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3rP9.6

ll^arbarli College l.itirars

FROM THE BEqUKST OF

GEORGE FRANCIS PARKMAN

(Class of 1844)

OF BOSTON

A fund of $25,000, established in 1909, the income
of which is used

" For the purchase of books for the Library"

J'

,^L^>^<^'^^ i

Vol

TRANSACTIONS

OF rm

CUMERLAISl) AND WESTMORLAND

MTIQUARIAN & ARCMOLOGICAL

SOCIETY.

FOUNDED ISflB.

EDITOR :

T«E WORSHIPFUL CHANCELLOR FEBGUSON. M.A., LLM., RS.A-

hte%idmt af the Sm4l}\

PKJSTet> m^ THE MUMBPr^^ *v\t

PRIKTBD IIV T, WILSON, MlGli

UN DAL-

LIST OF OFFICERS FOR THE YEAR 1889.90.

Patrons :

The Right Hon. the Lord Muncaster, M.P., Lord Lieutenant of Cumberland.
The Right Hon. the Lord Hothfield, I^rd Lieutenant of Westmorland.
The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Carlisle.

President S> Editor:
-The Worshipful Chancellor Ferguson, m.a., ll.m., p.s.a.

Vice-Presidents :

James Atkinson, Esq.
E. B. W. Balme, Esq.
The Earl of Bective, M.P.
W. Browne, Esq.
James Cropper, Esq.
The Dean of Carlisle.
H. F. CuRWEN, Esq.

RoBT. Ferguson, Esq. F.S.A.

George Howard, Esq.

W. Jackson, Esq., F.S.A.

G. J. Johnson, Esq.

Hon. W. Lowther, M.P.

H. P. Senhouse, Esg.

M. W. Taylor, Esq. M.D., F.S.A.

Elected Members of Council :

W. B. Arnison, F^q., Penrith. I C. J. Ferguson, Esq., F.S.A., Carlisle.

Rev. R. Bower, Carlisle. T. F. PAnson, Esq.,M.I)., Whitehaven.

Rev. W.S.Calverley, F.S.A., Aspatriai Rev. Thomas Lees, F.S.A., Wreay.
T.F.CROSTHWAiTE,Esq.,F.S.A.,Keswick Rev. Canon Ware, Kirkby Lonsdale
H. SwAiNSON Cowper, Esg., Hawks- Rev. Hy. Whitehead. Newton Rei^ny.
head Robert J. Whitwell, Esq., KendaL

{One Vacant).

Auditors:
James G. Gandy, Esg., Heaves | Frank Wilson, Esq., KendaL

Treasurer :
W. H. Wakefield, Esq., Sedgwick.

Secretary :
Mr. T. WILSON, Aynam Lodge, Kendal.

TRANSACTIONS

OF THE

CUMBERLAND AND WESTMORLAND
ANTIQUARIAN & ARCHAEOLOGICAL .
SOCIETY.

VOLUME X.

EDITOR:

THE WORSHIPFUL CHANCELLOR FERGUSON, M.A., LLM., F.S.A.

PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY.

1889.

PRINTED HV T. WILSON, HIGHGATE, KENDAL,

Br29.6

f^

BOUND kiM II li^ij

The Council of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian
AND Arch/Eoloqical Society, and the Editor of their Transactions,
desire that it should be understood that they are not responsible for
any statements or opinions expressed in their Transactions : the
Authors of the several papers being alone responsible for the same.

CONTENTS.

I. The Threlkelds of Melmerby, By W. Jackson, F.S.A i '

II. Sizergh,No. I. By M. W. Taylor, M. A., F.S.A 48

III. Sizergh, No. 2. By John F. Curwen. 66

IV. Strickland of Sizergh. By £. Bellasis, Lancaster Herald. 75

V. Leprosy, and Local Leper Hospitals. By Henry Barnes,

M.D., F.R.S.E .... _ 95

VI. The Layburnes of Cunswick. By William Wiper. — 124

VII. An Architectural Description of Newton Reigny Church.

By jthe Rev. T. W. Norwood, M.A. ..... 158

VIII. The Old Chancel in Brampton Churchyard. By the Rev.

T. W. Norwood, M.A. ..... 166

IX. The Oldest Register Book of the Parish of Holme Cultram,
Cumberland. By the Rev. W. F. Gilbanks, Rector of
Orton ..«. 176

X. The Retreat of the Highlanders through Westmorland in
1745. By the Worshipful Chancellor Ferguson, F.S.A.,
President of the Society. ..... 186

XI. The Baptismal Fonts in the Rural Deanery of Carlisle.

By the Rev. J. Wilson, M.A., Vicar of Dalston. ..... 229

XII. Notes on the Postlethwayts of Millom, with reference to
an early Initialled Spoon of that Family. By Albert
Hartshorne, F.S.A .... ..... 244

XIII. Field Name survivals in the Parish of Dalston. By M. E.

Kuper ..... 253

XIV. Report

CONTENTS. Vll.

XIV. Report on Ancient Monuments in Cumberland and

Westmorland. 271

XV. Recent Roman Discoveries. By the President. 275

Proceedings and Excursions. 279

XVI. The Praemonstratensian Abbey of St. Mary Magdalene,
at Shap, Westmorland : — Part I. — Historical, by the late
Rev. G. F. Weston, Hon. Canon of Carlisle, and Vicar
of Crosby Ravensworth. Part II. — Architectural, by

W. H. St. John Hope, M.A 286

List of Members 315

\

'I

Art. I. — The Threlkelds of Melmerby, and some other

Branches of the Family. By W. Jackson, F.S.A.
Communicated at Kendal, July nth, 1888.
A S many of the proofs confirmatory of the narrative
-^ portion of this paper are of considerable length
I have decided to place them in an Appendix, together
with the Wills, Abstracts of Wills, Inventories, and the
Extracts from Melmerby Registers which are not
numerous ; the former I will call Miscellanea, giving the
others their own names. All, under their respective head-
ings, that I am able to connect with the Melmerby family
will come first in order ; and those of other branches, or
isolated individuals whom I am unable to place in any
group, will follow, both in the narrative and in the Appen-
dix. Some of these will I hope be attached to the main
pedigree by future labourers.

I believe that the Threlkelds of Melmerby branched off
from the parent stem of the Threlkelds of Threlkeld,
Yanwath, and Crosby Ravensworth,* at a very early
period. That Melmerby was held by the Threlkelds as
early as the latter part of the fourteenth century is certain
(Miscellanea No. i.), and as no mention of that Manor
occurs in any of the numerous notices I have given in my
paper on the " Threlkelds of Threlkeld &c," we have,
at least, negative evidence that the Melmerby proprietors
then formed an independent line.

A blank, so far as Melmerby is concerned, occurs of two
centuries, and then I find mention of a certain Rowland
Threlkeld, associated in one instance with a Lancelot
(Mis. 2 & 3.) ; and again in another isolated case a Row-
land appears (Mis. 4.) ; and as the Christian name of
Rowland, not to lay too much stress on that of Lancelot,
occurs immediately afterwards more than once in the

i

• Sec The Threlkelds of Threlkeld, Yanwath, and Crosby Ravensworth, Ante
vol. ix., p. 29S.

actual

2 THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

actual Melmerby line, I deem it probable they may have
been progenitors, but at present this is mere conjecture.

The difficulty of getting an unassailable starting point
so far back as I desire is very great. I give in the
Appendix (Mis. 5 & 6.) two attempts with which I have
been favoured from authentic sources, confirming in some
respects my own researches, and indicating in others that
more piercing e}'es than mine have been foiled in their
attempt to penetrate the darkness beyond.

I cannot assent without proof to the identification of a
very probable Lancelot of Melmerby (bearing in mind the
Lancelot of Mis. 2.) with a Sir Lancelot of Yanwath
(Mis. 7.). But abandoning all attempts to identify a
generation more remote, I find that Machell, in his Manu-
scripts preserved at Carlisle, states briefly in a tabular
pedigree of the Threlkelds of Melmerby (Mis. 8)., that a
certain Humphrey was the father of his successor Chris-
topher, and the existence of this Humphrey and his
position in the Pedigree is confirmed beyond doubt by the
Post Mortem Inquisition which I quote (Mis. 9.).

Humphrey had brothers and sisters, several of whom
I am able to identify. Richard of Cunscliff, Durham,
whose Will I append (Wills & Inv. No. i.), seems to have
ounded a family which must have lasted for many genera-
tions; several names are recorded which appear to be
those of descendants. (Mis. 10.) Dying in 1546 we can-
not be surprised that Richard was an adherent of the old
faith.

Roland Threlkeld, another brother, seems to have been
a remarkable character. Much information regarding him
is given in a very fragmentary form in Jefferson's " Leath
Ward,'* in Extracts from communications made by the
Rev. Richard Singleton, in the year 1677, when he was
Rector of Melmerby, to the Revd. Thomas Machell,
which are preserved in the Collections of the latter, to
which I shall have frequent occasion to refer. It is there-
in

THRBLKBLDS OF MBLMBRBY. 3

in Stated that he had a special antipathy to women,
but probably the tradition of this and some other noted
eccentricities may have arisen from his celibate and
almost monastic life, for it is observable from his Will,
which I append (Wills & Inv. 2.), that he continued to
adhere to the faith of his youth. He died Rector of
Melmerby in Cumberland, Dufton in Westmorland, and
Halton in Lancashire. (Mis. 11, 12, & 13.) He had,
apparently, been Rector of Salkeld, and certainly Rector
of Kirkoswald (Mis. 14.), and subsequently Provost of the
College of Kirkoswald and Dacre. (Mis. 15.) All these
preferments were in the gift of one or other of the two
branches of the Dacre family, with both of which, though
they were hostile to each other, the Melmerby Threlkelds
were astute enough to maintain friendly relations; indeed,
although they seem to have recognized with most grati-
tude the patronage of the Dacres of the North, Roland
was indebted for his preferments both of Kirkoswald and
Dacre to the Fiennes family who had carried away with
an heiress the ancient Barony of Dacre. But the Mel-
merby Threlkelds were brought into very close connexion
with the Gillesland line, denominated for distinction
" Dacres of the North,'* (whose wealth and power had
shortly before this time been recruited by marriage with
the heiress of the great Barony of Greystoke,) by the
fact that the petty mesne Manor of Gale owed suit and
service to the Manor of Melmerby. (Mis. 35.)

The Parsonage House at Melmerby, an account of which
I extract from Singleton's letter and place in the Appen-
dix (Mis. 16.), furnishes remarkable illustrations of
Roland's devotion and gratitude to his Dacre patron. One
figure therein described, the Escallop shell and the ragged
staff, no doubt tied together with the Dacre knot, is a
well known cognizance of that family, while the Talbot
on the other side of the staif refers to the marriage of
William, 3rd Baron Dacre, of Gillesland, from 1525 to

4 THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

1563, with Elizabeth, daughterof George Talbot, 4th Earl
of Shrewsbury.

Roland Threlkeld is said to have been founder of the
College of Kirkoswald and Dacre. Its suppression with-
in, comparatively, a few years must have been regarded by
him with peculiar feelings of bitterness and indignation,
for he must have been a benefactor, if only so far as to
convert the Rectory into a fitting habitation for the few
priests who were to fulfill the duties; and that this build-
ing was secularised is proved by its present existence as
the seat of the Fetherstonhaugh family. Roland, how-
ever, from his various rectories accumulated, as his Will
evidences, a goodly amount of worldly gear.

A sister of Humphrey, Richard, and Roland, named
Margaret, became the wife of Thomas Bellasis of Hen-
knoll, Durham, who, it appears, (Mis. 17.) died in 1499,
leaving several children, the eldest son being about eleven
years old. She afterwards married one Simpson, whom I
suppose to have been the Robert Simpson named in a
pedigree of Hutton of Hunswicke (Mis. 18.) as of Hen-
knoll ; which, if it were he who married the widow, he
very likely mighf be during the minority of the heir. I
am much inclined to think after a careful study of the Will
of Richard Bellasis, dated Sept. 25th, 1539, and proved
July nth, 1540, and that of his brother Anthony dated
Aug. 10, 1552, and proved Sept. 5, of the same year, that
Margaret had children by both husbands. The sons, of
course, were issue of the first marriage, but I am unable
to fix the parentage of the daughters. I would have
liked to give the two Wills I mention for they are,
especially Anthony's, of great interest and have never
been published, but I cannot ask for space for them in a
Threlkeld paper. The children I embody in the Pedigree
Sheet.

It is remarkable that another sister, named Elizabeth, is
only mentioned by her brother Richard, of Cunscliffe, in

his

THRBLKELDS OF MELMERBY. 5

his Will as " Elizabeth Simpson ; " she was probably the
Wife of a brother of the Simpson just named.

After a minute investigation of the Wills and Inven-
tories of Richard, Roland/ Christopher (Wills & Inv. 3.),
William of Brough (Wills and Inv. 7.), John of Lazonby
(Wills & Inv. 12.), Thomas of Lazonby (Wills & Inv. 13.),
and Richard Bellasis, I have placed the names of Emer-
sons, Walleses, and Tallentires as they will be found in
the Pedigree Sheet, but I by no means exclude all possi-
bility of error. Lancelot Wallis is a new name for the
list of Vicars of Lazonby. Was he the husband of
another sister of Roland, and his successor in that parish ?

Humphrey, the eldest 'brother of the preceding, who
died in 1526, had, at least, three sons, Christopher,
William, and Lancelot, and probably others whom I can-
not identify. Lancelot, the youngest, had a son Chris-
topher and other children. From William (Wills & Inv.
7.) there descended a numerous stock, which are illustrated
by the Inventory of William of Holm Cultram (Wills &
Inv. 8.), the Will of Thomas, Bailiff of Brough (Wills &
Inv. 10.), and that of the Revd. Edward Threlkeld, Canon
of Hereford (Wills & Inv. 9.). These and other mem-
bers of the same family were settled at the places I have
named, and at Bowness and Beaumont, all in the same
locality, enjoying the patronage of the Dacre family,
(Mis. 19.) ; some sharing in the troubles of the Border
(Mis. 20.), and some, very naturally, being concerned in
the Rising of the North (Mis. 21 & 22.), and in the sub-
sequent brief struggle of Leonard Dacre called "the
Dacres Raid.'* (Mis. 23.) The Canon had a more peace-
ful and prosperous existence. I abbreviate a notice of
him, from a source trustworthy in the main, in the
Appendix (Mis. 24.), but I think the statement that he was
ever Rector of Greystoke is an error. From my own
researches I append three notices of benefices which he
enjoyed. (Mis. 25, 26, 27.) I draw special attention to his

Bondsmen

6 THRBLKBLDS OP MBLMBRBY.

Bondsmen when he compounded for the first fruits of
Great Salkeld ; the name of Saye suggesting their being
members of the Fiennes family to which the Barony of
Dacre of the South then appertained. He is said to have
resigned the Archdeaconry of Carlisle and, consequently,
the associated Rectory of Salkeld, when he became Chan-
cellor of Hereford, but his successor in those appointments,
Henry Dethick, is stated to have only entered upon that
benefice in 1588, the year of Edward's death. His wife's
name is given as Mary Leighton (Mis. 28.) ; of her I know
nothing, but she probably predeceased him as there is no
mention of her in his Will.

About the same time appears on the scene a John
Threlkeld, certainly belonging to the Melmerby branch
and probably to the Brough offshoot, whom, however, I
am unable to place in the pedigree, I give all that I have
been able to ascertain regarding him in the Appendix
(Mis. 29, 30, & 31.), only observing that, in connection
with the last of these notices, it is worthy of remark that
a certain John Moyses occurs in the list of Vicars of
Kirkoswald, 1535, and this would almost surely, the name
being so uncommon, indicate relationship. The good
positions which Roland and Edward had attained in the
Church perhaps induced another member of the family to
embark in the same career, but beyond the name I cannot
point to any connection of William Threlkeld with his
probable relatives. (Mis. 32 & 33.)

Christopher Threlkeld, the eldest son of Humphrey, and
brother of William and Lancelot, was Lord of Melmerby
for forty-six years, indicating that his father, Humphrey,
was young when he died, and this it is not unimportant to
observe. Three notices relating to him will be found in the
Appendix. (Mis. 34, 35 & 36.) His Will marks very dis-
tinctly the transition between the old faith and the new,
the bequest to our '* Blessed Lady St. Mary and all the
holly company of heaven " being written and subsequently

erased

THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY. ^

erased in the original. He relates in it with peculiar in-
dignation how he had bought the Wardship of Henry
Bacchus, of course intending to bestow one of his
daughters upon that ungrateful young gentleman, but as
" he had gone from him and married himself " to a lady
of his own choice, he enjoins his executors to " follow
the suit as the lawe will *' and, in fact, to get as heavy
damages as they can. A curious error exists in the Inq.
P.M. with regard to the date of his death, for it is therein
stated that it took place Jany. 26th 157^, whereas he
must have died before Aug. 12th, 1569, on which day his
personal effects were valued. As the "Rising of the North '*
did not take place till later in that year Christopher was
spared from seeing the ruin of his patron, Leonard Dacre,
and of the last chance of the creed of his earlier years, to
which, if indeed he ever forsook it, it seems more than
probable he cast back a lingering look. His wife is not
mentioned in his Will ; we may therefore almost certainly
conclude that she was dead, and, unfortunately, we do not
even know who she was. Christopher left four sons and
five daughters, all named in that document ; of the latter,
the youngest, Margery, was, apparently, the only one
married at that time, but to whom we must, at least for
the present, remain in ignorance. George, the second
son, whom his uncle Roland desired as his successor in
the Rectory of Melmerby, in due time filled his place.
(Mis. 37.) Christopher is for us a name and, at present,
nothing more. Michael is, I think, he of Bristowe, father
of that Edward to whom the Rev. Canon Edward Threl-
keld left the sum of Ten Pounds ** to bind him apprentice
to some good occupation," and I also think is the one to
whom Machell refers. (Mis. 38.)

John, the eldest son and heir of Christopher, married,
some time before 1569, Margaret daughter of John Eden,
(Mis. 39.) of Windleston. Six children are named in
the Pedigree given in Flower's Visitation (Mis. 40.).

Two

8 THRELKELDS OF MELMBRBY.

Two of them are, I think, mentioned in the Will of their
maternal Grandfather (Mis. 41.) ; the John Threlkeld
referred' to (Mis. 42.) is probably this John. I am dis-
posed to think, after much consideration, that the Michael
Threlkeld who died in 1629, and whose Will I ap-
pend (Wills & Inv. 4.), was a younger son of John and
Margery, born subsequent to 1575. The John Threlkeld
named in the mere memorandum of an Inquisition,
which I think it right to give (Mis. 43.), may not be the
lord of Melmerby ; indeed, I am disposed to think the
latter died previously, because his widow was about this
time engaged in building operations. In my Extracts from
Singleton, a statement will be noted that Margaret
married, as her second husband, the well known Sir
Richard Lowther, of Lowther ; no evidence of this mar-
riage has ever, hitherto, been published, but Singleton, as
Rector of Melmerby, was very likely to know. Sir
Richard's first wife, Frances Middleton, was buried at
Lowther, Sept. 28, 1597. He does not mention Margaret
in his Will, dated Deer. 8, 1607, but it is very brief.

John, the eldest son of the aforesaid John and Mar-
garet, was born before the death of his grandfather,
Christopher, in 1569, but I have no exact date with regard
to him. His wife was Anne, the daughter, not of William,
as Machell states (Mis. 44.), but of John Orrell (Mis. 45.),
and the only child named of this marriage was Hum-
phrey, his successor.

This Humphrey married Margaret, daughter of Lancelot
Salkeld, of Whitehall (Mis. 46.), by whom he had Lance-
lot and Ann, and perhaps other children.

I do not know who was Lancelot's wife ; indeed I am
disposed to think from the wording of his Will that he
was twice married; and that of his five daughters the
youngest, Margery, bap. March 10, 1663. (Mel. Reg.) was
the only child of his second marriage with Katherine,
the lady whose surname Singleton is unable to recall

(Mis.

THRBLKBLDS OF MBLMERBY. 9

(Mis. 47.). His Will (Wills & Inv. 5.) puts us on firm
ground.

His eldest daughter, Anne, had married William Thir-
keld, who probably had sprung from the same stock,
though the spelling of the name had even at that time
become fixed differently from that of the Melmerby
branch, Lancelot in his Will being careful to mark the
distinction. Singleton, in the lengthy gossiping details
which he gives with regard to the family and which I
append (Mis. 48.), states that he was connected with
Brancepath, in Durham ; and Mr. Longstaff gives some
particulars of a family of that place of which he must
have been a member (Mis. 49.) : another writer speculates
on other possible origins. (Mis. 50.) He is said to have
held the Rectory of Melmerby from 1684, the date of the
death of Singleton (whose communications I have so often
quoted), until 1701, when the name of William Lindsey
appears on the list of Rectors of the parish. He pro-
bably died at that time but I do not find any record of
his burial in the Melmerby Register.

Catherine, the second daughter, had before her father's
death become the wife of Richard Studholme, of Wigton,
' and I believe the last descendant of that name died there
within a very few years. Mary, in less than three
months after her fathers decease, married Thomas
Crackenthorpe, Mar. 3, 1673. (Mel. Reg.) A portrait of
this lady still exists in the possession of the Rev. Robert
Cane Pattenson, now of Southport, the representative
through females of this ancient family. There is a curious
tradition that as she was passing the church she was
seized and married there and then by her impatient lover
— possibly she was less taken by surprise than might
appear.

Dorothy, the third daughter of Lancelot, espoused
Anthony Dale of Durham, by whom she had a son,
Lancelot. Anthony was buried at Melmerby, Jany. 13,

1680

lO TIIUELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

1680 (Mel. Reg.), and she subsequently, as we learn from
her Will (Wills & Inv. 6.), became the wife of Thomas
Denton, of Sebergham, who died in 1695, and whose first
wife was Letitia Vachell. This marriage is not recorded
and there were no children of it. Dorothy was buried
Oct. 12, 1683. (Mel. Reg.) Curiously enough, Thomas
Denton, of Sebergham, the eldest son of the aforesaid
Thomas, became the husband of Margery, the youngest
daughter of Lancelot, and carried on the Denton line.

William Thirkeld, who married the eldest daughter,
Anne, had by right of his wife and by paying off the
other sisters, so says Singleton, become Lord of the
Manor, but this can scarcely be correct, unless he left it
to his wife who, apparently, survived him ; because on her
death (she was buried March 22, 1707, Mel. Reg.) a
general fine was levied on the tenants, for some interest-
ing particulars regarding which I refer to the Appendix.
(Mis. 51.) There were three children of this marriage;
Lancelot, born Jany. 12th, and baptized Feb. 6, 1672,
(Mel. Reg.) ; and Edward, and Elizabeth — of whose bap-
tisms I find no record. The two sons died within four
days of each other ; Edward being buried Aug. 26th (Mel.
Reg.) and Lancelot Aug. 30th, 1674 Mel. Reg.) ; and the
name, under whatever spelling, became extinct at Mel-
merby when Elizabeth abandoned it for that of her husband
Thomas Pattenson, the patriarch of a new line which
existed there till within a very few years.

From the disjointed communications of Singleton I
select and combine in one note (Mis. 52.) all that relates
to the armorial bearings of the Threlkelds of Melmerby.
The length of the extracts is considerable and there is a
good deal of repetition, but I venture to insert the whole
as much that is therein described has perished, and the
record will hereafter be of great value in identifying
alliances of the family, upon which, writing in Italy, and
being consequently unable to consult heraldic works, I

cannot

THRELKBLDS OF MBLMERBY. II

cannot at present throw light. The explanation of the
origin of the Crest is amusing, and characteristic of heral-
dic legend.

Before closing my notice of this branch of the Threl-
kelds I must draw attention to the occurrence of the name
of a John Threlkeld, some details connected with whom
would seem to make him a member of the Yanwath, and
others one of the Melmerby family. I append an Extract
from the commencement of a Williamson pedigree. (Mis.
53.) Now this was evidently the starting point of the
Williamsons becoming a family of any importance. I
refer to thelnq. P.M. (Mis. 9 & 36.) where it will be seen
that both Humphrey Threlkeld and his successor Chris-
topher had lands at Appulthwaite and Milbeke, the same
places where subsequently the Williamsons were seated.
Who was this John ? And where was Mehere ? Which
I think is a corruption, the sort of mistake the Heralds
were frequently guilty of.

I may be allowed, perhaps, to put in the Appendix
(Mis. 54.) a copy of a Pedigree which may have been pub-
lished in the Staffordshire County Histories. There are
no doubt errors in some of the names.

I next refer to the Threlkelds who have any connection
with the parish of Lazonby. I append (Wills & Inv. 11.)
a translation of an Abstract of the Will of William de
Threlkeld, Vicar of Lazonby, which has not been pub-
lished. This worthy priest, and he may have been better
than many of his contemporaries, may have founded a
family at Lazonby, but I think the Extract appended with
regard to Henry (Mis. 55)., and the Wills of which 1 give
Abstracts (Wills & Inv. 12 & 13). indicate close relation-
ship to the Melmerby line. It will be observed that
Richard Bellasis was one of those present when the
homicide, or murderer, sought refuge at Durham. Threl-
kelds continued at Lazonby till a late period.

There

12 THRELKELDS OF MELMBRBY.

There appears to have been a family of the name pos-
sessing the Manor of Glenridding, in Patterdale. I give
an Inq. P.M. (Mis. 56.) which is the earliest and only
notice I find of them except the Wills, abstracts of which
I refer to (Wills & Inv. 14, 15, 16, 17, & 18.).

The Threlkelds of Kaybergh, in the parish of Kirkoswald,
possess a special interest because from them there sprang
Caleb Threlkeld, one of our most noted early Botanists,
who has been thought worthy of record by Jonathan
Boucher in his " Biographia Cumbriana " in Hutchin-
son's Cumberland. The Wills which I have of this
branch are not early enough to throw light on his parentage,
but as a Caleb is mentioned in one of those of which I
give Abstracts (Wills & Inv. 19, 20, & 21.) it is sufficiently
clear that he was a member of this family.

I append an Abstract of the Will of Lancelot Threl-
keld of Little Salkeld, (Wills & Inv. 22.) because I think,
from the date and names mentioned, he may have been
that Lancelot who was a younger son of Humphrey who
died 1526.

One more reference to the Appendix (Mis. 57). gives us
the name of a Nicholas Threlkeld, who was concerned in

the rising at Kabergh Rigg, for which the leader,

Atkinson, was hung, drawn, and quartered at Appleby,
much to the satisfaction of Ann, Countess of Pembroke
and Montgomery. This Kabergh is situated near Kirkby
Stephen, and is a different place from the Kabergh in the
neighbourhood of Kirkoswald.

And now having followed the fortunes of the Threlkelds
through good report and evil report, for as specimens of
the latter we have had cases both of rebellion and of homi-
cide, the last year has witnessed a culminating point to
which few families attain, in the beatification by the pre-
sent Pope, Leo Xth, of Richard Threlkeld, in company
with Sir Thomas More, Cardinal Fisher and others, for
his, so called, Martyrdom in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.

(13)

APPENDIX.

Miscellanea.

1. Henricus de Threlkeld et Robertas de Threlkeld Capellani
retinere possint Melmorby Maner,et advoc eccHe 4 Ric. 11.

Inq. ad quod Damnum. P. M. Inq. Vol III,, p. 33.

2. Bond of Rowland Thrylkclde and Lancelot Thrylkelde to John
Penyngton Knight to abide by the award of Thomas Abbot of Fur-
ness and other arbitrators dated Oct. 6. 9 Hen. VII (1494).

Historical MS. Com°. (Muncaster MSS.) p. 228.

3. Award between Sir John Penyngton Knight and Rowland
Threlkeld and Elena his Wife as to a tenement called Whynwray
Oct. 21. 9 Hen. VII (1494)-

Historical MS. Commission. (Muncaster MSS.) p. 228.

4. Roland Threlkeld acquits Thomas Rose de Darweys of all
demands that he has against him i Hen. VIII (1509) Aug. 24.

Communicated by Edwd. Bellasis, Esq.

5. Father = Mother

Bur'd at Melmerby I Bur'd at Melmerby

Brother^ Sr. Beaumond T. Sr. Roland T. Eliz. Sympson.

~ * " ' ybror

ilerk.

VVm. T. of Brou gh Lancelot T.

Bror's Exr. 1546. niybror*scxr.i546. sister,

clei'

I 2 I
Richard T. of ConclifTe = Catherine = Wrenne Agnes Emerson,
tobeburtedthere.— Will I I sister's dau.

_dat^546^ I I

William T.=his wife Rd. T. Wm. W.

1546 Exr. 1546. Son of wife 1546.

brother's children.

Sir Chas. Young (Garter's) Coll». Coll. of Arms T V. p. i.

6.

14 THRBLKBLDS OP MBLMERBY.

6. Wm. Thirkcld = Alice

of Melmerbyc.1530 I dau.of Richard Hansard
I a nd Ma rgar et Delamore

Humphrey = Roland Rd.

(query) I Priest br Sir Roland query of G)nscliffe.

I the Clerk 1 546

Wm. T. Uncelot

of Brough 1546.

1546.

Ped. of Hansard per Cooke (Clarencieux) Coll. of Arms. A 20, p. 169.

7. In a pedigree of Bellasis it is stated that Margaret Threlkeld
was a daughter of a Lancelot Threlkeld of Melmerby, who, it, is
assumed, was that Sir Lancelot of Yanwath who was certainly one of
the escort who accompanied the Princess Margaret when she went
to Scotland to become the wife of James IV.

Miscellanea Genealogica, Vol. T., pp. 3o8>9.

8. Machell MSS. in the possession of the Dean and Chapter of
Carlisle, Vol. VL, p. 721.

9. Inq. taken at Penreth co. Cumb. 27 Aug. 18 Hen. 8. (1526) after
the death of Humphrey Threlkeld Esq. dec*', seised of the manor and
advowson of Melmorby in said co. &c. &c. ; 24 Messuages, i water
mill and lands, &c. in that parish ; i messuage and lands &c. in
Blencrake in said co. ; 14 messuages and lands &c. in Appulthuayt,
Milbeke, and Normanthuayt in said co. ; 5 burgages in Graistoke in
said CO. ; i messuage and lands &c. in Glassenby in said co. ; and i
messuage with the appurtenances in Ullysby in said co. — Died 20
July last and Christopher Threlkeld is his son and next heir and is
aged 30 and more. Geoffry Middylton Escheator.

Inq. P. M. Calendars, Exchequer Series, 18. Hen. VIII. No. 2.

18 Hen. 8 Humphrey Thirkeld.
Inq. P. M. Calendars, Chancery Series, 18 Hen. VIII. Cum^ 13.

10. John son of Brian Thirkell bapt. 6 June 1591, Lancelot, son 8
May 1596, Ann daughter of Francis Thirkeld bapt. 8 Dec. 1614,
Dorothy, bapt. 16 Nov. 1628, William 14 Aug. 1631, Elizabeth 4 Feb.

1634.

Surtees History of Durham, Vol. III., pp. 381-2.

1 1. He vacated the Rectory of Dufton by death, 1565. The advow-
son was the property of the Graistocks and subsequently of the Dacres.

Nicolson & Burn's Westmorland, Vol. I. p. 358.

12.

THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY. I5

12. Rolland Threlkeld is said to have been presented to the Rec-
tory of Halton by Sir William Dacre. His successor Ambrose
Hicheingham is first named Feb. 15. 13 Eliz, (1571).

Baines' Lancashire.

13. 24 Oct. 34 Hen. VHl. 1542. Rowland Thrylkeld elk. for first
fruits of the Rectory of Halton, Richmondshire. — Bond given by
Antony Belasses, elk. Dr. of Laws.

First Fruits Composition Books, York.

14. 22 Nov. 31 Hen. VHL (1539). Rowland Thrilkeld, Kirkoswald
Rectory.

First Fruits Composition Books, Calendar only,

15. 22 Nov. 35 Hen. VHL (1543). Rowland Thrilkeld, elk. com-
pounds for the first fruits of the Rectory and College of Kyrkowswalde
and Dacre. Bondsmen, Anthony Belasses elk. Archdeacon of Col-
chester, and Thomas Andreson of Bisshop Awkeland co. Durham,
yeoman.

First Fruits Composition Books, Cumberland.

16. The parsonage house stands at the north side of the towne, and
towards the west end thereof, some 80 yards from the church which
stands north west, some 60 yards from the Lord^s Manour house which
stands full west thence, so that these three, the Church, the Lord's
Manour house, and the parsonage stand as it were in a triangle.

The building is but meane being two stories high bie that which
stands east and west, with its ends from which at the east end thereof
ther is another part of it reaching northwards, but one story high, and
in which ther is a hall, another little room, and a kitchen.

I take it to have been built by Mr. Rowland Threlkeld abovesaid,
and the ratlier for that in the last chamber thereof, (which is wains-
coted over the lintell of the chimney), ther is an R in a carved piece
of wainscot, next to that the Maunch with the Trefoil on the top of
the Maunch, on the midst ther is cut out an Escallop shell, to
which ther is link a talbot, a stoop of an Oak standing between them.
Towards the north end ther is that coate in which are three mullets,
viz : two and one, and then a T for Threlkeld.

