other Baggage, did not reach that Island 
until next Morning almost weried to Death— the men began 
to Sicken very fast. On the 19*** the remainder of the 
Armey came in Batteaus & landed on the Island — ^as the 
rear of the Armey left Sant Johns the Enemies Van ap- 
peared. On the 20*** the greater part of our Batteaus with two 
Thousand sick & Invaleeds left this Island for Crown Point 
— ^among them were Lieu* Smith and Ensign Beaty. The 



Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey^ of Penna. 208 

Batteaos heavy loaded with stores k Baggage. I chose to 
remain still having good health — ^the Batteaos were to re- 
turn for the remainder of the Armey, as they could not all 
go, not having a sufficient number to transport them and 
the Baggage k Stores of the Armey at the same time. "We 
were perfectly safe here, and likely to remain so for some 
^ time, having distroyed all the Craft we could not get up the 
Bapids at the Village of Chamblee— the Enemy not having 
any to follow us — ^had no way to persue us by Water, untill 
they built others which would take them some time to ac- 
complish. Eleven soldiers and two officers dyed yesterday 
— ^having only a Blanket each for his Coffin, and all con- 
signed to one grave. 

This Island is surrounded with lake "Water, apparently 
stationary. The Shores on the Main appearing to lay low 
and marshey, grown up with Shrubs and swamp timber. 
The Island itself is low-level but drie and clear Timber ; but 
what I conceive renders it unhealthy is a white Scum on the 
Face of the Water in the morning, which is driven by the 
Bippling of the Water on the shores of the Island, which 
by the middle of the Day becomes Peutrified by the heat 
of the Sun, and is very offensive to the smell. The Armey 
was divided into two Divisions — ^the New England k New 
York Troops occupyed the Eastern part of the Island, and the 
Jersey and Pennsylvania Troops encamped on the Western 
part On the 22'* our Scout or rather look out party from 
toward Sent Johns sent word the Enemys whole or great 
part of his Armey had arrived at that place, but we did not 
apprehend ourselves in any present danger. 

Having nothing to do, curiosity led me to visit the New 
England Camp — ^here my Peelings were indiscribable, some 
men in and some out of Tents sick on the bear ground — ^in- 
fected with Fluxes, Fevers, Small Pox and over run with 
legions of Lice, and none but Sick to wate on one another. 
My eyes never before beheld such a seen, nor do I ever de- 
sire to see such another — ^the Lice and Maggots seme to vie 
with each other, were creeping in Millions over the Vic- 



204 Memoirs of Brigadier-Ghneral John Louxy^ of Penna. 

tims ; the Doctors themselves sick or out of Medicine. The 
estimation in both Camps was that 15 to 20 die daily. I 
examined the Burying Ground of each Camp, found two 
large holes dug in the Earth, one for each Camp — ^while 
there I saw several Corps brought, carried by four Soldiers 
in a blanket, one holt of each comer. On their ariving at 
the pit or Grave, those next to it let go of the blanket, the 
other two giving a Hoist rolled the dead body into the pit 
where lay several bodies already deposited in the same way, 
with no other covering but the Rags in which they dyed, 
heads and points as they happened to come to the place. In 
this manner the burial continued all day, as soon as the 
breeth had left the unfortunate Victim, the body was thus 
laid on a dirty Blanket and toted off to the silent Toom, 
without a sie from a Friend or relative, or a single momer 
to follow it. In the evening the dirt in front of this General 
Grave, or deposit of the dead, was thrown over the Dead 
bodies leaving a new space open for the next Day. This 
scene of human retchedness & missery ingrossed my daily 
visits. The New England & New York Camp was the 
most infected with the smallpox scarcely a single one of 
whome survived. The whole Armey was computed to be 
about five thousand of which it could not be said more 
than one third was fit for duty. Our Retreat was certainly 
a wise Measure, and was well conducted. 

Twelve officers of the Sixth Pennsy* Regiment impru- 
dently went over to the Main on the West side of the Lake 
to drink sproos Beer with a Canadian inhabitant, were sur- 
prised by a party of Savages, who killed four, Tomihalked 
and most inhumanly butchered & scalped them, took six 
Prisoners — two only made their escape, one by being a 
small distance in the Woods at the time, the other an En- 
signe, was in the House of the Canadien, on the instant of 
the alarm, sprang up into the loft, pulling a small ladder 
aft;er him & closing a Trap Door remained undiscovered. 
The affidr being in sight of our Camp, several Boats were 
immediately maned & pushed over to the Canadians — the In- 



Memoirs of Br^adier-Oeneral John Laceyy of Penna. 205 

dians having effected their porpoBe and were gone before 
they arrived — ^they however brought over the Mangled 
Bodies of the four Officers. 

Hitherto the rapid movements and Confusion of the 
Armey on our Retreat made it impracticable to come to an 
inquiry with Colo* "Wayne, but as we had in some measure 
became stationary on this Iseland, and must remain so 
untill the return of our Batteaus, I conceived it a favourable 
time to remind the Gten\ at least if nothing else could be 
done, it would be paving the way to a decision. On our 
arrival at Crown Point I therefore called on Gten* Sullivan, 
at his Markee. He was very civil and polite, but said in 
the disorganized state of the Armey, and as our Boats were 
Hourly expected, it was unadvisable to commence an enquiry 
at present, but assured me, on our arrival at Crown Point, 
where in all probability we should meet the other part of 
the Begiment, when he would most assuredly order an 
Enquiry, and that I should have full Justice done me, that 
as far as he could see he apprehended the Colo' had used 
his Power with too imperious a discression. I replyed that 
this was not the only instance I conceived the Colo* had 
injured me, and that for some unknown cause to me, I had 
reason to think the Colo* had formed a strong prejudice 
against me, that he had become my personal Enemy ; that 
from his marked and decisive partiality I had nothing to ex- 
pect in future but Hostility and unfriendly treatment, and 
that on some future occasion, I might inadvertently commit 
an Act, he might use to my disadvantage. Hitherto I knew 
myself safe and out of the Power of his Malice. I thought 
it most prudent under these Considerations to resigne my 
Commission, and offered it to him. The Gten* refused to 
accept it, requiring me to be satisfied an investigation should 
be made as soon as possible and all matters made right. 

June 24th, last night about thirty Batteaus returned from 
Crown point — ^they were this morning loaded with Baggage, 
Stores, Sick and Invaleads. I took my passage in one of 
them biding an eternal &rewell to so hateful a place where 



206 Memmrs of Brigadier-Greneral John Lac^y of Pemuu 

the scenes of horror were so prevelant; but before I leave it 
I must relate one Anecdote of myself. After my return 
from Head Quarters on the 23"*, I invited Lieut Read and 
two or three other Pennsy* Officers, my particular Friends, 
to my Tent. Having reserved a few Case Bottles of good 
old Spirits, I had brought in my Chest from Philad', not 
knowing when it might be most wanted. I had hitherto 
kep it concealed, such an article was a choice thing on the 
Iseland, and very little if any to be had there. I opened my 
Chest, drew out the treasure to the agreeable astonishment 
of my guests. "We all sat too it in good Earnest, deter- 
mined to smooth the Brows of care, and before tattoo beat- 
ing were all handsomly Drunk. I remember only, that 
all my Companions were first fallen, k that I was tiie last 
up. 

June 26***. This detachment reached the Isle of Mott last 
night, about 20 miles from the Isle Oix [N'oix. In the same 
Battau with me came Cap* WiUson k Doc*' Johnston of the 
6*** Pennsy* Reg* and my good friend Lieut Read of the 
4th. This Iseland is said to be out of what is considered 
the Bounds of Canada. It is covered with Green Timber ; 
the troops incamped in the Woods on the North end of the 
Iseland; the weather being very hot the shade of the Trees 
was a comfortable convenience and an agreeable contrast to 
the peirsing rais of the Sun on the Iseland we had just left. 
The men however, still continued to Dye from 8 to 10 every 
Day. The Batteaus which brought us returned to bring up 
the Reer of the Armey — ^those expected from Crown Point 
having joined them at the Isle Oix Noix; they brought the 
remnant of the Armey on the night of the 26*** to this place, 
and on the 28*^ the whole embarked and started for Crown 
point — ^the wind being ahead the Officers stood to the Ores 
Hour about with the Men. We did not reach that place 
untill the first day of July very much weried by Rowing, so 
many of the men being sick, and the Head or Contrary 
winds, very little or no use could be made of the Sails. On 
our arrival we found Gen^ Schuyler k Gates. The Com- 



Memoirs of Brigadier-Oerural John Laceyy of Penna. 207 

mand of the Armey was adsmned by Gen* Gates — Schuyler 
and Snllivan left us for Albany. I found Lieu* Smith k 
Ensign Bealy both Sick, "We lay hear to the 9*^ — some of 
the Troops had gone on to Ticonderoga six miles to the 
southward at a narrow part or neck of the Lake, where the 
Fort of that Name stands, which had been first built by the 
French, and afterwards occupied by the British Armey. 
At Crown point the Fishing in the Lake was very good, 
the Soldiers caught plenty — ^here we had good water to 
drink, for which we suffered much while on the Lake. 

(To be continued.) 



208 Bev. John Ettwdn's Notes of Travd, 1779. 



EBY. JOHN BTTWEINS NOTES OP TRAVEL PROM 
THE NORTH BRANCH OP THE SUSQUEHAIOTA TO 
THE BEAVER RIVER, PENNSYLVANIA, 1772. 

OONTBIBUTED BY JOHN W. JORDAN. 

[In June of 1772, the Moravian Indian town, W^ralosing |ln Bradford 
County], consiflting of a chapel and fschool-house, and fifty-two log 
houses and huts, with two hundred and four men, women, and children, 
was abandoned and the converts removed to Friedenstadt, on the 
Beaver Biver. One-half of the converts proceeded by water to Muncy 
Creek, on the west branch of the Susquehanna, where they united with 
the overland division, and together continued on their westward journey. 
The overland division was in charge of the Bev. John Ettwein, whose 
notes of travel we print for the interesting descriptions they give of those 
sections of the State through which he travelled, one hundred and 
twenty-nine years ago. The original manuscript is in the Moravian 
archives at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.] 

Jum 11^ 1779. — After we crossed the Susquehanna at the 
ford [now Sugar Run Ferry] our way led straight to the 
mountains, and after proceeding two miles, we entered the 
Great Swamp,* where the undergrowth was so dense that 
ofttimes it was impossible to see one another at the distance 
of six feet The path was frequently a blind one and yet 
along it sixty head of cattle and fifty horses and colts had 
to be driven, and it needed careful watch to keep them to- 
gether. "We lost but one young cow from the entire herd. 
Every morning however, it was necessary to send drivers 
back, as far as ten miles, to whip in such as would during 
the night stray o£ At our first night's encampment two 
of our Indians lost themselves while in search of straying 
cattle, and several hours elapsed before we could reach 

^ Ettwein's course lay sonthnsonthwest through Wilmot, Terry, and 
Albany Townships, Bradford County, into Cherry Township, Lycoming 
County, to the watershed, in which rise sources of the Loyalsock and 
Money Creeks. 



Bev. John Mtwdn's Notes of Traod, 1779. 209 

them with signal guns. It was daily a matter of astonish- 
ment to me, that any man should presume to traverse this 
swamp, and follow what is called a path. It is at least sixty 
miles in diameter. On the highlands where the Loyalsock 
and Muncy creeks head, it is very rocky and almost im- 
passable. There were indications of abundance of ores 
here. The timber is principally Sugar-maple, Lindens, 
Ash, Oak and White-pine. What told on me the most, was 
that several days it rained incessantly, and I was wet all day. 
The path led ihiriy six times across Muncy creek. At in- 
tervals here there were exceedingly rich bottoms, and the 
noblest timber I have seen in America, excepting the cypress 
in South Carolina and Georgia. 

June 14, {Trinity Sunday). — ^We met for worship for the 
first time on the journey, but the incessant lowing and 
noise of the cattle, drowned all attempts at discourse and 
singing. 

June 15. — ^We passed from the Swamp into an extensive 
and beautiful region of plains. Here the hunters in two 
days shot fifteen deer, the meat of which was dried at the 
fires for use on the journey. 

J}me 17. — ^Met a man from the Jerseys, who on his 
return home will pass through Bethlehem, and handed him 
letters for home. 

Jvm 18. — ^Proceeded to the West Branch, to Scoon- 
hoven^s plantation, one mile above Wallis's.^ 

Jvne SI {Sunday). — ^Held morning and evening services. 
At noon I preached at Mr. Samuel Wallis^ to from fifty to 
sixty hearers, all English, some of whom had come from a 
distance of twenty miles. 

Jvm as. — ^We had a market day in camp. Mr. Wallis 
bought of us fifi;een head of young cattie and some canoes, 
others bowls, firldns, buckets, tubs and diverse iron ware. A 
trader's agent smuggled some rum into the perlieus of the 

^ Beading HowelPs map of 1790, notes Wallis's mill on a nm near 
the West Branch, abont four miles above the mouth of Money Greek. 
On the 20th the water party joined Ettwein's. 
VOL. XXV. — 14 



210 Bev. John Mtwdn's Notes of Travd, 1779. 

camp, and when discovered, we handed the contraband to 
Mr, Wallifi for safekeeping, until the trader should return. 
Twenty hundred weight of flour which I had purchased was 
here distributed. 

Jwnz M-^4« — ^Broke up camp and moved on. Passed 
the Loyalsock at the place where Count Zinzendorf visited 
thirty years ago, and Lycoming creek, which marks the 
boundary line of lands purchased from the Indians.^ At 
both places we found white settlers. One mile above the 
Lycoming stood formerly the town of Quenischaschacki 
[Linden] where Nathaniel Davis has lived for six years. 
He related that when our missionaries Grube and Mack 
visited there [Aug. 1753], a couple of Shawanese, who were 
inimical to the whites demanded Grube's surrender, in order 
to murder him, that he [Davis] had replied, " the white 
man is seated in my house, and there no harm should befiJl 
him." 

We encamped above Larry's Creek.* Here Newolike's 
wife visited our Joseph [convert]; she stated that her hus- 
band was ill, otherwise both of them and the &mily, would 
have emigrated with us to the West. 

Jvmz 25. — ^We encamped opposite Long Island.' Here 
rattlesnakes seemed to hold undisputed sway, and they were 
killed at all points. Not more than half an hour after our 
arrival, a horse was brought in, that had been bitten in the 
nose. His head swelled up frightfully, and as it rained the 
remedy that had been applied &iled to take proper effect, 
and the poor animal perished the next day. 

Jum S6. — Today I assembled the men, told them, that we 
had progressed but thirty miles during the past week, and 
that if we fidled to make more rapid headway, our large 
company would come to want, that it would be prudent 
under these circumstances, to leave the sick woman, her 
husband and their friends on the island, (for I expected her 

^ At the treaty at Fort Stanwix in November, 1768. 

' One mile east from Jersey Shore. 

* The island in the Suaquehanna at Jersey Shore. 



Bev. John Ettwdn's Notes of Traod^ 1779. 211 

to die in a day or two) ; that Nathaniel Davis and his party 
would come up and they could join him, and that we 
would send men and fresh horses for them from Chinkla- 
camoose. It was furthermore decided that the strongest 
of our company should proceed in five canoes with the 
baggage of the women as far a ChinMacamoose.^ 

June 97. — ^Arrived at Campbell's, where we met Mr. An- 
derson, who dissuaded us from attempting to embark in 
canoes, stating the water was too shallow for navigation. 
Hereupon the canoes and sundry utensils were sold, and 
some glass, nails and iron ware left here in trust It having 
rained incessantly for several days, our effects were wet 
through and some damaged. 

June 98 {Sunday). — By request^ I preached in English to 
a goodly audience of assembled settlers from the Bald 
Eagle creek and the south shore of the West Branch. As 
no ordained minister of the Gospel was settled in the neigh- 
borhood, I was requested to baptize, and accordingly ad- 
ministered the sacrament to the new bom daughter of a 
Frenchman, Foumey, by name (calling her Cunigunda) 
and to the son of a Catholic, Antoine White, whom I 
named John. 

Joshua [convert] convoked the men, and persuaded them, 
(despite their yesterday^s deliberations to tiie contrary), to 
carry Elizabeth [convert] who was sick, along, and also to 
send lame Jonathan [convert] with a string of wampum 
ahead to Langundontenink,^ Elaskaskunk,' and Gekele- 
mekhpeekink.^ As they consulted neither me or Roth in 
this business, we took no ferther notice of it, but it proved, 
however, the beginning of diverse perplexities. 

Jvne 99. — ^My fiftynaecond birthday. We set out from the 
island by land, and I with several others, from this day on, 

^ An Indian town on the site of Clearfield, Pennsylvania, and the 
central point on the path. 
' Friedenstadt, on the Beaver. 
' Located in Lawrence County. 
^ In Oxford Township, Tuscarawas County, OhiOr 



212 Jteo. John Ettwdn's Notes of Travd, 1772. 

led the caravan. Traveled fourteen miles to Beech creek, 
on the path agreed on. After encampmg here, the men re- 
tomed with horses to fetch up the baggage. This they did 
daily, and thus were compelled to travel the road three 
times. 

June SO. — ^Bro. Both and wife came up from the rear 
with the others, excepting Elizabeth and her friends, she 
being too ill, to allow of her being carried. Thereupon I 
moved on nine miles to a salt-lick. As I was in search of 
Both's horse, to send it back to his camp, I trod upon a 
fifteen year old rattlesnake. Such was my fright, that for 
days I took every step with dread, fancying every rustling 
leaf to be the movement of a venomous serpent The two 
Indians with me, despatched the reptile. 

Jvly 2. — Bro. Both and the others again came to the 
front 

July S. — ^In company of Cornelius and William [con- 
verts] I advanced early in the morning. Up to this time 
we had passed only through a beautiftil and fertile region of 
country,^ but now our way lead across mountains. On 
reaching a summit, when eight miles along, we saw the 
bold peaks between the West Branch and the Juniata. 
Were compelled to encamp on a dry- elevation, and to 
fetch water from the foot of the mountain. A poor littie 
cripple, aged ten years, a son of the late Jonas [convert] , 
whom his mother had carried all the way in a basket from 
one station to another, was very weak today, and ex- 
pressed the wish to be baptized. Bro. Both administered 
the sacrament and named him Kathan. 

Jidy 4» — ^Early today there came two Indians from Kas- 
kasky, en route to Stockbridge, who I invited to break&st 

^ Thus &r, on leaving the site of Lock Haven, they had pushed down 
the valley of the Bald Eagle, bounded by t^e Bald Eagle Bidge to t^e 
south and the Allegheny proper on the north. Now they began t^e 
ascent of the latter, which is the backbone of Howard, Snowshoe, 
Boggs, and Houston Townships, Centre County, a tract of broken and 
wild Alpine r^on of country. 



Jteo. John EttwdrCs Notes of Traml, 1772. 218 

One of them spoke English fluently. In his childhood, he 
had been taken by the whites prisoner, but since then 
turned a complete Indian in his mode of life. We pro- 
ceeded four miles into the mountains. Roth from this 
point summoned to Great Island by an express. Thither 
went Joshua with twelve men [converts] , to fetch up his 
sick friend, and when he arrived there she was near her 
end. She died on the evening of the 5th. just an hour 
prior to Roth's arrival The next day he buried her. 

On the evening of the 6th., Roth rejoined us in camp. 

JvLy 7. — ^Moved on six miles to a spring — a heavy thun- 
der storm with rain. 

Jvly 8. — ^Advanced six miles to the West Moshannek^ 
over precipitous and ugly mountains, and through two 
nasty rocky streams. In fording the second, I fell neck 
deep into the water. Had it been at any other season of 
the year, we could not have endured so much wading in 
streams. 

JvLy 9. — ^Advanced but two miles to a run in the swamp. 
We were almost broken down, and those who carried the 
luggage, could with difficulty climb the mountains. 

Jvly 10. — ^Lay in camp, as some of our horses had strayed, 
and I had to send mine back twice to the other camp. 

Jvly 11. — ^We found iNTathan released from all suffering — 
his death had been unobserved. Bis emaciated remdns 
were interred along side of the path, and I cut his name 
into a tree that overshadowed his lonely grave, and then 
we moved eight miles to an old beaver-dam. 

July 12 {Sunday). — ^Bro. Roth and his party came up. In 
the evening we met for worship, and afterwards a collection 
of com and beans, taken up for the poor. 

Jvly IS. — ^Proceeded six miles to a spring, in a beautiftil 
widely expanded mountain meadow. Scarcely had we en- 
camped, when a frightful storm swept over us. The angry 
clouds, like mountains, piled themselves up in the heavens, 

^ This stream emptieB into the West Branch, between Clearfield and 
Centre Counties. 



214 Bev. John JSttwem's Notes of Travel^ 1779. 

the lightening, like snakes of fire leaped in forked flames 
over the sky, the thunder rolled like siege artillery, and the 
rain came down with the sound of many waters, or the 
rushing of a mighty cataract It was a war of the elements. 
The tall oaks bowed before the storm, and where the timber 
£dled to do obeisance, it was snapped like glass, in the grasp 
of the roaring wind. My companions, to my surprise, 
heeded none of this, but cut sapplings and collected bark 
and built huts, which were completed, as the storm passed 
over. 

J\dy H. — ^Beached Clearfield creek, where the buffiJoes 
formerly cleared large tracts of undergrowth, so as to give 
them the appearance of cleared fields; hence the Indians 
call the creek Clearfield. Here at night and next morning, 
to the great joy of the hungry, nine deer were shot 
Whoever shoots a deer, has for his private portion, the 
skins and inwards, the meat he must bring into camp for 
distribution. It proved advantageous for us not to keep so 
closely together, as we had at first designed, for if the number 
in camp is large, one or two deer when cut up, afforded but 
a scanty morsel to each individual. So it happened that 
scarce a day passed, without there being a distribution of 
venison in the advance, the centre, and the rear camp. (On 
the route there were one hundred and fifty deer, and but 
three bears shot) 

As there was a growing impatience observable among 
those who were called on to aid others with their horses, to 
press on, and not be detained, I spent a sleepless night. 
But on 

Jvly 16^ after representing the state of the case to the 
dissatisfied, I felt reassured, and journeyed on with a few of 
the men two miles in a pelting rain to the site of Chinklacar 
moose, where we found but three huts and a few patches of 
Indian com. The name signifies, "No one tarries here 
willingly." ^ It may, perhaps, be traced to the circumstance, 

^ Christian F. Post lodged here on his way to the Ohio ooontry in 
August of 1758. It is noted on SculFs map. 



Bev. John Ettwein's Notes of Tkmd, 1772. 215 

that some thirty years ago an Indian resided here — (a hermit 
life upon a rock) — ^who was wont to appear to the Indian 
hunters in frightful shapes. Some of these too, he killed, 
others he robbed of their skins, and this he did for many 
years. We moved on four mUes and were obliged to wade 
the river three times, here rapid and frill of ripples. 

July 17. — ^Advanced only four miles to a creek, that 
comes out from the north-west^ Had a narrow and stony 
spot for our camp. 

JvLy 18. — ^Moved on without waiting for Both and his 
division, which on account of the rain had remained in 
camp. Today Shebosch lost a colt from the bite of a rattle- 
snake. Here we left the West Branch three miles to the 
north-west up the creek, crossing it five times. Here the 
path went precipitately up the mountain to the summit, to 
a spring, the first waters of the Ohio.* 

Jvly 19 (Sunday). — ^As yesterday, but two fiunilies kept 
with me, because of the rain, but we passed a quiet day and 
dried our effects. In the evening the ponkis were excessively 
annoying, so that the cattle pressed towards and into our 
camp, to escape their persecutors in the smoke of the fires. 
This vermin is a plague to man and beast, both by day and 
night But in the swamp, through which we were now 
passing, their name is legion, and hence the Indians call it 
Ponks-utenink i.e. " the town of the Ponkis" — The word is 
equivalent to Uvin^f dust and asheSy the vermin being so small 
as not to be seen, and their bite, burning hot as sparks of 
fire or hot ashes. One of the converts related the following 
Indian myth: that the aforecited Indian hermit and sor- 
cerer, after many years having been "a terror to all Indians, 
had been killed by one, who had burned his bones. The 
wind blew his ashes into the swamp and they became living 
things, and hence the ponkis. 

^ Anderson's Creek, in Pike Township. 

* Probably the Boorces of the north branch of the Mahoning, which 
rises in Brady Township, Clearfield County, and empties into the Alle- 
gheny, ten miles above Eittanning. 



216 Bev. John Mtwem's Notes of Travd, 1772. 

July SO. — ^We traveled on through the swamp, and after 
five miles, crossed the path that leads from Frankstown ^ to 
Goshgoshink * and two miles beyond this point, encamped 
at a run [a branch of the Mahoning]. At five o'clock 
p.m. came Peter, Boas and Michael, with fourteen unbap- 
tized Indians from Langundontenink, to meet us, with four 
horses and five bushels of Indian com. Two of them went 
out to hunt, and in half an hour Michael brought in a deer 
to my fire. Esther hunted up the large camp-kittle, and 
soon all hands had their fill of venison and rice. That 
night and the following morning, there were four deer shot 
by my company. 

Jvly 21. — The rear division came up, and the destitute, 
viz. such as had lived solely upon meat and milk, were sup- 
plied each with one pint of Indian com. We proceeded six 
miles to the first creek, and camped. 

Jvly 22. — ^We journeyed on four miles, to the first fork, 
where a small creek, comes down from the north. 

Jvly 23. — ^Again, today, four miles to the second fork — ^to 
a creek coming in from the south-east 

Jvly 24' — ^The path soon left the creek, over valleys and 
heights to a spring. We now had left the swamp and were 
free from the plague of ponkis. Huckelberries were found 
in abundance, which were enjoyed. Our today's station 
was five miles, and about so fer we advanced on 

Jvly 25 y and encamped at a salt lick, where we kept a 
reli^ous service, three miles from the large creek, which 
runs in a horse shoe and which is navigable for canoes 
when the water is high. It is a four days journey by water 
to this point, where the Ohio is struck, whereas by land, the 
point can be reached in one day. Some of our young peo- 
ple went to the creek to fish, others to hunt, and at sunset 
they came in with two deer and four strings of fish. 

Jvly 26 (Sunday). — ^Early to day Anton [convert] Na- 
thaniel Davis and others, who up to this time had brought 

^ See ScuIPb map of PennBylyania, 1759. 
' Located in Venango County. 



Bev. John Ettwdn's Notes of Travd, 1772. 217 

up the rear, came to my camp. Eoth preached in the 
morning and I at evening. At this place a sufficiency of 
fish were taken to supply the entire camp, large pike and 
salmon, but especially a large species unknown to us all re- 
sembling the sheepshead, in these parts called the Buffisklo- 
fish. In place of a skull they have two small white stones 
(probosis?) lying towards each other — ^the mouth resem- 
bles that of a sucker, but without teeth ; instead, in the 
throat, it has two pieces of bone fitting one on the other, in 
form of a large shoemaker's pincers, with which it crushes 
the mussels, its proper food. The meat is better than rock- 
fish, and is without fins. We also took an unknown spe- 
cies of tortoise, as large as a goose, with a long neck, 
pointed head and eyes like a dove. The shell is hard only 
along the back and below in the middle, otherwise all 
around soft and liver-colored. At the creek here, we also 
noticed good stone-coals. 

July 27. — ^We proceeded over a long mountain to Tschach- 
kat, four miles to where the path from Ligonier passes 
north, then four miles over a mountsdn to a creek coming 
from the south-west, and then one mile to a small run. 

JviLy 28. — ^Advanced eight miles over hill and valley to a 
bad spring. Here we were met by the Indians from Eas- 
kaskia en route for Shemung. 

JvLy 29. — ^With sunrise we were again on the way, as we 
desired to day to strike the Ohio p.e. Allegheny] , and in the 
evening we arrived there without mishap. For three days 
the weather had been excessively warm, and we traveled over 
plains and highlands where the wind and fires had wrecked 
all the timber confusedly together, so that our progress was 
a difficult thing. The land is mostly arable and much of it 
good. The bean-grass in many places; reached up to my 
horses back, and stood as thick as though it had been 
sowed. We came to eight miles above Kittaning, not fitr 
above Kawnntschhannink, down a very precipitous moun- 
tain, (so much so that we were compelled to take off our 
shoes to effect the descent), to the Ohio, which here is not 



218 Bev. John Mtwein's Notes of Travel, 177S. 

quite 8o broad as the Delaware at Eaaton, and scarce reached 
to our horses bellies, as we forded it 

July SO. — Some of the men began to make bark canoes, 
in order to proceed by water with the heavy baggage, and 
with the aged and the sick, and also to look out supplies in 
and about Pittsburgh. To those who had £Eillen back in 
the rear, we despatched horses. There was an abundance 
of mussels here, of which the Indians ate plentifully. As I 
had sore feet and was worn down, I determined to go on in 
advance. 

July 31. — ^I set out on horseback with Peter and Jacob. 
(Up to this time. Both and I, as well as others, had traveled 
on foot) The path led about three miles down on the 
north bank of the river, then over a high mountain, and 
about eight miles from the Ohio, there were extensive 
plains, then succeeded good land with rich vegetation and 
flowers. The country reminded me of Carolina. Having 
ridden twenty-five miles, we lodged for the night with two 
Indians who were out hunting. One of them gave me a 
fine fiiwn. In the creek on which we camped were several 
salt^rings. 

August 1. — John Heckewelder met us with some Indians 
and two horses. The Indians turned back with us, and 
Heckewelder went on with some supplies to meet Eoth and 
his division. We rode briskly the whole day, accomplishing 
forty miles, and late at night entered Langundontenink 
(Friedenstadt).^ 

The be^nning of this memorable journey was not au- 
spicious, as the measles broke out The epidemic proved a 
hinderance to our progress, as it attacked both adults and 
children. The former had to lay by at least two or three 
days, after being taken ill, and the children had to be car- 
ried. Matters, however, went so well with the sick as to be 
cause of surprise; all that they required was a drink made 
of the large sarsaparilla, which proved efiicacious in bringing 
out the erruption. The milk supplied by our cows went fiur 
' Both' 8 diyiBion arrived at the town August 5. 



Bev. John Ettwdn's Notes of Tr<wd, 1779. 219 

toward our daily support Scarce a day passed but what we 
could distribute rations^ of meat True, we heard complaints 
that there was no flour, nor com, nor beans, but never did a 
soul go to bed hungry. None received injury to his person, 
although dangers were without number ; especially on the 
West Branch, where there were rattlesnakes in abundance. 
I know that upwards of fifty were killed. That peace and 
unity should have prevailed was a matter of gratitude. It 
is true, at times, that there were indications of the old 
feeling of opposition inborn in the Mohicans towards the 
Delawares, yet no contention came to our notice. 

Ettwbin. 



220 Last Assembly vnder Pmnsylvcmia Oomtituiion of 177 60 



THE LAST OP THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY UNDER 
THE PENNSYLVANIA CONSTITUTION OP 1776. 

Extract from the Diary of William Bawle, Esq., one of the Members 
daring its Final Session. 

OONTRIBUTEB BT WILLIAM BROOKS BAWLB, ESQ. 

[The Painsylyania Oonstitation of 1776 was abrogated by that of 
1790, which was framed by a convention which assembled at Philadel- 
phia November 24, 1789, completed its labors February 26, 1790, and 
then a^jonmed that the people might examine its work. The con- 
vention reassembled August 9, 1790, and formally proclaimed the new 
Constitution September 2, 1790. The only appearance of Mr. Bawle 
upon the stage of political life was in the last session of the General 
Assembly under the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, to which he 
was elected against his will, as explained in the following extract. The 
only public office he was ever induced to hold was that of Attorney for 
the United States for the District of Pennsylvania, which was conferred 
upon him by President Washington on July 18, 1791, without solicita- 
tion, and voluntarily resigned by him on May 6, 1800, in the admin- 
istration of President Adams.] 

A few days after writing the preceding account [October 
7, 1789] I was elected very unwillingly into the General 
Assemhly. 

I had re&sed several applications for the purpose, unwill- 
ing to desert the profitable profession of expounding, for 
the sterile office of making, laws. My duties to my chil- 
dren held me back from the impulses of ambition and the 
pleasures of honorable distinction. It is right on account 
of those children (who I wish may peruse this, and every 
other manuscript I leave from which they may derive some 
benefit, perhaps in example, but more I believe in precept,) 
to preserve the circumstances that evince the sincerity of my 
reluctance to engage in a different course of life, and to 



Last Assembly under Permsyloama Constitution of 1776. 221 

relinquish any part of those emoluments which I solemnly 
declare were chiefly rendered desirable by my love for my 
little counterparts. 

Opposite tickets were circulated on the morning of the 
election day and the ground appeared to be divided by con- 
trary and irreconcilable interests. A conference between 
the active people on either side was proposed, and different 
characters were suggested without success. Colonel [Fran- 
cis] Gurney and myself were finally assented as the new 
members, and some gentlemen were appointed to call upon 
me and to urge my acceptance of the station. My reftisal 
was firm and sincere, and ihey retired with apparent regret 
But before they reached the ground the circulation of the 
ticket had commenced, and the success which attended it 
was uniform and extraordinary. My answer was signified, 
but some gentlemen thought it too late to stop the progress 
of the election; others were persuaded that I would not 
refiise after the choice had taken place, and others asserted 
that the people having a right to the service of an individual 
my reftisal ought not to avail. 

Upon receiving this intelligence I was considerably dis- 
quieted. The indecorum of publicly opposing it on the 
ground alone restrained me from doing so, but I put up 
written notices, and caused one to be inserted in the evening 
paper of the day, and I prevailed on several of my friends 
to attend and personally to signify the impossibility of my 
serving. My papers were torn down and my fiiends were 
disregarded. 

I was elected. 

The consequences of accepting or of reftising the seat 
occupied my attention almost exclusively of every other 
object for some time aft;erwards, and I at length concluded 
that, however it might diminish that extraordinary popu- 
larity which I was not before sensible of, I would resign a 
seat conferred upon me by a sort of violence, tho* so flatter- 
ing and dignifying. 

I am not yet convinced that my acceptance of it was not 



222 Ijost Assembly under Permsylvarda Oonstiiuiim of 1776. 

less manly and less commendable that an adherence to that 
determination ; but as the time of meeting approached, as 
the public expectation was turned upon me, as my fiiends 
urged me, as the terror of public dissatisfiix^on encreased 
upon me, I gradually sunk from my resolution, and at 
length, at the expence of self approbation and the risque of 
professional emoluments, I took my seat. 

The engagements of [William] Lewis in the Convention 
have thrown much of the burthens upon me. There are 
few in the present house of competency to public difficulties, 
few acquainted with the higher duties of public life. 

Of my performance of those duties I have many flattering 
testimonials. I have enlarged the number, and I hope the 
esteem, of my friends; I have extended the general knowl- 
edge of my character and perhaps encreased the estimation 
in which it was held. Whether I have rendered my pro- 
fession less lucrative time is to determine. 

I do not feel however any accessions to my stock of vanity 
or pride. I sincerely declare myself abased in my own 
opinion by relinquishing my determinations of reftisal, 
founded as they were upon deliberate reflections. 

I find I have less strength and firmness of mind than I 
thought I possessed, and I have submitted to acquire public 
at the expence of internal applause. 

[Copy of Letter from WUUam Bawle to WUUam Lewis."] 

I give way, my dear friend, to the importunities of zeal- 
ous friends, and the pressure of public exigencies, and find 
it impossible any longer to refiise the burthensome honor of 
a seat in the house. 

In so doing I resign my own sense of the conduct my 
previous declarations required, and I shall join with you in 
a considerable sacrifice of private interest 

Sincerely yours 
W. R 

Oct 22d, 1789. 



Last Assembly under Pennsylvania Oomtitution of 1776. 228 

I wrote the above to Lewis when at laat I found that I 
must take my seat 



September 6th 1790. 

My public fsitigues are no more. 

Yesterday the members of the house agreed that the 
Legislature was dissolved, and we parted in great chearful- 
ness and good humor. 

Li firaming the new constitution no attention appeared to 
have been paid to the continuance of the Assembly. But 
the necessity of an express provision was known to many of 
the convention who from diflferent views concealed their 
opinions, or communicated them in confidence only to par- 
ticular friends, while those who would earnestly have wished 
to prevent the eflFect, inadvertently omitted the measure 
requisite to prevent it 

Lewis and Ogden of Bucks County proposed to prevent 
an adjournment to Lancaster. Slegle, the division of York 
County. The thought was communicated to [Richard] 
Peters and myself — but I disregarded it In the evening at 
the City Tavern (where Genl. Washington, the Convention 
and Assembly were entertained by the Mayor and Corpora- 
tion) the subject was talked of as certain. I felt uneasy, 
and withdrew to consult Lewis. He was clear in his opinion. 

In the morning I had determined on a plan which met 
with approbation. The house met I moved an immediate 
adjournment for the purpose of consulting the Judges and 
other characters in the Law. It was agreed to. 

The Chief Justice [McKean] , Shippen, Wilson, Ingersol 
and Wilcocks were united in opinion. Bryan would give 
none. Bradford spoke with doubt 

The Executive Council attended and signified their union 
in the same sentiment The Speaker therefore did not 
assume the chair. 

Smiley openly charges a design to prevent the election for 
members of Congress in October. 



224 Last AssenMy under Permsylvama OonstUution of 1776. 

Old Maclean insisted upon onr right to sit and make laws, 
trusting that the ensuing legislature would confirm them. 

A wild idea to which nobody appeared to listen. 

When I look back to the unusual weight and difficulty 
of my station — ^unassisted by Lewis, notwithstanding his 
promises — ^unsupported by men of business, of whom there 
was scarce one in the house, — ^I feel reason to rejoice at the 
few mistakes I have committed. 

In the business of the Comptroller Gteneral's reprimand 
I was involved against my inclination. We got through it 
however without much difficulty or disgrace. 

My fellow citizens are earnest for me to continue to 
serve, which I cannot 

CIRCULAR 

PRINTED IN THB NEWSPAPERS. 

PHiLADELPmA, Sept 6. [1790] 
Last Saturday morning the members of the late General 
Assembly met at the state house : but it seeming to be the 
general opinion that they could no longer act as a legisla- 
tive body, the speaker did not take the chair. Having 
placed Mr. Wynkoop in the chair they agree to the follow- 
ing address. The unanimous thanks of the meeting were 
then returned to the Hon. Bichard Peters, their late 
Speaker, and an ad[joumment sine die took place. 

To THE Citizens op Pennsylvania. 

In the constitution, which received its public completion 
on the second instant, it is established that << The legislative 
power of this commonwealth shall be vested in a general 
assembly, which shall consist of a senate and house of rep- 
resentatives." 

No provision is made, in any part of it, for the temporary 
continuance of the legislative ftinctions of the house of as- 
sembly : hence it has been doubted whether our powers did 
not cease with the adoption of the constitution ; whether a 
legislature consisting of a single house could bind the people 



Last Assembly under Pennsylccmia Constitution of 1776. 226 

by laws after the people had declared, that their laws should 
be the act of two houses, with the sanction, under certain 
regulations, of the chief executive officer. We have con- 
sidered that the power vested in the late convention, was 
necessarily superior to ours tho' derived from the same 
source, at the same time. To them was entrusted the office 
of making a new plan of government after an avowed ex- 
perience of the inconveniences of the former; to us, the 
task of common and necessary legislation while they were 
so employed. As they were not restrained in their appoint- 
ment to any time at which the government they might form 
should commence in its effect, it is obvious that they were 
no less masters of this circumstance, than of the different 
parts and principles of which the system should be com- 
posed. 

T6 deny, therefore the authority of the convention to 
supersede the powers we possessed would be, to dispute the 
authority of the people from whom we received our powers, 
and to whom we are accountable for the exercise of them. 

In this peculiar situation we have not relied, altogether on 
our own judgment : we have consulted with the President 
and Supreme Executive Council (who are expressly con- 
tinued in office) with the judges and other respectable 
authorities in the profession of the law. 

We have found their opinions generally to coincide with 
ours. We have also contemplated the impropriety of pro- 
ceeding under an authority doubtftd and perhaps extin- 
guished, at a considerable expence to the Commonwealth, 
to enact laws which perhaps would not be inforced, and to 
direct measures which might only terminate in disorder & 
disobedience. 

We have therefore thought it our duty to retire from the 
station in which we were placed, altho' it is with regret 
that we leave much necessary business unfinished. 

We have also considered ourselves under the obligation 
of informing you, to whom we hold ourselves accountable 
for our public conduct, of the reasons which have induced 
voii. XXV. — 15 



226 Last Assembly under Pennsyloania QmstUiUim of 1776. 



118 to decline the further exerciee of the truflt reposed 
in UB. 

September 4th, 1790. 

John M'Dowbll, 
James Clemson, 
John Hopkins, 
Henrt Dering, 
James Cunningham, 
John Miller, 
Joseph Bead, 
Jacob Stmser, 
John Stewart, 
Thomas Lilly, 
William Gk)DPRET, 
David Mitchell, 
John Ludwio, 
Thomas Clingen, 
Nicholas Lutz, 
Daniel Linebach, 
Jonathan Hoge, 
Lawrence Seckel, 
Jacob Hiltzheimer, 
John White, 
James Barr, 
James Marshall, 
James Johnston, 
Jonathan Boberts, 
James Vaux, 
James M'Creight, 
David Stewart, 
Hugh Lloyd, 



William Bawle, 
Francis Gurney, 
BiGHARD Peters, 
Samuel Ashmead, 
Thomas Paul, 
Thomas Britton, 
Elias Boys, 
Gerardus Wynkoop, 
John Chapman, 
James Bryan, 
BicHARD Thomas, 
BicHARD Downing, jun. 
Caleb Jarvis, 
Peter Ealer, 
Stephen Balliet, 
Conrad Ihrie, jun. 
Alexander Wright, 
Anthony Lerch, jun. 
John Moore, 
John Baird, 
Thomas Byerson. 
John Gilcreest, 
John Bba, 
Benjamin Markley, 
John Carson, 
Obadiah Gore, 
John Neville, 

BiCHARD BiLBY. 



emCULAB. 

PRINTED IN THE NEWSPAPERS. 

To the Electors for the City of Philadelphia. 

Gentlemen, 

With a deep impression of the honor conferred upon 
me at the last election, permit me earnestly to request 



Last As9embly under Pennsylvama CkmstitaUon of 1776. 227 

that I may be excused from farther services in the legisla- 
ture. 

The peculiar inconveniences I should sustain from con- 
tinuing in it, will I hope, apologize for declining a station, 
which great deference for the voice of my fellow citizens 
alone induced me to accept. 

I am, with the utmost respect, 

Your most obedient servant. 
Third Street W. Rawlb. 

September 18, 1790. 



December 26, 1790. 

And now having decently left the stage of public employ- 
ment, let me endeavor so to arrange affairs as to escape a 
return to it Of the bitternesses of public duties much might 
be said, for much is felt 

There are occasions in which it is proper to press forward 
with vigour and activity, and occasions in which delibera- 
tion and delay are eiq[ually expedient It requires the nicest 
and quickest judgement to catch the momentary. But 
Shakespeare tells it to you much better. 

" There is a tide in the affidrs of men," etc. This tide it 
is the grand secret of political action to take advantage of. 
But with all the success that can attend the happy sudden 
and correct adoption of it, what anxieties, what toils, what 
labours after information, what studies of arrangement, 
what painftil responsibilities are the lot of the Statesman. 

But can we expect success in employment so arduous 
unless we devote to it all our time and all our talents? 
Will the vacancies of professional business, the occasional 
and interrupted intervals of forensic labors be sufficient ? 

The mind must be powerful and penetrating indeed to 
avoid the conftision which generally arises from the concur- 
rent shocks of different and numerous objects. 



228 Index to American Portraits. 



INDEX TO AMERICAN P0BTRAIT8: 

BT BUNFORD 8AMUIL, OF THI BIDGWAT BBANOH OF THI PHILA- 
DELPHIA LIBBART. 

(Oontinaed from page 70.) 

Gaines, EDinniD PEin>LBioif, Qen,; National Port. Gallery, voL ir., 

1836. J. W. JarriB p., J. B. Longacre sc 
, Edmttnd Pendleton, Qtn,; Democratic Rev., yoI. xxii. p. 483, 

June, 1848. Daguerreotype. T. Doney sc. 
, EDinJND Pendleton, Gen,; Wyatt, Thoe., Mem. of Generals and 

other Commanders in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 89, 

1848. Medal on battle of Ene. 
^ Edmttnd Pendleton, Gen.; Loubat, J. F., Medallio Hist of the 

U. S., N. T., vol. iL pUte 46, 1878. Ftlrst. MedaL 
Gaixatin, Auiebt; Democratic Rer., frontispiece, June, 1843. 
Gamble, Thomas, Oapi. UMJf.; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, May, 

1819. Waldo p., J. B. Longacre sc. 
Gates, Hobatio, Oen,; Du Simitiftre, P., Thirteen Port, of Amer. Legis- 
lators, plate 6, L., 1783. Du Simitidre del., B. Reading sc. 
, Hobatio, Chn.; Westminster Mag., voL zL p. 563, November, 

1783. 
, HoBATio, (Ten.; Port Folio, frontispiece, November, 1809. Edwin 

sc Medal. 
^Hobatio, Oen.; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of the Generals and other 

Commanders in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 59, 1848. 

MedaL 

, Hobatio, Oen.; Harper, p. 680, October, 1877. 

, Hobatio, Oen.; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., N. Y., 

vol. ii. plate 2, 1878. M. Gatteaux. Medal. 
, Hobatio, Oen.; Schuyler, John, Institution of the Society of the 

Cincinnati, N. T., p. 97, 1886. Stuart p., H. B. Hall & Sons sc. 
, Hobatio, Oen.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vi. p. 302, 1889. From An Impartial Hist, of the War. 
, Hobatio, Oen.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vi. p. 303, 1889. From An Impartial Hist, of the Present War. 
, Hobatio, Oen.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vi. p. 311, 1889. From BickerstaflTs Boston Almanac of 1778. 
, Hobatio, Oen.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vi. p. 476, 1889. From Du SimiUfere's " 13 Ports.** 
Gentbt, M. p.; American Rev., frontispiece, August, 1852. A. H. 

Ritchie sc 
Gilpin, Ht. D.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, November and Decem- 
ber, 1840. Inman p., R. W. Dodson sc. 



Index to American Portraits. 229 

QoDKT, Louis A.; Godey's lady's Book, frontiBpieoe^ February, 1860. 
W. Q. Armstrong sc 

Ck>w, Neil; Littell's LiTing Age, frontispiece, June 18, 1859. F. OroU se. 

, Neil; Century, p. 5, May, 1800. Andrew Bobertson p. 

Qbahah, Wh. a.; American Rev., frontispiece, March, 1852. Da- 
guerreotype. A. H. Ritchie so. 

, Wm. a., Beo, of Ifa/vy; American Rer., frontispiece, March and 

September, 1852. Daguerreotype. A. H. Ritchie sc 

Orbelkt, Hcmulok; Democratic Rer., p. 101, August^ 1852. Carica- 
ture. 

Grbins, Nathanaxl, Qen,; Columbian Mag., frontispiece, September, 
1786. Trenohard sc 

y Nathanael, Oeti.; Lee, Hy., Menu of the War in the Southern 

Departmoit of the U. S., Phila., frontispiece, vol. i., 1812. Edwin, sc 

, Nathanasl, G^.; Johnson, Wm., Sketches of the Life of Qreene, 

Charleston, frontispiece, vol. L, 1822. H. Bonnelheau del., J. B. 
Longacre sc 

, Nathanael, G^6».; National Port. Gallery, vol. i., 1836. J. Trum- 
bull p., J. B. Forrest sc 

y Nathanasl, Gen,; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of the Generals and other 

Commanders of the American Army and Navy, Phila., p. 50, 1848. 
Medal. 

, Nathanasl, Gen.; Jones, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., N. T., vol. 

ii. p. 05, 1854. 

, Nathanasl, Qen,; Harper, p. 150, July, 1857. 

y Nathanasl, Gen./ Harper, p. 226, July, 1867. 

y Nathanasl, Gen,; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., 

N. Y., vol. ii. plate 11, 1878. Duprfi. Medal. 

•— , Nathanasl, Gen.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 
Boston, Yol. Ti. p. 508, 1880. Norman sc 

, Nathanasl, Gen.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, Tol. yi. p. 500, 1880. From Andrews's Hist of the War. 

, Nathanasl, Gen,; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. yi. p. 512, 1880. From New York Mag. 

, Nathanasl, Gen.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. yi. p. 513, 1880. Painting. 

, Nathaniel (Postmaster, Boston) ; Democratic Rey., frcmtis- 

piece, Noyember, 1847. T. Hlman & Sons sc 

Gkundt, Felix; National Port Gallery, yoL iii., 1886. W. B. Cooper 
p., T. B. Welch sc 

, Felix; Democratic Rey., frontispiece, October, 1838. 

y Felix; Jones, A. D., Illust Amer. Biog., N. Y., yol. iL p. 430, 

1853. 

GwiNN, Wm. M., Eon,y of Col.; Democratic Rey., frontispiece, Noyem- 
ber, 1850. A. B. Walter sc 

Haddock, Chas. B. ; International Mag., yol. iL p. 1, December 1, 1850. 
F. Alexander p., eng. at J. Andrews. 



230 Index to American Portraits. 

Halb, Sarah Joskpha (nde Buell) ; Qode/B Lady's Book, frontispiece, 
December, 1850. W. B. Chambers p., W. G. Armstrong sc 

, Sabah Josepha (nde Buell) ; Jones, A. D., lUnst. Amer. Biog., 

N. Y., vol. ii. p. 291, 1863. J. W. Orr sc 

, Sabah Joskpha (nde Buell) ; Ladies' Repository, frontispiece, 

April, 1855. T. B. Read p., F. E. Jones sc. 

Halibubton, Thos. Ghandleb, Judge; Bentley, vol. ziy. p. 81, 1843. 
Eddis p., J. Ck>ok sc 

, Thos. GHAin>LEB, Judge; lUust. Lond. News, p. 87, July 16, 1843. 

, Thos. Ghandleb, Judge; Jones, A. D., Illust Amer. Biog., N. Y., 

vol. i. p. 209, 1853. J. W.' Orr sc 

, Thos. GHAin>LEB, Judge; Illust. Lond. News, supplement^ Septem- 
ber 9, 1865. 

Hall, N. K.; American Rev., vol. xv. p. 93, February, 1852. Da- 
guerreotype. F. Halpin sc 

, Mrs. Sam. Oabteb (Anna Maria Fielding) ; Museum, vol. xxiz. 

p. 386, 1836. 

y Mrs, Sam. Gabteb (Anna Maria Fielding) ; OampbelPs Mag., 

frontispiece, October, 1843. Sir Geo. Hayter p. 

, Mrs. Sam. Oabteb (Anna Maria Fielding) ; Harper, p. 627, Sep- 
tember, 1869. 

, Mrs. Sam. Oabteb (Anna Maria Fielding) ; Illust Lond. News, 

p. 149, February 12, 1881. 

Hallbck, Fitz-Gbeene; New York Mirror, p. 97, September 24, 1836. 
Inman p., Parker sc 

, Fitz-Gbeene; Knickerbocker Mag., voL xlix. p. 219, March. 1867. 

0. L. Elliott p., E. Teel sc. 

, Fitz-Gbeene; International Mag., voL iii. p. 433. 

, Fitz-Gbeene; Illust. Lond. News, p. 246, March 6, 1868. 

, Fitz-Gbeene; Duyckincks's Oydopndia, vol. i. p. 933, 1877. W. 

Roberts sc 

, Fitz-Gbeene; Ooemopolitan, p. 326, January, 1893. 

Hamilton, Alex.; Literary Mag. and American Register, October, 
1804. Tanner sc 

, Alex.; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. i. pt. 1, p. 61, 1815. Oerao- 

chio. Leney sc Bust. 

, Alex.; National Port. Gallery, vol. ii., 1836. Robertson p., E. 

Prudhomme sc 

, Alex.; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 61, 1863. 

J. W. Orr sc 

, Alex.; Knickerbocker Mag., vol. liv. p. 11, July, 1869. 

, Alex.; Harper, p. 181, July, 1868. 

, Alex.; Harper, p. 486, March, 1872. 

, Alex.; Duyckincks's Gydopndia, vol. i. p. 439, 1877. Orr sc 

, Alex.; Oncken, Das Zeitalter d. Revolution, Berlin (Oncken, 

Allg. G^.), vol. i. p. 764, 1884. 

, Alex.; Harper, p. 419, February, 1884. Weimar p. 



Irukz to American Portraits. 281 

Hamouion, Alex. ; Sohuyler, John, IiiBtituticm of the Society of the Gin- 

oiniiati, N. Y., p. 225, 1886. Tnimlmll p. Picture in N. Y. Chamber 

of Conuneroe. 
, Alkx.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist of America, Boston, 

vol. yi. p. 384, 1889. Crayon in Hist. Society of Penna. 
, AUEX.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of America, Boston, 

Tol. yii. p. 232, 1889. From Delaplaine's Repository. 

, Alkx.; Century, p. 811, April, 1889. Trumbull p. 

, Alex.; Harper, p. 612, September, 1891. J. Trumbull p. 

, Alex.; Scrib., p. 63, January, 1896. Trumbull p. Picture in 

N. Y. aty Hall. 
Hakoook, John; European Mag., frontispiece, October, 1783. 
Hannsqan, Edwd. a., Hon.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, June, 1846. 

Daguerreotype. T. Doney se. 
Habbis, Sam., Jr.; Polyanthos, 1812. 
Habbison, Wm. Ht. (Prest.) ; Port Folio, frontispiece, April, 1816. 

Wood p., W. R. Jones se. 
, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Museum, frontispiece, August, 1827. Wood p., 

W. R. Jones sc. 
, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; National Port Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. J. R. 

Lambdin p., R. W. Dodson sc 
, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of Generals and other 

Commanders in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 176, 1848. 

Medal on battle of the Thames. 
, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Jones, A. D., Hlust Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. L 

p. 167, 1863. 

, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Harper, p. 164, July, 1868. 

, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist of U. S., N. Y., 

vol. ii. plate 61, 1878. Ftirst Medal. 
, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nordamerika, Berlin 

(Oncken, Allg. Ges.), p. 639, 1886. 

, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Century, p. 372, January, 1887. Hy. Inman p. 

, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Scrib., p. 336, September, 1888. Campaign 



, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 362, 1889. From National Port Gallery. 

, Wm. Ht. (Prest) ; Scrib., p. 210, February, 1896. Beard p. (about 

1840). 

Haswell, Chas. H. (Engr. in Chf. U.S.N.) ; Democratic Rev., frontis- 
piece, January, 1848. Hlman & Sons se. 

Hatwood, W. H., Eon.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, April, 1846. D. 
Huntington p., T. Doney sc. 

Heath, Wm., Hon.; Polyanthos, 1813. 

Helmttth, Just. Heinbioh Chbist, Bev.; Museum, frontispiece, June, 
1827. Otis p., Goodman ft Piggot sc 

Henbt, Patbick; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, December, 1817. Sully 
p., Leney sc 



282 Index to American Portraits. 

Henbt, Patrick; National Port. Gallery, toL iL, 1836. Miniature in 

possession of J. 8. Fleming. E. Wellmore sc After painting l^ 

Longaore. 

, Patbiok; Harper, p. 148, July, 1861. 

, Patbigk; Jones, A. D., lUust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., toI. L p. 61, 

1853. 

, Patrick; Harper, p. 8, June, 1876. Statue in Richmond. 

, Patbiok; Harper, p. 437, August, 1883. Sully p. 

, Patbiok; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

yii. p. 226, 1889. From Analectic Mag. 
Hn.T.TABD, Ht. WASHnroTON; American Rev., frontispiece, December, 

1849. Daguerreotype. A. H. Ritchie sc 
HoLMBS, Outer Wbndell; niust. Lond. News, p. 296, March 20, 1858. 
, Oliybb Wbndell; Knickerbocker Mag., voL liL, frontispiece, 

July, 1858. D. W. Smith sc. 

, Oliybb Wbzidbu.; Harper, p. 203, January, 1876. 

, Olivbb WEin>ELL; Duyckincks's Cydopsdia, toL ii. p. 369, 1877. 

, Oliybb Wbndell; Scrib., vol. xviii., frontispiece, May, 1879. 

, OuYBB Wendbix.; Harper, p. 393, February, 1881. 

, Ouvbb Wbndbu.; Century, p. 513, February, 1885. 

, Oliybb Wbzidbu.; niust. Lond. News, p. 5, July 3, 1886. 

, Oliybb Wbzidbu.; One of a Thousand, p. 319, 1890. 

, OuYBB WBinxELL; Harper, p. 164, July, 1891. 

, OuvBB Wbndbu.; Harper, p. 280, July, 1894. Port, of 1860. 

, Ouvbb Wbndbll; Century, p. 557, August, 1895. Daguerreo- 
type. W. H. Funk sc. 
Hookbb, Hbbican, dm.; International Mag., vol. v. p. 442, April 1, 

1852. 
HoPKiirsoN, Fbanois; Delaplaine's Repository, voL iL pt I. p. 125, 

1815. Pine p.. Heath sc. 
, Fbancis; Museum, frontispiece, February, 1826. Pine p., 

J. Heath sc 

, Fbanoib; Casket, frontispiece, March, 1829. Pine p.. Heath sc 

, Fbanois; National Port. Gallery, vol. iii., frontispiece, 1836. 

Port, in possession of J. Hopldnson. J. B. Longacre sc 
, Fbancis; Jones, A. D., lUust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 179, 

1854. J. W. Orr sc 

, Fbanois; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 219, 1877. 

, Fbanois; Scrib., p. 35, November, 1880. 

, Fbancis; Oncken, Das 2Seitalter Friedridis des Grossen, Berlin 

(Oncken, Alleg. Ges.), vol. ii. p. 719, 1882. Trumbull p. (picture 

of signing of Declaration of Independence), Sadd sc 
, Fbanois; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of America, Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 259, 1889. From Delaplaine's Repository. 
HosAOK, David, MM.; National Port. Gallery, vol. ii., 1836. Sully p., 

A. B. Durand sc 
, David, MM.; Jones, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., p. 403, 

1854. J. W. Orr sc 



Index to American Portraits. 288 

Houston, Saic.; niust. Loud. News, p. 380, June 15, 1844. 

, Saic.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, February, 1847. 

, Sam.; Bungay, Geo. W., Off-Hand Takings, N. Y., p. 219, 1854. 

J. 0. Buttre sc 

, Saic.; Jones, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 303, 

1854. J. W. Orrsc 

, Sam.; Harper, p. 582, April, 1865. 

, Sam.; Serib., p. 417, February, 1874. 

, Sam.; Century, p. 494, August, 1884. As a Cherokee chief. 

, Sam.; Century, p. 496, August, 1884. 

, Sam.; Century, p. 696, March, 1887. 

, Sam.; Book News, p. 245, January, 1892. From Bruce's "Life 

of Sam. Houston." 

, Sam.; Century, p. 220, June, 1892. Caricature, "Loco Fooo Can- 
didates Travelling.'' 

, Sam.; Harper, p. 564, September, 1893. 

, Sam.; Book News, p. 75, November, 1893. From Williams's 

" Sam Houston and the War of Independence in Texas." 

HowABD, TiLQHMAN Abhxtbst, (70f>.; Democratic Bev., frontispiece, 
March, 1847. T. Doney sc. 

HuBBABD, Ht.; Democratic Rev., August, 1841. C. Fendridc del., 
L H. Gimber sc 

Hmx, Isaac; Analectic Mag., vol. i., frontispiece, 1813. G. Stuart p., 
D. Edwin sc. 

, Isaac; Polyanthos, 1814. 

HuMPHBKTS, David, Col.; Polyanthos, vol. iv. p. 145, February, 1807 

, David, Col.; National Port. Gallery, vol. ii., 1836. Stuart p., 

G. Parker sc (from painting by Herring). 

— , David, Col,; Jones, A. D., Illu^t. Amer. Biog., N. Y., voL ii. 
p. 239, 1854. 

, David, OoL; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 389, 1877. Rob- 
arts sc. 

BxjKT, Washington, Hon.; American Rev., March, 1849. Daguerreo- 
type. A. H. Ritchie sc. 

Ingalls, Wm., mm.; Polyanthos, 1814. 

Ingbbsoix^ Chas. Jabed; Democratic Rev., p. 339, October, 1839. 

, Chas. Jabed; Duyckincks's Cydopodia, vol. i. p. 730, 1877. 

Inwaham, Ed. D.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, July, 1849. Da- 
guerreotype. A. W. Walter sc. 

IBVING, John T.; Knickerbocker Mag., vol. 1. p. 325, October, 1857. 
Capewell k Kimmel sc. 

, Washington; La Belle Assemble, frontispiece, August, 1822. 

, Washington; European Mag., frontispiece, March, 1825. 

, Washington; New York Mirror, p. 272, February 25, 1832. C. 

R. Leslie p.. Hatch ft Smillie sc 

, Washington; Museum, frontispiece, February, 1832. Wm. Kee- 

nan sc. 



284 Index to American Portraits. 

Ibving, WASHiifGTON ; National Port. Qallery, vol. i., 1836. C. E. Leslie 

p., M. J. Danforth so. 
, Washington; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, December, 1841. 

G. S. Newton p. 

, Washington; Illust. Lond. News, p. 186, August 26, 1843. 

y Washington; Bentley, vol. xix. p. 622, 1846. Newton p., Oreat- 

batch 8C. 

, Washington; Harper, p. 677, April, 1861. 

, Washington; Jones, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. 

p. 167, 1863. 
, Washington; Knickerbocker Mag., vol. lii. p. 661, December, 

1868. Ball Hughes. W. G. Jackman sc Bust. 

, Washington; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, voL i. p. 789, 1877. 

, Washington; Harper, p. 649, April, 1883. Gilbert Stuart New- 
ton p. 
, Washington; Century, p. 1, May, 1887. DaguerreolTpe of 

about 1860. T. Johnson sc. 
, Washington; Book News, p. 12, September, 1893. From C. D. 

Warner's "Work of Washington Irving." 
Jaokson, Andbkw; Eaton, John Hy., Life of Jackson, Phila., frontis- 
piece, 1824. J. Wood p., Fairman ft Childs sc. 
^— , Andbkw; National Port. GMlery, vol. L, 1836. J. B. Longacre 

del. and sc. 
, Andrew; Democratic Rev., vol. z., frontispiece, January, 1842. 

Jarvis p., in 1816; Chas. Phillips sc 

, Andrew; Illust. Lond. News, p. 26, July 12, 1846. 

, Andrew; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, September, 1846. Da- 

guerreotjrpe. T. Doney sc. 
, Andrew; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, July, 1846. Daguerreo- 
type of 1846. T. Don^ sc. 
, Andrew; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of Generals and other Commanders 

in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 161, 1848. Medal on 

battle of New Orleans. 
, Andrew; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. T., vol. i. p. 117, 

1863. J. W. Orr sc 

, Andrew; Harper, p. 16, January, 1863. Medal. 

, Andrew; Harper, pp. 146, 163, January, 1863. 

, Andrew; Harper, p. 606, April, 1864. 

, Andrew; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of U. S., N. Y., voL 

ii., plates 47, 66, 1878. Ftirst. Medals. 

, Andrew; Harper, p. 276, July, 1884. La Fosse. G. Kruell sc 

, Andrew; Scrib., p. 333, September, 1888. Campaign medal. 

, Andrew; Century, pp. 218, 220, June, 1892. Caricatures, viz.: 

"Cleaning his Kitchen,'* "A Boston Notion for the World's Fair." 

, Andrew; Scrib., p. 206, February, 1896. Photo. 

Jambs, Thos. C, MJ).; Museum, frontispiece, April, 1827. Wood p., 

Neagle sc 
, Thos. C, MJ),; Casket, March, 1830. Wood p., Neagle sc 



Index to American Portraits. 286 

Jat, John; Dn Simitiftre, P., Thirteen Ports, of Amer. Legislators, 

L., plate 7, 1783. Du Simitidre del., B. Reading so. 
, John; Literary Mag. and Amer. Register, frontispieoe, Decem- 
ber, 1804. G. Fairman del., W. Hooker sc. 
, John; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. i. pt. 2, p. 167, 1815. Stuart 

p., Leney so. 

, John; Casket, August, 1829. Stuart p., Leney sc. 

, John; National Port. Gallery, vol. ii., 1836. Stuart and Trum- 
bull p., A. B. Durand sc 
, John; Jenkins, John S., Lives of the Govs, of N. Y., Auburn, 

p. 75, 1851. 
, John; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 68, 1863. 

J. W. Orr sc. 

, John; Harper, p. 181, July, 1868. 

y John; Century, p. 166, December, 1882. Frazer. Bust. 

y John; Harper, p. 842, May, 1883. 

, John; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 91, 1889. From Du Simitidre. 
, John; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 312, 1889. From Delaplaine's Repository. 

, John; Century, p. 826, April, 1889. Joseph Wright p. 

, John; Carson, Hampton L., Supreme Court of U. S., Phila., 

frontispiece, 1891. Gilbert Stuart p. 

y John; Scrib., p. 67, January, 1896. Stuart p. 

Jetfcbson, Thos.; European Mag., frontispiece, May, 1802. G. 

Stuart p. 
, Thob.; Literary Mag. and American Register, September, 1804. 

Tiebout sc. 
, Thos.; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. L pt 2, p. 126, 1815. Otis 

p., Neagle sc 

, Thos.; Museum, frontispiece, March, 1826. Otis p., Neagle sc 

, Thos.; National Port Gallery, vol. ii^, 1836. G. Stuart p., J. B. 

Forrest sc 
, Thos.; Democratic Rev., vol. xviii., frontispiece, January, 1846. 

David d'Angers. Statue 
1 Thos. ; Jones, A. D., Illust Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. L p. 46, 1863. 

J. W. Orr sc. 

y Thos.; Harper, p. 149, June, 1863. David. Statue. 

, Thos.; Randolph, Sarah W., Domestic Life of Jefferson, N. Y., 

frontispiece, 1871. Gilbert Stuart p. 

y Thos.; Harper, p. 366, August, 1871. G. Stuart p. 

y Thos.; Harper, p. 816, March, 1872. Gait Statue. 

y Thos.; Harper, p. 8, June, 1876. Statue in Richmond. 

y Thos.; Harper, p. 211, July, 1876. 

y Thos.; Duyckincks's Cydopsedia, vol. i. p. 249, 1877, Roberts sc 

y Thos.; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist of the U. S., N. Y., vol. ii. 

plate 23, 1878. Reich. Medal. 



286 Index to American Portraits. 

JEWWWMBOif, Tho8.; Oncken, Das Zeitalter Friedriohs des GroBsen, Berlin 
(Oncken, Allg. Get.)» vol. ii. p. 719, 1882. Trumbiill p. (picture 
of Declaration of Independence), Sadd nc 

, Thos.; Oncken, Daa Zeitalter FriedriehB dee Groeeen, Berlin 

(Ondcen, Allg. Gee.), yoI. ii. p. 720, 1882. Desnoyer bc 

, Thos.; Harper, p. 557, March, 1884. Gilbert Stuart p., G. 

Kruell BC 

, Thos.; Hopp, Bnndeefltaat in Nordamerika, Berlin (Qncken, 

Allg. GcB.), p. 333, 1886. Chappel. 

, Thos.; Century, p. 642, September, 1887. G. Stuart p., John- 
son BC 

, Thos.; WiuBor, J., Narr. and Grit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, yoL 

yi. p. 258, 1889. Stuart p. 

, Thos.; Winaor, J., Narr. and Grit Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

yii. p. 304, 1889. From Delaplaine's RepoBitory. 

, Thos.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, voL 

yii. p. 305, 1889. After eng. in European Mag. 

, Thos.; Scrib., p. 54, January, 1895. Stuart p. 

Johnson, C.; Democratic Rey., frontispiece, October, 1845. Daguerreo- 
type T. Doney bc 

, REyEBOT; Amer. Rey., yol. ix., frontispiece, 1849. Daguerreo- 
type. A. Jones sc 

, Reverdt; niust Lond. News, p. 85, July 27, 1850. 

, Revebdy; must. Lond. News, supplement, September 12, 1868. 

, Rd. Mentob(T); Democratic Rey., frontispiece, April, 1844. 

Daguerreotype by Warner. J. B. Forrest sc. 

Jones, Jaoob; Analectic Mag., y<^. ii. p. 75, 1813. R. Peale p., D. 
Edwin sc 

KsABNST, Laubenoe; Democratic Rey., frontispiece, March, 1851. Ill- 
man ft Sons sc. 

Eellbt, Wm. Dabbah; Democratic Rey., June, 1851. Illman ft Sons sc 

Kendall, Ahos; Democratic Rey., yol. i. p. 383, March, 1838. Gh. 
Fenderich del., Bannerman sc. 

, Ahos; Harper, p. 182, July, 1884. 

Kennedy, John Pendleton; Amer. Rey., December, 1846. T. Doney sc 

, John Pendleton; Amer. Rey., yol. xiii., frontispiece, January, 

1851. P. M. Whelpley sc 

, John Pendleton; Jones, A. D., Illust Amer. Biog., N. Y., yol. 

ii. p. 495, 1854. J. W. Grr sc 

, John Pendleton; Putnam's Monthly, yol. iy. p. 233, September, 

1854. Daguerreotype H. B. Hill sc 

, John Pendleton; Duyddncks's Cydopsdia, yol. i. p. 949, 1877. 

W. Roberts sc 

Kent, James; Amer. Rey., yol. yii. p. 327, April, 1848. T. Doney sc 

King, Rnrus; Delaplaine's Repository, yol. i. pt. 2, p. 177, 1815. 
Wood p., Leney sc 

, Rurus ; Museum, frontispiece, January, 1826. Wood p., Leney sc 

, Rnrus; Casket, frontispiece, July, 1827. Wood p., Leney sc 



Index to American Portraits. 287 

Knro, Burus; National Port. Gallery, toI. iii, 1836. G. Stuart p., T. 

Kelly 80. 

, RUFUS; Harper, p. 943, May, 1884. Gilbert Stoart p. 

, RiTFUS; Serib., p. 172, August, 1887. Woods p. 

, T. Butueb; Amer. Rev., frontiapiece, November, 1848. Chester 

Harding p., A. H. Ritchie so. 
, Wm. Rufus; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, August, 1843. Da- 
guerreotype. Fredk. Halpin sc 
, Wm. RtTFUS; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, August, 1862, Jos. 

Ourdan sc. 
, Wm. RuFors; Jones, A. D., Illus. Amer. Biog., N. Y., p. 187, 1854. 

J. W. Orr sc 
, Wm. Rufus; Century, p. 221, June, 1892. Caricature, "Young 

America.'' 
Knox, Ht., Gen.; Port Folio, frontispiece, August, 1811. C. W. Peale 

p., Edwin sc. 
, Ht., €hn.; Port Folio, frontispiece, February, 1812. Stewart p., 

D. Edwin sc. 
, Ht., Gen.; National Port. Gallery, vol. iL, 1836. Stuart p., E. 

Prudhomme sc, after copy by Herring. 
, Ht., Gen./ Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 113, 

1863. 

, Ht., Gen.; Harper, p. 226, July, 1867. 

, Ht., Gen.; Harper, p. 823, November, 1879. Gilbert Stuart p. 

— , Ht., Gen.; Schuyler, John, Institution of the Society of the Cin- 
cinnati, N. Y., p. 13, 1886. From the National Port. Gallery. 

, Ht., Gen.; Century, p. 826, April, 1889. 

Lafatettb; Port Folio, vol. xviiL pp. 176, 177, 1824. 

TiAMAB, M. B. (of Texas) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, June, 1846. 

Daguerreotype. J. B. Forrest sc 
Lathbop, John, Bev.; Polyanthos, 1812. 
Laubenge, Abbott; Amer. Rev., vol. ix. p. 331, April, 1849. G. P. A. 

Healy p., Andrews ft Kelly sc. 
Laubens, Ht.; Westminster Mag., frontispiece, October, 1780. 
, Ht.; Dn Simitidre, P., Thirteen Ports, of Amer. Legislators, 

L., plate 9, 1783. Du Simitidre del., B. Reading sc 

, Ht.; Port Folio, frontispiece, September, 1814. Edwin sc 

, Ht.; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. ii. pt. 1, p. 29, 1816. C. W. 

Peale p., Neagle sc 
, Ht.; Museum, frontispiece, August, 1826. C. W. Peale p., 

Neagle sc 
, Ht.; National Port. Gallery, voL iv., 1836. Copley p., T. B. 

Welch sc, after drawing l^ Armstrong. 
, Ht.; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., p. 236, 1864. J. W. 

Orr sc 

, Ht.; ^rper, p. 841, May, 1883. 

, Ht.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 66, 1889. From Delaplaine's Repository. 



238 Index to American Portraits^ 

Laubens, Ht.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Ciit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 
TiL p. 67, 1889. From Du Simiti^re's 18 Ports. 

Lawbenge, James, Oapt. U.8,N.; Analectic Mag. (2d ed.), toI. ii. p. 
129, 1813. Stuart p., Rollinson so. 

, James, Oapt. UMJf.; Port Folio, frontispiece, September, 1813. 

Stuart p., Rollinson sc. 

, James, Oapt. U.8.N.; Alden, Timothy, Amer. Epitaphs, N. Y., 

vol. y. pentade 1, 1814. Edwin sc. 

, James, Oapt. UM.N.; Port Folio, frontispiece, August, 1816. 

Edwin sc. 

, James, Oapt. U.8Jf.; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of Generals and other 

Commanders of the Amer. Army and NaTj, Phila., p. 257, 1848. 
Medal on capture of the ** Peacock.'' 

, James, Oapt. UM.N.; Harper, p. 172, January, 1862. 

, James, Oapt. UJI.N.; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist of the U. S., 

N. Y., vol. ii. plate 34, 1878. Ftirst. Medal. 

, James, Oapt. UMJf.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 386, 1889. From Analectic Mag. 

Lbgabb, Hugh Swiinx>N; American Rev., frontispiece, October, 1845. 
T. Doney sc 

Lbggett, Wm.; Democratic Rev., July, 1839. 

, Wm.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, January, 1840. T. S. Cum- 

mings p., A. Sealey sc. 

, Wm.; Duyckincks's Cydopsdia, vol. ii. p. 162, 1877. 

Leland, Chas. GoDrBET; Knickerbocker Mag., vol. zliz. p. 110, Febru- 
ary, 1867. 

, Chas. Godfbet; Duyckincks's Cydopsedia, vol. iL p. 827, 1877. 

, Chas. Godfbet; Harper, p. 334, February, 1882. 

, Chas. Godfbet; Book News, p. 196, January, 1894, From Le- 

land's Mem. 

Lewis, Elus; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, April, 1847. Daguerreo- 
type. T. Doney sc. 

, Mebiwetheb; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, April, 1816. St. 

Memin p., Strickland sc 

, Mebiwetheb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Bos- 
ton, vol. vii. p. 556, 1889. From Analectic Mag. 

^Moboan; National Port. Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. J. Herring p., 

Durand & Paradise sc 

, Mobqan; Democratic Rev., frontispiece. May, 1844. Daguerreo- 
type Lith. F. Davignon del. 

, Moboan; Jenkins, John S., Lives of Governors of N. Y., Auburn, 

p. 133, 1851. From lith. of F. Michelin. 

, Mobgan; Jones, A. D., lUust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 199, 

1854. J. W. Orr sc 

, Moboan; Harper, p. 688, April, 1872. 

, Mobgak; Schuyler, John, Institution of the Society of the Cin- 
cinnati, N. Y., p. 249, 1886. 

, MoBGAN; Century, p. 825, April, 1889. Trumbull p. 



Index to American Portraits. 289 

Lewis, Moboan; Cosmopolitan, p. 476, February, 1891. 

, Wm. (lawyer, bom 1761); Analectic Mag., frontispiece, May, 

1820. Stuart p., Qoodman & Piggot sc 
Linn, L. F.; Democratic Rev., vol. xiv., frontispiece, January, 1844. 

Daguerreotype. J. N. Gimbrede sc 
Longfellow, Ht. Wadswobth ; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., 

p. 307, 1854. J. W. Orr sc. 
, Ht. Wadswobth; Longfellow, Poetical Works, L., 1856. Law- 
rence p., Robinson sc. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Dlust. Lond. News, p. 296, March 20, 1858. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Ejoickerbocker Mag., vol liii. p. 113, February, 

1859. Johnson del., H. W. Smith sc. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Uiust. Lond. News, p. 61, July 17, 1869. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Harper, p. 204, January, 1876. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Scrib., p. 52, May, 1876. Silhouette. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Duyckincks's Cydopscdia, vol. i., frontispiece, 

1877. Whitechurch sc 
, Ht. Wadswobth; Scrib., vol. xvii., frontispiece, November, 1878. 

Wyatt Eaton del. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Hlust. Lond. News, p. 303, April 1, 1882. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Harper, p. 123, June, 1882. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Century, p. 802, October, 1883. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Illust. Lond. News, p. 217, March 8, 1884. 

Bust. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Century, p. 806, April, 1886. 

, Ht. Wadswobth; Harper, p. 305, January, 1888. Bust in West- 
minster Abbey. 
, Ht. Wadswobth; Earpeles, Qeschichte der Litteratur, vol. ii. 

p. 285, 1891. Photo. 
, Ht. Wadswobth; Illust. Lond. News, p. 659, August, 1895. 

Badger p. F. Day, after eng. by Wilcox. 
Lowell^ Joshua A., Oovr. of Maine; Democratic Rev., April, 1848. 

Engd. by T. Doney. 
Lton, Patbiok; Godey's Lady's Book, vol. x. p. 49, February, 1835. 

Neagle p., T. Kelly sc 

, Patbick; Scrib., p. 166, June, 1876. 

McDonald, Chas. J. (of Ga.) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, Septem- 
ber, 1848. Daguerreotype by Brady. T. Doney sc 
Maodonough, Thos., Commodore; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, March, 

1816. Jarvis p., Gimbrode sc. 
, Thos., Commodore; National Port. (Jallery, vol. i., 1836. J. W. 

Jarvis p., J. B. Forrest sc. 
, Thos., Commodore; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of the Generals and 

other Commanders in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 257, 

1848. Medal. 
, Thos., Commodore; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., 

vol. i. p. 131, 1853. J. W. Orr sc 
, Thos., Commodore; Harper, p. 178, January, 1862. 



240 Index to American Portraits. 

Macdonough, Thos., Commodore; Harper, p. 148, June, 1864. 

, Thob., Commodore; Loubat^ J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., 

N. Y., vol. ii. plate 35, 1878. Fttrst. Medal. 
, Thos., Commodore; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 397, 1889. Stuart. 
— •, Thos., Commodore; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 399, 1889. From Analectic Mag. 
MoDuinx, Gbo.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece. May, 1845. Da- 
guerreotype. Engd. by J. B. Forrest. 
MoGwiN, Wm.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, November, 1850. Da- 
guerreotype. Engd. by H. B. Walter. 
MoIirrosH, Dunoan; Port Folio, frontispiece, April, 1809. Silhouette. 
MoLanb, Robt.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, August, 1850. H. S. 

Sadd Bc. 
Madison, Jamis; Museum, frontispiece. May, 1826. Otis p., Neagle sc 

, James; Casket^ frontispiece, December, 1828. Otis del. 

, James; National Port. Gallery, voL iii., frontispiece, 1836. J. 

B. Longacre del., T. B. Welch sc. MUt 82. 
, James; National Port. Gallery, vol. iii. plate 2, 1836. Stuart 

p., W. A. Wilney sc. After print by Edwin. 
, James; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 271, 

1854. J. W. Orr sc. 
, Jambs; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., N. Y., vol. it 

plate 25, 1878. Reich. Medal. 
, James; Harper, p. 747, April, 1884. Gilbert Stuart p., G. 

Kruell sc. 
, James; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nordamerika, Berlin (Ondcen, 

Allg. Ges.), p. 361, 1886. G. Stuart p. 
, James; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 216, 1889. C. W. Peale p. 
s, Jambs; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 341, 1889. From National Port. Gallery. 

, James; Scrib., p. 60, January, 1895. Stuart p. 

, Mr9, James (Dolly Paine) ; Port Folio, frontispiece, February, 

1818. Otis del., Goodman & Piggot sc. 
, Mr9 James (Dolly Paine) ; National Port. Gallery, vol. iii., 

1836. Wood p., J. F. E. Prudhomme sc, from drawing by J. 

Herring. 
, Mrs. Jambs (Dolly Paine) ; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., 

N. Y., vol. ii. p. 267, 1854. J. W. Orr sc. 
, Mrs, James (Dolly Paine) ; Griswold, R. W., Republican Gourt, 

N. Y., p. 69, 1855. ' 
, Mrs, James (Dolly Paine) ; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit. Hist, of 

Amer., Boston, vol. vii. p. 342, 1889. From National Port. Gallery. 
Maiaone, Edwd. G.; Analectic Mag., p. 225, September, 1815. Gim- 

brede sc 
Mahbhall, Edwd. G.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, April, 1852. Da- 
guerreotype. J. Ourdan sc. 



Index to American Portraits. 241 

Mabbwatj., John, OlUef Justice; Port Folio, frontispiece, January, 1815. 

J. Paul p., D. Edwin sc 
, John, Chief Justice} Analectic Mag., frontispiece, February, 

1817. J. Wood p., F. Kearny sc. 
, John, Chief Justice; National Port. Gallery, vol. i., 1836. Hy. 

Inman p., A. B. Durand sc. 
, JoBix, Chief Justice; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., 

vol. i. p. 97, 1853. J. W. Orr sc. 
, John, Chief Justice; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 421, 

1877. Roberts sc 

, John, Chief Justice; Century, p. 162, December, 1882. 

, John, Chief Justice; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nordamerika, Berlin 

(Oncken, Allg. Gks.), p. 349, 1886. Inman p. From woodcut by 

F. Johnson. 
, John, Chief Justice; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 262, 1889. R. Peale p. 
y John, Chief Justice; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 300, 1889. From Analectic Mag. 
, John, Chief Justice; Century, p. 642, September, 1889. St. 

Memin del., J. H. £. Whitney sc 
, JoHK, Chief Justice; Carson, Hampton L., Supreme Court of 

U. S., Phila., p. 195, 1891. Jarvis p. 
Meaoheb, Thos. Francis; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, July, 1852. 

J. Ourdan sc 
Mbbkdith, Wm. Mobris; Democratic Rev., p. 191, August, 1852. Cari- 
cature. 
MmuN, Thos., Gen,; National Port. Gallery, vol. iv., 1836. G. 

Stuart p., E. Welmore sc. 
, Thos., Gen,; Port FoUo, frontispieces, July, 1817, and July, 

1826. Stuart p., H. Bridport sc. 
, Thos., Gen.; Armor, Wm. C, Lives of the Govrs. of Penna., 

Phila., p. 278, 1872. 
, Thos., Gen,; Penna. Archives, Hbg., 2d series, vol. ii. p. 284, 

1880. 
MiNOT, Gbo. Riohabos; Polyanthoe, vol. i. p. 217, March, 1806. S. 

Harris sc 
MiTGHEL, John (Irish Nationalist) ; Hlust. Lond. News, p. 323, May 

20, 1848. 
, John (Irish Nationalist) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, Au- 
gust, 1848. Daguerreotype. T. Doney sc. 
, John (Irish Nationalist) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, Feb- 
ruary, 1852. Daguerreotype. J. Ourdan sc 
, John (Irish Nationalist) ; Bungay, Geo. W., Off-Hand Takings, 

N. Y., p. 400, 1864. J. C. Buttre sc 
MiTOHSLL, Donald G.; Knickerbocker Mag., vol. 1. p. 107, August, 1857. 

C. L. Elliott p., Capewell & Einmiel sc 
y Donald G.; Duyckincks's CyclopsBdia, vol. ii. p. 683, 1877. 

VOL. XXV. — 16 



242 Index to American Pcrtraits. 

'hSjTOHELL, DoKALD G.; Book NewB, p. 376, May, 1893. 

MoiTBOB, Jambs; Port Folio, froniispieoe, April, 1818. B. Otis deL, 

Goodman ft Piggot bc 

, Jamks; Casket, frontispiece, August, 1828. Otis del. 

, Jambs; National Port. Gallery, toI. iiL, 1836. Vanderlyn p., 

A. B. Dnrand sc. 
, Jambs; Loubat, J. F., Hedallic Hist, of the U. S., N. Y., voL iL 

plate 50, 1878. Ftlrst. Medal. 
, Jambs; Harper, p. 041, May, 1884. GUbert Stoart p., Gnstay 

Emell BC. 
, Jambs; Hopp, Bnndesstaat in Nordamerika, Berlin (Ondran, 

Allg. Ges.), p. 481, 1886. Chappel p. 
, Jambs; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, voL 

yii. p. 344, 1889. From National Port Gallery. 

, Jambs; Serib., p. 03, January, 1895. Stuart. 

MooBB, Bbnj., Bp.; Port Folio, frontispiece, July, 1810. Edwin sc 

, Bbnj., Bp,; Harper, p. 818, November, 1884. 

Moboan, Danl., Gm^; Port Folio, frontispiece, August, 1812. 0. W. 

Peale p., Edwin sc. 
, Daxvl., Cfen.; National Port. Gallery, toL iiL, 1830. Trumbull 

deL, J. F. E. Prudhomme sc, from drawing by J. Herring. 
, Daitl., Gen.; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y^, voL L p. 

95, 1853. J. W. Orr 8C 

, Daivi.., Gen.; Harper, p. 103, January, 1881. 

, Danl., Gen.; Harper, p. 290, February, 1804. 

, Danl., Gen.; Harper, p. 220, July, 1807. 

MoBBis, RoBT.; Delaplaine's Repository, yoI. iL pt. 1, p. 139, 1815. 

Pine p., J. Heath sc 

, RoBT.; Port Folio, p. 171, September, 1820. Pine p., J. Heath sc 

, RoBT.; National Port Gallery, toL It., 1830. Pine p., T. B. 

Welch sc, from painting by Longacrc 

, RoBT.; Harper, p. 152, July, 1851. 

, RoBT.; Harper, p. 225, July, 1807. 

, RoBT.; Harper, p. 481, March, 1872. 

, RoBT.; Oncken, Das Zeitalter Friedrichs des Groseen, Berlin 

(Ondcen, Allg. Ges.), toL iL p. 719, 1882. Trumbull p. (picture 

of Signing of Declaration of Independence), Sadd sc 
, RoBT.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., Boston, toI. 

yiL p. 70, 1889. From Delaplaine's Repository. 

, RoBT.; Century, p. 807, April, 1889. 

, RoBT. H. (Mayor of N. Y.) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, June, 

1847. F. R. Spencer p., T. Doney bc 
MoiBSK, Saml. F. B.; American Rev., frontispiece, October, 1851. Da- 
guerreotype W. L. Ormsby sc 
MoBTON, Mabous, Hon.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, October, 1841. 
Mouuta; Port Folio, frontispiece, February, 1815. Capt Porter deL, 

W. Strickland sc 



Index to American Portraits. 248 

MouTON A.; Democratic Bev., froniispieoe, December, 1843. Dagaerreo- 

type. F. Halpin bc 
MuHLBRBDO, Ht. AuGfUSTUS (bom 1782); Democratic Rev., frontis- 
piece, January, 1846. J. Neagle p., J. B. Forrest sc 
, Ht. a. (bom 1828); Biog. EiM^clopndia of Penna., Phila., p. 

277, 1874. 
MxJBPHT, Ht. 0.; Democratic Bev., toL zxL, frontispiece, 1847. T. 

Doney sc 
MuBBAT, Alkx., Commodore UJSJf.; Port Folio, p. 899, May, 1814. 

Wood p., Edwin sc 
Obqood, Saml.; Knidcerbodcer Mag., toI. liiL p. 882, April, 1869. 

Engd. by Capewell ft KinuneL 

, Baml.; Duyddncks's Qydopadia, vol. ii. p. 472, 1877. 

Otis, Jambs; Polyantbos, 1812. 

OwBN, BoBT. Daic; Democratic Bev., frontispiece, December, 1849. 8. 

WaUin del. 

, BoBT. Daic; DnyckindEs's Cyclopedia, vol. iL p. 846, 1877. 

Pahib, Thos.; Hist., Biog., lit., and ScL Mag., yoI. iL p. 129, 1799. 

H. Bichards deL, Madcende sc 

, Thos.; Gillray, Caricatures, L., plates 64, 89, 1861. 

, Thos.; Duyddncks's Cydopodia, vol. L p. 207, 1877. 

, Thos.; Harper, p. 912, November, 1892. Death mask. 

Pabish, E., Bev.; Polyanthos, 1814. 

Pabsons, Thbophilus, Chief Jtutioe; Analeotic Mag., frontispiece, 

June, 1816. Stuart p., Leney sc 
, THBOPHiLcrB, Chief Justice; Harper, p. 169, July, 1876. G. 

Stuart p. 
Pattbbson, Saml. D.; Democratic Bev., vol. zxiv. p. 196, Mardi, 1849. 

A. B. Walker sc 
PBNif, Wm.; Proud, Bobt, Hist of Penna., PMla., frontispiece, 1767. 

Barralet p., Lawson sc 

, Wm.; European Mag., frontispiece, April, 1790. Stanier sc 

, Wm.; Amer. UniTersal Mag., toL i., frontispiece, January, 1797. 

Du Simitiftrc J. Smitber sc 

, Wm.; Port Folio, frontispiece, Mardi, 1809. Edwin sc 

, Wm.; Evans, John, Sketch of the Denominations of the Cbris- 

tiaa World, Burlington, frontispiece, 1812. 
, Wm.; darkson, life of Penn, Phila., voL i., frontispiece, 1814. 

Bevan. D. Edwin sc Bust 
, Wm.; Port Folio, p. 841, October, 1816. Statue at Penna. Hos- 

pitaL 
, Wm.; Gallery of British Ports.: Statesmen, etc, 1838. Wert 

p., J. Possel-White sc, from print by HulL 
, Wm.; Smith, J. J., and Watson, J. F., Amer. Hist and Literary 

Curiosities, Phila., 1847. Bevan medallion. 
, Wm.; Janney, O. M., life of Wm. Penn, Phila., frontispiece, 

1862. Port in Hist Sodety of Penna. J. Sartain sc 



244 Inda^ to American Portraits. 

Tmurs, Wm.; Janney, O. M., Life of Whl Penn, Phila., p. 297, 1852. H. 

Inman p., J. Sartain so. 
, Wm.; Jones, A. D., niuBt. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. L p. 83, 1868. 

J. Orr 8C 

, Wm.; Harper, p. 223, July, 1867. 

, Wm.; Armor, Wm. C, Lives of Gtovrs. of Pemm., Phila., frontis- 
piece, 1872. Sartain sc 

, Wm.; Harper, p. 706, April, 1876. 

, Wm.; Scrib., p. 1, May, 1876. After Schoff's eng. 

, Wm.; Scrib., p. 6, May, 1876. National Museimi Port. 

, Wm.; Century, p. 737, March, 1888. Port, in National Museum, 

Phila. 
, Wm.; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nordamerika, Berlin (Ondcen, Allg. 

G^.), p. 63, 1886. Kneller. Ktthner sc. 
, Wm.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Grit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, voL 

iii. p. 474, 1889. Port, of 1666. Schoff sc. 
Pkbbt, Oliveb Hazard, Commodore; Analectic Mag., p. 496, December, 

1818. Waldo p., Edwin sc 
, Oliveb Hazard, Commodore; Port Folio, frontispiece, March, 

1814. Waldo p., Edwin sc 
, OuvEB Hazard, Commodore; National Port. Gallery, vol. ii^ 

1836. J. W. Jarvis p., J. B. Forrest sc. 
, Ouvnft Hazard, Commodore; Wyatt, Thos.^ MeuL of Generals 

and other Commanders of the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 

237, 1848. Medal on battle of Lake Erie. 
, Olivkb Hazard, Commodore; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., 

N. Y., vol. i. p. 146, 1863. J. W. Orr sc 

, OuvBft Hazard, Commodore; Harper, p. 176, January, 1862. 

, Oliveb Hazard, Commodore; Harper, p. 298, August, 1868. 

, Oliver Hazard, Commodore; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the 

U. S., N. Y., vol. ii. plate 82, 1878. Fttrst. Medal. 
, Oliver Hazard, Commodore; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist. 

of Amer., Boston, vol. vii. p. 391, 1889. From Analectic Mag. 
Phelps, Elizabeth Stuart; Ladies' Repository, frontispiece, June, 

1866. Alexander p., F. E. Jones sc 

, Elizabeth Stuabt; Cosmopolitan, p. 214, December, 1890. 

, Saml. G.; Amer. Rev., vol. xii., frontispiece, 1860. Daguerreo- 
type. D. M. Whelpley sc. 
Phillips, Johit, Hon.; Polyanthos, 1814. 
PiEBOE, Franklin (Prest.) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, June, 1862. 

Daguerreotjrpe. W. L. Ormsby sc. 
, Franklin (Prest.) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, October, 1862. 

Daguerreotype. J. Ourdan sc. 

, Franklin (Prest.) ; Hlust. Lond. News, p. 209, March 19, 1863. 

y Franklin (Prest.) ; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. 

p. 168, 1863. 
— '■ — , Franklin (Prest) ; Livingston, John, Ports, of Eminent Amer., 

N. Y., p. 1, 1854. H. B. Hall sc. 



Index to American Portraits. 246 

PiEBCE, Frankun (Prest.) ; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. 8., 

N. Y., vol. ii. plate 67, 1878. Ellis k Willson. Medal. 
, FRAinaiN (Preet); Century, p. 696, March, 1882. Photo. G. 

Kruell Bc. 
y Franklin (Prest.) ; Scrib., p. 337, September, 1888. Campaign 

medal. 
, Fbanxuh (Prest.) ; Century, p. 224, June, 1892. Caricature, 

" The Democratic Platform." 
, Franklin (Prest); Century, p. 221, June, 1892. Caricature, 

"Young America.'* 

, Franklin (Prest.) ; Scrib., p. 345, March, 1895. Healy p., 1852. 

PiKS, Zebulon Montgomxrt; Pike, Z. M., Account of Expedition to 

Sources of Mississippi, Phila., frontispiece, 1810. Edwin sc. 
, Zebulon Montgoicebt; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, Noyember, 

1814. Gimbrede sc 

, Zebulon Montgomeby; Harper, p. 745, November, 1863. 

, Zebulon Montgoicebt; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist of 

Amer., Boston, vol. vii. p. 554, 1889. From Analectic Mag. 
PmoKNET, Wm. (1764-1820) ; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., 

vol. i. p. Ill, 1853. J. W. Orr sc 
PiNKNET, Wm.; Port Folio, p. 433, November, 1822. C. King p., J. B. 

Longacre sc. 
, Wm.; National Port. Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. C. B. King p., E. 

Wellmore sc. 
, Wm.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vii. p. 481, 1889. From National Port. Gallery. 
Pleasants, John Hampden; Amer. Rev., vol. v. p. 285, March, 1847. 

T. Doney sc. 
PoE, Edgar Allan; Graham's Mag., frontispiece, 1845. A. C. Smith 

p., Welch ft Walker sc. 

, Edoab Allan; Harper, p. 557, September, 1872. 

, Edgar Allan; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. ii. p. 402, 1877. 

Roberts sc 

, Edgar Allan; Scrib., vol. xx., frontispiece, May, 1880. 

, Edgar Allan; Le Livre (Bibliographic Retrospective), 10th year, 

p. 314, 1889. From "Harper." 
, Edgar Allan ; Karpeles, Geschichte d. Litteratur, vol. ii. p. 287, 

1891. Daguerreotype. 
, Edgar Allan; Century, p. 577, August, 1894. Daguerreotype. 

T. Cole sc 
»— , Edgar Allan; Century, p. 725, September, 1894. Daguerreo- 
type. R. G. Tietze sc. 

, Edgar Allan; Century, p. 854, October, 1894. Daguerreotype. 

Poinsett, Joel Roberts; National Port. Gallery, vol. i., 1836. J. B. 

Longacre del. and sc 
, Joel Robebts; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, February, 1838. 

Ch. Fenderich del., Bannerman sc. 



246 Index to American PortraitSk 

PoiNSErT, JoKL BoBBBTS; Jones, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., voL ii. 

p. 466, 1864. J. W. Orr sc. 
Poui:^ Jambs Enox; Democratio Rer., fronti8pi«oe. May, 1838. 
y James Knox; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, August^ 1844. J. 

B. Forrest sc 

, Jambs Knox; Ulust. Lond. News, p. 821, November 23, 1844. 

, Jambs Knox; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., N. Y., 

voL ii. plate 69, 1878. Peale. Medal. 

, Jambs Enox; Scrib., p. 339, March, 1886. Photo. 

, Jambs Knox; Century, p. 618, February, 1887. Photo. H. 

Velten sc 
— ^— , Jambs Enox; Scrib., p. 336, September, 1888. Campaign medaL 
, Wm. H.; Democratic Eev., frontispiece, December, 1861. Da- 
guerreotype. H. S. Sadd sc 
Pdbtbb, Bknj. F., Judge; Amer. Rev., frontispiece. May, 1849. A. H. 

Ritchie sc. 
— — , David, UJ3.N.; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, September, 1814. 

Wood p., Edwin sc 
Pottbb, Emebt D.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, February, 1860. H. 

S. Sadd sc 
Pbatt, Zadoo, Hon.; Democratic Re\r., frontispiece, December, 1846. 

Daguerreotype. T. Doney sc 
Pbeblb, Edwd., Commodore; Polyanthos, vol. i. p. 146, February, 1806* 

S. Harris sc 
, Edwd., Commodore; Port Folio, frontispiece. May, 1810. Edwin 

sc. Medal. 
, Edwd., Commodore; National Port. Qallery, voL ii., 1836. Port 

in Faneuil Hall. T. Kelly sc 
, Edwd., Commodore; Qod^y's Lady's Book, frontispiece, Septem- 
ber, 1842. 
, Edwd., Commodore; Wyatt, Thoe., Mem. of Generals and other 

Commanders In the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 193, 1848. 

Medal on attack on Tripoli. 
, Edwd., Commodore; Jones, A. D., Ulust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. 

ii. p. 123, 1864. J. W. Orr sc 

, Edwd., Commodore; Harper, p. 166, January, 1862. 

, Edwd., Commodore; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., 

N. Y., vol. iL plate 74, 1878. Reich. MedaL 
Phentiss, Sbabgent S.; Amer. Rev., vol. ziv. p. 179, September, 1861. 

J. P. Ourdan sc 
Pbbsoott, Wm. HiOKLme; Bentley, vol. zxL p. 429, 1847. Ames p., 

Qreatbateh sc. 

, Wm. Hiokuno; Harper, p. 138, July, 1860. Bust. 

, Wm. Hiokleno; Jcmes, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. 

p. 427, 1864. 

, Wm. Hiokuno; Illust. Lond. News, p. 296, March 20, 1868. 

, Wm. Hiokuko; Littell's Living Age, frontispiece, February 26, 

1869. Geo. Richmond del., H. U. Smith sc 



Index to American Portraiis. 247 

Pbesoott, Wm. HiOKLma; Illust. Lond. News, p. 221, March 5, 1859. 
, Wm. Higkuno; Enickerbodcer Mag., frontUpiece, June, 1859. 

Whipple p., Rogers sc 
, Wm. HiOKLnre; Dnyddndcs's CydopncQa, yoI. i. p. 977, 1877. 

W. Roberts sc 

, Wm. HiOKUifO; Tioknor, Geo., Life of Presoott, Boston, 1884. 

, Wm. Hiokung; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, Yol. iL p. 426, 1889. From Eclectic Mag. 
Fbbston, Wm. Ballou; Amer. Rev., vol. z. p. 221, September, 1849. 

Daguerreotype. A. H. Ritchie sc 
Putnam, Isbasl^ Chn.; Port Folio, frontispiece, September, 1819. 

Trumbull p., T. Qimbrede sc, after drawing l^ Miss A. Hall. 

(Td be continued.) 



248 Destruction of the ^^ Peggy Stewart/' at ArmapoUsy 177 i. 



ACCOUNT OF THE DBSTEUCTION OF THE BEIG 
"PEGGY STEWAET," AT ANNAPOLIS, 1774. 

[The foOowing letters of John GhJloway and Thomas Ringgold, the 
son and son-in-law of Samuel Ghilloway, of Tulip HiU, Anne Arundel 
County, Maryland, give interesting details relating to the destruction of 
the brig "Peggy Stewart^" at .Annapolis, in October of 1774, with the 
seventeen packages of the ''detestable plant,'' which comprised part of 
her cargo.] 

Tuup Hill, Thursday Morning 
Octr. 20. 1774. 
HOND. SlE 

I am now set down to give you an Account as well as is 
in my power of Yesterdays transactions of the Committee 
of the County and the mob assembled at Annapolis relative 
to the 17 Chests of Tea imported by Thos. "Williams & Co. 
and the Peggy Stewart. 

It seems by Capt Jackson commander of the brigg affi- 
davit he reAised Kelly Lot & Co. to bring any Tea to 
America in his Vessel, and that Mr. Thos. William who 
was then in London without his knowledge put 17 Chests 
on board and that he did not discover it till at sea. When 
the brig arrived at Annapolis Mr. Anthy. Stewart ordered 
him to enter his Vessell and all his Cargo except the Tea 
the Custom house officer would not admit him to a partial 
entry. Mr. Stewart having not considered the matter well 
and to save his Vessel from being libeled went himself and 
entered the whole cargo and paid the Duty on the Tea. 
Li thursday paper their was an advirtizement for a meeting 
of the County aa Yesterday but on Friday Eveng when it 
came to be known that the Tea was entered and might if 
the owners thought proper be landed the Committee of 
Annapolis met and also on Monday following and the 
results of their meeting was that the Tea should be burnt 
but they defered doing it tell the County Committee had a 



Desimctian of the ^^ Peggy Stewarty'^ at AnnapoUs^ 1774. 249 

meeting which was on yesterday. After the Gentlemen of 
the County Committee had met and determined what should 
be done, they called the inhabitants together to Mr. Jacques 
porch & Mr. T. Hammand as one of the Committee stood 
forth and made a speech to the people (to be sure it was the 
most shockg one I ever heard) and read the Concessions 
that Messrs. Stewart & Williams was to make publickly to 
the people for the infringements they had made on the Lib- 
erty of the People after this was over Mr. Charles Carroll 
B. desired to know the sense of the Gentlemen in regard to 
what was to be done with the Tea and it was the unani- 
mous opinion of all present that it should be burnt, the 
Committee then ordered the Tea from on board the brigg 
but some of the Mob called out that it should not come on 
shore that the Vessel should also share the same £Btte. Mat- 
ters now began to run very high and the people to get warm 
some of the Gentlemen from Elk Bidge and Baltimore 
Town insisted on burning the Vessell. Mr. Carroll then 
went and consulted Mr. Dick who immediately consented 
to the destroying of the Vessel Mr. Dick was fearftill that if 
they did not give up the Vessel that it would be attended 
with worse Consequences to Mr. Stewart as the mob had 
threatened to lay violant hands on him. Mr. Carroll then 
declared to the people that Tea & Vessell should both be 
burnt. Mr. Quyn then stood forth and said that it was not 
the sense of the m^ority of the people that the Vessell 
should be destroyed and made a motion which was seconded 
that there should be a vote on the Question. We had a 
Vote on it and a Minority of J of the people, still the few 
that was for destroying the Brigg was Clamorous and insin- 
uated that if it was not done they would prejudice Mr. 
Stewart more then if the Vessell was burnt the Committee 
then with the Consent of Mr. Dick declared that the Vessell 
and Tea should be burnt then Doctor Warfield (a youth 
that practice under Doctor Thompson at the Bidge for some 
time) made a motion that the Gentlemen should make their 
concessions on their knees, there was a vote on it and 



260 DestmeUm of the ^^ Peggy Stewart^^ at AnnapoUsj 177 4* 

carryed in fevour of the Gentlemen, they then came and 
read their concessions to the Publick and then Mr. Stewart 
went on board of his Yessell and set fire to her with his own 
hands and she was a burning when I left town. 

I think Sir I went to Annapolis yesterday to see my Lib- 
erty destroyed which was done when fire was put to the brig. 
Every body allows that Mr. Stewart was to blame in enter- 
ing the Tea, he was advised by many not to do it and made 
two attempts and was persuaded fi'om it before he did do it, 
but after making such concessions as he did do (which I 
shall send you) and agreeing to pay for half of the Tea it 
was monstrous to destroy his Vessell which is worth £900 
Currency none but madmen could do such a thing, they 
have not only punished the Guilty, but the Innocent must 
also suffer Capt McGachen was i owner of the Yessell, he 
did not enter her nor was he privy to any part of the trans- 
action. If this is Liberty, If this is Justice, they certainly 
must have found a new code of Laws on Elk Bidge ; but 
they must be very different from any others ever was pened 
by man or ever appeared heretofore on the fece of this 
Earth. Whilst they were preparing to go on board the 
Yessell sober sought of people begin to think what a Scandal 
it would be to suffer an Action to be put into execution 
against the sense of the miyority of the people. Stephen in 
particular began to declare his Sentimentt very freely, Mr. C. 
Wallace Mr. G. Hopkins, Mr. Jos. Cowman my Uncle and 
in short every person present who had any sense of honour 
& Justice cryed out Shame and determined immediately to 
prevent it but as they were going down to the water side 
with that intent they met poor Mr. Dick who beg and en- 
treated for Gk>d sake not to meddle in the matter, but let 
her be burnt, he said that if they were prevented, they 
would certainly destroy Mr. Stewarts house and prejudice 
him more than the Yalue of the Brig, on this the Gentle- 
men desisted from proceding any fiurther, but it is my Senti- 
ments that the Gentlemen ought to have proceeded, for if 
they were able to prevent the burning the Yessell, they cer- 



Destruction of the ^^ Peggy Stewart^^ at AnnapdiSy 1774,. 261 

tidnly might have prevented any insult being offer to Mr. 
Stewart or prejudice done his house. Some of the Gentle- 
men from Elk Bidge and Baltimore when they came to 
Town was very much exasperated against Mr« Stewart they 
talk of taring and feathering him they were persuaded from 
it with a good deal of difficulty* Mr. Thomas Williams the 
Shipper of the Tea would have under gone that discipline 
if tiiey had him* Mr. John McLure and others have made 
oath they heard him say in London, they the Association in 
America was a mere bug bear and that he would import 
what goods he thought proper to that Country he is now on 
his passage to Philadelphia from London I would not advise 
him to come to Annapolis. I shall send you the Kews 
paper and Mr. Stewarts hand bill. I am apt to believe the 
Committee will meet with some difficulty in putting this 
affidr in print as they cannot say it was with the Consent of 
the major part of the people that the Vessel was burnt It is 
not proper for me to make remarks on a Committee chose by 
the people of Ann Arundel Cy. but for the ftiture I would 
not give a Copper for all that their committee can say or do. 
Thus Sir I have related you the whole and in as fiill man- 
ner as is in my power this most in&mous and rascally affidr 
which makes all men of property reflect with horror on 
their present Situation to have their lives and propertys at 
the disposal & mercy of a Mob is Shocking indeed the 
whole Province are Crying out against the proceedings and 
the Bing leaders begin to be assame of it themselves. I 
heard one of them who call himself a Gentleman a hour 
after the affair was over say that it was not his Sentiments 
to bum the Vessell. Mr. Stewart has agreed to pay for 
half of the Tea before this matter happened, the Ring- 
leaders where Mr. Charles Ridgely son of Doctr. Howard, 
Dr. Warfield & Walter Buior of prince Georges (please not 
to mention these names) 

Tulip Hill Friday morning 

It seems that Mr. John Brice has been trying to persuade 
Duvall not to leave him and has not succeeded in it which 



262 Destruction of the ^^ Peggy Stewart^^ at AnnapoUSy 1774* 

haa been a means of breeding a Qnarrell between them. 
Duvall has applyed to me to send a Boat for him imme- 
diately. I told him I should do it on my return from the 
Estem Shore are you to be at the Expence of the Boat hire, 
please to inform my next post. I have seen Mr. Waters he is 
to come down tomorrow, to look at Tanner and if he thinks 
he is able to travel as &r as Kew York he will take him he 
has more flesh on his Bones than when you left home tho' 
still very thin. Old Bilim thrives fest I must have some 
oats got for him he does not eat Com kindly. Mr. Heath 
certainly must have been running the old Horse to have 
made him so thin. 

Our People has been two Days longer than I expected in 
securing the Fodder they have been very lasy [torn] out 
of sight and I have not been able to attend to them so 
closely as I could wish being engaged in puting yr. papers 
into some kind of order. We set about the potatoes on 
Wednesday, in some places they yield very well in others 
but poorly. I still have Fires kept in the Old Toll-house at 
home the rest of the Houses I think are sufficiently cured. 
I am fearfiiU it will be very late before the wheat will be put 
into the potatoe Ground as diging the potatoes is very 
tedious and our Negroes does not much when I am absent 
which I must be next week. I have spoke to Mr. Pyle for 
some early Wheat for to soe in that Ground. We have not 
had any rain Since my last it is the dryest &31 that ever was 
known the Wheat Suffers very much. The warm weather 
rots the keeping apples very fietst we had gathered this year 
more than I have ever known so that I hope there will be 
a sufficient quantity to last the Winter. I make the Gkir- 
dener put them over every now and then. The Cyder we 
made last is very good. 

I am sorry to hear that you have been indisposed I hope 
the bark will prevent a return of the fever that you will be 
reinstated in your usual Health which Sir is always the 
sincere desire and anxious wish of Hond. Sir 

Your Dutifiill Son 

John Galloway 



jDestructim of the ^^ Peggy Stewart/' at AnnapoliSy 177 i. 268 

p.s. I shall write my Sister by Mondays post tho' I have 
not had the pleasure of a Letter from her since her leaving 
home my best love k wishes attend her and Miss. Chew 
hoping the latter will be lightly markd with the Small pox 

J. G. 

Chesteb Town Mabtland 25th Oct 

1774. 
Deab Sib 

I have the pleasure to tell you that we reached home 
yesterday very well and found all so here. 

Youl have no doubt an Annapolis Paper giving an Acct. 
of the Burning of Anthony Stewarts Vessel. Ab the ac- 
count does not satisfiictorily justify the violence I will 
shortly tell you how it happened as I have it from People at 
Annapolis. Upon the Arrival of the Vessel it was made 
known that the Tea was on board. Tom Williams who is 
now in England had it put up in Blankets and the Captain 
declared he did not know it was in the Vessel until his 
Papers were put into his Hands at Gravesend. Mr. Stewart 
had it seems no interest in the Tea nor had he any Goods as 
was reported and the people would have been satisfied even 
with the Tea's being stored without paying the Duty. But 
Anto. Stewart obstinately went and paid it & contrary to 
the advice of all his Friends. This incensed the people and 
a great number came in from all parts of the Country and 
nothing less than tarring & feathering would satisfy them. 
This they were diverted from by the Influence of Barrister 
Carrol & others in pity to Mrs. Stewart who was then in 
Labor. Anty. then proposed to attone for his ojffence by 
having the Tea burnt on his own loss. This was not thought 
sufficient and it was put to vote whether or not the Ship 
should not be burnt A Minority determined she should not 
but many appearing discontented old Mr. Dick insisted that 
in order to give general satisfieu^tion which he thought was 
due to the people that the Vessel too should be burnt She 
was accordingly committed to the Flames. From the whole 



264 Destruction of the ^^ Peggy Stewart^^^ ai ArmapoUs^ 1774-* 

I of Mr. Stewart^s conduct I have no doubt but he has pre- 
meditated the Exploit to endear himself to the Ministry 
and I am glad the people have shown so much spirit We 
shall be glad to hear from you by the post and with our 
best Loves. 

I am dear Sir, 

Trs. most affectl. 

Thos. RiNaooLi). 



Passenger List of the Shyp « Elizabeth^' 1819. 256 



PASSBNGBE LIST OF THE SHIP "ELIZABETH," 
WHICH ABEIVED AT PHILADELPHIA IN 1819, 

[Ck>pied from the original in the Library of the Historical Society of 

Pennsylyania.] 

We the undersigned : I, M. Adams^ Captain of the Ship 
Elizabeth on one part, and we the passengers on the other 
part do obligate ourselves — 

Firsty We the passengers to take our passage with the 
above mentioned Capt Adams to Philadelphia in North 
America, and to conduct ourselves as good passengers ought 
to do, quiet and orderly, and to be satisfied with the food 
mentioned at foot as per agreement with the Captain, and 
with regard to water and other provisions, to follow the 
Captidn's directions as he shall find necessary through long 
passage or other circumstances. 

Second. We agree to take our passage on the following 
conditions, viz. to pay 

For those who are able to pay in Amsterdam for each 
person man or woman 180 fi*. 

Children under four years of age are firee — 

From four to twelve years to pay 90 fi*. 

From twelve years and older to pay 180 fi*. 

For those who are not able to pay here or only in part, the 
passage to be 

Children under four years of age fi-ee 

From four to twelve years 96 fi*. 

From twelve years and older 190 fr. and 200 fr. as speci- 
fied. 

Those who have to pay their passage in America shall be 
obliged to do so in ten days after their arrival. No passen- 
ger shall be allowed to leave the vessel in America without 
leave fi*om the Captain and in particular those as have not 
paid their passage money. Should any one of the passen- 
gers die on the voyage, the fiwnily of such person shall be 



266 Passenger List of the Ship « Mizabeth,'' 1819. 

obliged to pay his passage, if such decease took place on 
more than half the distance of the voyage, but should the 
person die this side half the distance, the loss of the passage 
shall fall to the Captain. 

In return I, M. Adams obligate myself to carry these pas- 
sengers to Philadelphia, to accommodate them with the 
necessary comfort and give them daily the here below men- 
tioned proportion of victuals — children not to receive any- 
thing. 

Sunday — one pound Beef and half pound Rice, 

Monday — one pound Flour, 

Tuesday — one half pound Pork with pease, 

Wednesday — one pound Beef and barley, 

Thursday — ^like Tuesday, 

Friday — ^like Monday, 

Saturday — ^like Wednesday, 

One pound Butter, one pound Cheese, six pounds Bread, 
per week. 

One glass Gin and three quarter gallons Water per day. 

There shall also be on board a sufficiency of Vinegar to 
cleanse the vessel and for the refreshing the passengers. To 
all this we bind ourselves with our persons and property. 

Witness Van Olivier k Co. 

Amstebdam, 4 May, 1819. 



Names 



Number 

of 
Penons 



Freight 



Pume 
Money 



Paid 
here 



To be 
Paid in 
Riilada 



George Michael Huetter, 

Henry Boedel, 

Michael Idler, 

Magdalena Btrahlin, . . . 
Fr^erick Walber (?) . . 
John Frederick Betzold, . 
John Frederick Speiser, , 

Francis Kruoker. 

John Henry Wilk, 

Henry Luttell, 

John Andrew Ammon, . , 
V. P. MyeiBott (?) .... 
Xavier Streuber (?) ... 



6 

10 

6 



6fr. 

9 

6 

1 

8 



900 fr. 
1620. 
720. 
180. 
640. 
180 
190 
190 
190 
200 
170 
150 
160 



900 ft*. 
1620. 
720. 
180. 
540. 
100 

60 

60 

80 

21 
170 
160 
160 



80 fr. 
140 
180 
160 
179 



Passenger List of the Ship " Elizabeth^' 1819. 257 



Names 



Nmnber 

of 
PenoDf 



Freight 



FMsage 
Money 



Paid 
here 



To be 
Paid in 
Philada 



C^ree Hen^ Bute, 

Jean Louis Kemser, 

Geoige William Miller, . . . 

8. T. Van de Graff, 

Philip Pr. Leisaten, (?)... 

George Eberle, 

Carl Ollie 

John Frederick Schuhardt, 

Carl Rommel, 

John Sautter, 

Tomber(?) 

Henry (Jei^er * 

Conrad Neinstein, 

Jacob Frederick Maechtle, . 

Anton HanhauBsen, , 

John Henry Bura;, 

C^rge Francis Klee, 

John Jacob Keppel, 

John Gteoree Heugel, 

Barbara Scnwasen (?) 

Barbara Etlung, 

John Fuchs, 

John Kucherer^ 

Bamdina Hulsing, 

Barbara Jundt, 

Maffdalena 4- Langin, . . . , 
Rudolph -f Haffmann, . . . , 

Elizabeth Hensin, 

Maria Steinman, 

Carl Lebold, 

Jacob Stark, 

Michael Haae, 

John Gteoige Mauser, 

John €^rge Weber, 

Seligmann Zimem, 

Jacob Fuchs, 

Jacob Adolt, 

John Leonard Gieser , 

Barbara Lang, 

J. M. Schule, 

€^ige Peter Gieser, 

John S. Kline, 

Henry Steinman, , 

Jacob Breitenbucher, 

Obristina -f- Keim, 

John €^ive Gundt, 

Frederick Seitz, 

F. Lennig, 

Carl Schuele, 

JohnSchmitt, 

John Haas (?) 

Reichard Siutzer, 

William A. Diecken, 

Anna Melinger, 



fr. 



1* 
2* 



200 fr. 

200 

200 

290 

200 

190 

200 

200 

190 

200 

200 

200 

760 

190 

190 

190 

190 

190 

190 

190 

190 

200 

200 

200 

190 

190 

190 

190 

190 

200 

200 

180 

200 

200 

170 

190 

200 

190 

190 

180 

190 

180 

180 

180 

190 

180 

180 

700 

190 

180 

425 

610 

160 

180 



120 fr. 



60 



70 

180 
170 



120 
170 
180 

180 
180 
700 

180 
426 
610 
160 
180 



200 fr. 

200 

200 

170 

200 

190 

200 

200 

140 

200 

200 

200 

760 

190 

190 

190 

190 

190 

190 

190 

190 

200 

200 

200 

190 

190 

120 

190 

190 

200 

200 

200 
200 

190 
200 
190 
190 
180 
190 

60 

10 

190 



190 



VOL. XXV. — 17 



268 Passenger List of the Ship « Mzabeth,'' 1819. 



Names 



Ludwie Beiff, 

OonradKerel, 

AugUBtin Wandd, 

Jolm €^TKe Beiner, 

OhrUtiaii Frederick Beinhold, . . 

Adam Gtolhart 

John IVederick Guedeman, . . . . 
Anton Yanbun, (?) . 
Jaoob Frederick Ldn 
Xavier Vanbun, .... 
Gottfried Schink, .. 

HenrrHofer, 

Gottfried Straub. . . . 
Caspar Walber (?) ) 
Simon Walber (7) V 
Jacob Walber (?)j 



Nmnber 

of 
Penons 



Freigbt 



Money 



200 fr. 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

170 

200 

670 



Paid 
here 



170 fr; 



To be 
Piddin 
Pliilada 



200 fr. 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 

200 



200 
570 



Letter of Lambert Cadwalader to Timothy Pickering. 269 



LBTTBE OF LAMBBBT CADWALADER TO TIMOTHY 
PICKERING ON THE CAPTURE OP PORT WASH- 
INGTON. 

TBXsrroVy May 1822« 
Dear sib. 

I rec* your Letter of the 16*** inflt. and thank yon for the 
Liformation it contains. 

It is now more than Forty five years since the AfiBur of 
Fort Washington, and though it can scarcely be expected I 
should be able, after so long an Interval, to afford you a full 
Narrative of all the Incidents that occur'd on the Day of 
the Attack, yet I have it in my Power, in some Measure, to 
satisfy your Inquiries. I shall however avail myself, in per- 
forming this Task, and to save Trouble, of a Statement of 
this Nature, wh I made in the year 1811, at the Request of 
a Friend of mine, formerly a Captain in the 8^ Pennsylvania 
Battalion wh I commanded in the War of the Revolution, 
who was writing a Book entitled " Memoirs of a Life chiefly 
passed in Pennsylvania within the last Sixty years,'' in which 
he mentions the Attack on Fort Washington, and our Posts, 
on the Island of New York. 

My Statement commences on Page 175 of that Work, 
and ends in Page 180, with my Arrival at the Fort; ex- 
clusively of which I furnished not a single Sentence pub- 
lished in the Book. I however recommend to your Notice, 
a Paragraph of the Author, in his Book pages 188, 189, in 
which he ^ves the following extract from Gen* Washing- 
ton's Letter to Congress. 

" I sent a Billet to Col* Magaw directing him to hold out, 
and I would endeavour in the Evening to bring off the 
Gkkrrison, if the Fortress could not be maintained, as I did 
not expect it cauld^ the Enemy being possessed of the adjacent 



260 Letter of Lombert Oadwalader to Timothy Pickering. 

GraundJ^ When I arrived at the Port, I found the Britisli 
had sacceeded, in their several Attacks, and were in Poe- 
session of all the Ground, except that in which the Fort 
stood. That they should have been possessed of all the 
adjacent Ground with the Force they employed, could not 
well be wondered at, when it is known, 

r* That the Post on the Rear of Mount Washington was 
attacked by 8000 Hessians, against CoP Rawlins's single 
Regiment of Riflemen. 

2**^ That the Post at the Point on Haarlem River, oppo- 
site to Fort Washington, was assailed by the British Guards 
b Light Infantry, and defended by a raw Regiment of 
Militia. 

8*^ That at Roger Morris's House, not a Man was posted 
for Defence, and when Six or Seven Hundred Highlanders 
approached the Shore, the only opposition they encountered 
was by the Detachment of about 150 Men from the lower 
Line wh they could not well spare. 

4. That the Attack on the Lower Line, extending across 
the Island of New York, was by 1600 British Troops 
against 660 Men ; the Number of Men left after the De- 
tachment of 150 Men was sent to Roger Morris's House. 
The lower lane required 8000 Men for an efficient Defence. 

The Assailants in the whole, were estimated at 7000, sup- 
ported by the British Army. 

The Fort and the extent of the Ground, including the 
Flanks on the Haarlem and North Rivers, required at least 
8000 Men. The Fort I always considered as an open Field 
Fort — constructed of earth, without Casemates, or even 
Shelter— (the Cannon, Iron six Pounders) without any 
Qualification, or Character, which could possibly be con- 
strued into a Fortress, capable of standing a Siege, against 
a regular Army, ftimished with Artillery. 

Before I left the Fort, many Weeks previous to the At- 
tack, to take charge of the lower Line and the adjacent 
Ground, I h[ad] a Conversation with the commanding Officer 
on the Island, in which I most forcibly inculcated the Ne- 



Letter of Lambert Cadwalader to Timothy Pickering. 261 

ceseily of instantly attending to the ftill Supply of Water, 
Ammunition, and ProvisionB, and every Thing requisite for 
the Defence of the Fort, and also proposed to him to form 
a Work which I conceived would be of great Importance in 
flanking the Enemy should they attempt to ascend the Hill 
in Eear of Mount Washington — ^the Spot they actually 
selected for the Attack ; all of which he cordially approved. 

General Washington's Idea of the Incompetency of the 
Fort, to make a serious Defence, is sufBlciently evinced in 
his Billet to CoP Magaw; and, I may add the Sentiment 
entertained by Gten' Charles Lee, who in a Conversation he 
had with me, reprobated the Measure of keeping the Garri- 
son on New York Island ; and said when he rec* the Intel- 
ligence of the unfortunate event, he was so excited, that he 
tore the Ebir out of his Head. 

I have thus, with Candour and Impartiality given you the 
best Information m my Power, and if the Facts I have dis- 
closed, should bear hard upon the Advisers and Abettors, 
of the fatal Measure of keeping the Troops on the Island, 
after General Washington had crossed, to the West Side of 
the North Biver, and whilst General Howe was marching 
his Army down to King's Bridge, I would not take a 
Feather from the Weight which must fiall on their Heads, 
however dignified, or however high they may have ranked 
in the Army. 

I find from what you have mentioned of your Age, that 
you will number 77 years on the 17*** July next, new Style, 
and I sincerely congratulate you that you " have eiyoyed 
uninterrupt Health, and that your Strength and Activity 
are not greatly diminished." In Eetum I have to inform 
you, that on the 2* July next old Style, I shall complete my 
79*** year, a Period, exceeding by several years, that of any 
of my Family, and which I never was encouraged to look 
to ; having experienced much Sickness in early, and middle 
Life. 

I hope it will suit your Convenience to call on me— it 
VTill gratify me exceedingly to see you at my House, and 



262 Letter of Lambert Oouboalader to Jlmothjf Pickering. 

indulge with you in taUdng over old Times. Pew remain 
who can look so far back as we can, and upon Scenes more 
important to our Country, 

With great Regard & Esteem 

I remain, Dear Sir, 
Your Obed* Serv* 
Lamb^ Cadwaladbr. 
CoL^ Timothy Piokbeing. 



Letter of Ode/Justice John Marshall. 268 



LETTER OP CHIEF-JUSTICE JOHN MAESHALL. 

[Original in the Dreer Collection of the Historical Society of Penn- 

aylyania.] 

BiCHMOND July 27^ 1812 
Dear Sir 

I had this morning the pleasure of receiving your letter 
of the 24*'' — ^The paper you mention reached me a few days 
past k was read with attention and approbation. Your 
wish respecting its republication vTill not be forgotten. 

The view you take of the edict purporting to bear date 
on the 28*^ of April 1811 appears to me to be perfecfly cor- 
rect. I am astonished, if in these times any thing ought to 
astonish, that the same impression is not made on all. 

Although I have for several years forbom to intermingle 
with those questions which agitate & excite the feelings of 
party, it is impossible that I could be inattentive to passing 
events, or an unconcerned observer of them. As they have 
increased in their importance, the interest, which as an 
American I must take in them, has also increased; and the 
declaration of war has appeared to me, as it has to you, to 
be one of those portentous acts which ought to concentrate 
on itself the efforts of all those who can take an active part 
in rescuing their country from the ruin it threatens. All 
minor considerations should be waived ; the lines of sub- 
division between parties, if not absolutely effiu^, should at 
least be covered for a time ; and the great division between 
the friends of peace ft the advocates of war ought alone to 
remain. It is an object of such magnitude as to give to 
almost every other, comparative insignificence ; and all who 
wish peace ought to unite in the means which may facili- 
tate its attainment, whatever may have been their differences 
of opinion on other points. 

On reading the decree of the 28*** of April I could not 
avoid asking myself questions such as these. 



264 Letter of Chief-Justice John Marshall. 

This decree having been obviously fabricated since the 
official declaration of the Prince Regent that the orders in 
council would stand repealed so soon as the decrees of Ber- 
lin k Milan should be proved by an authentic document to 
be revoked, why was it not dated on the I** of November 1810 
instead of the 28*^ of April 1811 ? Since the one date 
might have been affixed to it as readily as the other, why was 
not that date affixed which would have saved the feelings of 
the American government by supporting the assertion it has 
uniformly made in its diplomatic intercourse with foreign 
governments, in its domestic official commimications, k in 
its legislative acts ? — assertions on the truth of which our 
whole system stands? Had France felt for the United 
States any portion of that respect to which our real im- 
portance entities us, would she have failed to give this proof 
of it? But regardless of the assertion made by the Presi- 
dent in his Proclamation of the 2^ of Nov' 1810, regardless 
of the communications made by the Executive to tiie Leg- 
islature, regardless of the acts of Congress, and regardless 
of the propositions which we have invariably maintained 
in our diplomatic intercourse with Great Britain, the Em- 
peror has given a date to his decree, k has assigned a motive 
for its enactment, which in express terms contradict every 
assertion made by the American nation throughout all the 
departments of its government, k removed the foundation 
on which its whole system has been erected. The motive 
for this offensive k contemptuous proceeding cannot be to 
rescue himself from the imputation of continuing to enforce 
his decrees after their formal repeal, because this imputation 
is precisely as applicable to a repeal dated the 28*^ of April 
1811 as to one dated the 1"* of November 1810, since the 
execution of those decrees has continued after the one date 
as well as after the other. Why then is this obvious fabri- 
cation such as we find it? Why has M' Barlow been un- 
able to obtain a paper which might consult the honor k 
spare the feelings of his government ? The answer is not 
to be disguised. Bonaparte does not sufficientiy respect us 



Letter of Cfdef-Justice John MarshalL 2«6 

to exhibit for our Bake, to Prance, to America, to Britain, 
or to the world, any evidence of his having receded one 
step from the position he had taken. He could not be 
prevdled on, even after we had done all he required, 
to soften any one of his acts bo far as to give it the 
appearance of his having advanced one step to meet us. 
That this step or rather the appearance of having taken 
it, might save our reputation was regarded as dust in 
the balance. Even now, aft;er our solemn & repeated 
assertions that our discrimination between the belligerants 
is foimded altogether on a first advance of France, — on 
a decisive & imequivocal repeal of all her obnoxious de- 
crees ; after we have engaged in a war of the most calami- 
tous character, avowedly, because France had repealed those 
decrees, the Emperor scorns to countenance the assertion or 
to leave it uncontradicted. He avers to ourselves, to our 
selected enemy, ft to the world, that, whatever pretexts we 
may assign for our conduct, he has in &ct ceded nothing, he 
has made no advance, he stands on his original groimd & 
we have marched up to it We have submitted, completely 
submitted ; & he will not leave us the poor consolation of 
concealing that submission from ourselves. But not even 
our submission has obtained relief. His cruizers still con- 
tinue to capture, sink, bum, & destroy. 

I cannot contemplate this subject without excessive mor- 
tification as well at the contempt with which we are treated 
as at the in&tuation of my coimtrymen. It is not however 
for me to indulge these feelings though I cannot so entirely 
suppress them as not sometimes though rarely to allow them 
a place in a private letter. 

With respectftil esteem 

I am Sir your obed* serv* 
J Marshall. 
To B. Smith. 



266 Sk^ Begisters for the Port of PkSaddphia, 1726-1776. 



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282 Notes and Queries. 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 

Lbttbb of William Pbkn to Bobebt Hablet, 1701. — 

Augwt j97. — ^I cannot forbear thinking myself safe where I haye such 

a Mend in the chair. It is the idea we hare of things that roles our 

determinations, and if that be wrongly taken, our condusions will be so 

made. 

That the notion men hare at an office or two is in disfiiToar of pro- 

Srietary governments I can't wonder at, because it is not always what 
\ just but what is profitable to themselyes that is the spring of motion. 

I think it is no hard task to prove that it is easier for the crown to 
make colonies and improve them at other folks' cost, than at its own, 
and that those people have a better caution and security for their conduct 
than a mercenary governor or those that have not so much to lose. 

If it be alleged that the temptation of gain will prevail with such as 
have power in their hands to secure themmlves in un&ir ways of prose- 
cuting it, I take leave to say, no, where the King has approved of a 
Deputy Govtfnor no more thian if he named him, especially if he is 
obliged to give security for his fEuthftil discham of his duty to the laws 
of trade and navigation — which would not be denied — besides, the King 
has already his Vice- Admirals, Judges of the Admiralty, Advocates, 
Gollectore, Surveyore, and Auditors in endi proprietary government I 
must think that so many spies cannot but be a security, and that no wise 
man will hazard a country to indulge a fow traders, not twenty periiaps, 
in a whole province. And to think that a King's governor who comes 
only to get money, and is perhaps indigent, shoiSd not lie under at least 
eqiud temptations with a proprietary one, were a partiality. I know 
not what they may do, but what they have done fiivours my argument 

This leads me to affirm that being King's governments, the end pro- 
posed to prevent Mae trade will not dp it, and if so, the hardship is 
imposed in vain. For I convinced the Lords, before whom I had five 
hearings upon this very suggestion, by the confession of the same prose- 
cutor, Ed : Randall, that notwithstanding the activity and vigilance of 
Governor Nicolson, and the almost ubiquity and penetration of the otiier 
single eyed gentleman, Maryland since a King's government was twenty 
seven times a greater sinner than we were, ^d more, that of the nine 
ships, that is, sloops and brigantines, that he with too great assurance 
averred were gone m>m our province to Scotland or Holland, I found that 
they all answered the laws of trade but one, and she had given bond, 
which is all we are obliged to expect by law. 