In the south window of the chamber there is painted in glasse the
resemblance of an heart, out of which at the top doth arise a flower
like a violet, upon which there is a little cross ; at each corner of the
heart ther is the picture of an hand placed, and towards the lower end
of the heart, part of two legs and representing our Saviour

his five wounds. This, adorned about with black and white glass,

and

l6 THRBLKBLDS OF MELMERBY.

and some skie coloured glasse, and about the whole a wreath of yellow
glass. In the west window, having two little lights, ther is an R T
in yellow glass in each of the lights, and a falcon's head in yellow
glasse. In the window towards the north, having two lights, ther's
an escallop shell tied to the stump of an Oak, R T in one of them and
a falcon's head in the other.

Singleton's Communication.

17. 14, May, Bp. Fox (1500). Inq. taken at Durham after the
death of Thomas Belesys. Burgage in Stokton and manor of Hen-
knoll. He died the last of Feb. last, and Richard Belesys is his
son and next heir and is aged 11 and more.

Durham Inq. P.M. Portf. 169, No. 55.

18. A pedigree of Hutton of Hunswycke, in a paper on " Stainton
in the Street," by W. H. D. Longstaffe.

Archaeologia iEliana, Vol. III., p. 89.

19. 1589, 31 Eliz. Survey of manor of Burgh upon the Sands and
other manors in the County of Cumberland, made on the attainder of
Leonard Dacre, Esq.

Tenentes ad voluntatem secundum consuetudinem Manerii de
Burghe.

Burghe, Thomas Threlkeld tenet vnu tentu xxxvi acr. terr. arr. vnde
xiij acr. sunt inclus cum xii acr. terr. pt. et x acr. pastur cu coia pas-
tur infra Manerii pd. et redd p. annu. xlijs

Bowsted Hill infra Maner de Burghe pd. Thomas Threlkeld tenet
vnu molendin infra Maneriu de Burghe et redd inde p. ann. Ixvis

Thomas Threlkeld et al tenent cert. terr. Marisc voc Burghe Mar-
ishe et Sandis Fieldes coia. p. estimac m* m^ acr. terr. jacen infra
maneriu pd. et reddunt inde p. annu. vi' x* iiij^.

Reddit divers Cottag. infra Maneriu de Burghe pd. Thomas Threl-
keld Ball, tenet vnu cottag. et vnu curtilag. et reddat inde p.
ann. iiijd

Tenentes ad voluntatem Dni scdm consuetudin Maner de Beau-
monde. John Threlkett tenet vn. tent, xviij acr. terr. arr. iij<»
acr. prat, jacen in Beaumond cu. coia. pastur ibm. et redd, inde p.
annu. xixs viij<*.

The Fysshenges of Salmo. New Draught. Beaumond. John
Threlkeld. xls.

Bowness. Thomas Threlkeld tenet similit. vn cottagiu. ibm et
redd, inde p. annu. viij^.

The

THRBLKBLDS OP MBLMBRBY. 1*J

The Verdict and Presentment of the Jury of Survey on Leonard
Dacre's Attainder. The last name being Thomas Threlkeld Gentle-
man.

Extracts from Carlisle and Lowther Fishery Cases.

Privately printed.

20. 1548, March 25. Thomas Lord Wharton writes from Carlisle
to the Lord Protector. " On my return to Carlisle I commanded all
the gentlemen and leaders to give me in writing an account of what
men and horses they lacked, and upon that information I wrote to you
that there were 176 carriage men and 379 horses taken. The best of
those prisoners have not ;f 10 to live upon, and there are but three
gentlemen, James Salkelde a younger brother, John Blennerasset
leader of the horsemen of the barony of Gillesland, and youngest son
of Thomas Blennerasset, and John Threlkeld son of the Bailiff of
Burgh ; his father also and younger brother all poor men, and taken
in a place where they were not commanded to be."

Calendar of State Papers (Green), Addenda, 1547 to 1565, p. 374.

«!• 1565, April 18, Wressel Castle. Thomas Earl of Northumber-
land to Sir William Cecil, Master of Wards and Liveries. ** U pon good
matter shown before you in court, you awarded that Michael Threlkeld,
Christopher Overend &c. should deliver to me all money &c.**

State Papers (Green), Addenda, p. 564.

22. Papers found at Dacres House, (Leonard's), 1569 or 1570.
She (the Countess of Northumberland) has sent to Richd. Grame and
to Michael Trelkelde for all my Lord's guns to furnish 3'our houses
which I perceive are yet all safe.

Michael Thirkeld [his (the Earl of Northumberland's) servant]
said the Earl of Cumberland wa<i affected towards these causes.

Calendar of State Papers (Green), 1566- 1579, pp. 254 and 413.

23. 1574, Feb. 24. John Gower was harboured in Scotland by
Geo. Grame, Thos. Wray, Robt. Smelt, and others, and afterwards
secretly conveyed in England to John Thirkeld, otherwise Bailiff John
at Stonyford near Carlisle, by whom he was delivered to Thos*
Labome in Whinfield Park near Penrith, and thence to Thos. Wray
who supports him as an apt instrument for intelligence from the rebels
beyond seas.

1574, March 28, Thomas Metcalf examined. Met Thomas Wray at
Thirkeld's House near Carlisle on Good Friday after the rebellion.
Wray being at Richie Geordie's house sent for him to meet him there

whence

l8 THKBLKELDS OF MELMBRBY.

whence all four went to Birkbeck*s house at Whinfield where Thir-
keld turned back.

Calendar of State Papers (Green), 1566- 1579, pp. 457-460.

24. He was born at Burgh by Sands in or about 1526, was educated
at Eton, was admitted a scholar of King's College, Cambridge, Aug.
II. 1544, became a fellow 1547, took his B.A. degree 1548, M.A. 1552,
and LL.D. 1562. On March 11, 1567, he succeeded George Neville
as Archdeacon of Carlisle, with the associated Rectory of great Sal-
keld. He was noted for his eloquence, and during the superannuation
of Bishop Scory exercised Episcopal Jurisdiction at Hereford.

Athens Cantabrigienses Vol. II., p. 42.

25. I July, 10 Eliz. (1568). Edward Threlkeld, elk. compounds for
the first-fruits of the Rectory of Salkeld. Bondsmen, William Saye
of Ickenham Co. Midd'. and Robert Saie of the same, gentlemen.

First Fruits Composition Books, Cumberland.

26. II Feb. 14 Eliz. (1571). Edward Threlkeld elk. for the first-
fruits of the Prebend of Cublinton. Bondsmen, Thomas Willis of
Ledburie co. Heref. gent, and Walter Turner of Washnerswaie in
same co. yeoman.

First Fruits Composition Books, Hereford.

27. 5 May, 15 Eliz. (1573). Edward Threlkeld elk. for the first
fruits of the Vicarage of Tenbury. Bondmen, Thomas Willis of Led-
burie Co. Hereford, gent, and Walter Tumor of Westmorswaie in
same co. yeoman.

First Fruits Composition Books, Worcester.

28. Notes and Queries, 2nd S., Vol. VI„ pp. 148-9.

29. 10 Nov. 1563 (?). John Thirkeld instituted to Rectory of
Beeston, next Mileham, on presentation of Sir Thomas Gresham Kn^.
died II Apr. 1602, buried in the church.

Curthew's History of Launditch Hundred, Norfolk, P^ 2, p. 382.

30. 17 Feby. 10 Eliz. (1567). John Threlkeld elk for the first fruits
of the Rectory of Beston. Bondsmen, George Thimblethorp of
Holesham co. Norfolk, gent, and Thomas Nyxson of Burroghe co. Suff.
Yeoman.

First Fruits Composition Books, Norfolk.

31. Bill (not dated) by John Threlkeld, elk. Parson of Beston co.
Norf. Rowland Threlkeld brother of your orator having been seised
of 2 messuages and 30 acres of land meadow and pasture in Melmbye

CO,

THRELKBLDS OF MBLMBRBY. IQ

CO. Cumb. devised the same to your orator by will for his life and died
seised 1 8 years ago at which time your orator was a minor aged about
1 6. Agnes Moyses wife of the said Rowland had the will in her
keeping, and she and Elizabeth Threlkeld her daughter and one John
Watson alias Smyth immediately after the death of the said Rowland
entered into the premises and have since taken the profits thereof.

Answers (not dated) of John Watson alias Smythe and Agnes
Moyses, defendants. Watson says that one Rowland Threlkeld, Par-
son of Melmerby, who had i messuage and certain lands, parcel of the
2 messuages and 30 acres of land &c. mentioned in the bill, mortgaged
to him by the said. Rowland the testator, mortgaged the same to him
the said Watson alias Smythe. Isabel Threlkeld, daughter and heir
of the said Rowland Threlkeld the testator, paid him (Watson) his
claim upon this property about 26 Sept. last, and she is now seised
thereof. Agnes Moyses says she holds only i close of land called
Redcastle, by estimation 6 acres or thereabouts, parcel of the
premises mentioned in the bill and that she holds this as her right for
her dower.
Chancery Bills and Answers Temp. Eliz. Printed Calendars T.t. 7-13.

(Depositions in the suit, if any were taken, do not seem to be
preserved).

32. East. I and 2 P. and M. (1554-5). William Threlkeld i; George
Stonard, Glebe lands of Vicarage of Steeple, Essex.

Chancery Town Depositions.

33. "Where matter in variance hathe longe depended in this
honourable Court of Chancery *' between William Threlkell elk Vicar
of Steeple co. Essex complainant, & George Stonerd of Loughton in
said CO. Esq. lord of the manor of Steeple defendant, concerning 10
acres of land in Steeple aforesaid alleged by the complainant to be
part of his glebe lands.

Chancery Enrolled Decrees, Dur. I., Pt. 6. No. 38.

34. Christopher Threlkeld, of Melmerby Gent. Richard, Abbot of
Shap, Thomas Dudley and William Pykryng Esquyers, chosen arbi-
trators in a dispute between Guy Machell and Hugh Machel^, 23 Hen.
VIII (1532) Aug. 7th.

Communicated by Edward Bellasis, Esq., Lancaster Herald.

• 35. " A Christopher Threlkeld came to be heir about the 18 Hen.
VIII (as I perceive by a copy of a Court Roll) and continued Lord of
the said Manor all his reign and Edward VI and Queen Maries if not
longer and as it appeareth by the Court Rolls held yearly Court there.

At

20 THRELKBLDS OF MBLMBRBY.

At which Court William Dacre Miles Dns de Dacre and Graisstock
either did or was to answer or appeare (on account of his property of
Gale) who came to his estate about the same time. This Chris-
topher's predecessor (whether father or brother I cannot tell) had kept
a Court in the 17th Hen, VIII by the name of Humphrey Threlkeld
Esq. and noe higher can I trace the familie by ought I have yet seen.'*

Singleton's Communication.

36. 3 March, 13 Eliz. (1570). Inq. taken at Newchurche within
the forest of Westwarde co. Cumb. after the death of Christopher
Threlkelde Esq. dec<>. Seised of the manor and advowson of Mel-
merbie in said co. &c. and i water mill and lands &c. with the appur-
tenances in that parish ; i messuage and lands in Blencraike in said
CO.; 20 messuages and lands &c. in Appelthwate Myllebeck and
Manthwate in said co. ; i messuage and lands in Glasanbie in said
CO.; and i messuage in Ullysbie in said co. He died 26 Jan. 13 Eliz.
and John Threlkeld is his son and next heir and was then aged 28 and
more.

Inq. P.M. Calendars Chancery Series, 13 Eliz. Part I., No. 7.

37. 5 Feb. 16 Eliz. (1573). George Threlkeld, elk. for the first
fruits of the Rectory of Melmerbie. Bondsmen, the said George,
Michael Threlkeld of Melmerbie, co. Cumb. Esq. and William Allan-
bie of Allanbie in same co. gent.

First Fruits Composition Books, Cumberland.

38. *• There is one of the collateral line yet extant viz : John the son
of John the son of Michael a younger brother to the John formerly
mentioned and hath both sons and daughters but I know not how
many."

Machell MSS., Vol. VI., p. 721.

39. ** This sonn John the former was the son of Christopher he mar-
ried Margery Eden one of the Edens in Bishoprick. She was called
•* faire Margery " and was left a widdow and married to Lowther of
after . Ther is also a piece of a Hall belonging to the Lord
which stands to the east of the parsonage some 20 yards from it which
was begun by a widdow of that family whom Sir Richard Louther of
Louther Hall in the meantime married by reason whereof it wa^
never finished and the more so that the mason who should have built
it drowned himself in the river Eden whose name was Peebles."

Singleton's Communication.
40.

THRBLKELDS OF MELMERBY. 21

40. John Threlkeld of Mellmerbye married Margaret daughter of
John Eden and Elizabeth daughter of William Lampton of Hellasis.
They had John, Rowland, Henry, Bridgett, Margaret and Maria.

Flower's Visitation of Durham, 1575, p. 12.

41. Will of John Eden of Wmdleston dated May 11, 1588. He
was buried at St. Andrews, Auckland, May 21, 1588. "To Margaret
Eden my daughter one reede cowe and her calf, and whereas I have
maid a lease of xxi yeres of Windleston Miln and my said doughter
in full satisfaction of her childes porcion, my will is that my brother
Robert have the keeping of the said lease and the said milne to lett and
sett to the greatest benefitt of my said daughter. Mastris Margerie
Threlkeld, Mastris Bridget Threlkeld and other Witnesses.'*

Surtees Socy., Vol. Durham Wills, Vol. II., p. 327-8.

42. John Threlkeld Gentylman is a Witness to the Will of Lance-
lot Threlkeld of Lytyll Salkeld dated 1567.

43-

39 Eliz. (1597-8). John Threlkeld, Cumb.

Inq. P.M. Calendars, Chancery Series, Part 2, No. 11.

44. Machcll MSB. Sheet Pedigree, Vol. VI., p. 721.

45. In one of my pedigrees of Orrell, Agnes (which is generally the
same as Anne at that date), daughter of John Orrell of Turton Esq.
by his second wife Elizabeth Butler, is married to John Thyrkill of
Mellorby, County Cumberland. Johh Orrell's Will made May loth,
i58i,was proved at Chester July 20th in that year. He was a Roman
Catholic as clearly appears by his Will. He names none of his dau-
ghters but some of them were then married. His wife's Will is dated
Jany. 23, i6ot but she does not name her daughter Agnes or Anne
Threlkeld at all.

Communicated by J. P. Earwaker, Esq., F.S.A.

46. Machell MSS. Sheet Pedigree, Vol. VI., p. 721.

47. •• This Lancelot was the sole heir male of Humphrey and mar-
ried Kat. daughter of Rich. Wh of Alston Mooryeate. She is
yet living. Humphrey was the son of John and married Margaret dau-
ghter of Lancelot Salkeld of Whitehall Esq. John was the son of John
and married Ann daughter of William Orrell of Lancaster Esq. I have
often heard this Lancelot in his merry mood say his family derived
themselves from Sir Lancelot due Lac one of Arthur his Knights."

Singleton's Communication.
48.

22 THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

48. " Your friend Mr. John Pattenson is Steward of the Court of
William Thirkeld and can perhaps better inform you than I can only
'tis not amiss I let you understand the ancient family of the Threlkelds
is now extinct as to the male line thereof a collateral fee Lord William
Thirkeld (for soe he writes his name) is now Curator at Brancepeth
neer Duresme and comes to his estate partly by purchase and partly
by marrying Anne the eldest daughter and one of the coheirs of
Lancelot Threlkeld Esq. deceased some three years the last William
was no way related to the former familie tho' his ancestors bore the
same name yett is he (I assure you) a Lord and not a Laird and soe
called not onlie bye his Tenants but the whole countrie And his wife
the young lady is one of the Viragoes of our age and possesseth the Spirit
as well as the Estate of her warlike ancestors, Mr. Richard Studholme
of Wigdon in the west part of your country hath married Katherine
the second daughter of the said Lancelott who is a gentleman of an
ancient familie and well accomplished Mr. Thomas Crackenthorpe a
younger brother of the house of Newbiggen hath married Mary the
third daughter of the said Lancelolt Mr. Anthony Dale Junior
and Laird in Duresme hath married Dorothy the fourth daughter of
the said Lancelott and the youngest called Margery is yet to be mar-
ried and at your service."

Singleton's Communication.

49. Archaeologia iEliana, New Series, Vol. TIL, pp. 99-100.

50. It has been suggested that he might be the William Threlkeld
who was Vicar of Bishopton in Durham from 1681 to 1686, or
another William who was son and heir of Edward Thirkeld of Durham
Gent, and younger brother of Anthony Threlkeld of Dale ? who entered
his pedigree in i665 (Dugdale's Durham Visitation). The eldest son
was at that time eighteen years of age.

E.H.A. Notes and Queries, 2nd S., Vol. VI., pp. 148-9.

51. There were 24 Freeholders in the Manor of Melmerby who
paid in the aggregate an annual rent of lo/i. The Customary Tenants
were 47 in number ; Thomas Maugham's (note the name in con-
nexion with that of the other manor) rent of 16/4 was the highest, and
Thomas Boulfs of 4d the lowest, the total amounted to £g 7 10.
22 of the Tenants were liable for 23 days ploughing and 39 had to
present 44 hens yearly. The Fine on the death of Mrs. Anne, the
Lady of the Manor, amounted to ;f 257 19 ; the maximum was levied
on the property of Thomas Maugham and the minimum of lo/- on
that of Thomas Boult.

The

THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY. 23

The adjacent Manor of Maughanby had no Freeholders and ap-
parently none of the tenants were liable for boon ploughings or hen
payments. There were 12 Customary Tenants, the highest rent of 8/-
being paid by Joseph Parsivall and the lowest 2d. by Jonathan Hodg-
son. The total Fine levied on the death of the Lady was ;f35 .6.8.
Communicated by the Rev. Robert Cane Pattenson.

52. " The old Tower of Melmerby Hall has a shield upon the bat-
tlement with a Maunch upon it and some distinction upon it not
decipherable now.

Over the door of the new building which was erected by Lancelot
Threlkeld the last of the Family in 1655 as appears by the figures on
the stone thus : — i A Maunch charged with a Trefoil couped, 2
A Cross ingrailed, 3 A Mullet of five points, 4 A Cross between

3 Cocks, over all on a a Tower and a lady looking out. At
the bottom the motto Pie Repone Te.

In the Hall Window are two Coats of Arms which show the colours,
I Argent a Maunch gules charged with a Pear of the first, 2 Ar-
gent a Maunch Gules charged with a Trefoyl impaling two Cocks or
Cornish Choughs. As also another which hangs upon vellum and
looks pretty old which is quarterly i Argent 2 and 3 blank in original

4 Argent a Crossbow between 3 Cocks (otherwise than they
are in the glass) beaked combM wattled lim'd and armed gules. At
the head of the door of the New Hall which looketh towards the
North there is a lintel of five or six quarters long on which are set
three coates with the yeare of our L<* God on it as (in the original
the whole is rudely drawn but I insert the description in my own lan-
guage). In the centre on a shield A Maunch impaling a Chevron
between 3 Garbs. On the left side a shield charged with a Maunch
and on the right side a third shield charged with a Chevron between
3 Garbs ; between the shield to the extreme left and the middle and
larger one the figures 15 with M below, and between the middle one
and the one to the right the figures 97 with T below (and now to re-
vert to the language of the original), By this I presume these garbs
belong to the family of the Edens. Upon the north wall (I think of
the North Aisle) of the church are four Coats of Arms in an Escut-
cheon A shield quarterly, i. The Coat of the Threlkelds of which
hereafter. 2. A Cross Sable engrailed. 3. A Chevron between
three great Wheat Sheaves as we call them in Heraldry Garbes. 4.
A Crossbow Sable between 5 black Cocks Proper, the field I take it
should be Or. This is I believe the Coat of Arms of the Highmoors
of Ousebrig. On the head of the Escutcheon of four Coats stands an
helmet wreathed upon which a turret and a maid with her hair

dishevelled

24 THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

dishevelled looking over it. Near the Vestry door there is a Coat of
Arms but unless it be the Coat of the Threlkelds we cannot tell what it
is. The window at the east end of the Quire hath thtee lights. In the
middlemost towards the top there is yet to be seen A Coat of the Threl-
kelds in its Colours. A Maunch Gules in a field Argent and in the
midst of the uppermost part of the Maunch there is I take it
a Trefoil. Between the Altar or Communion Table and the south
wall at the upper end of the quire there is cut out and joined to-
gether two Coats of Arms, the first the Coat of the Threlkelds, the
other hath three Mullets or spur rowclls as we corruptly call them
the field gules. In the light next the door on the south side of the
Church there is a Coat of the Threlkelds impaling Highmoores
painted in the glass viz : i. Argent a Maunch Gules charged with
a trefoyle of the first, 2. Argent a Crossbow between 3 Cocks
sable.

Above these Coates there is another Coat seems to be very ancient.
In the midst of a field gules a Cinquefoil between seven Crosses fitchee
or. In the third light are some reliques of these ancient Coates as
thus, the uppermost is a curious coat the field or and the bearing six
things gules three, two and one, they are Eaglets. Under it there are
two coates or part of two coates ; the first a (Cross or rather) Saltier
gules charged with 5 little Crosses or in a field argent thus nor can I
describe the second whereof ther is but part left.

The third light has had three coates depicted on it. One at the top
which has been Or six Eaglets Volant gules and two underneath Ar- •
gent a Saltier gules charged with five cross crosslets or impaling sable
three covered cups argent which belong to the Warcops 3 as it ap-
pears by the has been Three Greyhounds courant argent
which are Machells of Crackenthorpe impaling Warcops.''

The tradition with regard to the Crest of the Threlkelds is as follows :
"There was a young lady and heiress called Ann de Melmerby some-
time courted by two valiant Knights the one a Turke and the other a
Christian (no less than a Knight of King Arthur's Round Table Sir
Lancelot du Lake) who fighting with and vanquishing the Turke in
the Courts before the Tower from which she looked, and marrying
the Lady thence took the sirnameof Turkild whence corruptly Thir-
kild^and Threlkeld And for his Crist the Lady looking down from the
Tower. I am very apt to believe that there is something of truth in
the fable and that some of the Threlkelds might fight with his rival
forjthe^ Heiress of Melmerby or rescue her by stelth or otherwise out
of this Tower where perhaps she being an Heiress was confined and
secreted and in memory hereof might assume that crest with the

motto now used Pie Repone Te."

Singleton's Communication.

Sir

THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY. 25

53. Sir Lancelott Thirkeld=

Sir I.ancclott Thirkeld Knt. John Thirkeld=Elizabeth

^f Mehere | dau. &heireof Thos. Hanford.

John Williamson=Elizabeth
of Mylbeck in Com. Cumb. dau.& heire of John Thirkeld of of Com. Cumb.

St. George's Visitation of Cumberland 1615.

54, Robert 'l'hirkell=^
of Y enwo rth |

Rowland = Rose Sir I^wrcnceXhrelkeld

who Frst came into Staffordshire I dau. of John Myers of Yenworth, Knt.

John =

of Smallwood I dau. of John Poole of Parling-ton, Derby.

John = Elizabeth

ofSmaMwood I dau. to Swynerton of Swynerton.

John = Joanne

of Smallwood I dau. to Sir Lewis Baf^ot.

Ellen = Rowland Ruge^ev

dan. & heire of Shenton & Smallwood.

Rawlinson MSS., Bodleian Library, B. 417, 6\

55. CLXXXVI. Ad Ecclesiam Cath. Dunelm. venit quidam Hen-
ricus Thirlekelt de Lasynby in Com. Cumbriae v Novembris MDXV.
et peciit immunitatem pro eo quod xxi Octobris ultimo prgeterito apud
Lasynby praedictum quendum Willielmum Pyxson cum uno le dager
in pectore mortaliter percussit in qum incontinenter obiit Pro quam
immunitatem peciit Presentibus Ricardo Ballacis generoso, Henrico
Fetherslonhaugh literato et aliis.

Surtees Socy. Vol. v. Sanctuarium Dunelmense, p. 70

56. 12 Jany. 15 Eliz. (1572). Inq. taken at Kirkbye Kendall co.
Westmoreland after the death of Lancelot Threlkeld Gent. deed. On
the day of his death he was seised in his demesne as of fee of the
Manor of Glenryddinge with its members and appurtenances in Pat-
terdali in said Co. and of the right of fishing in the water of Ulsewater

in

26 THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

in said Co. His will as Lancelot Threlkeld of Patterdall Gent ; dated
29 Sept. 1571. Dorothy his wife then enceinte. He died 30 Sept. last,
and Richard Threlkeld is his son and next heir and was then aged 10.
and more.

Inq. P. M. Calendars, Chancery Series, No. 193.

57. Nicholas Threlkeld was one of the company who met at Kaber-
rigg» according to the proceedings taken before Sir Philip Musgrave,
Sir John Dalston, Richard Brathwaite, Robert Hilton and Edmund
Nevinson Esqrs. Oct. 22, 1663.
Surtees Society Vol. xl. Depositions from the Castle of York, p. 104.

WILLS AND INVENTORIES.

Will of Richard Threlkeld of Conscliffe 1546.

In die nomen. Amen, the IX Day of maye in the yere of our lorde a thoussand
fyvc hundreth fortyc and sex. I Richeid Threlkeld of consclif in the countye of
Durisme of good mynd and halle of remembrance Ordynilh and makes my last
Will in manor foliowinge fFirst 1 gif and bequeste my sowlle to god Almighty
the blissidc- Vrgryn sainte marye And to all the hollye companye in hevyn to pray
for me. My bodye I bequeithe to be buried within the pische churche of consclif

afore the crucifix with my mortuarye Dewe by the Kinges

Mate lawes Accustomed. Also I gif vnto the warkes and repa9ons of the
said churche Also I gif and bequestes unto the poor house-
holders of Ou'consle and nether consle XXs. to be Disposed by the Discrecon of
my mynistcrs. Also I gif and bequestes vnto the warkes and buyldinge of the
churche of melmorby wher my father and mother lyes XXs. Also I gif and leggit
to a honeste prest to singe a twelmonthe for my sowlle and my good frenndes
iiij 11. Alsoo I gif and bequest vnto my sonn William his wif and his childer to bringe
them vpe of xiij 11. vjs. viij d. Alsoo I gif and bequestes vnto my frmdesand Kyns-

folkes William Threlkeld, Xpofer Threlkeld, Agnes Newtonn

Amonges them equely to be Devidite by the Discrecion of my mynestor. Alsoo
I gif and .... to every servand that servic me at consle and Whitwell
viij d. a pese over and besides ther wages. Alsoo I gif to Willm Threlkeld of
burgh and lanslote Threlkeld my brother childer ether of them vj s. viij d. Alsoo
I gif to Agnes emerson my sister Dowghter iij s. iiij d. Alsoo I gif vnto my
lovynge mayster Thomas Dacre my lordes sonn for a rememembrance a ryall.
Also I gif vnto my godsonn Richard bellas xs. Alsoo I gif and leggett vnto
Richerd my sonn all my housholde stuf remanyng the tyme of my marreage
with Catheren my Wif soo as my said Wif maye have the vsage of the same
Duringe her Wedohcd. Allsoo I gif vnto George Warcope my louynge cossinge
for a remembrance xs. Alsoo I gif vnto Willm Wren my wifes sonn and Willm
Cornforthe ether of them ij quye, Alsoo I gif to Godfray muncastor j quy by the
Discrecon of my mynistor. Alsoo I gif vnto my sister elsabeth sympsonn a

Angell

THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY. ^^

Angell for a tokinn. Provyditt all wayse that in caise my wyf be with childe,
that the same haue accordinge to right porcone naturall with my sonn Richerd
of my goodes. And if it fortonne as god Defend that tliey or other of them
Depte or they come to yerres of Discrecon then I will that my brother SirRolannd
Threlkeld with the advise of Catheren my wif if she be unemareyd Dispose ther
porcons for the well of my sawlle And helpinge my sones Willm childr. and other
my pore frenndes as they think most nedfull by ther Discrecons. The residue of.
my goodes my Dettes paid and my legetes I gif and bequcstes vnto my brother
Sir Rolannd Threlkeld clarke Catheryn my Wife and Richerd my sonn Whoyme
I ordynn and constitute my executors to Dyspose for the well of my sawlle as shal
be seyme to them. Thes be the Whitnese Sir Henry Plumer my curat Vicar of
conslce John gibson and John emerson Wt

Will of Roland Threlkeld 1565.
In dci noie Amen. The XXXt day of June in the yer of our lord God a thou-
sand fyve hundreth thro score and fyve 1 Roland Threlkeld dark pson of
Melmerby in the county of coumbland Whin the dioses of Carlell of hole mynd
and in pfyte remembranc yet nevrtheles cosyderyng this Transatorie warld and
the of the same ordeneth and mayketh this my Last Will and

Testament in manr & forme folowynge FBrst I gevc and bequeth my soull to
Almyghty God my maker redemr besechyng the blyssyd Vyrgen Marye and all
the holly copany of heven to pray fjr me and my boyd to be buryod wthin the
quere of the pysh church of Melmeby ner to the ashes ? of my father & mother
wth such adornamentts as I have ordayned for the mantenance of the servys of
God wthin the same church And also I geve & bequeth to the poore people of
the pyshes of Melmoby Dufton & Halton to evy one of the same pyshes thre
pounds to be dystrybutyd for the health of my Sowle wth the advyse & Counsell
of the curatt church Wardens & balyfe of evy of the said pyshes
accordyng to ther dyscrecon to them yt most ned yt Also I geve & bequeth to the
poore people of the pyshynge of Kirkoswald xU And to the poore people of the
pyshyngof laysonby xx» And the poore people of huonsonby Wynscalle Robbe
and farmanby xxs And to the poore people of gamlysbye xxs to be dystrebuted as
is aforesaid And also I geve to the Curatt of Melmoby xls to the Curatt of Dufton
xls to the Curatt of Halton xls to pray for my Sowl Also I geve to my nephe
Xhopher Threlkeld one Ryng of Gold for a tokyng and two old Ryalls of gold
lykewyse I geve unto John. Threlkeld his eldest son one Cuppe of Sylver and
Peel I gylted with a covr & to his wyfe xxs also I geve unto George Threlkeld his
Brother of the said John serteyn Implementtsof houshold as planely shall appere
in one Sedall Subscribed wtii my hand unto this psent Will annexed Also I geve
to Xhopher Threlkeld his brother xU towards his exibicion at the Uny visyte Also
I geve there four Systrs evy one of them xx* Also I geve to Wellm Threlkeld of
home xxs And to Thomas and John his brothers ather of them xs & to ther syst
zs Also I geve to Lanselot Threlkeld my Brother son for the helpyng of his chyl-
dren iiij lb. Also I geve to of nyne Kyrkes ? xxs and to his

son Matthew x« and to his systr at Newcastell xs Also I geve to Essabell the Wyfe
of Geffray Thomson xl' and to Grace, Elenor and Jenct his Daughters evry one
of them xxs Also I geve to Rye Wailes my systr son and to his Wyfe for help-
ing« of the chyd*" iiij lb and to Mrgat his Dowtr xxs Also I geve to the wyfe of

Willm

28 THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

Willm Talentyr my sistr dowghf xls and lo ethr of his sonnes at the Unyvrsyte
xls Also I g^ve to the wyfe of Leonard Chardeu ? my cusen xx shepe two Kye
and xxs in money for helpin;^ of his chylder Also 1 gevc t^ Richard Threlkeld
my Brothers son of Cunslyfe all the Lands and Tenements wch I have purchasyd
in Wyndystone, Cunslyfe & Barnard Castell and also of my hown Goods I pur-
chased the said lands wth all manr of Evydences Charters and mynamentts
belonging" to the same and to have and to hold all the said lands and Tencmentts
wyth the Appurtenances unto the said Rychard Threlkeld and to the heirs male
of his body lawfully begottyne for ea of the chefe Lord of the fee by the servys
thereof Ryght and dues accustomed and for default of such Issue Male then all
the said lands and tenements to remane dessend & come unto Willm Threlkeld
Brother of the sayd Rychard and to the heres male of his body lawfully be^otteng
And for default of such yssue male then all the forsaid Lands and tenemenlts
wth ther appurtenances to remane dyssend and come unto Xpoffer Threlkeld of
Melmerby esquier and his ryght heres for ever Also I gevc to the said Rycherd
Threlkeld my brother son xx marks in mony Towards his exibycio at the scole
Also I geve unto Roland bowman and Elsabethe his syst*" to ether of them
xls over and besydes iij lb vi s viij wych ther father howeth me wych I geve to
them two accordynlye Also I geve to Willm Threlkeld my cusin of Cunslyfe
aforesaid iij lb and to his son Rycherd xl s towards his exibycio at the scolle Also
1 geve and bequethe to evrv one of my Sarvants as hereaftr generally foloweth
to Roland Walles xls To Thomas Pottr xls To John benson xls to Robart Duns-
forth ? xls to Rycd housby. xxs To jenken Hall xs to Matthew Cowlle xxs And to
evry one of my other servantts not named over and besydes ther wages v.s Also 1
geve to John Emrson xxs to his son Roland my godson xxs To John Wylson my
cusin Towards his exibicio alt the scole xls and to Robert Hetherinton xls Also I
geve to Willm Emrson xls to his son Robart xxs To Roland Threlkeld my godson
xxs Also I geve to Xyofer Gyll for brenging upe his two dowghtrs my cusing^
Ether of them xxs And to Thomas Bowman xxs over and besydes other ....
mony wyche he borowed of me to Xyofer Gyll xxs to Thomas Braythwatt xls To
Xyoffcr Threlkeld, Lancelotts son xls Also I will that all my Legaces aforsaid be
tayken of my holle goods moveabil and unmoveabil as shall appere by a inven-
tory and Deby torye maid estemyd and subscribed wth my same hand And forther
1 make and costytute my executors of this my last Will and Testament That is to
saye Rycherd Threlkeld my Brothers son Mr Lancelot Walles Vycar of Lazonbye
and Mr Richard Talentyrc whom I mayke to have (full power to dyspose all my
goods for the ffurthfyllynge of my Will and for the healthe of my Soule and
helpynge of my porest ken as shall be sene to them tayken for there panes evry
one of them fyve pounds a pcce over and bcsyds there ordynary costs and charges
Also I will that my said Executors shall bring mehonestlie furthe and mayke a
honest dynr ffor my ifrends and for the poorc people wtb meatc and drink at the
Day of my Buryall Also I will request & desire my Worshypful CusingSr Willm
Relyff to be supvysor of this my last Will and to give his counsell and Ade to
my executors yf they nede for furthfullyng of the same for the love that hayth
Bene betwext his father his uncle and me

p me Roland
Threlkeld
Wytnesscs hereof Andre Saukeld Roland

Willm Mawghtson John Benson Cho. Gyll wth others

I

THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

29

I geve in my last Wyll unto my cusyng George Thrclkeld who I trust by
the grace of God shall be pson of Melmerby aftr me certeyne Implements wyche
I wyll that my executors shall leve hym to remane in the psonage of Melmerby
as here aiftcr folowythc that is to say

in my chambr ovr the buttye
A whcale bead a fethcr bed a host*" a payr of blankets a payr of shetts a covcyng
In the same chambr a standyng bed carvyd and a closse presse of wanescot In
my studye With the deske therein And certcn boukes thatt is to saye and

the wth lok and key upon both

In the new cambr
A standyng bed wthowt cloythes a cubbart

uppon the dore a loyke and a key

In the buttr
dy vse shelves as there standythe and on
the dore a lock and key

In the new lardr
Itm two grate fatts a dressynboard wth loyke and key

In the Hall
Two bords two forms wth as they stand a

lytttU cubbard a Cruke a bar of Iron to hang a croke on

In the Kytchyng
Two dryssing bowrd a brasse pot a pan a dosyn old Vcsscils

In the Brew House
A lead a masfat a wort trough a gyle fat

in the backe howse
A Tinn for bowlyng a wth a locke and

key for ether dore

This I will be delyvered unto him upon that ^covenant that he

trowbill not my Executors for no delapedacios

p mc Rolande Thretkeld

A trew invcntorie of all such goods movcaball and unmovcaball Layttly [tenyng
unto Roland Threlkeld clarek pson of Melmeby prasid by fower sworne men
Thatt is to say George Dyckson John persyvell Wilim swaynbanke & Gawyne
tyckell the VII day of September An Dni 15C5 as hereaftr ptyculerly folowyth

npmis

Itm in Gold .

xvii lb

„ in monye

„ one whyte horse

xviij lb
xls

„ one gray nag .

xxxvi s viij d

„ one gray mere .