It can never enter tJ^e head of any reasonable man, that we should 
labour to cut the grass under our own feet, which we must do, if to let 
others be rich we would ruin ourselves, by being the security of the 
whole to the crown. 

In practice, they that improve most, are the profitablest colonies to the 
crown, but those are known to be proprietary ones. And again, if it be 



Notes and Queries. 288 

considered who they are that rise more by trade than culture, they will 
be found to be the King's more immediate goyemments as they are used 
to be distinguished. Upon which let the question be put, who are most 
likely to be vicious in trade, and I believe we shall escape the stroke of 
the hand now lifted up at us. 

Yet again, let it but be remembered that our staple is provision to the 
Islands, in which regard we have not the opportunity of &lse trade, if 
we had the inclination ; for those Colonies are most to be apprehended, 
that trade above their own produce, whereas, we have not shipping to 
export one half of it, but in bottoms of New York and New England. 

However, I think the commission of the Customs is not changed upon 
every trick a merchant plays in trade. Let our fiiults be proved, first 
the &cts, next the malice or intention ; but not behind our backs ; civil 
causes may, but this is of a criminal nature, and a Bill to punish us 
before tried is worse than one of attainder. 

My worthy Mend, this seems to me great trifling with honour and 
property, when men must be forfeited in both, unheard, and which is 
worse, innocent, aye, meritorious ; pardon the expression, I hope it is 
not vain ; time, if I may have it and live, will secure me. 

I humbly b^ that if any Bill be brought in against us next sessions, 
I may have time to come home, and in order to it, that the Eang 
would approve of a deputy, according to the law of the seven and eight 
of his reign, without which no man will serve, as without one I cannot 
well leave the government. Here's my dilemma, abdicate, or lose my 
government for not doing so, if the Parliament will proceed in my 
absence. 

The confusion these things breed here is treating government and gov- 
ernors in burlesque. 

I shall conclude my letter, with two things. First that the preamble 
of the Bill, as to me, is most untrue, for I am so £Bir fi^m being an inde- 
pendent governor that no King's governor in America has obeyed and 
pursued fiie King's directions more readily and vigorously than I have 
done, and in all respects to my ability, submitted to his orders. In fine, 
I have acted the part of the King's governor at my own charges, and 
pray that my letters to the CouncS of Trade and Commissioners of the 
Admiralty and Customs may be called for in my justification, for the first 
have not used me with candour in their representation. I might add 
upon this head that by my grant, appeals are reserved to the King, laws 
of trade to be observed, and our laws to be transmitted for the King's 
assent Such a grant and government cannot with justice, I think, be 
reputed independent 

Next, I have sunk my fortune and fiunily 20,000/. above my gain by 
land, to make and succeed this enterprise, which the loss of the govern- 
ment will make one to me, and never count upon the money owing from 
the Crown to my father, that was at the bottom the consideration of the 
grant, as my petitions, ^c show. 

If therefore we must lose it let us be tried, if nevertheless the King 
will have it, let us have our equivalent, and time to n^ociate tlus, or a 
gaol instead of a government must determine my ha^rds, labour and 
expense. Let it not be said that a Parliament of England, the people's 
last resort for right, should ex parte, deprive whole provinces of tiieir 
first and chief encouragement to planting of them. 

TMs is the diamond, the soil but the ring, and that we bought of the 



284 Notes and Quaries. 

natiyeSy and hare made it English property by our blood and boncB as 
well aa treamire ; and to have a proviao to save us thia only is a jest 
rather than a security or privilege. 

It is pretended the King's service, but I hope reason of State shall 
never be one to violate property ; and I am afraid, it is the service of 
some body else, that would have no dissenters governors, for all the pro- 
prietary ones began upon that bottom, Carolina excepted ; and then our 
case must be desperate, that shall not be allowed such accountable powers 
at t'other end of the world, to be made inhabitable by our toil, hazard 
and great expense. I may add an other, that some people may have 
more governments to excise (He) and gov^nors to go halves with. 

Paidon, my worthy friend, this tedious and unpremeditated letter. 
Sufferers are always fhll, but so I am of deep respect for thee. 

Stage Travellixo in 1882. — ^I left Northumberland on the 28d of 
August, found our friends at Harrisburg awaiting our arrival, they 
having reached H. at four in the afternoon, we at nine in the night, 
agreeable to the present arrangement of Stage travelling, ... it is the 
ordering of the times to travd by night and rest by day ; this may do 
for fashionable folk, but for travelleis I have cause to enter my protest 
against it We spent the 24th very pleasantiiy ... at Buhler's Hotel, 
a large establishment, poor beds and good table ; the reverse would have 
suited me better. 

At eleven o'clock at night on the 24th we left Harrisburg for Cham- 
bcrsburg, which we reached at six in the morning, to break&st, a short 
ride this, only fifty miles ; — ^in former times I remember twelve and 
twenty were thought sufficient to give one an appetite for the morning 
repast, not so now, in these days of reform. At this place, we had been 
informed, we should meet the stage which went on to Hageistown and 
Frederick, but not so, upon enquiry we learned the stage from Chambers- 
burg on, went only every other day, Sundays never, so we had no alterna- 
tive . . . but to content ourselves to remain at Seider's Hotel until 
ten o'clock on Second day morning ; this circumstance was attended with 
peculiar vexation, because, had we received proper information from 
those whose business it was to be acquainted with the stage route, we 
should have remained with our friends at Harrisburg . . . and escaped 
a very unpleasant cold night ride. 

S7th, We proceeded on our journey 26 miles to Hagerstown, where we 
arrived at two o'clock, expecting to go on to Frederidc — but not yet — 
we must try again how we liked turning night into day, so we were shown 
into our chambers at Schneibly's hotel ; a dirtier, more wretched, com- 
fortless place I will defy the universe to produce, considering the size of 
the mansion, two or three parlours, and fifty or sixty chambers. 

Here we were obliged to pass the remainder of the day and get into 
the stage for Frederidk at twelve o' clock at night We did not know over 
what sort of roads nor what sort of driver or horses, and the darkest of 
nights, without lamps, nor moon to cheer our forlorn way ; we however, 
arrived in safety at Thomas's hotel in Frederick at six o'clock in the 
morning. 

Pbivate Libbabies. — ^Mr. G. Hedeler, of Leipzig, G^ermany, is 
compiling the second part of lus "List of Private Libraries," which 
will contain upwards of six hundred private collections in the United 



Notes and Queries. 286 

States and Great Britain. Those with whom Mr. Hedeler has been on* 
able to communicate, are requested to furnish him witii details as to 
the extent of their libraries and the special direction to which they devote 
their researches. Address G. Hedeler, 18 Nfimberger Str., Leipzig, 
G^ermany. 

Fenbobe Family. — ^My mother's great-great-grand&ther, Bartholo- 
mew Penrose, of Philadelphia, shipwright, in his will, dat^ December, 
1709, bequeathed a nominal l^acy to his ^'brother Thomas Penrose in 
the Kingiom of England shipwright" The will of this brother has 
been found in the Prerogatiye Court of Canterbury, dated March 17, 
1721, and proved June 27, 1722, by his widow and executrix. The fol- 
lowing abstract of it has been made by Miss Walford : 

I Thomas Penrose of the parish of Bedmister in Co. Somerset, ship- 
wright 

I give to my wife Elizabeth Penrose my manor or reputed manor and 
mansion house of Moreton in the said county, and all the lands, tene- 
ments &c. &c. thereto belonging lying in Moreton in the Parish of 
Compton Martin in the said county ; and my messuage and lands lying at 
a place called Eudgehill within the parish of Winford in the said county, 
in the holding of George Brocke my tenant ; my toft or tenement called 
Pages tenement ; my messuage and tenement called Sheppards witii the 
lands thereto belonging ; and the parcel of ground called the Fifteen 
Acres late Clarkes ; my messuage called Sea Wall tenement, all which 
said last mentioned premises are in the parish of Kingston Seymour in 
the said county ; and my parcel of ground called Hickeswarth in the 
parish of Clevedon in the said county ; my messuage called the White 
Hart lying near a place called the Lime Eilnes in the par. of Clifton 
and county of Gloucester ; and the reveisions and remainders of all the 
said premises : To hold to my said wife for life, subject to the payment 
of the yearly sum of £40 clear to my son Bomney Penrose and the heiis 
of his body ; for de&ult to my daughters Elizabeth, now wife of Ed- 
ward Lowe, and Anne Penrose and their heirs. After the death of my 
said wife I give all the said premises to my said son Romney and the 
heirs of his body, for default to my said daughters Elizabeth and Anne 
and their heirs for ever. 

I also give to my said wife my messuage or fieurm which I bought of 
Thos. Goldney and Bichard Hawksworth in the said parish of Kingston 
Seymour for her life subject to the payment of the yearly rent of £15 to 
my said dau. Anne and the heirs of her body ; for d^ault to my said 
son Bomney and dau. Elizabeth Lowe and their heirs. 

After the death of my said wife I give the said messuage to my said 
dau. Anne and the heirs of her body ; for default to my said son Bomney 
and dau. Elizabeth and their heirs for ever. 

To my said dau. Anne £300 at her age of 21 years. 

I give to my said wife a silver tankard engraved with the name of the 
"Cranfeild Frigott," 1 large silver bason and 2 pairs of candlesticks, 
which after her death shall go to my said children. 

The provisions herein made for my said wife and children are in fiill 
satisfiu^ion of all settlements made on them by indentures of lease and 
release made 4th and 5th November 1702, and the dower of my said wife. 

I give to my son Thomas Penrose my messuage or dwelling house 
wherein I now dwell in Bedmister aforesaid with the dock, out houses. 



286 Notes and Queries. 

grounds Ac thereto belonging ; and mj meflsuage in Baldwin street in 

the parish of St Stephen in Bristol^ and all those closes (part of Pages 

Tenement) containing 20 a. to hold to him and to the heirs of his h^j 

dorinff the remainder of mj term and estate therein ; and for de&olt I 

give llie same to my said son Bomney and his heirs for ever. 

N B 
I give to the said Thomas my great silver tankard marked m'^* 

Whereas I have given a bond for the payment of £400 to the use of 
my said son Thomas, yiz £100 at his age of 21 years and the rest at my 
death, I now give to him £800 which together with the legacies given to 
him herein miake up the said £400. 

I give to my said wife all my household goods, Ac ; and I hereby 
leave to her the tuition of my said daughter Anne during her minority. 

To my brother James Penrose £10. 

I not only forgive and release to the heirs and exors. of my late 
brother Bartholomew Penrose lately residing in '^Pensilvana" all the 
money he owed me, but I also give to his cMldren £5. when they shall 
come and demand the same. 

All the rest of my goods to my said wife whom I make sole executrix. 

I appoint Christopher Shuter, Esq., late Mayor of Bristol, John 
Etwell of the same city, M.D., Captain Edmund Saunders and Mr. 
Bichard Battiscomb to be overseers. 

YHiereas sometime ago I contracted with Bobert Knight, Esq., lately 
treasurer of the South Sea Company for the sale to him and his heirs 
for ever of my said manor of Moreton, and all my said messuage, lands 
Ac in Compton Martin, Kingston Seymour and Clevedon for £7800. 
whereof £1000 was paid, I now desire my said overseers to endeavour 
to get the said contract performed. 

Tho. PENBoes. 

Witnesses: 

Tho. Coules, Sid. Feast Hen. Bampton. 

The will of Thomas's son Thomas, dated November 21, 1728, has also 
been abstracted. 

Chablbb p. Kbith. 

New England Company (Penna. Mao., Vol. XXIV. p. 627; 
Vol. XXV. p. 142).— I would state that the part of Book A of Sur- 
veys, in the office of the surveyor-general of West Jersey, at Burlington, 
consists of twenty-one pages in the front of the b6ok, on one of which 
is written: ''Here begins the Disbursement of the Corporation, by 
virtue of their Charter from the Kings Most Excellent Ma^ dat 7*^ of 
Febru : 1661." The book is bound in ftill leather and is eleven by sev- 
enteen and three inches thick. The accounts begin April 2, 1655, and 
the last entry is April 10, 1666 — ^from 1655 to 1661 being on loose 
leaves, apparently part of the former account book. It is most likely, 
being almost a comply blank book, with only a few pages used, the 
proprietors of West Jersey appropriated it for tibe use of the surveyor- 
general's minute book. The entries seem to indicate that it was ihe 
beginning of a new account book, and not the lost minute book. The 
"Two Ancient Folios" referred to by Francis B. Lee (p. 143) appear 
to have belonged to the same lot. 

B. J. DUTTON. 

BuBLnroTON, New Jbbset. 



Notes and Queries. 287 

Abstbagts op Couimr Wills and Index to Administeations. 
-In the Genealogical Collection of the Hiatorical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania will be fonnd abfrtaraete of wills on record in the coantiee of Phil- 
adelphia, 1682-1802 ; Bucks, 1686-1826 ; Chester, 1714-1777 ; Lan- 
caster, 1721-1820; York, 1749-1820; Northampton, 1762-1802; 
Berks, 1762-1826. Indices to Administrations in Philadelphia, 1683- 
1825; Bucte, 1718-1881; Chester, 1714-1844; Lancaster, 1780-1830, 
and Delaware coonties, 1789-1881. 

dlnetie0* 

Evan, Evans, DAVTD.—The will of David Evan, or Evans, is dated 
27th September, 1745. He styles himself " of the City of Philada. , gent" 
He mentions his loving wife Elizabeth, brother-in-law John Owen, of 
Springfield, county of Chester. ' <My six grandchildren! who are chUcbren 
of my two deceased dan^ters, Susanna and Margaret by a former wife." 
His son Evan when of age. Trustees, Evan Jones of Merion, son of 
Thomas Jones, deceased, and Owen Jones of the said CSty of Philada. 
'' My four children by my present wife, son Evan, and ^ghters Be- 
becca, Sidney and Sarah." Proved 2d December, 1745, Philada., will 
book H, page 80. In ''Merion in the Welsh Tract," it states that 
Evan died prior to 1762, Bebecca died unmarried, Sarah the same, 
Sidney married Joseph Howell of Chester, and that Margaret (who is 
stated to have been a daughter by the last wife) died unmarried 4-12- 
1734. Of course this is an error. Margaret was a daughter by the first 
wife who married and left issue. The second wife was Elizabeth, a 
daughter of Bobert and Bebecca Owen, of Merion. The information 
now desired is the full maiden name of the first wife of David Evan, with 
the married names of the daughters, Susanna and Margaret, with the 
names of their husbands. 

Howard Williams Lloyd. 

Stephenson. — ^Wanted, ancestry of Elizabeth Stephenson, bom June 
27, 1775, in Pennsylvania, married March, 1791, probably in Washing- 
ton County, Pennsylvania, Jonathan Jennings, bom May 14, 1769, in 
New Jersey. The &mily removed from Washington County, Pennsyl- 
vania, to Washington County, Ohio, in 1801. llie elder children were 
bom in or near Brownsville, Washin^gton County, Pennsylvania. Eliza- 
beth had several brothers and sisters. John removed to Parkersburg, 
West Virginia ; Bhoda married William Hill ; Nancy married Nathani^ 
Mitchell ; Patty married Hall. The Hills and Mitchells also re- 
moved to Washington County, Ohio. 

FiBST Namesake of Washington.— The Pennsylvania OazetU of \ 
November 8, 1775, contains the following notice of baptism of a child 
named after Washington. Is there a record of any earlier one, not con- 
nected with the Washington family? 

Nsw CA8TLB October 17, 1775. 

Last Sunday the Bev. Joseph Montgomery of this place, baptized a 
son of Mr. Zachariah Vanlemenigh's by the name of Geobge Wash- 
ington. 

Vvndt amor Patrice immensa laudaing cupide, X. 



288 Notes cmd Queries. 

'Replies* 

UiovEBSiTY OP Pennsylvania Faculty (Penna. Mag., Vol. 
XXIV. p. 261.)— PhiUp Syng, of Philadelphia (1708-1789). He was 
bom in Irelana, Septemb^ 29, 1708. Sailed from Bristol, England, 
with &ther of same name, arriying at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, July 
14, 1714. Philip, the &ther, removed later to Annapolis, Marylanc^ 
but his son made Philadelphia his home. His &ther died in 1789, 
May 18, aged sixty-three years ; he was a goldsmith and so was his son, 
the said Philip of Philadelphia, the latter also holding the following 
positions and offices : Original member of Philadelphia Library Com- 
pany, do. of the American Philosophical Society (invented and made 
an electrical machine, as mentioned by Franklin), vestryman, Olmst 
Church (1747-1749), promoted Association Battery (1748), a Warden 
of the Port of Philadelphia (1758), and Treasurer of the city from 
1759 to 1769 ; trustee of Academy and CoU^e from foundation until 
1778, Provincial Commissioner of Appeals (1765), member of Franklin's 
'' Junto" and of the " Colony in Schuykill," contributor to the Penn- 
sylvania Hospital. He died May 8, 1789, leaving, by his wifo, Elizabeth 
Warner (m. February 5, 1780), daughtera, but no sons. 

BOWULNDflVILLB, MABTLAND. P- S. P. CONNEB. 

J9oolK 1totfce0. 

Immigration of the Irish Quakers into Pennsylvania, 1682- 
1750, WITH Their Early History in Irelanp. By Albert 
Cook Myers, B.L. 

In this work is presented a feature of the early immigration into 
Pennsylvania hitherto overlooked by historians of the State. The Irish, 
or more properly the Anglo-Irish and Scotch-Irish Quakers, settled in 
particularly the city of Philadelphia and in what are now the counties 
of Chester and Delaware, the township of New Garden in Chester County 
being settled almost entirely by them. The descendants of these settlers, 
numbered by the thousands, hiftve scattered to all parts of the Union. 

The materials for this volume have been carefhlly and systematically 
collected from widely scattered sources : the manuscript records of all 
the monthly meetings of Friends established in Pennsylvania prior to 
1750 ; the Friends' records of the Province of Ulster, in Ireland, and 
those collected in Dublin ; the Biblioth^ue Nationale in Paris ; the 
British Museum ; the Friends' Library of Devonshire House in Lon- 
don ; the Bodleian Library of Oxford University ; and at the Public 
Becord Office in Dublin. 

Many new &cts have been obtained concerning the fiunilies of Logan, 
Hollingsworth, Harlan, Parke, Fredd, Hutton, Dixson, Gregg, Kirk, 
Starr, Carlton, Milhouse, Hobson, Wilkinson, Wily, Greer, Faucett, 
Clark, Moore, Lowden, Lightfoot, Wright, Wilson, Valentine, Webb, 
Stanfield, Hillary, Bell, Matthews, Chambers, Bradshaw, Hoope or 
Hoopes, Sheppard, Beverly, Bobson, McMillan, Marsh,- Hinshaw, Pim, 
Blackburn, Calvert, Booke, and notes relating to the families of Chand- 
lee, Truman, Turner, Canady or Kennedy, Pennock, Musgrave, Miller, 
Gamett, Jackson, Whinery, Steer, and many others. 

Many ancient documents and letters written by the early settlers are 
now printed for the first time, and the illustrations are reproductions of 
old manuscripts, portraits, meeting-houses, etc. Price to those sub- 
scribing now, $8,00 net Address the author, Swarthmore Collie, 
Swarthmore, Pennsylvania. 



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Vol. XXV. 



OCTOBCR. 1901 



No. 99 



THE / , 1 

PENNSYLVANIA 
MAGAZINE 



or 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY 



PUBLISHED QUARTERLY 




PUBLISHED BY 

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

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PHII^nCLPHlA 

1901 



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per Huntlx*'. or ll.«> fm* >«ar 



CONTENTS. 



Wkmm 

Life of Maiigaret Shippen, wife of Benedlot Arnold. By Lewis Bwrd 

Walker. (Continued,) (FronHtpiece,) 28^ 

Biographical Sketch of Colonel Thomas Hartley, of the Pennsylya- 

niaLine. By John W. Jordan, {PortraiL) .... 308 

Dean Tacker* s Pamphlet. * ' A Letter from a Merchant in London to 

his Nephew in North America/ '1766. {Continued,) (.Fhc-wmfe.) 307 

Aweasment of Damages done by the British Troops daring the 

Occupation of Philadelphia, 1777-1778. {OmHnued,) . 323 

Johann GottMed SeeUg and the Hymn-Book of the Hermits of the 

Wissahickon. By Hon. Samuel W. Pennypacker . . 386 

Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Pennsylvania. (Con- 
Hnued.) 341 

Letters of Presidents of the United States and ** Ladies of the White 

House." (Continued,) 366 

A Collection of Puns and Witticisms of Judge Richard Peters . 366 

Letter of G^eral Washington to Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens, 

1780 370 

Papers relating to the Founding by the *' Society for the Propaga- 
tion of the Grospel in Foreign Parts," London, of the Missions 
at Reading and Morlattan, Berks County, Pennsylvania. By 
B, F. Owen. (Continued.) 372 

The late Major James Edward Carpenter 383 

Index to American Portraits. By Bunford Samuel. (Concluded.) , 384 

Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1776. (Con- 

tinued.) 400 

Notes and Queries 417 

Book Notices , . . 432 

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rwirrso »T i. m. upprwaarr oomi>ast. 



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HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol. XXV. 1901. No. 3. 

LIFE OP MAEGARET SHIPPEN, WIPE OP BENEDICT 

ARNOLD. 

BY LEWIS BUBD WALKER. 

(Continued firom page 190.) 
A QUESTION OF MOTIVES. 

If we clearly set forth all the circumstances which might 
tend to influence the conduct of Margaret Arnold, it will 
aid the reader to determine what course of action she prob- 
ably pursued. 

The only motive assigned for her conduct in the allega- 
tion that she committed treason is in Burros charge that she 
was an " extravagant woman. There is no doubt, therefore, 
that for the purpose of acquiring the means of gratifying an 
inordinate vanity, she contributed greatly to the utter ruin 
of her husband.'* 

As to the charge of extravagance, we can say that Arnold 
was extravagant before his marriage, and had even then 
opened up a correspondence with the British. In all the 
circumstances of her after-life Margaret Arnold was very 
economical in the expenditure of money, and though per- 
haps she may be blamed for not restraining Arnold's ex- 
VOL.XXV.— 19 (289) 



290 Life of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

penses, yet we muflt remember that it was in the first year 
of her married life, when he was thirty-nine and she was 
nineteen. 

While Edward Shippen, in his letter of December 21, 
1778, did complain of the increase of his expenses for that 
year, we think that, as his family consisted of himself and 
wife, four grown-up daughters, and one grown-up son, he 
had no valid reason to complain that the living expenses of 
his family, including the wedding of his eldest daughter, 
reached nineteen hundred dollars in specie in the year 1778. 
It was the cutting off of his income from his profession 
that pinched him. 

We have not been able to find any further evidence of the 
alleged extravagance of Margaret Arnold; and, although 
Aaron Burr may have supposed that the woman who, at the 
hour of her deepest, greatest distress, could so utterly and 
contemptuously scorn his advances must have possessed an 
" inordinate vanity," yet we require better proof than his 
assertion alone. 

We think that affection for her kindred would furnish to 
Margaret Arnold a more powerful motive for loyalty to 
America than would the desire for wealth (to gratify an 
" inordinate vanity") for treachery. During all her life she 
exhibited remarkable attachment to and affection for her 
relatives, and she certainly would not do anything to iiyure 
them. 

She was accustomed to meet cultivated society and men 
of affidrs, and she well understood that British success 
would have rendered every man who took part on the 
American side guilty of treason. 

Margaret Arnold knew this, and she knew that the penalty 
was death, for the fate of Roberts and Carlisle was familiar 
to every Philadelphian ; and in addition, her &ther had no 
doubt told her how the heads of traitors were exposed on 
Temple Bar. The executions that followed the Scotch Re- 
bellion of 1745, the Lord Gordon Riots of 1780, and the 
Irish Rebellion of 1798 show how bloody would have been 



Life of Margaret SMppen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 291 

the British triumph. That triumph would have rendered 
eleven of her near relatives and connections liable to execu- 
tion for treason, whom we will name as follows: Edward 
Shippen, of Lancaster, her grandfather ; Dr. William Ship- 
pen the elder, her grandfether's brother ; Dr. William Ship- 
pen the younger, her fether's first cousin ; Colonel James 
Burd, her uncle; Edward Burd, her brother-in-law ; Jasper 
Teates, married to her first cousin, Sarah Burd; Curtis 
Grubb, married to her first cousin, Mary Shippen Burd ; 
James Willing, her father's first cousin ; Tench Tilghman, 
her own first cousin ; Tench Francis, her uncle ; and Kichard 
Willing, her fether's first cousin. 

If we are to judge firom the motives which influenced 
Margaret Arnold, we feel certain that she was guiltless of 
treason. 

ANSWER TO CHARGES AGAINST MRS. ARNOLD. 

We think we have clearly shown that the accusations 
against Mrs. Arnold have not been sustained by any satisfac- 
tory proof. In a legal trial such a state of facts would ren- 
der it unnecessary for her to make any defence. But we 
now propose to give such evidence as will clearly establish 
her innocence, and for convenience we divide it into classes 
as follows : 

1. The opinion of the people at the time of the treason. 

2. Mrs. Arnold's own statements, conduct, and character. 
8. Opinions and conduct of her relations and friends. 

4. Opinions of generals, etc., who had opportunities of 
personal observation. 

5. Opinions of historians who have examined the subject 

6. Arnold's statements, actions, and conduct 

Ih-st. The people did not believe her guilty. In Sparks's 
"Life of Arnold" (Boston, 1885), page 299, it is stated,— 

** In her travels throngh the country, she was every where treated with 
a respect and forbearance hardly to have been expected in the exasperated 
state of public feeling which then prevailed ; a proof that, although 
unfortunate in her alliance with a traitor, she was not considered guilty 
of participating in his crimes.'' 



292 Uft of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Second. Mrs. Amold^s statements, conduct, and character 
are inconsistent with the idea of her guilt 

a. We have the proof that she publicly asserted and 
claimed she was innocent The account of Hamilton is 
conclusive on this subject; he says, "she is very apprehen- 
sive the resentment of her country will fall upon her (who is 
only unfortunate) for the guilt of her husband,*' etc. 

b. Washington gave her the choice whether to join her 
husband in New York or return to her father in Philadel- 
phia. She chose to return to her fether. If guilty, this 
was the most perilous course she could adopt She had 
seen how violent was the hatred of the mob, for her hus- 
band had previously been the object of its fury. She well 
knew the deadly character of its rage, for " Port Wilson" 
was only a square from her father's house, and her sister's 
husband, " Neddy" Burd, had been in the house during the 
attack, and had told her how Captain Campbell had been 
killed and how narrow had been the escape of all the rest 
from death. And she was but too well aware of the nature 
of the penalty of treason, for it had not been two years since 
the execution of Roberts and Carlisle had horrified the 
people of Philadelphia. 

Let any reader who is disposed to think that the sex of 
Mrs. Arnold would have obtained immunity for her, if con- 
victed of treason, ponder well the stories of Marie An- 
toinette and Madame Roland. Their fate in those days of 
Jacobinism is a sufficient answer to any doubts. 

If guilty, prudence demanded that the papers at West 
Point should be destroyed, yet this was not done. 

c. The character of Mrs. Arnold herself, as we know it 
and have attempted to portray it, is the strongest evidence 
to be found that she was innocent of treachery. She came 
of a race noted for fidelity, honesty, and truth, and she was 
proud of her kindred, who had suffered for their opinions 
both in England and in America. The manner in which 
she discharged the duties of life affords us an example well 
worthy of imitation. In that character, whose fascinating 



JLife of Margaret Shippertj Wife of Benedict Arnold. 298 

gracee almost concealed the good old-faahioned virtues 
which she also possessed, there was no foul blot of treachery. 
"A good tree cannot bring forth evil finiit.** It was no 
traitress to America who wrote from England, — 

"I was sincerely aorry to hear of the death of G^eneral Washington. 
I admired his public, and revered his private Character. I fear that 
America wiU sostain an irreparable Ices in him, as he appeared to pot- 
eess the happy talent of uniting all Parties.'' 

In another letter she said, — 

"I was very sorry to hear of (General Washington's Death ; nobody 
in America could revere his character more than I did." 

When Lord Lauderdale, after having fought a duel for 
his animadversions upon Arnold in Parliament, " expressed 
great concern" at finding that Mrs. Arnold "had been 
made unhappy, and begged leave to wait upon her, to make 
an apology," surely it was not a traitress for whom he was 
thus concerned. 

Third. The conduct and opinions of her relatives are 
inconsistent with the idea of her guilt. What more peril- 
ous place of residence could be found for her than Philadel- 
phia ? What could be more foolish than for her relatives 
to try every means in their power to induce the Council to 
permit her to remain where she would constantly be ex- 
posed to danger ? Unless she had been innocent, her uncle, 
Colonel James Burd, would not have written to his son, 
"Neddy" Burd, both soldiers in the Continental army: 
" The affiedr of Mrs. Arnold gives us all great uneasiness, 
we think it a little hard that the Councill would not grant 
the Indulgence she Required we don't know what to think 
of her going to New York but theres no help." 

Among her relatives there is none so proud but feels 
honored to claim kinship with her. Among all the differ- 
ent branches of that diversified relationship there is one 
uniform tradition to this day, that she was beautiful in 
person, engaging in manners, devoted in her affection, and 
guiltless of participation in her husband's treason. 



294 Ufe of Margaret SMppen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Fourth. The opinions of officers who, from their pres- 
ence at West Point or other circumstances, would have 
knowledge of the facts are in favor of her innocence. 

Washington's opinion is shown by his action in two 
different particulars. First, he gave her the option to go to 
her fether in Philadelphia or to her husband in New York. 
Second, upon j&nding that Arnold had actually escaped to 
the British, he informed her of the fact to relieve her 
anxiety. We most confidently affirm that Washington 
would have done neither of these things unless he had felt 
convinced of Mrs. Arnold's innocence. 

Rochambeau says (see 2 Am. Register, 168), " General 
Washington found him [Arnold] gone, and Mrs. Arnold 
not knowing what had become of her husband." 

Hamilton says, " We have every reason to believe that 
she was entirely unacquainted with the plan, and that the 
first knowledge of it was when Arnold went to tell her he 
must banish himself from his country and from her for 
ever." We call the reader's particular attention to the use 
of the word " we" in this sentence, showing that this was 
the general opinion. It is the only time he uses " we" in 
this narrative, while he has used " I" eight times. 

d. We quote the following extract from a letter from 
Lafayette to Chevalier Luzerne, dated at West Point on Sep- 
tember 25, 1780 ; the whole letter is given in Vol. IL page 164 
of Tower's " Lafayette in the American Revolution" : 

'*The mihappy Mrs. Arnold did not know a word of this con- 
spiracy ; her husband told her before going away that he was flying 
never to come back, and he left her lying unconscious. When she came 
to herself, she fell into frightful convulsions, and completely lost her 
reason. We did everything we could to quiet her ; but she looked 
upon us as the murderers of her husband, and it was impossible to 
restore her to her senses. The horror with which her husband's con- 
duct has inspired her, and a thousand other feelings, make her the most 
unhappy of women. 

''P. S. She has recovered her reason this morning, and as, you know, 
I am upon very good terms with her, she sent for me to go up to her 
chamber. General Washington and every one else here sympathize 



^. 



lAfe of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 295 

warmly with this estimable woman, whose face and whose youthfiilness 
make her so interesting. She is going to Philadelphia ; and I implore 
you, when you return, to use your influence in her favor. It would be 
exceedingly painful to (General Washington if she were not treated with 
the greatest kindness. You know the sentiments of the people and of 
the Assembly of Pennsylvania. Your influence and your opinion, 
emphatically expressed, may prevent her from being visited with a 
vengeance which she does not deserve. Qeneral Washington will pro- 
tect her also. As for myself you know that I have always been fond of 
her, and at this moment she interests me intensely. We are certain she 
knew nothing of the plot." 

In the Shippen Papers, page lix, is the following state- 
ment by Mrs. James Gibson : 

"I propose now to relate an anecdote on this subject, which is fresh 
to my own knowledge and recollection. 

"Major Franks, of the Eevolutionary army, was a well known 
acquaintance of my parents. He was respected and welcomed wherever 
he went, for his social good humor and manly candor. In one of his 
visits to Philadelphia, where his near relations resided, he was often at 
my father's; and one day, when dining with other gentlemen at our 
house, and my &ther and the others had returned to the parlor, my 
mother detained Major Franks to converse with him respecting Mrs. 
Arnold, whom she had recently heard very unjustly spoken o£ He 
entered upon the subject with alacrity. Mama said to him, ' Tell me 
Major Franks, what is your opinion and belief concerning her knowl- 
edge of her husband's plans.' He quickly replied, * Madam she knew 
nothing of them — ^nothing I She was as ignorant of them as a babe. ' His 
manner was solemn and earnest, and I began to think it might be 
proper for me to withdraw, but he said, 'Don't let Betsy go— I have 
nothing to say that she may not hear.' Of course, I gladly resumed my 
seat at the table, and he went on : — * Madam, I am glad you have men- 
tioned this subject I have much to say. I am much distressed by it. 
Within a few days I have heard, for the first time, things said of her 
that are contrary to truth — ^&lse — utterly false I You know I was one 
of Gen. Arnold's aids. He paid me the compliment to assign me the 
particular duty of protecting Mrs. Arnold ; of attending to her safety, 
her general welfrure, and her health. I was, in the General's fomily, 
laughingly called the nurse / Her health was then delicate ; and while 
General Arnold was in command at West Point, he frequently sent her 
to different, sometimes distant parts of the country, on that side of the 
river. He always sent a guard with her, besides her female attendant, 
and gave me very particular charge over her welfare. He spoke of her 






266 Ufe of Margaret ShippeUj Wife of Benedict AmolcL 

suffering in the boBtie of the camp, and wished her to be reliered from 
it daring the summer. I obeyed, nothing doubting, but considering him 
a pattern for a husband, although other and &r different motives for 
sending her away on these excursions afterwards came to light But^ 
madam, she knew nothing of his projects. In truth, she was subject to 
occasional paroxysms of physical indisposition, attended by nervous 
debility, during which she would give utterance to anything and every- 
thing on her mind. This was a fact well known amongst us of the 
General's &mily ; so much so as to cause us to be scrupulous of what 
we told her or said within her hearing. General Arnold was guarded 
and impenetrable towards all around him, and I should believe her to 
have been ignorant of his plans, even without my knowledge of this 
peculiar feature in her constitution ; but with it, such a strong corrobo- 
rative proof, I am most solemnly and firmly convinced that General 
Arnold never confided his detestable scheme to her. ffe could not have 
ventured to do it. He was, moreover, too well aware of her warm patri- 
otic fedingi. You know, madam, how completely she was American at 
that important period. Madam, I can aver solemnly, she was totally 
ignorant of his schemes.' " 

In Volume IV. page 61, Pennsylvania Magazine, in 
speaking of Arnold, Henry Lee says, " He has deceived 
his wife, & has betrayed his friend. Major Andre." 

John Jay writes to Robert Morris on December 18, 1780 : 
" Arnold's Plot was as unexpected as its discovery was for- 
tunate. His wife is much to be pitied — ^it is painful to see 
so charming a woman so sacrificed." (New York His- 
torical Society Collection, 1878, page 468.) 

Mfth. The historians who have examined the subject are 
of the opinion that Mrs. Arnold was not an accomplice in 
her husband's treachery. 

a. Joseph Heed was probably Arnold's bitterest enemy, 
and his views are contained in the life written by his grand- 
son, W. B. Reed. Yet even he has come to a conclusion 
favorable to Mrs. Arnold. On page 278 of Volume H. he 
says, — 

"Colonel HamUton, in a well-known letter written at the time, has 
given it as his conviction, founded on observation of Mrs. Arnold's ex- 
cessive distress on her husband's desertion, that she was innocent . . . 
Hamilton's judgment on a matter where sympathy with afflicted beauty 



lAft of Margaret Shipjpen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 297 

had influence, is not always to be relied on, but in this instance it was 
probably correct" 

In a note at the foot of the page he adds, — 

"In Davis's Life of Aaron Burr, vol. L p. 219, a different theory is 
suggested, but on very inadequate evidence." 

b. Isaac Arnold, on page 321 of the " Life of Benedict 
Arnold," says, — 

"No one who reads her letters contained in this volume will believe 
her capable of acting the double part with which she has been charged. 
On the contrary, if Arnold had disclosed his plans to her, she would 
have been much more likely, prompted alike by her love and her clear 
perception of rights to have tried to save him from the commission of a 
fearful crime and a terrible blunder." 

c. In Bryant's " BQstory of the United States," Volume 
IV. page 17, edition of 1892, it is said, — 

"The assertion, so generally made, that Arnold took advantage of this 
correspondence to put himself in communication with Andr6 can hardly 
be true, for Mrs. Arnold was ignorant till the last moment of the treach- 
erous relation her husband had established with the enemy, and Andr6 
and Sir Henry Clinton were for a long time unable to ascertain the real 
name of the person to whom they were indebted for much valuable 
information." 

d. In Sargent's " Life of Andr6," page 220, it is said, — 

" Though at the outset the English had no clue to their correspondents 
identity, the character and value of his information soon led them to 
suspect it ; and it is supposed by some that this letter to Mrs. Arnold 
was written with the view of making clear to her husband the char- 
acter of its author, and to invite a return of confidence. This may 
possibly have been the case ; but all my investigations show that the 
lady had not any suspicion of the dealings between the parties, or was 
ever intrusted by either side with the least knowledge of what was going 
on. Equally fiedse, in my judgment, is the charge that she tempted her 
husband to treason. Her purity and elevation of character have not 
less weight in the contradiction of this aspersion than the testimony of 
all chiefly concerned in the discovery and punishment of the crime. 
This correspondence must have engrossed much of Andre's time. His 
letters are said to have been 'numerous and significant,' though there 



298 lAfe of Margaret ShippeUj Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

IB no reason to belieye that, so far as Mrs. Arnold was conoemed, its 
limit erer exceeded the one just published.'' 

e. Bparks says (" Life and Treason of Benedict Arnold," 
page 248, edition of 1835),— 

** It may be here added, that Mrs. Arnold had been only the last ten 
days at West Point, during her husband's command at the post, and 
that nothing was afterwards brought to light from which it could be 
inferred that she had any knowledge of his traitorous designs." 

/. Washington Irving, who was personally acquainted 
with Burr, says in his " Life of Washington," Volume IV. 
page 151, edition of 1868,— 

" In recent years it has been maintained that Mrs. Arnold was actually 
cognizant and participant of her husband's crime ; but after careftdly 
examining all the proofe adduced, we remain of opinion that she was 
innocent." 

This opinion is of great weight, because Irving had ex- 
ceptional opportunities of knowing the value of Burr's tes- 
timony. Washington Irving had been educated as a lawyer, 
and had been retained as one of Burr's counsel in Burr's 
trial for treason. (" Life and Letters of Washington Irving," 
Volume L page 190.) 

g. In the second volume of " The American Revolution," 
page 218, Professor John Fiske says, — 

''but is in the highest degree probable that down to the final catas- 
trophe Mrs. Arnold knew nothing whatever of what was going on." 

In a note he says, — 

*' I think there can he no dovht that Burr lied.** 

h. Henry C. Van Schaack, author of " The Life of Peter 
Van Schaack," "The Illinois Country," etc., was devoted 
to historical and antiquarian pursuits, and became greatly 
interested in the case of Mrs. Arnold. After careftilly in- 
vestigating the accusation against her, and the evidence pro 
and con, he embodied the result of his labors in a lecture, 
which he delivered before the EQstorical Societies of New 
York and Chicago. In speaking of Burr we quoted from 



Life of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 299 

this lecture, which is entitled " A Vindication of Mrs. Gen'l 
Benedict Arnold against the charge of implication in her 
husband's treason." In conclusion, Mr. Van Schaack says, — 

** We can justly ooncur in pronouncing this lady untainted hj treason. 
And I am happy to add, that we have reason to know, that in her subse- 
quent life Mrs. Arnold proved herself a fiEuthftil, a blessed, a noble 
mother to her children." 

i. In Sabine's "American Loyalists," edition of 1874, 
under the name Arnold, Margaret, on pages 176 and 177, 
it is said, — 

" The allegation of the tiiird Vice President of the United States con- 
cerns common girlhood, common wifehood, and universal motherhood ; 
hence the time bestowed upon it. In my judgment, the subject of this 
notice should be acquitted. The probabilitUs are all in her fetvor, and 
there is no evidence against her. Indeed, more ; dates and facts prove 
her entire innocence. ... In the eighty-three years which have elapsed 
since the allied imprudent boasting of Mrs. Arnold at Mrs. Prevost's, 
hundreds of volumes of biographies and correspondence of the Revolu- 
tionary era have been published ; but, as far as my knowledge extends, 
not one of them contains a syllable to corroborate Burr's story, or in any 
way to implicate the subject of this notice. Nor is this all. When I 
mingled with Loyalist &niilies in the British Colonies, Arnold himself 
the beauty, character, and fate of his wife, were among the favorite 
topics of conversation. Gentlemen of the lineage of the Colonel, who 
went up the Hudson in the Vulture with Andr6, and other well informed 
persons, never once suggested that by tradition, even, Mrs. Arnold was 
involved in the treason." 

j. Although Bancroft does not mention Mrs. Arnold at 
all, yet he does make some statements which are conclusive 
of her innocence. On page 378, Volume X, edition of 1874, 
in speaking of Arnold, he says, — 

''Towards the end of February, 1779, he let it be known to the British 
commander-in-chief that he was desirous of exchanging the American 
service for that of Great Britain. ... In the course of the winter 
1778-79 he was taken into the pay of Clinton, to whom he gave on 
every occasion most material intelligence." 

If the foregoing statements be correct, Arnold was a 
traitor before his marriage to Margaret Shippen. 



300 lAfe of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

In a note to page 395 Bancroft makes a remark which 
is peculiarly appropriate to Burr's charges against Mrs. 
Arnold. It is : 

"Hamilton had the best opportunities to be well informed; . . . 
The reminiscences of men who wrote in later days are so mixed up with 
errors of memory and &ble that they offer no sore foothold." 

k. In Lossing's " Washington and the American Revolu- 
tion," Volume n. page 692, the following statement is 
found : 

" The tenderest care was bestowed upon her, and she was soon es- 
corted in safety to her friends in Philadelphia. Arnold's family, and 
others, have sought to make her the author of the traitor's defection, or, 
at least, an accomplice in his guilt ; but I have neyer yet seen a particle 
of evidence to prove that she had any knowledge of the traitorous 
designs of her husband." 

In this connection we call the reader's attention to the 
fact that no mention of Mrs. Arnold as being implicated in 
her husband's treason is made in any of the following his- 
tories: Hildreth's "United States," Ramsay's "United 
States," Knight's "England," Hughes's " England," Stan- 
hope's "England," Botta's "America," Mercy Warren's 
" History of the Revolution," Headley's " Washington and 
his Generals." Nor have we been able to -find a single 
reputable historian who, after examining the evidence in 
the case on both sides, has come to the conclusion that 
Margaret Arnold was a traitress. 

Sixth. The conduct of Arnold himself is inconsistent 
with the idea that his wife was an accomplice in his treason. 

Of all men in this world, Arnold alone knew the en- 
tire truth. In his letter of September 25, 1780, to Wash- 
ington from on board the " Vulture," he said, — 

** I have no favor to ask for mysell I have too often experienced the 
ingratitude of my country to attempt it ; but from the known humanity 
of your Excellency, I am induced to ask your protection for Mrs. 
Arnold from every insult and injury that a mistaken vengeance of my 
country may expose her to. It ought to &11 only on me ; she is as good 
and as innocent as an angel, and is incapable of doing wrong. I beg 



lAft of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict AmxM. 801 

Bhe may be permitted to retam to her friends in Philadelphia, or to 
come to me, as she may choose." 

Surely this assertion of her innocence is as credible as 
Burr's to the contrary. But we do not ask the reader to 
depend upon this assertion, but to consider the latter part 
of the quotation. If guilty, Philadelphia was the most 
dangerous place for her, and the suggestion of her return 
would have been most egregious folly. 

When Arnold was about to fight tiie duel with Lord 
Lauderdale, he forbore to discuss it witii his wife. If she 
had been an accomplice in his treason, why should he not 
discuss the duel, which indirectly grew out of the treason ? 

But Arnold's conduct on one occasion is, in our opinion, 
a decisive proof of his wife's innocence, even if all the 
other testimony in her favor had been obliterated. It was 
not in the first tumult occasioned by tiie discovery of his 
treason, and while he was still hopeful of the ultimate suc- 
cess of the British arms, though full of alarm for his wife 
and child, but after he had drunk his cup of bitterness to 
the bottom, and had learned to loathe his treason as only 
an unsuccessfiil traitor can; when he had repented, and 
had put on his old American uniform witii the exclamation, 
" God forgive me for ever putting on any other" (Arnold's 
"Life of Arnold," 395); when her fiwe, once the most 
beautiful in England, had been wasted by 

''Care and sorrow and child-birth pain ;" 

when he was contemplating the time when he should walk 
no more this fair green earth, and all that he could ask 
was for some true man or woman to carry out his will and 
to treat his children fairly. Who would trust a traitress to 
make a fair division? Yet tiie will of Benedict Arnold 
contains the following item : 

** I give Devise and Bequeath to my Beloved Wife her Heirs, Execu- 
tors and Administrators all my Estate both Real and PenoncU that I may 
die possessed of, after paying my Debts and Legacies as before and here 



302 IJfe of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

in after mentioned, for her own vae and benefit daring her continuing a 
Widow and to be dispoeed of among All my Childr^i at her Death, as 
she may think proper, not doubting her doing them all equal justice. 
But should she marry again, Then it is in that case, my Will and 
Pleasure that all my Property shall be divided among my Children upon 
her second Marriage, and in that case, I hereby Gire Devise and Be- 
queath all my Estate both Real and Personal that I may have, or die 
possessed of to my Children to be divided among them in such equal 
proportions as my beloved wife shall think Just and Proper, considera- 
tion being had to those Sums of Money that they have already received and 
that have been expended upon them for their Education &c And Con- 
sideration being also had to their respective Ages and Situations in Life, 
not doubting that she will do them all equal JusHoe as she knows it is and 
has always been my intention (as my affection has been equally divided 
among them) to make an equal provision for them all." . 

These are Hie words of Arnold at the time when he 
would speak the truth, if ever. He reposed this trust in 
his wife because he knew she was faithful. Under all the 
circumstances, we think that Arnold's testimony is more 
convincing than that of any other witness. 

In concluding this biography we desire to state that we 
have given all the facts as far as we have been able to ascertwi 
tliem from the ori^nal documents, whose very language we 
have endeavored to follow, and, having done this, we only 
ask in behalf of Margaret Arnold for Justice ! 

(To be continued.) 



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Biographical Sketch of Colonel Thomas Hartley. 308 



BIOGEAPHICAL SKETCH OF COLONEL THOMAS 
HAETLEY, OP THE PENNSYLVANIA LINE. 

BY JOHN W. JORDAN. 

Thomas Hartley, a son of George Hartley, and a well-to- 
do fisumer, was bom September 7, 1746, in Colebrookdale 
Township, Berks County, Pennsylvania. After receiving a 
good classical education at Reading, at the age of eighteen 
years he began to read law in the office of Samuel Johnson, 
at York, a prominent lawyer and a relative of his mother. 
He was admitted to practise in the courts of York County 
July 25, 1769, and in the courts of Philadelphia in August 
following. He rose rapidly in his profession and was enjoy- 
ing a lucrative practice when the war for independence 
opened. In 1774 he was elected a vice-president of the Com- 
mittee of Observation for York County, and again in Novem- 
ber of 1775. He represented York County as a deputy in 
the Provincial Conference held at Philadelphia July 15, 1774, 
and in the Provincial Convention, January 23, 1776. Li 
December of 1774 he was chosen first lieutenant of Cap- 
tain James Smith's company of Associators, and a year later 
lieutenant-colonel of the First Battalion of York County. 
The Committee of Safety of Pennsylvania recommended to 
Congress a number of persons for field-officers in tlie battal- 
ions to be raised in that State, and he was elected January 10, 
1776, lieutenant-colonel of the 0Lxth Battalion, commanded 
by Colonel William Irvine, and served with distinction in 
the Canada campaign. Li December of 1776 Congress 
authorized General Washington to raise sbcteen battalions 
of in£Emtry additional to those in service, and the command 
of one of these was given to Colonel Hartley. In the cam- 
paign for the defence of Philadelphia Hartley's regiment 
bore a conspicuous part At the battles of Brandywine and 
Germantown it was attached to the First Philadelphia 



304 Biographical Sketch of GoUmd Thomas Hartley, 

Brigade, General Wayne's division, Colonel Hartley com- 
manding the brigade, and was also at Paoli. 

To repel the inroad of tiie Tories and Indians from New 
York and for the protection of the frontiers. Colonel Harfley 
and his regiment in July of 1778 were ordered to Sunbury. 
So eftectively did he perform this duty that the Supreme Ex- 
ecutive Council of Pennsylvania, December 10, 1778, passed 
a unanimous vote of thanks : " For the brave and prudent 
course in covering the North Western frontiers of this State 
and repelling the savages and other enemies ; and that he 
be requested to inform the officers and men who have been 
under his command, that the Council is highly sensible of 
the difficulties and hardships of the duly which they have 
performed, and the zeal which they have shown during the 
last campaign." 

On December 16, 1778, Congress resolved that Colonel 
Hartiey's re^ment, with a number of independent compa- 
nies, be consolidated into one regiment and added to the 
Pennsylvania Line, to be known as the New Eleventh, the 
old Eleventh having been incorporated with the Tenth Penn- 
sylvania Line. Colonel Hartiey was assigned to the com- 
mand of the new regiment, but resigned February 13, 1779, 
having been elected a member of the Assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania in October, 1778. Li accepting his resignation Con- 
gress, deeming his reasons satis&ctory, bore testimony of 
their " high sense of Colonel Hartley's merits and services." 
When General Sullivan was organizing at Easton the expe- 
dition against tiie Lidians in New York, his advice was 
sought, and he suggested to GenertJ Himd the names of offi- 
cers and men who were good woodmen and had a knowl- 
edge of the Lidian country. 

Colonel Hartley was elected in 1783 a member of the 
Council of Censors of Pennsylvania, and in 1787 a delegate 
to the Pennsylvania Convention to ratify the Federal Con- 
stitution. He was elected a member of Congress in 1788, 
and continued in that position for twelve years. His per- 
sonal regard for Washington while in the military service 



Biographical Sketch of Colonel Thomas Hartley. 806 

was continued during his political life, and we find his name 
frequentiy mentioned as attending the social and official Ainc- 
tions of President and Mrs, Washington. When the Presi- 
dent reached York, July 2, 1791, on his return firom his south- 
em tour. Colonel Hartley met him, escorted him through 
the town, and afterwards entertained him at tea at his own 
house. Colonel Hartley was the first lawyer from Pennsyl- 
vania to be admitted a counsellor in the Supreme Court of 
the United States, and took the oath February 5, 1791, in 
New York, where the first sessions of the Court were held. 
He was one of the original members of the Society of the 
Cincinnati and a trustee of Dickinson College. Governor 
Thomas McEean, April 28, 1800, commissioned him major- 
general of the Fifth Division, State Militia. 

His brilliant life as a soldier, lawyer, and statesman was 
now drawing to a close. Afiier a long and tedious illness, he 
died at his home in York December 21, 1800, and his re- 
mains were interred in the burial-ground of St. John's 
Episcopal Church, with impressive ceremonies. His friend 
and pastor, Bev. John Campbell, D.D., in the course of his 
tribute of respect to his memory said in part : 

" If I could blow the trump of fitme over you ever so loud 
and long, what would you be the better for all this noise ? 
Let not your integrity, patriotism, fortitude, hospitality, and 
patronage be forgotten. Another (who need not be named) 
hath borne away iAie palm of glory, splendid with the 
never-dying honor of rearing the stupendous fabric of 
American freedom and empire. Departed friend! you 
hear me not, the grave is deep and silent. In this work 
of blessings to future ages you bore, though a subordinate, 
yet an honorable part. Soldiers of liberty ! come, drop a 
tear over your companion in arms. Lovers of justice ! come, 
drop a tear over her able advocate, — and of science, come, 
drop a tear over its warmest patron. Children of mis- 
fortune ! come, drop a tear over your benefactor and pro- 
tector. Brethren of this earthly lodge! rejoice that our 
brother is removed to the temple of the Supreme. Min- 
VOL. XXV. — 20 



806 Biographical Sketch of Colonel Thomas Hartley. 

isters of religion ! come, drop a tear to the memory of a 
man who was ever the friend of trutii and virtue. And 
thou, my soul ! come not into the assembly of those who 
would draw his reposed spirit from the bosom of the Father 
who is in heaven !" 

Colonel Hartley was married to Catherine, daughter of 
Bemhard Holtzinger, and had issue, Charles William Hart- 
ley, for some time prothonotary of York County, and 
Eleanor, who married Dr. James Hall, who became physi- 
cian to the Lazaretto, at Philadelphia, and to whose de- 
scendant. Dr. Charles Hall, of Macon, Georgia, we are in- 
debted for the copy pf the miniature of Colonel Hartley 
which accompanies this sketch. 

Colonel Hartley was a voluminous and entertaining corre- 
spondent, and tiiere are upwards of two hundred of his 
letters in the Manuscript Collection of the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania. 



Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 807 



DEAN TUCKER'S PAMPHLET. 

'A L£TTEA FROM A MERCHANT IN LONDON TO HIS NEPHEW IN 

1766. 

[We reprint this pamphlet by Rev. Josiah Tucker, D.D., Dean of 
Gloucester, "relative to the Present Posture of Affidrs in the Colonies, 
in which the supposed Violation of Charters, and the several Grievances 
complained of, are particularly discussed, and the Consequences of an 
Attempt towards Independency set in a true Light," from Benjamin 
Franklin's own copy in the Library of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania. We also present a &c-simile of the title-page, and the critical 
marginal notes by Franklin, with which the pamphlet abounds, have 
been indicated by his initials, **B. F." 

Dean Tucker was bom at Langhame, Carmarthenshire, Wales, in 
1712 ; died November, 4, 1799, and is buried in Gloucester Cathedral. 
He always took a keen interest in matters of politics and trade, and 
became noted by his writings upon the American troubles. Li various 
pamphlets he maintained that a separation from the Colonies was de- 
sirable; that the supposed advantages of the Colonial trade to the 
mother country was a delusion. On the other hand, he maintained 
that the Colonies turned adrift would Ml out with each other and be 
glad to return to political union. He was rather a crotchety and in- 
consistent writer and inclined to be meddlesome. In one of his works 
he charged Franklin with having promoted the passage of the Stamp 
Act and making application for the position of stamp distributor. In 
the correspondence which followed these strictures on his conduct and 
character Franklin wrote to the Dean : '' Nothing can be further from 
the truth than your assertion that I applied or used any interest, directly 
or indirectly, to be appointed one of the stamp officers for America. I 
certainly never expressed a wish of the kind to any person whatever ; 
much less was I, as you say, * more than ordinarily assiduous on this 
head.' . . . If on such reconsideration and inquiry you find, as I am 
persuaded you will, that you have been imposed upon by fsOse reports, 
or have too lightly given credit to hearsays, in a matter that concerns 
another's reputation, I flatter myself that your equity will induce you 
to do me justice by retracting that accusation." — Ed. Penna. Mag.] 



808 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet, 

A 

LETTER 

VROM A 

MERCHANT m LONDON 

TO HIS 

Nephew in NORTH AMEItlCA^ 

EILATJTE TO T It E 

Plrefent Poftnre of Afiain in the CoIodim 

iM vii I c a 

TYmfapfctod Vldatioii of CIiaitefB9 and d»e linrenl 
Grieiraiicet complained.of^ are particularly difcuflfed» 
Wattibtt ConfequetMat of an Attempt towanb Iiide- 
pendenqr fet in a true Light. 

Awt it if ArtlMT enafied and dedaicd hy the Aothoritjr | <2E& ^ ^0t^0> X ^ 
aforeftid^ That all Lawt^ Br-Lawi^ UiaMtt or Cat I ^ iiLmmm^ 

tons, at this Tiae, or which hereate^lhaU be in I ^y*^'^^ \V^ 
!Pfaaice» or«a4rMwivv^»^or^fMrai4i/iD be iaForce^or ( ^kl/>^^^^ 

Praftice» ia any of the 'fiua Piaacatioot* which are ii| l^. • ry « •jj, 

aay-wife repognaat to the befbreHaentioaed Laws, or \^^/^^^*^ ^^ 2 
bay of diem, lb fiur at thby do relate tto the fidd Plaa«'4y^/iyS!^ #^x#. . >9 
ladOBs, or any of them, or which are any-wiie repng- i^p \t^ii f ^^^ 

nantto thispreient Ad^ w h miy •tlur Lm» iwae/Srf^^'^''^^ 9^^*^^ 
i# ii# iMir I* riftf JCAi^iAun, fo fiu* as fach Law (half re- ! 'A ^f^^ ^^"" ^ 
late to and mention the laid. PlantttioBS, are illcfid'y i jCkJ^)-j s^ 
nail, and void, to all IntenU and Parpoib whatfo-f f^^Z^j^^ ^ ^m^ 
ever. 7 and 8 W. IH. Cap. as. Sea.o. / ^T'*^^^^^: \0^ 



LONDON: ^//d^^Or^ y^^ 

PfitiffedforJ.WAiTBR,atHomcr*5Hcad,ChariiigCrofs;.^<i^^ jC'P ^(^^^ 
MDCCLXVI. ^^ J ^ 







JDean Tucker^s Pamphlet. 809 



A I LETTER | FROM A | MERCHANT IN LONDON | TO 
HIS I NEPHEW IN NORTH AMERICA. | 

Dear Cousin, 

YOUR Letters gave me formerly no small Pleasure, 
because they seem to have proceeded from a good 
Heart, guided by an Understanding more enlight- 
ened than is usually found among young Men. And the 
honest Indignation you express against those Artifices and 
Frauds, those Robberies and Insults, which lost us the 
Hearts and Affections of the Indians, is particularly to be 
commended : for these were the Things, as you justiy ob- 
served, which involved us in the most bloody and expensive 
War that ever was known : and these, by being repeated, 
will stimulate the poor injured Savages to redress their 
Wrongs, and retaliate the Injury as soon as they can, by 
some Means or other. You did therefore exceedingly right, 
in manifesting the utmost Abhorrence and Detestation of 
all such Practices.^ 

But of late I cannot say, that I receive the same Satis- 
&ction from your Correspondence. For you are vastly 
altered from what you were ; your Mind seems to be in a 
continual Agitation: you assert and deny in the same 
Breath ; and, instead of maintaining any one regular, co- 
herent System, you blend opposite Systems together, not 
reflecting on the palpable Contradictions resulting from such 
a Conduct. — ^Discontented you, and your Countrymen, cer- 
tainly are to a great Degree : but whether your Discontent 
arises from a Desire of Change, and of making Innovations 

^ This is wickedly intended bj the Author (Dean Tucker) to represent 
the English N. Americans as the Cause of the War. Whereas it was in 
fact begun by the French, who seized the €k>ods & Persons of the 
English Traders on the Ohio : encroached on the King's Lands in Nova 
8cotia & took a Fort from the Ohio Company by force of Arms, which 
induced England to make Reprisals at Sea, & to send Braddock to 
recoyer the Forts on the Ohio, whence came on the War. [B. F.] 



810 Dean Tucker^s Pamphlet. 

in your Form of Government,— or from a mistaken Notion, 
that we are making Innovations in it, is hard to say. 

Give me leave therefore to expostulate with you, on this 
strange Alteration in your Conduct. I have a right to do 
it on every Account : and you know me well to be the in- 
variable Friend to the Rights and Liberties, civil and 
religious,' of all Mankind. You indeed talk loudly of Chains, 
and exclaim vehemently against Slavery : but surely you do 
not suspect, that I can entertain the most distant Wish of 
making any Man a Slave, much less my own Brother's Son, 
and my next of kin. — So far from it, that whether I can 
make you a Convert to my way of thinking or not, I shall 
still act by you as my nearest Relation : being always de- 
sirous of allowing that Liberty to others, which I hope ever 
to enjoy myself, viz. of letting every Man see with his own 
Eyes, and act according to his own Judgment : — This, I say, 
I would willingly indulge every Man in, as far as ever is 
consistent with good Government, and the public Safety. 
For indeed Governments there must be of some Kind or 
other ; and Peace and Subordination are to be preserved ; 
—otherwise, there would be no such Thing as true Liberty 
subsisting in the World. 

In pursuance therefore of this rational Plan of Liberty, 
give me Leave to ask you, young Man, What is it you mean 
by repeating to me so often in every Letter, The Spirit of tlie 
Constitution ? I own, I do not much approve of this Phrase, 
because its Meaning is so vague and indeterminate ; and be- 
cause it may be made to serve all Purposes alike, good or 
bad. And indeed it has been my constant Remark, That 
when Men were at a Loss for solid Arguments and Matters 
of Fact, in their political Disputes, they then had recourse 
to the Spirit of the Constitution as to their last Shift, and 
the only Thing they had to say. An American, for Ex- 
ample, now insists, That according to the Spirit of the 
English Constitution, he ought not to be taxed without his 
own Consent, given either by himself, or by a Representa- 
tive in Parliament chosen by himself Why ought he not ? 



Dean Tucker^s Pamphlet. 811 

And doth the Constitution say in so many Words, That he 
ought not ? — Or doth it say, That every Man either hath, or 
ought to have, or was intended to have a Vote for a Mem- 
ber of Parliament ? No, by no Means : the Constitution 
says no such Thing. But the Spirit of it doth ; and that is 
as good, perhaps better. Very well: See then how this 
same Spirit will presently wheel about, and assert a Doc- 
trine quite repugnant to the Claims and Positions of you 
Americans. Magna Charta^ for Example, is the great 
Foundation of English Liberties, and the Basis of the Eng- 
lish Constitution. But, by the Spirit of Magna Charta, all 
Taxes laid on by Parliament are comtitutmudj legal Taxes ; * 
and Taxes raised by the Prerogative of the Crown, without 
the Consent of Parliament are illegal. Now remember, 
young Man, That the late Tax or Duties upon Stamps was 
laid on by Parliament; and therefore, according to your 
own Way of reasoning, must have been a regular, consti- 
tutional, legal Tax. Nay more, the principal End and In- 
tention of Magna Charta, as far as Taxation is concerned, 
was to assert the Authority and Jurisdiction of the three 
Estates of the Kingdom, in Opposition to the sole Preroga- 
tive of the King : so that if you will now plead the Spirit 
of Magna Charta against the Jurisdiction of Parliament, 
you will plead Magna Charta against itself.' 

^ There is no doubt but Taxes laid in Parliament where the Parlia- 
ment hath Jurisdiction, are l^al Taxes ; but doth it follow that Taxes 
laid by the Parliament of England on Scotland before the Union, on 
Guernsey, Jersey, Ireland, Hanoyer, or any other Dominions of the 
Crown not within the Bealm, are therefore l^gal. — These Writers against 
the Ck>lonies all bewUder themselyes by supposing the Ck>lonies within 
the Bealm, which is not the Case, nor ever was. [B. F.] 

' This then is the /^rit of the Constitution, that Taxes shall not be 
laid with the Consent of those to be taxed. The Colonies were not then 
in being and therefore nothing relating to them could be literally ex- 
pressed. As the Americans are now without the Realm, and out of the 
Jurisdiction of Parliament, the Spirit of the British Constitution dictates, 
that they should be taxed only by their own Representatives, as the 
English are by theirs. [B. F.] 



812 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 

Leaving therefore all these Bhifdng, unstable Topics, 
which, like changeable Silks, exhibit different Colours, ac- 
cording as they are viewed in different Lights ; let us from 
the Spirit of the Constitution, come to the Constitution Usdf. 
For this is a plain, obvious Matter of Fact: and Matters of 
Fact are said to be stubborn Things. Now the first Emi- 
grants, who settled in America, were cert^nly English Sub- 
jects : — subject to the Laws and Jurisdiction of Parliament, 
and consequently to parliamentary Taxes, before their Emi- 
gration ; and therefore subject aftenoardsj unless some legal, 
constitutional Exemption can be produced.* 

Now this is the Question, and the sole Question between 
you and me, reduced to a plain, single Matter of Fact Is 
there therefore any such Exemption, as here pretended? 
And if you have it, why do you not produce it ? — " The 
King, you say, hath granted Charters of Exemption to the 
American Colonies." This is now coming to the Point: 
and this will bring the Dispute to a short Issue. Let us 
therefore first enquire. Whether he could legally and con- 
stitutionally grant you such a Charter? And secondly. 
Whether he did ever so much as attempt to do it ? And 
whether any such Charters are upon Record ? 

Now, upon the first settling of an English Colony, and 

^ This PoBition suppoMB, that Englishmen can never be oat of the 
Jurifldiction of Parliament. It may as well be said, that wherever an 
Englishman resides, that Country is England. While an Englishman 
resides in England he is undoubtedly subject to its Laws. If he goes 
into a foreign Country he is subject to the Laws and €k>vemment he 
finds there. If he finds no Qovemment or Laws there, he is subject 
there to none, till he & his Companions if he has any make Laws for 
themselves ; and this was the Case of the first Settlers in America. 
Otherwise & if they carried the English Laws h Power of Parliam^ with 
them, what Advantage could the Puritans propose to themselves by going, 
since they would have been as subject to Bishops, Spiritual Courts, 
Tythes, and Statutes relating to the Church in America as in England? 
Can the Dean on his Principles tell us how it happens that those Laws, 
the Qame Acts, the Statutes for Labourers, & an infinity of others made 
before & since the Emigration, are not in force in America, nor ever 
were? [B. F,] 



Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 818 

before ever yon, Americans, conld have chosen any Repre- 
sentatives, and therefore before any Assembly of snch Rep- 
resentatives could have possibly met, — ^to whose Laws, and 
to what le^lative Power were yon then subject ? To the 
English most undoubtedly ; for you could have been Subject 
to no other.* You were Englishmen yourselves ; and you car- 
ried the English Government, and an English Charter over 
along with you. This being the Case, were you not then in 
the same Condition, as to Constitutional Rights and Liber- 
ties, with the rest of your Fellow-subjects, who remained in 
England? CertMnly you were.* I most cordially agree, 
that you ought not to have been placed in a worse : and 
surely you had no Right to expect a better.* Suppose 
therefore, that the Crown had been so ill advised, as to 
have granted a Charter to any City or County here in 
England, pretending to exempt them from the Power 
and Jurisdiction of an English Parliament;* what would 

^ The Author here appears quite ignorant of the Fact The Colonies 
carried no Laws with them. They carried only a Power of making Law, 
or adopting such Parts of the Ekiglish Law, or of any other Law, as 
they should think suitable to their Circumstances. The first Settlers of 
Connecticut, for Listance, at their first Meeting in that Country, finding 
themselves out of all Jurisdiction of other Oovemments, resolved and 
enacted. That till a Code of Laws should be prepared and agreed to, 
they would be governed by the Law of Afoses, as contained in the Old 
Testament. [B. F.] 

• You are too positive, M' Dean. [B. F.] 

' If the first Settlers had no Bight to expect a better Constitution, what 
Fools were they for going over, to encounter all the Hardships & Perils 
of new Settlements in a Wilderness I — ^for these were so many Additions 
to what they suffered at home from tyrannical & oppressive Institutions 
in Church & State, if they carried those Institutions with them with a 
Substraction of all their old Enjoyments of the Conveniencies & Com- 
forts of an old Settled Country, Friends, Neighbours, Relations, Homes, 
Ac. Ac [B. F.] 

* The American Settlers needed no Exemption firom the Power of Par- 
liam^ they were necessarily exempted as soon as they landed out of its 
Jurisdiction. Therefore all this Rhetorical Paragraph is founded on a 
Mistake of the Author ; and the Absurdity he talks of is of his own 
Making. [B. F.] 



814 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 

the Judges? what would the Lawyers? nay, what would 
you Americans have said to it? Apply this now to 
your own Case: for surely you cannot wish to have it 
put upon a feirer footing : try therefore, and see, and then 
tell me ; is it possible for you to believe, that the Elng has 
a Power vested in him by the Constitution of dividing his 
longdom into several independent States, and petty King- 
doms, like the Heptarchy in the Times of the Saxons ? Or 
can you really imagine, that he could crumble the Parlia- 
mentary Authority and Jurisdiction, were he so minded, 
into Bits and Fragments, by assigning one Parliament to 
one City or County, — ^another to another, — ^and so on ? Is 
it possible, I say, for you to believe an Absurdity so gross 
and glaring ? And yet gross and palpable as this Absurdity 
is, you must either believe it, or adopt a still greater, viz. 
that, though the King cannot do these strange things in 
England, yet he can do them all in America ; because his 
Royal Prerogative, like Wire coiled up in a Box, can be 
stretched and drawn out to almost any Length, according to 
the Distance and Extent of his Dominions. Gtood Heavens ! 
what a sudden Alteration is this ! An American pleading 
for the Extension of the Prerogative of the Crown ? Yes, 
if it could make for his Cause ; — ^and for extending it too 
beyond all the Bounds of Law, of Reason, and of Common 
Sense ! * 

But though I have for Argument's sake, and merely to 
confute you in your own Way, here supposed, that the 
Crown had been so ill advised, as to grant Charters to the 
Colonies so unconstitutional and illegal, as these undoubt- 
edly must have been ; — ^yet the Fact itself is far otherwise ; * 

* What Stuff I Why may not an American plead for the just Pre- 
rogatiyee of the Crown? & is it not a just Prerogative of the Crown to 
give the Subjects Leave to settle in a foreign Country if they think it 
necessary to ask such Leave? Was the Parliament at all considered or 
consulted in making these first Settlements? or did any Lawyer then 
think it necessary? [B. F.] 

' Our former Princes claimed a Right, and frequently exercised the 
Power of levying Taxes, without the Consent of Parliament. But upon 



Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 815 

for no such Charters were ever granted. Nay, many of 
your Colony Charters assert quite the contrary, by contain- 
ing express Reservations of Parliamentary Rights, particu- 
larly that great one of levying Taxes.^ And those Charters 
which do not make such Provisoes in express Terms, must 
be supposed virtually to imply them ; * because the Law and 
Constitution will not allow, that the King can do more 
either at home or abroad, by the Prerogative Royal, than 
the Law and Constitution authorize him to do.* 

However, if you are still doubtful, and if you would wish 
to have a Confirmation of this Argument by some plain 
Fact, some striking Proof, and visible Example; — ^I will 
give you one ; and such an one too, as shall convince you, 
if any thing can, of the Polly and Absurdity of your Posi- 
tions : the City of London, for instance,* a Body Politic as 

settling the Colonies, this supposed Right, which cost Charles I. his 
Crown, and his Life, was not insisted on in any of the Charters, and 
was expressly given up in that which was granted to Lord Baltimore for 
Maryland. Now this Clause, which is nothing more than the Benuncia- 
tion of obsolete Prerogative, is quoted in our News Papers, as if it was 
a Renunciation of the Rights of Parliament to raise Taxes. Whereas 
the King in that Charter stipulated only /or hinuelf, hU Heirs, and Suc- 
cessors, not to raise Taxes by virtue of the Prerogative Royal : which 
certainly he might do; and which was very proper to be done for the 
Encouragement and Security of a new Colony. But he could not stipu- 
late for the Parliament ; and indeed he did not attempt to do it. 

[It was not a Renunciation of Right of Parliament ; there was no 
need of such a Renunciation, for Parliament had not then pretended to 
such a Right. But since the Royal Faith was pledg'd by the King for 
himself & his Successors, how can any succeeding King, without vio- 
lating that Faith, even give his Assent to an Act of Parliament for 
such Taxation ? [B. F. ] ] 

^ A Fib, M' Dean ; In one Charter only, & that a late one, is the Par- 
liament mentioned : And the right reserved is only that of laying Duties 
on Commodities imported from the Colony or exported to it [B. F.] 

' Suppositions & Implications will not weigh in these important Cases. 
[B-F.] 

' No Law or Constitution forbad the King's doing what he did in 
granting those Charters. [B. F.] 

* This Instance would be something, if London was not within the 
Realm. Whereas the Colonies are vnthout; and therefore 'tis nothing 



816 Dean Tucker's PamphleL 

respectable, without Offence, as the greatest of your Colo- 
nies with regard to Property j and superior to many of them 
with respect to Numbers ; — ^this great City, I say, the Me- 
tropolis of the whole British Empire, hath long enjoyed, 
before the Colonies were ever thought of, the threefold 
Power of Jurisdiction, — ^Legislation, — ^and Taxation in cer- 
tain Cases : but no Man in his Senses ever yet supposed, 
that the City of London either was, or could be exempted 
by these Charters from Parliamentary Jurisdiction, or Par- 
liamentary Taxes; and if any Citizen should plead the 
Charters in Bar to Parliamentary Authority, or refuse to 
pay his Quota of the Land-Tax, because that Tax is not 
laid on by an Act of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and 
Common Council ; — ^I do not say indeed, that the Judges 
would commit him to Newgate ; — but I do verily believe, 
that they would order him to another Place of Confinement, 
much fitter for a Person in his unhappy Situation.' 

And now, my good Friend, what can you say to these 
things ? — ^The only thing which you ought to say, is, — ^that 
you did not see the Affair in its true Light before : and that 
you are sincerely sorry for having been so positive in a 
wrong Cause, Confuted most undoubtedly you are beyond 
the Possibility of a Reply,* as far as the Law and Constitu- 
tion of the Realm are concerned in this Question. But in- 
deed it seems to me by certain Passages in your Letters, 
that, though you raise a terrible Outcry against the sup- 
posed violation of your Charters ; you yourself would not 
rest the Merits of your Cause upon the Proof of such a 
Violation ; and that you would rather drop that Point, than 
attempt to justify the Charge, if called upon to do it. 

to the purpose, conyinces no American of any thing but the pert posi- 
tiveness & Ignorance of the Author. [B. F.] 

^ The difference between a Fool & a Madman is said to be, that the 
Fool reasons wrong from right Premises the Madman right but from 
wrong Premises. This seems the Case of our Author, & therefore 
that Place perhaps more suitable for him. [B. F.] 

* This is Hollowing before you are out of the Wood. [B. F.] 



Dean Tucker^s Pamphlet. 817 

What then is it, which you have next to offer? Oh! 
" The Unreasonableness ! the Injustice ! and the Cruelty of 
taxing a free People, without permitting them to have 
Representatives of their own to answer for them, and to 
maintain their fundamental Bights and Privileges!" 

Strange, that you did not discover these bad things 
before ! Strange, that though the British Parliament has 
been, from the Beginning,* thus unreasanabUj thus unjust, 
and crud towards you, by levying Taxes on many Com- 
modities outwards and inwards, — ^nay, by laying an internal 
Tax, the Post-Tax for Example, on the whole British Em- 
pire in America; — and, what is still worse, by making Laws 
to affect your Property, viz. your Paper Currency, and 
even to take away Life itself, if you offend against them ; 
— Strange and unaccountable, I say, that after you had suf- 
fered all this so long, you should not have been able to have 
discovered, that you were without Representatives in the 
British Parliament, of your own electing, till this enlighten- 
ing Tax upon Paper opened your Eyes ! And what a pity 
is it, that you have been Slaves for so many Generations, 
and yet did not know, that you were Slaves until now.* 

But let that Pass, my dear Cousin ; for I always choose 
to confute you in your own way. Now, if you mean any 
thing at all by the Words unreasonable, unjust, and cruel, 
as used in this Dispute ; you must mean, that the Mother 
Country deals worse by you, than by the Lihabitants of 
Great Britain ; and that she denies certain Constitutional 
Rights and Privileges to you abroad, which we enjoy here 

^ FalBe I Neyer before the Restoration. [B. F.] 

' The Parliament it is acknowledged have made made many oppressire 
Laws relating to America which have passed without Opposition partly 
thro' the Weakness of the Colonies, partly thro' their Inattention to the 
full Extent of their Rights when employed in Labour to procure the 
Necessaries of Life. But that is a wicked Guardian, & a Shameless one, 
who first takes Advantage of the Weakness incident to Minority, cheats 
& Imposes on his Pupil ; & when that Pupil comes of Age, urges those 
Tery Impositions as Precedents to justify continuing them & adding 
others I [B. F.] 



818 Dean Tocher's Pamphlet. 

at home. Now pray what are those Constitutional Bights 
and Liberties, which are refused to you ? Name them, if 
you can. — The things, which you pretend to alledge are, 
" The Bights of voting for Members of the British Parlia- 
ment; and the Liberty of choosing your own Bepresenta- 
tives." But surely you will not dare to say, that we reftise 
your Votes, when you come hither to offer them, and choose 
to poll : you cannot have the Face to assert, that on an 
Election Day any Difference is put between the Vote of a 
Man bom in America, and of one bom here in England.^ 
Yet this you must assert, and prove too, before you can do 
any thing to the present Purpose. Suppose therefore, that 
an American hath acquired a Vote (as he legally may, and 
many have done) in any of our Cities or Counties, Towns, 
or Boroughs ; suppose, that he is become a Freeman, or a 
Freeholder here in England ;— on that State of the Case, 
prove if you can, that his Vote was ever refused, because 
he was bom in America : — ^Prove this, I say, and then I 
will allow, that your Complaints are very just ; and that 
you are indeed the much injured, the cruelly-treated People, 
you would make the World believe. 

But, my good Friend, is this supposed Befusal the real 
Cause of your Complaint ? Is this the Grievance that calls 
so loudly for Bedress ? Oh ! no, you have no Complaint of 
this sort to make : but the Cause of your Complaint is this ; 
that you live at too great a Distance from the Mother Coun- 
try to be present at our English Elections ; and that in Con- 

' This is all Banter & Insult, when you know the Impossibility of a 
Million of Freeholders coming over Sea to vote here. If their Free- 
holds in America are within the Realm, why have they not, in virtue of 
those Freeholds, a Bight to vote in your Elections as well as an English 
Freeholder? Sometimes we are told, that our Estates are by our Char- 
ters all in the Manor of East Greenwich and therefore all in England, 
and yet have we any Bight to vote among the Voters of East Greenwich ? 
Can we trade to the same Ports ? In this very Paragraph you suppose that 
we cannot vote in England if we come thither, till we have by Purchase 
acquired a Bight, therefore neither we nor our Estates are represented in 
England. [B. F.] 



Dean Tucker^s Pamphlet. 819 

sequence of this Distance, the Freedom of our Towns, or the 
Freeholds in our Counties, as far as voting is concerned, are 
not worth attending to. It may be so ; but pray consider, 
if you yourselves do choose to make it inconvenient for you 
to come and vote, by retiring into distant Countries, — what 
is that to us ? ^ And why are we to be reproached for com- 
mitting a " Violation on the Birth-rights of Englishmen, 
which, if it be a Violation, is committed only by your- 
selves ?" It seems, you find it to be your particular Interest 
to live in the Colonies ; it seems, that you prefer the Emolu- 
ments of residing there to your Capacity, or Capability 
(take which Word you please) of residing and voting here. 
Now this is your own free Choice ; and we leave you at full 
Liberty to act as you think proper : but then, are we obliged 
to alter our Political System merely to accord with your 
Convenience ? Are we to change and new model our fixed 
and ancient Constitution, just as you shall see fit to com- 
mand us ? and according as it shall please you to remove 
from Place to Place ? and is this the Complaisance, which 
you expect the Mother Country should shew to her dutifrd 
Children ? Yes, it is ; and you demand it too with a loud 
Voice, full of Anger, of Defiance, and Denunciation.* 

However, the Lion is not always so fierce as he is painted ; 
— and till we are beaten into a Compliance, it is to be hoped, 
that we may be allowed to expostulate with you in a few 
harmless, unbloody Words. Granting therefore, that the 
Colonies are unrepresented in the British Parliament: 
Granting that two Millions of People in America have, in 

^ This is all beside the Mark. The Americans are by their Constita- 
tions provided with a Representation A therefore need nor desire any in 
the British Parliament They have never ask'd any such Thing. They 
only say, since we have a Bight to grant our own Money to the King ; 
since we have Assemblies where we are represented for such Purposes, 
why will you meddle out of your Sphere, take the Money that is ours 
and give it as yours without our Consent? [B. F.] 

' An absolute Falshood : We never demanded in any Manner much 
less in the Manner you mention, that the Mother Country should change 
her Constitution. [B. F.] 



820 Dean Tucker^s Pamphlet. 

this respect, no Choice, nor Election of their own, through 
the Necessity of the Case, and their Distance from the 
Place of Election : — ^What would you infer from this Con- 
cession ? And wherein can such Elnd of Topics support 
your Cause ? For know, young Man, that not only two 
Millions, which are the utmost, that your exaggerated 
Accounts can be swelled to; — ^I say, not only two Mil- 
lions, but six Millions at least of the Inhabitants of Qreat 
Britain, are still unrepresented in the British Parliament 
And this Omission arises, not from the Necessity of the 
Case, not from consulting Interest and Convenience as 
with you, but from original Ideas of Gothic Vassalage, — 
from various Casualties and Accidents, — ^from Changes in 
the Nature of Property, — ^from the Alteration of Times and 
Circumstances, — and from a thousand other Causes.^ Thus, 
for Example, in the great Metropolis, and in many other 
Cities, landed Property itself hath no Representative in Par- 
liament; Copyholds and Leaseholds of various Elnds have 
none likewise, though of ever so great a Value. This you 
yourself very well know; because when you were here last, 
you knew, that I was possessed of considerable landed 
Property in London, and of several Copyholds and bene- 
ficifiJ Leaseholds in the Country, and yet that I never had a 
Vote.* Moreover, in some Towns neither Freedom, nor 
Birth-right, nor the serving of an Apprenticeship, shall en- 
titie a Man to give a Vote, though they may enable him to 
set up a Trade : In other Towns the most numerous, the 
most populous, and flourishing of any, there are no Free- 
doms or Votes of any Sort; but all is open ; and none are 
represented. And besides all this, it is well known, that the 

* Why then do you not give them a Representation ? [B. F.] 
' Copyholds and Leaseholds are supposed to be represented in the 
original Landlord of whom they are held. Thus all the Land in Eng- 
land is in fact represented notwithstanding what he here says. As to 
those who have no Landed Property in a Country^ the allowing them to 
vote for Legislators is an Impropriety. They are transient Inhabitants, 
& not so connected with the Welfare of the State which they may quit 
when they please, as to qualify them properly for such Privilege. [B. F.] 



Dean Tucker^s Pamphlet 821 

great East India Company, which have such vast Setdements, 
and which dispose of the Fate of Sjngs and Elngdoms 
abroad, have not so much as a single Member, or even a 
single Vote, qtmtenus a Company, to watch over their Inter- 
ests at home.^ What likewise shall we say in regard to the 
prodigious number of Stock-holders in our public Funds ? 
And may not their Property, perhaps little short of Onb 
HUNDRED Millions Sterling, as much deserve to be repre- 
sented in Parliament, as the scattered Townships, or strag- 
gling Houses of some of your Provinces in America ? * yet 
we raise no Commotions ; we neither ring the Alarm-Bell, 
nor sound the Trumpet; but submit to be taxed without 
being repriesented : — and taxed too, let me tell you, for your 
sakes.' Witness the additional Duties on our Lands, Win- 
dows, Houses ; — ^also on our Malt, Beer, Ale, Cyder, Perry, 

^ By this Argument it may be proy'd that no Man in England has a 
Vote. The Clergy have none as Clergymen ; the Lawyers have none as 
Lawyers, the Physicians none as Physicians, & so on. But if they haye 
Votes as Freeholders that is sufficient: And that no Freeholder in 
America has for a Bepresentative in the British Parliament [B. F.] 

' The Stock-holders are many of them Foreigners, and all may be so 
when they please, as nothing is more easy than the transferring of Stock, 
& conveying Property beyond Sea by Bills of Exchange. Such uncer- 
tain Subjects are therefore not properly vested with Bights relating to 
Qovemment [B. F.] 

' This is wickedly Mae. While the Colonies were weak & poor, not a 
Penny or a single Soldier was ever spared by Britain for their Defence : 
But as soon as the Trade with them became an Object, & a Fear arose 
that the French would seize that Trade & deprive her of it, she sent 
Troops to America unoMFd, And now brings this Account of the Ex- 
pence against us, which should be rather carried to her own Merchants 
and Manufiicturers. — ^We join'd our Troops & Treasure with hers, to 
help her in this War. Of this no Notice is taken. To refuse to pay a 
just Debt is Knavish : Not to return an Obligation is Ligratitude : But 
to demand Paym^ of a Debt where none has been contracted, to forge a 
Bond or an Obligation in order to demand what was never due is in- 
£Eunous Villainy. — Every year both King and Parliament (during the 
War) acknowledged that we had done more than our Part, & made us 
some Return, w^ is equivalent to a Receipt in full, and entirely sets 
aside this Monstrous Claim. [B. F.] 
VOL. XXV. — 21 



322 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet 

Wines, Brandy, Rum, Coffee, Chocolate, Ac. Ac Ac, for de- 
fraying the Expences of the late War, — ^not forgetting the 
grievouB Stamp-Duty itsell All this, I say, we submitted 
to, when you were, or at least, when you pretended to be, in 
great Distress : so that neither Men, almost to the last Drop 
of Blood we could spill, — ^nor Money, to the last Piece of 
Coin, were spared : but all was granted away, all was made 
a Sacrifice, when you cried out for Help.^ And the Debt 
which we contracted on this Occasion, is so extraordinary, 
as not to be parallelled in History. — ^It is to be hoped, for the 
Credit of human Nature, that the Returns which you have 
made us for these Succours, and your present Behaviour 
towards us, which perhaps are still more extraordinary, may 
not be parallelled likewise. 

» Never. [B. F.] 
(To be oontinaed.) 



Assessment of Damages dene by the British^ 1777-'1778. 828 



ASSESSMENT OP DAMAGES DONE BY THE BEITISH 
TROOPS DUEING THE OCCUPATION OP PHILA- 
DELPHIA, 1777-1778. 

[After the evacuation of Philadelphia County by the Britiah forces, in 
June of 1778, an aaseBsment of the damages sustained by the inhabitants 
was made by wards and townships. It is from the original assessment 
books, which bear the title, "Estimate of Damages Done by the Brittish 
in 1777 and 1778," in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
yania, that the returns of the assessors are copied. — ^Ed. Pbnna. Mag.] 

Dock Wakd. (South part) 
Anthony Outhbert^ Assessor. 

Bedford, Gunnig £842 6 — 

Gather, Robert 168 — — 

Comman, John 1486 — — 

Cuthbert, Thomas 171 16 — 

" " Deceased's Ert* . . 478 19 4 

" Anthony 658 — — 

Evans, Edward 218 8 2 

Flick, Philip 120 — — 

Gore, Sarah 227 2 6 

Hover, John 280 — — 

Hubley, Adam 518 10 — 

McKnight, Robert 49 7 — 

Mitchell, Thomas 101 2 6 

Robbins, Samuel 617 8 6 

Snowden, John 188 10 — 

Spence, Sarah 871 6 — 

Steel, Margaret 260 10 — 

Summers, Andrew 180 2 11 

Williams, John 26 16 — 

Worrell, James 372 _ — 

Young, William 1797 7 6 



824 Assessment of Damages done by the British^ 1777^1778. 



Dock Ward. (North part) 
Alexander Ruiherfordy Assessor. 



Carlisle, Alexander . 






£124 


— 


Donohue, John 






79 


19 


Gibbon, Mary . 






119 


— 


Hall, Thomas . 






225 


— 


Henry, William 






3645 


— 


Hollingaworth, Levi 






1665 


2 


Lawrence, William . 






87 


10 


Paschall, Benjamin Esq. . 






250 


— 


Rutherford, Alexander 






1100 


5 


Bichards, Samuel . 






54 


15 


Snowden, Isaac Esq. 






1006 


15 


Shedaker, William . 






27 


12 


Shearman, John 






740 


— 


Shields, Thomas . 






577 


50 


Spence, John . 






118 


10 


South Ward. 






Hoger Flahaven, Assessor 






Boylan's, James Est* .... 


. £880 


... 


Elrl^atrick, Elizabeth 


78 


18 


Mtpdlb Wabd. 






WUUam Richards, Assesso 


r. 




Christler, Widow .... 


£65 


10 


Cooper, Qeorge 






200 


— 


Erwin, Robert . 






651 


6 


Falconer, William . 






80 


7 


Hamill, John . 






16 


— 


Eeppele, Henry 






258 


— 


Randolph, Benjamin 






. 2811 


10 


Simpson, Samuel . 






218 


4 


Sutter, Elizabeth . 






87 


19 



10 



— 5 



Assessment of Damages done by the British^ 1777-'1778. 

Chestnut Ward. 

WUUam PoUardy Assessor. 

Adcock, William Esq .... £83 10 

Euhn, Lndwick 145 — 

Moore, William 91 6 

Potter, James 80 3 

" Matthew 59 2 



325 



Walnut Ward. 

Robert M^Knight^ Assessor. 

[No return.] 

Lower Delaware Ward. 

Charles Risky Assessor. 

[No return.] 



Upper Delaware Ward 


. 




John Hood, Assessor. 






Clarkson, Matthew .... 


, £200 


— .— . 


Hagner, Frederick .... 


100 


— — 


Hodge, Andrew .... 


1168 


— — 


Meredith, Charles .... 


1350 


— — 


Smith, Thomas W 


3000 


— — 


Wood, Joseph .... 


60 


— — 



HioH Street Wabd. 
Abraham Dubois, Assessor. 
Cobum, John . 
Dubois, Abraham . 
Francis, Thomas 
Hollinshead, William 
Huston, Elizabeth . 
■Whitebread, "William 



£2450 
176 
145 
166 
161 
864 



18 9 



17 — 



826 Assessment of Damages done by the British^ 1777-1778. 

North Ward. 

Lambert WUmorey Assessor. 

Barge, Jacob £35 8 — 

Brown, Maiy 58 — — 

Derrick, Christian 495 17 6 

Dehaven, Peter 204 12 5 

Haines, Reuben 418 15 — 

Hodge, Hugh 680 11 — 

Jackson's, William Est* . . 180 — — 

Porter, Robert 85 15 — 

" Mary 71 11 8 

Price, Jonadian 92 6 2 

Summers, Peter 248 15 — 

Zantzinger, Adam 1280 — — 

MuLBERRT Ward. (East part) 

Nathaniel Brown^ Assessor. 

Allen, William (Not Qualified) . £92 10 8 

Bartram, Moses 182 10 — 

Bonham, Ephraim 880 8 — 

Brooke, Bowyer 125 — — 

Benezet, Daniel 150 — — 

Bently, John 11 17 6 

Beehr's, Joseph & Elizabeth Esf . 201 — — 

Channell, James 208 — — 

Deshler, Elizabeth 556 6 — 

Dowman, " 88 8 9 

Falconer, Nathaniel .... 224 18 — 

Grafe, Casper 50 — — 

G^dner, Archibald .... 40 10 — 

Groff, Samuel 44 8 — 

Hess, Charletta 109 — — 

Hyneman, Frederick .... 141 10 — 

Kessler, Andrew 110 5 6 

Logon, Elizabeth 50 — — 



Assessment of Damages dom by the British^ 1777 -^177 8. 827 



Melcher, Isaac 










. £887 


16 9 


>f oravian Meeting 










89 


— — 


Meyer, Thomas 










87 


19 — 


Miller, Jacob . 










98 


\ 


Peters, John . 










726 


10 — 


Pechin, Christiana 










291 


14 — 


Rohr, John 










17 


19 10 


Rush, William Esq. 








2261 


6 — 


Schweighauser, John C. . 








160 


— — 


Schlosser, George . 








. 2180 


— — 


Smith, Thomas 










29 


12 — 


Slessman, Henry 










120 


— — 


Shaffer, David jun. , 










8742 


17 — 


Schreiner, Jacob 










217 


7 6 


Sprogell, John 










677 


— — 


Thompson, Peter 










61 


18 8 


"Weiss, Jacob . 










278 


— 9 


Webb, John . 










229 


12 6 


Wilkinson, Brian 










480 


-i— ... 


Wooley, Mary 










881 






MuLBERBT "Wakd. (West part) 

Andrea Epple, Assessor. 

Bartling, Christlieb .... £116 

Craighead, Mary 10 

Eckart, Adam O^il'ot Qualified) . . . 112 

Entris, John Jr. 81 

Graff, John 58 

Grebel, John 6 

Gressler, Frederick 82 

Heysham, William 286 

Joy, Daniel 1504 

Enees, John 298 

Elnorr, Gteorge 467 

Miller, John, Esq' 60 

Thompson, John 449 



16 — 

2 6 

10 — 

8 — 

18 6 

10 — 

17 — 

18 4 



828 Assessment of Damages done by the BrUish^ 1777-1778. 

Abington. 

John CoUomy Assessor. 

[No return.] 

Blocklet. 
John Thomas^ Assessor. 

Biepham, Waiiam £318 7 6 

Camber, Henry 80 6 — 

Coughran, Joseph 681 6 — 

Coulton, " 28 16 — 

Grain, Richard 228 — — 

Gteorge, John 58 18 — 

Heston, Edward 185 14 6 

Hibberd, Aaron 28 12 6 

Hoffinan, Jacob & Christiana Leech . 1178 10 — 

Jones, Joseph 225 — — 

'< Peter 40 10 — 

Leech, WiUiam 142 15 9 

Lees, Joseph 119 10 — 

Mahlin, David 181 12 6 

Rhoades, Nathan 48 18 — 

Rose, William 24 8 — 

Seltenrich, David 220 10 — 

Smith, Frederick 25 — — 

« Mary 114 8 6 

Stradling, John 141 5 — 

Walter, Martin 165 6 — 

Wilfong, Peter 12 — — 

Warner, Isaac 626 — — 

Worrell, James 62 — — 

Young, William 669 16 — 

Bristol. 
Caleb Armitage, Assessor. 

Armitage, Caleb £428 2 — 

Benner, George 270 10 — 



Assessment of Damages done by the British^ 1777-1778. 829 

BiBURRY. 

Jacob RhoadSy Assessor. 
Groom, Thomas . . . . • . £52 12 6 
Jackson, John 98 — — 

Cheltenham. 
Peter Rushj Assessor. 

Leech, Samuel £76 2 6 

" Jacob 65 16 — 

Meyer, Jacob 69 8 — 

Douglass. 

Christopher Sheiner^ Assessor. 

[No return.] 

Frederick. 
PhiUp BoyeTy Assessor. 
[No return.] 

Franconia. 

Jacob Gerhart^ Assessor. 

[No return.] 

Gbrmantown. 
Joseph Ferrety Assessor. 

Altemus, John £89 14 — 

Armitage, Benjam 287 10 — 

Adolph, Margaret 98 16 — 

Buckius,John 227 10 — 

BucMus, Francis 48 — 6 

Bender, Joseph 64 8 — 

Beck, Martin 52 15 — 

Bush, Maihias 640 8 8 



880 Assessment of Damages done by the British^ 1777-1778. 



Bamberger, Henry 
Butler, Joseph 
Biddis, John . 
Bringhorst, William 
Brown, Anthony 
Berger, Henry 
BeiUnger, Henry 
Cresfl, Henry . 
Coleman, Jacob 
Dannenhower, Q^orge 
Dannenhower, Abraham 
Dedier, John . 
Dulizang, Margaret 
Dannenhower, John 
Derr, tJlrich . 
Day, Christian 
Ent, Theobald 
Eplin, Frederick 
Erdman, Martin 
Engle, Jacob . 
Edleman, G^rge 
Engle, John . 
Fndey, Henry 
Ferree, Joseph 
Fogelgesang, Semion 
Fraley, Leonard 
Friedly, Michael 
Freed, Jacob • 
Galley, Frederick 
Ghirdner, John 
Ghurdner, George 
Gardner, John 
German Reformed Church 
Geiger, Jacob • 
Gk)rgis, Bachel 
Gillinger, Budolph 
Groushop, Jacob 



£9 


16 


— 


il9 


14 


4 


626 


19 


6 


4 


11 


7 


8 


6 





74 


16 





9 


8 


— 


1275 


18 


9 


601 


— 


— 


434 


11 


8 


67 


10 


— 


67 


— 


— 


88 


7 


— 


27 


8 


— 


17 


— 


— • 


28 


3 


9 


127 


10 


— • 


62 


..-. 


..-. 


178 


1 


10 


824 


4 


— » 


80 


16 


— . 


268 


16 


8 


168 


2 


— - 


168 


— 


— 


24 


4 


^ 


66 


8 


6 


676 


6 


8 


114 


6 


6 


41 


14 


6 


91 


6 


— 


66 


— 


— 


820 


16 


— 


10 


4 


— 


180 


6 


3 


100 


18 





116 


9 


^ 


60 


_ 


..i.. 



Assessment of Damages done by the Britishy 1777''1778. 881 

Green, Christopher £122 4 — 

Hay, Charlee 620—6 

Heaeer, Gteorge 82 19 — 

ffinUe, Henry 16 1 6 

Hinker, Peter 256 6 11 

Haselet, James 91 7 6 

Howell, John 95 6 8 

Hopple, Gtoorge 52 — — 

Holgate, WiUiam 128 18 6 

Jacobi, Christopher 82 9 — 

Jacoby, Elizabeth 276 1 6 

Klingel, George 181 10 — 

Kerper, Volius 1750 11 — 

Kropp, Frederick 57 7 6 

Keel, G^rge 82 6 — 

Knp,John 60 16 — 

Keyser, John 85 10 — 

Kiem, William 8 15 — 

Leibert, Peter 188 7 11 

Losh, Jacob 289 5 — 

Lutheran Church (German) . . 156 2 6 

Lentz, Nicholas 14 — — 

Losch, George 2412 11 8 

Linderman, Catherine .... 95 2 — 

Miller^ Sebastian 114 16 9 

Meng, Christopher 486 18 8 

Meyer, Casper 58 5 — 

Miller, George 158 4 — 

Miller, Henry 88 8 — 

Miller, Wickard . . . . 680 8 — 

Mechlin, Samuel 2571 17 6 

Melberger, Michael 679 6 — 

Mehl, Frederick 778 10 — 

Miller, Daniel 48 — — 

Nunnemaker, Ludwick .... 92 6 8 

Nunnemaker, Mathias .... 48 8 — 

Nungesser, John 85 15 8 



882 Assessment of Damages done by the British^ 1777-1778. 

Nieman, Zachariah £667 12 — 

ITick, Jacob 67 8 6 

Nice, Charles 91 16 6 

Opliter, Catherine 21 6 4 

Piper, William 239 11 8 

Pleager, Frederick 196 10 4 

Painter, Maiy 20 14 8 

Paul, Abraham 62 8 6 

Rayman, Andrew 17 2 6 

Rex, John 452 7 — 

Rees, Daniel 128 18 8 

Ritter, Catherine 676 6 8 

Recker, Elias 9 18 

Starr, John 62 8 6 

Sommer, Jacob ..... 204 12 4 

Sweitzer, Simon 167 6 4 

Shubart, Melchior 864 17 — 

Showaker, Conrad 79 17 — 

Shubert, Barbara 42 1 — 

Sheetz, Jacob 418 5 — 

Schlotterer, Martin 88 — — 

ShuBter, Jacob 18 18 6 

Strow, Jacob 114 10 6 

Stroup, Peter 81 9 9 

Simon, Ann 14 8 9 

Sander, Mary 19 2 — 

Smith, Andrew 184 15 — 

Showecker, Jacob 19 6 8 

Steel, William 74 17 6 

Steel, Mary 74 17 6 

Spevia, William 82 8 5 

Welker, Jacob 176 2 6 

Warner, Lidia 847 15 — 

Will, John 69 — — 

Will, Casper 65 10 — 

Windish, Casper 8 10 — 

Yeakle, Christopher .... 290 17 6 



Assessment of Damages dom by i 


he British, 


1777^1778. 888 


GWINBDTH. 






Stephsm Bloomy Assessor. 






Dull, Christian 


£75 


— — 


Fleck, George 


45 


— — 


Hatfield. 






George Sheive^ Assessor. 






Eeed, Jacob 


£45 


16 — 


Wisler, Isaac 


25 


17 6 


Horsham. 






John Simpson^ Assessor. 






[No return.] 






TCtngsbssing. 






James BartraMj Assessor. 






Bartram, James 


£271 


13 6 


Bartram, John 








181 


8 8 


Boon, Rebecca 








192 


10 — 


Donehower, George 








70 


— — 


Elliott, Christopher . 








676 


17 — 


Glover, William 








74 


17 — 


Gibson, David . 








816 


5 — 


Gibson, Nathan 








445 


9 — 


Guire, Adam . 








2284 


13 6 


Holston, Frederick . 








10 


2 6 


Hansen, Peter David 








192 


13 — 


> Hoflftier, George 








23 


15 — 


Jones, Neels . 








66 


— — 


Justis, Charles 








654 


— — 


Lincon, Abraham . 








75 


10 — 


Lascum, Benjamin . 








10 


5 3 


Lodge's, Abel Esf . 








51 


16 — 


Matsinger, Elizabeth 








41 


15 — 


Morris, David . 








71 


10 — 



884 Assessment of Damages done by the British^ 1777'-1778. 

Makimsony George £88 6 6 

Nilsell, Elizabeth 8 10 — 

Robinson, Charles 249 16 3 

Stitzel, George 16 17 6 

Walters, John 218 15 8 

Young, William jun 200 — — 

Lower Dublin. 
Joseph Ashton^ Assessor. 

Ashton, Joseph £40 14 6 

Ashton, Martin 67 — — 

Ashton, Jacob 8 — — 

Addis, Joseph 92 7 — 

Ashton, Thomas 26 15 — 

Bennet, Simon 81 16 6 

Carman, Elizabeth 71 10 — 

Duffield, Abraham 

Duffield, Thomas 4 7 — 

Bungan, James 50 — — 

Dungan, Jesse 106 — 6 

Duffield, Jacob 126 2 6 

Dearman, Joseph 51 10 8 

De Nyce, Jane ..... 20 — — 

Elphinston, Nicholas .... 151 8 — 

Edwards, William 21 8 9 

Edwards, Elizabeth 5 7 _ 

Finney, John 54 10 — 

Glenn, Daniel 67 12 6 

Green, Robert 17 — — 

Holmes, John and Thomas . 840 5 — 

Hu%, Mary 126 — — 

Hall, Jacob 486 4 — 

Jones, Samuel 62 — — 

Johnson, Peter 59 — — 

Johnson, Benjamin 26 5 — 

Jones, Joshua 47 17 6 



Assessment of Damages done hy the British^ 1777''1778. 886 



Jackson, Joeiah 








£29 


10 — 


Johnson, John 








46 


15 9 


Langhlin's, Jacob Est* 








278 


5 9 


Lycans, Andrew 








42 


10 — 


lavezej, Jonathan . 








21 


16 — 


Livezey, Nathan 








27 


— — 


McVaugh, Edmund 








19 


— — 


McGargle, John 








108 


— — 


Miles, Joseph . 








92 


15 — 


Neswinger, Samuel . 








15 


— — 


Northrop, Jeremiah 








96 


2 6 


Ott, Jacob 








57 


14 — 


Paul, James . 








78 


— — 


Paul, John 








108 


— — 


Pass, Frederick 








121 


11 6 


Betzer, Jacob . 








88 


10 — 


Rich, Jacob . 








54 


5 — 


Rambo, Peter . 








55 


4 3 


Shearer, Jacob 








43 


14 6 


Snyder, David 








251 


— — 


Taylor, Jacob . 








79 


12 6 


Thomas, Evan 








21 


15 — 


Vandyke, Aaron 








20 


9 — 


Vandyke, Richard . 








50 


12 — 


Waggoner, John 








155 


10 — 


(To 


be con 


tmaed 


•) 







836 Johann Ghttfried Seelig. 



JOHANN GOTTPBIBD SEELIG AND THE HYMN-BOOK 
OP THE HERMITS OP THE WISSAHICKON. 

BT HON. 8A1CUIL W. PENNTPAOKIE. 

Substantially all heretofore known concerning the learned 
enthusiasts who were called the Hermits of the Wtssahickon 
and the Society of the Woman in the WUdemess can be found 
in the " Settlement of Germantown" and the biography of 
Hendrick Pannebecker. The sources of information there 
used were to a large extent the works of Seidensticker and 
Sachse. So far as known, there was only one manuscript 
extant in the handwriting of Eelpius, his journal, in the 
possession of the Wistar family, and all of the productions of 
Seelig had been lost. In the " Vitse Theologorum Altorphi- 
norum," by Gustave George Zeltner, published at Nurem- 
berg in 1722, may be gathered a few additional facts of 
interest concerning the early settlers of Germantown. Pas- 
torius was a student at Altdorf from 1668 to 1670, and it 
was there that his thesis upon law was printed. In Zeltner's 
work are portraits and biographies of John Weinman, Luke 
Frederick Reinhart, John Conrad Durr, and John Conrad 
Schwaeger, four of the teachers of Pastorius. There is also 
a reference to a song written by Dr. Johann Wilhelm 
Petersen, one of the members of the Frankfort Land Com- 
pany. From it we learn that the book of Kelpius, entitled 
"Scylla Theologica," went through two editions. There 
are also a portrait and biography of Dr. John Fabricius, 
whom Kelpius called his master, and under whom he 
studied. 

It was in a letter to Fabricius that Kelpius told the story 
of William Penn and the Indian chief narrated in the 



Johann Ghttfried Seelig. 837 

"Settlement of Germantown/* page 252. Fabricius had 
written to Kelpius telling him of the report current in 
Germany that he had surrendered his theological tenets and 
become a Quaker, in reply to which he wrote a denial in one 
of his few letters we possess. Thereupon Fabricius wrote a 
vindication of him, which appeared in the second edition of 
the " Scylla Theolo^ca.'' 

A recent discovery made in rather a remarkable manner 
has added materially to our store of information concerning 
the Hermits of the Wissahickon, and constitutes an interest- 
ing bibliographical incident relating to the earliest period 
of Pennsylvania history. 

In the summer of 1894 I bought at a public sale at the 
house of one of the Schwenkfelder people, named Kriebel, 
on the Skippack Creek, in Montgomery County, Penn- 
sylvania, a number of ancient books and papers, which 
were sent to my office in Philadelphia. After all that 
seemed to be of any importance had been selected, a re- 
siduum of what was regarded as rubbish lay exposed upon 
the top of a box for two years. Among the neglected 
material was a German manuscript volume about eight 
inches in length and four in width, whose title and front 
leaves had been lost, and which contained at the end a 
crude verse in a rude hand, written in 1772. It happened 
that I gave up my office, and the rubbish was collected by 
the expressman and taken to my home, where it lay on a 
shelf unnoticed for four years longer. One day in 1900 
the words " Der einsamen Turteltauben,'* the peculiar lan- 
guage of the Dunkers of Ephrata, written on one of the 
pages of tliis volume, casually caught my attention and led 
me to give it careful study. I found that the turtle-dove 
was sin^ng " in the silent woods," and, fortunate chance ! 
one of the hymns written in the book was dated of July, 
1707, nearly forty years before the establishment of the 
community at Ephrata, and was signed " J. G. S." There 
was only one other set of people in early Pennsylvania life 
who used this phraseology, and upon a comparison of the 
VOL. XXV. — 22 



888 Joham Ghttfried Sedig. 

unusual penmansliip of the early hymns with that of the 
journal of Eelpius, the revelation became certain and com- 
plete. The hymn-book of the Hermits of the Wissahickon 
had been happily and strangely recovered. 

Eelpius wrote in it nineteen hymns, and at the end of the 
book made an index of them. Of these there are seven 
entire, parts of two others, and the first lines of alL An- 
other of the hermits, not identified with certainty, but who 
may have been Henry Bemhard Eoster, the learned trans- 
lator of the Septuagint, added thirteen hynms. Then 
Johann Gottfried Seelig wrote four hymns, and fortunately 
signed and dated one of them in 1707. They constitute 
the only productions and the only manuscript of Seelig 
which the ravages of time have spared. The subsequent 
history of the volume can only be conjectured. Treasured 
as long as the community lasted, and then carried away 
from G^rmantown and trusted to chance, it fell into the 
hands of some person who made it the convenient recep- 
tacle for the meaningless verses of 1772 which misled me, 
and was thereafter knocked about the garrets of £Eirm-houses, 
where it lost its ^tle-page and twelve of its leaves. It is 
now bound in crushed levant and rests in a morocco case. 

One of the hymns written by Seelig is here translated, 
and, being among the earliest of American poetical pro- 
ductions, is extremely interesting. It has much of the tone 
of a modem love-song. The dove is cooing for its mate. 
Christ is a bridegroom who is called to hasten to the await- 
ing souL Each stanza suggests one single, simple thought, 
which is emphasized by a descriptive word in the final 
lengthened line. The attempt has been made to preserve 
the rhyme, measure, and spirit as well as the ideas of the 
ori^nal, a task rendered more difficult because of the 
brevity of the lines. 

Der eiiiBahmen Turtel-tauben be- The moving Song of Complaint 

wegliches Klag-lied am orte ihrer of the Solitary Turtle Dove in the 

probirdng im sdllen btische der ge- place of its trial. Sung in the still 

duld geeungen von J. G. S. woods of patience by J. G. S. 



Johxmn Gottfried Sedig. 



839 



1. Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Mein suas^Btes Snglein ? 
Ich sehn mich mit Bchmertzen, 
Und ruff dich im hertzen, 
Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Ach kom doch mein irostendes 
Englein. 



1. My Dovelet, where art thou? 
Sweet Angel, why part thou ? 
My heart is so painful, 
Oh, be not disdainfiil. 
My Doyelet, where art thou ? 
Come, Angel, consoling my heart 



2. Sieh wie ich hier walle, 
Stets nahe dem fiille, 
Ich mercke die tucke, 
U. sehe die stricke, 
Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Kom eylend mein rettendea Sng- 
lein. 



2. See how I am heaving, 
I stand here bereaving, 
I watch all the threading 
Of nets that are spreading. 
My Dovelet, where art thou ? 
Haste, Angel, deliver my heart 
now. 



8. Hor wie ich dir klage. 
In eusserster plage, 
Der Feind mir den glauben 
Fast alle wil rauben. 
Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Ach kom doch hertz-starckendea 
Englein. 



8. Oh ! hear me complaining 
In sharpest of paining. 
The fiend is me reaving 
Of faith and believing. 
My Dovelet, where art thou? 
Come, Angel, and strengthen my 
heart now. 



4. Im flnstem ich sitze 

In zweiffel-angst schwitze ; 
Mein weg ist verborgen, 
Mich quahlen viel sorgen ; 
Wo bistu mein Taubldn ? 
Ach kom doch erlettchtendea 
Englein. 



4. In darkness I'm sitting. 
With doubt I am splitting. 
My way is all hidden. 
No care is forbidden. 
My Dovelet, where art thou ? 
Come, Angel, enlighten my heart 



Es lebet die Seele 
In einsahmer Hohle 
Ohn fireude, ohn friede. 
Yon anfechtung mude, 
Kom paarendes Taublein, 
Ach kom doch erfreuendes Eng- 
lein. 



My soul is but living 
In lonely misgiving. 
The time is but dreary, 
With struggles I'm weary. 
Come, Dovelet, and mate me, 
Come, Angel, rejoicing to sate 
me. 



Irrleitende lichter, 
Yerstellte gesichter 
Mich wollen bethoren 
Yon warheit abfiihren. 
Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Ach kom doch warhaftiigea Eng- 
lein. 



6. False beacons misguiding. 
False faces deriding. 
Do often bewray me, 
From true ways betray me. 
My Dovelet, where art thou ? 
Come, Angel, the true way im- 
part now. 



840 



Johann Ghttfried SeeUg. 



7. Ruch fuhl ich die Hiebe, 
Der fleisohlichen Liebe ; 
Wen die mich verwunden 
So bistu yenchwunden : 
Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Eom lieb micb reinliebendes Eng- 
lein. 



7. I feel all tbe glowing 
Of lust in me growing ; 
If fkils my endeavor 
I lose thee forever. 
My Dovelet, where art thou ? 
Come, Angel, clean love in thy 
heart now. 



8. Bey alle dem Summer 
Fall ich doch in Schlummer 
Die Tragheit mich drucket 
Der Schlaff mich berucket ; 
Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Ach kom doch ennunirendes 
Snglein. 



8. Oft sorrows encumber 
While lying in slumber, 
My sin is enduring 
And sleep is alluring. 
My Dovelet, where art thou ? 
Come, Angel, awaken my heart 
now. 



9. Soil ich noch mehr klagen ? 
Yon kummemuss sagen ? 
O dass ich dich hette. 
In meinem hertz-bette ! 
Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Ach kom doch verhorgenes Eng- 
lein. 



9. Why am I refraining, 
In sadness complaining ? 
Oh I could I but hold thee 
And to my heart fold thee. 
My Dovelet, where art thou ? 
Come, Angel, and hide in my 
heart now. 



10. Du bist ja alleine 

Die lieb die ich meine : 
Dich will ich nur haben 
Du kanst mich recht laben : 
Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Ach kom doch hertz4iehen8tea 
Englein. 



10. For thee am I lonely. 
For thee I love only. 
And I must possess thee. 
And thou canst caress me. 
My Dovelet, where art thou ? 
Come, Angel, with love in thy 
heart now. 



11. Ach lass dich beschweren 
Die heissen hertz-zahren 1 
Zu kommen, zu eylen 
Nicht langer verweilen 1 
Wo bistu mein Taublein ? 
Ach kom doch ertounBchetea 
Englein. 



11. Oh, why art thou keeping 
Thy hot tears from weeping ? 
Be coming and staying. 
No longer delaying. 
My Dovelet, where art thou ? 
Come, Angel, the wish of my 
heart now. 



12. Nun hier wil ich warten 
In deinem Creutz-garten 
Bey der gedult Myrrehn, 
Stets ruffen und girren : 
Wo bleibstu mein Taublein ? 
Kom paar dich, kom lieb mich 
mein Englein. 



12. Now here am I waiting, 
The Cross is inviting, 
By Myrrh is my wooing. 
Still calling and cooing. 
My Dovelet, I wait thee. 
My Angel, come love me, come 
mate thee. 



Memoirs of Brigadier^General John Laeeyj of Perma. 841 



MEMOIRS OP BRIGADIBR-GBNBRAL JOHN LACBY, 
OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

(Continued from page 207.) 

July 9"*. The three Pennsy* Regiments — ^the first Com- 
manded by Colo' Dehaas ; 2d by Colo' S* Clear, and three 
Companies of the 4*** Commanded by Colo' Wayne, em- 
barked in Batteaus. I went with them ; having head winds 
did not arive there untill after night Two of the men be- 
longing to my Company, Levi Fell and William Rogers, 
were left sick at Crown point, without a single person to 
attend them, who dyed for want, purely by Capt. Moore's 
neglect On the Eleventh word was brought that the five 
absent Companies under Lieu* Colo' Johnston had arived at 
the landing on the North East end of Lake George about 
three miles distant from where we were Encamped. I im- 
mediately went to them ; Colo' Johnston & Major Honsiger, 
were loth to believe my relation of Colo' Wayne's Treat- 
ment to me. The Colo' however, engaged he would imme- 
diately have all difference ammicably. Next morning they 
came into Camp and erected their Tents near the other 
three Companies. Cap* Moore took the Command of his 
Own Company — ^mine was left without an officer as Lieu* 
Smith & Ensigne Beatty were both sick. I still remained 
at a distance and did not Join the Regiment — ^I had made 
it a practice not to pitch my Tent near Colo' Wayne or 
either of the three Companies — ^but Chose to be nearer those 
I conceived to be my Friends — ^had Joined Cap* Willets 
Com. of Colo' Dehaas Regiment he being a BxxckB County 
man. Early in the Morning of the 18*"* Colo' Johnston and 
Major Honsiger came to my Tent — ^the Major advised me to 
go and take care of my Company, as they appeared to be 
totally neglected and without an officer. Smith & Beatty 
being both sick — ^he said by way of persuasion, if I quit the 



842 Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Penna. 

Armey as I had determined to do at this time k went home, 
it would be believed by everybody that I had been guilty of 
some crime for which I had to leave the Armey. I told 
him I had rather dye or live all my days in obscurity, than 
to continue under k subject to the Caprice of such an unjust 
tyrent as Colo^ Wayne. Colo* Johnston advised me by all 
means to take the Command of my Company — ^ihe Colo' he 
said had been rong, and my Character was not at all iiyured 
with any of my friends — ^if I would now go and Join the 
Comp^ all our difference would be ended and forgotten, 
and tiiat he would vouch that the Colo* would use me well 
in future ; that to contend would only aggravate k make 
matters worse. I offered him my Commission, but he re- 
fused to take it. Soon after he left me I rec* the Following 
note from Colo* Wayne— 

"TiooKDBBOGA July 18*»^ 1776— 
"To Captain Laoby. 

"You are immediately to take the Command of your 
Company, and to appear with them on the Parade at half 
past 7 o'clock this Morning. 

" Anth^ Wayne." 

I immediately called on Colo* Dehaas, whome I had before 
consulted with concerning Colo* Wayne's Treatment, and 
he had stated my case to Gen* Gkttes, who promised him I 
should have Justice done me. I showd him Colo* Wayne's 
Order commanding me to take the Command of my Com- 
pany — ^he advised me by all means to take charge of the 
Comp^ or Colo* Wayne would make my reftisal a disobedience 
of Orders, in which he would have the advantage of me, 
and that if I took his advice, he would be my Friend. In 
consequence of which, I concluded it most prudent k ad- 
visable to Join the Company, tho with great reluction and 
regret — ^but as I had got my hand in the Lyon's mouth it 
was the wisest way to get it out as easy as I could ; but the 
Wound given me by Colo* Wayne was deep and incureable. 
I was resolved to leave the Armey the first oppertunity I 



Memoirs of BrigacUer-Greneral John Laceyj of Penna. 843 

could Honourably depart from it, convinced Wayne had be- 
come my Personal & Bitter Enemy, he would suffer no good 
occasion to slip in gratifying his splene in punishing me for 
my reluctance in yielding to his arbitrary and unjust man- 
date, k by complaining to the Commanding Generals for 
redress. At the time appointed the whole of the Regiment 
had been Ordered to Parade, I placed myself at the Head 
of my Company — ^this was the first time the whole Regi- 
ment had met together — each Company taking its station 
in the line according to the Rank of the Captain, in the fol- 
lowing manner, viz. First, Frasurs, 2* Robinsons ; 8 Lacey's ; 
4*^ North's; 5 Church's; &^ Vamum's; 7*** Taylors; 8"» 
Moore's. This being the first Organization of the Regi- 
ment, we incamped in the same Order, with the officers' 
Tents in the Rear. I ordered my Orderly sergant to make 
me a return of the Company, which to my inexpressable 
mortification I found to stand as follows, viz. one Cap*, 1 
Lieutenant, 1 Ensine, 2 Sergants, 2 Corparals, no Drum or 
Fifer, and but 48 privates — ^Ryan my second Lieu* had been 
appointed adjutant of the Regiment 2 Sergants k 2 Cor- 
perals had been lost at the three Rivers, the Drum k fife 
had deserted at Albany — having lost since I left the Com- 
pany on long Island, 2 Sergants, 2 Corperals, 2 Drum k 
fife and 28 Privates. The chagrin and mortification in find- 
ing the Company so reduced was almost insuportable and 
what made it still worse, those 28 missing Men, were the 
finest and best looking men belonging to the Comp^. I was 
again determined to resigne my Commission, but by the 
pursuasions of my Brother officers, and being convinced by 
sad experience I could not obtain any Redress, once more 
resolved if possible to worry out the Campain ; to leave it 
now, when danger was expected, looked too much like 
cowardice, and that I detested more than all the other 
calamities that had befallen me k this, I could not Brook 
rivitted me to the Spot 

July 14*^. Tho Sunday, I was Ordered to take the com- 
mand of one Hundred and fifty Men--one Captain and two 



844 Memovrs of Brigadier-Qtrural John Lacey^ of Penncu 

Lieutenants, all of the Pennsy* line, to proceed with fifty 
Batteaus to Crown Point, to bring the 6*** Pennsy* Regi- 
ment to this Place— returned with them the next Day — ^I 
lodged at Crown point with Doc' Johnston of the 6*** Reg* 
whome I had before contracted a very friendly acquaint- 
ance. He was a Man possesing a very Koble and Philan- 
thropic mind, in him no hollow Friend was found, his pro- 
fessions of Friendship were sincere. Part of the New 
Jersey, New York and New England Troops went and en- 
camped on the East side of the lake, on a high point of 
Ground opposate the Old Fort which was called Mount 
Indipendance, or Rattle Snake Hill, on account of the great 
numbers of that Venemous Serpent found there, on clearing 
off the Timber and under Wood, where the Troops pitched 
their Tents. On the 18*^ the Pennsy* Troops moved from 
their encampment near the old Fort Ticonderoga, and En- 
camped along and within the old French lines on the high 
ground to the Northward and Westward of the Fort 
These lines consist of a string of Redoubts or Breast Work, 
with a ditch on the outside, which had been picketed, and 
appeared to have once been a formadable works, but now 
gone very much to decay and out of repair. They extended 
across a point or Neck of Land from the Southern to the 
Northeast bend of Lake Champlain, as fisur as the hight ex- 
tended, to a Marsh or Morass on the Margin of the Lake. 
These lines or Redoubts appeared to be well calculated for 
defence against the sudden approach of an Enemy without 
Cannon, but required twice the number of Men composing 
the four Pennsy* Regiments to defend it. Colo^ S* Clear 
having been appointed a Brigadier Gen* commanded the 
Pennsy* line, Colo* Winds Regiment of New Jersey, and 
some other Troops attached to the Brigade. 

The Troops Officers and men lay in Tents, their daily oc- 
cupation was repairing the old lines and building new Re- 
doubts, not even Sundays excepted, officers as well as men 
laboured in cutting brush making and toting &shines, and 
diging in the ditches, not a moments time was lost, and only 



Memoirs of Brigadier-Greneral John Ldcey, of Penna. 845 

time allowed to Eat Fattigue and guard-mounting occu- 
pyed all our time. The following was the order of work 
viz. On the beating of the Revelee, which commenced at 
the Fire of the Morning Gun at the head Quarters of the 
Commander in Chief. At the moment the report of the 
Cannon was heard every Drum in Camp began to beat the 
Revelee, a little before or on the first appearance of Day 
brake, the Soldiers at the same instant seasing their Arms 
and accrutraments, rush forward to the Alarm posts — a place 
previously fixed for that purpose, there with the Officers 
they remain there ready for action untill, and sometimes 
after sunrise. As soon as it is sufficiently light to distinguish 
the Men, orders are given to go through the exercise of 
fireing, which is kept up untill the Troops are ordered to 
their Quarters, to get their brakefasts and at 7 at Troop 
Beating the Guards and Fattigue parties are turned out, 
who assemble opposate their respective Companies and are 
marched by Sergants to the Gen' Parade to be joined by 
others, and placed under the proper officers are sent to the 
Stations of the different Guards or Fattigue, according to 
the Order of the Detail of the Day. The sick having been 
on our first arival firom Crown Point sent over Lake Gteorge 
to the Barracks at the south end of it, where they had good 
Quarters, those in Camp are geting well, and very few new 
Cases accrue, owing to our regular duty & better supplies 
which are now becoming very regular and plenty. We 
begin to live like Christians and aJl in good Humour and 
Harmony. 

I omitted to mention in its proper place and time, some 
occurences in Canada, worthy of remark. My mind at 
that time was engaged in matters of deeper moment to my- 
self, on my personal account; these were in regard to our 
supplies, which were not only bad in quality, but scant and 
limitted in quantity. The Meal, I cannot call it flour, for it 
was hardly ground, it was what at my Father's Mill in 
Bucks County, we called Chopt for Horses and Cattle. 
Many a bushel I had Ground there for Hogs of fiar better 



846 Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey^ of Penna. 

quality than the Meal we drew here to Eat, none of which had 
been Boalted ; we eat it Bran and all, some of it very musty. 
As to meat, we had none but rusty Pork, the Pickle, if any 
had ever been on it, had long since leaked from the Barrels, 
such as did not Stink was so rusty it could not be eaten ; 
but used in this manner, as I saw and had it done myself. 
The Meat was cut in Slices, stewed over the fire in a pan or 
other vessel, untill the lard was extracted, when the Meat 
was thrown away, making the Meal & Bran into a batter 
with water, pouring it into the hot lard, holding over the 
Fire a short time, we had a very ritch and eatable Cake, 
which served both for Meat and Bread — a small portion of 
Tea or Chocolate sweetned with Maple sugar satisfyed our 
repast This would have done very well could we but 
procured enough of it — ^we seldom drew more than half 
the rassion & often not one third. As for fresh Meat, I 
dont recollect seeing any, it was in the season when Cattle 
in Canada was very poor, the Grass and Herbage was now 
in rapid progression and I have no doubt but Autom will 
produce plenty of good and Fat Beef. I saw a great many 
fine Cattle Browsing especially on the Islands and Southern 
Banks of the main lands as I passed down the S^ Lawrence 
from Montreall to the mouth of the River Sorrell, and 
where we halted, discovered plenty of Milck & good rye 
bread in the Houses of the Inhabitants, which they were 
very willing to sell for hard money, but refused our Paper. 
Lieut. Colo^ Johnston brought with him the Declaration 
of Congress of the Indipendance of America on the 4*"' 
inst it made a little Buze, but soon subsided & was for- 
gotten. A few Officers left the Armey in consiquence of it, 
among whome was Lieu* CoUan Allen. Lieu* Smith still 
continuing sick had taken his residence at the Saw Mills 
about 8 miles from our Camp, at the Rapids between Lake 
George & lake Champlain — ^I went to see him, found him 
more indisposed in Mind than Body, prevailed on him to 
accompany me to Camp, and take his Qtr* in my Tent I 
had procured some Boards from the Saw Mill, made a good 



Memoirs of Brigadier-G^eneral John Laceyy of Penna. 347 

and Drie floor, raised the sides of my Tent two Boards 
high, made a Chimny & fireplace at the back end with 
Sods of Dirt or Earth, which made it a commodious habi- 
tation. Having first sat the Example it was soon followed 
by all the other Officers, many of whome exceeded mine by 
carrying the sides of their Tents higher with Boards, with 
more commodious fireplaces, having improved on my Plan. 

Prom the 18*** of July to the first of September, very 
little occurence of Note took place, Fattigue and Guards 
mounting was the principle duty & requires no partic- 
ular notice; but on the begining of Sep* reinforcements 
were daily ariving from different Quarters. A more 
serious and formadable and warlike Aspect semed to per- 
vade the whole Armey of Mount Independance, the other 
the Armey of Ticonderoga. Gen* S* Clears command at the 
old French Lines, the Pennsy* Troops & part of the Jersey 
line — Gen*, Brigade and Regimental Orders were issued 
every day, gave so detailed an ace* of the Occurrences in the 
Camp, and having a book wherein was coppyed the Orders 
of the Day. I here omitted to continue my Journal, de- 
pending on these Gen* Orders for an out line of the History 
of the times. One occurrence, however, I shall notice in 
my Journal before I discontinue it, because it discloses an 
important instance of Colo* Wayne's good will and attach- 
ment to me, and is a link of the chain of his persicutions. 

Having been on a Scouting with Lieu* Bead absent three 
Days, during which time a supply of Spirits arived in Camp 
for the Officers, our rations were retained untill our return, 
being very much fattigued concluded to put the whole to- 
gether and have one good drink. We invited a few of 
our Friends, and after Dark, retired to my Tent Being 
woried and not having eaten any Food the last Day we were 
absent,— our provisions being expended — ^the Spirits having 
the greater effect on our empty Stomacks, got the better of 
us. It being late and aft;er tattoo beating, we supposed 
ourselves unnoticed, was louder in our conversation than we 
ought to have been, Colo* Wayne, whose Markee was at no 



848 Memoirs of Brigadiei'-GenercU John Laeey^ of Penna. 

great distance, hearing something that displeased him, 
altho none of us remember saying any thing about him, or 
even mentioning his Name the course of the Evening. He, 
however, next morning sent Adjutant Ryan to demand my 
Sword, to put me under an arrest, with Orders that I must 
remain in my Tent No notice was taken of the other 
officers that were with me the previous evening. I de- 
manded of the Adjutant a statement of the crime for 
which I was arrested, as I was thus to remain a Prisoner in 
my Tent I supposed it must be a capatal offence, and as I 
was concious of committing none to my knowledge, that 
it was requisite I should know the charge, to prepare my- 
self to make my defence, as I was deprived of my liberty, 
by being a prisoner in my own Tent, I must procure some 
Friend to act for me — ^but not knowing my offence I was 
entirely at a loss how to act He replyed the Colo* had not 
told him, and only commanded him to demand my Sword 
& inform me that I was to consider myself under arrest, 
and not to leave my Tent I sent for the Officers who had 
been with me the night before, who all declared they did 
not remember that Colo* Wayne's name was mentioned 
once during the Evening. They all agreed I was the 
soberest person in Company. Conceiving myself innosent, 
or at least not knowing wherein I had transgressed against 
any of the Rules or articles of War, I remained in my 
Tent a passive prisoner untill the next Day, when I wrote 
the Colo* a very civil note requesting him to be so good as 
to send me in writing the purport of the crime or offence 
for which I had been placed under an Arrest by his Orders, 
which I prevailed on Major Honsiggar to deliver to him — 
but he sent me no reply. I sent for Colo* Johnston, who 
knowing the irritibility of Colo* Wayne and not willing to 
offend him refused to come. All the other Officers of the 
Regiment, excepting Robinson & Moore, called on me in 
the Course of the day — several of them had been at my 
Tent the Evening before — all declared they had not seen 
nor heard a single occurrence that related to any transaction 



Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Laeey^ of Perma. 849 

of the Colonels, that while they were with us, we were all 
in high good humour. Some of them said they saw the 
Colo* soon after they left us, standing near my Tent listning 
to us ; that he remained there for some time, and during 
the time they heard us laugh very harty & loud, but could 
not hear what was said. I remained in my Tent to the 
third day, not hearing anything from the ColoS I drew up 
a statement of Colo' Waynes Treatment to me, including 
the Former as well as the present case, which I sent to 
Gen' S* Clear, requesting a Court Martial, that I might be 
acquitted or condemned ; that I only demanded Justice ; 
that my Character had already sustwied much injury by 
implication of Colo' Waynes Conduct to me, and that my 
Future reputation, my own satisfiEiction as well as that of 
my Friends demanded it, being confined a prisoner to my 
Tent I beged the Gen' would Order my releasement so fer 
as to be permitted to procure testamony and prepare for my 
defence. Being aware of bringing any of the officers of 
my own Regiment under Colo' Waynes displeasure, and 
being unable to leave my Tent without incuring a breach 
of Order, which was what Colo' Wayne wished, I sent for 
my Friend Cap* Willit of the first Pennsy* Regiment, who 
gave my statement and application to Q^n' S* Clear, un- 
sealed to Colo' Dehaas who delivered it to the Gen'. 