XX s

„ one bay mere
„ one old horse

xs
iis

Itm

30

THKELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

Itm ix Kye .....

vij lb vi s viij d

,, viij Oxen ....

ixlb

„ two stotts ....

xxvi s vtii d

„ two young notts

XX s

„ thrc .....

XV s

„ One why at .

viis

„ in Hawl ? more iij Kye & iii caulves

. xl s vii d

„ iij youn^e nott there .

xviij s

at

„ xlxxx wethers at ii»& vjijd a pec ) ?

xxvi lb xiii s iij d

», vxx & xi lames att xvtd a pec

iiij lb xvi s

„ in Wolle Iv stone at vis a stone

xvi lb X s

«^ KJTiC \

ivr II J-
sylvr

in platt
„ One standing pec of Sylvr Dubbill gylt ^

wth a covr one sylvr Sawelt wth a covr One j

drenkig pott» pcell gylt wtb a covr

sylvr pews ? One chales & viii

spownes

in his ha wen chamet
Item a fether bed, a bost>^, a pay re of shetts, a payre

of blankets, a covrenge ....
„ A nother fether bed, a bosf a payrc of shetts and

a covringe .
„ A chest in his stody
„ A deske wth draw lockers,
„ A nother deske'
„ One lytill cubburde
„ V long gownes 1 1 short gones iij jackets

a doke iij dublyts & iii payre of hose in

the new chambr
„ One fether bede wth gere belongyng unto it
,, One carvyd cubord
„ One carpent for a tabill .
„ A chest .....
„ One tabill wth two lekcs and a grene

clayth on it
„ another chest ....

I viij lbs

in Sr Edwards chambr
, a fether bed a bostr a payr of shetts
& two cov>^ clothes

in the halle
, ij bourds ij formes, one chare one cub-
bourd ij hangings and a carpencloth one
buffet viii quyshings

xs

VS

vis

XX d

iijs iiijd

vlb

XX s

X s

iijs iiijd
iijs iiijd
ii s viij d

xiijs iiijd

in the law lofte
, A fether bed a host a payre of shetts a 1
covecloth t

vi » viij d

TIIRELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

31

in a chambr behind ye hall-dore
Itm A fether bed a bostr a pay re of shetts and )
a covrclothe and a covnnge /

„ two chests in the chambr

in a chamber in ye stabill
„ one materes a bostr a payre of shetts and a

covert cloyth .....

in the Madyyngs chamber
„ One matteres a bostr a payre of shetts a covrdoyth

in the ophouse
„ two payre of shetts 3 happers

in the braw howse
,, A Lead a mashe fat a gy\e fatt & a lytell fatt

„ two Kytts

in the larder
„ two p^reate fatts one lesser a long fatt for fyshe,
a chest ......

in the buttery
,, iiij bourd cloythes ii cubbercloyes iiii dyap

Napkins, ii diap towels
„ iii stands .....
„ One blythr & v potts
„ iii trusles .....
,, One old .....

xiis
iiij d

«js

lis
iiii d

IX 9
iiis

xiid
vid

XX d

In the Kychen xviii platers xvi dysshes

V sawers iiij pottegers & xii platts . . . x 1 s
iiij platers ii basons a wesbenge basyng & a stand-
ing pot of pudr ? . . . . X s

▼ candy Istyches . . . . . xx d

iiij brase potts iii possenetts one chamber one
shavyn chaffer .... xxiij s iiij d

V pannes one chaflFen dyshe one scom ? . . v s
one Kitcheng Iron, one cockell pan

i fryeng pann ii payre of tongs i and Iron i brandreth

& one flesh croke . . . iij s iiij d

iii Spets and i lytell spet . . . vi s viij d

iii Crokes a bar of Iron to hyng them on one
morter & a pestell . . • . iii s

In husbandre gere
iii gavelocks ii Iron Melles, one mattoke ii peckes
ii one axe, one flesh axe ii gart

spads ii turfe spads, one chessell iij >Kombils vi
tennes ? a cuttr a pecke ii a peny nales of
Iron ii one great saw & a

saw ..... xxxi s viij d

Itm

32 THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY.

Itm two payre of wane whelles a payre of wane rustis
ii ii plowes a plowband of Iron

liij powkes & iiij whcle cartts . . . xvi s

„ ii bushells of malt . . . . . xxs

,, vii stcckes, one wynddoythe & xv yards of

Webbe . . . vi s viij d

,, in come uppon ye g^round in

othr by estymacio . . v lb vi s viijd

,, in come at Robartby in

and othr by estymacio . . xlri s viij d

,, in hay . . . . xls

,, V swyne . . . . . xii s

Sma total . . . clxxxiiij lb iiij s x d

Endorsed "Testamentum et Inventarium Rcwiandi Threlkeld clci nup Rectoris de
Melmerby pbatapud Carliul tertio die mensis Octobris 15^15."

Will of Christopher Threlkeld of Melmerby, 1569.
In dei noie Amen the vijt^ day of July Ao dni 1569 and in ye xith yere of the
reiwne of or sovcreigne ladye Elizabethe by ye grace of God of England
Ffrance and Erland quenc defender of ye faithc &c 1 Xrofcr Threlkelde of
Melmebie in ye County of Cumberland Esquier hole of body and p6ghte in
Remembrans thanks be to God almighty do make this my pscnt testament and
laste Will Revoking all other former Willes by me made before yc making of this
my psent testament & laste Wijl wch at this time I make & ordeyne in mancr and
forme following Fyrste I geve and comende my sowle unto Almighty God my maker
& rcdemer by whome I was c reatod to o r bU iiad l ad y St Ma f y ond to all yo holly
comp a ny oi hoa v on & my body to be buried wthin y2 churche of Melmebie
aforesaid nighc unto where a^ my Wiff doth lye VVth my mortuaries & other
dewties belonging unto holly churche Also I geve and bequethe by this my
psent testament & laste Will to George Threlkelde & Xrofer Threlkelde my sonnes
landes and tenements of ye yerely valeiue of foure pounds yt is to either of them
for terme of ther liffes natural & to ye longer lyver of them landcs and tenements*
of the yerely value of fforty shillings set lyeing & being in Melmebie Marzonbie ?
& Glassingby as by a dede of gifte ready to be showed it doth appere also I give
George Threlkelde my myddell sonne ye advowson of ye churche of Melmebie &
he to be wt ye grace of God pson of ye same Also I geve and bequethe by this
my laste Will & testament to my doughter Ffrances fforty pounds towards her
manage And to my doughter Anne tenne pounds to be tacon of my hole goJes if
the same may closely extende unto and if not 1 Will that twenty Pounds be tacon
of Thomas Willmson*s farmakle for ye fulfilling of this my last Will & testament
and if yt fortune yt either of my said doughters Anne or Ffrances (o die cr dept
from this transytory wcrlde before they ccme to helpe after my dpture that then
hir porcion to be dcvided amongst ve other of my children Also I geve to John
Threlkelde my eldest sonne and hcire as heyrclams to be Icfte to his sonne &
heire as hereafter followeth conditionally yt he wil be good & gcntell & favorabell
to his lirethcn & Sisters & foryt consideracon 1 geve him this legacye a silver salte

wort he

THRBLKELDS OF MELMERBY. 33

worthe iiij lb pcell g\\i ij silver spones Wth the madens heade upon them a Crosse
of Golde wch I have delyvered to his Wiif iij Kistes one of Sprewse & two others
a Mashhing iatt a gyVing fatt & a brewing leade & all this pcell to Remayne at my
said howse of Melmebie as heirelams Also I geve him a greate troughe for
Salting Ffleshe a Beiff Pott of brasse a morter & a pestell wch I have dely vred
already Also I give unto every one of my doughters a silver spone Also I geve to
ffrances my doughter hir mother's belte & a silver Mazonr Also I geve to Maw*
deleyne my doughter a cowe or xx s in mony Also I geve to my doughter
Elizabeth a Payer of Almond Beades and to (Frances my doughter a payer of
beades of Correll wth silver gaudes Also I geve unto my doughters Mawdeleyn &
ffrances a Byllemeote of gold smythe worke wche I lente unto my doughter Mar-
gere condicionally yt she shoulde be either good to ye executors or ells geve them
fyve pounds as it cost Itm I geve unto my doughter Margere paire of amber
beades and she to leave them to her sonne wche I have delyvered already Also I
geve to Rowland Threlicelde godson xs Also I geve to Marye Threlkeld my sonnes
doughter one wedder Also I geve to Henrye Threlkeld one wedder Also I geve to
Thomas Threlkeld of Brough my brother sonne & John Threlkeld his brother
either of them xl d Also I will yt every one of svants bothe manne & woman
shall have ther hole Wages paied and every one of them xii d over & besides ther
Wages to praye for my sowle Also I Will yt Elizabethe Dobson shall have a Whye
Styrke Also I Will yt Isabell Verty shall have a lambe Also I Will yt every tenant
of myne have iiijd wthin Melmebie to praye for my sowle Also I Will yt there be
no penny dole delte for me at my buryall but yt breade & chese & ale delte to yc
pore at the discression of my executors Also I Will yt all preastes & clerkes being
psent at my buryall shall be awarded according to the custome of the gen trey
The Residewe of all my goodes moveable and unmoveable above not given nor
legacied I give & bequeathe unto my three sonnes George Threlkeldc Xrofer
Threlkelde & Michell Threlkeld whome I ordeyne & make my Executors by this
my psent testament and laste Will and them to ordeyne & distrybute in dedes of
charytie for the helthe of my soale & all my ancestors sowles as to them shall be
thoughte moste expedient whom I charge wtall Also whereas I bought the warde-
shypp of Henry Bacchus & is married & gone from me & marled hymsclff & I
have him in sewrtie I Will myne executors follow the sewte as the lawe will and
the mony thereof to be distrybuted for the fulfilling of this my last Will Also I
give to John Threlkeld my sonne a Coveringe of a Bedd wch he borrowed of me
when his father in lawe John Eden was here wche is in his owne handes remayn-
ing also I geve tohym a chafer of brasse & a Brandy ron to be lefteto his sonne
as heyrelams Supvysors of ye same Sir Lancelot Wallas clerke Matthew Bee &
Sir John Austen Clerke In Wytnes whereof I have subscribed my name wt myne
owne hand in ye psens of Sr John Benson Clerke Sr Edward Nischolson Clerke
Willm Swinbanke Lyones Benson Xrofer Percevell Gawen Tyckell, wt other mo

A trewe Inventory of the gudes & catalls of Xrofer Threlkeld of Melmebie
deceased taken the xii day of August Ao dni 1569 and prised by Willm Swyn-
banke Rowland Morton John More & John Watson as hereafter followeth

XX

Item in primis iiij wether

shepe at ij s viij d a pee price . vi lb xiij s iiij d

Item xl ewes at

ii s iiij d a pece price . . iiij lb xiij s iiij d

[E.]

34

THRBLKBLDS OF MELMBRBY.

Item iij lambs at xvi d a peece

. iiij lb

Item one fryeng pan ii spetes

on Kyrsede & ij trepetts price

v s

Urn the pewter vessel wh

ii candlesticks the price .

xvis

Item iij potts wythe

ii pannes price .

xvis

Item iij ffether bedds wh .

Bolsters at xiij s iiij d a pece price

'. xls

Item ij covering price

xiij s iiij d

Item vi worse coverings price

xij s

Item ij payer of shetes price

xs

Item iij payer of worse shetes pee

vi s

Item ii payer of blanketts price

V s

Item on Counter <poynte price

"jf

Item one other bedd covering"

iij s iii) d

Item viij bushells of malt

. xxiiij s

Item iiij Iron teames wtall

things belonging to the drafte

Wth a gavelogg an axe &

Wymble price

xs

Item ij payer of Cowpe Wheales

& one payer of Carte Wheles pee

xs

Item vi Oxen

. vilb

Item iiij Oxen price

. Iiij s iiij d

Item vi Neates prices

. iij lb

Item five yong neats price

xxxiij s iiijd

Item one Nagge price

xs

In corne as hereafter foUoweth

Item sowen in Prestfeled vij bus

at iij s iiij d every bush price

xxiij s iiij d

Item of Nixsons farmald in

Rie sowen iij bus

xi s viij d

Item Nixsons farmald in bigg

ix bus iiij s every bus price

xxxvi s

Item otes of the same farmald .

xvi bus at xx d every bus

xxviiis vitid

Item otes in Prestefelde ix

xiis

Item Hay at Nixsons farmald .

xvis

Sm to

talis

Endorsed Apud Penreth xvii die mensis Januarii Anno Dni 1569.

4. Will of Michael Threlkeld of Melmerbie, 1627.

In the name of God Amen the xxii daie of Marche 1627 I Michell Threlkeld of
Melmerbie sieke in bodie but in good and pyfte remembrannce thankes be unto
Almyghtie God doe make this my laste Will & testa men te in maner and forme

followinge

THRBLKBLDS OF MBLMBRBY. 35

followinge Ffirste I doe geve and oomend my soule into the handes of allmightie
G^nI my maker and Jesus Christe his sonne my onely Saviour & redemer by
who^ paynefull passhon & innocence I hope & fullie doe tniste that all my sinnes
are wash^l away in his blode and that I shal be one of those for whom he dyed
and that I shall inherit a place in heaven pvided by God the father for Christe and
his where shal be joye such as never eye hathe sene eare hathe

heard nor hartc of man ys able to conceyve to the wch place of joye Jesus Christe
that bough te me with the preciouse bloode bringe me Amen : and my body to be
buryed in the parishe church of Melmorbie in or neare the place in the Queare
where my father & his ancestors doe lye & Were buryed my duties & rites to the
Churche I owe, to be paid & done Nowe as concemynge my temporall estate wch
yt hath pleased Almightie God to bestowe upon me in this present wordle wherein
I have lyved and to the end that my debts may be dischardged and the resydewe
reserved for my Wyfe and children I doe despose of them in maner and forme
foUowinge firste I doe geve and bequiethe unto John Threlkeld my sonne thre
blacke kyne, thirtie <«hepe one nagg and all my apparell savinge my best Cloke
And my fedder bedd after the deathe of his mother Itm I doe geve unto my wyfe
Dorathie my best cloke and my gould ringe Itm I doe geve unto Margerie Threl-
keld my daughter my new cupboard in the hous e Um I doe al otf g e v unto
F fr an c ea m y boce b e g o tt e n daught e r few e r ch e p e and a Whi e i itirh e a n d halfe a
■ t o n e o f Well weh m y n ie o e 7 hn t h t o m a k e h e r a c oa t with a ll

I doe further by this my last Will and testament resyne & sett over unto
my said Wiefe Dorathie her executors and assignes all the demised grounds
wch I amongst others now have a hold of humfrey Threlkeld esquier for all the
yeares to com and me devysed and she my said wiefe to doe and pforme for the
same in such measure and maner as I should have done in righte yf I had lyved
Itm I doe geve unto my sister Bridgett payre of shoes Itm I doe

by this my last Will and testament make and appoint my said wieffe Dorathie
Threlkeld my sole and whole executrix ot this my said Will and doe geve her all
my goods moveable and unmoveable quick and dead and I doe herebie Will
and desyre her to se this my Will pformed my debts paid and my funerall
expenses deschardged and that she doe bestowe upon the poore of the Parishe
xs to be disbursed unto them upon my funerall daie Supervisors of this my laste
Will and testament to se that it be trewlie pformed accordyenge to my trewe
meaninge I doe appoynte Mr. John Parson my nephewe desyringe him hereby to
be to my wiefe and children his good advise & counsell and to

stand to them in their trewe and honest cause as occasion shall fall

Mich Threlkeld
Witnesses hereof
Willm Harris, John Rayson
Henry Bird
Penrith 3 Nov. 1629 Probat. fuit &c.

5. WUl oj Lancelot Threlkeld of Melmerhy 1673.

In the Name of God Amen I Lancelot Threlkeld of the pishe of Melmbic Esqr
somewhat weake & distempered in Bodie, But sounde & pfect both in mynde &

Memorie

36 THRBLKBLDS OF MBLMBRBY.

Memorie thankes be to AUmightte God for the settlinf^ of myne Estate and put.
ting of my house in order doe make constitute & ordaine this my last Will and
testament in manr & fforme as followeth Ffirst I grive comend and committ my
soulle into the hands of Allmightie God my maker hopeing onelie through the
merits of my Savior Christe Jesus to be saved Itm my Bodie I committ to the
earth from whence itt was taken. And my desire is that my said Bodie be Buried
wthin the Quier of the pishe Church of Millmbie aforesaid And there to be
Enterred neare adjoyneing to the corps of my late ffather Hymfrey Threlkeld
Esqr deceased And as ffor all my worldlie Estate wherewth It hath pleased All-
mightie God to Bestowe upon me & Endowe me wthall I give and Bequeath in
manr & fforme as hereafter followeth viz Ffirst I give and Bequeath unto my
EUdest daughter Ann Thirlkeld Twentie shillings in money to Buy her a Ringg
vithall Ite 1 give unto my second daughter Katherine Studdam ffifte poundes to
be payed att the end & expiration of Two yearesthen nextt after my decease Item
I give & Bequeath unto my Third daughter Marie Threlkeld Three hundred &
fiftie poundes to be payed att or wthin one yeare next after my decease Item 1
give unto my ffourth daughter Dorethy dale Twentie shillings in money to Buy
her a Ringg wthall Item I give and Bequeath unto my youngest daughter Mar.
gere Threlkeld one hundred poundes wch my sonne in Law Willm Thirkelld & his
ffather are oweing & indebted unto me Item I give & Bequeath unto my Sister
Ann Threllkeld ffortie shillings The rest of all my Goodes Cattells & Chattells
moveable & unmoveable Bills Moneys Plate Householde Goodes

and Husbandrie Goodes And all other my Goodes & Cattells of what Kynde &
qualitie soever my aforesaid Legacies Churchdcwes & ffunerall Expenses paid &.
discharged I freelie give & Beqeath unto my nowe Espoused Wife Katherine
Threllkeld and my said youngest daughter Margere Threlkeld whom I make my
wholle & Joynte Executrixes of This my Last Will & Testament In Witness
whereof I the said l^ncelot Threlkeld unto this my psentsaid last Will & Tes-
tament have sett my hand & sealle this Two & Twentie day of November in the
yeare of or Lord God one Thousand six hundred seaventie & Three Memoriam
That my Will further is that my aforesaid Executrixes shall give & distribute Ten
Shillings amongst my servants

George y^ ^

Willm Ue Uncelot Threlkeld f Seal J

Tho. Bell V_^

Endorsed Testamcntum et Inventarium bonorum Lanceloti Threlkeld nup. de
Melmerbie Ar. defunct Probat fuit 17 Die msis Ffebruarii Anno Dni if73.

6. Will of Dorothy Denton (Threlkeld) 1683.

In the Name of God Amen, the ninth day of October in the five and thirtieth
year of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles yc second by the Grace of God

of

THRBLKELDS OF MELMBRBY. 37

of England, Scotland, France & Ireland, King Defendr of the Faith &c, I
Dorothy the now wife of Thomas Denton of Sebergbam in ye County of Cum-
berland Esqr and late wife, relict, and Executrix of Anthcny Dale, late of
Melmerby in the Countie of Cumbland Gentleman deceased, being sick in body but
of good & perfect memory by and with the lycence & consent of my said Husband
Thomas Denton (without any coertionor constraint but voluntarily and freely) doe
make this my last Will & Tcstamt in maner & forme following, that is to say. First I
render my Soul into the hands of God my Creator, hopeing by ye meritt of his
blessed Son Jesus Cht my redeemer to inheritt Eternity And I comend my body to
the Earth whereof it was made to be decently interr'd in Melmerby Church.
Item Whereas the said Anthony Dale my said late Husband in his lifetime by his
last Will and Testamt in writing duely executed published & provd in solemne
forme bearing date the tenth day of January Ano Domini 16S0, did amongst other
things give and bequeath unto me the said Dorothy the annuity of Twenty
Pounds per annum out of his freehold Estate W^ithin the City of Durham for my
life naturall, and the remaindr of his freehold Estate there to his Son Lancelott
Dale untill he accomplished the age of twenty one years for his education &.
maintenance and in case of the said Lancelott did dye before he did accomplish
that age of twenty one years, his Will was that I the said Dorothy should enjoy
all his said Freehold Estate for ever. And he the said Anthony Dale did thereby
also give an hundred pounds unto his said Son Lancelot for his better education
which would be due to him upon ye death of his aunt Mrs Mary Fen wick and
in case his said sonne Lancelott dyed before he accomplished ye age of twenty
one years then he gave ye said hnndred pounds to me ye said Dorothy. A nd all
the rest of bis Goods and Chattells moveable and immoveable he did thereby
also give to me the said I>orothy whom he did make his sole Executrix, of his
said last Will & Testamt. And whereas also 1 the said Dorothy Denton, after
the decease of the said Anthony Dale my said husband ye Testator, did prve his
said last Will & Testamt and took administration of all his Goods & chattells as
well real as personal to me, devised as Executrix as above said, and payd all
debts Legacies & funerall expences, and havin;r taken forth a Tuition of ye per-
son & Estate of my said son Lancelot Dale being an Infant yet in minority My
Will therefore is that my said Husband Thomas Denton (whom I dearly love &
value, above all the world) do take the rents issues and profitts of the said
freehold Estate, at Durham, aforesaid, and all the said annuity of ye said
twenty pounds pr anum, & all the arrearages thereof as well given & be-
queathed to me by the said last Will & Testamt of my said former husband
Anthony Dale as also to take and receive the issues & profitts of ye remainder of
ye said freehold estate in Durham aforesaid for the use & benefitt education &
maintenance of my said Son Lancelot Dale until he shall accomplish the age of
Twenty one years according to ye Power & limitations to me, devised & be-
queathed by ye said Anthony Dale my late husband's last Will & Testamt above
recited provided he the said Thomas Denton lives sole and unmarried for so long.
Item I give and bequeath unto my said son Lancelot Dale (by like coAsent of my
said husband) my best fether bed bedding & furniture of brown printed stuff
guarded With guilded Leather belonging to the said as also my two silver goblets
or Caudlecups & silver porrenger and two gold Rings, and one moitie or half
part of all my Linnen Item 1 doe hereby give and bequeath grant and com mitt
unto the above named Thomas Denton my said husband as well the custody rule
order Tuition and governance of my said Son lancelott Dale as also the Custody

rule

38 THRBLKBLDS OF MELMBRBY.

rule Tuition use occupation receipt & disposition of all his said freehold Estate
and hou<«e at Durham aforesaid with yo appurtenances and other Lands tene-
ments hereditaments farmes sfoods chittells money plate household stuflfe and
other comodities and possessions whatsoever they be which he the said Lancelot
Dale now hath or by any means may or ought lawfully to have to ye use pfitt &
comodity of ye said Lancelot Dale my said son and his heires, to have and to hold
unto the ^aid Thomas Denton my said husband for and during the time of ye
minority of him the said Lancelott or untill he be of capacity by Law to elect a
new Guardian if he the said Thomas Denton be soe long lieveing and unmarried
as above said, but if it shall soe happen that he the said Thomas Denton shall
chance to marry againe, or to die dureing ye minority of my said son Lancelott,
or before the time of his lawfull capacity to elect, and chuse a new guardian :
My Will therefore then is to comitt the custody rule Tuition order & governance
of my said Son Lancelott and also of all his reall & personall Estate as is above
mentioned which he then shall have or by any meanes may or ought to have to
ye use & plitt of yc said Lancelott for & untill he be capable of electing a new
Guardian himselfe by I^w unto Richard Studholme of Wigton in the said County
& to Thomas Crackanthorpe of Newbiggin in ye County of Westmorland gentlen
my Brothers-in-Law Item I give &. bequeath unto my said husband Thomas Den-
ton the above mentioned sume of one hundred pounds settled upon me by yc
above recited last Will & Testamt after the decease of my sd aunt Mrs Mary
Fenwick, if my said Son Lancelott Dale happen to die before he accomplish ye
age of twenty one yeares, as is more amply limitted & bequeathed by 3*e sd recited
Will above mentioned which money last mentioned was secured unto ye sd An-
thony Dale in his lifetime out of certain Coppihold Lands caled by the names of
ye High Tofts & Agly bushes in Wardrigg in the manor of Chester in ye Streete
in ye sd County of Durham by one John Watson ye then Ten . therof which
lands are since sold unto one Shepperton of ye South Shields, and yet

remain incumbred with ye same charge of ^loo Item I the said Dorothy Denton
do last of all give & bequeath all my Goods and chattells Bills Bonds Leases
Rents fannes houshold stuffe corne & other comodities and possessions whatso-
ever I was intitled unto, as Executrix to my said former husband Anthony Dale
as above said or where securities were taken in my name & ye pperty, or nature
of ym not altered unto the said Thomas Denton my said husband whom I make
my sole Executor of this my last Will & Testament And I doe hereby make the
said Thomas Crackanthorpe & Richard Studholme my said Brothers in Law
supervisours of my said Will and I do hereby revoake & adnull all former Wills.
In Witness whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name & sett my seale unto
this my prsent last Will and Testamt the day & year first above written Anno
Domini 1683.

In the prse of us

Robt Abbott Jurat

Eliz. Studholme mke Jurat

Crissibell Salkield mke Jurat

proved 27 October 1683.

7. Inventory

THRELKBLDS OF MELMBRBY.

39

7. Inventory of William Tkrelkeldy Bailiff of Burghf 1564.

An Inventrie of al the gudes of Willm Tbrelkeld beleye of Burgh by sand by
four priselry men John Marser Willm Mathe Chr. Wilson & John Robinson.

1564.

In primus

Itm a naige the pris . . . xvi s

Itm iij Kaye the pris . . . . . xxis

Itm xij bowshowlesof bige the pris . . . xls

Itm xij bowshowles of hawver the pris . . xvj s

Item iiij pottes the pris . . . xv

Itm ij panns the pris . . . •iij

Itm vj pesse of pewder vessels the pris .xij

Itm iiij fedder beddis the pris . . . xxs

Itm X shepc yongre & elder the pris . .xxs

Sum Totalis viij £ — x s —
The just debita Wylm Therlkyld baletve of Burgh by Sand.

In primi
Item the Lords ferm to my Lord Dakare . x 1 ij s

Item the Mille ferm . . iij I vi s viij d

Item the sand feld £arm . . . iij x s

Item to John Ledale & John Matho for thare . . . iiij marks
Item for the tene corn & haye . . . xxx s iiij d

Item To Adem Huntington & John Lawson for

thare haye . . . . . xvj s

Item womand for thare haye . xvj

Item To Wyllm Tallandier . . . iiij II

Item To Thomas Baryn . . . vi 1 xiij iiij d

Item To John Hogson , . . . xx s

Item to Wyllm Therlkeldt my son . . xx s

Item to paten bob . . . . xi s

Item to Willm Clarke . . . . xvs

Item to John Robinson . . . . xl s

Item to Roland Therikeldt . . xl s

Item to the Wyfe of Randal Hogson . xxij viij d

Item to John Skote . . . . xvj s viij d

Item to my lord Dakare for hald aericrs vj £

Item to Xpto leytall .... iiij s

Item to thebalowc of Thursby . . . xiij s iiij d

Smo totalis xl £ ij s

8. Inventory of William Threlkeld of Holm Cultram 1581.

1581

Holm Coltrame.

A trew inventorie of the goods of Willm Threlkeld praised by iiij men sworn

40

THRBLKELDS OF MBLMERBY.

viz Robert Chamber Anthone Auston John Lon^cak & Robt Smith the xv day of
Aug-ust

Imprimis corn & Hay by estimation

xiiij

£

It three Kye

iiij

V

It. three oxen

«'j

xiij

iiij

It. xiiij shepe

XXXV

It. V stirks

xxxiij

iiij

It. a Leass (?) .

iiij

It. ij old nai^

X

It. a mear & a younger naig

»j

vj

viij

It. Swine . . . .

X

It. geis

xiij

It. His bedding wth towels &

\
f

Ji'j

borddothes

It. poulder vessell

xvi

It. potts panns mortres (?) a

frying pan a girdell a

■

xxxviij

iiij

chafFen dish

It. certaine Wodd

ix

iiij

It. a corne arcke .

XX

It. a wane & other housbandrie

>

geir

XX

It. fatt barrel! troughes & other

wodden vessell

xxxiii

It. a cruike & a pair of toungs

iiij

It. ij chares a table & a counter

vi

viij

It. Woole .

xiiij

It. iiij chists a bread arcke

xij

It. Drink Potts & pitchers &

}

a strand

'ij

iiij

It. Spitt & tripett

iiij

It. ix hancks of yamc

ix

It. Wodd bord

!j

viij

It. Waine Ropes .

xvi

It. Riding geir & apparrell

XX

It. A spear

'j

vi

It. an axe & a shodd shouU

viij

It. Hens & Capons

U

It. Peite ,

xiij

iiij

It. a cowc .

XX

Sma tols

xlviii

— xix -

-vj

Administration granted 15 August 15S1 to Thomas Thrclkeld
of Burgh-by-Sands the Guardian of Edward, Anna, Katherine,
Elizabeth & Marie Threlkeld Minors— the Children of Wil-
liam Thrclkeld for the use of the Minprs.

Will

THRBLKBLDS OP MBLMBRBY. 4I

9. Will of Edward Threlkeld 1 588.

In the name of God Amen the twoe and twentithc daye of June Anno Dni a
thousand five hundred eif;htie eif^ht Et anno Regni regine Elizabethe dei gratia
&c tricesimo I Edward's Threlkeld clerke doctor of the Ijtwe and cannon resi-
dent in the cathedrall churche of Heref bein^e sick in bodyc butt wholl in myndc
and perfect in remembrance thancked be God therfure callinge to myndc my
often and p^reat sicknesses and knon'inge that deathe and the depai tinge of the
sowie from the bodye must foHowe how soone I knowe nott doe make my last
Will and testament as followethe Inprimis I bequeathe and recomend my sowIe
to God my creator God the sonne my redeemer God the holy ghost my sancte-
fyer thre distincte persons and all theis thre persons but on 3 God and I firmely
beleve to be saved and deliuered from the wrothe due for my sinnes by the bludd
of Jhesus Christ shed uppon the crosse uppon whiche tree he bare our curse and
cancelled that bond that was laid uppon the sonnes of Adam of his meere grace
and mercy accordinge to his promisse whiche promisse I layc hand uppon and
take howlde of by a sure and stedfast faiethe as a sure buckler of defence and
protection against the fyrie dartes and furius assautts oE our ghostley enimie the
deviU And I hope to be one of his electe in the ioyfull kingdome of his father
amen my bodye I comende to the earthe whence it came to be laide in christian
buriall in hope to rise againe and be partaker of the resurrection of the iust and
elect amen I dispose my worldly goodes that Go J made me steward of in manner
and forme followinge Imprimis I give to the pore of Tenburie fortic shillings Item
1 give to the pore of Chewton fortie shillings Item \ give to the pore of Muche
Salkett in the Countie of Cumberland thre poundes six shillings eighte pence to be
distributed as the churchewardens ther respectively shall thinck good meete
togeather withe thadvise and oversighte of my curate that serve in any of them
at my deathe Item I will that my howse he mainteyned for my servants one
monethe afler my decease withe meate drincke and Lodginge if they provide nott
them selves of new maisters in that time Item I give to my curate Sr Edmund
Aired fortie shillings Item I giue to Anne Henbage thirtene pounds six shillings
eightepence and my second best feather bed one bowlster one pillowe twoe payer
of sheetes viz thone of hempen and thother of burden one coverlett one blanckett
and also one ioyned bedstead Item I giue to Alice Henbage her sister fortic shil-
lings Item 1 giue to Gabriell Parrie fiftie thre shillings fower pence Item I giue to
Wm Puchard liij s iiij d Item I giue to Rinian Huntington thirtene poundes six
shillings eighte pence and my best trottinge geldinge or ells insted of the geldinge
six poundes thirtene shillings fower pence at his choise Also I doe g^ue and be-
queathe to the saide Rinian Huntington my twoe Leases viz thone is of my
garden beyonde the Castle Mills which I howlde by Lease of Roger Cumberlache
and his sonnes for yeares yett cnduringe and thother Lease is of the demise or
graunte of the Gustos and vicars chorall of the cathedrall churche of Hereford of
a certeyne barn lyinge in the barshamstrete now in myne owne occupation Item
I giue to John Buckenhill fiftie thre shillings fower pence Item I giue to Edward
Threlkeld my coosen Michael Threlkelds sonne of Bristowe tenn poundes tobynde
him prentice to some good occupation Item I giue to Roger Carter als Millard
twentie shillings and all my owlde apparcll viz my frise cote breches stockins and
shooes Item I gfiue to Sr Richard Thomas my curate of Chewton fortie shillings
Item 1 Will that all theis Legacies before said or written to my howshowlde ser-
vants be paide withein fortie daies after my decease or sooner if it maye be Item
[Fl. I

42 THRBLKELDS OF MBLMERBY.

I Will to be buried after thesorte or manner of a cannon resident accordinge as
my executor shall thinck convenient Item I Will that a diner be provided for my
brethren of this churche viz the Cannon residentiaries and others cannons and
vicars and other ministers or servants of this churche as shal be here resiant at
my decease and be present at my buriall Item I Will that all duties or payments
due to the ministers of this cathedrall churche be paide within one monethe after
my decease or before Item I Will that certeine breade of the quantitie of the dole
loves be g^iuen and deliuered to the pore howshowlders within every Wardeof this
cittie accordinge to the number of perjons in euery howse whiche hathe dwelled
ther for the space of theis thre yeares last past at the discreation of my executor
Item all the rest of my goodes and chattells debtes and rightes unbequeathed (my
Legacies debtes and funerall expenses paide and discharged) I doe giue and
bequeathe to my brother Thomas Threlkelde bayliffe of Burghe by the sandes in
the countie of Cumberland gent And to my coosen Edward Threlkeld now pren-
tice withe one Mr Marshe grocer in London sonne to my brother William gent
deceased vppon condition that the saide Edward shall make no claim to the
Lease of Home Coltrum equally to be devided by my executor Item I doe make
and constitute my owlde Lovinge frend Mr Edward Cooper my executor of this
my last Will and testament praying him to haue care of my saide coosen Edward
Threlkeld prentice in London as my speciall trust is in him And for his paines
and care in cxecutinge of this my will and testament I doe giue and be-
queathe to him the bill of twentie poundes in whiche he standethe bonnde to mee
and tenne poundes over for his paines togeather withe suche of my apparell as here,
after he will chose and weare for my sake over and above all his chaises to be
susteyned about the execution of my Will his testibus James Ballard clerke pre-
bendarie of Heref Tho : Cookesey Christofer Higgfins

A Codicill to be annexed to the last Will and testament of Edward Threlkeld
Doctor of the Civill Lawe Cannon resident of the Cathedrall churche of Heref
made the thirtithc daye of August Anno domini a thousand five hundrethe eightie
eight et Anno Regni dne nostre Elizabethe nunc Kegine &ctricesimo Item I giue
and bequeathe vnto William Threlkeld sonne to my brother Thomas Threlkelde
by his second Wife all my righte title and interest of all my Landes and
tenements as well free Landes as other togeather withe all howses edifices
Meadowes Leasowes pastures and tithes and euery parte and Parcell therof to-
geather withe the bayhwick of Burghe lyinge and beinge within the barony of
Burghe by the Sandes in the countie of Cnmberland now or late in the tenure or
occupation of my saide brother Thomas or of his assignes to have and to howlde
all the saide Landes tenements tithes and bayliwick withe all and singuler their
apurtenannces to the saide William and to his heiers for euer accordinge to the
Custome of the man nor Item my Will is that the Lease of Home Cultrum shal
be renued by my brother Thomas in the name of Richard Threlkelde sonne to my
brother Thomas Threlkelde by his first wife vppon this condition that he the saide
Richard shall renounce all his righte title and interest vnto all my foresaide
Landes tenements tithes and bayliwick withe all and singuler their appurtenan-
nces within the Barony of Burghe and countie of Cumberlande before bequeathed
And if the saide RIcharde doc make any claime or chalenge to any of my fore-
saide free Landes or other before bequeathed that then my Will is that the saide
Richarde shal be excluded out of all Item I giue to my sister Elizabethe Parrv
twentie shillings Edw . Threlky Witnesses at the makinge and sealinge hereof
William Garnons Rymer Huntington Gabriell Parrie John Buckenhell

Probatum

THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY. 43

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum unacum Codicillo eidem annex apud
London coram venerabili viro Mr Willmo Drury Legum doctore curie preroga-
tive Cant comissario &c decimo sexto die mens Novcmbris Anno Dni millimo
quingentessimo octogesimo octavo juramento Thome Barker notarii publici
procuratoris Edwardi Cooper executori in hmoi testamento nominat cui comissa
fuit administratio &c de bene et fideliti administrand etc ad sancta dei evangelia
jurat.

10 iVill of Thomas Threlkeldc Bailiff of Burgh 1598.
In the name of God Amen the xxiiijth daye of Auguste ani Dni 159S Thomas
Threlkklde bayleffe of Burghe by Sande within the countye of Cumberland
Gentyllman beinge syke of bodye butt of goode and perfyte witt mynde and
memorye thankes be to my God therefore makethe this my laste Will and testa-
ment in manner and forme followinge. Fyrste I gyve and bequeathe my soule
into the handes of Allmyghtye God my maker Redemer & Savour of whome I
trust to receyve a mooste mercy full and comfortable judgement and my bodye to
be buryed whn my pishe churche of Bourghe yelding & payeinge all the duties
accustomed to the saide church Itm I gyve and bequeathe unto Magdalyne
Threlkelde my Wyfe and to Elyzabethe my daughter and to the longer lyver of
them bothe all my holle Ryghte state & Tythe of the tyethe come belonging
unto me and in my possession being of the yearlye rent of xx s. Also my Will
is that Magdalyn Threlkelde my Wyfe & Elizabethe my daughter or there heyres
executors or Assignes shall paye or delyver unto Marye Threlkeld my brother
Willm his daughter or her assignes the some of Twentye poundes of good and
lawfull Englishe monye being her chyldes porcion — The Rest of all my goodes
moveable and unmoveable not gyven nor bequested Theise my Legacies fullfylled
and debtes paide and my funerall dyscharged I give and bequethe unto Magdalyn
Threlkeld my wyfe and to Elyzabethe my daughter whome I do make my hollc
Executors of this my laste Will and testament Theise being Wittnesses I'homas
Warwicke gentleman Richard Hodgson of the West ende tVancis James Xprfer
Broughe and Willm Witton clarke Wth others

Thomas Threlkeld

proved at Carlisle the 23rd day of June 1603 by Magdalene the relict one of the
Executrixes—the other Executrix being a minor.

The Inventorie of all the goodes moveable and unmoveable that was Thomas
Threlkelde bailiff e of Brough bi Sands prysed by George Connstable bailifTe of
Thursbye John Skelton bailiffe of Aicton Arthure Glaister bailiife of Bownesse
and David Hodgson the ixth day of May Anno Dni 1603 as followeth

I

s

d

Imprimis v oxen price

8

Itm v kyne .

6

xiij

iiij

Itm 4 young steares .

xl

Itm one fristnout stott

xz

Itm 2 fristnout heifers

XX

Itm. 3 maires wth two yearlingcs

. vi

xiij

iiij

Itm. one nagg

.

.

liij

iiij

Itm.

44

THRBLKBLDS OP MBLMBRBY.

Itm. one horse . . . . x

Itm. xi ewes and Lambes wth 8 hog^e . 4

Itm. fewer geese ....

iiij

Itm. Husbrantye gere

xl

Itm. in oates sowne upon the ground

xl bushels price . . vi

Itm. in bigg xxiiij bushels . . . vij

Itm. in hempe and linte seede

vi

Itm. 3 Arckes ....

xxx

Itm one bruingeleade massait wth ^

one swine troughe )'

xiij

Itm the residieu of the bruinge vessels

X

Itm cupbart chistes fattes wth other impliment

1

Itm wood vessels ....

V

Itm 4 beddes furnished

Iiij

Itm 4 duble coverclothes wth pottes

xxx

Itm vii paireof Sheetes

XX

Itm 2 table coveringe with vj quissons

X

Itm 2 coverclothes wth sacks bunshels

and pookes

X

Itm X Silner (?) frames

1

Itm one croppe (?) .

XX

Itm 4 board clothes foure towells ]
8 table napkinge i

xiij

Itm his apell .....

1

Itm a morter and pestell

3

Itm all the brass vessel

xl

Itm v seetes rackes tressell wth
other impliments

XX

Itm in pewder vessell xl peace

xxx

Itm vi latten candle stickes .

V

Itm on ewer ; a pewder pott 1
3 pewder saltes j

vi

Itm fower bedsteede

vi

Itm one Lease of tyth Corne & Sheaves ^

with woole and lambes for many > I

yeares yet to come J

Summa toHs . cxx

> 4

VIIJ

111)

IIIJ

IIIJ

IIIJ

VIIJ

VIIJ

II Testamentnm Will, de Threlkeld 1367.

W. de T. Vicar of Leysingby by his Will made 14 May 1367 directs his body
to be buried in Leysingby Churchyard. legacies — 6 lbs of Wax at the funeral
to the high Altar at Leysingby and for church ornaments 10/. For the porch 2/.
To the poor six strikes of oatmeal and a bullock. To John son of John de
Threlkeld 4 oxen 2 of which he has already. To Thomas Randolp a bay horse.
To John son of John Vikers two cows. To priests celebrating for his soul four-
score sheep. The Residue (in his own words) ligo Johanni filio meo ct alteram

dimidian

THRELKBLDS OF MELMERBY. 45

dimtdiam (the half has not been mentioned before) Cristiane filiae soror et
Johanne matri suae. Exors Hen. de Threlkeld junior and John son of Joh. de
Threlkeld with John Happyne. Probacio 14 June 1367.

G>mniunicated by Chancellor Ferguson.

12. Abstract of Will of John Threlkeld of Lasenbye i56i,

January 21, 1561. — I wyll yt Thorns my brother do remayne wythe my wyffe &
my children & he to have yerlye 1 1 bushelts of rye and 1 1 off bege & I gyve to
Robert my sonne a in ye chamere a great cheast in ye loft a

spett & a great potte wythe all my gear belongynge to husbandry. Ye rest of all
my goods my detts payd I gyve to Margarett my wyffe Robert, John & Janet my
children whom I mayke my Executors
Wytness hereof John Endson (query Emerson) John Potter &c.

13. A bstract of Inventory of Thorns Threlkeld of Lazonby 1 57 1 .
Sum of Inventory vii 1 xvi s viii d Detts to be payd — To Lancelot Walleis x s
viii d. To Thomas Emortson iii s &c. Total Debts vi 1 viii s vii d .
Administration granted at Carlisle 30 April 157 1 to Margaret, Intestate's Widow.

14. Abstract of Will of Richard Threlkeld of Kellhouse, Patterdale,

1623.

1633, April 21. To be buryed in the churchyard of Patterdale. My sonne in law
John Lancaster his fower children. Thomas Threlkeld (my grandchild). Elizabeth
Thompson, Agnes Thompson and Margaret Thompson my sister daughters. Eliza-
beth Lancaster my daughter. My son Richard Threlkeld. Mr Michael Hirde our
late Curate. My daughter Margaret Threlkeld. Elirabeth Threlkeld, my grand-
chikl. My sonne Ambrose Threlkeld. My sonne John Threlkeld. My sonne John
Threlkeld. Dorothy Ullock. Jennett my Wife.
Proved June 17, 1623.

15. Abstract of Will of Ambrose Threlkeld of Patterdale 1631.

1631, May 20th. To be buryed within the parish Church of Patterdale. Agnes
my wife, John Threlkeld, Ambrose Threlkeld and Elizabeth Threlkeld my chil-
dren. Peter Byrkett, Curate, one of the Witnesses.
Proved Oct. 11, 1631.

16. Abstract of Will of Jennett Threlkeld of Glenridding, Patter-

dale y 1 66 1.
1661, March loth. My daughter EUice Threlkeld. My daughter Dorothy Threl-
keld. My sonne Richard Threlkeld. My sonne Thomas Threlkeld. My daughter

Margarett

46 THRBLKBLDS OP MBLMBRBY.

Margarett Harryson. Edward Harryson five children. Thomas Harryson son
of the said Edward. My daughter Agnes Lancaster, her son Richard, his
brothers and sisters. Mabell Stephenson. My sonnes, Thomas and Richard, and
my daughters, Dorothy and Ellice, Joint Executors and Executrixes. Peter
Byrkett, clerk, one of the Witnesses.
Proved Dec. 2, 1662.

17. Abstract of Will of John Thrdkeldof Glenriddingy Patterdale,

1690.

1690, Jany loth. To my son Thomas Harrison. To my wife Mabell Threlkeld.
Ambrose Threlkeld a Witness.

Proved July 21, 1691.

18. Abstract of Will of Isabell Threlkeld, widow, of Wettside, Glen-

ridding in Patterdale, 1725.
1725, May 27th. My Sister Agnes Lee. My Sister Margaret Green. My Nep-
hew John Lee. My nephew Thomas Green. My nephew William Green. My
niece Margaret Lee. Margaret Lancaster. My God daughters Ann Walker
and Elizabeth Matlinson. My niece Jane Scott at Green my Executrix.

Proved June 29th, 1725.

19. A bstract of Will of Thomas Threlkeld of Kayberge, Kirkoswald,

1670.
1670, April 15th. To be buried in the churchyard of Kirkoswald. My daughter
Anne Lowthyon. My daughter Jane Dod and her children. To My grandchild
Thomas Threlkeld sonne to my sonne John my houses and Tenement at Ruckcroft.
To my sonne Thomas my grandchild my House at Kayberge. My grandchild
Mary daughter of my sone John. My grandchild Dorothy Lowthyon. To the said
Thomas all my freeland at Kayberge and Lincow bottom and his father my sonne
John to enjoy the same dureing his life. Mabell my son John's Wife. My son
John's three youngest daughters Isabell Mary and Rachell. To the poore Stock of
Kirkoswald parish twenty shillings. John Threlkeld sonne of my sonne John.
George Yates (Curate of Kirkoswald) one of the Witnesses.

Proved April nth, 1671.

20. Abstract of Nuncupative Will of John Threlkeld of Keybergh,
Kirkoswald, 1684.

16S4, Api il iSth. Thomas Threlkeld son and heyr. John Threlkeld his father and
Thomas Threlkeld his grandfather. George Nicholson (a well known Presbyterian
Divine) amongst the witnesses,

2 J, Abstract

THRELKELDS OF MELMERBY. 47

21. Abstract of Will of Thontas Tkrclkdd of Slacks Kirkoswald,

1720.

1730, Sept. 5. To be buryed in the buryingf place of my ancestors in Kirkoswald
Churchyard. My son John. My son Caleb. My dear and loving Wife. My
younger children. My loving Brethren John Threlkeld and Robert Hutchinson.
My dear Wife Abigail. John Threlkeld is one of the Witnesses.

The Inventory of the Goods &c of Thomas Threlkeld, Junior, of the Slack,
amounted to ^^40 15s. 6d. and they were apprised by Joshua Threlkeld, John
Threlkeld, Thomas Lowthian & Robert Wells.

Proved March nth, 1720.

22. Abstract of Will of Lancelott Threlkeld of Lytill Salkeld,

1567.
To my son Christopher Threlkeld the elder. To Annas Kyndlysyde. Roger
Kyndlysyde. To Christopher Thylkeld the younger. To Margaret my Wyf. To
Isabell my Daughter. Witnesses Mr. John Thirkeld Gentylman &c.

Extracts from Melmerby Register,

1663. Margery Threlkeld daughter of Lanclott Threlkeld Esq. was baptized
10 March, 1663.

1672. Lancelott Threlkeld sonnc of William Threlkeld of Melmowby gent.

borne the 12th of January & baptized 6 of Ffcbruary Anno Dni. 1672.

1673. Lancelot Threlkeld Esqr. buried 4 Decemb. 1673.

„ Mr. Thomas Crakenthorpe & Mrs. Mary Threlkeld married 3 March '73.

1674. Mr. Edward Threlkeld younger sonne of William Threlkeld was buried

26 August.
„ Mr. Lanclott Threlkeld sole sonne of Mr. William Threlkeld was buried 30
August.
1680. Mr. Anthony Dale buried 13 Jany. 16S0.
1683. Mrs. Dorothy Denton buried 12 October, 1683.
1707. March 22, Ann Threlkeld Buried.

(48)

Art. II. — Sizergh, No. i. By Michael Waistell Tay

LOR, M.D., F.S.A.
Given at Sizergh, July iiih, 1888.

ON commencing the precise description of an old mano-
rial place, as is being attempted on the present occa-
sion, one is induced first to speculate as to the derivation
of the name. There are several names of places near here
besides Sizergh, which have the same final syllable, such
as Skelsmergh, Mansergh near Kirkby Lonsdale, and in
this valley a demesne called Naynsergh ; so that this
terminal must mean some common object. I may tell
you, that in old deeds up to a certain period, the word was
commonly spelt Siresergh, or Sireserge. Mr. Strickland has
kindly shewn me the MS. abstracts of the various deeds
in his possession, which commence at the 12th century,
which abstract was made about 100 years ago, by Mr.
Thos. West, the author of the "Antiquities of Furness."

In the first deed, time of Richard I., William de Lan-
caster grants to Gervaise de Ainecuria (Deincourt) lands
at " Sigarith-erge.'' So that from this orthography it might
be inferred, that the name might have been derived from
some old Danish thane called " Sigaric" who had been
despoiled of the possession.*

Be this as it may, it appears from the deed referred to,
that at the end of the 12th century, this manor was appor-
tioned to the Norman De Aincourt, which name by the
Saxon speaking occupiers of the soil, naturally became
contracted into Deincourt. Here probably this Norman
family had residence in the 12th and 13th centuries. Such

• Note by Editor. The suffix ergh is the same as horg or horgum, an altar
of stone : Sizergh is therefore Sigarith's altar : see the Rev. J. C. Atkinson in The
Archaological Review, vol. I, pp. 432, 433.

residence

SIZBRGH, NO. I. 49

residence may have been on the same site, but it certainly
was not this tower, which is of much later construction.

In 1239 the manor of Sizergh passed by marriage of the
heiress Elizabeth Deincourt, to William de Stirkland of
Great Strickland in the parish of Morland. The first of
the name of Stirkeland is met with in the reign of King
John ; and the Stirkelands continued to hold lands and
possessions extensively in the bottom of Westmorland, at
Great Strickland, Hackthorpe, Whale, Lowther, and Bar-
ton parishes ; and they seem to have held residence and
court there, for a long period after the inheritance of
Sizergh came into the family. But in the 13th century
the barons and other large proprietors who might own
several estates, moved periodically from place to place,
to look after their interests, and draw their supplies,
and frequently changed their abode from one domicile to
another.

In the 9th of Edward III. Sir Walter Stirkland had
licence granted to inclose his wood and demesne lands at
Siresergh, and to make a park there, so that we may
assume that some kind of suitable habitation stood here
at that time, viz., 1336. In 1362 a patent was granted to
his son Thomas, to impark his woods at Helsington,
Levens, and Hackthorpe, containing 300 acres, for his
good service done in parts of France. So that about this
period the Stirklands were evidently taking more and
more interest in their possessions in the valley of the Kent.
This Thomas died about the last year of Ed. III. reign,
1377. I think it is quite possible that this Thomas, in his
later years, may have been the builder of the present
pele-tower.

The attempt to assign a date to a building of this de-
scription must, however, be determined by a scrutiny of
such parts as we may be assured belong to the original
structure, by the examination of the proportions given to
the arches — by the character of the window lights — and
above all by the style of the mouldings and ornaments.

[G.] Having

50 SIZERGH, NO. I.

Having undertaken to be your conductor on this occa-
sion, it shall be my endeavour, as we proceed through the
successive stages of transformation of this splendid old
place, to point out details which may perhaps appear prosy
and insignificant, but which nevertheless are more or less
important if we wish to attain its true antiquarian history.

The opportunity for the inspection of Sizergh, which
has been afforded to our society by Mr. Strickland, with
so much good will and liberality, and sympathy with our
work, I shall try to turn to account, by completing a des-
cription of the different sections of the building, as they pass
under view, at certain points ; though by this plan an oc-
casional chronological confusion may ensue, which would
have been avoided if this paper had been prepared solely
as an article for publication in our Transactions. I take
this opportunity of stating how much I have been indebted
to the plan, which Mr. Curwen, of Kendal, has drawn to
scale with very great care and precision.*

I will not touch upon the history of the family. The
history of the Stricklands is a big subject, and the society
has been promised an exposition of it, under the erudite
authorship of Mr. Bellasis.t

In proceeding through the structure, we shall find that
it follows the usual progression of epochs, which are mani-
fested by most old manorial halls in the North of England,
these stages of growth being — first, the tower house;
second, the hall ; third, the Elizabethan adjuncts. I shall
not take into account the i8th century additions, compris-
ing the modern entrance and external facade, which were
projected on the N.W. front in 1770.

THE TOWER.

Tlie Tower of Sizergh has been reared according to
the usual type of some of the larger border peles. The

•This plan is reproduced with Mr. Curwen's paper,
t Printed in these Transactions.

measurement

SIZERGH, NO. I. 51

measurement is 60 ft. by 39^ ft. and the long axis lies N.W.
and S.E. : its height is about 60 ft. It is a massive rect-
angular structure of plain rubble, without any ashler
masonry except at the openings ; it is built from the
foundation stones, without plinth, set off, or string course,
except two courses of weather moulding just under the
crenellated parapet, which has a slight projection but no
machicolations. On the middle of the long axis of the
building, on the western side, there is attached a turret
20 ft. 6 in. long, with a projection of 12 ft., which is carried
up about 10 ft. higher than the tower itself, and is sur-
mounted also by a battlemented parapet ; it contains
small square apartments and closets on each floor, com-
municating with the main tower, and a cell on the base-
ment, which appears to have been a dungeon. On the
north corner, on the eastern side, a newel staircase runs
right up the building, in the thickness of the wall, which
has here a projected buttress to give it additional strength
and support.

Of the windows, some have been interfered with, and
some still present the original features. At every change
of style, both in ecclesiastical and domestic architecture,
there has been a disposition to alter the window openings
in an ancient structure, mostly with a view of affording
more light. Thus from the 15th to the middle of the 17th
century, the line of alteration was a widening of the win-
dows in an horizontal direction, whilst during the last 150
years, the tendency has been for enlargement in the verti-
cal direction, to accommodate the modern innovation of the
sash window. We are only now discovering that this is
an aesthetic mistake, in a certain class of domestic dwel-
lings, and we are endeavouring with some success to
amend it. Thus the insertions which you find here, with
the columnar arrangement, with its superstructure and
circular pediptient, mark the taste of the Georgian era of

1770,

52 SIZBRGHy NO. I.

1770: of these there are several examples in the neigh-
bouring: town of Kendal. On the second story of the tower
we find the windows with arched heads, filled in with
trefoils and cusps, and divided by mullions into three
lights, and surmounted by a square label with mouldings.
But, as is usual, it is on the top story of these peles
that the original features are best preserved, so it is here
in this tower of Sizergh, we find an indication which might
take us back into the 14th century. For here we have a
small window on the N.W. front, under an ogee arch, with
the heads trefoiled and feathered, recessed into the wall,
with moulded jambs. Below this window there is an es-
cutcheon set diagonally under an arched and deeply re-
cessed canopy, ornamented with pinnacles and crockets,
with a coat of arms, Deincourt quartering Strickland, with
the holly bush for a crest. Several of the minor openings
in the tower present original features of loop holes, slits,
and small rectangular lights.

THE INTERIOR.

As is the invariable rule in the border peles, the base-
ment chamber consists of a massive barrel-vaulted struc-
ture. The interior measurement is 46 ft. by 21 ft. 6 in.,
but in this example it is divided by a cross wall, no doubt
a part of the original design, into two vaults, one rather
larger than the other. This partition of the cellar by a
thick wall, is an arrangement which obtains in some keeps
of the larger castles, and in a few of the Border towers :
we have it at Cliburn Hall, it exists in the tower at Levens,
and at Burneside there are two walls across the cellar of
the tower, with an open gangway between them. The
walls have a minimum thickness of 7 ft., and are pierced
with six loops widely splayed within, two on each of the
longer sides, and one on each of the shorter.

The outer entrance was at the foot of the spiral staircase
pn the N.E, vside, through the wall which is h^re 9 ft. 6 in.

thick,

SIZBRGH, NO. I. 53

thick, by a low doorway with a semicircular arch, the
angle of the stones being pared off with a wide chamfer in
cavetto. A straight narrow passage leads by a similar
doorway into the vaulted cellar, and midway in the thick-
ness of the wall there is a narrow pointed arched doorway,
giving entrance to the newel stair. In the inside of all
these arches there is a rebate to receive the massive doors,
and a vertical slit into which to slip an iron draw bar. In
the thick wall dividing the vaults of the cellar, we find an
acutely pointed doorway, which in style may be referred
back to the decorated period. It is a fine two-centered
pointed arch, recessed in the wall, with hollow and round
mouldings continued down the jambs, surmounted with a
round moulded dripstone following the shape of the arch,
terminating in a short return.

It has been assumed in repeated descriptions of the
border peles that the vaulted substructure was used as a
place of safety for horses and cattle on the occasion of
any raid on the place. I could never quite see how this
could be. The lowness of the doorway would hardly ad-
mit of the ingress of the powerful, proud-crested war
horse, and the narrowness of it would present an obstacle
to the entry of the long-horned cattle, which proba-
bly was the breed which supplied the draught oxen used
in this part of the country in those days. Besides, com-
paratively a small number of those quadrupeds could be
accommodated under the vaulted space, and their presence
there would confound and hamper the defence of the place
under circumstances requiring desperate resistance. No,
the cellar was partly occupied as the store for the salt
meat and fish, on which the owners of the pele supported
life during great part of the year. The horses would be
stabled, and the stock penned up as securely as might be
in the bamikin, but well within a close bowshot of the
tower.

The newel stair gave access to the first story. Judging

from

54 SIZBRGH, NO. I.

from the arrangement in similar structures, it is possible
that during the earlier period of life in the pele, this space
may have constituted a great hall, 48 ft. by 24 ft., forming
the house-place, and dining or living room, and at night a
sleeping floor for the retainers and defenders of the castle.
I take it that the " solar or lord's chamber " was on the
next floor. Subsequently, after a regular hall was erected
in the 15th century, the partition wall, which you now see
cased in wainscot, may have been reared on the line of the
cross wall in the vaulted chamber, to divide the space as
now into two apartments. This wall is not carried higher
than the present floor.

Now, all the attributes of the ancient occupation of this
floor are gone, and we have before us a sumptuous example
of two apartments, in which survive, in a manner un-
equalled, the gorgeous adornment and furnishings of the
Elizabethan period. The one division is the present draw-
ing room of the mansion, and the other is known as Queen
Katherine Parr's room, or the *' Queen's Chamber."

In the first room the opening of the fireplace presents
the low depressed arch of the Tudor period, the lintel cut
in a single stone, with the lines rising straight to an angle,
surrounded with round and hollow mouldings, and plain
hexagonal shields cut in the spandrels. Above is a deeply
carved and very ornate wood over-mantel of the cinque
cento period, the jambs being formed of half length male
figures with beards, bearing on their heads baskets of fruits
and flowers : over the shelf the woodwork is divided by
pilasters into a large central and two side compartments,
containing shields with the family arms; the central
escutcheon bears quarterly, i, Strickland, 2, Deincourt,
3, Neville, 4, Ward ; crest, on a helm a hollybush ; sup-
porters, a stag and a bull : the spaces are filled in with
deep cut scroll work and foliage, with the date 1564. All
round the room the wainscot reaches to the ceiling, and
is in the small oblong panels, with solid moulded styles
and rails pegged together, of the early Elizabethan pattern.

The

SIZERGH, NO. I. 55

The adjoining bedchamber with the superb chimney-
piece, and hangings of tapestry, is called the " Queen's
Room." In the i6th century casing the walls in wains-
cot superseded to a very great extent the employment of
tapestry, which during the 15th century had attained its
climax as a mural decoration. The use in this way of
embroided cloth and tapestry goes back to the 13th cen-
tury; at first it was confined to the hangings behind the
lord's seat and dais of the hall, and as " dorsers " and
" bankers " of the seats of the chief guests. But so much
did the fashion increase, that no longer could the industry
and nimble fingers of the ladies of the family produce in
sufficient abundance the favourite ornament of the period.
So that the loom came to be applied to its production, and
the woven fabrics of Flanders and France became cele-
brated. The tapestry hung in this apartment is woven in
wool, and was made at Beauvais : there are several pieces
representing forest scenery, hunting episodes, with men
on horseback, boar hunts, lion hunts, &c. ; there are also
five other pieces in the entrance lobby, illustrating the
story of Anthony and Cleopatra. I cannot say what the
age of this tapestry may be, but Mr. Strickland informs
me, that it was sent to Sizergh by Thomas, son of the 16th
in descent, who lived at the end of the 17th century, and
who was for many years bishop of Namur. The stone
fireplace is of the usual Tudor style with the outer mould-
ings formed into a square over the arch : it is flanked with
wood pillars balustered at the bottom, running into fluted
shafts with Corinthian capitals. These carry a massive
boldly carved over mantel, containing three compartments,
and a cornice, divided and upheld by an arrangement of
four pillars similar in design. The central panel contains
the arms of France and England quartered, surmounted
with the high arched royal crown. The other spaces are
filled in with masks, cornucopia, and the Tudor rose.
Above, inscribed on a scroll, is " Vivat Regina " and a

date — 1564,

56 SIZERGH, NO. I.

date — 1564. In the treatment of the heraldic achievement,
some licence allowable in the craft has been taken by the
wood cai-ver.

Katherine Parr was born at Kendal Castle, bein<^ one
of the two daughters of Sir Thomas Parr, and it is quite
likely that during some part of her career she may have
been a guest here, and occupied these rooms. Already
the widow of two husbands, she married King Henry VIII.
in 1543, being then 34 years of age, and eminent for beauty.
The King died in January 1547, and the Queen, after a
very brief widowhood, was hastily married to Lord Sey-
mour, the brother of the Protector ; she died in Septem-
ber 1548, at Sudely, in Gloucestershire. By the account
given by Miss Agnes Strickland of her proceedings during
that short interval, it is very improbable that she had
spare time to journey to the north, after the King's death.
All the elaborate decorations in these apartments, which
we now see are of a date 16 years subsequent to the death
of the Queen.

All the woodwork in these two rooms, as is confirmed
by the dates on it, was put up during the life time of
Sir Walter Strickland the 13th in descent, who reigned
here as lord for 31 years ; he was a minor at his father's
death, and in ward to the King, and had livery of his
lands in the 29th of Hen. VIII., 1538, and died in the
nth Eliz. 1569.

It was by right of this lord's mother that we find the
arms of Neville and Ward on shields on some parts of the
building, she being daughter and heir of Sir Ralph Neville
in the county of York, by his wife, daughter and coheir of
Sir Christopher Ward. In the early part of his career
this Sir Walter served with distinction throughout the
harrowing warfare, and cruel inroads, which prevailed
along the Western Marches, between England and Scot-
land, during the latter years of Henry VIII., until the ces-
sation of hostilities during the Protectorate in 1550. Soon

after

SIZERGH, NO. I. 57

after this time, this Walter set to work for the enlargement
and beautifying of Sizergh, for it was he also, who built
the wings forming the sides of the quadrangle, and the
date appearing there, 1558, announces their completion.

Second Story.