On the same Evening Adjutant Ryan called on me, de- 
livered me my Sword, and informed me I was at liberty, 
that the Colo' had withdrawn the Arrest I required of 
him to inform me what was the cause of the arrest, and 
why he had withdrawn it; he said the Colo' had not in- 
formed him. I accepted my Sword, but told him I must 
have a hearing, that I had applyed to Q^n' S* Clear and ex- 
pected him to appoint a Court Martial. I immediately went 
to Gen' S* Clears Head Quarters, Colo'' Wayne, Dehaas, & 
Hartiey of the 6"* Pensy* Regiment was there. I addressed 
the Gten', stating that my case had become the Theme of 
every Officer of the Armey, at least in the Pennsy* Line, 
that I demanded an investigation, and hoped the Gen' would 



350 Memoirs of Brigadier^Oenercd John Lacey^ of Permcu 

do me the Jostice to grant it That I had long lain under 
a Sensure for disobedience of Orders, and had already been 
sorely punished for it by the Orders of Colo^ Wayne, with- 
out a tryal, or conviction, and that the present occasion 
offered a fair opertunity for an investigation, which I very 
anxiously wished the Gten* would be pleased to indulge me 
in, that I hoped a measure of that kind would put an end 
to all differences between me and the Colo' in future, and 
that if I was guilty of any Crime I wished it to appear, and 
I only wanted Justice, which I conceived every Officer & 
Soldier in the Armey was intitied to. My mind had been 
worked up to a kind of Frensey, I did not feel much what 
I said or did, but fortunately, I had resolution to keep my 
Temper, was quite coole and collected. 

Wayne nor any of the other Officers said a word, but I 
could see the Choler rise in his Face k his Bosom heave 
with indignation, which he curbed with difficulty. After I 
had done, the Gten' said, as I had accepted my Sword and 
was from under an arrest he could not on the present occa- 
sion interfere in my case, and hoped as matters now stood, 
the Colo* and me would be good Friends in ftiture. Find- 
ing I had ignorantiy made a mistake in accepting my Sword 
which I ought to have refused, I withdrew and return* to 
my Quarters, where I spent the ISight in meditations. 
Altho this aflGEure had passed away still my mind was £ar 
from being reposed, the evidence left was clear, the canker 
in the Colo*' Breast was unabated, that he had imbibed 
without a Just cause a powerful prejudise, which the first 
sure occasion would lead him to seize with avidity to crush 
me altogether in satisfiiction to his spleen, for my daring to 
complain to his Superiors of his Maltreatment of me, 
which his high & Haughty mind can never forgive, and to 
expect it I would be deceived. 

The Colo* is a Tyrent in his very Nature, of an implacar 
ble temper, once offended always cruel and unforgiving, 
waiting only like a beast of Prey to make a sure and safe 
stroke on his prey. Considering myself thus precariously 



Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Penna. 851 

situated and all my future profipects of peace, happyness or 
promotion to be in Jeperdey under the Controle of Bueh a 
being, I came to a fiiU and decided determination to quit 
the Armey as soon as the Campain ended. To quit it 
now, when danger was said to be approaching would have 
the appearance of Cowardice ; on that score I could not for- 
give myself and which I was resolved should not be laid to 
my charge. Early next morning after dismissing the Men 
from the Morning Alarm post, I called at the Colo^ Mar- 
kee; Cap** Robinson & Moore were present I told Colo* 
Wayne I was exceeding sorry such a Misunderstanding ex- 
isted between us, and that he had taken such a deep preju- 
dice against me, which imbittered both our lives, and ren- 
dered us alike uncomfortable ; that I had called to inform 
him, I had come to a resolution as soon as the Campain 
had ended to leave the Armey, and hoped we might live in 
harmony untill that time arrived. That I did not wish to 
leave it now when we expected the Enemy to pay us a visit 
soon, to leave at such a time would look like cowardice, and 
that I did not wish to lay under such a charge. I never saw 
the Colo* so much beat before, he stammard, said he was will- 
ing to give me satisfaction if he had injured me, that he was 
not prejudiced against me, and asked me to stay and take 
breakfast with him, which I declined, returned to my Tent, 
resolved to do my duty in every thing to the utmost extent 
of my Abilities, and not to be absent a moment from duty 
or £Edn myself sick, as had been the case with some others, 
especially the Colo** fevorites Robinson & Moore. I felt my 
mind more composed on the final determination of quiting 
the Armey at the end of the Campain, if I survived the 
approaching conflict we expected with the Enemy, whome 
we learnt from our spies were expected to pay us a visit, 
and that we might expect them ere long. On our part were 
equally industerous to prepare for their reception, and to 
meet their attack, we laboured with increased industery in 
repairing old Works and building new Batteries along the 
edge of the lake to oppose their approach by water. 



852 Memoirs of Brigadier-G^eneral John Lacey^ of Pernio. 

Hitherto I had acquired a very slender knowledge of 
Mankind, or at all troubled my mind on the topick, or study 
of Human Nature ; I had been led away by fiancey, in pur- 
suit of a Butterfly, a fantom, something, Nothing, I knew 
not what I had supposed every body was as simple as my- 
self, and never drempt of deep designs and whiley schemes 
of speculating and ambitious Men of Craft and cuning 
swindlers and deceptive knaves, of Mean Sycofismts, Toad- 
eaters, k spittle lickers to great Men, Flatterers k BuflToons 
or any thing to be favourites. I had lately been in a Copi- 
ous School, had seen much and felt more, I have worshiped 
largely on the Altar of adversity. On the Onset of my 
Public career I was a profound novise of the World, or the 
motives that lead and Govern Mankind, perhaps the vicici- 
tudes of my late adventers may be profitable lesson to me. 
I am sometimes almost ready to dispond, considering my 
fortune to be unluckey, and that my evil Jenius attends me 
on all occasions, in every vicicitude of my life k wherever 
I go altho one perplexing disappointment is following close 
on the heels of another, and every step I take is marked 
with misfortune still the ennergy of my mind is unbroken ; 
it becomes more vigerous as Calamities beset me, neither is 
my Patriotism shaken, yet with sorrow I see or think I dis- 
cover men acting from very difterent motives I have pre- 
dicated to be the government of my own. Very few if any 
appear to act on open pure and disinterested principles ; by 
their conduct one would suppose their patriotism to be an 
empty name, guided alone by private pique and personal 
resentment, by restless ambition or desperate fortune, of 
party and factuous spirits, and relentless persecution, bear- 
ing down every thing in their way to the Seat of Power or 
promotion. Such I fear are the motives which guide too 
many in their pursuit of wealth or preferment. Not being 
influenced by the benevolent Spirit of Universal Public 
good. I do not say all men are thus contaminated with 
evil, but I can say to a sertainty, I have found more of this 
class than I wish, and I deplore the misfortune of their 



Memoirs of Brigadier-Chneral John Laceyj of Penna. 858 

Alliance, nor shaD I hesitate to say it of Colo* Wayne, and 
that he sacrifices largely on the Altar of self pride and 
Ambitious Tyranny. I know very little of Cap* Robinson, 
he keeps himself very close within the Vortex of the Colo** 
Patrimony ; but this I know when any extra duty is re- 
quired, he is sure to be sick, and never fisdls to fSaint at the 
sight of human Blood. Cap* Moore is more of a Bully; he 
is of profligate and debauched morrels, a mean Cringing 
and servile flatterer, crouching at the Colo** Feet, to secure 
a place in his Royal favour, a seat at his Table & Lod^ng 
in his Markee. A total stranger to all the Noble and 
manly feelings incident to a free and Independant mind. 
They two were Waynes constant companions, inmates of the 
same Markee, Dined, Suped and lodged togeather. None 
of the other Officers of the Regiment were suffered to ap- 
proach them or invited to eat or drink a drop, at the Colo** 
Festive Board ; no one troubled them, unless called there 
on business. The Colo** partiality to them was such, as to 
disgust all the other Officers of the Regiment 

On taking a retrespective view of my life up to this Day 
I have abundant matter of regret in my buget to dispose 
of it properly is no easy task. A large account must go on 
the Debit side to my Parents, a large share to my own 
Nature, and the resedue, or Ballance of accompt to For- 
tune: The Gt>ddis of the distinies of Man. Altho my 
Parents possessed no absolute power to direct the distinies 
of my life, yet they had the power over my Actions 
during my Minority, a fiill controle which they neglected, 
over my education, which alone had the most powerful in- 
fluence on my future actions, in fiting me for useful imploy- 
ment as well in public as private life, expanding my mind, 
enlarging my Ideas, and preparing me to see and Judge 
correctly of Men and things as they really were ; to guard 
against deception. Flattery, false pride, and all the hosts of 
Siren elurements that hover about the minds of youth, too 
often the fetal cause of their devoted calamities. 

I was young, my mind fleeting, every thing about me 
VOL. XXV. — 23 



864 Memoirs of Brigadier'Gfeneral John Lac^^ of Pennou 

clothed in deceptive colers ; it was impossible I should see 
or Judge correctly ; my mind was not prepared by educa- 
tion to the Sphere of my actions. Judgment must there- 
fore go against my Parents, and I thus get rid of the first 
charge. Kext in order is my own Nature, how am I to dis- 
pose of that seeing so large a charge to go to the account 
of the first rudiments, first impressions made on the tender 
mind of Youth on its onset Altho it will be admitted a 
large account ought to go to the affiare of Education still 
their is due to Nature, to instinct, to Jenius & Capacity no 
small account, they must of course bear their share. As to 
the Ballance which I have exhibitted against Fortune. 
Perhaps that Fickle Gbddis in true Justice might be 
chargable with the whole Debt of errors, as she alone semes 
to have the controling Power over all, and the distinies of 
men intirely subject to her Will. Having thus BaUanced 
the Ace* of errors on placing them to their proper Debits 
up to this time ; still I find no profit by the Work, no gain, 
all blank, and my distiny unsettled — thrown into a misteri- 
ous World, lyable to unforeseen, and uncontrolable misfor- 
tunes — and without a hope that my future life will be at- 
tended with less capricious events than my Past — seeing 
this World to be full of evils, which requires more than 
human eyes to foresee or human Wisdom to shun, having 
ended my miditations, sat down exactly where I begun. 

(To be continaed.) 



Letters of Presidents and « Ladks of the WhUe Bouse." 856 



LETTERS OP PRESIDENTS OP THE UNITED STATES 
AND "LADIES OP THE WHITE HOUSE." 

[The following letten of PireBidentB of the United States and 
"LadieBof the White House" have been copied from the originals in 
the yarions autograph oollectionB of the Historical Sodefy of Pennsyl- 
yania. Many of them haye neyer been published, and the general selec- 
tion has been made as iar as possible for the social character of their 
contents. — ^Ed. PEHirA. Mag.] 

Mouirr Vernon 7^ Oct 1796 
Dear Sir, 

Upon my return to this place from Philadelphia, about 
the middle of last month, I found your letter of Sep' I"* and 
the sum of Four hundred and seventy five pounds ten shil- 
lings & two pence which you had deposited in the hands of 
M'Dandridge on account of your collection of my Rents 
which will be placed, as desired, to your credit 

I am sorry you should have been so unsuccessfrd in pur- 
chasing in my life leases; — ^but if I do not misunderstand 
your meaning, when you say I had limitted you to too distant 
a day — viz — ^the first of Sept' to make these purchases, there 
surely never was such a mistake as you have committed in 
this business, or I must have been out of my head when I 
wrote the letter, — So fiar from restraining you in making 
purchases until the first of last month you were told, or at 
least meant to be told that if you could not apply the money 
which was in your hand to this purpose by a certain day (I 
suppose the first of Sepf ) that then, and in that case I should 
call for it as I wanted it for other uses — ^How this could be 
deemed limitting you to too long a day I have no concep- 
tion when the money was left in your hands for' the sole 
purpose of buying in the leases. — ^I request you to look at 



856 Letters of Preeidenis and << Ladies of the White House.^' 

my letter again and inform me if it will admit of such a 
conBtmction as you have given it if I understand the mean- 
ing of yours. 

What money you may yet pay, agreeably to the assurance 
in your letter may be deposited in the hands of M' Pearce 
or in the Bank of Alexandria — ^ving me an ace* of the 
sum. — 

As Land has risen so much, and so suddenly in its price, 
and my rents bear no Idnd of proportion thereto ; I shall 
insist, and beg that you will see, not only that the rents are 
ptmctuaUy paid, but that aU the covenants in the leases, with 
respect to buildings, planting Orchards making meadows 
reserving certain proportions of the Land in wood, &c &c 
are strictly complied with — and I further desire that in cases 
of life leases, where the Occupant can give you no satisfeuN 
tory evidence of the existence of the lives of the persons 
therein named, that ejectments may be brought, in order to 
make them come forward with their proofs : — ^for these leases 
will never expire if vague information is received & credited, 
of the lessees being in Kentucky, or the lord knows where. — 
Another thing too I would have minutely looked into, and 
that is, where there has been a change in the occupants from 
the original Lessee's, to know by what authority it has hap- 
pened ; for if I recollect the tenure of my Leases, there can 
be no alienation of the property without the consent of the 
Landlord, under his hand (and I believe) seal. — 

You say you have repossessed two or three lots in Freder- 
ick ; and have conditionally rented out two for £85 pound 
per ann ; but you do not say whether this is the rent for 
each, or for both. — ^If the latter, I should think it inadequate. 
— ^If the former, I agree to and ratifie the same for the term 
of ten years — ^but when leases for that term are ^ven, you 
should stipulate for reasonable k proper improvements, that 
the tenements may be restored with some advantages. — ^I do 
not recollect what the quantity of Acres in the Frederick 
lots are, — and therefore my opinion of the adequacy — or in- 
adequacy of the rent of £85 is mere guess work. — all I 



Letters of Presidents and " Ladies of the White Souse.^^ 867 

want, is as much as others get for lands of the same quan- 
tity quality thereabouts. — ^Whenever you make out a Rental 
have a column for the quantity of Acres contwied in each 
lot Give my love, in which your Aunt & the &mily join, 
to M" Lewis and be assured of the friendship and regard of 
Your affectionate Uncle 

G. Washington.* 



New Yobk October the 22« 1789 
My dbab Fanny 

I have by M" Simes sent you a watch it is one of the Car- 
goe that I have so long mentioned to you, that was expected, 
I hope is such a one as will please you — ^it is of the newest 
fashion, if that has any inflewanc on your tast — ^the chain is 
of M' Lears choosing and such as M" Adams the vice Presi- 
dents Lady and those in the polite circle wares. It will last 
as long as the fashon — and by that time you can get another 
of a fiashonable kind — ^I send to dear Maria a piece of chine 
to make her frock — ^the piece of muslin I hope is long 
enough for an apron £3r you, and in exchange for it, I beg 
you will give me the worked muslin apron you have like 
my gown that I made just be fore I left home of worked 
muslin as I wish to make a pettecoat of the two aprons, — to 
my gown — ^M" Sims will give you a better account of the 
fashons than I can — I live a very dull life hear and know 
nothing that passes in the town — ^I never goe to any publick 
place — ^indeed I think I am more like a state prisoner than 
any thing else, there is certain bounds set for me which I 
must not depart from — and as I can not doeeial like I am 
obstinate and stay at home a great deal. 

the President set out this day week on a tour to the east- 
ward. M' Lear and Mjflor Jackson attended him — ^My dear 
children has had very bad clolds but thank god they are 
getting better. My love and good wishes attend you and 
all with you — ^remember me to M' A M" L Wn how is the 

' Society's Ck>llectioii from W. Alex. Smith. 



858 Letters of Presidents and ^ Ladies of the White Housed' 

poore child — Idas Maria I send her too little handkerchief 
to wipe her nose — adue 

I am my dear Fanny yours 

most affectionately 

M Washington,* 

Addressed , 

Mrs F. Washington 
Mount Vemon 
fietvored by 

M»Sims 

QuiNCT October 8. 1815 
Sib 

Your fietvour of September the 80*, was received last 
night Your frank avowal of your birth in France is no 
diminution of your respectability in my Estimation : for of 
the two most conspicuous Nations of Europe I know not to 
which, I ought to ^ve the Preference in Science Litterature 
and taste, but in point of Civilization and politeness, I have 
no hesitation in preferring the French to the English. 

Accept my Thanks for the two " Daily OompUers/' 

In the first Line of the Letter dated Boston 17, April 
1809 there is a mistake, instead of 1650, it should have been 
1680. For Joseph Adams Senior, the only one of the 
Eight Sons of Henry who Settled in this place, was an 
original Proprietor in the Township of Braintree which was 
legally incorporated in One thousand Six hundred and thirty 
nine, as appears by their Records. 

Li the Second Paragraph of the Same Letter is another 
Mistake. Samuel Adams and John Adams, it is true, were 
both descended from Henry, but not " by two of his Sons." 
They descended from two of the Sons of Joseph Adams 
Senior. John descended from Joseph Adams junior the 
oldest Son of Joseph Senior. Samuel was descended from 
John Adams a Merchant in Boston, and a younger Son of 
Joseph Senior. If you Should ever come to Boston and 

I Ettmg Oollection, Historical Sociefy of Pennsylyania. 



Letters of Presidents and << Ladies of the White House.*' 859 

will fietvour me with a Visit I will take a Walk with you in 
the congregational Church yard in Quincy, where the Grave 
Stones of the Race Still apx>ear with inscriptions in very 
legible Characters. 

There is another little mistake in the Acount of the* 
Letter of 1755, My dear youthfull Friend and Correspond- 
ent D' Kathan Webb, died a Batchellor and left no Son« 
He left the Letter to his Father who left it to his Nephew 
and Devisee, Captain Jonathan Webb my Neighbour now 
living who was Idnd enough to Send it to me when it was 
more than fifty years old. 

Another Mistake. J. Q. Adams's Grandfather Smith was 
a Clergyman it is true : but his great Grand&ther was not. 
He was a Merchant in Charleston Massachusetts and a rela- 
tion of the Smiths of Charleston South Carolina. 

Another Mistake. J. Q. Adams's Father did not *< re- 
ceive Permission to come home." He was left in the most 
awkward Situation imaginable : but he took upon himself 
the resolution to return home, and run the Guantlett a 
Second time, through the thousand Ships of War of Great 
Britain and run the risque of the Tower and the hurdle 
and the Axe. 

Thus fiar, with the above exceptions, the Letter is correct 
and exact Li the continuation of the Letter, in the Com- 
piler of September 25*** Justice is not done to J. Q. A. BBs 
<< Acquirements in Science and Litterature have been equal 
to those of any public Man I ever knew in America, Jeffer- 
son and Madison not excepted." What may be intended by 
Sciences, I know not : but in Mathematicks, in Physicks, in 
Chymistry and in Natural History, his Proficiency need not 
Shrink fix>m a Comparison with the proudest Sons of Fame 
in political or military Life. 

There is another Liaccuracy. He had not "entirely 
neglected his Greek." He had Studied that Languge at 
Leyden and there are Memorials Still in being in his hand 
Writing, of his Studies in Greek, which Shew that he was 
not only Master of the Characters but had made a respec- 



860 Letters of Presidents and " Ladies of the White House:' 

table ProgresB in the BudimentB. All the rest of this Letter 
is exact 

You request " further Information concerning the diplo- 
matic Career of J. Q. A." On the 8*^ of August 1809 He 
sailed with part of his Family for Saint Petersburg as Min. 
Plen. to the Emperor of Russia. His Negotiations there 
and at Ghent; are they not written in the Book of the 
Chronicles of the Secretary of State of the United States ? 
I know nothing of them but what has appeared in the News- 
papers. He has had too much discretion I presume, to 
communicate them to any but his Government 

He is now Min. Plen. in London, with his "Wife and his 
three Sons. 

I am, Sir respectfully your humble Servant 

John Adams.* 

P.S, J. Q. A's Travels in Silesia while he was Minister in 
Prussia were published in the Port Folio at Philadelphia, 
and thence pirated into a printed Octavo Volume in Lon- 
don, and have Since been translated into French. Any 
Man who will read them and his two Volumes of Lectures 
on Oratory may form a Judgment of his Litterature. BSs 
Letters to the public offices and to his Friends in America 
written from Europe for the last twenty years would form 
a BSstory of the European and American World for the 
whole of that Period. 

J. A. 

L. H. GiRARDiN Esq' 
Richmond, Virginia. 

QuiNCY, Fabry 2* 1806 
My Dear Nancy 

Miss Ann Beal delivered me your Letter this morning at 

meeting, you will see by my Letter of fryday evening how 

much tiie president was dissapointed both by the travelling 

and weather, we adjoumd the club on purpose, to day the 

travelling is better than since the Snow fell. I have looked 

* Dreer Ck)llection, Hifltorical Society of Penngylvania. 



LeUers of Presidents and « Ladies of the White Bouse." 861 

up the articles you requested, and judging others by my- 
selfy that a kind turn will not be considerd as a burden, I 
venture to send the Bundle by Mr. Seals, and am half 
tempted to add one for Mr. Shaw, as I know he must want 
if I do, will your sister oblige me by sending her Boy with 
it I have another much larger, but that I shall try to send 
some other way — I need not say how much I miss your 
companionable qualities — ^tho some times a little too low 
spirited, yet we could talk of that and reason about it — 
what a contrast I have between the loquacity of Susan, and 
the Taciturnity of Louissa — apathy what art thou ? 

Absence of occupation is not rest, 

A mind quite vacant, is a mind distressed — 

I have only been twice out since you went away, once to 
the funeral and once to sister Cranch's — ^I have been troubled 
with a pain in my stomack, but am better to day. — Susan is 
quite well, and regrets your absence daily — John talks of 
you constantly — brides to see you — and inquires how all your 
Family do. — 

My love to your sister if the weather should be pleasent 
& the travelling good I may run in some day in the week, 
but you know I have many hinderences so do not expect it 
till you see me. — I have not sent the other stockings be- 
cause the dryed yellow in spots. — 

John Greenleaf George & John have been prateing about 
me all the time I have been writing. — 

affectionately your Mother 

A Adams.^ 
I see a Mr. Whitwell is 
selling of his Hard ware 
at the comer of union street 

Addressed to 

Mrs. Ann Adams 
Boston. 

^ Dreer Ck>llection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 



862 Letters of Presidents and « Ladies of the White House.'' 

MoNTiCBLLO Sep. 29. 1794 
Dear Sir 

In a letter from Crosby, office keeper for the Secretary of 
State, he informs me you expressed some anxiety to receive 
the gong belonging to Mr Franklin, the bringing of which 
here was the subject of a former apology to you. I have 
the promises of three several persons who went to China in 
different vessels in 1798, that they would bring me one each, 
and I presume I may count on their return the next sum- 
mer, in the mean lime Mr Franklin's is used here as the 
bell for a chateau clock which I have. I take the liberty of 
assuring you it is in perfect safety, that whether I receive 
one or not, the next summer, it shall be then most sacredly 
returned, and that in case of any accident to myself, I have 
given notice to my family that it is the property of Mr 
Franklin & is to be safely returned, still should you re- 
quire its immediate return, I will on receiving notice send 
it instantly to Richmond from whence there is a conveyance 
to Philadelphia every week, retaining always the same 
sentiments of 

esteem k respect, 
I am Dear Sir 

Your most obed* 

& most humble ser^ 

Th : Jbffbrson ^ 
M» Bachb. 

Dbar Sir 

I am very much ashamed of having delayed till this day 
to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, I am afraid I 
shall forfeit my title to the character of a " woman of busi- 
ness," but I received it in the midst of a hurry of a double 
moving, Ellen and Cornelia to Boston, and My self and little 
ones to our new quarters in Cambridge, where I am very 
pleasantly and comfortably setled in the fionily of the Pro- 
fessor of law (M' Steams), a most excellent &mily and as 

* Dreer CoUectioii, Historical Sociefy of Pennsylvaiiia. 



Letters of Presidents and « Ladies of the WhiU House.'' 868 

kind and attentive to me, as even My own children could 
wish, you know how much that says. I was very much 
dissapointed at not seeing Mrs. Peyton and your self before 
you left Boston but I was so much confined and had it so 
little in My power to visit at that time, that I could not pay 
those attentions to the Yir^nians in town that I wished, to 
Mrs Mayo and Mrs Richie both I must beg you to excuse 
me, for to both of those ladies I feel my self indebted, the 
one for the many Idnd attentions paid me in Bichmond, and 
the other for so kindly waving the ceremony of a first visit 
and calling upon me at Monticello. but as those stem deities 
" Poverty and impossibility" seem to regulate My destiny I 
must beg you all My dear fiiends to accept the tmll of a grate- 
fiil and affectionate heart for the deed, remember me most 
affectionately to Mrs. Peyton and accept for your self the 
best wishes of yours & & 

M Randolph^ 
Cambridge, Oct 15, 1827 

Addressed, 
Col. Bernard Pbtton 

Bichmond 
Virginia 

Harewood October 6, 1794 
Dear A Hon'' Sir 

I have detained Sam by whom I send this so much longer 
than I intended & you expected that many apolo^es are 
due for the liberty. I hope it will be a sufficint one that I 
found him indispensable for a variety of little servicesy 
which I did not particularly take into view before I left 
Orange. These he can himself explain and I therefore leave 
the task to him ; proceeding to the history of what relates 
to myself. On my arrival here I was able to urge so many 
conveniences in hastening the event which I solicited that it 
took place on the 18*** Ult : On the friday following we set 

^ Dreer Collection, Historical Society of PennsylTania. 



864 Letters of Presidents and « Ladies of the White Souse.'' 

out accompanied by Miss A. Payne and Miss Harriot Wash- 
ington, on a visit to my sister Hite, where we arrived the 
next day, having stopped a night in Winchester with Mr. 
Balmain. We had been a day or two only at Mr. Hites, before 
a slight indisposition which my wife had felt for several days 
ended in a regular Ague & fever. The fits tho' succeeded 
by compleat intermissions were so severe that I thought it 
prudent to call in a Physician from Winchester. Doc' 
Mackay not being in the way Doc' Baldwin attended, and 
by a decisive administration of the Bark soon expelled the 
complaint She has since recovered very &st k I hope not- 
withstanding a slight indisposition this morning which may 
be the effect of fittigue & change of weather, that no return 
is in the least to be apprehended. We left M' Hites the 
day before yesterday, our time was passed there with great 
pleasure on our side, and I hope with not less on the other. 
Our departure however was embittered by the loss sustained 
the night preceeding by my sister, which you will have an 
account of from Mr. H. by this opportunity. In about 8 or 
10 days we expect to set out for Philad* your daughter in 
law begs you and my mother to accept her best and most 
respectfiil affections, which she means to express herself by 
an early opportunity. She wishes Fanny also be sensible of 
the pleasure with which a correspondence with her would 
be carried on. 

I* saw Praily at M' Hite's. He promises stedfiastly to 
be with you in about a fortnight at fiarthest; and to do 
every thing on his part requisite for a vigorous prosecution 
of the undertaking at Bernard's Ford. 

I must ask the favor of my mother to make out a memoran* 
dum of the Cloathing &c to be obtained at M' Dunbars for 
the negroes ; A of yourself to have it transmitted along with 
a list of other articles such as Salt, Iron &o which may 
wanted [sic'] for the winter's use. I heard with great satis- 
fiaction by M' Howard that her complaint which appeared 
in so doubtful a character when I left her, had taken a turn 
that promised an early & I hope entire recovery. With my 



Letters of Presidents and " Ladies of the White Souse." 865 

sincereBt prayers that perfect health & every other good may 
attend you both. I remam y* affect* son 

J« Madison Jr.^ 

I called soon after I came into the neighbourhood on 
M" P. Hite & found her & family well. I intend to repeat 
my visit if possible & to introduce her new relation to her. 

Nov' 7"» 1807 

Deep affliction my dear friend has for some time past 
arrested my pen ! 

My beloved & tender Mother left us forever, on the 20"* 
of October last — She was in Vir^* with my youngest sister, 
when she died, without suffering or regret . . . 

The loss is only ours, & for that only aught we, her chil- 
dren, to mourn ! 

M' Madison unites with me in best wishes, & regard for 
you k yours 

D P Madison* 

I can have no doubt but that Fitzrald's statement is 
proper — & the balence due to us will perhaps answer for a 
new Ensurance, if you will have the goodness to apply it — 

^ Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Peimsylyania. 
•Ibid 

(To be continued.) 



866 Puns and WUticisma of Judge Biehard Peters. 



A COLLECTION OP PUNS AND WITTICISMS OP 
JUDGE RICHARD PETEES, 

[Copied fipom the manuflcript of Samuel Breck.] 

I have heard somewhere that ptmning is the foundation 
of every kind of wit, because it is of the lowest sort Be 
that as it may, it certainly amuses as much as any, and as 
we are all of us disposed at times to cry out " Vive la hagatdley^ 
I have for occasional diversion, collected such " Jeux des mots*^ 
and " Jeux d^esprif^ as have pleased me. . . • many of them 
in my social intercourse with my venerable and excellent 
friend and neighbor Vudge Peters, who as a punster was 
unrivalled in this country.* 

The Judge when in his seventy-sixth year was dining with 
the Society of the Cincinnati, and looking over the list of 
ori^nal members perceived that only forty were then alive. 
" Very well, gentlemen," said he, " as this is a military as- 
sociation and I am the oldest survivor, I mean to stick to 
the military etiquette, which places the senior officer in the 
rear of all processions, and by that means I shall see you all 
out, and reach the dismal goal last." 

^ Judge Biehard Peters was bom in Philadelphia June 22, 1744, and 
died there August 28, 1828. He studied law, came to the bar in 1768, 
and rose to eminence in his profession. Early in the Bevolution he 
commanded a company of Associators, and later served as a member of 
the Board of War. In 1782-88 he became a member of Ck)ngreas ; 1787 
a member of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and Speaker of that body 
1788-90. On April 11, 1792, he was commissioned judge of the 
United States District Court for Pennsylvania, which he held till his 
death. Judge Peters had a high reputation as a wit and was a general 
£Bivorite in society, and at his countryHseat, ''Belmont,'' in the present 
Fairmount Park, he extended a princely hospitality to the eminent men 
of his day. 



Puns and WUHcisma of Judge Richard Peters. 867 

This silhouette was copied from the original by Miss 
Lucy Brecky and Judge Peters used to say on looking at 
the profQe: "This Indenture 
"Witnesseth." 

The Judge had an uncom- 
mon sharp nose and chin, and 
as he grew old they became 
more prominent and ap- 
proached each other. A 
friend observed to him one 
day that his nose and chin 
were getting so near they 
would quarrel. "Very likely," 
he replied, "for hard words 
often pass between them." 

The Judge was at a dinner 
in Philadelphia in company 

with Judge Bushrod Washington, who presided over the 
United States Circuit Court, in which Judge Peters sat junior 
Judge. The host repeatedly urged Mr. Peters to eat some 
duck, but he constantly refrised. At length being again 
pressed, " Give the duck," said he, " to my brother Wash- 
ington, for he is the mouth-piece of the court" 

When Judge Peters was Speaker of the Assembly, one 
of the members in crossing the hall tripped on the carpet 
and fell down. The members burst out into a loud laugh- 
ter, when the Judge with the utmost gravity cried, " Order ! 
order, gentlemen, do you not see that a member is on the 
floor?" 

At the beginning of the Eevolutionary War, the Judge 
commanded a company of InfiEuitry Associators. When he 
called on the paymaster to settle his first six months' ac- 
counts, that officer remarked to him that they were very 




868 Puns and WUUdsms of Judge IHchard Peters. 

large and added : " Pray, captain, how many men do you 
command ?" " Not one," replied the Judge. " How," ex- 
claimed the paymaster, ^^ such heavy accounts as these and 
not command one man !" " No," rejoined the Judge, " not 
one, but I am commanded by ninety." This was in allusion 
to the usual insubordination of militia companies. 

Peter A. Browne, Esq. who had lately been removed 
from the office of Deputy Attorney General, on some politi- 
cal charge, continued from custom to use the technical 
phrases of a public prosecutor. " You see," remarked Mr. 
Browne to the Judge, " the habit sticks to me." " Yes, 
yes," observed the Judge, " you are like the clapper of a 
bell, that keeps wagging after it has done sounding." 

Some time afl;er the Judge laid out the town of Mantua 
[West Philadelphia] , the project languished, when suddenly 
some improvement in the neighborhood revived his hopes, 
upon which one of his acquaintances remarked that he had 
better now complete the laying of it out " Yes, yes," re- 
plied the Judge, " it is high time indeed to lay it otdj for it 
has been dead these two years." 

At the annual dinner of the Agricultural Society m 1818, 
the secretary, in casting up the bill and apportioning it 
among the members, omitted accidentally a member by the 
name of Price. " Never mind, Mr. Secretary," cried the 
Judge, " you see, gentlemen, that we have had an excellent 
dinner without Price." 



One day after church our Rector, the Rev. Mr. Mont>- 
gomery, was walking among the large timber collected for 
the steeple. The Judge was in his gig at the &rther end 
of the yard, and when about to leave remarked, " Adieu, 
I would shake hands with you, were you not on the other 
side of the Styx [sticks] ." 



Puns and Witticisms of Judge Richard Peters. 869 

While I was in Independence Hall, waiting to be pre- 
sented to Gen. Lafayette, Col. Forrest [a colonel of artillery 
during the war for independence] came up to him, fell upon 
his neck and wept like a child. The Judge who was always 
at the side of the General remarked that " there were many 
kinds of trees in a Forest^ and that this no doubt was the 
Weeping WtUcw.^' 

" Why don't you buy land in North Carolina ?" said a 
friend of the Judge. " I would prefer buying it in the 
moon," was the reply. "Why?" "Because I should 
sometimes see my purchase." 

The Judge dined with me today (Nov. 10, 1822), and 
in the coruscation of wit which sparkled in his conver- 
sation said, that when he accompanied General Washington 
as District Judge, in the " Whiskey Insurrection," Mr. Ham- 
ilton, the Secretary of the Treasury, and himself undertook 
to pitch a tent While Hamilton was very awkwardly 
digging the ditch, he (Peters) attempted with a dull axe to 
point some pins. As he was hacking away unconscious oi 
being seen by any one, he heard a laugh behind him, and 
looking round discovered Col. Gumey and some of his 
officers making merry at his bungling efforts. Col. Gur- 
ney commanded a regiment denominated the "Babes of 
Grace," and on that officer looking at the dull axe, " Why," 
said he, " your tool wants sharpening." " True," replied 
the Judge, " and you have a regiment, every man of which 
would willingly steal [steel] it" 



VOL. XXV. — 24 



870 Letter of Qm. Washington to lAeut.'OoL John Laztrens. 



LBTTBE OP GBNBEAL WASHINGTON TO LIBUTBN- 
ANT-COLONBL JOHN LAUBBNS, 1780. 

[The original of this yaluable and interesting letter is in the '* George 
M. Conarroe Manuscript Collection" of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania.] 

HD QB8 Passaic Falm 
18^ Oct 1780. 
Mt bbar Laurbns 

Your friendly & affection* letter of the 4*^ came to my 
hands on the 10* & would have been acknowledged yester- 
day by the Baron de Steuben but for some important busi- 
ness I was preparing for Congress* 

In no instance since the commencement of the war has 
the interposition of Providence appeared more conspicuous 
than in the rescue of the Post & Glarrison of West Point 
from Arnold's villainous perfidy. How fiur he meant to in- 
volve me in the catastrope of this place does not appear 
by any indubitable evidence and I am rather inclined to 
think he did not wish to hazard the more important object 
of his treachery by attempting to combine two events the 
lesser of which might have marred the greater. 

A combination of extraordinary circumstances — an unac- 
countable deprivation of presence of Mind in a man of the 
first abilities — and the virtuous conduct of three Militiamen 
— ^threw the Adjutant Gteneral of the British forces in 
America (with full proofs of Arnold's treachery) into our 
hands — ^and but for the egregious folly — or the bewildered 
conception of Lieu* Col* Jameson who seemed lost in 
astonishment and not to have known what he was doing I 
should as certainly have got Arnold. 

Andr6 has met his finite and with that fortitude which 
was to be expected from an accomplished man and gallant 
officer — But I am mistaken if at this timey Arnold is under- 
going the torments of a mental Hell. He wants feeling ! 



Letter of Ghru Washington to Lieut.'Clol. John Laurens. 871 

— ^From some traits of his character which have lately come 
to my knowledge he seems to have been so hackneyed in 
villainy — & so lost to all sense of honor and shame that 
while his faculties will enable him to continne his sordid 
pursuits there will be no time for remorse. 

Believe me sincere when I assure you, that my warmest 
wishes accompany Capt* Wallens endeavours & your ex- 
pectations of an exchange— and that nothing but the prin- 
ciple of Justice & policy w^ I have religiously adhered to 
of exchanging officers in the order of their captivity (where 
rank would apply) has prevented my every exertion to 
obtain your release & restoration to a fSsunily where you will 
be received with open arms by every individual of it — ^but 
from none with more cordiality & true aflfection than your 

Sincere friend 

and obliged Servant 

G^ Washington 

P.6. The Baron not setting out aa I expected become 
the bearer of this letter. 

LiBTJ' Colo Lauebns. 



872 Missions at Beading and Morlattarij Berks Co.y Penna. 



PAPBES EBLATING TO THE POUNDING BY THB 
"SOCIETY FOE THB PEOPAGATION OP THB GOS- 
PELS IN POEEIGN PAETS/' LONDON, OP THB 
MISSIONS AT EBADING AND MOELATTAN, SEEKS 
COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. 

OONTRIBUTID BT B. F. OWSN. 

At a general meeting of the Society 17 April, 1761. 
Read a petition subscribed by 22 of the inhabitants of the 
County of Berks in Pa., in behalf of themselves & other 
inhabitants of the said Co., dated July the 18, 1760, 
setting forth y* s* Co. is a very large & gaining one, situ- 
ated on the frontier of ye s* province & hath never yet 
had any English minister of any denomination settied in 
it, nor hath it had ye happiness of being visited often by 
any of ye clergy of ye interior provinces, there being none 
whose mission is so near to them as to allow them to come 
thither without neglect of their proper parishes. That in 
this distress having invited ye Rev. Dr. Smith to come & 
preach among them & having received encouragement ftx)m 
him to lay their case before the venerable society, they have 
presumed to do so, & humbly pray that ye Society w* be pleased 
to send them a missionary to reside at Reading & to officiate 
also at Molattin, 15 miles from Reading, where a church has 
for many years been built by a Society of English Swedes, 
who Joiri with them in this application. That in order to 
induce the Society to grant their request they have obliged 
themselves by subscription to pay yearly to such missionary 
ye sum of £60 Pennsylvania Money (about £88 sterling) 
over and above what tiie Society may be pleased to allow 
him k they will give all the further encouragement in their 
power to any worthy minister the Society may be pleased 
to send over, that for want of such, many people sincerely 
disposed to the Church of England are drawn after various 
sectaries k others are drawn to popery, to promote which a 
popish priest was on the point of settiing in that town. 



Missions at Beadmg and Morhitan^ Berks Co.y Penna. 878 

And they take the liberty to mention to ye Society Mr, 
Joseph Mather as they suppose at this time in London, a 
young gentleman bom of creditable parents in that province 
& educated in the College of Philadelphia, who they believe 
w* do them good service, could he be prevailed upon to come 
among them, & undertake the fatigues to which a new mis- 
sion near the frontiers must be necessarily subject 

Read a letter in which the preceding petition came en- 
closed from the Rev. Dr. Smith, Provost of ye College in 
Philadelphia, dat^d there August 26, 1760, & he hopes it 
will merit the Society^s attention. The subscribers are per- 
sonally known to him, & he preached to them that day & 
was present when they subscribed it, & he knows them both 
able & willing to make good their engagements. He says 
Mr. Bird the first gentieman that subscribes is worth a thou- 
sand guineas per annum in iron works. Reading is about 
60 miles from Philadelphia, & is the chief town of the 
county. Settled mostiy with Gtermans, & no English min- 
ister hath yet resided in it, & the Romish priests are busy 
among the people on one hand, & the Sectaries dependent on 
the Quakers on the other, & Dr. Smith gives it as his honest 
& most candid judgment that he knows of no place where a 
mission is more wanted, & this was likewise the opinion of 
the whole body of the Episcopal Clergy of the Province in 
their late Convention. Agreed that a mission be established 
at Reading in Penna. & that Mr. Mather be acquainted with 
it if established as soon as it is known where he is.- 

At a meeting of the Society 16 October, 1761. Read a 
letter from the Rev. Mr. Barton, the Society's itinerant mis- 
sionary in Penna., dated Lancaster, July 6, 1761, stating that 
he has been twice this Summer to visit Reading, where there 
are a few English &milies well-affected to our Church, as there 
are also scattered here & there in other parts of the country 
from whom he has frequent applications & is determined as 
fiy* as the duties of his extensive mission will permit to em- 
brace every circumstance that promises success to the cause of 
true religion & the advancement of the Church of England. 



874 Missions at Reading and MorlaUany Berks Oo.j Penna. 

At a meeting of the Society 16 April 1762. In pursu- 
ance of the Resolution of the Society 17 April 1761, to es- 
tablish a mission at Reading, Resdvedj That Mr Murray 
being well recommended by Dr. Smith, Mr. M'Pherson, the 
Presbytery of Aberlonen and a great number of his hearers 
in that Presbytery, be appointed to the Mission of Reading 
in Penna. provided the people of Reading perform their 
agreement with the Society, and the Lord Bishop of London 
shall upon examination find him worthy of Holy Orders. 

Rbv^ Sir 

I was not a little concerned I could not see you when at 
London last. M' Treadwell & I were recalled by Rench as 
if he was to have sailed under the Convoy of the S* Ann, 
but, like the wind, after we had Returned, he changed his 
Resolutions, & told us he must wait the Scarborough 
Frigate which was appointed Convoy to the New York 
Trade; next he took Sailing Orders a day ago from the 
Shrewsbury which is one of the five Ships that are ordered 
to Halifax to relieve Lord ColviL T|^ is now the fourth 
Convoy he has Tantalized us with, tho' you know he made 
us believe he was to have sailed from this about a fortnight 
at £BU*thest after we engaged with him, & nothing but these 
hopes of Dispatch ever determined me to agree with him, 
yet we are this moment as uncertain when we may sail as 
the first day we came hither ; which is indeed a very great 
hardship upon all the Passengers who are living at a Con- 
siderable Expence, but a much greater upon Treadwel & 
me, who are not carried to our nearest Port as all the Rest 
are, & they see an end of y' Trouble & Charges. In this 
Unlucky Situation, tho' I brought hither with me afterwards 
of fourteen Guineas, I have been obliged to negotiate two 
Bills upon the Society to supply my present necessities, 
which I hope they will be so good as pay as they fall due— 
But this Expensive as well as hazardous Delay which exposes 
us to the Equinoctial Storms which we had contrived to 
avoid, are not the only Perplexities. The Steward of our 



Missims at Beading and Mcrlattanj Berks Co.^ Penna. 876 

Ship, taking the advantage of onr long absence, has Bobbed 
Several of us of the Best of our Things on board. M' 
Treadwel has lost of Things bought for M' Auchmuty at 
New York to the value of £5, but this is inconsiderable 
compared with My Loss, The Villain has Stripped me of 
my best Linen, & all my Summer Dress to a triffle, with 
every thing else of the Most Value I had in my Trunk which 
he broke open, & so left me to go the next thing to naked 
into a Strange Country without Friends or Money to get 
myself supplied. Our Captain, of whom I am at a Loss what 
to say, engaged this Fellow, without so much as a Character 
of him, yet I am advised we can have no Bedress at his hand. 
Never were Passengers perhaps worse used in Most Bespects. 
I would fidn hope the Venerable Society will consider my 
Unfortunate Circumstances, & allow me Some Small Addi- 
tion to my Salary, tho* it were but for the first ensuing year, 
that I do my best to get Bid of my present Licumbrances & 
Difficulties, & must presume to depend upon your Literposi- 
tion in this affiiir, if you judge it advisable. It QuUs me 
indeed I should be constrained to put any Friend to such 
Trouble. I now bitterly Bepent my not accepting of the Offer 
of going Chaplam to the Coast of Africa. I must further 
beg you will pay your Brother the Account I am due him 
& I shall Beimburse you when you Betum to Philadelphia. 
It will be still more obliging if you can bring me another 
Pair of the Black Silk Stockings I bought of him, for the 
Steward made sure of the Pair I had among other things ; 
only my Books remain untouched. I flatter myself, in the 
Abundance of your Goodness, you will forgive this trouble, 
&, with my Comp** to our Friends in the North, believe me 
to be in all Sincerity & Gratitude 

Bev*Sir 
Your most Obed* & obliged 
Serv»* 

Albx* Mubrat 

POBTSMOUTH 6 Aug^ 
1762 



376 Missions at Beading and Mcrlattany Berks Co.y Pemuu 

P.S. Since writing the above, The Orders for going under 
Convoy of the Shrewsbury are Countermanded. The lying 
at this Rate here, to what has passed, will bring me under 
such a Load of Debt, aa all The Funds I can Command will 
not be sufficient to clear off for Some Considerable Time. 
Tho' I Communicate my Losses & Disappointments to you, 
yet Chuse that none of my Acquwntances in Scotland Should 
Know any thing of them. 

To 

The Reverend 

Doctor William Smith 
at Mr. James Smithes Comer House 
of the Mews. 

London 
Rev^ Sir 

Having been detained here waiting a Convoy much Lon- 
ger than Expectation at an inaccountable Expence, I was 
obliged, in order to defray a part of my Charges, to Nego- 
tiate a Bill of Exchange which I have drawn upon M' Pear- 
son for £7.1.00. being my Salary from Michaelmas to 
Christmas next. Li these circumstances I would fain hope 
the Venerable Society will agree to the Payment of it, espe- 
cially as it is a part of my first years Salary which is allowed 
even in the Event of My Death within that time. 

I am w** Esteem 
Rev* Sir 
Your most hu* Ser^* 
Alex* Murray 
The Reverend 

Doctor Burton — Secretary 
to the Venerable Society for propagating 
the Gk)spel in Foreign Parts 

London 

_ _ Beading 9 April 1768 

Rbv^ Sir 

The Society, no doubt, may have expected to have heard 

of my Arrival here before now; but tho' I set out from 



Missions at Heading and Morlaitan^ Berks Oo.y Penna. 877 

London y* 2^ of July last to take Shipping from Portsmouth 
to GblifEix, & from thence to Philadelphia, yet I reached y* 
Latter only y* 10**" of December, & this place y* 18*^ of that 
Month; after a Course of Greater Dangers, Hardships & 
Misfortunes than I choose to trouble any with y* disagree- 
able Particulars of. I thank Almighty God my life was 
preserved, tho' my Health much impaired. But had I not 
been reduced by considerable Expences as well as repeated 
Losses I had never presumed to have drawn upon y* Ven- 
erable Society in the forward manner I did : for I had ex- 
pended upwards of four times y* Sum I was advised was 
sufficient to defray my Charges to this place, & Contracted 
besides more Debts than I can soon get clear of, before I 
drew my Last Bill of £7.10 which was dated Philadelphia 
27 Dec' last payable to M"* Barclay Merch* for my Quarters 
Salary from 25* of that Month to 25*** March last— My 
other Bill of £7.10. for my Salary from 25'^ Sept' to 25 Dec' 
last was drawn payable to John Mitchel in London. & my 
Bill of £1.11 for y* Portage & Freight of y* Societies Books 
was drawn 10*^ Aug* last pay** to Edward Green on Demand. 
The Acceptance of these & y* Societies Generous Forgive- 
ness of what I have done irregularly in this matter is what 
I would fiun hope for, after Knowing y* Straits I was reduced 
to, and which I could neither foresee nor prevent, tho' I 
followed y* best advice to avoid Hazard & Expence. * * * 

I did not fail to Recommend the Celebration of the Lord's 
Supper at Easter ; but none offered for y* purpose. 

I continue, in terms of my Instructions, to officiate two 
Sundays here & the third at Molatton, which is 15 miles 
distant from this Town. 

There has hardly any Ship since my Arrival offered 
from Philadelphia that I cou'd with safety write by till 
now; y* Delaware being froze over the most part of y* 
Winter. 

Besides the four Adults in Town I have Baptized a fifth 
belonging to Molatton & two Infemts. 

The Venerable Society may depend upon my best en- 



878 Mssiom at Reading and Morlattany Berks Oo.y Penna. 

deavours, with the Divine Concurrence, to answer the Pious 
Ends of my Mission & widting their farther Instructions 

I am respectfully 
Rev* Sir 
Your most Obed* hu* Ser* 
Albx* Mubeay 
The Ebv» Dr Burton 

Beading. 25 January 1764 
Ebv» Sir 

My If otitia Parochialis of April last I hope you Received 
& communicated to y* Venerable Society; Since then my 
Congregation here has increased from 7 To 18 Families, 
consisting of 121 Souls Young & Old. Of the New Mem- 
bers, some were Presbyterians, some Baptists, some Quakers, 
& some of our own Communion lately settled in Town. Of 
the Quakers & Baptists I Christened 18 on last Christmass 
day, & 5 before then, of whom 10 were Adult Persons, par- 
ticularly one Gtentleman ye Principal Attorney at Law in 
this place, whose Example had a very good effect in dis- 
posing the Rest to be admitted into y* Church by Baptism. 
These 18 w^ 7 In&nts besides are all I have Baptized in the 
District of Reading since last April. I dispensed the Sacra- 
ment of y* Lords Supper to 6 Persons Christmass last, & 
w** these I was obliged to Retire to a Private house on this 
occasion, as we have no Church, like others, to assemble in. 

The Congregation at Molatton, the other part of my ifis- 
sion, has decreased, by Removals, to 29 Families, maMng in 
all 185, of which I have Baptized 2 Adults, & 12 Infemts; I 
can no more prevail on that People than these here in Town 
to engage heartily in any Scheme for Building a Church : — 
So I despair of seeing one erected in either of the Places, 
for some time to Come, as I do of a Parsonage-House & 
Glebe, without which it is no easy matter to live in a Town 
— ^And for Voluntary Subscriptions, they are so very pre- 
carious, trifling & troublesome to Collect, that littie more 
can long be depended upon here, than the Society^s Salary. 
And if this is y* Case, as I am credibly informed it is, in 



JUmions at Beading and Morlattan^ Berks Cb., Penna. 879 

other Missions, I am apt to dread the Consequences. For 
y* Expences of Living in this New World I can plainly see, 
daily increase, & are become Extravagantly high from what 
I learn they were but a few years ago ; insomuch that in 
this Village tho' distant about 60 miles from the Metropolis, 
I have paid at the Rate of £52 p Annum for Boarding & 
but poorly Entertained & accommodated for that Money ; k 
my horse costs me from 2 to 8 shillings a night — ^If Mis- 
sionaries then in Times past could do no more than barely 
live on their Income, what must their Condition be now { 
They must fi^l into Poverty k Contempt, k become the 
Pools k Slaves of a Few on whom they may depend for a 
pitiful Subsistence ; and in the End no Man of Letters or 
Common Abilities will be found to fill the Mission in Amer- 
ica; so that it must fidl into the hands of men whom it will 
Reflect no great honour upon the Church to employ k who 
may Ruin her best Literests especially in a Government con- 
stituted like Pennsylvania, where she has Nothing but the 
Purity of her Principles k Doctrines, k the Morals of her 
Clergy, to Recommend k Support her. The Lnpending 
Evil is rather more easily to be foreseen than prevented. 
However Something Still Might be done for her perhaps w** 
the Gk>vemours of tliose Provinces where she is not by Law 
Established k Provided for. — ^Por Instance, were the Mar- 
riage Licenses directed only " To the Episcopal Ministers," as 
I am assured they Constantiy were till of late year8,it would be 
no small Emolument to us. Whereas just now the Licences 
are directed " To any Protestant Minister." So that even 
Magistrates as well as Teachers of all Denominations marry 
by virtue of these, k Reduce this, which is y* only Perquisite 
we have here, to a very Trifle, Six Pair being all I have 
married since my Settiement here. — ^But I make no doubt, 
were proper Application made to M' Pen, our Proprietor, 
who it seems has been very generous in promoting every 
public measure for ye Beneflt of y* Country, but he would 
appoint that these Licenses be Returned into their Former 
Channel, which would rather Increase than diminish the 



880 Missions at Beading and Morlaitan^ Berks Co.y Penna. 

Perquisites of y* Govemour ; & render the Solemnization 
of Marriages more Decent & Honourable than presently & 
Redress the Grievances daily complained of from Un&ir & 
Clandestine Ones. 

It is the Unanimous opinion of all here who wish well to 
the Preservation & Enlargement of the Church, that, in the 
Settlement of our late Conquests in America, application 
should be made in the very beginning for the allotment of 
Lands towards the Support of a Clergy Regularly Ordained 
in our Church, after the Example of the French, who pur- 
sued this Scheme in Canada, & thereby maintdned a numer- 
ous Body of Priests & Jesuits, who were ever Zealous & 
Active in Proselyting the Natives, & Sowing among them 
the Seeds of Prejudice & Antipathy against the British, as 
too evidently appears from their Singular attachment to the 
French still — It cannot be expected tliat the Society's Funds 
can Extend beyond the present Limits they have set to them, 
& if they Continue Sufficient to Preserve even the present 
Missions, it is all, at the Utmost, can be hoped from them. 

The Number of Papists in this County I have not got a 
more particular Account of yet than what I sent you in my 
Last, nor that of Dissenters, of which we have some of every 
Name. But the State of their Several Congregations are 
rather too Evident from their scandalous Differences & Ani- 
mosities, each within itself, as well as w* one another. The 
People are ever & anon quarrelling w* their Preachers, whom 
of humour & Caprice the Change much oftener than they 
Renew their Cloaths, so that it is a great deal if they are 
not all by the Ears in a Twelve-month — ^They are supported 
by Annual Contributions, which are made good the first year, 
then they are wearied, & both Parties find it Convenient to 
part; the Idlnister to find a fresh Subsistence, & y* People 
to get a New One in his place, no Matter whether Better or 
Worse, so be their Itch after Novelty is gratified. In this 
perpetual Round of Changes & Contentions, they sometimes 
move w* a Seeming Gravity, as they do at others, with all 
ye Party-Rage & Violence of Men out of their senses ; end- 



Missions at Beading and JMbrlattany Berks Cb., Penna. 881 

ing in provoking Libels & Lampoons, & in Batteries & Blood- 
shed, 'twixt Pastors & People, as here of late ; which forms 
the most Ludicrous & pitiable Contrast Lnaginable, & has 
too manifest a tendency to expose the Ministerial Character 
to such Obloquy & Contempt without distinction, as I could 
hardly have thought it could be loaded with in any Christian 
Country, as I observe it generally is here. — ^In the short 
time I have been here, the Baptists, Lutherans & Calvinists 
(the most numerous Sects in this Town & Country adjacent) 
have changed their Ministers, & are still unprovided, as they 
have been for some months past. In the midst of these 
Convulsions & Wild-fire, I leave you to judge what State of 
Mind I must necessarily be in ; not knowing often what 
course to steer, that, if possible, I may give no offence : And 
hitherto I have been abundantly happy to preserve the 
favour of my own People, & I have no Share in the Quar- 
rels of the others. — A Minister here must double his Guard, 
& deny himself many of y* Lmocent Comforts & Liberties 
.of Life, & Undergo as many of its Liconveniences, Foils & 
Troubles, if ever he would succeed in his Work, particularly 
in y* Frontier Mssions, as of Berks, Lancaster, York & 
Cumberland, an Extent of above 150 miles & where there 
are but three Missionaries only Mess" Barton & Thomson & 
myself, who are obliged to Itinerate to our different Congre- 
gations which are distant 80, 20, 18, 16 &c miles from our 
Respective places of Residence ; & that in y* Several Seasons 
of Extreme Heat & Cold & to be from home for Weeks to- 
gether : And at the year's End scarce Receive so much as 
would satisfy an Ordinary Mechanic : So that I am often 
surprized how such of my Brethren Subsist, who have large 
Families, as M' Barton, whose singular merit, I humbly 
think, deserves the Notice of the Venerable Society. I am 
still a Single Man, & it will be Prudent for me to continue 
such in my present Circumstances. In time of War our 
Situation is deplorable enough. M' Thomson, who had Re- 
tired to a Plantation to Retrench y* Expences of Living was 
drove off by the Indians & obliged to abandon his all, & 



882 Misskm at Beading and Morlattanj Berks Oo.j Penna. 

take shelter w* his Family in another Man's house in Car- 
lisle* Many of the Dissenting Clergy, without any Assist- 
ance from the Mother Country, are upon a better footing, 
than those of the National Church, for while the Latter 
in obedience to y* Canons Chuse rather to Suffer many 
Hardships than engage in Secular Employments The For- 
mer besides the Stipends they Receive from their Numerous 
Congregations, are indiscriminately concerned in every 
Branch of Trade, & hold Civil & Military Offices, & such of 
them as are not employed in this way are Reduced to that 
State of Dependence & Contempt I have mentioned before. 
Of the three Sects I took notice of in y* former part of My 
Letter, the Baptists are rather the least Factious ; therefore 
I performed Divine Service Sunday last in one of their Meet^ 
ing houses about 6 Miles from here ; and if I meet w^ any En- 
couragement & Success among them I shall advise the Society, 
that I may be allowed to attend them at Stated Times. 

My best wishes to the Literests of Religion, & the honour 
& Gtood of the Church is the only apology, I can make for 
the length of this Letter, & what Instructions I am &voured 
from time to time w** from the Society shall be most punctu- 
ally observed, & I shall ever reckon it, my Greatest Honour 
& Gbppiness to deserve their approbation on all Occasions & 
I should be very Ungrateful if I neglected to make my most 
dutifril acknowledgements to the Society for the addition of 
£10 they have been pleased to make to my Salary, which 
enabled me to Keep a Horse from the Middle of Summer last 
till now. I have distributed the Societies Books among the 
Poorer people & Proselytes I have made ; & I hope still I shall 
be a happy Instrument of gaining more from a State of Igno- 
rance & Error, to embrace the Truth as it is in Christ Jesus. — 
I am w** the sincerest Gratitude & Respect 

Rev^Sh- 
Your most obliged & very 

affec** hu* Serv** 

The Rbv^ Dr Burton Alex* Murray 

(To be continaed.) 



The late Major James Edward Carpenter. 888 



ITbe late Olajor Samee £bwarb Carpenter. 

We regret to announce the death of Major James Ed- 
ward Carpenter, a vice-president of the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania, which took place at the residence of his 
daughter, Newburyport, Massachusetts, August 16, 1901. 
He was elected a member of the Society and became a life 
member December 26, 1868, and after an honorable service 
of thirty years as its treasurer, in 1898 declined a renomina- 
tion, and was then elected a vice-president. 

Mfyor Carpenter, bom March 6, 1841, was a son of the 
late Edward Carpenter, a great-grandson of Thomas Car- 
penter, of New Jersey, an officer of the Revolutionary 
army, and a descendant of Samuel Carpenter, a member of 
the Council and treasurer of the Province of Pennsylvania. 
In the female line he was descended from Governor Thomas 
Lloyd and Samuel Preston, who was mayor of Philadelphia 
in 1711. 

During the Civil War Migor Carpenter served as an 
officer in the Eighth Pennsylvania Cavalry and on the staff 
of General D. McM. Gregg, and was wounded in the en- 
gagement at Philamont, Virginia. In the celebrated charge 
of the Eighth Pennsylvania Cavalry, at the battle of Chan- 
ceDorsviUe, his horse was shot under him, and of the five 
officers who rode at the head of the column he was one of 
the two who survived the action. For a number of years 
after the war he was an officer of the First Troop Philadel- 
phia City Cavalry. 

Major Carpenter was admitted to practice at the Philar 
delpUa Bar October 21, 1866. He was one of the founders 
in 1888 of the Pennsylvania Society Sons of the Revolu- 
tion, one of its vice-presidents, and the only chairman of 
its board of managers. 



884 Index to American Portraits. 



INDEX TO AMERICAN PORTRAITS. 

BY BUNFOBD SAMUEL, OF THE BIDOWAT BBANCH OF THE PHILA- 
DELPHIA LIBBABT. 

(ConduVled from page 247.) 

Ramsay, David, MJ>.; Analectic Mag., p. 204, July, 1816. J. B. White 

p., Gimbrede sc. 
Ramset, Alex., Govt.; Amer. Rev., frontispieoe, June, 1851. Daguerre- 

otTpe. Joe. Ourdan sc 
Randolph, John (of Roanoke); Port Folio, frontispiece, December, 

1812. Edwin so. 
f John (of Roanoke) ,• Analectic Mag., vol. v., frontispiece, Janu- 
ary, 1816. Gimbrede sc 
, John (of Roanoke) ; National Port Gallery, vol. iv., 1836. J. 

Wood p., T. B. Welch sc 

, John (of Roanoke) ; Harper, p. 80, December, 1850. 

, John (of Roanoke; Jones, A. D., niust Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. 

ii. p. 375, 1854. 

1 John (of Roanoke) ; Century, p. 812, April, 1883. 

, John (of Roanoke) ; Harper, p. 817, November, 1884. As a boy. 

, John (of Roanoke) ; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vii. p. 317, 1889. From National Port. (Mlery. 
, John (of Roanoke) ; Scrib., p. 203, February, 1896. Jarvis p., 

1811. 
, Peyton; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. L pt 2, p. 107, 1815. C. 

W. Peale p., Goodman and Piggot sc 
, Peyton; Museum, frontispiece, February, 1827. 0. W. Peale p., 

Goodman and Piggot sc. 
, Peyton; Jones, A. D., IHust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., p. 102, 1854. 

J. W. Orr sc 
Rantoul, Robt., Jr.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, October, 1850. T. 

Doney sc 
Reed, Joseph; Du Simitiftre, P., Thirteen Ports, of Amer. Legislators, 

L., 1783, plate No. 4. Du Simitiftre del., B. Reading sc 

, JoawFU; Westminster Mag., frontispiece, December, 1783. 

, Joseph; Jones, A. D., lUust Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. ii. p. 119, 

1854. J. W. Orr sc 

, Joseph; Harper, p. 226, July, 1867. 

, Joseph ; Armor, Wm. C, Lives of Govrs. of Penna., Philadelphia, 

p. 216, 1872. 

, Joseph; Penna. Archives, Hbg., Second Series, vol. xi. p. 680, 1880. 

, Joseph; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist of Amer., Boston, vol. 

vi. p. 405, 1889. From Du Simitidre's Thirteen Ports. 



Irukx to American Portraits. 885 

BiDOELT, C. (of HAmpton); Museum, frontispiece, December, 1826. 
Jarvis p., (Goodman and Piggot sc. 

RiTOHiB, Thob.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, October, 1844. T.Sully, 
Jr. p., J. B. Forrest sc. 

RrmNHOXTSB, David; American Universal Mag., vol. L p. 219, Febru- 
ary, 1797. 

, David; Barton, Wm., Life of Bittenhouse, Phila., frontispiece, 

1813. G. W. Peale p., D. Edwin sc. 

, David; Polyanthos, 1814. 

, David; National Port. Gallery, vol. ii., 1836. C. W. Peale p., 

J. B. Longacre sc 

, David; Jones, A. D., lUust. Amer. Biog., K. T., vol. i. p. 69, 1853. 

J. W. Orr sc. 

, David; Duyddndcs's Cyclopedia, vol. i. p. 697, 1877. 

, David; Bean, Theodore W., Hist, of Montgomery Co., Pa., Phila., 

frontispiece, 1884. 

f David; Annual Bept. of Bd. of'Begents of Smithsonian Insti- 
tution, June 30, 1897. Bept. of U. S. National Museum, pt. 2, 
p. 382, 1901. From eng. by Longacre of painting by Peale. 

BiVKS, Wm. C; Democratic Bev., frontispiece, January, 1838. Ch. 
Fenderich del., Bannerman sc. 

BoDOBBS, John, Com, (1771) ; Polyanthos, 1814. 

Boss, Jambs; Port Folio, frontispiece, December, 1816. T. Sully p., 
Goodman and Piggot sc 

Bumpobd, Count. Bee Thompson, Benjamin. 

Bush, Benj.; Amer. Universal Mag., vol. ii. p. 340, June 13, 1797. 

f BEifj.; Port Folio, frontispiece, October, 1813. Sully p., Ed- 
win sc 

, BEifj.; Analectic Mag., vol. iiL p. 46, January, 1814. Sully p. 

(1812), Leney sc 

, BEifJ.; Alden, Timothy, Collection of Amer. Epitaphs, Kew York, 

vol. iv. frontispiece, 1814. Edwin sc. 

, BEifj.; Delaplaine's Bepository, vol. L pt. 1, p. 27, 1815. Sully 

p., Edwin sc 

, Benj.; Museum, frontispiece, October, 1826. Sully p., Edwin sc 

, Benj.; Casket, frontispiece, July, 1829. Sully p., Edwin sc. 

, Bbitj.; National Port. Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. Sully p., B. W. 

Dodson sc 

, Benj.; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. T., vol. i. p. 93, 1853. 

J. W. Orr sc 

, Benj.; Harper, p. 875, May, 1876. 

, Benj.; Duyckincks's C^dopsdia, vol. L p. 275, 1877. Boberts sc 

, Benj.; Oncken, Das Zeitalter Friedrichs des Grossen, Berlin 

(Oncken, Allg. Ges.), vol. ii. p. 719, 1882. Trumbull p. (picture 
of signing of Declaration of Independence), Sadd sc 

, Bd.; Democratic Bev., May, 1840. Sir T. Lawrence p. 

BussELL, Ht.; Knickerbocker Mag., voL x., frontispiece, 1837. Wm. 
Patten p., 0. E. Wagstaflf sc 

VOL. XXV. — 26 



886 Index to American PortraUs. 

Sabqent, Efbs; Eniekerbodcer Mag., toL lii p. 221, S^tember, 1858. 

Elliott p., Mote 8C 

, Epks; DujddndcB's Qyolopmlia, voL ii. p. 569, 1877. 

Sazb, John Qodfbxt; Intemational Mag., voL iv. p. 200, October 1, 

1851. 
, John Qodfbxt; Knickerbocker Mag., voL L p. 215, September, 

1857. R. Soper bc 

, John Qodfbxt; Dujckincke's Qyclopsdia, toL it p. 563, 1877. 