The old ascent by the spiral stair leads to the second
story, which presents a space of exactly the same dimen-
sions as the floor below, without any wall of division,
though a room is cut off by a partition of wainscot.
This apartment during the rudimental period, when the
tower was the only stone structure, may have been the
" lord's chamber " or council room. It is now called the
banquetting room, and possibly during the Elizabethan
period it may have been so used on great occasions, after
the alterations and abandonment of the great hall. On
the N.W. side, there is an original window divided by heavy
mullions into three lights, which are trefoil-headed and
cusped : opposite there is a wide window with four lights,
with segmental heads, divided by chamfered mullions and
transoms. The doorways in the room are, one to the
spiral stair, one into a little square apartment contained
in the turret, and one to a garderobe closet ; they present
the pointed arch with a chamfer in cavetto continued
through the jambs. There is a large fireplace of the
Tudor period on the E. side.

A portion of this hall is now partitioned off by wainscot,
to form a very highly enriched apartment on the S. front,
which is called the " Inlaid Chamber." This bedroom is
24 ft. by 19 ft., and is panelled throughout from the floor
to the cornice of the richly embellished plaster ceiling.
The details of the designs in this room deserve particular
description and illustration, which I believe they will re-
ceive from Mr. Curwen. The wainscot is divided by
pilasters into bays, containing a framework of panelling,
with a profusion of mitred mouldings, and embellished
[H]. with

58 SIZERGH, NO. I.

with an interlacing pattern of inlaid strips of black and
white woods, which are said to be fossil oak and holly.

Those who have followed the meetings of our society,
have had opportunities of inspecting various examples of
the beautiful plaster work which came to be the vogue
for the ornamentation of ceilings in the Elizabethan period.
We have seen specimens at Penrith, Yanwath, Barton,
Hornby, Levens, and other halls. You have an illustration
of this kind of work in this room, which reflects alike
credit to the designer and to the skill of the modeller ; and
it is presented to us in a perfectly fresh and good con-
dition. As is usual, the pattern is geometrical, and is re-
peated in a series of similar compartments. As is often
adopted, the form on which the geometrical figures turn is
a central octagon, with long and short sides, having eight
ribs converging to a pendant in the centre : all the spaces
are marked out by boldly moulded ribs, and are filled in
by a series of emblems in relief, such as the fleur-de-lys
and acorn, an animal resembling the goat, the stag collared
and chained, and shields exhibiting the saltire and cross
flory.

The fireplace is a plain stone flat Tudor arch, under a
square-headed moulding with carved shields in the span-
drels. The bedstead in the room is contemporaneous,
and presents the same kind of embellishment as dis-
tinguishes the woodwork of the apartment. Notice the
panelling of the bed-head, flanked by caryatides figures,
and the richly carved cornice with a shield bearing quarterly
the arms of Strickland, Deincourt, Neville, and Ward,
and crest of the holly bush on a helm, and the date of
1568 ;7the two front posts are very massive, in the lower
part being wrought on the square, in three stages of
deeply recessed panel work, and continued into a fluted
pillar set round at the base with the acanthus leaf, and
cherub heads, and surmounted by a composite capital.
Notice that these posts stand quite detached from the

bedstock.

SIZERGH, NO. I. 59

bedstock. This last feature is worthy of remark, as it
manifests the last transition step to the well known four-
poster of the i8th century.

Our ancestors in the 14th century were content with
sleeping provisions of a very simple and unobtrusive na-
ture ; after the supper tables on tressles were cleared and
** turned up *' in the common hall, the retinue for the
most part, ranged on shakedowns on the rush-strewn
floor ; the ladies retired to " ye bowere,*' and the lord to
his " solar." It was quite usual, even in the case of dis-
tinguished guests, to have two or more persons sleeping
in one room. One or more low couch bedframes stood on
the floor, with truckle or trundle bedsteads wheeled under-
neath, which might be moved out at night for the use of
others. A certain amount of snuggness and privacy was no
doubt imparted, by "noble worsted hangings," and
" comely curtynes," suspended on rails from the wall. The
next improvement in the bedstead was that it came to be
supplied with a " cellure " or roof, or corniced canopy, orna-
mented it might be, with carving and the emblazoned arms
of the possessor, and hung with rich fringes and em-
broidered brocade. The back and canopy were fixed to
the wall or ceiling of the apartment. A step further, was
the erection within the room, of a square tent with four
corner posts, and the bed-frame was placed within, quite
detached, leaving a space between it and the surrounding
posts and curtains. In the i6th century, the four-posted
and standing bed became frequent in the houses of the
wealthy, and you see an example of it here, in its transi-
tion state.

Third Story.
There is but one room now on the third story of the
tower, for you may notice, that the portion of the ceiling
which covered the larger area of the banquet hall is gone.
The approach is by the spiral stair and an open gallery.
The chamber we are about to visit is the proverbial

haunted

6o SIZBRGH, NO. !•

" haunted room '* of the castle : it is redolent of ghosts —
supernatural sounds are heard — the boards wont lie quiet
in their places — the hair of the deceased lady still clings
to the wall — all the attributes are there of a very respect-
able ghost chamber. But to us as antiquaries, it is
mostjinteresting, as presenting in its dismantled and half-
ruinous condition many of its original features. There is
a 14th century window here ; a small ogee opening deeply
recessed from the external wall, of two lights, with tre-
foiled and feathered heads, with stone seats opposite each
other in the splay of the wall. Here the ladies of the
family might sit and converse, (for this really was the
ladies' boudoir or ** bowere "), and find light to spin, or
wind the distaff, or hem the " napery," or ply the nimble
needle on some embroidered quilt or baudekin. The only
other lights are two little square peepholes in the wall.

The open timber roof, and the peculiar style of flooring
here displayed are vestiges which carry us well back into
the 15th century. The method of laying the flooring boards
is well worthy of notice. The floor is upheld by solid oak
joists, on the average about a foot square, along the length
of the room, at intervals of 12 or 15 in. ; there is a rebate
worked on each side of the joist, into which the coarse
oaken planks which form the floor are laid in a parallel
direction, and not crosswise. This is a survival not often
met with ; we have seen it in the ladies' chamber on the
top story of the tower at Yanwath, where the oak slabs are
fitted into rebated joists, which again are tenoned on a
central beam running in a transverse direction.

The roof, which takes the bearing of the leaden cover-
ing outside, is open and depressed at a very obtuse angle ;
it is a tie-beam and trussed roof of five compartments, the
principal timbers as well as the purlins and rafters are
enriched with mouldings. It is a fairly good example of
the style prevailing in Hen. VII. time, of which a con-
siderable number still exist in tb^ country, though many

had

SIZBRGH, NO. I. 6l

had to give way to the feeling, in the renaissance, in favor
of flat plaster ceilings. There are a few steps leading up to
a small room contained in the turret, lighted by two loops.
The closet equivalent to this one leading out of the ladies'
chamber, occurs in many border towers, and I have fre-
quently found it to have been an oratory, and it may have
been so here.

Top of the Tower.
It is worth while to ascend the spiral stair to the top of
the tower, from which is obtained a fine view of the valley
of the Kent ; and you may note the original provisions of
the upper or fighting deck of a border pele. The three
sides of the main tower are crenellated all round, and the
coping with a bold round moulding and splay is continued
over the merlons and embrasures, of which there are six on
each side. A flight of open steps leads up to the platform of
the lateral turret, which forms the highest watch tower ;
this has an interior area of 19 ft. 6 in. by 13 ft. 6 in. ; the
parapet has four embrasures on one side, and three on the
other, and it is projected slightly from a moulded corbelled
course, but without any attempt at machicolation. Under
the platform of the turret is a guard room for the defenders.
The chimney-stack invariably received some decorative
treatment in the 14th and 15th centuries : here it is an
octagonal shaft splayed out below into a succession of
squares, and the top is ornamented with the favourite
battlemented cornice, which we have seen at the halls of
Clifton, Yanwath, and other places.

THE HALL.

We have now finished the description of the pele tower :
and I think we shall be right to assume, judging from ob-
servations of similar structures elsewhere, and from the
evidences afforded here in the basement, that originally,
and for some limited period, this tower stood alone as the
defensive fortalice of the lords of Sizergh. The moat and

external

62 SLSBROHy NO. I.

external defences must have embraced a considerable area
to the north and east, within which enclosure no doubt
were clustered other buildings and offices, but these most
likely would be timber erections.

But the time came, when considerations of a purely
military character had to give way to the increasing desire
for an extension of domestic conveniences and require-
ments, so that here, as we have found frequently elsewhere
in the north, the wooden housings within the enceinte gave
place to a substantial stone structure, that is a hall built
up against one side of the pele tower. The hall here
was erected in the 15th century, probably in the time of
Hen. VI. ; but successive alterations have destroyed its
integrity. There is just sufficient remaining of the ori-
ginal walls in the substructure, and at the back of the
central block, to enable us to speculate, as to what may
have been pretty nearly the original features of the old
hall.

The hall stood on the ground level ; and was most pro-
bably of lofty proportions, and with an open timber roof.
It occupied the central block, and was recessed 13 ft. from
the tower on each side ; it was 40 ft. long, and, exclusive
of the bay, about 20ft. wide. At the dais end, is the cir-
cular-headed doorway already referred to, as being the
passage of entrance to the pele ; at the other end, on the
S.E. side, there is an original outside doorway leading
into the courtyard ; it has a pointed arch with a plain
chamfer ; it is 3 ft. 6 in. wide, with a rebate for the door
on the inside. At the same end of the hall on the
" screens," there is a doorway into the wing. There are
now only two small window openings visible, but in the
period we are referring to, the greater windows would
range high up in the wall, above the ceiling of the low cellar
in which we find these vestiges. The great large opening
of the fireplace is still here«

It

SIZBRGH, NO. I.' 63

It is evident, that contemporaneously with the building
of the hall, there was projected from it at the eastern side
another small square tower, having attached to it, with a
projection of 12 ft. a turret, probably containing a staircase
to give access to its chambers. The elements of defence
have been regarded here, and I have reason to think that
the original approach to the building was at that corner,
near where the present outer archway stands. In the in-
terior, the tower presents on the basement a barrel-vaulted
chamber 19 ft. by 14 ft. ; it has a pointed arched doorway
at the entrance ; the walls are 5 ft. 6 in. thick, and it has
a narrow slit moderately splayed ; from this vaulted porch
there is an opening into the hall.

Various alterations have been made at this end of the
hall during the early Elizabethan period, when the great
wings were built. On the ground floor, in what is now
the servants' hall, you see a very fine Tudor fireplace, and
some exquisite woodwork and panelling. Immediately
above this is the beautiful bedroom known as the Boynton
chamber. The oak casing is in a peculiar style of wains-
cot, with lozenge-shaped mouldings mitred on the panels,
which are divided into bays by fluted pilasters. The over-
mantel is a highly-finished piece of wood-work, filled in
with scrolls and figures, with a shield of ten quarterings
without crest or supporters ; the bedstead with tester roof
and two posts is coeval. The date of the work in this
chamber is 1575. Sir Walter, the 13th in succession,
died in nth of Eliz. 1569, and his widow married Sir
Thomas Boynton, and again became a widow, and appears
to have lived here as Lady Alice Boynton, during the
minority of her son. Sir Thomas, up to 1587 ; hence the
name of the Boynton chamber.

The present dining room, which is on the same floor,
presents a similar style of renaissance decoration, wain-
scot reaching to the ceiling, the panels overlaid with
moulding in the form of a broad lozenge :.on the chimney

mantel

64 SIZBRGH, N0« I.

mantel with fluted pilasters, and classic capitals, a coat of
arms with sixteenquarterings, having as supporters a stag
collared and chained, and a bull with a mullet on the
shoulder. There is a plain flat plaster ceiling divided into
square compartments by wooden ribs. This room is of
the date of Sir Thomas, who has just been referred to as
the son of Lady Boynton.

The finest piece of wainscoting in the castle, is in the
ante-room adjoining the dining room ; the pattern, at all
events, is of much earlier date than any we have hitherto
seen. It is of the time of Henry VII. It consists of
moulded rails and styles, inclosing rather small panels, on
which is worked on the solid, a pattern presenting a series
of folds and billets, which have a very rich effect.

THE ELIZABETHAN WINGS.

Lastly, we come to the next great enlargement of
Sizergh, the building out of the wings which form the sides
of the quadrangle : these were erected early in Elizabeth's
reign by Sir Walter, who was distinguished for his Border
service in Henry VIII. time.

At or before this period, the grand old hall of the 15th
century, in which lord and vassals had feasted in common,
had been sacrificed, and divided into floors to provide ad-
ditional accommodation. Now a kitchen and offices were
built out on one wing, with a range of sleeping apartments
above ; and on the opposite side, a vast dining-place, or
refectory for the household servants, and military tenants
and retinue, which now goes under the name of the '* bar-
racks.'* This is a long room lighted with great windows
mullioned and transomed, and was separated from a range
of attics above, by a flat boarded floor which is now gone.
The large Tudor fireplace remains. There are three or
four examples of fine Elizabethan verge or barge-boards
on these gables, with open carved scroll work with hip-
knobs at the top, and pendents at the lower ends.

One

SIZERGH, NO. I. 65

One of the chambers in the wing is devoted to the use
of a chapel, in which I may be permitted to bring under
your notice a rare and valuable reliquary. This is the
frontal to the altar and side tables ; it consists of three
hangings of sheets of leather, on which are painted -with
very delicate handling and colouring, sacred subject-figures,
cherubs, the holy monogram, and glories, sumptuously
illuminated in burnished gold and silver. The work is
Italian, and Mr. Strickland informs me that it was sent from
Rome during the pontificate of Eugenius IV. It is curious
to find, that there is a bull yet extant of Pope Eugenius IV.
dated 1431, granting to Sir Thomas Strickland and Mabel
his wife licence for a domestic chapel and portable altar.

Of course all the larger castles peles and in the north are
either partially or entirely moated, and this outer means of
defence was generally adopted even in those of the second-
ary class, when the position of the site permitted the
formation of a wet ditch. The best examples I can give
of moated fortresses of this class, are Kirkoswald, Dacre,
and Thurland Castles. Here at Sizergh the line of the
ditch may readily be traced on two sides of the enceinte ;
it begins at some little distance from the northern angle of
the tower, where a pond now exists ; it proceeds along
the north and eastern sides, inclosing a considerable area,
runs along the hollow under the terrace, and was stopped,
at the south angle of the tower.

And so we leave theprecints of this delightful old place : —
we have attempted to mark in its venerable walls the muta-
tions wrought by the requirements of different epochs, by
the progress of domestic life and civilization, by the changes
of thought and style : in them, if we are so minded,
we may read the history of the life and customs of our
sturdy ancestors ; but amidst all these transformations, its
possession has clung to a brave and loyal family for over
500 years, and whose descent has continued from father
to son, except in one or two instances from brother to
brother, in an unbroken line for 24 generations.

I]. Art. III.

(66)

Art. III. — Sizergh, No. 2. By John F. Curwen.
Given at Kendal, July nth, 1888.

SIZERGH stands in a pleasant situation on the road
to Milnthorpe from Kendal, surrounded by a smal
but well-wooded park; the main turnpike road runs
through the park as in the case of Levens, where the
house is on one side of the road and the park on the
other.

By far the oldest part of the building is the great
tower, of the erection of which it is said no records re-
main, although it is generally attributed to Sir Walter
Stirkland, in the reign of Edward III., when he procured
from the King a licence *'to enclose his wood and
demesne lands on this estate and to make a park here."
This supposition is supported by the architectural decora-
tions corresponding exactly with those in use at that
period, particularly the large sculptured shield of arms
within an ornamental niche with pinacles and crockets
on the N.W. side of the tower, bearing quarterly ist and
4th billetee, a fess indented, D'Eincourt : 2nd and 3rd
three escallop shells, Strickland. — The shield is repre-
sented in a pendant position, under a helmet crested
with a full topped holly bush, which was first borne by Sir
William Stirkland Knt., the son and heir of Sir Robert
Stirkland, Knt, who in the reign of King John or Henry
III. married Elizabeth the only daughter and heiress of
Ralf D'Eincourt, and his wife Helen, the daughter and
heiress of Anselm de Furness. This piece of sculpture is
an early instance of the quartering of arms and a curious
example of preference given to the heiress with whom
the family had become allied, the arms of D*Eincourt
being placed first, a circumstance which often occurred
at that early period of heraldic art. Next in order of age

to

f ■' •

r ■■:

SIZERGH, NO. 2. 67

to this tower are the foundations and cellars beneath
what was once the old hall, probably erected in the 15th
century; and later still, say in 1558, were built, probably
by Sir Walter the Cavalier, the Elizabethan wings which
form two sides of the quadrangle.

The great tower is embattled and is of amazing
strength, the walls and floors that divide the several stories
being of great thickness and solidity, displaying a lavish
use of materials in their construction ; the beams are
particularly remarkable in this respect being only some
15 inches apart and yet some from 9 to 13 inches wide by
12 inches deep. The tower measures 60 feet deep at
its base by 39ft. 6in. wide, and with the exception of the
sculptured arms and two trefoiled cusped windows adjoin-
ing, is absolutely devoid of string course, plinth, or
ornament.

On the south west side of this main tower is a
smaller one, which rises above the embattled parapet of
the larger one and forms a turret. This turret measures
20ft. 6in. deep by 12 feet projection from the great tower:
upon the lead flat roof is the date 1749, and also the

S.
initials T. E. associated with the three Strickland
escallops. This of course will refer to the date when the
roof was renovated. The winding staircase to the top of
the larger tower also terminates in an embattled turret
on the N.E. angle. The other part of the hall is more
modem and it would appear from West's abstracts of
Sizergh deeds (1778) that Walter Strickland, before his
death in 1569, had rebuilt all the house on the outside
of the tower and modernized the tower windows. The
first alterations made in the house after this seems to
have been by Thomas Strickland, grandfather of the pre-
sent squire. In 1778 he altered some windows, but
at a later period the central portion adjoining the
tower was taken down and a more commodious house

built

68 SIZERGH, NO. 2.

built on the old foundations. The general block to day
consists of irregular buildings jumbled together without
meaning or design, and yet has a most picturesqe appear-
ance. Grown gray with age and sheltered by trees of
ancient growth, with numerous massive chimneys and
beautifully open carved oak scroll-work barge boards in the
many gables, the whole constitutes an excellent subject
for the artist. It is not surprising when we read in his
letters to Dr. Wharton, that the poet Thomas Gray, \\«as
powerfully impressed by its fine situation and antique ap-
pearance, when on his tour to the lakes — he visited Sizergh
on Oct. 9th 15^69.

Behind the main building is a large square courtyard,
180 feet from side to side and enclosed on three sides
by the buildings of the mansion. Still further behind
to the west are situated the farm buildings and stables
where the old hen-runs and cock-fighting lofts are still
preserved, relics of a now tabooed pastime.

In the garden front a double flight of steps leads from
the garden terrace to a balcony opening direct into the
hall, and from here a very extended view to the south-
ward is gained, which takes in a large range of varied
scenery bounded by the distant ridges beyond Lancaster.

The interior is richly and elegantly furnished. There
is scarcely a room of any importance in the hall that is
not decorated with a rich chimney-piece, and does not
contain a profusion of exceedingly curious carvings of the
arms and quarterings of the Stricklands and their alliances,
together with their supporters, the bull and the stag;
the escallop shell, the heraldic badge of the family is
frequently repeated with the motto " Sans Mai " and
other devices, chiefly armorial. These carvings, all of
which are of great merit and some of them of rare beauty
and originality, are of the time of Queen Elizabeth, in
whose reign Walter Strickland, esqre., the then owner,
refitted the greater part of the rooms. Sizergh also

possesses

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SIZBRGH, NO. 2. 69

possesses some of the very finest wainscoting work to
be seen anywhere, all nearly of one period namely from
1563 to 1575, diflfering in pattern in every room, and in
most wonderful preservation.

In the basement of the great tower are two capacious
barrel-vaulted cellars: the external wall is 7 feet thick
in the thinnest part and is pierced with six loop holes
widely splayed within. These cellars are entered through
a gft. 6in. thickness of wall by two massive low cavetto
moulded circular headed doorways, rebated to receive the
oaken doors, in the jambs of which there remain the holes
for the old draw-bar bolt. Midway between these doors
is another pointed arch doorway giving entrance to the
circular stone staircase in the N.E. angle. The pointed
doorway between the two cellars is worthy of notice for
its beautifully moulded jambs and label mould. In one
of these cellars there still remain some of the quaint old
sack bottles bearing the Strickland shield of three es-
callops.

Mounting up through the circular stone staircase in the
thickness of the wall a door opens on the first floor into
the drawing room with the Queen's chamber behind it.
This floor must originally have been the great Hall when
the peel stood alone, but in later times about the 15th
century, when the adjacent hall was built for better
accommodation, it seems to have been divided by a cross
wall resting upon a partition wall beneath, in order to
form two private apartments for the lord of the manor.

The drawing room, as the apartment to the N.W. has
now become, is remarkable for the richness of its ancient
carved oak wainscoting with solid moulded styles and
rails of Queen Elizabeth's reign, and also for its beau-
tiful chimney of the cttrque cento period. The jambs
represent curiously carved caryatides bearing baskets of
fruit and flowers upon their heads, and above, the wood-
work is divided by pilasters into three panelled compart-
ments

^0 SIZBRGH, NO. 2.

ments, the centre of which is occupied by a well executed
carving of the Strickland quarterings bearing date 1564.
The fireplace is, of recent date and out of harmony with
the more ancient part above. The room is spoilt by its
modern sash windows. The walls are adorned by many
valuable portraits of the Stuarts, particularly those of
James II and his Queen, and of Charles II, [said to be
a Vandyck], given by James himself to the family.
There hangs also on the walls the privy purse of Catherine
Braganza, wife of Charles II.

The Queen's Chamber is so named after Catherine
Parr, Queen of Henry VIII, who is said to have resideJ
here sometime after the King s death — probably on a
visit — which is very possible, but the arms over the chim-
ney piece, which are commonly supposed to commemorate
this lady are those of Queen Elizabeth, with the red
dragon as the supporter, with the date I564(?), and with
the motto *' Vivat Regina." The ceiling is adorned with
pendants, and the walls are hung with Gobelin tapestrj'
of peculiar beauty and richness. This tapestry was taken
from the Bishop's palace at Namur, about the end of the
17th century and given by Bishop Thomas Strickland
who held that see, to the family.

Again ascending by the circular stone staircase a door
opens on the second floor into what is now called the
banqueting hall to the N.W., and beyond the inlaid
room to the S.E. This so called banqueting room,
which was no doubt really the Lord's Chamber, contains
nothing of special interest, beyond its trefoiled cusped
window, its large fire place of the Tudor period, and its
oak floor fastened with wooden pegs. The ceiling and
floor above have been taken down.

The "Inlaid Room," as it is called, contains some
magnificent specimens of veneering in wood : the panels
and wainscot work are with wonderful labour and exact-
ness variegated with holly and fossil oak in curious ara-
besque

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SIZERQH, NO. 2. ^^

besque devices ; they are untouched by decay, and the
colours as fresh as when new. From West's Abstracts
of Sizergh deeds (1778) it would seem that this room was
finished after Alice Strickland's marriage with Sir Thomas
Boynton i.e. post June 15, 1573, and ante March 31, 1574,
and it is said that an apprentice served his time of seven
years upon the work. The room is the only one of its
kind found in this part of the country. The stucco
ceiling is richly ornamented with geometrical moulded
ribbing converging on a boss and pendant. The spaces
between are filled in with coats of arms, fleur-de-lys,
and acorn foliage. This room has a very beautiful paneled
and canopied door, and an exceedingly massive and hand-
some bedstead, the detached pillars being quaintly carved
and very elaborate, supporting a canopy with a shield of
the Strickland and D'Eincourt arms, bearing date 1568.

Out of these two rooms lead two small apartments into
the smaller tower. These are the garde-robe, and another
room, where is shewn a trap door, vulgarly supposed to
be a vertical drop into a dungeon beneath, an idea which
breathes of strange stories of secret violence in the days
when might was right.

Again, ascending the winding staircase a balcony above
this banqueting hall is reached ; but from the existence on
this level of a fireplace, a cusped window, and projecting
corbels, it is evident that the whole space has been once
floored. The balcony, which is modern, leads to the
ghost chamber on the S.E. side of the tower, and imme-
diately above the inlaid room. The real interest in this
room lies in the bared and massive beams mentioned be-
fore which space the little distance from wall to wall, some
24 feet ; very curious too is the reveal sunk in the top of
these joists for the parallel boarding. The roof, although
comparatively modern, is a very good example of open
timber work. The stone stair then continues up to the
lead roof.

The

72 SIZBRGH, NO. 2.

The servants* hall is situate in the more modern build-
ing on the ground floor, and has some very curious
wainscoting ; there is a pediment over the doorway into
the boot room which is worthy of close attention. This
boot room, measuring igft. by 14 ft., has a barrel-vaulted
roof, and is surrounded by walls 5ft. 6in. in thickness,
which may indicate in former days there once stood a small
guard tower at this eastern end of the hall to defend the
old low and pointed arched doorway that still exists and
which may probably have been one of the principal
entrances.

Above the servants' hall on the first floor and facing
the N.W. is the dining room. This room which is both
spacious and lofty has been beautifully ornamented with a
rich ceiling of carved oak, in the usual stucco pattern,
but it has been cruelly marred with whitewash between
the ribbing. The walls are also covered with carved oak
wainscot in a remarkable chaste and simple style. Here
also is a carved oak chimney piece bearing the date
1567 and having on a shield quarterly ist, Strickland,
2nd, D'Eincourt, 3rd, Neville with a mullet for difference,
4th, azure a cross botony, or, for Ward : — supporters, a
stag collared and chained, and a bull with a mullet on
his breast. Particular notice should also be taken of the
beautiful sideboard in this room, and the many good
family portraits on the walls. Leading out of the dining
room is the smoking room, which is wainscoted with the
linen pattern mould.

Behind the dining room, facing S.E., is the stone parlor,
which has a fine stucco ceiling, and a fireplace of rich
Westmorland marble, procured upon Mr. Strickland's
estate, near Hawes Bridge. It also contains a few paint-
ings, principally of horses. The floor is paved with black
and white stone in diamond pattern.

The billiard room is a fine room opening on to the
balcony on the S.E. side and hung with some exceedingly

valuable

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74 si2:ergh, no. 2.

supplied. This important adjunct to hospitality is of
large dimensions, measuring some 40 feet by 21 feet, with
an enormous fireplace, in which no doubt was once placed
an old fashioned and most capacious cooking apparatus,
which has now given way to the modern range. Except
a few rooms which are still retained by Mr. Strickland,
and a schoolroom upstairs, this long wing is given over to
the farm house.

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Art. IV, Strickland of Sizergh. By E. Bellasis, Lan-
caster Herald.
Read at Sizergh^ July nth, 1888.

I HAVE been asked to say something about the history
of the family so long and honourably identified with
the very interesting seat we are visiting to-day, and I do so,
although aware of my inability to do justice to the theme.
I accede to the request made to me because I apprehend
that the heralds may not have treated these Stricklands
well ; albeit it may be the other way about, and that the
Stricklands have not treated the heralds well. In His MS.
summary of Sizergh muniments to the number of some 550,
brought down to the year 1728, undertaken for Cecilia
Towneley who married in the last century two Stricklands,
cousins. West, author of the Antiquities oj Furness, to
whom I am much indebted throughout this paper, ob-
serves : —

There is not a family in thi§ county, and but few elsewhere, that I
have any knowledge of, who have so many valuable and honourable
writings to show, a sure testimony to the dignity, spirit, and antiquity
of the Strickland family.

Yet, Strange to tell, the heralds' Visitations, undertaken
for the express purpose of recording pedigrees and arms,
had next to nothing to say about the Stricklands of
Sizergh. Now what were those heralds at ? Are we to
suppose them at some " Strickland Arms," down the
road there, unable to get anything out of the squire up
here ? Tong coming into Yorkshire and the North in 1530,
and St. George going about Westmorland in 1615, have
paught to report. Harvey, in 1552, and Flower in 1563,
lay little, but then, they were not bound to report any-
thing. They went out of their way in tricking to one ** Sir

Walter

76 STRICKLAND OF SIZBRGH.

Walter Strykelande," sable three escallops argent, quarter-
ing a fess dancette argent between six billets sable. No-
thing more did they do. Then Dugdale was over here in
1664, for the last Westmorland Visitation (as it turned out).
How did that big gun go off? There was hardly a shot
from him. He called on Mr. Bellingham at Levens Hall
hard by, and further contented himself with visiting —
Sizergh Hall ? Not a bit of it, (so far as I know,) but Ken-
dal church instead ; noting therein escallops and billets, a
Nevill coat and an infant's epitaph, in the window and on
the floor of Sir Thomas Strickland's choir. Such was the
large contribution furnished by the author of the Monasticon
in 1664 to the annals of Sigaritherge. And to crown the sad
tale of neglected duty, the crest of the full topped holly bush
or tree proper got no official recognition of any kind from
the College of Arms, until the year 1807, when Heard and
Bigland took compassion upon it. What did it all mean ?
Well might Nicolson and Burn remark : — "It is some-
what extraordinary that amongst the pedigrees of almost
all the other ancient families in this county, we have met
with no satisfactory account of this family." Mr. Chan-
cellor, I wish to do my little best towards putting matters
straight. On the theory of being responsible for the omis-
sions of persons who died long before I was born, I am desi-
rous, although some centuries behind the time,to make what
amends I can. To this end accordingly I beg to hand in to
you a Strickland pedigree, compiled by me, from 1228 to
1888, bristling with more and more dates the lower we
clamber down a venerable ancestral tree, and ungal-
lantly including the advanced ages of many ladies, because
learned, and still more, legal gentlemen, like your worship-
ful self, are wont to expect and entitled to receive the truth,
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, with awful
penalties in case of non-receipt. Further appendices
upon the heraldry here, and upon the proofs for Strickland
and Deincourt may in due course be handed to you for tlae

society|s

I

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STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH. ^^

society's acceptance, should you, as vigilant and capable
editor of our admittedly valuable Transactions, deem them
worthy of attention.

Now that aged tower yonder, should of itself have
sufficed to indicate some story to Sir William Dugdale
which no survey of Westmorland gentr}' worthy of the
name could afford to leave untold. Yet, remember this,
old Sir John Towneley would have no note taken of
himself, letting out to Tong as a reason (if he has been
rightly interpreted) that he had a notion running in his
head that he was about the only gentleman left in
Lancashire, though what that had to do with not
recording at once so valuable because so unique a speci-
men of gentility I am at a loss to determine. Sir John
showed himself a gentleman by his generosity to the
extent of two shillings most of which went to a guide,
while the herald himself, after riding in the wild country
in vain trying to bring Sir John to a more reasonable
frame of mind, had to give over, (as Tong narrates) after
as evil a journey as ever he had. Tong complains, too,
of Sir Richard Hoghton that *' he gave me nothing, nor
made me no good cheer, but gave me proud words."
Perhaps, then, like these gentlemen, the Squires Strick-
land of their day, may have wanted none of your chiels
taking notes among them in this place. They may
have objected to paying anybody for getting recorded
elsewhere down south, what they knew all about up
north. Moreover, people who were being everlastingly
fined for the atrocious crime of remaining conscientious
Roman Catholics all their lives, would really have little
spare cash for the amusement of pedigree. It were a
mockery for the law to be bothering about the descents
of parties whom the law was unconsciously trying its
little or big best to improve off the face of creation It
would be additional cruelty to enforce disbursements
over billets and cockle-shells, while imprisonment and

death

78 STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH.

death were the sterner realities of the hour. Then, lastly,
the Stuart period witnessed to a waning in the influence
and importance of the heralds. Thus if some few of the
best families were not registered, this need not imply
any neglect of duty on the part of a Norroy, a Richmond,
or a Rouge Dragon. One herald narrates of a squire,
that " he would not be spoken with." The squire was
occasionally either out, or technically ** not at home,"
while peeping through the lattice all the while the tabar-
ded folk were calling. It was all very well, too, in tough
Tudor times, when liberty hung its head, or was itself
suspended at Tyburn on daring to exhibit its face abroad
for innocent king, herald, or pursuivant to come down
here to investigate about people's progenitors and off-
spring, since for them to be knowing herein and in coat
armour was their trade and profession ; and a Royal Com-
mission to enquire meant then, your having to furnish
the information, at least, if you were a wise man, not
anxious to be gibbetted as ignobilis. But in the later
Stuart period, the officers of arms had to encounter a
spirit of independence, which, as it had made things very i

awkward indeed for Charles the First's head, so (in its
slighter manifestations) would behave ill towards Garter
and his henchman. These last now often met with a stub-
born old Britisher who would respond to an intrusion upon
his privacy by an attitude which implied quite as much
as this : —

Every Englishman's house is his castle. What is it to you, worn-out
relic of a bye-gone superstition, and of an exploded fad, who my
grandmother happens to be ? That rests with me now ; it is my
little affair entirely, and no longer your monopoly to record. Oblige
me by minding your own business, if indeed 3'ou've got any business
left to manage.

Although then for one reason or another, the Strick-
lands of Sizergh, until about a century ago, have had

slight

STRICKLAND OF SI2ERGH.

79

slight notice at Heralds* College, the fact remains that
they were by no means of yesterday, even in ancient Tong
or Glover's times. Owing to periods of disturbance in the
national life, and to removals from place to place, it is
believed that a small multitude of earlier Strickland docu-
ments, contemporary with those of Deincourt still re-
maining, must have been lost or destroyed, but enough
remains to prove that this family occupied a position of
considerable importance in Westmorland so far back as the
reign of King Henry III.