SoHOOLOBAFT, Ht. Rows; International Mag., toI. iiL p. 300. 
ScHUTLKB, Phujp, (T^fi.; Port Folio, frontispiece, February, 1810. 

Leney sc 
, Pwn.TP, Gen.; National Port. Qallery, voL iL, 1836. Trumbull p., 

T. Kelly sc 
f Pwn.TP, Gtn.; Jones, A. D., must. Amer. Biog., K. Y., vol. L p. 

105, 1853. J. W. Orr sc. 

1 Pwn.TP, Qen.; Harper, p. 692, October, 1877. 

, Phujp, Gen.; Schuyler, John, Institution of the Socy. of the 

Cincinnati, N. Y., p. 281, 1886. H. B. Hall k Sons sc 

f Pwn.TF, Gm.; Century, p. 825, April, 1889. 

Scott, Winfikld, Gtn.; Analeotic Mag., p. 465, December, 1814. Wood 

p., Edwin sc 
, WiNFiELD, Gm.; National Port Qallery, voL Iv., 1836. C Ing- 
ham p., W. Q. Armstrong sc 
, WiNFiELD, Gen.; Amer. Rev., p. 148, February, 1847. R. W. 

Weir p., J. F. E. Prudhomme sc 

f WiNFiELD, Gtn.; Ulust Lond. News, p. 356, June 5, 1847. 

f Winheld, Gtn.; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of Qen. and other Com- 
manders in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 89, 1848. Medal 

on battles of Chippewa, etc 
, Winheld, Gen.; Amer. Rer., frontispiece, September, 1850. 

Daguerreotype Mezzotint by P. M. Whelpl^. 
, WmviELD, Gen.; Amer. Rev., frontispiece, August, 1852. Da- 
guerreotype Mezzotint by P. M. Whelpley. 
f WiNTiELD, Gen.; Democratic Rev., pp. 179, 180, 186, August, 

1852. Caricatures. 
1 WiNTiELD, Gen.; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. L 

p. 179, 1853. J. W. Orr sc 
y WiNTiELD, Gen.; Moore, Frank, Heroes and Martyrs, N. Y., 

frontispiece, 1861. Photograph. H. B. Hall sc 
, WiNTiELD, Gen.; Moore, Frank, Rebellion Record, N. Y., vol. i., 

frontispiece, 1861. 

, WiNTiELD, Gen.; Ulust. Lond. News, sup., March 16, 1861. 

y WnmsLD, Gen.; Harper, pp. 451, 466, September, 1861. 

, WiNTiELD, Gen.; Port. Monthly of the N. Y. Hlust. News, p. 4, 

July, 1863. 
, Winheld, Gen.; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., N. Y., 

vol. ii. plate 44, 1876. Fttrst. Medal. 
, WiNTiELD, Gen.; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., N. Y., 

vol. ii. plate 63, 1878. Ellis. Medal. 



Index to American Portraits. 887 

Soon, WnmsLD, Gmi.; Winaor, J., Narr. and Grit BImL of Amu., 
Boston, YoL yiL p. 389, 1889. From National Port Gallery. 

, WimnELD, Gmi.; Powell and Shippen, Officers of the Army and 

Navy, p. 369, 1892. 

Seddoit, Jambs A.; Democratic Ber., frontispiece, April, 1850. En- 
graved by H. S. Sadd. 

Sedowiok, Thboixmib, Hon.; Polyanthos, 1813. 

, Thbodobb; Democratic Bev., voL xL, frontispiece, July, 1842. 

G. C. Ingham p., A. L. Dick sc 

Sewabd, Wh. Ht.; Amer. Bev., voL xL p. 555, June, 1850. P. 2L 
Whelpl^ sc. 

, Wh. Ht.; Jenkins, John 8., Liyes of the Qotts. of N. Y., Au- 
burn, p. 607, 1851. Lithograph of F. Michelin. 

, Wh. Ht.; Democratic Bev., p. 191, August, 1852. Caricature. 

, Wh. Ht.; Bungay, Qeo. W., Offhand Takings, N. T., p. 52, 1854. 

J. G. Buttre sc. 

, Wh. Ht.; niust Lond. News, p. 155, August 13, 1859. 

, Wh. Ht.; Moore, Frank, Heroes and Martyrs, K. T., p. 21, 1861. 

Daguerreotype. H. B. Hall sc 

, Wh. Ht.; Moore, Frank, Bebellion Becord, N. Y., voL L supp. p. 

1, 1861. 

, Wh. Ht.; Port Monthly of the N. Y. lUust News, p. 35, Sep- 
tember, 1863. 

, Wh. Ht.; lUust. Lond. News, p. 373, October 19, 1872. 

, Wh. Ht.; Century, p. 275, December, 1887. 

, Wh. Ht.; Centuiy, p. 226, June, 1892. Caricature, "The Im- 
pending Crisis." 

, Wh. Ht.; Century, p. 227, June, 1892. Caricature, ''The Irre- 
pressible Conflict." 

, Wh. Ht.; Century, p. 230, June, 1892. Caricature, "Bunning 

the Machine." 

, Wh. Ht.; Scrib., p. 351, March, 1895. Photograph. 

SsTHOXTB, Hobatio; Democratic Ber., frontispiece, October, 1851. Da«- 
guerreotype. H. 8. Sadd sc 

, HoBATio; Port. Monthly of the N. Y. niust. News, p. 34, Sep- 
tember, 1863. 

, HoBATio; Scrib., p. 340, September, 1888. Campaign medal. 

Shannon, Wilson, Chvr.; Democratic Ber., frontispiece, August, 1849. 
T. Doney sc 

, Wilson, Chvr.; Century, p. 82, May, 1887. After oig. by Dimey. 

Shabket, Wh. L., Judge; Amer. Bev., toI. xy. p. 379, May, 1852. A 
H. Bitchie sc 

Shippen, Edwd., Chief -Justioe; Port Folio, frontispiece, January, 1810. , 
O. Stuart p., D. Edwin sc 

, Edwd., Chief -Juatioe; National Port Gallery, toL L, 1836. a 

Stewart p., E. Wellmore sc 

Shbkvs, Ht. Milleb; Democratic Bev., p. 159, February, 1848. En- 
grayed by niman & Sons. 



888 Index to American Portraits. 

Shubbiok, John Tempulb; Analectio Mag^ vol. yUL p. 192, September, 
1816. Gimbrede sc 

, John Tkmflab; Port Folio, vol. zix. p. 860, 1825. Gimbrede sc 

BiGOUBNST, Ltdia Huntlbt; National Port. Galler7, voL iv., 1836. 
J. Herring p., G. Parker bc 

, Ltdia. Huntlbt; Ladies' Repository, frontispiece, February, 1855. 

Freeman p., F. £. Jones sc 

, Ltiha Hunhxt; Dnjcldncks's Cydopndia, vol. L p. 839, 1877. 

W. Roberts sc 

SiLLiMAN, Bknj., MJ>.; Amer. Rev., voL xiv., frontispiece, 1851. Da- 
guerreotype. Whelpley sc 

, Bknj., MJ>.; Jones, A. D., Ulust Amor. Biog., N. Y., vol. L p. 

165, 1853. J. W. Orr sc 

SIMMS, Wm. Gilmobb; International Mag., voL v. p. 433, April 1, 
1852. 

, Wm. Gilmobb; De Bow's Rev., vol. zx. p. 611. 

, Wm. Gilmobb; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, voL ii. p. 259, 1877. 

, Wm. Gilmcmus; Harper, p. 63, June, 1878. Ward's bust. 

Smith, Calbb B. (Secy, of Interior) ; Amer. Rev., vol. xiL p. 551, 
December, 1850. Whelpl^ sc 

, Calbb B. (Secy, of Interior); Port Monthly of the N. Y. 

lUust. News, p. 36, September, 1864. 

, Calbb B. (Secy, of Interior) ; Century, p. 428, January, 1888. 

, Isaac; Port Folio, p. 135, February, 1809. Edwin sc. 

, Sam. Stanhopb; Port Folio, voL iz. p. 153, 1820. C. Lawrence 

p., Goodman and Piggot sc 

, Tbuman; Amer. Rev., vol. xvL p. 385, November, 1852. A. H. 

Ritchie sc 

, Wm. (Qovr. of Va.) ; Democratic Rev., p. 454, May, 1848. En- 
graved by T. Doney. 

SouLt, PiEBBB; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, September, 1851. Da- 
guerreotype niman & Sons. 

Squibb, Ephbaim Gbo.; Amer. Rev., vol. xii. p. 837, October, 1850. 
Photograph. Whelpley sc 

, Ephbaim Gbo.; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. ii. p. 672, 1877. 

Stewabt, Chas., Commodore; Analectic Mag., December, 1815. 

, Chas., Commodore; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of Generals and other 

Commanders in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 289, 1848. 
Medal on capture of the "Cyane," etc 

, Chas., Commodore; Democratic Rev., frontispiece. May, 1851. 

Daguerreotype Hlman & Sons sc 

, Chas., Commodore; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of U. S., 

N. Y., voL iL, plate 48, 1878. Fllrst Medal. 

, Chas., Commodore; Scrib., p. 45, November, 1880. 

, Chas., Commodore; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. viL p. 404, 1889. Wood p., Goodman sc. (From Ana- 
lectic Mag.) 



Index to American Portraits. 889 

SnixiCANy Sam.» Bev.; PolTanthoB, yoL v., frontiBpieoe, 1807. John- 
son p., Snyder sc 

Stdddabd, Rd. Ht.; International Mag., p. 15, January, 1852. 

, Rd. Hy.; Dnjckincks's Cyelopcdia, vol. ii p. 722, 1877. 

, Rd. Ht.; Scrib., p. 688, September, 1880. 

, Rd. Hy.; Harper, p. 817, November, 1886. 

, Rd. Hy.; Book News, vol. v.. No. 58, frontispiece, June, 1887. 

f Rd. Hy.; Cosmopolitan, p. 314, January, 1898. 

, Rd. Hy.; Harper, p. 73, June, 1895. 

Stoby, Joseph; National Port. Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. Chester Hard- 
ing p., Q. Parker sc 

, Joseph; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., voL L p. 41, 

1853. J. W. Orr so. 

, Joseph; Duyckincks's Qydopsdia, vol. ii. p. 14, 1877. 

, Joseph; Carson, Hampton L., Supreme Court of U. S., Phila., 

p. 235, 1891. W. W. Story del.. Max Rosenthal etched. 

Stboito, Caleb; Polyanthos, vol. v. p. 217, July, 1807. Coles p., 
Edwin sc. 

y Caleb; Polyanthos, 1813. 

9 Sblah B. (Justice) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, December, 

1847. Wm. S. Mount p., T. Doney sc 

y Wm.; Carson, Hampton L., Supreme Court of U. S., Phila., p. 

461, 1891. Photo, by Faber, Albert Rosenthal etched. 

1 Wm., Hon.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, September, 1850. En- 
graved by T. Don^. 

Stuabt, Alex. H. H.; Amer. Rev., voL xv. p. 285, April, 1852. A. H. 
Ritchie sc 

Stuyvbsant, Petbb; Jones, A. D., Illust Amer. Biog., N. T., vol. ii. 
p. 27, 1854. J. W. Orr sc 

y Peteb; Harper, p. 447, September, 1854. 

, Peteb; Enickerbodcer Mag., vol. liv. p. 4, July, 1859. 

, Peteb; Harper, p. 8, June, 1879. 

, Peteb; Harper, p. 9, June, 1879. With wife 

, Peteb; Century, p. 728, March, 1883. Port in N. T. Hist Socy. 

, Peteb; Book News, p. 484, July, 1893. From Tuckerman's 

" Peter Stuyvesant." 

Tappait, Benj.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, June, 1840. Blanchard 

p., P. H. Reason sc 
Taylob, Bayabd; Putnam's Monthly, vol. iv. p. 121, August, 1854. 

Daguerreotype Smillie sc 

y Bayabd; Illust Lond. News, p. 245, March 6, 1858. 

y Bayabd; Duyckincks's Cyclopedia, vol. ii. p. 714, 1877. 

, Bayabd; Scrib., p. 81, November, 1879. 

1 Bayabd; Scrib., p. 65 of advertisements, August, 1890. 

, Bayabd; Harper, p. 819, May, 1894. 

, Bayabd; Scrib., p. 442, March, 1895. Photo. 



890 Index to American Portraits. 

Tatlob, Zaohabt; Amer. Key., frontispiece, September, 1848. Da- 
guerreotype. A. H. Bitchie sc 

, Zaohabt; niust Lond. News, p. 316, November 14, 1846. 

, Zaohabt; Illust Lond. NewB, p. 224, October 7, 1848. 

, Zaohabt; Buchanan's Journal of Han, frontispiece, January, 

1849. 

, Zaohabt; Illust. Lond. News, p. 85, July 27, 1850. 

, Zaohabt; Harper, p. 298, August, 1850. 

, Zaohabt; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., p. 139, 1853. 

J. W. Orr so. 

, Zaohabt; Loubat, J. P., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., N. Y., 

plates 60, 61, 64, 65, 1878. Medals. 

, Zaohabt; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nord Amerika, Berlin (Oncken, 

Allg. Gtos.), p. 603, 1886. A. Chappel p. 

, Zaohabt; Century, p. 520, February, 1887. Vanderlyn p., A. A. 

Powell sc 

, Zaohabt; Scrib., p. 342, March, 1895. Photo. 

Tebbt, Wm. H.; Amer. Ber., vol. xv,, frontispiece, January, 1852. J. 
Ourdan sc. 

Thaohxb, p., Rw.; Polyanthos, vol. iii., frontispiece, 1856. 8. Harris sc 

Thomas, Fbanoib, Hon.; Democratic Ber., frontispiece, September, 
1841. Plumb p., A. Sealey sc 

, Isaiah; Polyanthos, 1814. 

, Phil. F., Oovr,; Democratic Ber., vol. xxvii., frontispiece, July, 

1850. Daguerreotype H. S. Sadd sc 

Thompson, Benj., Count Rumford; European Mag., frontispiece, Feb- 
ruary, 1797. Bidley sc. 

, Bbnj., Oovnt Rumford; Monthly Mirror, frontispiece, February, 

1800. J. B. Smith p., Bidley sc 

, Benj., Count Rumford; Port Folio, frontispiece, June, 1817. 

, Benj., Count Rumford; Gillray, Caricatures, L., plates 459, 

520, 1851. 

, Benj., Count Rumford; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., 

vol. ii. p. 423, 1854. J. W. Orr sc 

, Benj., Count Rumford; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist of 

Amer., Boston, toI. vii. p. 197, 1889. From European Mag. 

, Benj., Count Rumford; Annual Bept. of Bd. of Begents of Smith- 
sonian Institution, June 30, 1897. Bept. of U. 8. National Museum, 
pt. 2, W., p. 438, 1901. From eng. by 8. MtlUer. 

, Hon. Jaoob (of Miss.) ; Democratic Ber., frontispiece, January, 

1850. H. 8. 8add sc 

TH(ttBUBN, Gbant; Museum, frontispiece, January, 1835. J. Yeager sc 

Tibbatts, John W., Hon.; Democratic Bev., frontispiece, September, 
1846. Daguerreotype T. Doney sc 

Toombs, Bobt.; Amer. Bev., voL xi. p. 219, March, 1850. Daguerreo- 
type P. M. Whelpley sc 

, BoBT.; White, Geo., Hist. Collections of Georgia, N. Y., p. 685, 

1855. J. G. Buttre sc 



Index to American Portraits. 891 

Truxtuit, Thob., Commodore; Port Folio, p. 30, January, 1800. MedaL 
, Thos., Commodore; Wyatt, Thos., Mem. of Qenerals and other 

GommanderB in the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., p. 193, 1848. 

Medal on capture of "La Vengeance." 

, Thos., Commodore; Harper, p. 163, January, 1862. MedaL 

, Thos., Commodore; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. 8., 

K. Y., Tol. ii. plate 22, 1878. Medal. 
, Thos., Commodore; Century, p. 6, May, 1890. Archibald Rob- 
ertson p. 
, Wm. Talbot, Commodore; Powell and Shippen, Officers of the 

Army and Navy, p. 433, 1892. 
Ttleb, John (Prest.) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, November, 1842. 

Daguerreotype. A. L. Dick sc. 

, JoHif (Prest.) ; Illust. Lond. News, p. 246, April 8, 1843. 

, John (Prest.) ; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. 8., N. Y., 

voL ii. plate 58, 1878. Medal. 
^, John (Prest.); Century, p. 616, February, 1887. Qustav 

Kruell sc 
, John (Prest); Scrib., p. 211, February, 1896. Photo. 

Undebwood, Jos. R.; Amer. Rev., vol. viL p. 609, June, 1848. A. 
H. Ritchie sc 

Van Bubcn, Mabtin; National Port. Gallery, vol. iii., 1836. H. In- 
man p., E. Wellmore sc. 

, Mabtin ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, November, 1841. Mrs. 

B^^dus p., A. L. Dick sc 

, Mabtin; Buchanan's Journal of Man, frontiipieoe, January, 

1849. Daguerreotype. Jewett sc 

, Mabtin; Jenkins, John 8., Liyes of the Qovrs. of N. Y., Auburn, 

p. 347, 1861. Lith. of F. Michelin. 

, Mabtin; Jones, A. D., must. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. p. 193, 

1863. 

, Mabtin; Port. Monthly of the N. Y. Illust News, p. 72, Novem- 
ber, 1863. 

, Mabtin; Harper, p. 841, May, 1872. 

, Mabtin; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist of the U. 8., N. Y., vol. ii. 

plate 67, 1878. Ffirst Medal. 

, Mabtin; Century, p. 639, February, 1887. Photo. T. Johnson sc 

, Mabtin; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 361, 1889. From National Port Gallery. 

, Mabtin; Century, p. 219, June, 1892. Caricature, '^ Jadcson 

clearing his Kitchen." 

, Mabtin; Century, p. 220, June, 1892. Caricature, ''Loco Foco 

Candidates travelling." 

, Mabtin; Century, p. 224, June, 1892. Caricature, "The Demo- 
cratic Platfonn." 

, Mabtin; 8crib., p. 209, February, 1896. Photo. 



892 J7u2ex to American Portraits. 

Vaitdbnhoit, Chablottb Elizabbth; Burton's Gentleman's Mag., 
Phila., frontispiece, February, 1840. As "Juliet" 

, John M.; Burton's Gentleman's Mag., Phila., frontispiece, Feb- 
ruary, 1840. As " AdrastUB." 

, John M.; Harper, p. 881, November, 1889. As "Hamlet" 

Vaxtx, Rd.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, August, 1847. Engd. by 
T. Don^. 

Vesfucius, Amxeious; Montanus, Arnold, De Nieuwe Wereld, of 
Veschryving van America, Amster., p. 60, 1671. 

, Amerious; Ogilby, John, America, L., p. 61, 1671. 

, Amkbicus; Freherus, Theatrum, vol. ii. p. 1428, 1688. 

, Amxeicus; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. i. pt 1, p. 19, 1815. 

G. Fairman sc 

, Amxeious; Museum, frontispiece, May, 1827. G. Fairman sc. 

, Amebious; Howard, Alf., Biog. niust, L., plate 6, 1830. 

, Amesious; Scrib., p. 227, June, 1876. 

, Amebious; Harper, p. 867, May, 1877. 

, Ameeicus; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., Boston, 

vol. iL p. 139, 1889. Bronzinot ( 7 ) , port, in Mass. Hist Socy. 

, Amebious; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., Boston, 

vol. ii. p. 140, 1889. From AUgem. geog. Ephemeriden. 

, Amebious; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., Boston, 

vol. ii. p. 141, 1889. Fac-simile of eng. in Montanus. 

, Amebious; Illust Lond. News, supp. p. 1, October 8, 1892. 

Vinton, Sam. F.; Amer. Rev., vol. viii. p. Ill, August, 1848. A. H. 
Ritchie sc. 

Walkeb, Joseph (of La.) ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, October, 

1849. Engd. by H. S. Sadd. 
, RoBT. J.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, October, 1842. A. L. 

Dick sc. (after a miniature). 

, RoBT. J.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece. May, 1847. T. Don^ sc 

, RoBT. J.; Harper, p. 496, March, 1872. 

, RoBT. J.; Century, p. 371, July, 1887. 

Wall, Gabsett D.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, July, 1841. Ch. 

Fenderich, del., V. Balch sc 
Wallaoe, Wm. Ross; International Mag., voL iv. p. 444, November 1, 

1851. 
Wabd, Aabon, Oen,; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, January, 1851. 

Illman & Sons sc 
Wabben, Joseph, Oen,; Polyanthos, vol. iii. p. 217, November, 1806. 

S. Harris sc 
, Joseph, Gen./ National Port (Gallery, vol. ii., 1836. Copley p., 

Thos. Illman sc 
, Joseph, Oen.; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i. 

p. 49, 1853. J. W. Orr sc 

, Joseph, Oen,; Harper, p. 232, July, 1876. 

, Joseph, Oen,; Harper, p. 732, October, 1883. 



Index to American Portraits. 898 

WABBSfy Joseph, Cfm.; Winflor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer^ 
Boston, vol. vL p. 64, 1889. From pastel. 

, Joseph, Oen.; Winsor, J., Karr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, YoL vL p. 193, 1889. From eng. by Norman in "An 
Impartial Hist, of the War in Amer." 

Wabbihoton, Lewis, UM,N.; Analectic Mag., October, 1815. 

Washikoton, QEoaax; Du Simitidre, P., Thirteen Ports, of Amer. 
Legislators, L., plate 1, 1783. Du Simitiftre deL, B. Beading so. 

, QwoBGE; Webster, Noah, Spelling-Book, Hartford, frontispiece, 

1783. 

, Gbobqe; Lavater, J. E., Essai sor la physiognomonie k la Haye, 

▼ol. iiL p. 865, 1783. N. Piehle (sic) p. 

, Gbqbge; Westminster Mag., frontispiece, January, 1784. 

, Gbcooe ; Columbian Mag., p. 206, January, 1787. J. Trenehard so. 

, GEOiflB; Columbian Mag., p. 146, March, 1788. From Lavater's 

" Physiognomonie." 

, Gbob^; Address from the Boman Catholics of Amer. to Wash- 
ington, L., frontispiece, 1790. Savage p., Ol^eill sc 

f Gbobqe; Massachusetts Mag., frontispiece, March, 1791. 

, Gbobge; Literary and Biog. Mag. and British Rer., frontispieoe, 

July, 1792. 

, Geoboe; American Universal Mag., voL i. p. 145, February, 1797. 

, Geoboe; Phila. Monthly Mag., vol. L, frontispiece, January, 

1798. 

, Geoboe; Hist., Biog., Lit, and ScL Mag., vol. i. (miscellaneous 

literature), p. 481, 1799« 

, Geoboe; European Mag., frontispiece, March, 1800. 

, Qeobox; Literary Mag. and Amer. Begister, frontispiece, April 

or July, 1804. Stuart p. 

, GflOB^; Marshall, Life of Washington, Phila., voL L, frontis- 
pieoe, 1804. Stuart p., D. Edwin sc 

, Gbobge; Delaplaine's Repository, vol. L pt. 1, p. 81, 1816. Hou- 

don. J. Wood del., Len^ sc Bust. 

, Geoboe; Museum, frontispiece, March, 1827. Hondon. J. Wood 

del., Leney sc Bust. 

, Geoboe; Hinton, John H., ed.. Hist, of U. S., L., vol. L, frontis- 
piece, 1830. Stuart p., Fenner, Sears & Ck> sc 

, Gbobge; Howard, Alf., Biog. Ulust., L., plate 80, 1830. 

, Gbobge; Paulding, Jas. K., Life of Washington, N. T., vol. i., 

frontispiece, 1836. Cerrad. J. G. Chapman deL, J. F. E. Prud- 
homme sc Bust. 

, Gbobge; National Port. Gallery, voL L, frontispiece, 1836. 

Trumbull p., A. B. Durand sc 

, Geoboe; National Port. Gallery, vol. L false title, 1830. MedaL 

r, Geob«; National Port. Gallery, vol. L plate 1, 1830. G. Stuart 

p., J. G. Longacre sc 

, Gbobge; Eiiight, Franklin, Letters on Agriculture from Wash- 
ington, W., frontispiece, 1847. Stuart p., J. Sartain sc 



894 Index to American PcriraUs* 

WABiONQTOJf, Gboboe; Smith, John J., and Watson, J. F., Amer. Hist 
and Literary Curiosities, Phila., 1847. Pitcher port, and metal sil- 
houette. 

, Gbobgb; Wjatt, Thos., Mem. of Generals and other Commanders 

of the Amer. Army and Navy, Phila., 1848. Medal on evacuation 
of Boston. 

, Gbobge; Trteor de Numis. (Melanges I^^poglyptiques, plate 15.) 

Girometti. Cameo. 

, Gboboe; Harper, p. 728, October, 1850. Chantrey. Statue. 

, Gboboe; Harper, p. 14, December, 1862. Houdon. Bust. 

, Gboboe; Jones, A. D., Illust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. i., 1858. 

Stuart p., J. W. Orr sc. 

, Gboboe; Harper, pp. 440, 441, 443, 451, September, 1853. 

, Gboboe; Declaration of Independence and Ports, of the Presi- 
dents. Ledger carriers' greeting of 1859. Bngd. by Hlmaa & Sons. 

, Gboboe; Harper, p. 448, March, 1859. Pitcher port. 

, Gboboe; Guizot, Hist, de France, P., vol. v. p. 328, 1873. 

, Gboboe; Harper, p. 11, June, 1876. Trumbull p. 

, Gboboe; Scrib., p. 368, July, 1876. Stuart p. (port, in Boston 

Atheneum). 

, Gboboe; Illust. Lond. News, extra supp., p. 34, July 8, 1876. 

Stuart p., W. Biscomte Gardner del. 

, Gboboe; Loubat, J. F., Medallic Hist, of the U. S., K. T., vol. iL, 

plate 1, 1878. Duvivier. MedaL 

, Gboboe; Harper, p. 661, March, 1879. Ward. Statue. 

, Gboboe; Harper, p. 337, August, 1381. Trumbull p. 

, Gboboe; Oncken, Das Zeitalter Friedrichs des Grossen, Berlin 

(Oncken, Allg. Ges.), vol. ii. p. 763, 1882. C. W. Peale p., Para- 
dise del. 

, Gbobob; Harper, p. 651, October, 1883. G. Stuart p., G. Kroell sc 

, Gboboe; Oncken, Das Zeitalter d. Revolution, Berlin (Oncken, 

Allg. Ges.), vol. i. p. 763, 1884. Stuart p., Heath sc. 

, Gboboe; Smith, John C, British Mezzotints Ports., L., toL iL 

p. 592, 1884. Trumbull p. From print by Green. 

, Gbobob; Baker, W. S., Medallic Ports, of Washington, Phila., 

1885. Medal. 

, Gboboe; Schlosser, Fr. Chr., Weltgeschichte, Berlin, vol. xiv. 

p. 432, 1885. Longhi p. 

, Gbobob; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nord Amerika, Berlin (Oncken, 

Allg. G^.)) P- 257, 1886. Stuart p.. Heath sc 

, Gboboe; Schuyler, John, Institution of the Socy. of the Cin- 
cinnati, N. T., frontispiece, 1886. Sharpless p., P. Hall sc. 

, Gboboe; Clentury, p. 2, November, 1887. J. Wright p., T. John- 
son sc 

, Gboboe; Century, p. 12, November, 1887. Silhouette. 

, Gboboe; Baker, W. S., Bibliotheca Washingtoniana, Phila., 

frontispiece, 1889. Jos. Wright p., Albert Rosenthal aq. fort. 



Index to American Portraits. 896 

Washington, Gbobqe; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist, of Amer., 
Boston, vol. yL p. 311, 1889. From Bickerstaff's Boston Almanac 
for 1778. 

, Gbobgb; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

Yol. vii. p. 564, 1889. From the Impartial Hist, L., 1780. 

, Gbobge; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

Tol. yii. p. 665, 1889. From Andrew's Hist, of the War. 

, George; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, toI. 

vii. p. 567, 1889. C. W. Peale (pencil sketch). 

, Gbobge; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 575. From Du Simitifere's Thirteen Ports. 

, Geobge; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 576, 1889. From Wansey. 

, Gbobge; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 577, 1889. Folwell silhouette. 

, Gbobge; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 578, 1889. Powell. Silhouette. 

, Geobge; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 579, 1889. Bust in Christ Church, Boston. 

, Geobge; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 580, 1889. From a Nfimberg eng. of 1777. 

, Geobge; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 581, 1889. From Murray. 

, Gbobge; Century, p. 805, April, 1889. J. Wright p. 

, Gbobge; Century, p. 860, April, 1880. Gilbert Stuart p. 

( " Athenaeum port." ) . 

, Geobge; Century, p. 863, April, 1889. J. Trumbull p. 

, Gbobge; Harper, p. 670, April, 1889. Gilbert Stuart p. (Gibbs- 

Channing port.), Gustav Kruell sc. 

, Geobge; Century, p. 2, May, 1890. James Wright p., T. John- 
son sc 

, Gbobge; Century, p. 8, May, 1890. Archibald Robertson (water- 
color on marble). 

, Gbobge; Century, p. 17, May, 1890. Miniature on Ivory. 

, Geobge; (Century, p. 26, May, 1890. Ramage p. 

, Geobge; Century, p. 593, February, 1892. De Brehan minia- 
ture. 

, Gbobge; Century, p. 596, February, 1892. Champion (plaque). 

, Geobge; Century, p. 597, February, 1892. J. Peale p. 

, Gbobge; Century, p. 598, February, 1892. St. Memin port. 

, Geobge; Harper, p. 910, November, 1892. Houdon. Mask. 

, Geobge; Scrib., p. 273, March, 1893. Port, presented to J. J. 

Audubon. 

, Gbobge; Century, p. 545, February, 1894. Ramage p. (minia- 
ture). 

, Gbobge; Century, p. 546, February, 1894. Rosalinda Sharpless 

(embroidery). 

, Geobge; Scrib., p. 49, January, 1895. Stuart p. (Gibbs port.). 



896 Index to American Portraiia. 

Watbbhousk, Benj., MJ>,; Polyanthos, voL iL p. 73, May, 1806. 8. 
Harris so. 

Watnb, A27THOinr, Qen,; Polyanthos, voL iL p. 217, July, 1806. 8. 
Harris so. 

1 Anthont, Gtn.; Port Folio, p. 402, May, 1809. Edwin sc 

, AiVTHomr, Gm^; Casket, frontispiece, May, 1829. 

, Anthony, Qtn.; National Port Gallery, vol. L, 1836. Tnunball 

deL, E. Pmdhomme sc (after drawing by Herring). 

y Anthont, Gtn.; Jones, A. D., lllust. Amer. Biog., K. Y., voL L 

p. 83, 1863. J. W. Orr sc 

, Anthont, Qm,; Harper, p. 40, June, 1878. 

, Anthont, Gtf^; Harper, p. 237, July, 1879. 

, AHTHOirr, Gen.; Penna. Archives, Hbg., Second Series, voL x. p. 

114, 1880. 

, Anthont, Qen.; Schuyler, John, Institution of the Socy. of 

the Cincinnati, N. Y., p. 175, 1886. Engd. by H. B. Hall k Sons. 

, AHTHomr, Gtn.; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Amer., 

Boston, vol. vL p. 385, 1889. From eng. in N. Y. Mag. 

Webster, Dan.; National Port. Gallery, vol. i., 1836. J. B. Long- 
acre del. and sc 

, Dan.; lllust. Lond. News, p. 415, June 17, 1843. 

1 Dan.; Bentley, vol. xzi. p. 299, 1847. B. Longacre p., W. Great- 
batch sc 

, Dan.; Bentley, vol. xzxii. p. 571, 1852. 

, Dan.; lUust. Lond. News, p. 408, November 13, 1852. 

f Dan. ; Amer. Whig Rev., frontispiece, December, 1852. Daguerre- 
otype by Whipple A. H. Ritchie sc. 

y Dan.; Harper, pp. 85, 88, 91, December, 1852. 

, Dan. ; Jones, A. D., lllust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. iL p. 343, 1854. 

J. W. Orr sc 

, Dan.; Cassell's lllust Hist, of England, L., New Series, vol. iii. 

p. 547, 1863. 

, Dan.; Harper, p. 236, July, 1875. 

, Dan.; Duyckincks's Qydopsedia, vol. i. p. 718, 1877. Roberts sc 

, Dan.; Century, p. 809, April, 1883. 

, Dan.; Harper, p. 277, July, 1884. G. P. A. Healy p. 

, Dan.; Century, p. 642, March, 1885. 

, Dan.; Hopp, Bundesstaat in Nord Amerika, Berlin (Oncken, Allg. 

Ges.), p. 609, 1886. Chester Harding p., J. Andrews and H. W. 
Smith sc 

, Dan.; Harper, p. 913, November, 1892. Death-mask. 

, Dan.; Century, p. 642, September, 1893. Daguerreotype T. 

Johnson sc 

, Dan.; Scrib., p. 207, February, 1895. Healy. 

, Dan.; Amer. Rev., vol. iv., frontispiece, July, 1846. 

f Noah; National Port Gallery, vol. ii., 1836. J. Herring p., 

G. Parker sc 

, Noah; International Mag., vol. iv. p. 12, August 1, 1851. 



Index to American Portraits. 897 

Webster, Noah; Jones, A. D., IHust. Amer. Biog., N. T., toI. i. p. 133, 

1863. 

f Noah; Duyckincks's Cyclopsedia, vol. i. p. 491, 1877. Roberts sc. 

Welbt, Amelia B.; Ladies' Repository, frontispiece, Noyember, 1855. 

F. E. Jones sc 

, Amelia B.j Duyddncks's Cyclopedia, toL iL p. 642, 1877. 

Wentwobth, John; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, April, 1849. Bngd. 

by T. Doney. 
West, Benj.; European Mag., frontispiece, September, 1794. 
f Benj.; Universal Mag., vol. iii.. New Series, p. 389, May, 1805. 

West p., Hopwood sc 
, Benj.; Select Reviews of Literature, Phila., J. P. Watson, 

frontispiece, October, 1811. Andrew Robertson p., D. Edwin sc 
, Benj.; Analectie Mag., frontispiece, July, 1816. Sir T. Lawrence 

p.} H. Meyer sc 

, Benj.; Colbum, frontispiece. May, 1820. H. Cook sc 

, Benj.; Ladies' Monthly Museum, frontispiece, February, 1824. 

E. Hastings p., T. Woolnoth sc 

, Benj.; Howard, Alf., Biog. IHust, L., plate 80, 1830. 

f Benj.; Lester, C. Edwards, Artists of America, N. T., p. 67, 

1846. I^wrence p., Burt(t) sc 

, Benj.; Gillray, Caricatures, L., .plate 443, 1851. 

, Benj.; Jones, A. D., niust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. L p. 87, 

1853. J. W. Orr sc. 

f Benj.; niust. Lond. News, supp.. May 11, 1861. ~ , 

, Benj.; Harper, p. 692, April, 1876. 

, Benj.; Harper, p. 971, May, 1889. West p. 

Wheblook, Eueazab; Polyanthos, 1814. 

White, Wm., Bp,; Port Folio, frontispiece, August, 1810. Stewart 

p. From eng. by Tanner. 
, Wm., Bp,; National Port. Gallery, vol. i., 1836. J. B. Longacre 

del., T. B. Welch so. 
, Wm., Bp,; Jones, A. D., Hlust. Amer. Biog., N. Y., voL iL p. 227, 

1854. E. David sc 

Williams, Jonathan, Qen.; Analectie Mag., frontispiece, August, 1815. 
Gimbrede sc 

, Jonathan, Qen.; National Port. Gallery, vol. i., 1836. Sully p., 

R. W. Dodson sc. 

Williamson, Hugh, MJ}.; Port Folio, p. 388, December, 1821. J. 
Trumbull p., A. B. Durand sc 

, Hugh; N. Y. ffist. Socy. Collections, vol. iii., frontispiece Trum- 
bull p., Durand sc 

Wilson, Alex, (ornithologist) ; Port Folio, frontispit:ce, October, 1814. 
Peale p., D. Edwin sc 

, Alex, (ornithologist) ; Hlust. Lond. News, p. 373, October 17, 

1874. Statue at PaUl^. 

, Alex, (ornithologist) ; Scrib., p. 697, March, 1876. 

^ Alex, (ornithologist) ; Harper, p. 708, April, 1876. 



898 Index to American Portraits. 

Wilson, Atjct. (omithologiBt) ; Scrib., p. 147» May, 1876. 

, Atjct. (omithologiBt) ; Duycldnclu'B Cyclop«dia, yoL i. p. 567, 

1877. Roberts bc 
, Jamxs p., DJ[>.; Port Folio, p. 441, December, 1827. Wood p., 

Boyd BC 
WiNTHBOP, John, Gw>r. (Sr.) ; Polyanthoi, vol. iL p. 146, June, 1806. 

Vandyck p., S. HarriB bo. 
, John, Qovr, (Sr.) ; Mioore, Jacob B., Mem. of Amer. Gotts., 

N. Y., vol. i. p. 237, 1846. Vandyck p. 
, John, Qovr. (Sr.) ; Jones, A. D., IlloBt Amer. Biog., N. Y., 

vol. i. p. 23, 1863. J. W. Orr sc 
, John, Qovr. (Sr.) ; Winthrop, Robt C, Life of John Winthrop, 

Boston, frontispiece, 1864. Vandyke p., C. W. Sharpe sc 

^ John, Qovr. (Sr.); Hiarper, p. 192, January, 1876. 

, John, Qovr. (Sr.); Harper, p. 830, November, 1876. 

, John, Qovr. (Sr.); Hiarper, p. 831, November, 1876. Statue at 

Capitol. 
, John, Qovr. (Sr.) ; Century, p. 366, January, 1883. Port, in 

Mass. Senate Chamber. 

, John, Qovr. (Sr.); Harper, p. 717, April, 1883. 

, RoBT. Chas.; Amer. Rev., voL viL p. 276, March, 1848. A. H. 

Ritchie sc 
, RoBT. Chas.; Jones, A. D., Illust Amer. Biog., N. Y., voL L p. 

207, 1863. J. W. Orr sc 

, RoBT. Chas.; Duyckincks's Qydopsdia, vol. iL p. 346, 1877. 

, RoBT. Chas.; Century, p. 637, February, 1887. 

, RoBT. Chas. ; Winsor, J., Narr. and Crit Hist of Amer., Boston, 

vol. vii. p. 364, 1880. Huntington p. 

, RoBT. Chas.; One of a Thousand, p. 666, 1890. 

y RoBT. Chas.; Scrib., p. 490, October, 1806. 

WiSTAB, Caspab, MJ}.; Analectic Mag., frontispiece, December, 1818. 

€k>odman and Piggot sc 
, Caspab, MD.; National Port. Gallery, voL iL, 1836. B. Otis p., 

J. B. Longacre sc 

, Caspab, MJ).; Harper, p. 292, July, 1896. 

WooDBUBT, Levi; National Port. G^allery, vol. iL, 1836. J. B. Longacre 

deL and sc 

y liEVi ; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, July, 1838. Ch. Fenderich deL 

y Levi; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, March, 1843. Engd. by 

Dick from a miniature 
, Levi; Jones, A. D., niust Amer. Biog., N. Y., vol. L p. 169, 1863. 

J. W. Orr sc. 
, Levi; Carson, Hampton L., Supreme Court of U. S., Phila., p. 

341, 1891. Etched by A. Rosenthal from painting owned by 

family. 
WooDWOBTH, W. W.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, September, 1847. 

T. Doney sc 



Index to American Portraits. 899 

Wool, John Ellis, Qen,; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, November^ 

1851. Daguerreotype. Engd. by H. S. Sadd. 
, John Ellis, Qen,; Jones, A. D., lUust Amer. Biog., N. Y., yoL 

L p. 197, 1863. J. W. Orr sc 
, John Eujs, Qen,; Moore, Frank, Heroes and Martyrs, N. Y., 

p. 15, 1861. Qeo. E. Ferine sc 
f John Ellis, Qtn.; Moore, Frank, Rebellion Record, N. Y., yol. IL 

p. 1, 1861. 
, John Ellis, (Ten.; Port. Monthly of the N. Y. lUust News, p. 25, 

August, 1863. 

, John Ellis, (Ten./ Harper, p. 600, October, 1863. 

Wbioht, Geo. W., Hon.; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, April, 1851. 

Hlman & Sons sc 
, SnAS; Democratic Rev., frontispiece, February, 1843. Blanch- 

ard p., A. L. Dick sc 
, QtLkBi Democratic Rev., frontispiece, November, 1846. Daguerre- 
otype by Plumb. T. Doney sc. 
, Silas; Jenkins, John S., Lives of the Qovrs. of N. Y., Auburn^ 

p. 723, 1851. Lith. of F. Michelin. 

, Shas; Harper, p. 843, May, 1872. 

, Wm., Hon. (of N. J.) ; Amer. Rev., frontispiece, April, 1851. 0. 

Burt sc 

Ykadon, Rd. (of Clharleston); Amer. Rev., frontispiece, May, 1850. 
Mezzotint by P. M. Whelpley. 



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Notes cmd Queries. 



417 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 

notes. 

SoMB Genealogical Notes of the Ibeland Family of New 
Jebset. — 

MarrictgeM. 

1727, Sept 18. Joseph Ireland to Bath Cordury, of Gloucester Co. 
1782, July 28. Jemima Ireland to Steven Morrees, of Gloucester Co. 
1787, Sept 8. Deborah Ireland to Nehemiah Nicholson, of Great 

E^ Harbor. 
1744, Dec. 15. Beuben Ireland to Deborah Gbuidy, of Gloucester Co. 
1746 — Buth Ireland to Henry Woodward, of Gloucester Co. 

1751, Dec. 2. Jane Ireland to William Harkins, Jr. 
1758, July 24. Hezekiah Ireland to Mary Dickson, both of Great 

Egg Harbor. 

1760, Aug. 11. Sarah Ireland to Elias Smith, both of Great Egg 

Harbor. 

1761, March 7. Sarah Ireland to Willoch Paulin. 

1762, July 28. Mary Ireland to Aaron Butcher, of Cumberland Co. 
1765, April 22. Mary Ireland to James Hollinahead. 

1767, April 21. Joseph Ireland to Mary Townsend. 

1770, Feb. 17. Dorcas Ireland to Peter Halter, of Salem. 

1771, July 15. Daniel Ireland to Phebe Steelman, of Gloucester Co. 
1771, Nov. 4. Buth Ireland to Daniel Edwards, of Salem. 

1778, Not. 8. Lydia Ireland to James White, of Pittsgroye. 
1778, Dec 16. Ann Ireland to Jacob Duffel, of Cumberland Co. 
1776, April 24. Joseph Ireland to Judith Johnson, of Cumber- 
land Co. 

1776, May 1. Miciyah Ireland to Prudence Bacon, of Cumber- 

land Co. 

1777, March 5. Mary Ireland to Joshua Smith, of Cape May. 
1777, July 81. Phoebe Ireland to John Miller, of Cumberland Co. 

1777, Dec. 18. Jonathan Ireland to Mary Gwin, of Gloucester Co. 

1778, Not. 25. Deborah Ireland to Owen Shepherd, of Cumber- 

luid Co. 
1778, Dec. 8. John Ireland to Elizabeth Price, of Gloucester Co. 
1781, July 2. Amos Ireland to Elizabeth Cordury, of Gloucester Co. 
1784, June 26. Bebecca Ireland to Bichard Adams, of Gloucester Co. 

Abstracts of Wills. 

Amos Ireland, of Great Egg Harbor, proved Jany. 14, 1745 ; chil- 
dren, Amos, Katherine, Sarah. Son Extr. Invent, filed £170.8.8. 

Jacob Ireland, of Hopewell, Cumberland Co., proved Jany. 21, 1752. 
Wife Mary; children Jacob, Ananias, Isaac, Amos. Extra, wife and 
Jacob Gouldin. 

VOL. XXV. — 27 



418 Notes and Queries. 

John Ireland, of Great E^ Harbor, proved June 2, 1765. Wife 
Bebeoca; children Daniel, Thomas, JoniUhan, JameB. Eztr. Gideon 
Scull. Invent filed £186.18.1. 

Daniel Ireland, of Great Ete Harbor, proved Feby. 17, 1768. Wile 
Mary ; children Bath, PhoeM, Bhoda. Extrs. B^ben and Thomas 
Ireland. 

Job Ireland, of Cumberland Ck>., proved Jany. 80, 1784. Wife 
Elizabeth ; children, Daniel, Joseph, John, Both (Edwards), Elizabeth, 
Dorcas. Extr. wife Elizabeth. 

Antagokibm of Galloway Ajsm Dickinson. — ^The London Chron- 
icle of January 5, 1775, contains the following communication : 

The cordiality and affection which the American puffers and scrib- 
blers say prevailed at the General Congress are known by every honest 
Philadelphian to be fiUsehoods. The celebrated Mr. Dickinson, the 
second-named Delegate for Pennsylvania, cannot have foigotten the 
thorough caning which he received from Mr. Cblloway, the mst-named 
Delegate; nor can Mr. Galloway have forgiven the scurrilous falsities 
which provoked him to discipline the celebrated Gentleman Farmer, 
Lawyer, and Patriot The Public may guess what sort of affection sub- 
sisted between the well-drubbed Patriot and his Corrector. . . • 

Mess. Low and Gushing would undoubtedly, when they met at 
Philadelphia most affectionately shake hands, and congratulate each 
other on the many compliments which formerly had passed between 
them in writing. Mr. Galloway would forget ^ scurralities of Mr. 
Dickinson, and Mr. Dickinson his caning firom Mr. Galloway. The 
New York Del^^tes would forget how the Bostonites had deceived and 
betrayed them, and the Bostonites how the New Yorkers had detected 
and exposed them. All would be harmony and brotherly love among 
tiie Delegates. These are some characteristical sketches of the men 
whom the American scribblers have compared to the ancient Bomans 
for wisdom, dignity, and courage. 

A BoerroN Saint. 

Lettebs of Geitbbal Anthony Waynb and Mbs. Elizabeth 
Fbbgubbon. — 

DbAB Mat^ au- 

I should have done myself the pleasure of Acknowledging your fiivour 
of the ultimo long since were it not for the busy scenes then Open- 
ing and the hurry ever Indd^it to the eve of Battle--thii I hope will in 
some Degree exculpate me from a Charge of Neglect which would Other- 
wise be Inexcusible. 

The kind treatment I met with under your hospitable Boof and the 
easy politmess of M" Ferguson and Miss Stedman I shall always Be- 
member with pleasure and hope at one day to have in my power to repay 
some of those fovours. 

I am happy to Inform you that I am not Wounded but I have lost 
some Officers whose friendship I much Esteemed and whose Glorious 
Death is Bather to be Envied than B^greted. 

The Bight Wing of Our Army met with a Misfortune but our left in 
Betum gave a timely check to the Bight Wing of Gen* Howe which 
has Obliged him to Bemain on the Spot ever since fully Employed in 
taking care of his Wounded and Hurrying bis Dead. 



Notes and Queries. 419 

The Yillian who pressed your Gatde is at Garlile. I shall take caie 
to take hold of him as soon as he Betorns. 

Present my best Compliments to Miss Steadman and M' Yoong and 
belieye me yours Most 

Sincerely 

[Sept. 14, 1777.] 

Obaxb-pabx September 18, 1777 

Snt 

Haveing occassion to write a few lines to M' Badonot, I cannot let my 
servaDt be near Q^ierat Wayne withoat assureing him that it gaye me 
real Satisfaction to receiye a letter from him, aft^ the imminent danger 
he had been in so lately at Wilmington ; And altho' I am truly sory for 
the loss of those G^tlemen you mention that fell ; I would rather re> 
ceiye that account of them fiom you, tiian tiiey should haye giyen sudi 
a one ci you : 

I am much obliged to you for saying that the time you passd at My 
House was not Dissagreable to you ; And rest assurd ^r that if in the 
Hurry of your first coming, any thing might haye Occurd that you could 
haye wishd Otherwise ; nothing was intended. I wish the general Cause 
of America most sincerly well ; and since I haye been &yord with the 
Acquaintance of General Wayne I am particularly interested in his 
Safety ; I hope if opportunity ofiers, he will pop in Grame-Park ; which 
will be the most Conyindng proof he can giye me that he liked his 
quarters ; I will own I should prefer seeing him without quite as large a 
Betinue as compoed his train when he was last here. 

M'* Smith, Miss Stedman, And M' Young B^ their best respects to 
be made Acceptable to you Sir. If my S^ant should meet with any 
Dificulty in getting to Head-Quarters I should be Obliged to you to put 
him in the l^ Mode ; and also if you could get him a pass to go to 
Philadelphia for a Load of furniture that I am axious to haye up of M" 
Smiths : the Waf^on will go loadend with Hay ; But perhaps this re- 
quest is out of your Line ; and to giye you any particular trouble is fiur 
from the Intention of Sir 

your most Obedient humble Seryant 

E. Febgubson. 

Letteb of Bey. Francis Alison to Liexttekakt Bobekt Ali- 
son, 1776.— 

Philad^ Sept 7* 2i 1776 

Cozen Bobebt 

I wrote you and my son a few days ago, by Capt Bippey ; and shall 
soon by Colonel Woods of this city. But as the time of Inlistment is 
almost expired, I expect to see you both due. Your men will be c^ered 
each 20 Dollars of bounty to enHst them again ; but whether tiie Begi- 
ment will be continued entire, or whether all officers will incline to serye 
again is uncertain. I think if the whole Battalion were allowed to come 
home,' & to return again, or as many as chose to do it, it would more ef- 
fectually serye the publick, as many would enlist again on their return ; & 
others would be easily found to supply their placed— but of these things I 
am no longer Judge. Your mother & brother liye where you left them, & 
are well. Frank was out six weeks with that battali<m of New London, 
&, is returned ; a part of them staid to form a Flying Camp, among whom 



420 



Notes and Queries. 



was their Colonel Montgomery. Frank was offered a Surgeon's place, 
but did not accept it, as it must cast him out of his business and draw 
him from his family & plantation. He has got a Daughter, & Nancey 
Johnston now Kennedy, has had a son. Walter Tiney £ widow Hender- 
son's son, ye (me a lieutenant, & the other as Ensign, were taken pris- 
oners on Long Island. I had several letters from you w^ I received 
with pleasure ; most of them I m^itioned in my last, but am not sure 
but some of them miscarried ; ye last was dated ye 27**^ of August with 
a letter to y' brother which I sent to him. I am sorry that your army 
are so sickly, & so ill provided w*^ clothes ; your Capt & I am to spend 
an hour with some of ye Ck>uncil of War this evening and we shall 
represent your case. There are shoes & shirts & stockings & in great 
plenty in Meas & Caldwell's store, & why should not some be sent to y* 
men? I will strive to send you some newspapers by the bearer, Mr 
Turner, — ^I wrote you a long letter and sent you a newspaper by D' 
Stringer. I have only room left to recommend you to ye Protection of 
ye A&iighty, & to assure you that I am with great respect y' affectionate 
uncle 

Fbanoib Alison 
To LnsuT BoBBBT Alison. 



Begbuitino Aooount op Lieutenant Stephen Stevenson, of 
ToBK County, Pennsylvania. — 

A Becruiting Account of the 9**^ Penna Beg^ with the Mens names 
Ac. Philadelphia Aug. 6«» 1778. 



Namet. 


When Enlisted. 


OMuaUtlef. 


Jos. Stephens 


25 July 


Sick, absent 


Ealph WilUas 
William Beill 


26 " 
8 March 


At Camp. 
Deserted. 


James Steel 


16 " 


Absent with leave. 


Abraham Call 


22 " 


Deserted. 


JohnCran 


18 April 


Camp. 


Solomon Brown 


17 " 


In Jail, York, 


Owen Ellis 


20 " 


Present 


William KeUey 


27 " 


<< 


John Faust 


12 May 


Camp. 


William Joans 


16 " 


Present 


John Carter 


21 " 


Camp. 


W»Deen 


1 June 


Deserted. 


John Freeman 


11 " 


11 


Bobert Douch 


18 " 


Camp. 
Dead. 


(George Mour 


19 " 


Henry Shoults 


26 " 


Deserted. 


James Hartley 


26 July 


n 



POBTBAIT OP MbS. BENEDICT AbNOLD AND CHILD. ^By bcquCSt 

of the late William Mcllyaine, Esq., of this city, the Historical Society 
of Pennsylyania has received the portrait of ]^. Benedict Arnold, nU 
Margaret Shippen, and child, painted by Sir Thomas Lawrence. A 
photogravure copy of this valuable historical painting will be found 
in the present number of the Pennsylyania Magazine. 



Notes and Queries. 



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424 Notes and Queries. 

Extracts from the Obderlt-Books of General Anthoky 
Watkb, in the libraiy of the Historical Society of PemiBylyaiiia. 

HiAD QUABTBRS, HSAB Vallbt Fobgk, Feb. 8, '78. 

Major Q^ieral for tomorrow, Baron De Ealb. 

Brigadier, Patterson. 

Field Officers, Lt CoL Davis & Mi^or Peters. 

Brigade M%jor, B^ijan. 

A report having been circulated that Mr. Jones Dep^ Commias. 
General of Issues has granted a pass to a woman to carry thirty pds. 
Butter into Philadelphia — 

The matter has been fully inquired into and appears to be without any 
foundation. 

Parole, Tywnderoga; Countersign, Toledo, 

Note, The above order being ihib first taken by Capt Fishboum, now 
A.D.C. to General Wayne. 

The order for February 6, after announcing the sentence ot a lieu- 
tenant of the Thirteenth Virginia Regiment for <' behaving unbecoming 
the character of an officer and gentleman, in buying a pair of Shoes of a 
soldier, and frequently sleeping and messing wiUi soldiers," contains the 
following advertisements : 

Strayed or stol^i last evening from Moore Hall, a black horse 15 
hands high, a small star in the forehead, and one hind foot white, mane 
plated near the ears. Any person taking him up and returning him to 
the place above mentioneii will be handsomely rewarded. 

The Chaplain of the 4^ Jersey Begt has found a Pocket Book, 
with a small sum of money & some papers. The owner by applying 
and describing the Book and its contents, may have it again. 

In January of 1782 General Wayne was sent by General Greene into 
Georgia with a very small force to re-establish the authority of the 
United States within that State. Savannah was the only post garrisoned 
by any considerable force of the enemy. To isolate tlds garrison from 
the rest of the State, and particularly from its Indian allies, the Creeks 
and Cherokees, in the interior, was Wayne's first object He took post 
at Ebenezer, twenty-five miles above Savannah, on &e river, and issued 
the following order : 

Hbao Quabtsbs, 

DUOKXB'S TAVSRN, GlOBOIA : 

26*of Jaii7l782. 

Countersign, OiU . . . Capt, QiU for the Day. 

Gen^ Wayne having been appointed to the Command of the American 
Army in C^rgia, embraces the Efurliest opportunity to call upon the 
officers of every Bank and Denomination to use every exertion to 
Guard against the pernicious practice of Marauding; wMch is as DU- 
graceful^ obUU unmiUtary : the General therefore, fondly flatters himself 
that when the Soldiery reflect that they are led forth to protect the lives 
and property of the Inhabitants & to rescue this Country from Briti^ 
lyranny, he will not be compelled to the painful and disagreeable Duty 
of ordering the most Exemplary punishment to be inflicted on any per- 
son or persons for a violation of this order. 

Until a change of circumstances render an alteration necessary, the 
following will be the order of Battle : — ^The Continental Dn^goons will 
form the Bight Wing, to be commanded by Capt Gill ; the South Caro- 



Notes and Queries. 426 

lina State DragoonB, the left, commanded by Major Moore ; tlie whole 
under the conduct of Colo. White. Lt Colo. MHUoy'a Corps will form 
the advance, &, if pushed, will retire to the Flanks. 

The General has the fullest confidence in the officers &, men, who he 
has the honour to command, & doubts not, should tlie enemy be hardy 
enough to £eu^ them in the field, that Victory will incline to our Arms : 
and the foe will be obliged to acknowledge our Prowess. He is also 
convinced that humanity will pervade the heart of every officer and 
soldier when opposition ceases. 

On the 19th of February he decoyed by stratagem a large parly ot 
Indians coming firom the interior and captured a considerable amount 
of provisions they were carrying to Savannah. 

HiAD QUABTSBS, 

Ebbnbzxr 19*k Feb. 1782. 
General Wayne is extremely happy in having it in his power to assure 
the worthy Soldiery under his command that their conduct is highly ap- 
proved of by Gen. Greene & their Country : and that the period is not 
£eu: distant when a full and comfortable supply of Clothing will arrive 
for the use of the Army : The situation of Public afl^drs is also much 
altered for the better & will soon put it into the power of Congress & the 
respective States to comply with their contracts and agreements with 
their officers and soldiers, which he is well convinced will take place ^e 
moment circumstances & local situation will permit In the interim, 
the General doubts not that the conduct & persevering bravery of every 
officer and soldier under his command, will be such as to produce a con- 
viction to the world that they deserve the plaudit and bountiflil reward 
of a grateful Country, — 

Abstbact Deed Poll, Geobge Bandall, 1704. — George Bandall 
of or near the Township of Southampton in the County of Bucks, 
Province of Pennsilvania, Yeoman : recites grant of William Penn, 
22d. 5mo. 1684, to said Bandall of a Lott in Philad^ in << Breadth nine 
& fourty foot & a half, and in Length" 806 feet bounded southward 
with Mulberry street, westward with Nicholas BandalPs Lott granted 
by Warrant 14th. 4mo. 1688. C^rge Bandall, purchaser, Mortgaged 
the Lott 16 Nov. 1684 to "William Smith, Master of y* Ship called 
the Merchant of Bristoll," together with "his dwelling house thereon 
for seaven pounds . . . notwithstanding the said C^rge Bandall hath 
neither payd the afores^ sum nor the Interest thereon But hath suffered 
the s^ House with Improvements to goe all to Buin. . . • Nevertheless 
Thomas Paschall of the City of Philadelphia, Pewterer, one of y* 
agents of th^s^ William Smith is willing to accept of the above Lott of 
Land in full satisfaction of ye s^ debt." Smith conveys to s^ "Thomas 
Paschall and one Henry Flower of y« s* City of Philadelphia, Barber, 
agents for the s"^ William Smith . . . Lott . . . Between the Third & 
Fourth Streets from Delaware Front street". . . to said Paschall and 
Flower for said Smith . . . dated 25 day of 6mo. called August in the 
8** year of Queen Anne A.D. 1704. Signed, the Mark of George Ban- 
dall. Witnessed by "Nicholas Bandall ; Thomas Marshall, his mark ; 
Thomas Pascall Junear." 

The deed is apparently not recorded. 



426 



Notes and Queries. 



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Notes and Queries. 427 

LixumAirr Jambs Glentwobth, Sixth Penhbtlyania Lisb. — 
Among the papers filed by Lieutenant James Glentworth, of the Sixth 
FeiuiflylTania line, in making an application for a pensicMiy were the 
Mlowing oertificalee : 

These are to Cerd^ that having been appointed in October 1777, to 
attend the Wonnded Officers, who were at that time or should be 
brought to the Town of Beading, in consequence of said ^pointment 
Lieut James Glentworth of the Sixth Pennsylyania B^ Came under 
my Care. He reeeired a Wound in his right arm at the Battle of Ger- 
mantown of which he was confined a considerable, [jtime] and which 
in my opinion must still render him incapable of doing the duty of a 
Militia Man. 

Joe. Bedman. 

Philada Sept 29 1787 

We the Subscribers appointed by the Hon^^ Bichard Peters, have 
examined the nature of a wound receiyed by Mr. James Glentw(»th, in 
the service of the United States, in his right Arm, by a Musket Ball, by 
which the Tendons, that move his Fingers are so much injured, that he 
cannot use them in the profession of a Printer, to which he was brought 
up. We are of the opinion this disability will exist, and that the pain 
which he frequ^itly sufiers may increase, therefore recommend him as a 
proper object for a Pension. 

W. Shippes", 

Plunk* F. Glewtworth. 

Pkiladklphia May 13^ 18M. 

The Original Manuscript op "The Star-Spangled Banner." 
— ^Haying heard several times of late that there are in existence '' sereral 
original copies" of the lines written on the night of September 12, 1814 
(when the British attempted to capture Baltimore), by Francis Scott 
key, now known as "The Star-Spangled Banner," and as I am the for- 
tunate poss ess or of the only document that could exist of these lines, — 
the original manuicripty — ^I will explain how it seems possible that there 
could be mxftt than one. 

In the letter of the late Chief- Justice Boger B. Taney, which appears 
as a pre&ce to " Key's Poems," published by Bobert Carter & Brotiiers, 
New York, 1857, a graphic description is given of the composing and 
writing and the printing of the song. Mr. Key wrote the lines he had 
composed under the excitement of the moment, he told Judge Taney, 
upon the back of an old Idter he happened to have in his pockety and 
wrote it as it now stands on the ni^t he readied Baltimore, — at the 
hotel, — and immediately after his arrival. He also said that on the 
next morning he took it to Judge Nicholson, to ask him what he thought 
of it ; Hiat he was so much pleased with it that he immediately sent it 
to a printer and directed copies to be strode off in handbill form ; and 
that he, Mr. Key, bdieved it to hare beai &Yorably recdved by the 
public 

Judge Nicholson and Mr. Key were neariy connected by marriage, 
Mrs. Key ami Mrs. Nicholson being sisters. 

The judge was a man of cultivated taste, had at one time been distin- 
guished among the leading men in Congress, and was at the period of 



428 Notes and Queries. 

which I am Bpeaking the Chief-Justice oi Baltimore and one of the 
judges of the Court of Appeals of Maryland. 

Notwithstanding his judicial character, which exempted him from 
military senrice, he accepted the command of a volunteer company ot 
artillery^ and when the enemy approached, and an attack on Uie fort 
was expected, he and his company offered their services to the govern- 
ment to assist in its defence. They were accepted, and formed a part 
of the garrison during the bombardment The judge had been relieved 
from duty and returned to his family only the night before Mr. Key 
showed him his song, and you may easily imagine the feelings with 
which, at such a moment, he read it and gave it to the public It was 
no doubt, as Mr. Key modestly expressed it, frivorably received. In 
less than an hour after it was placed in the hands of the printer it was 
all over town and hailed with enthusiasm, and took its place at once as 
a national song. 

It is the back of thai old letter, unsigned, that Francis Bcott Key (my 
great-uncle) gave to Judge Joseph Hopper Nicholson (my grandfrtther) 
that I possess, together with one of those first printed handbills. 

Judge Nicholson wrote a little piece that appears at the heading of the 
lines, above which he also wrote the name of the tune, '< Anacreon in 
Heaven," — a tune which Mrs. Charles Howard, the daughter of Francis 
Scott Key, told me was a common one at that day, — and Judge Nichol- 
son, being a musician among his other accomplishments, and something 
of a poet, no doubt took but a few minutes to see that the lines given 
him by Francis Scott Key could be sung to that tune, and, in all haste 
to give the lines as a song to the public, he thus marked it. I possess 
this rare original manuscript, kept carefully folded by his wife, Eebecca 
Lloyd Nicholson, and taken from her private papers by myself and 
framed. 

But the mistakes made arise from the fact that in later years Francis 
Scott Key made several copies of his song in his own handwriting and 
signing them for friends. One I know of, in the possession now of his 
granddaughter, Mrs. E. A. Dobbin, of Baltimore, which he copied in 
1848, and another in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. There 
may be others, but the first piece of paper on which the lines he com- 
posed were written on the night of lus arrival in Baltimore I have in 
my possession ; the same that Mr. Key himself gave to Judge Nicholson. 

Rbbeoca Lloyd Shippen, 
n^ Nicholson. 
Baltimobb, Mabtlakd. 

The Conabkoe CoLLBcrnoN op MAinjscBiPTs.— We take pleasure 
in announcing that Mrs. George M. Conarroe has presented to the His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania the valuable collection of manuscripts 
made some years ago by her late husband, a member of the Society. 

SWOBD PBESENTED TO CAPTAIN H. S. StELLWAGEN, U.S.N., BY 

THE Bbitish Qovebnment. — ^Mr. Henry E. Stellwagen, of Baltimore, 
Maryland, has presented to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania the 
handsome sword of his father, on the blade of which is etdied, ''Pre- 
sented by the British Government to Captain Henry S. Stellwagen, of the 
Navy of the United States of America, in grateful acknowlec^ment of 
services to the crew of the British brigantine 'Mercey,' 1864." 



Notes and Queries. 



429 



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480 Notes and Queries. 

EXTBACrS PROM THE "AOOOUNT OP RiCfHARD HUMPTON EbQ» 
LATE SUPERnrrENDIKO THE BECBUmNG SeBYICE OP THE PENK- 

STLYAiOA Line," on file at HarriBburg, Pennsylyania. 

Oeorge Pancake and William Smith, both their fines remitted in case 
of Inlifidng without Bounty therefore. Feby. 15, 1782. 

James McOullochU corp* punishment remitted he enlisting without 
Bounty. March 11, 1782. 

Gideon Walker , (York Co.) corp^ punishment and fine remitted if he 
enlist without Bounty. May 10, 1782. 

John Thompson, of Lancaster Co. , hath his fine and corpor* punishment 
remitted in case he inlist without Bounty. June 18, 1782. 

TTiomas Bailey, conyicted at a Court of Oy & Ter. York Co., May last 
for passing counterfeit money ; his corp^ punishment remitted if he in- 
list without Bounty or procure a man to serve in the Line during the 
War. June 22 1782. 

Ebenezer or Eleater Tra^y Pennington, of Chests Co., conyicted, fine 
and corp* punishmait remitted if he enlist wiHiout Bounty to senre in 
Penna. Line. Sept 8, 1782. 

Geo, Clift, of Bucks Co., conyicted of High Treason, pardoned if he 
inlist and serye to end of War without Bounty or emoluments. 