I read in Bain's Calendar of Scottish Documents, at the
London Record Office, (published in i88t, and extend-
ing so far to 4 volumes) that Walter de Stirkland was a
justice at Appleby in 1228, with directions to hold there
an assize on cases of larceny and felony, in which one
John Scotus (lodged in the King's prison) is the approver.
Two years later, (as was better known) Walter, apparently,
son of an Adam Stirkland (from a seal of green wax with
a mullet or cinquefoil affixed to the earliest Strickland
original or duplicate deed here) gave some acres of land in
Great Strickland to St. Mary's, York ; and the prior and
monks of its cell Wetherall, were doubtless very thankful
to see this early benefaction confirmed to them by the
Sir William de Stirkland who rejoiced genealogists by
calling the original grantor his great grandfather. To
this Sir Walter succeeded generations of knights and
esquires (usually the former) of power in this land,
whether by reason of goodly estate, energy in affairs and
excellent alliances. And speaking of these last, let me
take this opportunity of merely mentioning their surnames
in the main line down to the first owner of this house,
exactly as we see it now. It is not a polite mode of
noticing ladies ; in fact, it is rather the way we address
butlers, and housekeepers, but even such bare enumera-
tion will be suggestive. It will also have the advantage
of brevity, which, in the time at my disposal, is an im-
portant

8o STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH.

portant consideration. It will leave out Ros, Middleton,
Grimston, Holker, Webb, Fermor, Wright, Blount, Bel-
lasis, Mannock, Stafford, Hungate, and Fleming. It will
include possibly Fitzreinfrid, probably Goldington, and
certainly Deincourt, Wells, Lathom, Olney, Bethom,
Croft, Parr, Byron, Salkeld, Pennington, Cholmley,
Gascoigne, Redman, Nevill, Brough, Knyvett, Darcy,
Hammerston, Tempest, Place, Boynton, Curwen, Alford,
Moseley, Dawnay, Trentham, Seymour, Salvin, Scrope,
Towneley, Lawson, and Gerard. The Stricklands would
seem, so far as we know, to have come to Sizergh at
the period of the match with Elizabeth Deincourt about
1239. She is apparently the heiress of a race whose few
muniments still preserved here, mentioning Sizergh, can be
approximately assigned dates, between the reign of King
Stephen and that of Edward I. These show possessions
within the Kendal Barony holden by Stricklands, of the
Lancasters, Fitzreinfrids, Marischalls, and Furnesses.
The Stricklands alone remain now, and the presence of Mr.
Strickland amongst us here to-day reminds me that a 7th
century since they came is running to its death without
seeing them run out : there are no signs either of another
people stepping in here to take vacant places. Herein
how striking a contrast does this place not afford to Levens
Hall, Sizergh's beautiful rival two miles off, which has
had to acknowledge for masters the owners of various
surnames more than I can for the moment count.

Sir Walter de Stirkland's son and heir was a hostage
from Gilbert Fitz Renfrid to King John. I have been
unable as yet to verify for myself the statement put
into print about Sir Walter de Stirkland's alleged wife,
Cristina Fitzreinfrid, and of her obtaining from Roger
her father the manor of Great Strickland for dower.
The name Stirkland as you are aware, means the pas-
ture land of the young cattle or stirks and I imagine that
this family must have originally come from the district

between

STRICKLAND OF SI2ERGH. 8l

between the county town and Shap fells. They are of
Stirkiand which locality may have been so called from
this family. The manor of Great Stirkiand, or Strick-
land, belonged, we know, in 1239 ^^ Sir Robert de
Stirkiand for in that year he settles it on his son William
and upon Elizabeth Deincourt in fee-tail. Then, too,
Robert's father. Sir Walter had a licence (of which Nicol.
son and Burn give the full text though I have not
discovered a copy of it here,) enabling him to keep a
domestic chaplain at Morland. This indicates a residence
in those parts. But their connection with the East ward
declined as surely as that with the West strengthened,
and William de Stirkiand is found releasing his manor of
Sizergh to his son Walter at Kirkby Kendal, on Trinity
Sunday, 1292. Walter was at the siege of Carlaverock
(1300), and got a Royal charter of free warren in Helsington
and Heversham for his services to Edward I in Scotland
(1307). What these services were, the new Scotch calen-
dar referred to, throws some fresh light upon, it appearing
that the King (in 1303), intending to be at Roxburgh in five
weeks after Easter, so as to set out against the Scottish
rebels, commands that a thousand men from Westmor-
land and Kendal, under Walter Stirkiand and another,
shall muster at Appleby, on St. John Lateran's feast, in
readiness to march the next day. Such royal favour as
was shown the father was not denied to the son,
and Sir Thomas de Stirkiand " the beloved and faithful,"
receives from Edward III. a charter empowering him to
enclose 300 acres of wood and land in Helsington, Levens
and Hackthorpe, for good service effected by him in
France. Again, Sir Thomas' grand-son, Sir Thomas, as
King's standard-bearer, bears at Agincourt the banner of
St. George, patron of merry England. In 1424, he
petitions Henry VI as a " poor esquire ; " asks his
grace to consider suppliant's long services to the late
King beyond the seas from the arrival at Harfleur, to the

taking

82 STRICKLAND OF SI2ERQH.

taking of Rouen city; declares that he has had no re-
ward, and no wages of any kind saving for half a year ;
moreover, that he is arrears with the Exchequer to the
tune of 3^14 14s. lod. over divers broken vessels of silver
put to him in pledge by Henry V, an early example of
regal pawnbroking. He hopes, therefore, that it will please
his Grace, in reverence of God, as an act of charity, and
for the sake of his deceased Majesty's soul to grant sup-
pliant the said ^14 14s. lod. The Exchequer Treasurer
answers by wiping the sum off. It is this same Thomas
who embarks in haste at Sandwich (1430) to attend
with the Court in solemn state, at the coronation of his
young King in Paris, and makes his Will before sailing,
confiding his temporal concerns to his loving wife Mabel
de Bethom. He is mindful of spiritual affairs also. He
orders payment to be made in case of his death, for a priest
who shall say Mass for his soul, and his ancestor's souls,
during the space of three years, at St. Katharine's altar in
Kendal Church. Moved, as his Holiness states, by their
devotion to himself and the Roman Church, Pope Eugenius
the I Vth, grants to him and Mabel (1431) a licence (still ex-
tant here), to possess a portable altar (also still here) to
take with them whithersoever they go, for holy Mass and
other divine offices. And certainly, looking back as we
now can, and seeing in this place the only old Catholic
family left in Westmorland, out of the wreck of historic
names, once, but no longer flourishing here, names
nearly all gone into utter darkness, so far as this world's
light is concerned; and surveying that grant of Crosscrake
chapel, founded and endowed by Elizabeth Deincourt's
connection, Anselm de Furness (1295) to the priory and
convent of Cartmel, with its chaplain to be provided for
celebrating Mass for the souls of founders and successors,
I conceive of these Stricklands, staunch Papists all along,
as being worthy of special favours at the hands of the
See of Rome.

Puring

STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH. 83

During the Wars of the Roses the Stricklands do not
appear to have suffered by espousing either interest.
Waller concludes an agreement to serve Richard Nevill,
Earl of Salisbury, both in peace and war, and slays
Henry Talbot, a notorious traitor. He gives up the 1,000
marks that he got for this deed to the King, but the
latter does not turn stingy, and makes him Master of the
Harriers, Keeper of Calgarth, (writh right to fishing in
Windermere), and Receiver in the Kendal Barony. From
a general pardon for all treasons, in Edward IVth's
reign, Walter would seem, later on, to have quitted
Lord Salisbury and to have followed the fortunes of
ihe House of Lancaster. He had, at this time, 280
servants and tenants capable of bearing arms. Wal-
ter's great-grandfather Thomas, received a commission
(1537) from Henry VHL to help Sir Thomas Wharton,
Deputy Warden of the West Marches, and Thomas
Wentworth, Captain of Carlisle city and castle, to keep
peace on the border. Through his mother Katherine
Nevill, let me add, he acquired the important Yorkshire
estate of Thornton Bridge. He was contracted in mar-
riage (1530) to Margaret, daughter of Sir Stephen Ham-
merston. At this time the family lived in the tower, and
there is a lumber-room on the third floor, known as
Madame Hammerston's room. Every respeccable family
seems to like the possession of a ghost, at least so long as it
does not become too troublesome of a night. Mysterious
rumours reach me as to this room being haunted, since
here Mistress Hammerston met her fate, was murdered,
and so on. The ghostly theory (albeit misty, as it ought
to be,) has thus much in its favour, that were it a sham,
that is to say a substantial burglar in the concrete, and
it not the poetical abstraction that tradition loves so well,
would surely never have been content up there so long doing
no good business whatever. It would have seized occasion
for dives into the excellent cellar and plentiful larder

below.

84 STRICKLAND OF SIZBRGH.

below, but with a watch-dog at its heels. Walter's wife,
Alice Tempest, (subsequently Lady Place, and then
Lady Boynton) has left her mark here. Zealous in
her duty towards all her children by different husbands,
the records set forth, as West observes, " the integrity
of her conduct, and the uprightness of her heart." By
a 1573 indenture over the timber, lead, iron, stone,
glass, and wainscot at Sizergh, she appears as reserving
to herself at Walter's decease, the right of making repairs
here, and of continuing such as Walter has left uncom-
pleted. If Walter built all the house outside the tower,
or one wing and part of the opposite wing, with other
alterations, and if he placed Queen Elizabeth's arms in
what is called the Queen's room, it is Alice who is
thought to have been concerned as skilful carver on chairs
and forms about the chapel and elsewhere, in the
noble wood-work (1564-1567) in the Queen's room, and
Drawing room alongside of it in the bosom of the tov/er,
in the exquisite inlaid room above, in the dining room
here below, and in the Boynton room overhead. The
heraldry there celebrates Alice and her third husband, Sir
Thomas Boynton and gives his quarterings of Rossall, At-
sea (or De la See) Barmston and Spencer. You may see
all this again on his monument at Barmston in Yorkshire,
or most of it at Heversham church. Ahce Tempest
bears, at Sizergh, her own coat quartering Darcy. The
opposite room, once called the Sherburne room, is equally
effective. Mr. Strickland himself has had it cleverly
done from old wood lying about idle, this room never
having been finished. It is now called the Bindloss
room, from the heraldry above the fireplace brought
over some years ago from Borwick Hall, the part of
the Standish property that came to the present squire's
father. These rooms give a glimpse of what Sizergh
must have been like inside, in good Mistress Alice's

time, before destroyers had built this new central section,

only

STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH. 85

only 100 years old. Great indeed have been the changes
under a later and no less energetic lady than Alice, Mrs.
Cecilia Strickland, already spoken of, yet if you come
up to the tower from the south-east, an aspect of Sizergh's
simple majesty and solid strength is still afforded you.
If you approach it from the north-east, a more pic-
turesque and varied aspect of the castle is presented to
you. Nor will either view once seen quickly pass
from the memory of any true lover of the beautiful, and
of the grand in the ancient architecture of an English
home.

But to return. Alice's son, Sir Thomas was made
Knight of the Bath at James the Ist's coronation, and
this after getting a general pardon the day the so-called
" good Queen Bess " expired in 1603. What he had
done before this year of a treasonable complexion, what
he did of note afterwards, beyond serving (1605) on a
Commission with the Bishops of Carlisle and Chester
and others to enquire into Cumberland and Westmor-
land charity lands, we need not stop to enquire. We
have the testimony of his grandson, that he was an
accomplished man but addicted to gambling, where-
by the family estate became somewhat burdened. His
wife, Margaret Curwen, was also in trouble, her offence
being similar to that of every Strickland of Sizergh — she
would be a Catholic. Adhesion to the old faith meant
prison for at least one Blenkinsop of Helbeck. It sig-
nified fine for more than one Strickland of Sizergh ;
and a worry and a harass conveniently accounted for by
a succint term, recusancy. In 1629, Margaret's son,
Sir Robert Strickland, sends her a letter of advice as to
how she is to proceed with the Commissioners before the
President at York, so as to save her estate from seques-
tration. He recommends a total suppression of his own
name, and that she should consult, above all others. Sir
John Lowther, counscllor-at-law, a particular friend of

the

86 STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH.

the family. A curious letter, which, as West observes,
'* marks the intolerant spirit of those worst of times."

Sir Thomas, K.B., if improvident, at least showed him-
self tenacious of his rights. The Bellinghams, who had
come into Westmorland in Edward the IPs reign owned,
by Queen Elizabeth's time, much property here. The
Kendal barony had become divided, and the feudal chain
broken up, yet this family, then seated at Levens, claimed
larger rights than the Sizergh folk were disposed to allow
them. Arbitrators were accordingly appointed to accom-
modate Thomas Strickland and James Bellingham, and
apropos of the Sizergh tenure, we learn that " Mr. Belling-
ham pretends it to be holden of him by knight service
and two shillings rent, whereas Mr. Strickland denies
both." Mr. Bellingham's father, Allan, had purchased
from Henry Vlllth for £137 los. the manor of Helsing-
ton, and this was likewise fruitful of dispute with the
Stricklands, such as could only be decided in Chan-
cery by a reference to the family writings. Further,
Allan had purchased all the royalties, valued at the tenth
of a knight's fee, and some of Mr. Strickland's tenants'
privileges were thereby in contention for a while, and
this despite the Deincourt grants from the Kendal Barony,
and notwithstanding William de Thwenge's concessions,
including those where he only reserves for himself a salvo
of free chase. Nor must I pass over the curious memoran-
dum of conference between Thomas Strickland of Sizergh,
and William Strickland of Boynton, Yorkshire, in 1598.
The latter would seem to have had the temerity to
assume the Sizergh line to be sprung from the Boynton
line. That was more than Sizergh's flesh and blood was
disposed to stand, and Master William is made to retract
his assumption, and to give up, here in the very presence
of his own daughter, a claim to Whinfell manor.

Sir Thomas' son. Colonel Sir Robert Strickland,
Deputy Lieutenant to Strafford in the North Riding, com-
manded

STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH. 87

manded at Edgehill, a troop of horse, his son Sir Thomas
leading a regiment of foot. And thus identified with the
Royal cause, Sir Robert must have had great interest
to secure that safe conduct, signed in 1644 by Lords
Leven, Manchester, and Fairfax, parliamentary generals,
which enabled him and his family to depart from York
with protection for their house and property from plunder
and confiscation. The first notice at Sizergh of his cele-
brated son. Sir Thomas, occurs in a commission from the
King (1642) to command the company of 114 train-band
soldiers, who were later on, I think, at Edgehill. West
thought that Sir Thomas must have been knighted on the
field as banneret at Marston Moor, since in the first writings
after that event, he is styled a knight, but, while later on,
his father and grandfather's knighthoods are recognized by
Oliver Cromwell, his own is not, which favours this sup-
position. Mr. Gairdner's account of the civil war, now
slowly issuing, may throw much more light on these and
other Strickland matters.

Sir Thomas seems to have obtained small recognition
at the Restoration for his faithfulness as a cavalier, and
one boon only, of fluctuating worth, i.e. a lease in 1670
for 21 years of all duties on importations of foreign salt
into England, at a rental of 3^1,000 per annum, the clear
profits on which, over and above this sum, so varied
from ^^300 a year to next to naught, that in 1679, he prays
relief of the Exchequer, and Thornton-Bridge becomes
security for the rent (1682). Admiral Sir Roger Strick-
land, his cousin then takes up the lease by a re-grant.
He purchases also, of Sir Thomas, as I gather, Thornton-
Bridge, worth some ^^7,000, which, continuing to be the
security for the duties, becomes ultimately lost to the un-
fortunate Stricklands, because of Sir Roger's fidelity to
the Stuart cause, and has since been farmed, I believe,
by the Crown. Sic transit gloria mundi, — or rather of
Thornton-Bridge. Such was that fatal boon, hanging

heavy

88 STRICKLAND OF SIZBRGH.

heavy as lead round the necks of subjects so faithful to
the two monarchs who. upon their servants asking
for bread, had given them a stone.

I observe that our President, in his interesting book on
Cumberland and Westmorland M.P.s, marries Sir Thomas
Strickland to a Pennington. Sir Thomas' great-great-
great-grandmother, and his grandson's second wife, are
the only Penningtons that I know of connected with him.
His first wife was Jane Moseley, (Lady Dawney) whose
touching letters to her second husband show how she
mourned his absence from Sizergh, far away in the cold
and unsympathetic atmosphere of the London Court and
Parliament " My dearest harte," she writes,

I receved thy most kind Leter dated the 17 for which I give thee many
thanks, it shows both great love to me and mine. I wish we may be
able to dissearve it ... I besech all mighty God to requite all
thy care and panes with Joy and comfort . . . My Deare let me
see you as soon as you can, ... I am very sorry that ever I
should have com down at all . . . . and must rather leve all
or want thy Deare company, which is so greate an affliction to
me ... I could writ for ever but my prayer for our hapy
meting . . . thy most faithful ami affectionat wife till Death,
Jane Strikland.

And again —

I was in greate trouble thou was not well in this so extreame a great
storme as 1 have never sene the like in my life, and it is so vialant
here as was never, and (we) so badly put to it that we shall not
knowe what to doe if it continew, for I do beleave thou hast as poor
a wife and stuard as ever man had, for we buy most of our fodher,
and he calls of mc and I of him for mony, and I think we nether of
us have any, but att our meting I will let thee know more, for Tho-
mas is a very honyst man. I cane writ nothing, but I long to see
thee. My poor Alis is, I hope, beter, but we all want thee our
Dearest comfort. I am not very well soe I hope thou wilt excuse
this bloted letter. I never longed more to see thee in all my life
. . . . my Dear this is all, for . . I am in hast the post stays
. . . . writ as often as thou canst, for I take noe comfort but in
thy leters, thearfor let me not want one as often as thou canst. My
Deare, I am till Death, thy poore wife, Jane Strickland.

"I

STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH. 89

** I am sure never man dissarved more joy," she writes
in another letter to him ; and his mother, Margaret Al-
ford says also to this good man so capable of inspiring
affection : ** Sweet Jesus bless you in all your desins.'*

Jane*s substantial fortune did something to sustain the
failing fortunes of the Stricklands. Sir Thomas's second
wife was Winifred Trcntham, a co-heiress, whose portrait
you see up there. John Charles Brooke, Somerset herald
in the last century, states, that she, being in the house-
hold of James II and his Queen at St. Germains, be-
trayed the secrets of their Court to the '* pious and
immortal '* William, whereby all their schemes were frus-
trated ; but until convicted herein of a cherished error,
I can only regard her as a devoted Jacobite.

The Chancellor rightly tells us that Sir Thomas was
M.P. for Westmorland from 1661 to 1676. In the latter
year, three years after the passing of the Test Act, he is
declared to be disabled from continuing any longer M.P.,
his crime being that, like his mother, Margaret Cur-
wen, over again, he actually had the audacity to insist upon
remaining a conscientious Catholic, a position to which
a fresh disability was now attached. He had been sum-
moned to Westminster to give an account of himself, and
had striven by excuses to stave off the inevitable day of
expulsion. In a letter of 1673 he writes to a brother-M.P.

I receaved by the post your obliging letter, a favour I have not had
from many of my fellow-members, but for the matter as well as news
the greatest part of it was very welcome, except persecution for
conscience to which I was ever an enemy, but your friendly and
gentlemanly offer to make my excuse in parliament for my absence,
that, for all the truth I am Master of, I must ever acknowledge the
testimony of a very good friend, and therefore shall desire you that
if the too trew excuse will serve, in general my want of health will
do it. I should be glad that might might pass. But my denyal to
this test is so notorious, besides my more publick separation since,
as that perhaps too might reach, in case some person that is more
of anger to me than yourself should start anything of that nature.

[M]

go STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH.

J desire you will offer this in my vindication, for I do assur you I
will stand by it that no test canne be put to me to secure my
allegiance to the King or Justice to my neighbour that I will
refuse, but to swear negatives to speculative Matters of Divinity,
1 neither can or will doe it. And should I appear at the bar of the
house I should say the saime. Now if this matter be examined
against me, to be turned out of the house is but what I expect, and
for so gentle a fall I should give the house my humble thanks, but if
I should be sent for, or some more severe thing, all I can say is, my
whole life hath been but a scene of misfortunes, and I should, I hope,
support it with the same temper I have formerly.

This spirit, as West observes, is

generous, noble, and free. No Divine ever gave a clearer Explana-
tion of the absurdity of the Test Act than is here given.

Machell, the Antiquary, pays a tribute in his own
quaint, confused way to the family at this time, while
furnishing, however, but an inadequate account of the
causes of their decadence.

These Stricklands, he writes, are in a declining condition, occasioned
by Sir Thomas lyvmg at Court, and southeran life will not well suite
with a Northern Estate ; for they are generally more open-hearted
than any other countery men being traned thereunto by the freedom of
entertaine which those countyes so generall and easily afiford. They
have already made their tenantes free-men by relieving them of their
rent Service ; and if I mistake not have left themselves nothing but
their bare Domaine lands of which they are yet masters but not
Lords. I wish they may preserve that which is left. (Hill MSS.)

If Sir Thomas had been willing to take the new oath,
cand to aknowledge later on William the III, things
might have gone better with him and his prospects, but
he would do neither of these things. In some Fleming
papers, which, will shortly see the light, (as I under-
stand from one entitled to know,) a letter exhibits Sir
Thomas compelled to choose between allegiance to Wil-
liam of Orange and giving up his sword. He elects
the latter alternative. But perhaps the sword was only
a Court one. Sir Thomas' exile at St. Germain's with

James

STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH. QI

James II, was shared by his kinsman, Admiral Strick-
land, who, after dutifully watching the Dutch fleet, in 1688,
conducted the Queen and Prince of Wales over to France,
and also by the Admiral's brother Robert, of Catterick,
who became Treasurer to the ex-King and Vice Chamber-
lain to his Consort. All three Stricklands lived at St.
Germains; and there they elected to die, faithful to the
last to those who had been so very unfortunate.

I should like to have said something about Sir Thomas'
son Thomas, the good Bishop of Namur, whose portrait
as a young man you may see up there, of whom there is an-
other and a later picture in the dining room, and yet a third
in the Belgian city which was the scene of his religious life,
and who was sent on a mission to England by the Emperor
Charles VI, just as I should like to have descanted a
little on William Stiickland, a much earlier prelate,
Bishop of Carlisle in 1400, whose precise place, by the
by, in our pedigree, has afforded room for conjecture. But
my time is up, and with the good Sir Thomas I conclude.

He leaves advice to his son, containing, as Fr. West, S.J.
observes, ** more useful instruction than a volume of Lord
Chesterfield's letters."

My Dear Child, I married thy Mother at the age of 53 years,
and by the cours of Nature am not probable to live to see thee
capable of receiving such councell and Education as I doe designe
for thee, so shall commit thee solely to her charge to whom I com-
mand thee an exact Obedience for I am confident she will have Caire
of that poor temporall estate I shall leave her, and will bring thee
up in the fear of God and his Catholic Church ; and that thou may
not condemne thy poor Father when dead for the smallness of thy
fortune when T came to be a man I had the reputation of a pater-
nal Estate of ;f 1,000 a year, and paid principal, Interest and
annuities for it in my own life, above ;f 27,000, so I may safley
say I had not one penny of paternal fortune, but I got with my first
wife a considerable fortune which gave me credit, and that credit I
ever preserved, and I gave thy two eldest sisters ;f 9,000 for portion. I
married my Brother and gave him my Westmorland Estate, and
though it did revert by his death, yet it was to my damage about

;£"3,000

92 STRICKLAND OF SIZERGH.

;f3,ooo. This considered, thou wilt not wonder I left no more ; how-
ever I hope thou may come to more than I had And it

God grant thee graice to follow those Councells I shall now give thee,
I double not but thou will enjoy all temporall and Aeternal fselicity.
The first thing I recomend to thee is the service of God and perseve-
rance in his Church, and let that be thy Primiim Qiteritis. . . .
Therefore be suer never to neglect yr prayers morning and night and
kepe your selfe under obligation to do it for by that means it will be-
come easy and DelightfuU, for I have never known any do it but they
lived with credit and died hapily, and as oft as possible be present

at divine service of the Mass The next thing I

recommend to thee is to get learning and Knowledge, and this thou
must doe in the days of thy youth, for after the age of 25, by
practis thou must receive the advantage of and satisfaction of
those labors and studies, and I doe particularly recommend the
study of the Law, for men of that Science, not only raise great
fortunes, but are adapted for all the great employments of this King-
dom, but knowledge is not got but by great Industry, therefore of all
Crimes fly sloth and Idleness, for I promise to myself that God
hath given thee a redy wit, and, therefore, will expect many good
things from thee, as well as thy friends will hope and pray for them.
Make thyselfe perfect in Arithmaticke, a thing soon got, it will be
useful to thee in thy owne fortune, and in all occations of thy life,
thou will find it advantageous. As I have advised thee what thou
ought to doe, so let me tell thee what thou ought to avoid as a pest
house. The First thing I advise thee against is the being a
Gamester, a crime incident to the Family, and nothing more
dangerous to destroy thy soul and thy fortune : for our family was
reduced from a plentiful fortune to a weake condition by that failing
in thy great grandfather who was otherwise an accomplished
person. It reduseth Men to necessity, provokes swearing and
cursing, the author of quarrells, makes men steal and turne robers,
and sends more brave men to Tyburn than any other vice ; there-
fore for heavens sake avoid it as one of the worst of ills and the
consumer of health and thy precious time .... I daire not
recommend Marriage to thee over-young for it is hard for a young
man to know either how to chuse or value a virtuous woman,
therefore should not advise thee to that Staite of life before 25 at
soonest, for boies affections are oft roving, therefore endevor
to Chuse a Woman whose Education and character is virtuous
and modest, and let not fortune be the sole ame of marriage,
though I know thy condition will much require it and there are
|ijood Women with great fortunes. But let the main ground of

thy

STRICKLAND OF SI^ERGH. 93

thy marriage be grounded in the fear ot God and trew affec-
tion, and that will survive all the troubles of a married life.
For the sottish Vice of Drunkeness I hope it will never be thy In-
clination, a Crime not incident to our family, and a sight so Odious,
that (it) is more horrible to see a man drunk then the worst ot
Monsters. I earnestly beg of thee never to take tobako, that bewitch-
ing Smoke, and it Serves for no other good but to foment Idleness,
Great thirst, is a Companion to bibing, and an impairer of health, with
the feeling of Melancholy. This little paper I leave as my last will,
and universal legacy to thee and all thy brothers, which, if observed,
is better than all I have, god knows, to leave you, and take this short
sentence (with my prayers and blessings for you all) as my last be-
quest, nemo focHc iter (moriettir) qui non pie Vivit.

The portrait of Sir Robert Strickland in armour happens
to be mending at Kendal, but there are two representations
of his great son, the writer of the above, in this room, so that
you can picture to yourselves the old man of 73 fallen upon
an evil day for patriotism, ruined because of adherence to
representatives (no matter how unworthy and ungrateful)
of a principle, of a right which he deemed Divine, a
wrecked career owing to his faithfulness to a religion that
he believed to be the only true-one, yet patient, nay even
cheerful under every trouble. Sir Thomas impresses on us
at their best two leading characteristics of a lengthy line ;
loyalty to God, and loyalty to Caesar. He is the brightest
jewel in the Strickland crown of a two-fold fidelity that
shines out in him like lovely twin stars, the one never
seen without the other. In presence of such a life
theological conviction and national sentiment are set
a-glow.

Despite the inspection of many notices and papers,
through the courtesy of Mr. Strickland, Mr. Scrope, and
others, I feel acutely the inadequacy of this brief survey
of the sturdy British race at Sizergh, to which Sir Tho-
mas Strickland belonged. His proscribed son Walter,
obtained leave to return from France in 1699 (5 years
after Sir Thomas' death). He discovered his old home
after an eleven years' desertion, to be very much of a

94 STRICKLAND OF SI^ERGH.

crumbling wall. Since then, no one has more lovingly
done his best than its present owner, to preserve the
ancient muniments from rats and mice below, and a
sound roof against the weather up above, treasuring what-
ever ancient features still remain here, and it is my
trust that a prosperous future, of a-piece, in some measure
at least, with the past glories of Sizergh Castle, may yet
remain in store for the family of Strickland.

95)

Art. V. Leprosy and Local Leper Hospitals, By Henry

Barnes, M.D., F.R.S.E.
Read at Carlisle, September i^th, 1888.
TX7HILE on a visit to Norway last year I had the oppor-
'* tunity of visiting some of the leper hospitals of
that country, and I made some enquiries into the history
of the disease for which these institutions* were founded,
its prevalence in different countries both in ancient and
modern times, and other questions of more purely medical
interest in connection with the disease. The results of my
enquiries and observations I have elsewhere made use
of,t but, as in the course of investigation, I found some
references to the existence of leprosy in former times in
this district, as well as some scattered notes on the leper
hospitals of Cumberland and Westmorland, it occurred to
me that these might be of interest to the members of this
society.

Leprosy is now unknown as a native endemic disease
in the British Isles, but still extensively prevails in many
of our colonies. From the loth to the :6th century it
prevailed in almost every country of Europe. Laws were
enacted by kings and princes to arrest its diffusion ;
papal edicts were issued with regard to the ecclesiastical
separation of the infected ; a particular order of knight-
hood was instituted to watch over the sick ; and leper
hospitals and lazar houses, as they were called, were
everywhere established to relieve the victims of the
disease. It is not certain at what period the disease was
introduced into England. Many writers affirm that it
was brought here by the Crusaders on their return from

*The first hospital at Bergen was founded A.D. 126S.
t Presidential Address. Carlisle Medical Society, 18S7.

the

96 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

the Holy Land, but this is obviously an erroneous con-
clusion. The first relay of Englishmen who were engaged
in the crusades left our shores in 1096, and returned two
years afterwards. Several English leper hospitals were
founded before this period. Laniranc, Bishop of Canter-
bury, died in 1089 ; he founded two hospitals at Canterbury,
one for general diseases and one for lepers.

The disease had become so prevalent before this period
that it had become the subject of legislation. Among the
earliest codes of laws enacted in any part of Britain are
those of the Welsh king, Hoel Dha, or Hoel the Good,
who died about the year 950. In one of the codes'" relating
to married women, it is enacted that there are three grounds
on which a wife shall not lose her dower, even if she should
leave her husband, and the first is on the ground of the
leprosy of the husband.

Tres sunt causae ob quas mulier dotem non amittet etiamsi virum
dereliqueret. i. Prima est, si leprosus fuerit. 2. Altera si mariti
officio fungi non potuerit. 3. Tertia est anhelitum tetrum ha-
buerit.

These references are sufficient to show that the disease
existed in Britain before the time of the Crusades. It is
certain however, that shortly after this period, leprosy
became much more prevalent, and hospitals for the seg-
regation of the affected became established in different
paits of the country. As an evidence of the frequent
occurence of the disease in the Border Counties it may
be mentioned that before the year 1200, there existed
several hospitals for the exclusive reception of lepers in
the adjoining counties of Northumberland, Durham, and
Cumberland. Of these three provided accommodation
for 91 lepers, a very considerable number, when the
sparsely populated character of the district in these times

* Leges Wallicae Ecclesiasticae et civiles Hoeli Buni. Translated into Latin
by Win. Wotton, London, 1730, 4th Bk. Sec. 7.

is

LOCAL LBPBR HOSPITALS. 97

is considered. The hospital at Sherburn near Durham*
was the largest, and had accommodation for 65 patients ;
St. Nicholas at Carlisle had 13, and the hospital at Bolton
in Northumberland had also 13 patients.

These hospitals were intended merely as institutions
to seclude the infected, and not as places in which a cure
was to be attempted. Indeed, so strong was the belief
that the disease set at defiance the resources of medical
skill, that in a trial for witchcraft at Edinburgh, so late
as 1597, among the gravest accusations against the pri-
soner was thist : —

She affirmit she could haill leprosie, quhilk the maist expert men in
medecine are not abil to do.

Her remedy sounds strangely to modem ears.

She took a reid cock, slew it, baked a bannock with the blude of it,
and gaf the samyn to the leper to eat.

All classes of the community were liable to be attacked
with this dread disease, and even kings were not exempt
from it. In the Chronicle of Lanercost, speaking of the
invasion of England in 1326, it is stated that the Scottish
Army was not led by Bruce in person, because he had
become a leper. Chronicon de Lanercost , p. 259.

Dominus autem Robertus de Brus, quia factus fuerat leprosus, ilia
vice cum eis non intravit.

and a few pages further on p. 264, in recording Bruce's
death, it says —

Mortuus est Dominus Robertus Brus, Rex Scotiae leprosus.

The fact of Bruce's leprosy is attested by several
authors. Hemingford, % a contemporary of Bruce's, des-

• Surtees Antiquities of Durham, vol. i, p. 127. Nicolson & Burn's History of
Westmorland and Cumberland, Vol. II, p. 250.
t Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland. Vo\. II, p. 20.
X Heminfordii Chronicon (Heame's Ed., 1731) Tom. II, p. 270.

cribes

[N]

gS LOCAL LBPBR HOSPITALS.

cribes him as "lepra percussus," and Walsingham uses
the same language both in his Chronica and in Ypodigna
Neustriae. Buchanan (Scotorum Historia, Paris Ed :
1574, p. 308) says " Nam in Elephantiam incederat.