Inneeepebs ok Market Street, 1795.— No. 8, Thomas Palemer ; 
No. 9, Francis Elliot, between Water and Front Streets; No 58, 
G^rge Eitts, three houses irom the Friends' Meeting-House; No. 64, 
James McDonald, west of Strawberry Street, near the First Presbyterian 
Church ; No. 80, Michael Kitts, the '< Indian King," near Third Street ; 
No. 100, Bachel Gieble, a widow ; No. 189, Adam Handle, the '<King 
of Prussia," both west of Third Street ; No. 140, Muy Nicholas, 
widow, the '^ Conestoga Wagon ;" No. 164, Ebenezer Branham ; No. 171, 
Alexander Clay, the "Black Horse," all west of Fourth Street; No. 
200, George Strayley ; Nos. 218-220, George Weed, both west of Sixth 
Street ; No. 285, John Dunwoody, the " Spread Eagle," west of Seventh 
Street West of Ninth Street the houses were not numbered. 

Letter op Chables Thomson to his Wipe, 1785. — 

[New Yobk] Wedneiday Morning April 6, 1785. 

Dear Hannah 

In the postscript to my last I acknowledged the receipt of your two 
letters N 17 & 18. As soon as I had sealed my letter I sent Thomas 
with it to the poet office. On his return he called and examined the 
kitchen. He says it is a yeiy fine kitchen. There is a crane which be- 
longs to the house and a smoke jack. But was told the chain of the jack 
belongs to the £unily. He repeated oyer & oyer, it is s^fine kitchen & 
has 9k fine prospect into the garden and as Thomas from his profession is 
or ought to be a good jud^ of a kitchen I am inclined to think it is 
conyenient 

By what I leam the charter is not yet taken from the bank, but that 
the committee, who were appointed by the assembly to examine it, haye 
reported un&yourably and that leaye is giyen to bring in a bill for re- 
pealing the law that incorporated it. Howeyer I haye no doubt they 
will carry their point. I am told the principles of the report are alarm- 
ing & strike at all property. I haye not seen it and therefore can 
say nothing of it. The state is . . . The minds of the people are 



Notes and Queries. 481 

not settled down to their condition. Those that have suddenly got 
wealth or power are grasping at more. Those that have neither are 
pressing for them not by yirtae & the &ir deeds and honest paths of 
industry and frugality, but by knavery and tricking. So that till some 
have their deserts and others are reduced to their former insignificancy 
I expect little else but confusion. 

Hazard the postmaster gen* has in consequence of the order of come 
here and has been trying to get a house. He meets with difficulty So 
wishes to have leave to reside in Philad* at least for some time. Whedier 
he will get leave or not I cannot tell. I wonder what Hillegas will do. 
His salary will not support him here and he will not like to quit his 
office. I have not heard a word of him. I had a letter from Milligan 
wherein he says it was the opinion of some that C wants only the papers 
in ihe Offices, but not the Officers & wishes to know if that was the case. 
I told lum, the very suspicion was dishonorable and advised him to come 
forward and bring the papers with him. 

You see by the tenor of this letter I write just for the pleasure ot 
writing to you. The ancients had the advantage of us in point ot 
conciseness. When Cicero who wrote almost as often to his Terentia 
as I do to my dear Hannah had nothing particular to say, he used to 
make his whole letter consists of these few words. Si vales bene est et 
^o valeo. Vale. That is, I say you are well, that is well, I am well, 
fiurewell. You ranember our good friend S. Emlin's sermon when he 
quoted a scrap of latin and desired the women to apply to their husbands 
for an explanation of it. As you have not the opportunity just now ot 
making an immediate application to yours, though I hope you soon will, 
I have sent the translation of mine and conclude in the true Cicero- 
nean stile with most earnest entreaties to take care of your health. 

I am 
Dear Hannah 
with sincere affection 
Your loving husband 

Chas Thomson. 
dtuetfea* 

Who was the Author op "Adelaide," a new and original 
novel. < < By a Lady of Philadelphia. " 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1816 ? 

A. J. E. 

James Smith, of Pbnnbylyakia, a ''Sigkeb." — Correspondence 
is solicited from descendants of James Smith, of Pennsylvania, a Signer 
of the Declaration of Independence. 

Bey. Fraetkuk C. Smith. 

8kawnb>,0k. 

'Replied* 

FiBST Namesake op Washington ^Penna. Mag., Vol. XXV. p. 
287). — ^A namesake of Washington earlier than the one mentioned 
was G^rge Washington Bobinson, son of Colonel Lemael Bobinson 
and Jerouia his wife, bom July 28, 1775, in Dorchester, Massachu- 
setts, only twenty days after Wai^ngton took command of the army at 
Cambridge. See Boston Record Cbmmissumer^ Beports, Vol. XXI. p. 
184. 

Fbedebick Lewis Gay. 
FI8HXR Avxinix, BBooKiuni, Mass. 



482 Notes and Queries. 

JSooH VIotfcea* 

Allied Families of Delawake. By Edwin Jaquett Sellers. 

Philadelphia, 1901. 8yo. Indexed. Edition limited to 200 

copieB. Clotii, gilt top, 170 pp. Price, $5.00. 
The work oontams exhaustive accounts, fix>m original sources, of the 
early history of the Stretcher, Fenwick, Dayis, Draper, Eipshaven, and 
Stidham families. As so little has been compiled concerning Delaware 
fiunilies, the work will be a usefid acquisition to the genealogist inter- 
ested in that field. The book forms a companion work to the foUowing, 
by the same writer: ''Genealogy of the KoUock Family of Sussex 
County, Delaware," Philadelphia, 1897 ; ''Captain John Avery, Presi- 
dent Judge at the Whorekill in Delaware Bay, and his Descendants," 
Philadelphia, 1898; and "Genealogy of Dr. Frauds Joseph Pfeiffer, 
of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and his Descendants," Philadelphia, 
1899. 

History of the American People. — Professor Francis N. 
Thorpe's latest work, "History of the American People" (published by 
A. C. McClurg & Co., Chicago), is mainly devoted to the history of the 
development of the political and economic conditions of the country, 
and has been prepared in his usual able, careful, and scholarly way. 
It is a field in which the author is always at home. One of the chap- 
ters of the work he arranged and read before the members of the Histori- 
cal Society of Pennsylvania last spring, which attracted much favorable 
comment. 

GUiLiNGHAM Family. Descendants of Yeamanb Gillingham. 
By Harrold Edgar Gillingham. PhiUdelphia, 1901. 8vo, pp. 99. 
This is another contribution to Pennsylvania genealogy of the de- 
scendants of an early settler of Bucks County, many of whom are 
eminent in their professions and mercantile careers. The compiler 
has restricted his investigations mainly to the male lines of his own 
£unily. A good index aids the genealogical investigator. The edition 
is limited to two hundred copies, and the few remaining on hand for sale 
can be obtained by addressing the compiler at G^rmantown, Phila- 
delphia. 

Pedigree of Bighard Borden, who removed from the County 
OF Kent, Old England, 1687-1688, and settled at Ports- 
mouth, Rhode Island. By Thomas Allen Glenn. Philadelphia, 
1901. Square folio, pp. 15. 

Beginning with Henry Borden, of the parish of Hedcom, County of 
Kent, England, who was bom 1870-1^80, Mr. Glenn has compiled this 
pedigree to his descendant, Richard Borden, who came to New England 
1687-88, and settled at Portsmouth, Rhode Island, where he b^»me 
Treasurer, Commissioner, Deputy to the Assembly, and filled other offices 
of honor and trust. He also acquired large tracts of land in Rhode 
Island and East Jersey, those in the latter, near Shrewsbury, being in- 
herited by his son, Francis Borden, from whom are descended the Bor- 
dens. Cooks, and other well-known fiamilies of New Jersey and Pennsyl- 
vania. Valuable additions to the pedigree are the exhaustive citations. 

The work is typographically a treasure, — ^heavy laid paper, very wide 
margins, and fine cover. A limited number of copies are on sale. Ad- 
dress the compiler at 617 Witherspoon Building, Philadelphia. 



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Price, $5 per vol. Svo. 606 pp. Full Index. 

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THE PENNSYLVANIA HISTORICAL STUDY 
ENCOURAGEMENT FUND. 



1 .jiUi-* ** 

iiic . , 

Beoosylva&ia and tbe F<Hleral OomtitTiHoit, 1767-1788. 

KilUH by ioUT* Bach Mclhf^iiTma mia 

The Beeords of Holy Trinity (Old Bw0d«i^ Ohurch, VU- 
mmgton, Del*, from 1697 to 1773. 

Tm . !it i! from tbn tti^itukl ^^ifitibb br Jlolt^i i DuiiH, Willi aiv a!»ti*ct 
4 tih re^tifdA tt^mt ITBt M» 14510- f»tii. TT2 pfv^ IlluitntidH 



A Leii&p€ 'English Dictionary. 



Ml* . ^«^1 Kr.v 



l I Tl*. K I 



PHO.S ri- 



* of tb* M<»f»v h #t 



Sonthern Qnakirs and Slayery. 

Xftrly Histoiy of the TTnirdrBity of PeaniylTiaii& from iti 
Origin %o the Year 1827. 

t Hiaxi, Liu )>. M(t, im^ littiu. 2TIV pf). 

HiJtiory of Proprietary Oovemment in PanniylTania* 



nj WiLLiJtJi R. BtucfiiXKiif Fo-D. Nvrw Turk, Wm, 

Memoir of Dr, Qteorgo Lou att of Stenton, 



f «o^ 001 pp^ 



9tUh Ay Intrtiilfietifm bv Cit^AKi*^ J. 
ilti. 207 pp. IlIu*tT*t<ii. Pnt^, m 









n"; 
fr. 



§mA\ ' 



u< iMOtnti Utfl Aljjefii r^r wittob till fuml b«i baan 



Vf>l. XXV. JANUARY. 1902 No. 100 

THE 

PENNSYLVANIA 
MAGAZINE 



or 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY 



PUBLISHED QUARTERLY 





PCIBLISnCP IIT 

THE HIOTORICAL SOOETY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

TOR SURSCftlBCAS 

^ rtttLAOiXFHtA 

1902 
# 
Wbs ma^ m IWm Loom ^t^H. PhlMdplib. WHtM, n emu 



CONTENTS. 



PAOI 

The Society of the Sons ol Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. By 

Francis von A. Cabeen, {Continued,) 433 

IMt of Mufaret fildppeii, wife of Benedict Arnold. By Lewit Bmd 

Walker. (QmHwued,) (ErontiMpiece.) 452 

Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Laoey, of Pennsylvania. (Con- 
tmmd,) 498 

Dean Toeker's Papiphlet " A Letter from a Merchant in London to 

his Nephew in North America," 1766. ( Conlinxied.) . . .616 

Letters of Presidents of the United States and " Ladies of the White 

House." (Continued,) 627 

PHtpers relating to the Founding by the "Society for the Propaga- 
tion of the Qospels in Foreign Parts," London, of the Missions 
at Reading and Morlattan, Berks County, Pennsylvania. By 
B. F. Owen. {Conduded.) 637 

Assessment of Damages done by the British Troops during the 

Occupation of Philadelphia, 1777-1778. {Conduded.) . . 644 

Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775. (Om- 

iinued.) 660 

Notes and Queries 676 

Book Notices 5d5 

Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania .697 

Index 601 

BOUND VOLUMES OF THE MAGAZINE. 

Oopiee of all the volumes of this Magazine can be obtained at the 
Hall of the Historical Society, bound by Messrs. Pawson and Nicholson, 
in the very best manner, in the style known as Roxburgh, half cloth, 
uncut edges, gilt top, for $8.75 each and the postage. They will be fur- 
nished to subscribers in exchange for unbound numbers, in good condi- 
tion, on the receipt of 75 cents per volume and the postage. 

PBiirrBB ST t. m. umiMorr coHrAWT. 




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THE 



PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 



OF 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol. XXV. 1901. No. 4. 

THE SOCIETY OP THE SONS OP SAINT TAMMANY 
OP PHILADELPHIA. 

BT FBANOIS YON A. OABBBN. 

The best introduction that we can ^ve to our subject is 
in the words of the Rev. John Heckewelder. "All we 
know therefore of Tamanend is that he was an ancient 
Delaware Chief, who never had his equal. He was in the 
highest degree endowed with wisdom, virtue, prudence, 
charity, affability, meekness, hospitality, in short with every 
good and noble qualification that a human being possesses. 
He was supposed to have had an intercourse with the Great 
Spirit, for he was a stranger to every thing that is bad." 

The first authentic account we have of our hero is in a 
deed dated June 28, 1688,* to William Penn for the land 
lying along and between the Neshaminy and Pennypack 
Creeks " for ye consideration of so much wampum, so many 
guns, shoes, stockings, looking glasses, blankets and other 
goods as ye sd William Penn shall please to give unto us." 
And on 2d 6 mo., 1684, "Received moreover all match- 
coats, stockings, shirts, and blankets, besides several guilders 
in silver, and I acknowledge I have sold all my land as above. 
Tammanens X Mark 

* Penna, ArchiyeB, Vol. I. p. 64. 
VOL. XXV.— 28 (433) 



484 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

Sealed and delivered in je presence of 
Lasse Cock 
John Blinflton 
Job Curties 
Indians Present 

Bichard Witness 

Shockhuppo Crilbut Billeelr 



The mark of X Tamanen" 

Tamanend's mark is made in imitation of a snake not 
tightly coiled. On June 16, 1692, he gave satisfaction for 
all lands belonging to him and others.^ The records now 
show that at a meeting of the Council at Philadelphia, July 
6, 1694, he addressed them as follows: "We and the 
Christians of this river have always had a free road to one 
another, and though sometimes a tree has fidlen across it, 
we have still removed it again and kept the path clear, and 
we design to continue the old friendship that has been 
between us and you, and do give a belt of wampum." 

Continuing our search, we find the following and last 
authentic account of this great Indian in a deed made July 
6, 1697, as follows : * " We Taminy Sachimack and We- 
heeland, my brother, and Wehequeekhon alias Andrew, 
who is to be king after my death. Yaquekhon alias Nicho- 
las, and Quenamequid alias Charles my sons for us our heirs 
and successors grant • . . land between Pemmepack and 
Keshaminy extending to the length of the River Delaware 
so far as a horse can travel in two Summer days, and to 
carry its breadth according as the several courses of the 
said two creeks will admit, and when the said creeks do 
branch, that the main branches granted shall stretch forth 
upon a direct course on each side and to carry on the full 
breadth to the extent of the length thereof." 

Acknowledged in open court at Philadelphia July 6, 1697 ; 
recorded in the Rolls Office 7th of 12th month, 1698, in 
Book E 8, Vol. V. p. 67, etc. 

» Penna. Archives, Vol. I. p. 116. « Ibid., p. 124. 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 485 



Id this deed he was designated as the Great Sachem Tami- 
nent. " The name of Tamanend," states Heckewelder, " is 
held in the highest veneration among the Indians. Of all 
the chiefs and great men which the Lenape nation ever had, 
he stands foremost on the list But although many fabulous 
stories are circulated about him among the whites, but little 
of his real history is known." 

The same authority gives the signification of his name, 
Tamanend, as affable. The legendary accounts of our Saint 
will appear later on, as they occur in the accounts of the So- 
ciety that was named in his honor. It is certain, however, 
that he would not have been selected for canonization in the 
minds and hearts of his white neighbors if he had not had 
attributes that raised him in a marked degree above all his 
nation. One account says that William Penn found him a 
man advanced in years, of noble mien, of great sagacity, 
and quick to see the superiority of the whites over his peo- 
ple, and therefore he was anxious to cultivate their friendship 
rather than wage what his wisdom told him would be an 
unequal struggle. 

The value of real estate in this vicinity in those days may 
be of interest to the reader, so we give below a list of arti- 
cles received by the Tamanend family for the land they 
parted with to Penn, the extent of which, roughly estimated, 
amounted to three hundred square miles. 



List. 
100 needles 

6Hatts 
25 lbs. powder 

1 Peck Pipes 
28 yds. Duffills 
16 Knives 
10 pr. Sissors 

2 Blankets 
4 yds. Stroud Water 20 Handfuls of Wampum" * 

* Penna. Archiyes, Vol. I. p. 64. 



<< 5 p. Stockings 
20 Barrs Lead 
10 Tobacco Boxes 
6 Coates 2 Guns 
8 Shirts 2 Kettles 
12 Awles 
10 Tobacco Tongs 
6 Axes 



10 Glasses 

6 Capps 
15 Combs 

5 Hoes 
9 Gimbletts 
20 Fishhooks 

7 half Gills 
4 HandfuU Bells 



486 Society of the Sans of SauU Tammam/ of PhiladdpUou 

The Rev. Mr. Heckewelder, who is probably the best au- 
thority we have upon the IndiaoB of this section of the 
country, states that Tamanend's memory was held in tiie 
highest esteem by his own people, but that he never heard 
them say much concerning him, as it was not their custom 
to talk of their dead except in a very general way, and that 
no white man that had any regard for their feelings ever 
broached the subject of their dead to them. The various 
traditions, both verbal and written, concerning Tamanend 
emanated from the whites and not from the Indians. We 
see that between the first record that we have of him in 
1688 and the last in 1697 he must have impressed himself 
strongly upon not only the community but also upon the 
ofiicials of the provincial government, for in the last ac- 
count he is described in the deed, which of course was writ- 
ten by the English, as the Great Sachem Tamaniens, and no 
other Indian is so described ; so to have acquired the right 
to such a title he must have had at least a large part of the 
attributes ascribed to him. In further corroboration of the 
way in which his memory was held, we cite the old cannon 
presented by the Colony on Schuylkill to the Association 
Battery about 1747, on which appear the words ^^Eawania 
che Keekeru" (This is my right, I will defend it). By many 
writers this motto is ascribed to Tamanend, and justly so, 
we think, rather than to the Delaware Nation alone, for we 
would expect just such a sentiment to be chosen by a man 
endowed with such lofty ideas as these words express.^ 
Further, the records of this Society show that their principal 
day — ^May 1, or opening day — ^has been always spoken of by 
them as Tammany's day. Their tradition is that Tamanend 
himself made a treaty with the fathers of this Society giving 
them the right to fish in the waters of the Schuylkill and 
hunt game upon its banks. 

We also find this motto at the top of the title-page of a 
pamphlet which is in verse : ^^ Kawanio Che Keeteru, a ■ 

^ This was the motto of the Samt Tammany Society. Bee Independent, 
May 3, 1788. 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 487 

true relation of a bloody battle fought between George and 
Lewis in the year 1755. Printed in the year MDCCLVI." 
Turning over the page, we find " The words I have chosen 
at the head of my Title Page I am told by a gentleman 
skilled in the Indian languages is very expressive of a Hero 
relying on God to bless his endeavors in protecting what he 
has put under his care/' " To form some idea of its sig- 
nification," he says, << you may imagine a man with his wife 
and children about him and with an air of resolution calling 
out to his enemy, All these God has given me and I will 
defend them/' ^ 

This translation remained unchallenged until 1888, when 
Dr. Brinton, Professor of American Archaeology and Lin- 
guistics in the University of Pennsylvania, pronounced the 
words Iroquois and not Delaware, and at his suggestion 
they were submitted to Mr. Horatio Hale, who translates 
them thus : " I am master wherever I am," and in a very 
able article gives his reasons for their being in this language 
rather than in the Delaware tongue.* 

As to the last resting-place of Tamanend, this is a subject 
upon which a great deal has been written. The tradition 
tiiat he is buried by a spring in New Britain Township, 
Bucks County, Pennsylvania, about three and one-half miles 
north of Doylestown, near the banks of the Neshaminy, on 
the farm owned by Enos Detwiler, is generally believed. 
"We would add, in fiirther confirmation of the tradition, 
that Tamanend ended his life by setting fire to his wig- 
wam.* 

In the following lines, which appear in a song published 
in the Pennsylvania Eoening Posty April 80, 1776, reference 
is made to his end and also to his great age : 

^ In Hist Soc of Penna. Said to have been written by Nicholas 
Scull. 

* American Antiquarian, January, 1886. 

* Magazine of American History, Vol. XXIX. p. 265 ; also His- 
torical Collections of the State of Pennsylyania, by Sherman Day ; 
Davis's History of Bucks County ; Watson's Annals MSS., p. 498. 



488 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of PhUaddphia. 

" Am old ago came on, he grew blind, deaf and dnmb, 
Tho' hia sport 'twere hard to keep from it^ 
Quite tired of life, bid adieu to hia wife, 
And blaa'd like the tail of a comity my braye boyi." 

The &ct that an old Indian was buried at the place 
named in 1740 is not contradicted by any of the historians; 
the only question being as to whether it was Tamanend or 
some other Indian. The chief argument used by those who 
thought it was some other than our saint was that he must 
have been a very old man, and that they should have ex- 
pected some mention of him by his contemporaries between 
1697 and 1740, 

We do not think that the absence of mention makes this 
point good, for any one fitmiliar with the newspapers and 
few local writings of the period well know that items con- 
cerning events or persons of their locality are very few and 
fiu: between. 

The tradition of the " State in Schuylkill," referred to, 
is another corroborating the fact that he lived long; for if 
he gave the right to fish to them when they started their 
Society, he must have been alive in 1782, which is the date 
of their birth as an organization. 

The high esteem in which the subject of our theme was 
held is best shown by the transactions of the Society named 
in his honor. 

SONS OF SAINT TAMMANT. 

Every organization of men has a reason for its existence, 
and therefore we are led to investigate the condition of 
affiurs that preceded the birth of the Sons of Saint Tammany, 
to see, if possible, what were the causes that called them 
into existence. 

The passage of the Stamp Act aroused a storm of pro- 
tests from the Colonies; and in 1765, soon after its passage, 
was organized the association of the Sons of Liberty, with 
head-quarters in ITew York City and branches in every 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tamvumy of Philaddphia. 489 

Colony, including a resident member in London, Nicholas 
Ray. 

The name was first made nse of in Parliament in a speech 
made by Colonel Barre, and was at once adopted by this 
body of- patriotic Americans, whose imtiring efforts in 
arousing their fellow-citizens to maintain their rights at last 
forced the British ministry to repeal the obnoxious measure. 
Their action was practically the first union of the Colonies 
in their opposition to the mother country, and they may 
well be considered as the " germ of the Revolution." 

Colonel "William Bradford, in a letter dated Philadelphia, 
February 15, 1766, to the Sons of Liberty of New York, 
says, " Our body in this city is not declared numerous, as 
unfortunate dissentions in Provincial politics keep us rather 
a divided people. But when the Grand cause calls on us, 
you may be assured we shall universally stand forth and 
appear what we really are— Sons of Liberty in Philadel- 
phia." 

We believe that all the persons mentioned in the follow- 
ing letter were members of this order in Philadelphia. 

A letter from one Hughes, who was commissioned to 
distribute the stamps in Pennsylvania to Penn, the Lieuten- 
ant-Governor, has curious passages. 

He says he <* was waited upon by Messrs. James Tilghman, 
lawyer, Robert Morris, Charles Thomson, Andrew Call 
(Archd. McCall ?), John Cox, and William Richards, mer- 
chants, and William Bradford, printer,'' etc. 

On March 8 one Benjamin Welsh, of Maryland, having 
had his house and buildings burnt, supposedly by parties 
who objected to his outspoken opposition to the Stamp Act, 
wrote to the Sons of Liberty in Philadelphia for assistance. 
The subscription list of those who gave is in existence ; but, 
while some of those on it were unquestionably members of 
the society, others, we are led to infer, were rather un- 
willing givers. 

The Stamp Act was repealed on the 18th of March, 1766, 
and on receipt of the news upon this side of the water the 



440 Society of the Sons of ScmU Tammany of PkUaddphia. 

Sons of Liberfy, believing that their work had been accom- 
plished, disbanded. 

In a letter from their London member, Mr. Nicholas 
Ray, he says, " Permit me therefore to recommend ten or 
twenty of the principal of you to form yourselves into a 
club to meet once a month under the name of Liberty Club 
and forever on the 18th. of March or 1st of May give notice 
to the whole body to commemorate your deliverance, spend- 
ing the day in festivity and joy." 

Li the reply from the Sons of Liberfy in America, they 
write, " Your proposal with regard to a number of us form- 
ing ourselves into a club we have already had under con- 
sideration ; but as it is imagined that some inconveniences 
would arise should such a club be established just at this 
time, we must postpone the same till it may appear more 
ehgible." 

The Sons of Liberty soon found the necessity for renewed 
action, for it was not long after they had planted their liberty 
pole on the common in New York in commemoration of 
the repeal of the Stamp Act before they were called to 
defend it against the attacks of the British soldiers, instigated 
by their officers, who showed great resentment against that 
which they considered was a victory of the liberty-loving 
colonists over the British government. 

In the first of the " Parmer's Letters," which appeared in 
1768, John Dickinson writes, " Benevolence towards man- 
kind excites wishes for their wel&re and such wishes endear 
the means of ftdfilling them. TTiese can be found in liberty 
only and therefore her sacred cause ought to be espoused 
by every man on every occasion to the utmost of his power." 
In the two lines of his song — 

"Then join Hand in Hand brave Americans all, 
By uniting we stand, by diyiding we fall" — 

is the pith of all his letters ; it was the motto of the times ; 
it was the slogan which was eventually to lead the patriots 
to victory. 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 441 

The non-importing resolutions were made stronger, and 
their being adhered to by weak-kneed and avaricious breth- 
ren and looked after by the patriotic Sons of Liberty forged 
another link in the chain that was forming to bind the 
Colonies together. Men now began to talk and write of 
America. There was much less heard of the Colony, — 
more of the Colonies. There had long been a Saint An- 
drew's Society, founded in 1749 to look after Scotchmen, 
a Saint David's for the "Welsh, and in 1771 a Saint George's 
Society had been established for Englishmen, promptly fol- 
lowed by the Friendly Sons of Saint Patrick for the Irish. 

It is true that the bells in Philadelphia had been rung on 
May 1 for some years in honor of Elng Tammany,^ but the 
American spirit had been bom as the natural results of the 
labor through which the country was passing, and it found 
expression in the Saint Tammany Society, for Tammany was 
certainly a full-blooded American. 

It is evident that while the friends of liberty and America 
had accomplished much in the furtherance of their cause, 
it had been performed generally under cover of secrecy, and 
it was now felt that the time had come for the organization 
of a society that could openly have meetings which would 
unite those whose minds secretly held the thought expressed 
in later years of America for Americans. 

Before giving an account of the first meeting of the So- 
ciety of the Sons of Elng or Ssdnt Tammany, held in this 
city, we must call attention to the £Etct that the fame of our 
patron saint had already travelled beyond the land of his 
birth. 

In "Eddis's Letters from America," dated Annapolis, 
Maryland, December 24, 1771, he writes, " The Americans 
on this part of the continent have likewise a Saint, whose 
history like those of the above venerable characters [St. 
George, St Patrick, St. Andrew, and St David] is lost in 
fable and uncertainty. The first of May is however, set 
apart to the memory of Saint Tamina on which occasion 
* Penna. Mao., Vol. V. p. 29. 



442 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

tiie natives wear a piece of back's tail in their hats or in 
some conspicuons situation. During the course of the even- 
ing and generally in the midst of the dance, the company 
are interrupted by the sudden intrusion of a number of per- 
sons habited like Indians, who rush violently into the room, 
singing the war song, giving the whoop and dandng in the 
style of those people ; after which ceremony a collection is 
made and they retire well satisfied with their reception and 
entertainment'' 

A later writer adds, " This custom of celebrating the day 
was continued down within the recollection of many of 
the present inhabitants of this city [Annapolis, 1841]." We 
have noted this celebration here to show that the &me of 
Tamanend had travelled from the neighboring Province of 
Pennsylvania, where he had long been celebrated on account 
of his services to and friendship for the early settlers, and 
also to call attention to the custom of those taking part in 
the affiur to decorate themselves with buck tails or buck 
skins, for the reason that a little later the followers of Tam- 
anend and those subscribing to their ideas were designated 
in the public prints as « Buck Skins." The first meeting of 
the Society is recorded in an issue of the Pennsylvania Chron- 
iekj dated May 4, 1772. << On Friday, the first instant, a 
number of Americans, Sons of Eing Tammany, met at the 
house of Mr. James Byrn,^ to celebrate the memory of that 
truly noble Chieftain whose friendship was most affection- 
ately manifested to the worthy founder, and first settlers of 
this Province. After dinner the circulating glass was 
crowned with wishes loyal and patriotic and the day con- 
cluded with much cheerfulness and harmony. It is hoped 
from this small beginning a society may be formed of great 
lUdity to the distressed, as this meeting was more for the 
purpose of promoting charity and benevolence than mirth 
and festivity." 

The following toasts were drunk on this occasion : 

^ Located on the west side of Tenth Street between Mulberry (Arch) 
and SaasafraB (Race), Deed Book I, p. 86. 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia, 448 

!• The King and Eoyal Family (George IIL of Eng- 
land). 

2. The Proprietors of PennBylvania (Thomas Penn and 
John Penn, son of Richard). 

8. The Ghovemor of Pennsylvania (Itichard Penn, Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, son of Bichard Penn). 

4. Prosperity of Pennsylvania. 

5. The Navy and Army of Great Britain. 

6. The pious and immortal memory of Elng Tam- 
many. 

7. Speedy relief to the injured Queen of Denmark 
(Caroline Matilda, sister of George UL of England, and 
wife of Christian VIL of Denmark). 

8. Unanimity between Great Britidn and her Colonies. 

9. Speedy repeal of all oppressive and unconstitutional 
acts. 

10. May the Americans surely understand and fidthfully 
defend their constitutional rights. 

11. More spirit to the Councils of Great Britain. 

12. The great philosopher, Dr. Franklin. 

18. His Excellency, Governor Franklin, and prosperity to 
the Province of New Jersey. 

14. His Excellency, Governor Tryon, and prosperity to 
the Province of New York. 

15. The Honorable James Hamilton, Esq., late Gt>vemor 
of Pennsylvania. 

16. The Chief-Justice of Pennsylvania (Honorable Wil- 
liam Allen, vice Einsey, deceased, 1750 to 1774). 

17. The Speaker of the Honorable House of Assembly 
of Pennsylvania (Joseph Galloway). 

18. The Eecorder of the City of Philadelphia (William 
Parr, vice Chew, resigned). 

19. The pious and immortal memory of General Wolfe. 

20. The Pennsylvania fsurmer (John Dickinson). 

21. May the Sons of King Tammany, St Gteorge, St. 
Andrew, St Patrick, and St David love each other as 
brethren of one common ancestor, and unite in their hearty 



/ 



444 Society of the Sons of Saint T'ammany of Philadelphia. 

endeavors to preserve the native Constitutional American 
Liberties. 

The company started off with the regolation toasts of the 
day, and it was only when they reached the eighth toast that 
their real feelings show themselves ; the ninth was stronger 
in its sentiment, the tenth rings out quite vigorously for 
America's rights, but the toast-master evidently thought 
that it was now time to tone down the enthusiasm, so the 
eleventh toast sounds well but is perfectly harmless. Then 
follows a series of toasts to provilicial dignitaries until we 
reach the twentieth, when the real sentiment of those 
participating crops out in the toast to the Pennsylvania 
farmer whose letters were then challenging the attention 
of the world. 

In the last toast is the call to unite all parties in a com- 
mon cause to defend the rights of America against oppres- 
sion. 

After the seventeenth toast we find an asterisk, and the 
note below says, — 

^^ The kind genius that presides over American Freedom 
forbade it and the sons of Elng Tammany appeared as 
averse to drink it as they would have been to swallow the 
5 mile stone." 

The person occupying the office of Speaker at this time 
was Joseph Galloway, and it must be remembered that the 
newspaper (Permsylvama Chronicle) in which this account 
appears was owned by Goddard, so we quote a short bio- 
graphical sketch of Gkdloway as follows : 

" He was first a Whig then a Loyalist ; in 1776 abandoned 
the Whigs and became one of the most virulent and pro- 
scriptive Loyalists of the time. 

" Li 1766 he connected himself with Goddard and Whar- 
ton in publishing a newspaper called the Permsylvama Chron- 
icle .. . the three partners quarrelled, separated on the 
worst possible terms, and Goddard and Galloway filled the 
public prints with the vilest mutual abuse. 

" They dissolved partnership in 1770." 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 445 
Prom another source we quote the following : . 

** Fright our poor Philadelphia Galloway 
Your CongresB, when the loyal rihald 
Belied berated and bescribbled ? 
What ropee and halters did you send 
Terrific emblems of his end. 
Till least he'd hang in more than effigy 
Fled in a fog the trembling reftigee. 

" Galloway began by being a flaming patriot, but being 
disgusted at his own want of influence and the greater pop- 
ularity of others, he turned Tory, wrote against the meas- 
ures of Congress and absconded. Just before his escape a 
trunk was put on board a vessel in the Delaware to be de- 
livered to Joseph Galloway Esquire. On opening it he 
found it contained only, as Shakespeare says, < A halter 
gratis and leave to hang himself.' " 

The Pennsylvania Chronicle was the only newspaper that 
gave any notice of this meeting, and we have given the 
notice in full. 

The names of those participating, the hour of the dinner, 
and the bill of fare are all wanting ; but, judging from the 
entries in the diary of a man about town of those times 
(Hiltzheimer), we should say that the beverage drunk in 
the toasts was rum punch. 

The next record we find is from the pen of a lady. Miss 
Sarah Eve, and noted in her journal, under date of May 1, 
1778, is the following : " A May morning indeed. . . . This 
morning was ushered in by the ringing of bells in memory 
of King Tammany, as he was used to be called, but now I 
think they have got him canonized, for he is now celebrated 
as Saint Tammany.'' ^ 

If this May day that our fair diarist notes had been 
the first one on which the bells were rung in honor of 
King Tammany, she would most certainly have noted it; 
so it is £Edr to presume that it was a custom of long stand- 

» Penna. Mag., Vol. V. p. 29. 



446 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

ing or she would have put a query upon her page as to 
why they were ringmg. 

In Westcott's " History of Philadelphia" we find the fol- 
lowing circular, dated April 28, 177S. 

<< Sib. — A& all nations have for seven [several T\ centuries 
past adopted some great personage remarkable for his 
virtues and loved for civil and religious liberty as their 
tutelar saint, and annually assembled at a fixed day to com- 
memorate him, the natives of this flourishing Province, de- 
termined to follow so laudable example, for some years 
past have adopted a great warrior sachem and chief named 
Tammany, a fast Mend to our fore fathers, to be the tutelar 
Saint of this Province, and have hitherto on the 1st of May 
done the accustomed honors to lihe memory of so great and 
celebrated a personage. And for this purpose you are re- 
quested to meet the children and associate Sons of Saint 
Tammany at the house of Mr. James Byrnes to dine to- 
gether and form such useful charitable plans for the relief 
of all in distress as shall then be agreed upon.'' 

The names of one hundred and twenty-one gentiemen 
who intended to participate were also given, and they com- 
prised the most eminent and influential persons in the city, 
among them Chief-Justice Chew, Rev. Jacob Duch6, Bev. 
Thomas Coombe, Bev. William White, John Dickinson, 
James Allen and Andrew Allen, Governor William Frank- 
lin (of New Jersey), Tench Francis, Joseph Galloway, Gov- 
ernor James Hamilton and his brothers Andrew and Wil- 
liam, Dr. Adam Euhn, John Lawrence, Thomas Lawrence, 
William and James Logan, Samuel Mif9in and Thomas 
Mifflin (afterwards major-general and Governor of the 
State), John Cadwalader (afterwards colonel in the Rev- 
olutionary army) with his brother Lambert (afterwards 
colonel), Lieutenant-Governor Richard Penn, Richard Pe- 
ters, Jr. (afterwards United States District Judge), John 
Ross, Joseph Reed (aftierwards President of the State), 
David Rittenhouse (the astronomer). Dr. Benjamin Rush, 
Edward Shippen, James Tilghman, Thomas Willing, 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 447 

Thomas Wharton, Jr. (afterwards President of the State), 
and others. 

It may be interesting here to follow the political course 
of the gentiemen mentioned above, for it shows that at the 
beginning of our differences with the mother country it was 
not only popular but also considered fashionable to espouse 
the American side of the controversy, at least until the actual 
conflict took place. 

Chief-Justice Benjamin Chew. — ^Efis course was doubtful in 
the early part of the controversy, and he was claimed by 
both parties. In 1774, when Washington dined with him, 
he was Chief-Justice of Pennsylvania. On account of his 
having held a high office under the crown, and all such 
having fijlen under suspicion, in 1777 he was arrested, but 
paroled in 1778, and later returned to Philadelphia, but 
took no active part in affialrs. 

jRev. Jacob Ductii. — ^He acted with the Whigs until 1777, 
and then wrote an extraordinary letter to Washington, after 
which he quitted America for England. In April, 1783, he 
solicited Washington's influence to effect a repeal of the 
act that kept him in banishment. 

JRev. Thomas Ooombe. — ^Assistant to Duch6, supported the 
Colonies until the Declaration of Independence, but felt that 
his ordination oath did not permit him to follow the same 
course after that event In 1778 he obtained permission to 
go to New York, firom whence he sailed to England. 

William White. — ^Afl»rwards Bishop of the Protestant Epis- 
copal Church in America. He remained most loyal to the 
American cause to the end. 

John Dickinson. — ^Author of the "Farmer's Letters," 
whose devotion to the American cause is well known. 

Jam£s Allen. — ^A son of Chief-Justice Allen, and the only 
one of them who did not join the royal army. He re- 
mained at home, wholly inactive, though his sympathies 
were supposed to be loyal. He was in declining health in 
1776, and died before the close of the following year. 

Andrew AUen, a brother of James, was first a Whig, and 



448 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 

was one of the founders of the First City Troop. In April, 
1776, he resigned from it, and, while a member of Congress, 
did not attend its meetings after June, 1776. After the 
Declaration of Independence he attached himself to the 
British army, and was with it when it entered Philadelphia. 

Governor WiUiam Franklin, of New Jersey. — ^The disgust in 
which the royal governor was held " arose in part probably 
from the illegitimacy of his birth, but principally frx)m his 
timewaerving conduct and courtier-like propensities. He 
was originally a Whig, but became ex virtute officii a Tory." 

Tmch Francis. — ^He was true to the American side of the 
controversy, and is said to have contributed five thousand 
pounds for the support of the Revolutionary army. 

Joseph GhdUmay. — As we have given an account of this 
gentleman, we will omit any further mention here. 

GrovemoT James Hamilton. — ^As President of the CouncU, 
was chief magistrate a fourth term from July 19, 1778, to 
August 80, 1778. A few years later he was obliged to 
witness the destruction of regal and proprietary authority 
in America, and, forbidden by his years and his loyalty to 
embark in the Revolution and share the popularity of its 
leaders, saw in its success the vanishing of his family's 
claim to office and influence. In August, 1777, he was made 
prisoner on parole. 

WiUiam Hamilton. — ^He graduated at the College of Phila- 
delphia in 1762, and took some part in the resistance to 
Great Britain at the beginning of the Revolutionary "War, 
becoming chairman of the Committee of Inspection and 
Observation for the City and Liberties ; but aft;er the Dec- 
laration of Independence and overthrow of the proprietary 
government he was one of the " disaffiscted." 

Dr. Adam Kuhn. — ^Was professor in the College of 
Philadelphia, and remained true to the American cause 
throughout the conflict 

John Lawrence. — On September 14, 1767, he was ap- 
pointed a judge of the Supreme Court He remained on 
that bench until the Revolution. On the approach of the 



Society of the Sons of Saint Tamnuxny of Philadelphia. 449 

British towards Philadelphia he was put under arrest and 
gave his parole. He was subsequentiy allowed to go any- 
where within Pennsylvania, and was discharged on June 
80, 1778. 

Thomas Lawrence. — Sometime mayor of the city; died in 
1776. 

WUUam Logan. — Took no active part in the times, and 
died October 28, 1776. 

James Logan. — ^Trustee of Loganian Library. Bom 1728, 
died 1808. Took no active part in the struggle, on account 
of his years. 

Thomas MiffUn. — ^At the appointment of the first dele- 
gates to Congress, Mif9in was one of those chosen, and was 
the most determined Whig of them all. He was re-elected 
to the Assembly in 1774, and was sent also to the Congress 
which met on May 10, 1775. On hearing of the battie of 
Lexington he urged the people of Philadelphia at a town 
meeting to persevere in the cause. << Let us not,'' said he, 
<< be bold in declarations and afterward cold in action." 

Samuel Mifflin. — ^Was loyal to the Americans to the end 
of the conflict 

John and Lambert Cadwalader, both colonels in the Revo- 
lutionary army, fought with great bravery for the cause of 
independence. 

Lieutenant- Ghvemor Bichard Penn. — ^Having no oflicial 
motives (his brother John being in office at the beginning of 
hostilities) for reserve, he was even upon terms of fiimiliarity 
with some of the most thorough-going Whigs. An evidence 
of this was the pleasantry ascribed to him on the occasion 
of a member of Congress one day observing to his com- 
patriots that at all events " they must all hang together." 
" If you do not, gentiemen," said Mr. Penn, " I can tell 
you that you will be very apt to hang separately." 

Bichard Peters, Jr. — ^ffis military career was short Con- 
gress placed him in the Board of War, where his services 
were acknowledged by a vote of thanks by that body. 

John Boss. — ^Loved ease and Madeira much better than 
VOL. XXV. — 29 



460 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammam/ of Philadelphia. 

liberty and strife ; declared for neutrality, saying that, << let 
who would be king^ he well knew that he shmdd be sfuifjectJ^ 

Joseph Reed (afterwards President of the State). — ^He was 
one of the Committee of Correspondence in 1774. He ac- 
oompanied Washington to Cambridge in July, 1775, and as 
his idde and secretary remained with him during most of the 
campaign. He remained in the army until 1777, then 
became a member of Congress and afterwards President of 
the Council. 

David Bittenhause. — ^The distinguished astronomer and 
member of Congress. 

Dr. Benjamin Bush. — ^He was united in sentiments and 
affections with nearly all the distinguished patriots of the 
Revolution, and mixed in the most important councils of 
the nation. 

Edward Shippen. — The breaking out of the Revolution 
was to Judge Shippen a matter of most serious moment 
He was deprived of all his offices under the crown. He 
was in 1784 appointed judge, and gave entire satisfisus- 
tion to the people. 

James lUghnum. — ^At the commencement of the Revolu- 
tionary struggle his views were liberal, like those of nearly 
every public man. He desired a repeal of the acts of Par- 
liament generally complained of; he thought the Boston 
Port Bill an outrage, but condemned the << Boston Tea 
Party." As the struggle proceeded he shared the loyalist 
views of his colleagues in office. 

Thomas Willing. — ^Though voting against the Declaration 
of Independence because he thought America unequal at 
the time for the struggle, after it was passed supported it 
loyally to the end. 

Thomas Wharton (afterwards President of the State) was 
a supporter of the American cause until his death, May 28, 
1778. 

There also appeared in the Pennsylvania Chronicle of May 
8, 1778, the following : " Permit a few unfortunate natives 
of England, who are here confined for debt, to return thro' 



Society of the Sons of Sauit Tammam/ of PkUaddphia. 461 

the channel of your paper, their gratefiil acknowledgment 
to the benevolent Society of the Sons of St Gteorge, estab- 
lished in this city, for their late charitable and generous 
donation to us, and which was judiciously expended by one 
of their fidthfiil stewards. At the same time, a considerable 
number of the most indigent of the confined debtors, deeply 
impressed with the warmest sense of gratitude, beg leave in 
this manner, to return their sincere and hearty thanks to 
the very respectable society of the Sons of St. Tammany, 
who were assembled the first instant at Mr. Bryn's Tavern 
to celebrate the day, for the plentifiil gift of victuals and 
beer, which they were pleased to send, and which was fidth- 
fully distributed among them." 

In carefully scanning the records of the foregoing gentle- 
men, we find that they were very evenly divided on the 
issues of the times, which became much more emphasized 
as the date arrived for the next dinner. May 1, 1774, fell 
on Sunday, which it is well to note, for that might account 
for their not having a dinner on that day. 

(To be continiied.) 



462 lAft of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 



LIFE OF MARGARET SHIPPEN, WIPE OP BENEDICT 

ARNOLD. 

BT LIWIS BURD WALKER. 

(Contiiiaed from page 802.) 
FAMILY OORRESPONDENOB. 

With respect to Mount Pleasant G. A. has altered his senti- 
ments, since I wrote in Augast last, he thinks as lands in America 
are falling in Value and likely to continue so to do, and that 
there is a greater sum due on the Mortgages on Mount Pleasant 
than he at first supposed, and that the whole may be lost should 
it transpire that he was the private purchaser, that for these 
reasons it will be best should the Place be sold, to sell it for 
what it will fetch at Publiok sale, provided there is a certainty 
of its selling for as much as will pay the mortgages, and the 
purchase money which you have paid for his life interest in it, 
and any ballance that it may bring to be appropriated as you 
may think proper. But if you should not think proper to put 
up the Place to Sale, and do not choose to keep the life Interest 
which you have bought, G. Arnold desires you will be so good 
as to sell it for as much as you can, and if it should fall short of 
the sum which you gave, desires you will be so good as to draw 
upon him for the Ballance, as he thinks it is better to put up 
with the first loss, than to advance any more money on Mount 
Pleasant, which he believes will never in future sell for as much 
money as it will at thq present time. — Nor does he choose to 
risque any more money in America. 

My being in a situation to render writing very inconvenient 
to me, will I am sure plead my apology to my beloved Papa for 
this letter being written by another person. I am extremely 
happy to hear by my sister Betsy*s letter of June 4th that all 
the family were well. I shall if possible write to them by my 
brother, but should it not be in my power, I must request my 
dearest papa to present my tender love to them. Genl A. like- 



lift of Margaret ShippeUy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 458 

wise begs to be remembered to you all in the most affectionate 
manner. 

With every sentiment of love and respect, 

Believe me my dear and honored papa 

Most truly yours 

Bbtanston Street, 
July 13th, 1786 

London, March 6th, 1786 
I have, my dear and honored papa, just received the enclosed 
from our Attorney ; and though I fear it will be too late for the 
New York Packet of this month, yet as it is of very material 
consequence to get the papers from Philadelphia soon, I shall 
risk sending it to Falmouth, in hopes that something may have 
delayed the Packet. Our Council give me great hopes that if 
we get the necessary papers we shall finally gain our cause ; I 
shall be extremely obliged to you, if you will procure them for 
me, and send them to me by the first conveyance. 

I am still in the most unhappy state of suspense respecting 
the Greneral, not having heard from him since the account of his 
Ships being lost. Nor am I quite easy about you, and my other 
dear friends in Philadelphia ; the melancholy event that has so 
recently happened when I last heard from you, makes me ex- 
tremely uneasy about my beloved Mamma. Her life has hitherto 
been marked with but few real misfortunes, and being untrained 
in the School of Adversity, I fear my brother's untimely death 
will bear hard upon her. Tet I hope she will consider the many 
blessings by which she is surrounded and endeavor to support 
herself under this heavy trial. 

I assure you, my dear papa, I find it necessary to summon all 
my Philosophy to my aid, to support myself under my present 
situation. Separated from, and anxious for the fate, of the best 
of Husbands, torn from almost every body that is dear to me, 
harrassed with a troublesome and expensive Law Suit, having all 
the General's business to transact, and feeling that I am in a 
strange Country, without a creature near me that is really inter- 
ested in my fate, you will not wonder if I am unhappy — ^But I 
will not distress you my beloved papa with my unavailing com- 
plaints which I seldom suffer to engross either my pen or tongue, 
but deprived of all domestic society, I have too much time to 
indulge them. 



464 lAft of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

I am now perfectly well; my bilious complaints have been 
yery troublesome since my lying in, about six weeks after the 
Gen'l left me my physician ordered me to go to Bath, and I was 
making preparations for that purpose when I receiyed the mel- 
ancholy accounts of my poor brother's death ; this delayed my 
journey and I soon after found myself recoyering so fast, that I 
entirely gave oyer the thoughts of it ; and I have now quite got 
the better of my complaint. My children are yery well, my 
little girl is the picture of health, and has never had an hours 
illness since she was a month old ; I still continue to nurse her. 

I beg my dearest papa, that you will present my tenderest love 
to all the family. With unceasing prayers for your, and their 
health and happiness, believe me 

Tours most sincerely and affectionately 

M. A. 



April 11th, 1786 
I was disappointed, my dear and honored papa, in sending my 
letter by the Packet, it being returned to me from Falmouth. I 
now enclose the papers, and tho I fear your answer cannot ar- 
rive in time, yet I shall be much obliged to you to write as soon 
as possible. As I do not expect the Genl home till June I fear 
it will be decided before his return. 

Believe me my beloved papa, with every sentiment of respect 
and love 

Most sincerely yours. 



Your affectionate letter, my dear Sister, by Mr. Parker is now 
before me. Tour accounts of our beloved Mamma's health, are 
very distressing indeed ; and her's is a disorder, for which I fear, 
there is no radical cure. I am much gratified by your earnest 
solicitations for me to pay you a visit, and hope to accomplish so 
desirable an event in the Fall. Independent of the happiness it 
will afford me, I feel it a duty to make every exertion to comply 
with the wishes of Parents, for whom I feel the highest respect, 
and tenderest affection. Tet my pleasure will not be unaccom- 
panied by pain ; as when I leave you, I shall probably bid you 
adieu for ever. Many disagreeable, and some favorable circum- 
stances, will, I imagine, fix me forever in England, upon my re- 
turn to it ; while his Majesty's Bounty is continued to me, it is 
necessary I Should reside in his Dominions. 



life of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict AmolcL 466 

It gives me great pleasure to hear of your prudent resolution 
of not increasing your family ; as I can never do better than to 
follow your example, I have determined upon the same plan ; and 
when our Sisters have had five or six, we will likewise recom- 
mend it to them. 

The situation of my Brother's Affairs is a source of great un- 
happiness to me, and the little Information we can obtain upon 
the subject, much increases it. From a want of a thorough 
knowledge of the abilities and intentions of the Company, Mr. 
Goodrich's Agent may be pursuing the very measures most in- 
jurious to the Interest of his Employer. If my dear Mr. Burd, 
will add to the many obligations he has confer'd upon me, by 
giving his advice upon the proper measures to pursue, I shall be 
forever indebted to him. The loss will not eventually fall upon 
Mr. Goodrich; but upon me, and my little ones. The three 
eldest Boys have half pay for life, and in order to put my Chil- 
dren more upon an equality with them, the General has prom- 
ised, that as soon as that debt is recovered, he will purchase an 
Annuity for them with part of it, and that the remainder shall 
be settled upon me. You cannot wonder, my dear Sister, at my 
anxiety upon this subject, as the fate of my Children depends 
upon it. My Brother's feelings for his past conduct must be very 
painf\il to him — ^I wish him no greater punishment. 

Capt. Wright was so obliging as to forward your letters from 
New York. The General joins me in affectionate regards to you 
and Mr. Burd. 

Yours most tenderly 

M. A. 

June 30th. [1788?] 

As the time draws near when I hope to be blessed with the 
society of my beloved Sister, I find my impatience increases — I 
sometimes fear that it is impossible I shall ever be so happy as 
to behold my dearest, tenderly beloved parents, and sisters, yet 
as I have got the better of almost every obstacle to paying you 
a visit, I ought to anticipate nothing but pleasure — I feel great 
regret at the idea of leaving the General alone, and much per- 
plexed with business, but as he strongly argues a measure, that 
will be productive of so much happiness to me, I think there 
can be no impropriety in taking the ship — I shall probably have 
some few difficulties to encounter in the domestic line, but every 



456 Ufe of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

concern of that kind shall give way — ^There is an excellent ves- 
sel that sails between this place and New York, entirely fitted 
up for the accommodation of passengers. — It is generally much 
crowded, but to avoid that inconvenience, the Greneral proposes 
taking the whole Cabbin for me, if it can be procured upon tol- 
erable terms, in which case, it will be optional with me to admit 
any other persons — I hope to have this some time in October. 

I hope my dear Sister, that I shall not put Mamma to the 
least additional trouble on my account ; it would distress me ex- 
tremely if I did, in the present state of her health — I cannot 
conveniently go without one Maid and Child, yet if that would 
enlarge the family too much, I would make my arrangements dif- 
ferently, and leave home only for a couple of months — I am sure 
when I am with you, that Mamma wiU find that it is my wish 
to lessen, not to add to the cares of her family — ^Pray let me 
hear from you soon, I am extremely anxious about Mamma, the 
account you gave me of her situation, has almost broken my 
heart — She must suffer extremely from the loss of her limbs, as 
she has been accustomed to so much exercise. 

I did not when I began, intend writing more than ten lines, 
as I have been unwell for two days past, with an extreme head- 
ache and slight fever, and am still confined to my room — ^You 
will perceive that my ideas are not very clear, but if you can de- 
cypher my writing, and I have expressed myself to be under- 
stood, it is all that is necessary — ^I am not writing to a Critic, 
but to an indulgent, and beloved Sister — 

Why do I not hear [from] Sister M — I never for an instant 
doubt her affection, but pray tell her that she is a sad negligent 
Correspondent. 

A thousand loves to Mr. B. and the family, I wrote to Mamma 
and Sister some 2 days ago, but was disappointed in sending my 
letters. 

Tours my tenderly beloved sister 

with unceasing affection. 

M. A. 

August 14th, 1788. 

St. John July 6th 1790. 
How difficult is it to know what will contribute to our happi- 
ness in this life ; I had hoped that by paying my beloved friends 
a last visit, I should insure to myself some portion of it, but I 
find it far otherwise. The affectionate attention of my friends 



Life of Mcergaret Sfdppen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 457 

has greatly increased my love for them, and of course my regret 
at this cruel dreadfhl separation. I shall neyer forget my dear, 
my beloved Sister, your tender and affectionate behaviour to me, 
and that of my more than brother, Mr. Burd, who has endeared 
himself extremely to me, and of whom I have as high an 
opinion as it is possible for me to entertain of any human being. 
For your dear Children, I feel an affection almost parental. I 
have had the pleasure of receiving your long and charming 
letter; pray never make an apology for writing such, as an un- 
reserved communication of sentiment, is the only thing that can 
alleviate the pain of separation. The little anecdotes of my 
fHends and acquaintances, afford me great amusement, and I 
feel interested in all their little love scenes. I am convinced 
that Mrs. A. will never think seriously of Mr. Marsden, though 
she may carry on a little flirtation with him. The all-conquer- 
ing Miss A. had better accept of Mr. Phillips, as I believe he has 
one of the best fortunes in New York, and as I have heard it 
suspected that ambition is her reigniog passion, she will prob- 
ably sacrifice her love to it. Indeed I think connecting herself 
to our Cousin, to whom we supposed her affections were en- 
gaged, would have been extremely imprudent. 

I am sincerely grieved to hear of poor Mrs. Chew's misfor- 
tune. I think she would be a real loss to her family. 

The Influenza has raged here a second time, but not with that 
violence that it has done with you ; it has not in one instance 
here proved fatal. Our Summer Fogs are just setting in which 
is in fact the only thing that denotes the season, as we have not 
left of[f ] fires, and have never slept under less than two 
blankets. 

I cannot longer restrain my impatience to see my dear little 
Boys ; we have sent for them home, and I expect them in a 
fortnight. They have, I fear, suffered many hardships last 
winter, the woman of the house, where they were boarded, was 
too indolent to pay attention to them, and they were too young 
to shift for themselves. I was highly gratified at my dear little 
nephew's desire to write to me, as it was a strong proof of his 
affection for me ; I shall answer his letter, and beg that he may 
be permitted to correspond regularly with me. Pray tell my 
little name-sake that letters from her will be very acceptable, as 
it will make her remember me, and that I shall always love her 
very sincerely. 



458 laft of Margaret ShippeUj Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

From the present appearance of things there is great reason 
to apprehend a disappointment in our going home this Fall. 
For my own part, I have given up every hope of going. There 
has been a succession of disappointments and mortifications in 
collecting our debts ever since my return home — but I will not 
begin to relate grievances, but for a time endeavor to shake off 
that gloom that has taken possession of me, and for which I 
have too much cause. 

If my Brother's circumstances are as easy at present as you 
represent, I would not wish the Money made use of for him. It 
will certainly be best to let him get what he can from Footman, 
if at any future period he should be in distress, I will most 
cheerfully contribute to his relief, without suffering myself to 
consider how much we have lost by him. I could not enjoy 
the comforts of life, whilst a Brother was wanting the neces- 
saries. 

I shall be much obliged to you, to purchase for me a piece (18 
yards) of the best black India lute-string, or mantua— 4 pieces 
of broad French Bibbon, such as was sold at 1 s. per yd., or two 
dollars the piece — I wish for two pieces of pale blue, 1 piece of 
white and one piece of Boyal Purple, or (barter blue. There is 
a great difference in the quality of the Bibbons, at the same 
price. Five hundred of best white chapel needles No. 5, 6, 8 
each one hundred and two hundred of No. 7. One box of An- 
derson's pills ; two bottles of good blue dye ; 2 boxes of Salt of 
Lemon, for taking out Iron Mould. If any elegant India chintzes 
are to be got, I should like two short or one long piece. But as 
two Ships have arrived without any, I doubt your being able to 
get any. In which case, if any very great bargains should offer 
pray lay out the remainder of the money in them, or if any- 
thing very new and elegant is to be bought that you think I 
should like, pray purchase it for me, — I leave it intirely to you. 



I wrote to you, my beloved Parent, about a fortnight ago ; 
since which, I have been considering a part of your letter, 
which mentions the great Interest to be got for Money in Phila- 
delphia. You probably recollect my informing you, that we 
had agreed to leave the product of my Pension untouched, 
during our residence in St. John, for the purpose of buying an 
Annuity for my Children: — ^We have ever since our arrival 



Uft of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 459 

here, been endeavoriBg to purchase well secured Annuities, with- 
out success. Money was never so plenty as at present, which 
makes the difficulty of laying it out to advantage, or procuring 
a good Interest for it, very great. The Funds produce only 4 
per cent ; and good Annuities (the lives being insured) will not 
clear more than 6 per Cent, and are then attended with some 
unavoidable hazards. I am extremely anxious to place the 
little Money that we have reserved for my Children, to the 
greatest advantage, in order to give them a good education, 
which in this Country is attended with great expence ; and to 
secure to them sufficient to keep them from want, should any 
accident happen to us. Will you, my dear Sir, give me your 
Advice and Assistance to effect this desirable end ? which would 
take from me a load, which has long oppressed me. The great- 
est part of our Income being dependent upon our lives, would 
make our deaths severely felt by my Children; and untiU I 
know, th&t in case of such an event, they would be secured 
from Beggary and absolute Dependence, I cannot know tran- 
quility. Having candidly stated the situation of things here, I 
am induced to request your attention to placing a sum of 
Money to advantage in Philadelphia. I have had some thought 
of writing to Mr. Lea, to intreat him to take £1.000, and employ 
it in some kind of business, for the advantage of my Children ; 
but have felt deh'cate about requesting such a favor. You, my 
dear Sir, can inform me whether such a request would be 
prudent, and likely to be complied with. We are told that 
great advantage may now be made of ready Money, with you. 
If I recollect when I was in Philada. your Bank produced at 
least seven per cent; and you thought the Money perfectly 
secure. I cannot however pretend to point out to you, (who 
are so competent to judge of the matter) the best way to place 
Money ; but if you would have the goodness to undertake the 
business for me and my Children, I would leave it entirely to 
your management, and you would relieve a heart, anxiously and 
tenderly solicitous for the fliture welfare of those so dear to it. 

We understand that Bills are now at Par, should they continue 
80, or rise, and you think it eligible for me to place Money in 
Philadelphia, I beg you will have the goodness to draw upon me 
for £2.000. Sterling ; or if you would prefer it, on Messrs. Dorset 
& Co Bankers, New Bond Street, London ; you may depend on 
the Bills being duly honored. Should there being an opening to 



460 lAft of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

employ half, or indeed the whole of it to advantage in business, 
and Mr. Lea could be prevailed on to take it, I should be happy 
to have it put in his hands : — But as I before observed, I will 
leave the direction of it entirely to you ; being convinced that 
you will act for me, as you would for yourself: knowing of how 
much consequence it is to make some little provision for my 
Children. 

I beg you will have the goodness to write as soon as possible 
(by the Packet, or otherwise) after you have made up your 
mind on the business ; as till we hear from you, we shall let the 
Money remain in its present situation (in the Funds, in the name 
of my Agent, for which / am credited on his Books) to be ready 
to answer any Bills you may draw ; — and shall not avail our- 
selves of any thing that may offer for otherwise disposing of it. 

Should the public Papers of a few days back reach you, you 
will observe a paragraph, mentioning that Grenl. A. is killed in a 
Duel, with the Earl of Lauderdale. This was for some time so 
generally believed, that our friends were flocking to the house, 
to condole with, and make jne offers of service. This circum- 
stance has given me a great deal of pain, as it has made known 
to Genl. A. what I had hoped he would not hear; which was 
that Lord Lauderdale had cast some reflections on his political 
Character, in the House of Lords. I am not without strong 
fears that he will think it necessary to demand an apology, and 
resent being refused one. But this is a subject, upon which of 
course, he is, to me silent ; and all that I can obtain from him, 
are Assurances that he will do nothing rashly, and without the 
advice of his friends. Tou may readily conceive that my situa- 
tion must be a very unhappy one, till the Affair is settled ; but I 
call all my fortitude to my aid, to prevent my sinking under it, 
which would unman him and prevent his acting himself— I am 
perfectly silent on the subject ; for weak Woman as I am, I would 
not wish to prevent what would be deemed necessary to preserve 
his honor. — Lord Lauderdale is at present out of town, but is 
expected to return in a few days. 

I beg my tender love to my dear Mamma, my Sisters and 
their families. I shall write again by a Ship that is to sail to 
Philada., the 1st of July, and hope to give you more pleasing 
intelligence. 

Believe me, my beloved Parent, ever most truly Tours. 

M. Abnold. 



lAft of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 461 

I intended to have made this a single letter, but could not 
effect it. The Genl. always wishes to be included in remem- 
brance to the family. 

HoLLiB Street, Cavendish Squabb, London. 
Jane 26th, 1792. 



Mr Beloved and Bespeotsd Parent; 

The anxiety which my last letter must have occasioned, as 1 
then mentioned the probability of a DueFs taking place between 
the Earl of Lauderdale and General Arnold, I am happy now to 
have it in my power to relieve; as the affair is settled most 
honorably for the General, and his conduct upon the occasion 
has gained him great applause. The circumstances that gave 
rise to it you may wish to hear : Lord Lauderdale (who is violent 
in the opposition, and was the only man in the House of Lords 
who voted against an address of thanks to the King, upon a late 
proclamation), in an attack upon the Duke of Bichmond, re- 
specting the Beform in Parliament, is said to have used the fol- 
lowing expressions: ^^That he did not know any instance of 
Political Apostacy equal to the Duke of Eichmond's, except 
General Arnold's," and that *Hhe intended Encampment was 
designed to overawe the inhabitants of the Kingdom, and the 
Metropolis in particular; and prevent a Beform in Parliament, 
that the Duke of Bichmond was the most proper person he 
knew of to command it. General Arnold first struck off the list." 

Upon the Generars demanding an apology for this unprovoked 
attack upon his character, his Lordship positively denied having 
made use of the last expression, or any similar to it ; the first he 
acknowledged, and made a kind of apology for it ; but it not 
satisfying the General, he drew up such a one as he would 
accept, which his Lordship refVised to sign. 

Lord Hawke (who is a most respectable Peer, and our par- 
ticular friend) voluntarily offered his services upon the occasion : 
and as the matter could not be amicably settled, his Lordship 
waited upon Lord Lauderdale, and a place was named for a 
meeting. The time appointed was seven o'clock on Sunday 
morning last — Mr. Charles Fox, as second to Lord Lauderdale ; 
Lord Hawke, the General's. It was agreed that they should 
fire at the same time, upon a word given, which the General 



462 Uift of Margaret Shippm, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

did, without effect. Lord L. refhsed to fire, saying he had no 
enmity to Greneral Arnold. He at the same time refhsed making 
an apology, and said the Greneral might fire again, if he chose. 
This was impossible, but the Greneral desired Lord Hawke to 
tell Mr. Fox, that he would not leave the field without satisfiio- 
tion; and that if Lord Lauderdale persisted in his reftisal of 
giving it to him, either by an apology or firing again, that he 
should be under the necessity of using such expressions to him, 
as would oblige him to do the latter. Upon this, the seconds 
had a conference, during which time Lord Lauderdale and the 
General met ; when he told his Lordship that he did not come 
there to convince the world that he dare fight, but for satisfac- 
tion for the injury done his character ; and that he certainly 
would not quit the field without it. After a consultation be- 
tween Lord L. & Mr. Fox, his Lordship came forward, and said 
that he had no enmity to General Arnold — ^that he did not mean 
to asperse his character or wound his feelings, and was sorry for 
what he had said. General A. said he was perfectly satisfied 
with this apology, provided the seconds, as men of honor, de- 
clared he ought to be so, which they, without hesitation, did. 
Before they left the ground, Lord Lauderdale expressed great 
concern at finding that I had been made unhappy, and begged 
leave to wait upon me, to make an apology. A variety of cir- 
cumstances combined to make me acquainted with the whole 
transaction ; what I suffered for near a week is not to be de- 
scribed ; the suppression of my feelings, lest I should unman the 
General, almost at last proved too much for me ; and for some 
hours, my reason was dispaired of. I was confined to my bed 
for some days after, but am now so much better that I shall go 
out an airing this afternoon. It has been highly gratifying to 
find the GeneraFs conduct so much applauded, which it has been 
universally, and particularly by a number of the first characters 
in the Kingdom, who have called upon him in consequence of it. 
Nor am I displeased at the great commendations bestowed on my 
own conduct upon this trying occasion. I wrote you a long letter 
about ten days ago, upon the subject of the little money that has 
been received as a provision for my children, which letter I hope 
you will receive safe. I intended sending a duplicate, but am 
not at present equal to copying it. I mentioned that we could 
not, in the Funds, get above 4 per cent for money, and by an- 
nuities, insured, not more than 6 per cent ; expressed the great 



lAfe of Margaret ShippeUy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 468 

anxiety I should feel until something was secured to my chil- 
dren, as the greatest part of our Income depended upon our 
lives : (Ah t how lately has one of them been endangered) and 
entreated your advice and assistance in the disposal of it to ad- 
vantage. I suggested a wish that Mr. Lea would employ a 
small sum in business for the advantage of my children, but left 
the matter entirely to your discretion, and begged that if you 
were of opinion that it would be better to place the money in 
Philadelphia, and that it would there produce a good Interest, 
and be safe, that you would have the goodness to undertake the 
business for me, — and authorized you to draw upon me, if Bills 
were at or above Par, on Messrs. Dorset & Co. Bankers, New 
Bond Street, for £2.000. sterling. I shall impatiently wait your 
answer, my beloved Papa, as we shall not think of disposing of 
the money otherways till then. The honorable and advantageous 
Peace made by Lord Comwallis in the Bast Indies, has afforded 
great pleasure to all loyal subjects here. Many people look for- 
ward with dread to the 14th of July, as they are fearfUl of Riots 
on that day, but I sincerely hope it is without cause. — I beg to 
be most affectionately remembered to all the family, in which 
the General begs leave to join. 