There is a further interesting reference to leprosy in
the Chronicle of Lanercost. At p. 241. A.D. 1321.

Fuerunt omnes leprosi combusti, qui potuerunt inveniri in omnibus
fere partibus transmarinis usque Romam. Fuerunt enim clam,
mercede maxima, conducti a paganis ad intoxicandum aquas Chris-
tianorum, et ad eos per consequens occidendum.

In commenting upon this notice Sir James Simpson, in
his Antiquarian Notes on Leprosy, says that in France
some of the hospitals had become so amply endowed by
the commencement of the 14th century, that they at
last excited the avarice of Philip V, who subjected many
of the inmates to the flames. The historian Mezeray
says* —

They were burned alive in order that the fire might purify atone and
the same time the infection of the body and that of the soul.

The ostensible cause for this act of fiendish barbarity,
was the absurd allegation that (as the original ordinance^
of Philip bears) the lepers of France and other parts had
been bribed to commit the detestable sin and horrible
crime (detestabile flagitium et crimen horrendum) of
poisoning the wells, waters, &c., used by the Christians.
The real cause, there is little doubt, was to obtain posses-
sion of the endowment of the richer hospitals.

Even in England the lot of the leper was not a happy
one. In the register of writs, there is one entitled ** De
leproso amovendo.** By the laws of this country they
were looked upon as legally and politically dead, and were

• Histoire de France. Mezeray, Tome II, p. 72.

t Ordonnance des Roys de France dela Troisieme Race 1723. Tome i p. 1 14.

classed

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. 99

classed with idiots, madmen, and outlaws. The Church
also looked upon the leper as dead, and performed the
solemn ceremonials of the funeral service over him on
the day he was separated from his fellow-creatures, and
consigned to a lazar house. From an edict issued by
Henry II, during the height of his quarrel with Arch-
bishop Becket, it would appear that the dignitaries of the
Church did, or at least might, employ lepers in the high
character of nuncios, for in order to prevent Becket putting
England under an ecclesiastical interdict, the king took
the precaution that no official letters should be conveyed
to Britain, and to secure this object more effectually he
enacted that if any individual did carry letters of interdict
from the Pope or Archbishop he should be punished

by the amputation of his feet if a regular ; by the loss of his eyes
and by castration if a secular clergyman ; he should be hanged if
he were a laymen and burned if he were a leper. Lord Lyttleton's
Life of Henry II, (1767).

In the restoration of many of the churches of Cumber-
land, low north-side windows, sometimes called "leper
windows," have been discovered. Some years ago, one
was found in Kirkbampton Church, and quite recently
one has been discovered in the restoration of Beaumont
Church. By some writers these windows are supposed
to have been formed for the purpose of enabling the
unfortunate leper to obtain the privilege of religious
ministration without the risk of spreading disease to the
other worshippers.

There are many places which bear the name of Spital,
the common contraction of Hospital. There is a " spital "
near Wigton, another near Templesowerby, and a third
near Kirkby Lonsdale. So far as I have been able to
ascertain, none of these ** spitals " mark the spot where
a hospital for lepers has existed, but I have found refer-
ences to three hospitals solely intended for the reception

of

100 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

of lepers in the two counties of Cumberland and West-
morland. Two of these are dedicated to St. Nicholas,
one at Carlisle, and the other at Appleby. The third
hospital was situated at Kendal and dedicated to St.
Leonard. Out of a list of 112 leper hospitals in England
which I have seen, there were only five dedicated to St.
Nicholas, viz., Canterbury, York, Lynne Regis (King's
Lynn) Appleby, and Carlisle. There were eight to St.
Leonard, viz., Chesterfield, Lancaster, Leicester, Low-
crosse (Yks.) Northampton, Peterborough, Towcester,
and Kirkby nigh Kendal.

The hospital at Appleby seems to have been a small
one. Nicolson and Burn (Hist, of Westmorland p. 343)
say

Advancing further towards the north-west, in the way to Cracken-
thorpc, we come to the ground called St. Nicholas, which belonged
of old to a little hospital of that name. It stood where the farm
house now stands. John de Veteripont gave this hospital to the
Abbey of Shap. Walter, Bp. of Carlisle, confirmed this donation
upon condition that the convent should maintain here three lepers
for ever.* In the 5th Ric. 2, Roger de Clifford gave licence to the
monks of Hep to inclose a piece of ground in the fields of St. Nicho-
las. After the dissolution in the 36th Henry VIII, the site was
granted to Thomas, Lord Wharton, together with the possessions
and all the revenues thereto belonging. In the 12th year of King
James, Philip Lord Wharton and Sir Thomas Wharton, Knt., his
son and heir apparent, for the consideration of ;£'7oo sold to Israel
Fielding, of Starforth, in the county of York, gentleman, all that the
late dissolved hospital, farm, or grange of St. Nicholas, near Appleby,
late belonging to the monastery of Shap, and all the messuages and
lands thereto belonging or engaged therewith for 40 years next
before. In the year 1632, Anne Countess of Pembroke, purchased
the said farm of William Fielding, Esquire, and settled the same
upon her hospital at Appleby.

Little seems to be known of the Kendal Hospital.
Nicholson, in his Annals of Kendal, p. 80, says —

*The coniinnation of this grant, which dates probably about 1240, will be found
jn the 5th vol. Machell MSS, p. 2(59.

LOCAL LBPBR HOSPITALS. lOI

the place called ** Spital *' is about a mile from the town on the road
to Grayrigg and Appleby. It is now a good farm house connected
with a farm of 300 acres, belonging to the Earl of Lonsdale. The
hospital of monachal times stood close upon the site of the present
farm house.

According to Dugdale, the patronage was given as early
as the reign of Henry II, by William de Lancastre,
Baron of Kendal, to Conishead Priory in Lancashire,
William de Lancastre (the first) Baron of Kendal, who
flourished in the time of Henry II, was the founder of
Conishead Priory,* and a great benefactor to the religious
houses of St. Bees, Furness, and St. Leonard's near
Kendal. It appears to have been William de Lancastre
(the third), who gave the patronage of the Hospital to
the Priory. This will be seen by reference to Inq. post
mortem 31, Henry III, No. 45, when among other things
occurs the following : —

Idem Will'ms dedit advocacionem et custodiam Hospitalis Sci
Leonardi priori de Congesheved.

By the time of 29 Edwd. I, according to Dugdale, but
on what authority is not stated, the patronage had passed
to Margaret de Ros. At an Inquisition taken before Wil-
liam de Crackenthorp, escheator of our lord the king in
the county of Westmorland, in the 6th year of Henry
(IV 1404) on William del Parr, knight, whose wife was
Elizabeth, grand-daughter and heir of Thomas de Ros,
who died 14, Rich. II, the Jury found that —

the said William Parr died seized in form aforesaid of the advowson
of the Hospital of St. Leonard, near Kirkby in Kendall, which is
worth as much as 40s. per annum.

This Inquisition is given in Duchetiana, p. 160. Tanner
says the yearly revenues of the Hospital were valued
(26th Henry VIII) at £ji 4s. 3d. in the whole, and

* Vide Duchetiana p. 140.

102 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

£6 4s. 5d. clear, but these with the hospital itself were
granted 38th Henry VIII to Alan Bellingham and Alan
Wilson. Nicolson and Burn, after giving some of the
above particulars, state that the property is called the
Spittle, and belongs to Sir John Lowther, Bart. The
valuation above given is evidently taken from the Valor
Ecclesiasticus, where it appears, vol. v, p. 268.

Hospitale sive domus leprosor' jux* Kendall.
Willms Harry ngton custos.
Hospitale pdca valet in mansionecudivs' claus' £ s. d. /* s. d.
et terr' arrabilis eidem annexat' p annu . xlvij iiij
Redd' & firmis ibm in tenur' divs' tenenc* p annu viij xvj xj

xj iiij iij

Repris' viz in
Denar' an** solut' p sustentac' paupu' et leprosor'
diatim existenc' infra dcm hospitale &
ibm rem .... c

£ s. d.

Et valet Clare . . . . . vj iiij iij

Xma ps inde . . . . xij v q

The Hospital of St. Nicholas at Carlisle was the largest
and most important of the local leper hospitals. It had
an eventful history, and many notices of it occur. It is
very doubtful whether any part of the ancient buildings
now exist. Near to the street called after the hospital,
situated at the south end of Botchergate, there are some
very old buildings.* Mr. Cartmell, who from his family
connections, is likely to be well informed on the point, in-
forms me that these buildings form no part of the ancient
hospital, but that it was situated in an adjoining field, called
Well Close. There is no field of that name now, and the
site is now crossed by the Newcastle and Carlisle rail-

* One of these buildings is an old barn which local tradition states was used for
storing and thrashing the corn, of which, as will be seen later on, the hospital
had considerable stores forwarded to it each autumn.

way.

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. I03

way. In contirmation of Mr. Cartmell's opinion, I may
mention that Jefferson, in his history of Carlisle, states
that the place was supposed to have been destroyed in the
Civil Wars, about the year 1646. Todd concludes his
notice of the Hospital by stating that it was overthrown
from its foundations and buried in its ruins when the city
was besieged by the Scots in 1645.

Domus Hospitalis A.D. MDCXLV Cum Urbs Carlioli a Scotia
obsessa erat, belli impetu funditiis eversa est, et suis rudentibus
sepulta jacet.

The Parliamentary Survey for 1650, says,

the tenement was altogether ruynated in the time of the leager be-
fore Carlisle.

As the disease for which the institution was originally
founded had ceased to prevail to any extent in this country
before this period, and as we shall see later on, the reve-
nues had been diverted to other purposes, there could be
no object in repairing the ruins, and one can readily
understand how it is that no part of the original build-
ings now exist. Jefferson, who has given the fullest
account of the Hospital I can find, states that when the
Newcastle and Carlisle Railway was being made, the
workmen when excavating near the site of the Hospital,
found a considerable quantity of human bones and some
urns. A stone coffin containing a chalice of pewter was
dug up a few years before. This final destruction of the
Hospital by the Scots, to which I have just referred,
was not the only time it received damage at their hands.
It is said to have been destroyed in 1296, and after being
rebuilt, was again destroyed by the Scots, when an inqui-
sition " ad quod damnum " was directed. This will be
found, 9, Edw. HI, (1336) No. 6. Inq. ad quod damnum.

Sancti Nicholai Karlioli. Combustum fuit et totaliter destructum
per Scotos.

Again,

104 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

Again, in 1337, ^^ was burnt by the Scots, who in the
same day did much damage by fire in the district, and
and also destroyed Rose Castle, because they held the
Bishop* in the greatest hatred. The Chronicle of Laner-
cost p. 292, gives the following account of this.

A.D. MCCCXXXVII. De quibus tamen illi non curantes circuierunt
viiiam et combusto Hospitale Sancti Nicholai in suburbio villse,
eodem die usque ad manerium de Rose diverterunt, quia dominum
Episcopvm Karlioli, cujus erat illud manerium, summo odio habuerunt,
quia contra eos processerat in bellum, sicut superius est narratum ;
illud autem locum et omnia per quse transierunt incendio vastaverunt.

The early history of the Hospital is involved in obscu-
rity. No one has been able to find out by whom, or at
what time it was founded, although the records of it make
it pretty clear that it had a royal foundation. The
earliest records I have been able to find takes its history
back to 1180. In Bp. Nicolson's MSS. vol. Ill, p. 65,
it is stated, referring to this period —

About this time Bernard being Bp. of Carlisle a moiety of the Tithes
of Little Bampton were given to the Hospital by Adam Fitz Roberts ;
" on condition to have alwaies two almesmen from y'. parish." R.
K.482.

According to an Inquisition under writ dated 13 July,
31 Henry III, 1247, ^he ** cnstos of the Hospital held
three acres of the lands farmed by John De Boulton of
the king." (Inq. post mortem 31 Henry III, No. 23) and
by another Inq. dated May 23, 1250, the brothers of
the Hospital held four acres valued at 4s. (Inq. post
mortem 34 Henry III, No. 46).

In 1270, one Symon is mentioned as Master of this
Hospital. R. de Wederhal, fol. 54, a. In the Taxatio
Ecclesiastica Angliae et Walliae Auctoritate P. Nicholai

•Bp.JohnKirby.

IV

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. I05

IV circa A.D. 1291, p. 332, the share (porcio) of the
Master of the Hospital of St. Nicholas is put down at
£1 OS. od.

At an ordination held in Carlisle Cathedral by Bishop
Haiton (R. p. 66) ** Quatuor temporum mense Junii 1303,"
amongst the deacons ordained was ** Andreas de Wytseby,
prebendus Hospitalis Sancti Nicholai extra Karleolum per
dimissorias domini Eboracencis,**

About this time (Edward I) a dispute seems to have
arisen as to the patronage of the Hospital, and an inquest
was held. The result is given in Placita de quo Warranto
p. 122. As it throws some light upon the history and
revenues of the Hospital and does not appear to have
been noticed in any of the local histories, I append a full
translation.

The king (Edw. I) by the mouth of William Inge \vho appears as
plaintiff against the Bishop of Carlisle, claimed the patronage of the
Hospital of St. Nicholas in the suburb of Carlisle. Inasmuch as
king John, grandfather of the king was [not]* seized thereof in fee
of right, in time of peace, and conferred it upon Robert Fitz Ralph,
his clerk, who held it on his presentation, and drew revenue there-
from as from land etc. to the value of etc. and he offers to verify this
his right. And the Bp. by his attorney comes and defends his case
when, etc. And says he claims nothing in the patronage of the
aforesaid Hospital, but says that when it happens that the Hos-
pital is vacant, the brethren, inasmuch as they have the right of
election from their own body, chose a fit person and present him to
the Bishop as the Diocesan of the place, and he institutes him
and he claims nothing else in the said Hospital. And William
Inge says the brethren of the Hospital have not the right of elec-
tion from their own body, nor the Bishop any jurisdiction in the said
Hospital for the institution of any master, but that the said king
John and his predecessors the kings of England, were wont to confer
the said Hospital when it was vacant ; and demanded an inquest
to be held for the king. And the Bishop demands an inquest. There-
fore let an inquest be held.

•" Nee," which appears in the original must surely be a misprint.

The

[O]

Ip6 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS*

The Jury finds upon their oath that the patronage of the Hospital
belongs to the king and that his ancestors always conferred it up
till the time of king Henry, his father, and not the predecessors of
the Bishop. And Ralph, lately Bp. of Carlisle, did confer it on the
present master. Moreover the brethren were never in the habit of
electing anyone. Let the king therefore recover the patronage of
the Hospital, and let the Bishop be in forfeiture because he hath
contravened the king's right. The Jury further finds concerning the
value of the Hospital, and how many brethren can be maintained
that the premises of the Hospital are of the annual value after all
outgoings of £^$ 13s. 4d., and twelve sick men can be maintained
there, and the master and chaplain to perform services and a clerk
to assist the latter.

The next incident in the history of the Hospital which
claims attention occurred in 1336. It appears probable
that certain irregularities in the management of the Hos-
pital had attracted the notice of the Bishop, inasmuch as
he intimated his intention to formally visit the Institution.
The Master of the Hospital, Thomas de Goldyngton,
then brought a prohibition against the Bishop, on the
ground that the Hospital was a Royal foundation, and
therefore, only visitable by the Kmg's Chancellors or his
Commissioners R. K. 329. This succeeded for a time,
but five years later, in 1341, we find that the said Bishop
with R. Eaglesfield, Rector of Burgh, and others was com-
missioned by the King to visit the Hospital. The history
of this enquiry is given in the Patent Roll, 15, Edw. Ill,
and as this seemed an important enquiry, I placed myself
in communication with Mr. Joseph Bain, F.S.A., who
was at that time making some investigations in the
Record Office, and he, having reported that the Roll
contained an interesting account of the Hospital, I had
it copied. It contains the details of an inspeximus before
John, Bishop of Carlisle and others regarding the statutes,
faunders, management, and decadence of the Hospital of
St. Nicholas. It occupies membranes 48 and 49, and
extends to 51 folios. The Master in his evidence states

that

1

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS, IO7

that long before he was appointedo all the memoranda
and muniments were destroyed by fire, but that afterwards
in the 21st year of the reign of the grandfather of the
king, Hugo de Cressingham, a judge on circuit at York,
established several decrees and regulations to be kept by
the master, brethren and sisters dwelling in the Hospital.
These observances are duly set forth, and then it is shown
how successive masters appropriated the revenues to their
own use. The story, is an interesting one, and seems
worthy of being printed in detail.* The finding of the
jury records that the Hospital was founded by a King of
England " before the time of memory " for thirteen lepers
men and women. The endowments of the Hospital seem
to have been considerable. The first recorded entry of an
endowment dates, as I have before shown, from the time
of Henry II, and Dr. Todd, in his account of the Hos-
pital states that " William II founded the Hospital as it is
lawful to conjecture because about his time it is certain
that the Priory of Wederhal held lands of this house."
In 31, Edw. Ill (1358) in accordance with writ dated at
Westminster, 16 July, an inquisition was held at Carlisle
before Thomas of Seton and John Mowbray with regard
to certain thravest of corn owing to the Hospital.! The
jury found that for eight years past traves had been de-
tained from the aforesaid Hospital by no fewer than 178
persons whose names are given, and each trave was of
the value of 2id. I obtained a copy of this Inquisition
from the Record Office, and it will be found in the Appen-
dix. Among the parishes from which thraves were due
may be mentioned Brydekirk, Uldayle, St. Mary's and
St. Cuthbert's, Carlisle, Wigton, Dereham, Crosseby,
Edenhall, Soureby, Brampton, Hayton, Kirkoswald, Kirke-

• Vide Appendix. ^

t A thrave is a variable quantity. It may mean 12 or 24 sheaves of corn. The
word is not now in use in Cumberland, being replaced by "stooks."
1^ Vide Appendix.

land^

t08 LOCAL LBPBK HOSPITALS.

land, Dalston, Skelton, Penrith, &c., &c. There are many
names of well-known Border families in the list such as
Milner, Stele, Blamire, Stamper, &c., and perhaps the
most notable, but not at present recognised as a Cumber-
land name, is one Henry Shakespeare, of the parish of
Kirkeland. In spite of this enquiry, further difficulties
with regard to the thraves occurred, and in 1371, on a
complaint made by the master with the Brethren and
sisters that the house was cheated and defrauded of a
great part of their necessary sustenance, the Bishop* issued
out a monition to all rectors and vicars in the neighbour-
hood requiring them to give notice to their parishioners
that all such unjust deteiners of thraves of corn or other
goods belonging to the Hospital shall make full payment
or restitution within the space of ten days, on pain of the
greater excommunication. (R. H. 212).

By an Inq. p. m. 22 Ric. II, No. 18, (1399) it appears
that William de Dacree, chivalier, had "Corredium in
the Hospital." I looked up this Inq. in the Record
Office. It is very long, and covered all over with a brown
wash, which renders it almost illegible. At the end is the
following : —

Item habuit donationem tnum corrodiorum tribus pauperibus in Hos-
pital! Sancti Nicholai in Karlioli capiend, victum et vestitum et alia
asiamenta in'dicto hospitale de quibus idem Willielmus obiit seizitus
in feodo et in jure quorum quodlibet (?) valet per annum xs.

In 1477, a petition was sent from the prior and convent
of St. Mary's, Carlisle, to the king (Edw. IV). A copy
of this will be found in Bp. Nicolson's MSS., extracted
from the original, preserved in the Records in the Tower.
It shows how, and on what considerations the Hospital of
St. Nicholas and its revenues came to be settled on the
prior and convent of St. Mary's at Carlisle.

•Bp. Thomas Appleby— consecrated 1363, died 1395.

To

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. lOQ

To the king oure liege lord most humbly besechith your highness
your true subjects and continuell oratours the priour and convent of
your monastery of Our Lady Carliol that whereas within the west
bordours of thys your reame opyn opon the Scottys by whom they
daily abiden in grete jeoperde of lesynge of their godes and often-
times destruction of their pore lyvclode wherethrough they be sore
enpoveryshed, and without your most gratious almesse to them shewed
at thys time Dyvyne Ser\'yce can not there be well contynued That
therefore it would please your said Highnesse the premisses considered
into their Relief to graunte unto them your gratious Lettres patentes
to be made in due fourme after the Tenur that ensueth. And they
shall ever pray to God for ye preservation of your most noble Astate.

In response to this most extraordinary petition, the
king granted them the Hospital and its revenues, the
grants to take effect upon the death of John Thorpe at
that time Master of the Hospital, or when the next
vacancy in the office occurred from whatever cause. The
grant gives not merely the Hospital, but all lands, build-
ings, rights, liberties, franchises, goods, and emoluments
belonging to the Hospital. The grant will be found in
the appendix. The charter of Rich. Ill confirms the
said grant by Inspeximus, and at the Reformation these
with other possessions of that house passed to the Dean
and Chapter. Among the payments charged upon the
Dean and Chapter by King Henry's grant are £2 6s. 8d.
to the chaplain of St. Nicholas' Hospital, and £^ 17s. to
three poor bedesmen there. This latter payment is still
continued, and the Dean and Chapter have always on
their list three almsmen, called St. Nicholas' Almsmen who
receive 40s. per annum each. The history of this Hos-
pital is similar in its decadence to other hospitals of the
kind. The leper hospital of Hugh Pudsey, at Sherborne,
Durham, which was founded in 1180 for 65 lepers, was
reduced in 1434, to 15 persons, of which two should be
lepers, *'if such can be found." During the reign of
Edward the VI (1547 to 1553) it is reported by a com-
mission for suppressing colleges, hospitals, &c., that most

of

no LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

of the leper hospitals in England were empty. It was
later before the disease disappeared from Scotland and it
was not until 1742, when the last leper having died, a pub-
lic thanksgiving was held in Shetland to commemorate
the disappearance of the disease from the country.

Besides the founder, who according to Dr. Todd is
supposed to have been William II, the names of some
notable benefactors of the Hospital of St. Nicholas have
been handed down to us. Dr. Todd in his MSS. says,

Hugo de Moreville qui dedit unam carrucatam terrae in villa de Hass
juxta Apulby, Richardum de Burgo Vassalum suum cum sequela, et
terras et redditus in Burgo super Sabulonibus. Chartam in Reg.
Epis Carliol.

In the Patent Roll, 15 Edw. Ill, this Hugo de More-
ville is said to have given ** possessiones quamplurimas."
Gilbertus de Dundraw miles, who gave ** Gill Martyne
Ridding pro Crofton *' in the time of king John is also
mentioned by Todd on authority of MSS. D.

Hutchinson contains the following reference —

Pat. 21, Edw. I. M. Rex recuperat advocationem hujus hosp. versus
Epis. Carliol et dedit custodi quasdam decimas extraparocbiales in
Foresta de Englewood.

The reference is not sufficiently precise. I examined
the whole of the Roll but failed to find the particulars
named. The first part of the extract evidently refers
to the enquiry referred to in the " Placita de quo war-
ranto."

For the amount given by the Community of the City
of Carlisle see Patent Roll 15 Edw. in the appendix.

Dugdale, in his Monasticon vol. VII, p. 757, says the
following names of Masters of the Hospital occur upon
the patent rolls.

Hugb de Cressingham 21 Edw. 1.
Hen. de Graystock 31 Edw. I.

Thorn.

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. HI

Thom. de Goldyngton 7 Edw. IIL

John de Appleby 42 Edw. IIL

Will de Cotyngham (resigned) II Ric. II.

Wic de Ledall (succeeded in the same year).

In conclusion I have to express my obligations to
Chancellor Ferguson, to Mr. H. Dodsworth Ford, of
Wadham College, Oxford, and to Mr. E. Bell, of the
Dean and Chapter Registry, for many interesting refer-
ences relating to these local leper hospitals. The accounts
of them are fragmentary, but I have endeavoured to make
them as complete as the material at my disposal allowed
me.

APPENDIX I.

Inquistio Post Mortem 31 Edw. 3. (2 nrsj No. 53.

Writ dated at Westminster xvi day of July 31 Edw. 3.

Inquisicio capta apud Karlium coram Thoma de Seton et Johanne
Mowbray die Jovis in festo Sancti Bartholomei Apostoli anno regni
Regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum tricesimo primo, virtute com-
mtssionis ejusdem Regis huic Inquisicioni consute per sacramentum
Normanni de Rodemane, Willielmi de Haldclo,JohannisdeBromfeld,
Willielmi de Hoton lohn, Willielmi de Laton, Thome Hudson, Wil-
lielmi Waleys, Ade de Birkynside Johannis de Mulcastre, Johannis de
la More junioris, Walteri de Mulcastre et Johannis de la More
senioris Qui dicunt per sacramentum suum quod una Trava garbarum
avene debetur hospitali sancti Nicolai extra Karlium de qualibet
canica arante in Comitatu Cumbrie a tempore cujus contrarii non
exstat memoria. Et dicunt quod hujus Trave detinentur a pre-
dicto hospitali per viij annos elapsos per Simonem Arnaldson,
Williclmum de Croston, Willielmum Fox, Willielmum Galeway
Ricardum Hyne, Thomam Fabrum, Nicolaum de Kirkeland, Johan-
nem filium Galfridi, Radulphum de Yreland, Johannem Sydes
Thomam Topsale, Johannem filium Rogeri, Adam Wylknave, Rober-
tum Dowe, Willielmum Dynewele, Johannem Prestmagh de parochia
de Brydekirke, Adam Adynet, Willielmum Ryot de parochia de Bol-
ton, Johannem Godeday, Adam del Halle de parochia de Uldayle,
Willielmum de London, Willielmum de Slegh, Walterum Slegh,
Gilbertum Taynterelle, Johannem de Varum, Robertum Tybaye de

parochiis

112 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

parochiis beate Marie et Sancti Cutberti Karlioli, Adam Lightfote
Johannem de Braunthwayte, Gilbertum dc Whiceby, Thomam filium
Hugoni de Ulveton, Johannem Barker de Waverton, Willielmum
Wyghtman, Alanum Wodeward, Johannem filium Alani Wodeu arde,
Willielmum del Selywra Willielmum Nelleson, Johannem filium
Kicardi, Robertum filium Willielmi, Adam filium Ade, Adam Milner,
Henricum filium Willielmi, Johannem de Arleskes, Adam Mar>'man,
Johannem Halpeny, Robertum de Clyfford, Johannem Coldhirde de
parochia de Wygton, Willielmum del Parke, Thomam Isaac, Rober-
tum Lyttster de parochia de Ysall, Cutbertum Milner, Willielmum
Spirtalowe, Walterum filium Ede de parochia de Askpatryke, Adam
del Rawe, Adam de! Rijg de parochia de Dereham, Thomam Pateson,
Adam Withefururedhorn, Robertum Theker de parochia de Crosseby,
Willielmum de Wilton, Petrum filium Willielmi, Dominum Robertum
de Blencarum capellanum, Johannem del Loft, Adam Iveson, Williel-
mum Iveson, Adam filium Gregorii, Johannem Maresshall, Johannem
de Lovesdale, Ricardum filium Beatrice, Adam filium Henrici,
Johannem Milner, Johannem de Wilton, Thomam filium Willielmi,
Johannem Remyson, Thomam filium Ricardi Tayllor, Robertum Al-
man, Johannem filium Elyot, Willielmum filium Anabelle, Johannem
de Wyndscales, Michaelum Boucle, Henricum Shakespere, Tho-
mam filium Johannis, Johannem filium Roberti, Robertum del Halle
de parochia de Kirkeland, Ricardum del Gylle, Adam filium Ric-
ardi, Johannem (?) de Thornheved, Johannem Stace, Adam Hog-
hirde, Adam Hunter, Johannem filium Alexandri, Ricardum Mil-
ner de parochie de Ullesby, Willielmum de Stapelton, Johannem
Werkman— Welshman, Robertum Karter, Robertum Stele, Johannem
de Stirkland, Johannem Milner, Henricum Sutorem, Johannem filium
Alicie, Johannem de Haycon, Johannem filium Simonis, Johannem
filium Johannis de parochia de Edenhall, Willielmum Scowery, Jo-
hannem Stamper, de parochia de Roucliffes, Willielmum Whiteheved,
Simonem Yong-Wilkynson, Ricardum de Beaulion, Thomam filium
Alani de Sowreby, Walterum Addysone de Soureby, Michaelum de
Stokdale et Ricardum Milner de parochia de Soureby, Thomam filium
Johannis, Adam filium Ricardi, Johannem filium Willielmi de
parochia de Loventon, Willielmum filium Hugonis, Henricum filium
Nicolai de parochia de Brampton, Thomam Prestesone, Hugonem

Taillor de parochia de Hayton, Adam de Alanby, Adam de

Burton, Thomam filium Henrici, Adam Russell de parochia de
Kirkeoswalde, Thomam Beauchampp, Johannem Proctor, Johannem
filium Willielmi clerici, Thomam filium Ricardi, Rogerum del Garth,
Ricardum Pye. Willielmum clericum de parochia de Laysyngeby.
Rogerum Randeson, Willielmum Toppynge, Johannem del Bake-

hous.

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. II3

hous, Johannem Shele Johannem Cater, Willielmum Cowyke,Thomam
Pate, Henricum filium Stephani, Johannem Colman, Ricardum
Hunter, Johannem Hunter de parochia de Salkeld Regis, Ste-
phanum de Levenwode, Alanum de ffansyde, Thomam Whyte de
Heventon de parochia de Artrede, Johannem de Wampole de
parochia de Dowenesse, Johannem de Dalston, Johannem del Cote,
Johannem del Blamyre, Willielmum Brysewode, Robertum Tyn-
knye, Robertum filium Anote, Willielmum filium Johannis, Johannem
Redeheved, Thomam Begetee de parochia de Dalston, Robertum del

Halle Dominum Willielmum Thrilkell, Adam Bovevill, Thomam

Hunter, Johannem filium Stephani, Adam del Garthous, Petrum
Milner, Johannem de Wilton de parochia de Greystokes, Willielmum
Hrochre Gilbertum Thomson, Gilbertum Heved, Willielmum Magot-
son, Thomam Addyson, Ricardum Lambeknave, Thomam Whitelokes,
Lambertum Loweson, Johannem Loweson de parochia de Skelton,
Johannem de Carleton, Walterum de Duresme, Petrum Wright,
Johannem Thomson, Johannem Addyson, Johannem de Helton,
Willielmum del Brigge, Johannem Godale, et Thomam Panlyn de
parochia de Penrith. Et dicunt quod quelibet Thrava valet iid
ob. juxta verum valorem earumdem, Et dicunt quod hujusmodi
Thrave debent liberari procuratori dicti hospitalis in autumpno. In
cujus rei testimonium Juratores predicti huic inquisicioni sigilla sua
apposuerunt, Datum apud Karliolum die et anno supradictis.

APPENDIX II.

Rex omnibus ad quos &c. Salutem Sciatis quod cum magister
Johannes Thorp habeat per literas nostras patentes ex Concessione
nostra Hospitalem Sancti Nicholai juxta civitatem nostram Carleol:,
sub certa forma in Uteris nostris specificata, prout in eisdem literis
plenius continetur; nos, certis considerationibus nos specialiter
moventibus, de gratia nostra speciali, ac ob internam devotionem
quam ad gloriosam Virginem Mariam gerimus et habemus, dedimus
et concessimus priori et conventui beats Maris prselibatse Carliol
(in cujus honorem monasterium illud dedicatur) dictum Hospitalem
Sancti Nicholai juxta dictam Civitatem nostram Carliol. ac omnia
terras, tenementa, jura, libertates franchesias commoditates et
emolumenta quoecunque eidem hospitali qualitercunque pertinentia
Habendum et Tenendum Hospitale praedictum ac coetera proemissa
cum pertinentiis praefatis priori et conventui et successoribus suis im-
mediatem post mortem prsdicti magistri Johannis Thorp vel quam cito
Hospitale illud obquamcunque causam proximo vacare et ad nostram

donationem

rpi

114 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

donationem accedere contigerit Ea Intentione quod ijdem prior et
conventus et successores sui imperpetuum invenient unum canoni-
cum presbyterum loci prsedicti ad Missas et alia Divina in monasterio
dicto pro salubri statu nostro et carissimae consortis nostras Eliza-
bethae Regtnse Angliae liberorumque nostrorum, dum vixerimus, et
pro anima nostra et animabus praedictx consortis nostrs liberorumque
nostrorum praedictorum cum ab hac luce migraverimus, et pro ani-
mabus omnium progenitorum nostrorum celebrandum juxta ordinatio-
nem nostram in hac parte faciendum quem quidem canonicum
capellanum nostrum imperpetuum appellari volumus. Eo quod ex-
pressa mentio de vero valore annuo pra;missorum seu alicujus eorum
aut de alijs donis sive concessionibus eisdem priori et conventui et
successoribus suis in aliquibus praedecessorum suorum et successori-
bus suis, per nos ut aliquem progenitorum seu praedecessorum
nostrorum ante hsec tempora factis in praesentibus minime facta
existit ut aliquo statuto, actu sive ordinatione, inde in contrarium
factis, editis sive ordinatis, non obstantibus salvo jure cujus libet
In cujus &c Teste &c.

Memorandum quod lo™® die Maij anno Regni R Edwardi 4* 17 ista
Billa Liberata fuit Domino Cancellario Angliae apud Westm Exe-
quendum

APPENDIX III.

Patent Roll 15 Edw. Ill, part I.

Pro Magistro
Hospitalis Sancti
Nicholai extra
Karliol.