Believe me, my dearly beloved Parent, 

Most truly Yours, 

M. Abnold. 
[July 6, 1792.] 



Extract of a Letter from Mrs. Arnold to Richard Arnold^ dated 
July 28y 1798. 

You request my dear Bichard, my influence with your father 
to induce him to consent to your marrying. With respect to 
him, I must beg not to interfere ; — but give me leave, as a iHend 
interested for your happiness, to offer you my advice. I should 
by no means wish you to give up a young lady to whom your 
love and honor are engaged, and who, from every thing I can 
hear, is worthy of your affection. But by the love you bear 
her, let me admonish you not to marry her till you are enabled 
to support her in a comfortable style. How many people are 
there who are for years engaged, while prudence forbids an union, 
who afterwards come together, and are happier for their self- 
denial, till fortune smiled upon them. You are particularly for- 



464 lAfe of Margaret Shxppen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

tunate in not being severed from the object of your affections ; 
you can enjoy her society, and your desire to unite yourself to 
her will stimulate your industry. 

By precipitating yourself into matrimony till you are estab- 
lished in business, you would probably render yourself and the 
object of your regards miserable; — but by your exertions, a 
short time may make a material change in your affairs, and you 
will then be enabled to marry her, with a prospect of happiness, 
and with the approbation of your fHends. 



Extract of a Letter from Mrs. Arnold to Eichard Arnold^ dated 
August^ 179J^. 

I am now in a state of most extreme misery, fVom the report 
of your Father's being a prisoner to the French at Point-a-Peter, 
Guadaloupe. It is contradicted by some gentlemen lately fVom 
St. Kitts, but your Father's last letter to me, being of the first 
of June, wherein he says he shall set-off the next day for Point- 
a-Peter, makes it but too probable, as the French took posses- 
sion of that Place the 4th of June. We are in hourly expecta- 
tion of its recapture, till I hear of which I shall not koow a 
moment's peace of mind. ... I suppose my dear Henry is long 
ere this in the West Indies ; I scarcely know whether or not to 
wish it, as, though I think his prospects in going very good, yet 
the fever that rages there proves so fatal to young people, that 
I dread his falling a victim to it. . . . 

We have not heard fVom poor Ben for a long time past, and 
have reason to fear he is a prisoner, as about 6,000 English are 
now in that situation in France, and those who previous to the 
war resided there ; have been told they are very well treated, 
but I think I have now got things in a train to get certain in- 
formation of him, and to flirnish him with money. 

Should you wish to forward me your certificate and draw for 
your half-pay, I will attend to your business. 

Edward, James and George are all at school, and coming on 
very well ; they and Sophia send their tender love to you. The 
latter is remarkably handsome, and promises to make a very 
fine woman. 



Life of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 466 

London Qubxn Ann St. E. 
May 2nd, 1796 
Mt dbab Sir, 

I am sorry to return the bill, drawn by Peter Blight Jany 
15th on Isaac Blight, Protested, as it occasions you trouble. I 
shall send this by the Packet, but if I find any girl about to sail 
for Philadelphia immediately, I shall send the Bill, Protest, &c. 
by her. — 

I am now pursuing your plan of abstinence, which is the only 
one recommended to me by an eminent Physician, whom I have 
consulted. He orders me to eat not one half of my usual quan- 
tity of food, and to lessen my drink in the same proportion. 
The quality of the food he thinks it unnecessary to attend to, 
the quantity only being material. — I am to take no kind of 
medicine, and never fatigue myself with exercise. — ^Follow- 
ing these instructions he warrants a cure. Nobody to look 
at me, could suppose I wanted the advice of Medical people, 
as my appearance indicates the most florid health, indeed I 
possess it to a great degree, and when I do not attempt walk- 
ing am perfectly well, this exercise occasions my limbs, and 
indeed my whole body, to swell, and causes a general fullness. 
— ^My appetite is uncommonly good, and my digestion such, 
that I never find any quantity or quality of food disagree 
with me. 

I am sorry to find you still affected with your headaches. A 
draught of water, as hot as it can be swallowed, has a surprizing 
good effect, after eating too freely, and my Medical fHend says 
he has no doubt but that you would find it wonderfully effica- 
cious. It is meant to wash, not empty the stomach, and 
strengthens, instead of weakening it. — It is not unpleasant, and 
I know a Gentleman who has cured himself of a violent billions 
complaint by the daily use of it. — ^I am extremely impatient for 
the arrival of your picture, which I hope is on its way. You 
could not have bestowed upon me a more valued gift. — ^Bepining 
is useless, but it is surely a hard lot to be so separated from all 
my relations : do not suffer absence to weaken your affection for 
me, and believe that though fate has deprived me of the happi- 
ness of contributing to the comfort of your latter days, I could 
sacrifice almost my life to render them easy, and free from care 
and pain. — Have the goodness to remember me most affection- 
ately to my dear sisters and their families in which mine beg to 
VOL. XXV. — 30 



466 lift of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict AmoUL 

join, with respectftd regards to yourself. — ^With the wannest 
sentiment of duty and affection, believe me, my beloved 
Parent, 

ever Tours 

M. A. 



I cannot express to you, my dear Sir, the high gratification 
you have afforded me, by your goodness in sending to me your 
valuable picture ; the sight of it occasioned sensations I never 
before experienced ; and though I scarcely had it out of my 
hand the whole of the day I received it, I could not rest with- 
out getting up twice in the night to look at it. After this I need 
not say that I see a strong likeness, but I wish it was a more 
favorable one, the eyes, particularly the right one, are very bad, 
and the heavy brow very unlike yours. I have been advised to 
have the eyes altered, but shall not trust it out of my posses- 
sion. And as I see a strong resemblance, when I cover the eyes, 
it is invaluable to me. 

I hope you have long ere this received Blight's Bill and Pro- 
test, which I sent by the Ceres, bound to Philadelphia. I am 
very sorry that you should have so much trouble, but hope that 
you will have no difficulty in recovering it. I shall be much 
obliged to you for another Eemittance, as soon as it is convenient 
to you, as I assure you we find it difficult to bring the year 
about, at the present extravagant rates of every article of life. 
Every thing has risen in proportion to Bread and Meat; all 
Schools have increased their price accordingly, and in short a 
thousand a year is not equal to six hundred a little time ago. I 
am almost sick of the struggle to keep up an appearance, which 
however is absolutely necessary, in this Country, to bring for- 
ward a young family. 

Mr. Foster very obligingly delivered himself, your letter and 
picture ; be appears to me to be a sensible, pleasant man, though 
his manners are not highly polished. I should be sorry that my 
dear Sister Lea should ever alter her state, as I think her society 
a great acquisition to you, and Matrimony is but a Lottery. I 
am happy to find that you propose moving into your old house, 
where you will find yourself more at home, than you can ever 
do in any other. I will not touch upon politics, as it is your 
wish that I should avoid the subject, when writing to you. 



IJft of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 467 

My family are all well, and desire to unite with me in every 
expression of affection and duty to you. 

Believe me, my dear Sir, Tours most truly. 

M. A. 
Nkw Babk, CmowiLB Ebssx. 
July 29ih 1796. 



London, Glougbbtbb Placs, l£ay 20, 1797. 

Under the pressure of bodily and mental suffering, I have long 
but in vain looked for the solace of a letter from my beloved and 
respected Parent. Tour last was dated in July '96, which I an- 
swered very fUUy by the October packet and repeated the most 
material contents in several subsequent letters. As every senti- 
ment of mine towards you must ever be dictated by the most 
ardent affection, I cannot believe that I have given you any 
cause of displeasure, and fear that illness or misfortune have 
occasioned your silence. 

I informed you, my dear Sir, that I was then laboring under 
the effects of a violent attack in my head, that had nearly proved 
&tal; every precaution has been used to prevent a return of it, 
and the remedies, though violent, have been successful, as I think 
myself materially better: But have had a series of illness in my 
fetmily for many months past ; we are now all tolerably well. 

Nothing can be so gloomy as the present state of our public 
afGairs. I look forward to a Eevolution in this Country, and 
consequently a deprivation of our support frx>m Government. 
Hy spirits are much broken, and I think I could be contented in 
a very humble retired situation ; but to see my Children's rising 
prospects blasted, would fill me with the keenest anguish. I 
sincerely wish that America may not be involved in a War with 
France ; it is here thought inevitable, but I trust much to the 
moderation and good sense that has been so often evinced in your 
councils. 

I am sorry to hear Nancy Allen so severely censured by those 
who come over, and write from America. I hope the accounts 
are exaggerated, otherwise her character is entirely destroyed. 
Her connections here are very violent in their condemnation of 

her ; but say the fault originated with Aunt L I understand 

that much pains have been taken, to gain your sanction. 



468 Life of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Jiine2iicL 
Since writing the above I have had the pleasure of receiving 
your welcome favor of April 6th, with a Bill for £140, which I 
believe is accepted. I am greatly disappointed at being obliged 
to relinquish the hopes I had formed, of having my Brother's 
debt compromised, which it is our wish should be done, in any way 
you think proper, I will not however, my dear Sir, urge you 
upon a subject that is painfhl to you ; nor whatever my own diffi- 
culties may be, will I involve my Brother in distress ; for whose 
sake as well as my own I was anxious to have the Bond can- 
celled. While GenL A. and myself live, we have the power of 
acting with lenity ; but should any accident happen to him, the 
settlement of his affairs might fall into hands lees disposed to 
forbearance. 

I was yesterday gratified by the sight of the Cup & Cover and 
Stand that was given to the famous Member of Parliament of 
our name in the reign of George the 1st. I heard of its being 
at a Silver Smiths, and hoped it might be for sale ; in which case, 
I should have endeavored to have obtained it, in exchange for 
some of my most useless plate, and have presented it to you, to 
whom it would have been valuable. I find however that it was 
sent by Col. Labourne to be re-gilt, who values it highly. It 
is very handsome ; the inscription *' A Legacy fVom the Duke 
of Buckingham k Normandy to the worthy Mr. Shippen." Its 
weight 160 oz. 

I have just received a duplicate of yours of 6th April. Our 
political affairs have now arrived at a crisis. The Mutineers at 
the Nore have got the entire command, and the Bed Flag ot 
Defiance is now displayed on board of twenty-two Ships of the 
Line, and smaller armed ships there. Government are at length 
determined to use severe measures, and I think a few days will 
determine the fate of this Country. Tou must suppose it is a 
moment of the most anxious solicitude to me. Be so good as to 
present our affectionate love to all the family, and believe me, 
my beloved Parent; 

most truly Tours, 
M. Abnold. 

Your letter, my beloved Parent of Dec. 30th [1799] has af- 
forded me more real happiness, than any I have ever received 
firom you. I sincerely rejoice to find that you have conquered 



lAft of Margaret Shippen^ W\fe of Benedict Arnold. 469 

those complaints in your head which were not only troablesome 
but dangerous. May Heaven long preserve a life so truly valu- 
able. I am glad to find that you are appointed to fill so honour^ 
able a situation and think there is very little reason to apprehend 
any failure of intellect, to incapacitate you from long continuing 
in it. I am sorry I suggested the idea, so late, of making a little 
advantage of the low price of Bills, but I less regret it, as I 
feared from your former letter that you did not quite approve of 
the plan. I mean at all events to preserve that Money sacredly 
for my Children, and should be glad to avail myself of any op- 
portunity of increasing it, and trust that you will embrace any 
plan that you think eligible for that purpose. In the mean time, 
I highly approve of your idea of getting in all the Money that 
remains in private hands, and investing it in some stock ; not 
only as it produces a better Interest, but as it will afford you the 
power of availing yourself of any opportunity of turning the 
Money to advantage. I am glad to hear that my dear Sister is 
likely to settle her daughter so much to her satisfiEtction ; the 
young couple have my sincere wishes for their happiness. I 
shall write to my dear Niece soon ; but regret my inability to 
make her such a Bridal present, as would be gratifying to my 
feelings. 

I am about experiencing a very severe trial, in the separation 
from my beloved Bdward who goes this Spring to India, in the 
Bngineer line ; which, next to a Writersbip is the beet ; the lat- 
ter required more money than we could spare. He will go with 
Lord Comwallis's interest and patronage; which will I trust 
insure his success. James is very eligibly situated at Gibraltar. 
His pecuniary advantages are nearly equal to a Captain's in the 
line, and we are assured that no young Officer ever received such 
attentions as he has done there ; he is a great favorite of Cren- 
eral O'Hara's, the Governor, and General & Mrs. Grinfield who 
are there, are our particular friends. — I feel myself, my dear Sir, 
particularly blessed in my Children ; and can with truth assure 
you, that neither of these young men have ever given me a 
moment's uneasiness, from, any misconduct of any kind. My 
dear Girl is better than she has been ; nothing but the most un- 
remitting attention has saved her life ; I trust a continuance of 
it will restore her to health. 

The Bill for £150 I received in September, it was duly paid, — 
of which I wrote immediately to inform you. 



470 Lift of Margaret Shippeny Wife of Benedict AmoUL 

I am sincerely sorry to hear of the death of General Wash- 
ingtoD. I admired his public, and revered his private Character. 
I fear that America will sustain an irreparable loss in him, as he 
appeared to possess the happy talent of uniting all Parties. 

I shall be much obliged to you to inform me, whether the 
lands on the Biver Susquehanna will be eventually holden under 
the Pennsylvania or Connecticut Grant, and what you suppose 
to be their value. 

I shall write to my Sister soon ; my head which is too fbll of 
blood, will not admit of my writing more than one letter at a 
time. 

All my family beg to unite with me in respectfiil and affeoo 
tionate regards to you, and love to all the fkmily. Believe me 
my beloved Parent, most tenderly and truly Yours. 

M. A. 

GLoucmriB Placb. Lomdoh. 
Feby. 5th [1800.] 



Letter from Mrs. Arnold to Mrs, Burd, dated May 10^ 1800. 

Wholly engrossed in my own cares, I fear my beloved firiends 
that I have been too negligent in not writing to you. The heavy 
hand of affliction has been upon me, and has most severely 
wounded me, by the alarming situation of my Dear Girl ; whose 
health we had hoped was much improving, when about ten 
weeks ago she was seised with a kind of Paralytic stroke, which 
deprived her of the use of her legs, and extended up her back. 
After some severe remedies of Blistering &c., she was in a degree 
restored to the use of her limbs, but one leg still remains with- 
out any sense of feeling ; — after trying every means to restore 
it, the medical men ordered her to the sea, for the purpose of 
using the warm sea bath. My much loved friends, the Misses 
Fitch, having lately lost their Father and mother, (whose death 
beds I attended and soothed their dying moments) finding a 
change of scene necessary to them, have taken a house at 
Brighton, for the purpose of taking my dear girl with them, feel- 
ing for her an almost parental affection. She is still with her 
Gk>vemess there, and though much better able to walk, ijtill finds 
the numbness continue. I dread another attack which might 
prove fatal. 



Life of Margaret Shippeny Wife of Benedict ArmUL 471 

My darling Edward leaves me in aboat ten days, to try his 
fortune in the East. His death could scarcely be a more severe 
stroke. 

My little dear James has been selected in a very flattering 
manner from his brother officers at Gibi*altar to go upon the 
service of the march of Malta. The high compliments paid him 
upon the occasion and his own anxiety to go, in some degree 
reconcile me to it ; but a tender mother's fears are all alive. 

I sincerely congratulate you my dear Sister B. upon your 
daughter's marriage ; May every blessing attend her. 

I am anxious to hear from you all, not having bad that 
pleasure since December. 

May20ih. 

Not knowing of an opportunity of sending my letter to my 
beloved fHends, I have left it unfinished ; one now offering by 
the Factor to New York, I embrace it, though I am not very 
equal to the task of writing at present. 

My dear Edward's baggage is on board and a day or two must 
separate us probably forever. He is one of the most excellent of 
human beings, and has never from any misconduct given me one 
moment's uneasiness. Think then what I must suffer at losing 
him ; but I trust, though I must suffer, he will be the gainer, as 
he goes out under many advantages, having Lord Comwallis's 
and other good interest. 

My dear James from whom I had letters yesterday was just 
embarking upon the expedition against Malta, as second in com- 
mand in the Engineers, selected from several elder officers. It 
is thought a great thing for him. He is a great military genius 
and I have no doubt will acquit himself well. 

My dear girl is still at the sea, which in point of health has 
been of great use to her, but she has still no feeling in one leg. 

I am very anxious foi* letters frt>m you and most sincerely 
hope that your silence does not proceed from as an unpleasant a 
cause as mine. 

The price of every article here is enormous ; Meat 1 shilling 
Sterling per lb. Bread 4d. do. Butter Is. 3d. ditto, Potatoes 2d., 
and every thing else in proportion. Should the present season 
prove un&vorable, we shall have a famine. 

I was very sorry to hear of General Washington's Death; 
nobody in America could revere his character more than I 
did. 



472 lift of Margaret ^appen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

With our moBt afTeotionate regard to all the fiimily, believe me 
my beloved ftriends ever yours. 



LoNDOH June 29th, 1801 
Dear Sir, 

It is the request of my tenderly beloved friend, your deeply 
afflicted daughter, that I should inform you of the melancholy 
change which has taken place in her situation by the death of 
her ever dear k sorrowed husband — G«n*l Arnold died on the 
14th instant at half past six in the morning — you probably will 
have heard before this reaches you — ^that his health had been in 
a declining state for several months — ^but the danger which 
awaited him, his poor wife was not fuUy aware of— from the 
flattering assurance constantly given her-— by the Physician who 
attended that He saw no cause for apprehension, for a week be- 
fore he died, he was extremely ill — His complaints (supposed to 
be occasioned by repeated Gout) were a tendency to a general 
Dropsy, and a disease in the Lungs — I think you are not a 
stranger to my name, as the strongest attachment has subsisted 
between your estimable daughter and my fitmily for many 
years — ^it may therefore be a satisfaction to you to know that 
my sister & myself were with Mrs. Arnold when her husband 
expired — ^that we shall not be separated from her for sometime— 
and that there are not any attentions which friendship & affec- 
tion can suggest to sooth & soften her sorrows, which shall be 
omitted — so far as lies within the compass of our abilities — She 
evinces upon this occasion — as you know she has done upon 
many trying ones before— that fortitude & resignation, which in 
a superior & well regulated mind otUy is capable of existing — 
Her health will I hope be preserved from suffering lasting injury 
by going as is her intention to a quiet retired situation in the 
country — as soon as our Loved friends remains are consigned to 
their last mansion. 

Her Sophia and son (George are already there— the former I 
am happy to say is at present in very good health — ^with a pros- 
pect of its being permanent — ^if this sad stroke does not destroy 
it — ^When removed to the calm serenity of the country — ^1 hope 
it will not be long before my beloved Mrs. Arnold will acquire 
sufficient improvement to write to you herself. 



lAfe of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 478 

Hy Bisters and my particular Begards to you and your 
family, 

I remain Dear Sir 

With esteem and respect 
Ann Fitoh 

No letters have yet been received from Mr. Arnold fix>m India 
—or any accounts from Mr. J. Arnold since Mrs. Arnold wrote 
to you — ^the little William is quite well. 



London, Gloucbbteb Place. 
Aug IMi, 1801 

As I have ever had reason to believe my dear Mr. Burd that 
you felt a sincere afTection for me, though circumstances did not 
admit of your giving fr*equent opportunities of evincing it, I 
feel myself encouraged to call upon you as a friend, in my present 
unhappy situation. — In addition to the loss of a Husband whose 
affection for me was unbounded, I have to deplore being left in 
very embarrassed circumstances, with a little dependant family. 
—The last unfortunate speculation entered into of fitting out a 
privateer, has involved us in many difficulties ; and there is every 
reason to fear, that the property here will be insufficient to pay 
the Debts ; — ^Upon my Brother^s Debt therefore I must greatly 
depend for the means of getting forward my Children, which in 
this Country cannot be done without money. — It will even 
amount to upwards of four thousand pounds sterling. Although 
even the interest has heretofore been most usually withheld, I 
cannot suppose but that my present unhappy situation will be 
taken into consideration, upon this occasion. — Have the good- 
ness, my dear Mr. Burd, to tell me candidly what dependence I 
may reasonably place upon this resource. 

From the situation of affairs, many of the accounts relative 
to the Vessel are not yet come from Portugal, it is impossible to 
ascertain the debts, which I fear will prove so great, as to oblige 
me to give in upon both, an account of money due to the Estate. 
— ^My Brother's Debt must of course be included. — I suppose he 
will find means, as he has heretofore done, of making the pay- 
ment, and in this case, unless relieved by my dear Father's jus- 
tice I fear my family must be the sufferers. — Let me entreat you 
to give me your advice upon the painAil occasion. — ^I never stood 



474 lAft of MargoTtt Shippertj Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

so much in need of support, — and never felt myself so helpless. 
— Mj health is impaired by long anxiety of mind, and Joss of 
rest, and my former strength of mind, and energy have entirely 
forsaken me, and indeed I sometimes fear that my reason will 
give way. — My sufferings are not of the present moment only, — 
Years of unhappiness have past, I had east my lot, complaints 
were imavailing, and you and my other friends, are ignorant of 
the many causes of uneasiness I have had. — ^My situation is now 
changed, in a pecuniary point of view, most unfavorably, but as 
my ambition has sunk with my fortune, I would, were it not for 
my Children, sink into total obscurity, upon the bare necessaries 
of life. — ^But the duty I owe to them calls upon me for exertion, 
I have met with much kindness here, and I trust that those dear 
relations, upon whom I have a stronger claim, will not be back- 
ward in affording me all the consolation in their power. — It is 
for your advice and assistance in this important business of my 
Brothers, only that I apply to you. — You are, 1 am aware, deli- 
cately situated between us, but upon your well known justice I 
rely, and I trust I may also place some dependance upon your 
affection. — ^Mine for you has been unshaken. — 

Pray remember me most tenderly to my beloved Sisters and 
your family, and believe me most sincerely 

Your affectionate & afflicted 

M. Abnold 



Letter from Mrs. Arnold to her Father^ Fall of 1801. 

A great press of business this week leaves me but little leisure 
for letter writing ; yet desirous of availing myself of this oppor- 
tunity by this packet, I trust my beloved Parent, and very dear 
Sisters will excuse my addressing them all in one letter. I feel 
extreme solicitude respecting you, from the accounts we have 
of this dreadful malady the Yellow Fever, having again assailed 
your City ; — God grant that they may be exaggerated, and that 
you maybe far removed from the scene of danger. The kindness 
of Mr. Bond and Mr. Coxe, in fiirnishing us with the power of 
writing by the Packet, without trouble or expense, let me 
entreat some one of the family to avail themselves of it 
monthly, if it is only by writing a few lines ; the short sentence 
<'we are well," would afford me gratification. My returning 
health & serenity of mind will I am sure my beloved friends, 



lAft of Margaret ShippeUj Wife of Benedict Arnold. 476 

be a source of great comfort to you, and would have been more 
so, had you witnessed my late sufferings. It would be impos- 
sible for me to describe them & the more so, as I am convinced 
my reason was affected. I look back with thankMness for my 
preservation; — a preservation from worse than death. — But in- 
deed death itself had nearly been the consequence of the de- 
spairing state to which I was reduced ; for at one period, when 
I viewed everything through a false medium, I fancied that 
nothing but the sacrifice of my life would benefit my children, 
for that my wretchedness embittered every moment of their 
lives ; and dreadfUl to say, I was many times on the point of 
making the sacrifice. Nothing more strongly proves to myself 
the deprivation of my reason ; for situated as they are my life 
is most valuable to them, as the remainder of my days will be 
devoted to them & their advancement & welfare. My present 
feelings are not wholly unattended with danger, as I have fre- 
quently in the course of every day a confusion in my head re- 
sembling what I can suppose would be the sensations of any- 
body extremely drunk, and very desirous of concealing their 
situation. The contrary opinions of medical men of eminence 
to whom I have applied, are extremely unsatisfactory, and 
harassing to me, some say that my past complaints & present 
feelings proceed frx>m frillness, particularly of the vessels of the 
head ; others that they are wholly nervous, occasioned by the 
long loss of rest, anxiety of mind; the irreparable loss of a most 
tender and affectionate husband, and the total change of my cir- 
cumstances, and mode of living. Under the divided opinions 
of the fiEtculty I have nothing left but the exercise of my own 
judgment, which leads me to observe the medium between fhll 
& very low living, to keep regular & early hours, to mix with 
cheerfril & rational society, to make the best of my little income, 
and to be thankfril for the blessings yet left me ; among the 
greatest of which is the uncommon excellence of my Children : 
the partiality natural to a Parent may lead you to suppose that 
mine influences me in my favorable opinion of them ; but when 
I assert that two of my Sons have arrived at the age of man- 
hood, without having by any misconduct, given me an hour's 
uneasiness ; and that my third Son is exactly treading in their 
steps, you will not think it a vain boast, when I do justice to 
their worth. And my dear girl is, in point of disposition, tem- 
per, rectitude of conduct, & goodness, all that a fond Mother 



476 lAft of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

can wish her, with a pleasing person^ and cultivated and well 
regulated mind. 

I have many firiends whom adversity has tried and proved ; 
and I trust that my Character is so firmly established, that not- 
withstanding the great change in my situation, I shall not lose 
my rank in society, except among the gay and very £Ewhionable 
part of my acquaintance, to whose pleasures I cannot admin- 
ister, and with Characters of this description I have no longer a 
wish to associate. 



London, Bbtanbton Stbekt. 
June 2nd, 1802 

How shall I, my beloved and respected Parent, thank you for 
your goodness to me? I have been for these few months in a 

most wretched state, owing to a complaint, which they call > 

but which has appeared to be one of a much more serious 
nature, I am now getting better, and great hopes are given me 
that I shall get quite well. — ^To tell you, my dear Sir, the differ- 
ent forms my complaint has taken, would be impossible, some- 
times I have been in the deepest distress, and sometimes in a 
state of irritation not to be described, at present I am neither 
one or the other, but have a total loss of memory, as far as re- 
lates to present occurrences, and I cannot connect things, or 
make any arrangements. — ^This is certainly a state of great 
hazard, particularly having so much responsibility upon me, — ^but 
I hope I shall soon be better if I am able to get into the Coun- 
try, which I trust your liberality will justify me in doing with 
prudence. — I have been obliged lately many times to quit town 
for a short time and I believe it was of use to me. — I know 
every thing depends upon my keeping up, and as far as in my 
own power, I shall certainly make the exertion to do so. — I 
have not for some months past, my dear Sir, been able to do 
business, my friends, particularly Mr. Coxe have made great 
exertions for me, but it has, I am convinced, suffered very much, 
but this cannot be helped, it has pleased the Almighty to visit 
me with an affliction most severe. — Should it be His pleasure to 
restore me, my gratitude to Him will be unbounded. — 

The Bill to Miss F. has been received. I do not know for 
what purpose I wished it sent to me, but believe I requested it 



lAft of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict AmdcL 477 

when I did not very well know what I did. — Your kind present 
also has been received, for which I am tmly grateftd. — ^You need 
not, my dear Sir, fear that my Sons will occasion me any un- 
necessary expense ; they are both of them excellent and have 
long since given up their Pensions for the use of the younger 
branches of the family. — ^Miss Fitch has received a letter from 
my darling Edward, saying that he has just received a News- 
paper account of the loss he has sustained, that he knows 
not how his Father ha? disposed of his property, but that if he 
left him anything, he begs her, in his name, to relinquish it for 
the benefit of his Mother and family. — ^Poor fellow he knows 
not the distressed circumstances in which his father died. — ^He 
adds that he shall henceforth consider William as his own, and 
provide for him. — God grant that he may have the means. — 
James is equally good and noble; indeed I am much blessed 
in my children. — Mj dear Girl continues extremely delicate, and 
her constitution has suffered a great shock from the loss she has 
sustained and the situation in which I have been, but should it 
please God to restore me wholly I trust she will recover. — I 
have got into a small, but very neat house, where I trust on a 
fiiture day I may be comfortable. 

I shall write soon to my beloved Sisters, whose affectionate 
letters I have received. — My Sister Burd's of March 22nd is the 
first line I have had from her since my misfortune, the one she 
mentions fr*om Mr. Burd has never come to hand, which is very 
unfortunate, for should it become necessary to account to his 
Creditors, for my not taking steps to recover my Brother's debt, 
his letter might have been my justification. 

I cannot, my dear Sir, form any plans for my fUture residence 
till I see how this business will terminate, if I could quit Lon- 
don I should prefer going to some Country town, but perhaps 
to get my boys forward my presence here may be necessary. — 
But you may be assured my beloved Parent that I will take no 
measures that are not directed by Prudence. — Some weeks ago 
I was not able to write even a common note, now I can do it 
without difELculty, for many months past I have been unable to 
read and now cannot connect two sentences, but I flatter myself 
that I shall again acquire it, — with my memory. And now my 
beloved and respected Parent, may the Blessings of Heaven 
attend you alL 

M. A. 



478 LAft of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Letter from James B. Arnold to Mrs, Arnold, 

NoBTH SmsLDS, June 30 1802. 

I return my most hearty thankB to the Almighty, my tenderly 
beloved Mother, for the fitir prospect there seems to be of your 
perfect recovery. Nothing on earth could afford me such real 
happiness. I hope to hear that Dr. Yaughan has recommended 
change of air, and that you propose passing the summer out of 
Town. Miss Fitch mentions having recommended a voyage to 
Tinmouth — ^The Voyage, I believe would be of very great ser- 
vice; but the place, I can by no means recommend. It cer- 
tainly is near the sea, & you may bathe, but there is literaUy no 
other amusement. There are no rooms, no raffles, not at this 
time of the year are there any plays or assemblies. The people 
who come here to bathe are mostly from Newcastle ; k being in 
trade, have of course very little time to spare ; they do not as- 
sociate with the Military; indeed from the specimens I have 
seen of them, I feel by no means anxious for their acquaint- 
ance. The parties that come only remain a few weeks, & are 
then relieved. I believe I could provide very genteel accom- 
modations for you, but I think the description is quite suffi- 
cient. 

Pray, my dearest Mother, do not distress me by again men- 
tioning drawing upon you. At least let me try if I cannot live 
upon my pay. Provisions are tolerably cheap in this part of 
the world, & there really are no inducements to be extravagant. 
You already have my promise to ask for your assistance if I 
want it ; but I beg you will not press me to this measure, tiU it 
is really necessary. 

I have taken a very genteel lodging here, I am about a mile 
from Tinmouth, to which this situation is far preferable. At 
this time of the year, lodgings are a vast deal dearer than in 
the winter, owing to the great demand by bathers. I pay 12s. 
6d. a week — for which I have two very good rooms, & bed & 
table linen found me. This is thought, for the season very 
cheap. If I am here when the season is over, I am to have 
them for half a guinea, but I shall then most probably live in 
Tinmouth where I shall be able to get rooms for 7 or 8 Shillings. 
Now, they are dearer in Tinmouth than they are here, as that is 
nearer the bathing place. 

I expect Major Hockings here tomorrow, & when he comes 



lAft of Margaret ShippeUy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 479 

we shall be very busy. There is a large Storehouse in Timnouth 
to which we are going to make a very considerable addition & 
there are also some little things to be done on the coast, which 
I fancy it will fall to my lot to execute ; in this case I shall hare 
some little travelling, which at this time of the year will be 
pleasant; & as the Board makes an allowance upon these occa- 
sions, it will be no material extra expence. 

Miss Fitch tells me that the Swedish Capt. has arrived & has 
commenced an action. I rejoice, however my dearest Mother, 
to find that this has not had the effect upon you which it would 
have had a short time ago ; & that you are determined to bear 
with fortitude whatever may occur. Continue my beloved 
Mother, in this resolution, & remember that in a very few years 
all earthly events will be of no avail. But for the sake of the 
family, I trust things will yet turn out favorably ; & that we 
shall all pass many happy days together. Bemember me most 
kindly to Mr. Coxe & fetmily. At present I have nothing to 
trouble him with, but in the event of there being any prize 
money I shall perhaps request his assistance. I long to hear 
that you have got rid of your colds & left London. 

Tho' the weather has been bad it is now extremely fine. I 
find the bathing extremely cold after the Mediterranean, but it 
is very pleasant. The accommodations for the ladies are exces- 
sively bad. I certainly shall not ask leave to come to Town 
unless it should be necessary, particularly as there is some 
chance of your leaving it. Pray do so if circumstances will 
permit ; you have no idea how happy it would make me, k I 
am sure it would do you all a vast deal of service. How are 
poor little Liss & dear Sophia? give them a thousand kisses 
for me. George, I suppose will soon be with you for the holi- 
days. I am extremely anxious to have something fixed upon 
for him. I am delighted with the pleasant accounts from 
worthy Edward. I believe India is the country to grow fat in. 
I shall give Sophia an epistle very shortly. Adieu, my tenderly 
beloved Mother. God Almighty bless you all, most sincerely 
prays your most dutiful & affectionate Son. 

J. Abnold. 

I have not been able to find a house for our friends. This 
part of the Country is not very favorable for that purpose. 
But I have ordered some inquiries, tho' yet without success. 



480 lAft of Margaret Shippen^ W^e of Benedict Arnold. 

Letter from Mrs. Arnold to her Father. 

I have passed much of my time for the last twelve months 
with different friends in different parts of the Country; this 
change of scene has contributed more than any other thing to 
the restoration of my health and spirits; and has given me an 
opportunity of forming some judgment for the regulation of my 
fiiture residence. 

The Country in England with a certain Establishment is de- 
lightftil ; but to go into it with a confined Income, unknown and 
unable to associate with the most respectable part of its in- 
habitants would be extremely painM to me and would be too 
lonely for either my dear girl, or myself; — ^A Country Town 
would be still worse, very few affording that society I could 
tolerate, it being chiefly composed of Card plapng, tattling, old 
Maids, and people wholly unaccustomed to genteel life. — ^Under 
these circumstances, I believe London will be the most eligible 
situation for me, where I am known ; and I trust, respected ; and 
where I really believe that those who know how to manage, may 
live as cheap, as in almost any other part of England. — ^The 
want of a Carriage I shall most feel ; not only in point of com- 
fort, but respectability. I have been endeavoring so to econo* 
mize, as to enable me with prudence to keep one for three or 
four Months in the Winter ; but I fear it will not do ; — every 
article of life keeps up at a most astonishing price ; and the long 
desired Peace, has failed to bring with it those advantages, that 
we bad in expectation. 

I know my dear ftiends, that it will give you pleasure to hear 
that I have been successftd in a plan that I had formed for 
€reorge's advancement. There is a new Boyal Military College, 
lately established, under the patronage of the Duke of York, and 
many of our first Military Men ; its present members are con- 
fined to one hundred ; twenty of whom are to be nominated by 
the East India Company, for their Service. — I have been ex- 
tremely desirous of getting George in this number, as they take 
rank in India, immediately upon their Admission into the Col- 
lege ; have the best Masters that can be procured, and half of 
the Bxpence borne by the Company. The numbers being so 
limited, it has required great interest to procure it : after trying 
for two months, I despaired of success ; when last week, I re* 
ceived a very friendly letter from the Marquis Comwallis, saying 



lAft of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict AmML 481 

that he had at length been so fortanate as to obtain it for me, 
and George goes this day to the India House to undergo an 
Examination. I have no fears of his not acquitting himself 
satisfactorily. I have not lately heard from Edward ; — James 
is in Northumberland, constructing some works, near Tinmouth 
Castle, where his curiosity has been greatly gratified, by meeting 
underground, with Booms, Staircases, &c. not known of, and 
supposed to have been built in the seventh Century. 

You will have heard that poor Mr. k Mrs. Coxe have at last 
lost their darling Daughter; a stroke more severely felt from 
their sanguine expectations of her recovery : I have been greatly 
shocked lately at poor Mr. Montgomery's death ; you may recol- 
lect him in the College at Philadelphia, — he afterwards married 
a Miss Delancy of Maryland. — ^He had arrived here at great 
Church preferment, which has rendered his circumstances ex- 
tremely easy. He left London last year for a good living, in 
Hertfordshire; whether his secluded situation in the country, 
after being accustomed to much society, or any other circum- 
stance operated upon his mind is not known ; but after sending 
his Wife and Children to the neighboring Village, to see a com- 
pany of strolling players, he hung himself. I had a great regard 
for him, and greatly regret his death, and the manner of it. 

I am surprized, when I look back, to see how much I have 
written without stopping ; — but habit has rendered the employ- 
ment much more easy. 

Adieu, my beloved Parent, and dear Sisters, may every 
blessing attend you. — Believe me most tenderly and truly Yours. 

M. Arnold. 

BrTAHBTON &TBERT, LOMDON. 

October 6th, 1802. 

Extract of a Letter from Mrs. Arnold to Richard and Henry 
Arnold^ dated November 5, 1802, 

I early informed you, that in undertaking the settlement of 
the most troublesome business that ever devolved upon a female, 
I bad not been actuated in the smallest degree by the hope of 
benefiting myself or my children ; that I was induced to do it 
only from respect to your Father's memory — the certainty that 
I could do more justice to others than any other person could, 
and the wish to prevent all private letters from falling into the 
hands of strangers. . . . 
VOL. XXV. — 31 



482 lAft of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict AmddL 

Bat thanks to the goodness of Grod, I am restored to serenity 
and the power of exertion, and I shall perseveringly go on in 
the arduous task I have undertaken ; the only recompense will 
be the consciousness that I have done my duty. 

I have been under the necessity of parting with my ftimiture, 
wine, and many other comforts provided for me by the indul- 
gent hand of affection ; and have by these sacrifices paid all the 
ascertained debts, within a few hundred pounds, and hope to be 
enabled to discharge the remainder, and to pay a part of the 
legacies, provided a demand to a large amount, made by a Swede 
for the detention of his Vessel, is not substantiated. I have a 
-hint that this has been decided against us ; if so, I have the mor- 
tification of knowing that neither myself nor my children will 
ever have the value of a guinea fh>m their dear Father's property, 
and that even the uncommon liberality of my Sons in giving up 
their pensions for the use of the &mily, has been of no avail. 
But these things are wisely ordained by the Almighty for some 
good purpose, and His justice and mercy we cannot doubt. A 
few months will bring things near to a close, when I will give 
you every particular. 

While I have the means of preventing it, I will never suffer 
the sister of my husband to want, and shall supply her from my 
own little income with what is necessary for her. I approve 
-highly of her residing with you in fViture. . . . 

My dear Edward is one of the most noble of youths; he 
writes sanguinely of his prospects in India; fh>m his pay he 
insists upon taking upon himself the entire expense of little Wil- 
liam's education ; he had before made over his pension irrevo- 
cably to his sister. Dear James is equally generous and disin- 
terested, and is now living with great difficulty upon his pay, 
that his pension may be appropriated to the use of the family. 
My dear girl is all that is amiable and excellent, and Greorge 
and William promise fair to emulate the example of their elder 
brothers. Such children compensate for a thousand ills. . . . 

Your poor Father thought these lands (in Canada) an object, 
and expended a great deal of interest and trouble in procuring 
them. Every thing depends upon their judicious location. . . « 

I am now living in a very small house in Bryanston Street, 
using furniture purchased fh>m Carlow, (a servant) who is now 
a more independent woman than her mistress. . . . My Father 
is very good to me ; but for his aid, I should have suffered still 



JAft of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benediet AmolcL 488 

more wretchedneaB. He and my sisters are very desirous of my 
going to reside with them, but my anxiety to get your little 
brothers on in life, will deprive me of this gratification. I have 
placed George at the New Boyal Military College, to which he 
was appointed (through the interest of the Marquis Comwallis) 
by the India Company, who will pay half the expense of his 
education, he being designed for their Service. It is a most ex- 
cellent Seminary, and embraces every part of education neces- 
sary to form the soldier and the gentleman. 
I shall write to your aunt by this Packet. 



Bbtakbtom Stbert, London, Jany. 5th 1803. 

Tour welcome letter my beloved and respected Parent of Nov. 
30 was delivered to me last evening by Mr. Coxe at whose house 
I was upon a visit. The commendations you so encouragingly 
bestow upon my conduct are extremely grateftd to me ; and the 
more so, from tiie consciousness of their being not wholly unde- 
served. I have gone through many painM and distressing 
scenes, which had nearly overpowered me ; but I am now thanks 
to the goodness of God enabled to bear the great change in my 
situation with fortitude ; and regret the deprivation of many of 
the comforts I have been accustomed to enjoy, only as they affect 
my children and retard their advancement in life. But I am very 
thankM for the blessings still spared me, and have great satis- 
faction in informing you my dearest Sir, that my exertions in 
the laborious task I have undertaken have been so far crowned 
with success ; that I have paid every ascertained debt due from 
the Estate of my late lamented husband, within four or five 
hundred pounds, and this I ]iave the means of discharging. I 
will not attempt to describe to you the toil it has been to me ; 
but may without vanity add, that few women could have effected 
what I have done, And to you, my dear Parent am I indebted 
for the ability to perform what I have done, as you bestowed 
upon me the most usefid, and best education that America at 
that time afforded. 

As I am sure you must be interested in all that relates to my- 
self, and my family, I will from time to time ftilly communicate 
to you my situation, my plans and prospects. In the moment 
of despair, I placed myself in a house rather too small for com- 
fort, or perhaps to keep up a proper appearance ; but having 



484 lAfe of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict Amdd. 

fitted it up with extreme neatness, and some taste ; and seeing 
no relaetanee in my friends in a superior line, to visiting us here, 
I shall probably be induced to continue here, as I stand at an un- 
commonly low rent ; that and the Taxes upon the house, not ex- 
ceeding £56 a year. I now feel the disposition, as well as the 
propriety, on account of my children, of mixing with the world, 
as keeping up an interest for them, is the only chance of their 
advancement, and I must endeavor to do it in the most respecta- 
ble manner in my power, always keeping in view, the absolute 
necessity of living within my little income. 

I must mix with Society in a way not very gratifying to my 
vanity, or the natural ambition, which I confess has often an- 
noyed me, but I have the satisAtction of knowing that I stand 
well with the world, and that the change of my circumstances 
can never be imputed to any imprudence of my own. I have 
well weighed the propriety of quitting London, and retiring into 
the country, — the experience of many of my friends convinces 
me that the saving to be made in doing it, would be very incon- 
siderable, and by no means equivalent to the sacrifice of friends, 
and of connections that may be hereafter useAil to my children ; 
among them I am estimated for myself, which in addition to my 
former situation, will insure me respect : — Among strangers, I 
should be rated according to my present means of appearance, 
which would place me in a very inferior rank in society, which 
my pride could but ill brook. 

In accomplishing the desirable end of paying all the debts, I 
have been under the necessity of paying for the frimiture, Plate, 
and every article even to clothing ; that could come under the 
denomination of assets ; the former were disposed of, with the 
lease of the house, at nearly the valuation. The Plate I have a 
little pride in keeping ; and the other things are necessary to 
myself k my dear children. I have an expectation of recover^ 
ing about £300 ftx>m a business still undivided — ^this, if no fresh 
demand arise, must be appropriated, as far as it will go, to the 
payment of the annuities, in the meantime I am under the ne- 
cessity of supporting the sister of my husband, but conceiving 
this a duty, I do it with cheerftilness, more especially as I trust 
it will preclude the necessity of my being obliged to take any 
measures to distress my brother. I have within a small sum, 
paid the Legacies to the Greneral's sons in Canada, which I was 
fortunately enabled to do under the description of debts — he 



JAft of Margaret Shipperty Wife of Benedict Arnold. 485 

having accepted Bills to nearly the amount ; this was very satis- 
factory to me, as it was the only thing that preserved them from 
utter rain, or prevented their being thrown into a Jail. I have 
the most grateMl and affectionate letters fh>m them expressive 
of the sense they entertain of my conduct to them. I have 
sent out directions to Canada to have the Lands granted by the 
Gk>vemment, located. I do not know whether they will be of 
any benefit to my family, but I think it right to take the chance 
of their being so. I presume from your not mentioning the sub- 
ject, that I am never to expect to derive any advantage from the 
Mount Pleasant Estate ; I should like however to know in what 
manner it has been disposed of My health is tolerably good ; 
and I endeavor to keep up my spirits as well as I can. My 
solicitude for my children renders this rather a difficult task, 
and the unprotected state in which they would be left by my 
death, is a constant source of anxiety to me. My dear girl is 
extremely delicate, and particularly feels the close confinement, 
the weather at this season of the year occasions without a car- 
riage. My boys are getting on as well as I could expect. I am 
highly delighted with the College in which I had the good for- 
tune to get George placed, and he has distinguished himself there 
in a way to induce the Governor to send me the most flattering 
reports of his conduct. I feel much obliged to you my dear Sir 
for any attention paid to the affairs of Mr. Coxe, who has been 
a steady and usefrd friend to me. I hope his long clouded pros- 
pects are beginning to brighten. They have borne their various 
misfortunes with wonderfril resignation and are deserving of a 
happier lot. Beport has again all but actually married my dear 
Sister Lea, — from her I do not expect to hear whether it is to be 
depended upon ; but I am sure you will have the goodness to 
communicate to me intelligence so interesting. I think was I so 
happily situated as she is, I should be very fearfril of risking a 
change. Knowing a Parent's feelings k how interesting every 
little circumstance is, relative to those we tenderly love, I will 
make no apology, my dearest Sir, for entering so minutely into 
my own affairs. I shall write to my sisters by this Packet. 
My darling children join me in most respectful love to you. — 
Believe I am, my Parent, 

very tenderly, 

Your i^ectionate and sincere 
M, Abnolp. 



486 lAft of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

Letter from Mrs. Arnold to Richard and Henry Arnold^ 180S. 

I feel gratified by your affectionate anxiety for me, and am 
happy to have it in my power to relieve it, by assuring you that 
I am infinitely better, and thank €k>d, restored to a good degree 
of comfort. ... A variety of the most agonizing scenes, followed 
by a press of the most harassing business, had nearly subdued 
that fortitude which never before forsook me. 

The excellence of my children is a never^failing source of 
delight to me, and the kindness I experience fh>m my friends, 
tends to make me much less sensible of the material change in 
my situation. 

The Situation of your dear Father's aflUrs has made it neces- 
sary for me to have the most trifling article disposed of, or valued 
and paid for by myself— this has extended even to his clothing. 

The Swede has not withdrawn his claim — ^but does not press it 
with much vigor. . , . 

I shall send you by Mr. Morley some of your dear Father's 
hair, his seal with his Arms, and sleeve-buttons, knee and shoe- 
buckles, &c., &c., which as having been long worn by him, will I 
doubt not be valued by you. 



Chambkhs Fabm Eppivo July 3 1808 
I hope, my beloved sister, that my hearing from you so much 
less frequently than formerly, is not to be attributed to your 
solicitude respecting my dear niece, whose health I was truly 
grieved to hear, was in a very delicate state. The nature of her 
complaints I have not heard, but hope that they are not serious, 
probably they would be wholly relieved by her being in the 
family way. Please present my most affectionate love to her, 
and assure her of my warm regard, and wishes for her recovery 
and happiness. 

I have boon much of an invalid lately, and have found it 
necessary to consult our two first medical men, in the female 
line. Doctors Denman k Clarke. They have ascertained it to be 
a complaint of the womb, which requires the greatest care and 
attention to conquer, if it can ever be effected. — It is now several 
weeks since I have eaten animal food, or tasted wine, beer, or any 
thing heating, — ^and I am obliged to keep almost constantly in a 
recumbent 'posture. — ^This I found, in town, extremely irksome, 



Lift of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 487 

and with cheerfuHness accepted an invitation from my old and 
steady friend, Mrs. Shedden, to come out here with my children, 
where I am quite at home and enjoy my sopha, surrounded by a 
large and friendly family, and being at a large farm house, I have 
the advantage of a milk diet in the greatest perfection. — I shall 
never be able to walk much, as that kind of exercise will in- 
crease my complaints, to that in a carriage I must be indebted 
to my friends. — Every evil that attends me is greatly increased 
by my solicitude for my children and their happiness and well 
being is so dependant upon my existence. 

My dear James is now waiting for a Convoy to the West 
Indies, having been under orders for that place for some time. — 
He is now at the Isle of Wight, passing his time away pleas- 
antly at Mr. Groodrich's, the elder Brother of Mr. Shedden, within 
sight of his ship, which lays at the Motherbank. 

I have been a great sufferer, my beloved Sister, for the last 
three years, but can thank €k>d, though laboring under appre- 
hensions for myself, restored to a perfect serenity of mind, and 
a degree of contentment, that some time ago, I thought it im- 
possible for me ever to regain. — 1 shall now go on, I hope, per- 
severing by " doing my duty in that state of life, in which it has 
pleased God to call me." 

The kindness I have, and still continue to receive from my 
friends here, is very uncommon, and certainly to that I am 
greatly indebted for my recovery from that low wretched state, 
which had nearly overpowered me. 

You find that we are again plunged into the horrors of War, but 
we are united hand and heart, to oppose our perfidious enemy, 
the effects of which will be most severely felt by those situated 
as I am upon a very confined income, but I should and do most 
cheerfully contribute my little aid, in support of a Government, 
from which I derive my means of living. 

My plans for the Summer are still unfixed. — I have been here 
three weeks, and shall perhaps continue duriug the greater part 
of little William's holidays. — I have several invitations to my 
friends in the Countiy, which I shall accept, if my health will 
admit of it. — ^There are few places where I can be so much at my 
ease as here, where I was brought in a coach, so fitted out, as to 
enable me to perform the whole journey laying down. — ^My 
complaint is quite local as my general health was never better. — 

I must bid you adieu, my dear Sister, as I have several letters 



488 lAft of Margaret Shipperij Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

to write, and pursue this employment, while laying down. — 
Tender love to all your dear family, and believe me, my beloved 
Sister, most affectionately Yours 

M. Arnold 

I have this instant received the enclosed note, my dear Sister, 
from my good friend Mrs. Coxe, it proves her affection for me, 
and I am sorry to say her own deplorable situation. — ^I am 
grieved to find that they are disappointed in their sanguine ex- 
pectations with respect to some property in America. It would 
be a great gratification to me should the interest of any of my 
friends there be successAilly exerted for the benefit of this truly 
worthy family. 

Extract of a Letter from Mrs. Arnold to Richard and Henry 
Arnold^ dated July £7, 180S. 

God knows how it will terminate ; I am endeavoring to pre- 
pare my mind for the worst, but when I reflect upon the unpro- 
tected state of my children, whose welfare so greatly depends 
upon my exertions for them, I am almost deprived of that forti- 
tude so essential to my own support. . . . 

I have from time to time given you an account of your dear 
Father's affairs. I have nearly accomplished what I am con- 
vinced no other person could have done— the payment of all the 
just debts. 

I have lately had several demands made upon me on account 
of the Vile Privateers^ which I know not whether I can resist, 
or even if they are just. 

The claim of the Swede for the detention of his vessel and 
total loss of his cargo, is in the Court of Admiralty. 

You can form not the smallest idea of the trouble and per- 
plexity in which I have been involved. The only reward is, the 
having saved you from distress, and the gratification of having 
paid all your dear Father's just debts, so that no reflection on 
that score can ever be cast upon his memory. 

I am uneasy at not hearing from your aunt for a long time ; I 
am fearfhl she may be in distress for money. I have written 
repeatedly to her, and requested her to draw on me for twenty- 
four pounds which I will endeavour to allow her annually. 

I have heard lately from Edward, who had just had a severe 
action with the army of one of the native chiefs. James is now 



Life of Margaret Shipperiy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 489 

OD his passage to the West Indies ; G^rge is at the Eoyal Mili- 
tary school, and if I live, will go to the East Indies next year. 
Tour sister is with me, and little William goes to the school at 
which all his brothers were educated. 



Letter from Mrs, Arnold to Richard and Henry Arnold^ dated 
August^ 180S. 

I have the greatest satisfaction in informing you that the long 
pending Admiralty case of the Swedish ship is decided, and in 
our favor. Their claim was for the loss of the ship, cargo, and 
two years detention. Had they succeeded, ten times the prop- 
erty I have would not have satisfied their demand. 

Upon this decision every thing depended, and until it was 
given it was impossible to bring the business to a close. . . . 

Although I have suffered, in my choice of evils, almost be- 
yond human endurance, I now repent not at having made it. 

To you I have rendered an essential service ; I have rescued 
your Father's memory irom disrespect, by paying all his just 
debts ; and his Children will now never have the mortification 
of being reproached with his speculations having injured any 
body beyond his own family ; and his motives, not the unfortu- 
nate termination will be considered by them, and his memory 
will be doubly dear to them. 

It has been a dreadful business, and minute as I have been in 
my detail, it is quite impossible for you to form an idea of what 
I have had to encounter, besides the sacrifice of all my accus- 
tomed comforts. I have not even a tea-spoon, a towel, or a 
bottle of wine that I have not paid for. But having nearly 
completed my great work, I was beginning to enjoy some degree 
of comfort, to which however my ill health is a great interrup- 
tion. 

And now to the important business of the Canada Lands. I 
am veiy glad to hear that the difficulty of the grant is over- 
come — more particularly as I understand, that if they are judi- 
ciously located they will certainly be of considerable value. 



I always feel a peculiar degree of solicitude to hear from you 
at this Season, my beloved Parent, as the Summer so frequently 



490 lAft of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

produces that dreadfhl Fever. Though we find that it is raging 
with violence at New York, we are taught to hope that it has 
not extended its influence to Philadelphia. — ^May God preserve 
you all. — 

The arrival of several Packets, without a line from any of the 
family has caused me gretfTdisappointment ; I have many months 
ago informed my Sisters of my alarming indisposition, and should 
have been soothed by the affectionate sympathy of Sisters so 
beloved. It is nearly eight months since I was distressed with 
an internal complaint, of which I did not think seriously, till 
finding it increase, I consulted a man of the first eminence here, 
in the female line, who pronounced that it was a complaint of 
long standing, most serious in its nature, and would require the 
utmost attention for a length of time. I was prohibited the use 
of any kind of animal food, wine, or even small beer and was 
entirely confined to a recumbent position. Finding no amend- 
ment after rigidly pursuing this plan two months, my friends 
urged a consultation of the most able men. There was but little 
variance in the opinion I had already had of the mode to be 
adopted to, if possible, avert the dreaded evil, a Cancer, and I 
have steadily pursued the plan laid down for nearly six months. 
— I have lately been much worse, in consequence of a very large 
tumor having formed which broke and dischaiged an immense 
quantity. To prevent another is now the great object, but I am 
not much encouraged to hope for success. I have experienced 
the most uncommon attention from my friends, which has en- 
abled me to pass a great part of the Summer in the Countiy, 
which was deemed absolutely essential, and which I could not 
otherwise have accomplished. — I made my journeys in a Coach, 
laying down, and was indulged with laying constantly upon a 
sofa. — Indeed the posture has become so natural to me, that I 
always write, and work in it. — I have not walked two miles for 
the last six months, my kind friends give me fr^uently an op- 
portunity of taking the air, in the only way in which I can do 
it. — I will not, my dear Parent, comment upon my present un- 
pleasant situation, or ftiture sad prospects. — 

You will see by our Papers, that the crisis is fast approach- 
ing that is to decide the fate of England; this is the month 
when Bonaparte threatens us. — God know how it is to 
end, — 

I beg to be remembered most affectionately to my dear Sisters ; 



lAfe of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 491 

and am my tenderly beloved Parent, most sinoerely ft truly 
yours 

K A. 

BbTAMBTON &TBERT 

Nov. 2nd, 1808 



Bbtanston &TBERT Maj 14th [1804] 
Yours, my beloved Sister, of March 20th afforded me great 
gratification, as the long silence of my family had been a source 
of great uneasiness to me, and preyed upon my spirits, when I 
conceived my situation to be such as to render it probable I could 
never, in this world, hear again from you. I have been indeed 
very near death, my dear Sister, and my complaints are such, as 
to give me but little hope of long continuing an Inhabitant of 
this world. 

I have gained more strength in the last six weeks than I could 
have expected, considering my total confinement to the house, in 
a recumbent position, and that I get no sleep but what is pro- 
cured by opium, administered in various forms. It is four 
months since my violent attack ; for nine days I lay with every 
appearance of a Corpse, and as cold in the extremities as you 
ever felt one ; with flEiintings, whenever moved. Most violent 
remedies were used internally, with constantly applying cloths, 
dipped in iced water, to my body, without the effect of stopping 
the complaint, till exhausted nature worked her own cure. It 
was so long before I recovered strength, and I was distressed 
with so great a difficulty of breathing, that it was greatly appre- 
hended that I had water upon my chest ; which however was not 
the case. At the expiration of seven weeks I was put into a 
Carriage, and taken out for a quarter of an hour ; this was re- 
peated for some days, but it produced symptoms too alarming to 
make it prudent to continue it, and it is now seven weeks since 
I have been able to take any other air, than what my little 
House afforded me. But I could submit with great patience to 
this confinement, and even the extreme pain I always endure, 
when not under the effects of opium, was there any prospect of 
its terminating favorably. My only chance is from an internal 
operation, which it is at present dangerous to perform. I trust 
I bear this heavy affliction with great resignation ; and I do not 
suffer my spirits to overcome me. I have much to be thankfrd 
for; — most particularly for the very uncommon attention and 



492 lAft of Margaret ShippeUy Wife of Benedict Arnold. 

kindness that I hourly experience from my numerous friends ; 
indeed a general so]i[ci]tude has been shown for me. I have 
the best advice that London can afford, and am constantly 
attended by two of the most eminent Physicians. . . . 

Though in a very contracted stile, I have every comfort neces- 
sary to my situation, for which I am indebted to the great 
liberality of the best Sons in the world, who contribute their 
little mite to render me so. I have a great many invitations 
from my different friends to divide my Summer among them ; 
but I greatly fear that a removal will be scarcely practicable. 

My dear Greorge will leave me, for India in a few weeks ; he 
will go under many advantages, and my situation greatly recon- 
ciles me to his going. My beloved Edward has been a sharer in 
the honor of all those brilliant victories in India, obtained by 
General Lake, and as a cavalry Officer, was exposed to great 
danger, which God be praised he escaped, except a wind wound, 
which much bruised his arm, and his horse touched in many places. 
I trust his conduct will lead to something advantageous to himself, 
as Genl. Lake, after the action, gave him a Cometcy in an old 
Begt. of the King's Dragoons for Greorge, who would probably 
have been a Lieutenant by the time he arrived, with pay and 
emoluments of £M0 pr an. But I am this day going to send on 
his resignation of it, by the advice of all my friends ; the Com- 
pany's service being preferable, as attended with more perma- 
nent advantages. My dearest James is Stationary Commanding 
Engineer at Barbadoes, as well as Adjutant which gives him 
many advantages, particularly most capital quarters, immediately 
over the Sea, a circumstance of infinite importance to his health. 
Nothing can be going on better than all my Children, and you 
do not know how high their characters stand. 

I am sorry to find that our dear father is involved in any con- 
test with the Assembly ; though I am convinced his Character 
can never be affected by it. 

The life of our good King has never been in danger ; we have 
had greater apprehensions on account of his mind ; he is better, 
but it is feared that the difficulties attending the arrangement of 
the present change of Ministry may have an unfavorable effect 
upon him. 

Tou wish my dear Sister to know whether my pension would 
be affected by his death ; I should much fear that it would as it 
would of course cease ; and its renewal would depend upon the 



lAft of Margaret Shippm^ Wife of Benedict Arnold. 498 

whim of his Successor, who at present shows no disposition to 
respect the wishes of his Father, and with whom I have no 
interest. 

I am gratified my beloved Sister at your renewed invitations 
to me to visit you ; nothing could afford me greater gratifica- 
tion; but the Almighty has willed it otherwise, by infiicting 
upon me my present calamity. This letter has been written at 
different times, and entirely whilst laying down. — ^Yesterday 
after writing two pages, I fainted away. — ^My dear girl is but 
indifferent ; she is too much aware of the blow that probably 
awaits her. — I rejoice that your darling child is spared to you. 

Pray present my tenderest regards to all the family and be- 
lieve me, my truly beloved Sister, ever Tours 

JflL. Ji., 



London, J0I7 5th 1804 
Dear Sir — 

I wrote you some time past, by desire of your dear daughter 
Mrs. Arnold, respecting the then situation of her very ill health 
— an interval of ^eming change for the better afterwards oc- 
curred, that gives much hope to her friends, and which, 1 fear, 
induced Mrs. Coxe to mention it to her Father in a more favor- 
able light than has since been verified — Indeed, from the facts I 
was myself privately in possession of from Dr. Denman, the 
most eminent in his line, I had every reason to believe her case 
hopeless, but did not disclose this to Mrs. C. or any Friend, lest 
it might, ultimately get to her ears — ^it was of the utmost conse- 
quence, even to her strong and even mind, to keep this ftx>m 
her, as it might throw an immediate despair upon her, and check 
those absolute attentions to her Children which were so neces- 
sary at the moment of shipping Oeorge off for India to join his 
Brother Bdward — ^As I foresaw, her complaints have increased, 
and, I much lament, appear, from some late ft present attacks, 
to be coming forward to that crisis, which must terminate, 
shorter, or later, the existence of one of the finest women I 
know — ^This sad reflection, my dear Sir, cannot affect you more 
as a Father, than it does me, who feel for her all the affections 
ft interest of a Father ft Friend — I therefore think it my duty, 
both to you, to her, ft her children, to apprise you of this her 
real situation, that, as I have hinted before you might think 
proper to make such dispositions in favor of her, or, in case of 



494 Uft of Margaret Shippen^ Wife of Benedict Arnolds 

any accident to her, so likely to be apprehended, in fitvor of her 
children, as to such share of your Estate, as you meant she 
should have partaken of, in proportion to the rest of your chil- 
dren — You will have the goodness to ascribe to the true motives, 
love dh Friendship for your Daughter ft her Children, the liberty 
I have taken to hint her real situation to you, that you may 
adopt such measures in your Will, as may meet the certainty, of 
her, not very distant dissolution, unless a kind of miracle should 
intervene against the private opinion of the best informed of the 
Faculty — and she has the best — ^At this moment (for I visit her 
every day) she is very ill with a third attack, which, tho better, 
has exhausted her to a degree that alarms us much. — ^This, per- 
haps, has been much increased from taking a last & final adieu 
of her son George, who we yesterday shipped off for Bengal in 
the ship Baring as a Cadet in the India's Company service, 
where, when he arrives, he takes rank from 15 ft half, as a 
Comet, and will join his Brother Edward, who has been with 
Crenl Lake in all his brilliant campaignes in India, with much 
honor to himself— -George is a young man of the first order in 
genius ft spirit, so much so, as to have acquired the most distin- 
guished honors at the Military Institution at Marlow it could 
bestowe, and goes with same eclat from the India House in its 
service, as particularly recommended by Gen'l Harcourt, the 
head of that college. 

James, as L't of Engineers, and as selected, has distinguished 
himself, in the late capture of Surrinam, greatly to his honor ft 
Future rising fame — I enclose a letter from Col. Shipley to Crenl 
Morse, which speaks more than I can say in his favor — I will 
only remark that the copy is in Sophia's Sand writing — She is, 
dear Girl, more worthy of your notice ft attentions, than any 
other of the family, tho all most meritorious — she is the most 
amiable ft correct of her sex I ever saw. — ^leave her not, my 
dear Sir, in distress, for should she lose her Mother, much, you 
know, drops with her — the boys are provided for ft can ft ought 
to shift for themselves — a Girl cannot — ^her Brothers are the 
most kind ft affectionate and throw all into the scale they can 
from their Pensions ft pay in her flEivor, but you may easily 
imagine this to be limitted ft precarious — I confess to feel most 
deeply interested for her perfect independence — ^this will rest 
with you — ^and to you I leave every proper precaution to insure 
its provision — ^You will excuse me, when I declare to feel for 



lAft of Margaret Skippen, Wife of Benedict Arnolds 496 

her in partictUar and indeed for all of the rest, the most parental 
affections & Solicitude. 

Thinking thus, and also favored with the most particular con- 
fidence of your Daughter Mrs. Arnold, I take the liberty to ex- 
press my sentiments on an occasion that, I fear, may bring on 
the most melancholy feelings fix>m us all — ^I therefore repeat, 
that I feel it a duty to inform you, truly, of her present situa- 
tion — ^your Daughter now lies on a sick bed, very painful & 
alarming, not able to partake of the least exercise, such is the 
nature of her complaints — I need say no more to a Father — I 
saw her this day on her sopha, reclined & looking so ill as to 
shock me — She was not able to write to you or would have done 
it — She begged me to say for her all duty & affection to you & 
her sisters — 

Tho surrounded with many friend