Rex omnibus ad quos etc. Salutem Inspeximus

recordum et processum coram dilectis et fidelibus
' .nostrisjohanne Episcopo Karlioli Priore ecclesie
beate Marie Karlioli Roberto Parnyng et Roberto
de Eglesfeld parsona ecclesie de Burgh subtus
Staynesmore quos nuper ad Hospitalem nostrum
Sancti Nicholai Karlioli visitandum assignavimus habita in hec
verba. Dominus Rex mandavit brevem suum patens venerabili in
Christo patri Johanni dei gratio Episcopo Karlioli, Priori ecclesie
beate Marie Karlioli, Roberto Parnyng et Roberto de Eglesfield
parsone ecclesie de Burgh subtus Staynesmore in hec verba. Ed-
wardus dei gratia Rex Anglie et Francie et Dominus Hibernie
dilectis et fidelibus suis venerabile in Christo patri Johanni eadem
gratia Karlioli Episcopo, Prioii ecclesie beate Marie Karlioli Roberto
Parnyng et Roberto de Eglesfeld parsone ecclesie de Burgh subtus
Staynesmore salutem. Quid datum est nobis intelligi quod in hos-
pitali nostro sancti Nicholai Karlioli quamplures defectus hiis diebus
pro defectu boni re^iminis repariuntur et bona et possessiones

ejusdem

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. II5

ejusdem Hospitalis tarn per magistrum quam fratres et sorores et
alios ministros ejusdem hospitalis diversimode dissipantur et vas-
tantur, necnon terre et tenementa ad idem hospitale per progenitores
nostros et alios dudum collata ad manus diversorum hominum per
alienaciones diversorum magistrorum loci illius sunt devoluta in
dampnum et depauperacionem hospitalis illius ac diminucionem
cultus divini et pietatis operum que ibidem fieri deberent et abolivi
stabilita fuerunt subtractionem manifestam. Nos statum ejusdem
hospitalis volentes illesum observari et excessus predictos corrigi
prout decet, assignavimus vos tres et duos vestrum ad superviden-
duni statum predicti hospitalis, et ad magistrum fratres sorores et
alios ministros hospitalis illius visitandum necnon ad informandum vos
tres et duos vestrum tam per examinacionem quam per inquisicio-
nem per sacramentum ministrorum dicti hospitalis et aliorum
proborum et legalium hominum partium illarum per quos rei Veritas
melius sciri poterit capiendum super omnibus defectibus et aliena-
cionibus supradictis, et que terre et que tenementa eidem hospitali
pertinencia aliquibus hominibus sunt alienata et cui vel quibus per
quem vel per quos magistrum v«l magistros quo tempore qualiter
et quo modo et ad defectus predictos emendendum et corrigendum nec-
non ad omnes illos quos culpabiles inveniri contigerit m premissis
puniendum et castigandum prout secundum ordinaciones et statuta
hospitalis illius et alias racionabiliter fuerit faciendum et ad omnia alia
et singula faciendum et excercendum que pro reformacione et emen-
dacione status predicti hospitalis necessaria fuerint vel eciam
oportuua. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod ad certos dies quos
vos tres vel duo vestrum ad hoc provideritis ad hospitale illud persona-
liter attendentes premissa omnia et singula faciatis et expleatis in
forma predicta. Et nos de toto facto vestro in hac parte reddatis
sub sigillis vestris, trium vel duorum vestrum distincte et aperte dicto
negocio expedito certiores. Mandavimus enim vicomite nostro Cum-
brie quod ad certos dies quos vos tres vel duo vestrum ei scire
faciatis venire faceat coram vobis tribus vel duobus vestrum apud
hospitale predictum tot et tales probos et legales homines de balliva
sua per quos rei Veritas in premissis melius scire poterit et inquiri
vobisque in premissis pareat et intendat, necnon magistro fatribus
sororibus ac ministris supradictis quod vobis tribus et duobus vestrum
in omnibus et singulis premissorum pareant et intendant ac res-
pondeant in forma supradicta. In cujus rei testimonum has litteras

nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste Edwardo Duce Cornubie et

Comite Cestrie filio nostro carissimo Custode Anglie apud Kenyng-

ton XXV die Julij anno regni nostris Anglie quartodecimo regni

vero nostri Francie primo. Pretextu cujus brevis prefati Episcopus

Prior

Il6 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

Prior Robertus et Robertus mandaverunt vicecomiti Cumbrte quod
venire faceret coram eis tribus vel duobus eorutn apud Karliolum
in hospitali Sancti Nicholai Karlioli die martis proximo ante festum
Nativitatis beate Marie virginis viginti et quatuor tarn milites quam
alios liberos et legates homines de balliva sua per quos rei Veritas in
diversis in dicto brevi contentis melius scire poterunt et inquiri. Et
quod premunire taceret magistrum ac fratres et sorores hospitalis
predicti quod tunc essent ibidem ad informandum eosdem Episcopum
et socios suos predictos super quibusdam predictum hospitalem con-
tingentibus si sibi viderint expedire etc. Et vicecomes fecit inde
execucionem. Ad quern diem apud Karliolum in hospitali predicto
venerunt prefati Prior et Robertus Parnyng ad premissa facienda
assignati etc. Et similiter Robertus de Tybay Nicholaus le Spenser
Gilbertus de Kirkandres Thomas le Sadler, Edmundus de Bolton,
Johannes filius Martini de Karliolo Robertus Grout, Willielmus
filius Gilberti Thomas Malemayus, Henricus le Tailliour Johannes
filius Thome et Johannes de Tybay Juratores venerunt. Et Tho-
mas de Goldyngton magister hospitalis predicti per vicecomitem

premunitus venit. Et quesitum est ab eodem magistro per pre-

fatos Priorem et Robertum Parnyng si ipse habeat aliqua munimenta
sive memoranda fundacionem hospitalis predicti sive regulas ejusdem
hospitalis tangencia. Et sique etc. quod ea ostendat eis etc. Qui
dicit quod diu antequam ipse fuit magister hospitalis predicti omnia

memoranda et munimenta ejusdem hospitalis fuerunt combusta

Posteaque tempore Regis Edwardi avi domini Regis nunc anno regni
ejusdem avi etc. vicesimo primo quidam Hugo de Cressingham
Justiciarius ipsius avi etc. Itinerans apud Eborum plures constitu-
clones et observancias per magistrum fratres et sorores in dicto
hospitali extunc moraturos stabiliri et observari precepit. Videlicet
quod omnes fratres et sorores in primo ingressu suo in hospitali pre-
dicto jurarent tactis sacrosanctis et facerent obedientiam et fidelitatem
magistro qui pro tempore fuerit. Et quod viverent caste et honeste
infra claustrum et extra claustrum ubi fuerunt missi per magistrum
fratres et sorores circa negocia communia hospitalis predicti expedi-
enda. Et quod omnes et singuli mane in pulsacione campane surgerent
et venirent personaliter ad ecclesiam seu capellam ad crandum pro
iidelibus dei defunctis et omnibus benefactoribus dicti hospitalis et
specialiter pro Rege et Regina et suis pueris nisi major infirmitas ali-
quern eorum excusaret. Et quod haberent claustrum et quod omnes
porte claustri die ac nocte et maxime de nocte cum seruris clauderen-
tur. Et quod haberetur ibe janitor generalis ad hoc specialiter depic-
tatus de communi domus et Juratus qui diligenter et firmiter fontem
Baptisteri et Curiam infra claustram et extra claustram ab omni

inmundicia

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. II7

inmundicia custodiret et defenderet pro posse suo. Et quod omnes
fratres infra claustrum dormirent communiter sub uno tecto et una
domo simul. Et quod omnes sorores similiter infra claustrum dor-
mirent communiter simul sub uno alio tecto per se. Et quod nullus
fratrum vel sororum exiret claustrum vagando per patriam vel civi-
tatem absque speciali licencia magistri seu vices ejus gerentis et hoc
non nisi pro ardua causa et necessaria seu negocia communi expedi-
enda et quod foret ad hoc specialiter deputatus vel deputata sub
pena subscripta. Et quod omnes fratres et sorores quamdiu possent
laborarent ad communem utilitatem hospitalis predict! secundum
disposicionem magislri et bona communia specialiter preceteris pro-
curarent et facerent cum effectu. Et quod aliquis vel aliqua non
exiret claustrum dicti hospitalis de nocte per muros vel per portam
vel die a pulsacione campane in aula usque ad pulsacionem campane
in ecclesia sub pena subscripta. Et quod omnes fratres et sorores
essent obedientes et inclinantes preceptis magistri hospitalis seu vices
ejus gerentis in omnibus licitis et honestis dictam domum et ejus
utilitatem contingentibus, fideles laborantes et benivolentes magistro
et fratribus et sororibus advinicem pacienciam caritatem et amorem
fratrum inter se firmiter in Christo domino habentes prout decet
talibus communiter cohabitantibus et viventibus habere. Et si
aliquis fratrum vel sororum in dicto hospitali inveniretur rebellis
malivolus mobediens impaciens vel quocumque modo in aliquo arti-
culo seu precepto antedictis culpabilis primo amitteret liberacionem
suam et moneretur quod se corrigeret, secundo amitteret duas libera-
ciones proximo tempore capiendas et moneretur quod se corrigeret
alioquin tercio a claustro expellaturet suo corrodio tottaliter privetur
sine spe revertendi. Et quod ne aliquis conjugatus vel aliqua con-
jugata maneis infra claustrum pernocterit ibidem cum uxore sua vel
viro suo nee aliquis alius frater vel aliqua soror infra claustrum for-
nicacionem committeret vel aliud pectatum enorme carnale quod si
fecerit et super hoc convictus esset secundum discrecionem magistri
vel vices ejus gerentis graviter puniretur secundum qualitatem vel
quantitatem delicti et si tunc monitus se non correxerit set pocius
iterato super tali delicto convictus esset corrodium suum amitteret
et extra dictum hospitale expelleretur. Et quod si aliquis fratrum
vel sororum rixam fecissit contra aliquem fratrem suum vel sororem
inter se maliciose vel crimen sibi impossuisset vel convicium aliquod
p.nde scandalum posset oriri in populo vel in domo, et hoc injuste
fecisset et super hoc convictus fuisset primo et secundo puniretur
prout supradictum est et tercio tottaliter a domo expelleretur. Et
quod aliquis fratrum vel sororum in hospitali predicto aliquod officium
vel potestatem parvam vel majorem sibi non usurperet proprio motu

absque

Il8 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

absque assensu inagistri vel ejus vices gerentis et majoris sanioris
partis capituli. Et dicit quod constituciones et observancie predicte
postea per aliquos magistros. in eodem hospitali existentes abuteban-
tur et male tenebantur per quod scandala de hospitali predicto exinde
multiplicitur oriebantur. Et super hoc exindfe et aliis articulis in
predicto brevi contentis in presencia ipsius magistri habita inquisi-
cione per predictos Juratores Qui dicunt super sacramentum suum
quod omnes constituciones et observancie predicte et plures alie in
dicto hospitali per magistrum fratres et sorores ejusdem hospitalis
observari et teneri solebant ut supradictum est. Et quod illud hos-
pitale die ante tempus memorie fundatum fuit per quendam quondam
Kegem Anglie cujus nomen ignorant pro sustentacionem iresdecim
leprosorum tarn hominum quam mulierum unius magistri existentis
capellani ac residentis et cantantis missam ad voluntatem suam et
unius capellani cantantis missam cotidie pro ejusdem hospitalis
benefactoribus, qui quidem Rex tunc dedit eisdem magistro et
leprosis ut fratribus et sororibus et successoribus suis magnas
possessiones terrarum et tenementorum proelemosinapredictaimper-
petuum manutendum et constituit eis capitulum et sigillum commune
in dicto hospitali semper habere, quod quidem sigillum moraretur in
custodia magistri qui pro tempore fuerit et duorum trium vel quatuor
predictorum leprosorum, et ordinavit eosdem fratres et sorrores de
pannis de russetto semper vestiri et regulis prenominadis perfrui
imperpetuum. Et dicunt quod constituciones ille toto tempore per
magistros fratres et sorores ejusdem hospitalis qui pro tempore
fuerunt use fuerunt et observate quousque postea per longum tempus
maxima pars eorundem leprosorum obiit. Ita quod loco eorum usque
ad numerum predictum positi fuerunt ibidem alii pauperes debiles et
impotentes et per communem assensum magistri fratrum et sororum
ejusdem hospitalis, qui de elemosina dicti hospitalis sustentati fuerunt
eidem modo sicut leprosi antea et tunc fuerunt sustentati, et regulas
et constituciones predictas in omnibus cum leprosis ejusdem hos-
pitalis observaverunt. Et dicunt quod postmodum quidem Hugo de
Morvill quondam dominus de Burgh super sabulones dedit et concessit
eisdem magistro leprosis ac pauperibus predictis ibidem deo servien-
tibus et successoribus suis imperpetuum possessiones quamplurimas
in auxilio sustentacionis eorum ac pro statu dicti hospitalis relevando.
Ita quod ipse et heredes sui haberent ibidem tres pauperes tam
leprosos quam alios impotentes suorum corporum ex presentatione
sua imperpetuum et quod quilibet eorum preciperet et haberet de
dicto hospitali annuatim ad terminum vite sue tantum quantum
aliquis fratrum seu sororum ejusdem hospitalis percepit annuatim
ad terminum vite sue, et quod haberent moram suam ibidem et

regularentur

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. II9

regularentur in forma secundum quod prius constitutum fuit pro
fratribus et sororibus ejusdem hospitalis quod iidem magister fratres
et sorores ac pauperes tunc ibidem existentes unanimi assensu con-
cesserunt eidem Hugoni ut ipse et successores sui extunc reciperent
ex presentacione sua et heredum suorum tres pauperes tarn leprosos
quam alios suorum corporum impotentes. Ita quod viverent et
morarent in eodem hospitali et quilibet eorum tantum perciperet inde
quantum unus fratrum vel sororum percipit et quod semper essent
obedientes et intendentes magistris qui ibidem forent in omnibus
sicut superius dictum est'de fratribus et sororibus predictis sub peri-
culo predicto. Dicunt eciam quod communitas Civitatis Karlioli
diu ante tempus memorie concessit eidem magistro fratribus sorori-
bus ac pauperibus ibidem dec servientibus percipiendum quolibet die
dominico imperpetuum de qualibet braciatrice ejusdem Civitatis unum
potellum cervisie et de quolibet pistore ponente panem ad vendicio-
nem die sabbati unum panem precii quadrantis pro sustentacionem
leprosorum ibidem commorancium imperpetuum. Et pro hac con-
cessione magister tunc temporis ac fratres et sorores concesserunt
predicte communitati quod ipse extunc imperpetuum reciperent ad
presentacionem Majoris et communitatis ejusdem Civitatis omnes
leprosos de dicta Civitate in dicto hospitali in forma predicta mora-
turos quolibet eorum percipiente inde annuatim tantum in omnibus
quantum aliquis predictorum fratrum vel sororum leprosorum habere
consuevit virtute quarum concessionum tam predictus Hugo et
heredes sui quam predicta communitas in dicto hospitali ex presen-
tatione sua in forma predicta tam leprosos quam alios pauperes
predictos hucusque possiderunt. Dicunt eciam quod a toto tempore
in hospitali predicto usitatum fuit per magistros fratres et sorores
ejusdem hospitalis quod cum aliquis dare vellet bona seu catalla sua
pro sustentatione ididem habenda videlicet percipienda tantum
quantum aliquis fratrum vel sororum ejusdem hospitalis percepit, et
hoc unanimi assensu esset concessum quod ipse esset ut frater aut
soror et faceret in omnibus prout fratres et sorores ejusdem hospitalis
fecerunt seu quod haberent mansionem per se in eodem hospitali et
ibidem moraret divinis precibus et oracionibus intendens et quod
hujusmodi bona seu catalla sic recepta cederent ad communem utila-
tetem hospitalis predicti. Et si aliquis in dicto hospitali alio modo
reciperetur aut alia sustentacio alicui in eodem hospitali esset con-
cessa penitus pro nulla haberetur. Et dicunt quod constitutum fuit
tempore fundacionis ejusdem hospitalis quod tam magister quam
fratres et sorores commorarent simul infra precinctum dicti hospitalis
in forma supradicta Salvo hoc quod si magister aliquid alibi haberet
faciendum pro statu ejusdem hospitalis quod liceret ei aliquem alium

loco

120 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

loco suo vices ejus gerentem pro tempore quo habuerit faciendum
apponere. Et dicunt quod predictum hospitale a tempore fundacionis
ejusdem semper per magistros qui pro tempore fuerunt usque tempus
inicii guerre inter regna Anglie et Scocie secundum forma regularum
et constitucionum predictarum bene et suflicienter custoditun fuit
quo tempore dictum hospitale per guerram in parte destructum fuit
et depauperabatur per quod inter quenJam Ricardunr Orielle tunc
ibidem magistrum et fratres et sorores suos talis fiebat ordinatio et
constitucio scilicet quod quilibet fratrum et sororum predictorum
perciperet annuatim de dicto hospitali per manus magistri pro sus-
tentacione sua nomine tocius commodi quod usi fuerunt percipere
et habere in commune secundam primam fundationem ejusdem hos-
pitalis duas eskeppas ordri duas eskeppas avene duas eskeppa^
farine avene tres estriks frumenti si quilibet eorum tantum dicti
frumenti habere poterit de Waynagio dicti hospitalis, et si tantum
habere non poterit tunc tantum quantum habere poterit rationabiliter
secundum porcionem suam ei inde contingentem duas carrettas
et duo plaustrata bosci et porcionem suam panis et cervisie recep-
torum de communitate Karliol, et quatuor solidos argenti de
redditibus dicti hospitalis pro vesturis et aliis necessariis suis
quousque predicta domus relevaretur, qui quidem magister dictas
constituciones toto tempore suo et regulas prime fundacionis con-
stitutas in omnibus sicut superius dictum est fecit observare per quod
dictum hospitale de bonis et catallis in multum divitebatur et plures
pauperes alii quam fratres et sorores ejusdem domus ultra numerum
predictum inde tempore ejusdem magistri sustenati fuerunt. Et
dicunt quod predictus Ricardus et omnes predecessores sui post
primam fundacionem ejusdem hospitalis residenciam ibidem fecerunt
et potsea idem magister Ricardus obiit post cujus mortem dominus
Edwardus quondam Rex Anglie avus domini Regis nunc contulit
custodiam ejusdem hospitalis cuidam Johanni de Crosseby qui eodem
modo quo predictus Ricardus predictum hospitale tempore suo
observavit toto tempore ipsius Johannis manutentus fuit vel in me-
liori. Hoc salvo quod non fecit residenciam in hospitali predicto.
Et dicunt quod idem Johannes de Crosseby resignavit hospitale pre-
dictum cujus resignacionem dominus Edwardus quondam Rex Anglie
pater domini Regis nunc contulit custodiam hospitalis predicti
cuidam Thome de Wederhale capellano non existent! qui illud hos-
pitale secundum constituciones post primam fundacionem hujus
modi editas per magistrum fratres et sorores ejusdem hospitalis non
custodivit, sed bona et catalla ejusdem multimode devastavit et
sigillum commune ejusdem hospitalis in custodia sua tantum penes
se retenuit et dictum hospitale diversis hominibus jam mortuis

exceptis

LOCAL LBPER HOSPITALS. 121

cxceptis Adam le Colier et uxore suasigillo communi cjusdcm hospita-
lis in custodia sua sic existenti dc divcrsis corrodiis oneravit quod fuit
sine assensu fratrum et sororum co quod nulli fuerunt ibidem fratres ct
sorores aut capitulum vel unquatn postea. Ita quod in tempore suo post
mortem aliquorum fratrum vel sororum ibidem nullus alius loco eorum
in dicto hospitaii moraturus secundum formam prime fundacionis per
ipsum Thomam admissus fuit exceptus hiis ibidem non residentibus
qui ad presentacionem heredum Hugonis de Morvill et communitatis
Karlioli post mortem aliquorum suorum presentatorum per ipsum fue-
runt recepti per quod numerus eorundum tresdecim leprosorum ac pau-
perum tempore suo abremabatur et cultus divini et pietatis opera qui
ibidem fieri deberent in toto subtrahebantur, hoc salvo quod retinuit
ibidem unumcapellanum totidie missam cantentem et oeto pauperes ad-
missos in eadem domo qui per predecessores suos et per ipsum ex prc-
sentacione heredum predicti Hugonis et communiratis Karlioli alibi
in patria commorantes et de bonis ejusdem hospitalis viventes. Et
dicunt quod predictus Thomas pecunie summas quas pro predictis
corrodus recepit penes se ad usum suum proprium retinuit nichil inde
faciendo ad utilitatem hospitalis predicti qui quidem Thomas postea
obiit per cujus mortem idem dominus Rex pater etc. contulit custo*

diam ejusdem hospitalis cuidam Radulpho Chivaler qui bona

et catalla ejusdem hospitalis percepit ad usum suum proprium nic-
hil faciendo communi proficuo ejusdem hospitalis salvo quod ibi
retinuit unum capellanum ad divina celebrandum qui ibidem nichil
aliud fecit nisi quod ipse firmas et redditus ejusdem hospitalis ad
usum magistri sui levavit. Ita quod in tempore illius magistri frater
vel soror ibidem residens non fuit. Et dicunt quod sigillum com-
mune ejusdem hospitalis toto tempore suo in custodie sua moraba-
tur tantum et quod oneravit idem hospitale diversis hominibus
videlicet Stephano dc Akton et Amie uxore ejus*, Willielmo de Morlay
et Johanne uxori ejus et multis aliis de diversis corrodus et diversis
pecuniarum summis quas penes se pro usu suo proprio tantum re-
tinuit qui quidem Radulphus dictum hospitale postea resignavit per
cujus resignacionem dominus Rex nunc contulit cuslodiam ejusdem
hospitalis cuidam Willielmo de Northwell qui tantum inde levavit et
percipit quantum potuit hospitale predictum nichil levando aut ali-
quid boni inde faciendo. Et dicunt quod idem Willielmus habuit
commune sigilluip ejusdem hospitalis penes se absque hoc quoc sigil-
lum illudin custodia aliquorum fratrum vel sororum ejusdem hospi-
talis devenit qui quidem Willielmus quoddam factum nomine
Johannis de Crosseby predecessoris sui factum cuidam Roberto de
Staynwigges videlicet percipiendo annuatim unum corrodium de dicto
hospitaii pro termino vite sue predicto sigillo commune consignavit,

virtute

122 LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS.

virtute cujus facti dictus Robertas a tempore sigillacionis predicte
usque nunc predictum corrodium percepit de hospitali predicto. Et
dicunt quod predictus Willielmus postea resignavit hospitale predic-
tum per cujus resignacionem dominus Rex nunc contulit custodiam
ejusdem hospitalis cuidam Thome de Goldyngton nunc magistro
ibidem qui corrodia superius concessa de bonis ejusdem hospitalis
toto tempore suo liberavit et soluit predictis Stephano de Akton et
Amie uxori ejus, Willielmo de Morlay et Johanne uxori ejus, Ade Ic
Colier et uxori ejus et Roberto de Staynwigges ac quibusdam Alicia
la Nonce, Johanne Herice et Laurencio de Bruscogh qui quidcm
Alicia, Johanna et Laurencius ididem non residentes set in comitiva
Margarete qui fuit uxor Ranulphi de Dacre commorantes et non
secundum regulas predictas in aliquo viventes presentati fuerunt
hospitali predicto ad sustentacionem ete. per ipsos Ranulphum
et Margaretam ut de jure ipsius Margarete heredis predicti Hugonis
de Morvill Liberavit eciam et soluit duo corrodia quibusdam Ade
le Barbour et Edmundo de Staynwigges pro quibus dominus Rex
nunc mandavit per litteras suas de private sigilla eidem magistro
Thome directas quod reciperet eos ut fratres in hospitali predicto et
quod quolibet eorum perciperet annuatim de eodem hospitali ad
vitam eorum tantum quantum aliquis fratrum ejusdem loci percepit
qui neque ibidem moram aliquam faciunt seu unquam fecerunt nee
regulas predictas in aliquo observaverunt. Ita quod in tempore
ejusdem Thome bona et catalla ac redditus ejusdem hospitalis per
ipsum Thomam talibus corrodiatoribus nullum jus in corrodiis suis
predictis ex causa predicta habentibus distribuuntur et soluuntur
et non leprosis ac pauperibus secundum ordinacionem fundacionis
hospitalis predicti. Ita quod cultus divini et pietatis opera totoliter
subtrahuntur. Et quia compertum est per predictam inquisicionem
quod predicta corrodia fuerunt concessa predictis Stephano et Amie
Willielmo de Morlay et Johanne Ade le Colier et uxori sue et Roberto
de Staynwigges per magistros hospitalis predicti qui commune sigil-
lum ejusdem hospitalis habuerunt in eorum custodia tantum absque
hoc quod sigillum illud fuit in custodia magistrorum qui pro tempore
fuerunt et fratrum ejusdem hospitalis secundum constituciones pre-
dictas. Et iidem magistri pecuniarum summas quas receperunt pro
corrodiis illis ad eorum usum tantum preciperunt. Ita quod ad usum
communem ejusdem hospitalis non devenerunt. Et eciam quod pre-
dicti Alicia Johanna et Laurencius per predictos Ranulphum et
Margaretam presentati etc. non sunt ibidem residentes nee divinis
operacionibus ibidem intendentes secundum regulas et constituciones
predictas set abinde commorantes, et quod predicti Adam le Barbour
et Edmundus pro quibus dominus Rex mandavit etc. ut reciperentur

LOCAL LEPER HOSPITALS. 123

in eodem hospitali ut fratres etc. nullam moram ibi faciunt seu fece-
runt, nee regulas nee constituciones predictas in aliquo observaverunt.
Ideo dietum est eidem magistro quod predictis Stephano et Amie
Willielmo et Johanneuxori ejus Ade leColier et uxori ejus et Roberto
corrodia sua decetero omnimodo subtrahat, et eciam predictis Alicie
Johanne Herice et Laurencio Ade le Barbour et Edmundo sustenta-
ciones suas omnimodo subtrahat quousque veniant et faciant
obedienciam et residenciam et ibidem vivant secundum regulas supra-
dictas. Et quia eciam compertum est per examinacionem predicti
magistri quod sigillum commune ejusdem hospitalis fuit et est in
custodia Stephani de Akton et Roberti de Staynwigges corrodiatorum
etc. sine quibus idem magister sigillo illi venire non potest, et quod
nulli fratres aut sorores sunt ibidem commorantes nee aliquam resi-
denciam facientes nee unquam tempore suo fecerunt prout secundum
constituciones predictas facere deberent, dictum est eidem magistro
quod sit coram domino Rege in Cancellaria apud Westmonasterium
a die sancti Michaelis in xv dies ad faciendum etc. quod consilium
domini Regis consideraverit in premissis. Et predictum sigillum
commune sumitur de predictis magistro et corrodiatoribus ad traden-
dum predicto Priori Karlioli sub sigillo predicti magistri salvo
custodiendum quousque dominus Rex per consilium suum aliud duxerit
inde ordinandum etc. Nos autem tenorem recordi et processus pre-
dictorum tenore presencium duximus exemplificandum In cujus etc.
Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium. xxvj die Januaris.

nq. p.

(124)

Art. VI. The Layburnes of Cunswick. By William
Wiper. Read at Kendal, July nth, 1888.

CUNSWICK, anciently written Cunnyswick, and Con-
nyswick, may have had its name from the number of
coneys that found safe hiding in its rocky retreats, or,
from the cons that frisked and gambolled amid its leafy
screens. But, whether it was the rabbit's retreat, or the
squirrel's bower, its lords for 500 years were fittingly
represented by the emblems of strength, courage, and
magnanimity borne on their shield.

The Layburnes appear to have settled in this neigh-
bourhood in the time of William de Lancaster the third,
as the earliest mention of them is in a grant by that
potentate, of lands in Skelsmergh, to Robert de Layburne ;
one of the witnesses was Sir Roger de Layburne, knight.
No mystery attaches to the origin of the family, it being
perfectly clear that it was of Layburne Castle in Kent.
The paternal coat was azure, six lions argent, the West-
morland branch, simply changing the field to gules, and ^ ^
resuming the azure in later generations. Robert de Lay-
burn (of Layburne Castle) who died in 1199 is said to have
been grandfather to the Robert who had the above-named
grant, the date of which is not given by Nicolson &
Burn ; it must, however, have been sometime between ■ ifg^T^j.^'^
1220 and 1246 as William succeeded to the barony in the ^'^^yrigg
former and died in the latter year. Robert de Layburne
witnessed what appears to be the last deed of this baron ; — -__
it was a grant or confirmation of certain bounds and
fisheries in Windermere to the Abbot of Furness, and is ^ ul^i],
dated November, 1246, at Kendal. This is the last /^^ '
recorded act of Robert, who was (according to Nicolson ^as l.^
& Burn) succeeded by his son and heir, John de Lay- 2- T^

burne, who was in turn succeeded by his son Nicholas, ^ «

but ^^

*nsiviclc *

■'737

B^i

ROBERT DE LAYBURNE=
Had g^rant of Skelsmergh, from Wm de
Lancaster III.

John de Layburne.=

I

HOLASDE LAyBURNE= Margaret.
)f Shire, 1304-5.

Roger DK Layburne, Kt.=
esses deeds, 1333 and 1356. I

Laurence de Layburne.

Robert de Layburne. «Sarah de Harcla,
Died before 132S. Kt. of |
Shire, 1314.

I

Robert de Layburne de
Alincales,
living Sep., 1358.

Andrew.

Thomas de Layburne. = Johanna
nq. p.m., 1374. [ d. & h. of AIneto de Cunswick.

John de Layburne. =
nq. p.m., 1390, 1408, & 14 11. I

Sir Robert de Layburne, Kt.=
nf Shire, 1404, 1410, and 142 2. |_

Philip de Layburne.
On inq. p.m., 1422.

I

Katherine^Sir Henry Bellingham, Kt.

Nicholas de Layburne,-=
inq. p.m.,. 1435. |

JAMES LAYBURNE «KATHERINE

of Cunswick. | d. of Sir Henry Bellingham.

MAS Layburne. =Margarkt

ontract dated 8 I d. of Sir John Pennington, of Mun-
Hy. VII (14S7). I caster, and widow of John Lamplugh.

I I

? Nicholas Layburne. Isabella I

st Eleanor =SirJJames L. = 2 Elyne

of Sir'Thos. | b. 1490, d. 1548.
rwcn, Kt,

«2 Thomas Stanley Robert L.

d. of (? Sir) Thomas Lord Monteagle. clerk, parson ol
Preston, of Preston Lamplugh&Com.

Patrick. of Richmondshire.

Katherine^Richard Anne L.=Wm. Stanley

Duckett I Lord Monteagle

of Gray- |

rigg. Elizabeth.

Margaret.

Thos. Ld. Dac
of the North.

i Francis

CKETT

^rayrigrg.

Elizabeth.

Browne.

Julian

ist Redman.
2nd Borough

Bridget.
Phillips.

Dorothy.

ist Salkeld.
2nd Brocas.

George Mary.
d. young d. young

I 111

Thomas L.=Mary Nicholas L. George L., D.D. Elizabeth.^

of Claugh- d.ofWm.Brad- Vice-President of President of Dou- Dorothy. =

. Lasscll s. ley of Arnside. Douay College. ay^ Frances. «

I

A AS L.« Dorothy*

d. and h. of Wm. Las-
sclls, of Brackenburgh.

Jambs L.

1 III

John L. Jane= Rich. Sherburne.

Bp. of Ad- Elizabeth =Henry Wiseman

rumetum, d. LucY=i Thos. Kitson.

1703. >* =3 Robt. Wes tby.

Anne. » I George ^2 Ei
d .of.*]ohn Stan- I ofNatebyan*^ a^ ^
ley, of Dalegarth I Cunswick,
\704:

John L. = Lucy George.

jnswick, took part in the Re- I d. of John ob. s.p.
• n of 1715, forfeited his estates, 1 Dalston, of
<I737' . I Hornby.

{ 2 sons died in infancy.

Nicholas.
ob. s.p.

James.
ob. s.p.

A PEDIGREE OF LAYBURNE
OF CUNSWICK.

-.as William Carus Jennet L.=Robfrt Philipson
of Asthwaite. of HoUinghall, d. 21

Aug., 156C.

1. I 2.

RE « Elizabeth L.=Thomas=Mary Fitzallan.
Duke of
Norfolk.

Elizabeth. Anne.» Philip

s I Earl of Arundel.

Lord William Howard, Thomas

^rdsonof the D. of Norfolk Earl of Arundel from

trom whom the Earls of whom the Dukes of Nor-

of Carlisle. folk.

» Anthony Duckett, Esq.
= William Weaver.
^George Dabridgecourt.

X, I ' ' ' ..II

.izabbth Nicholas. Frances.

f George Roger. Catherine.

ton, of Hoi- Charles.

d. 1687. William.

IS.

NIC
Kt. (

Sir
witn

Oni
On ;

Kt..
On

Thoi
Mar. c<
Feb., 2

d.
Cut

Nicholas L.=Elizabeth

d, of John War-
cop, of Smardale
and widow of
Cuthbcrt War-
cop, of Cowley.

A Daughter. James I

Francis
tunstall.

James L.a Bridget, d.
attainted I of Sir Ralph
1584. I Bulmer.

Lucy
K.R. bpd. 18 June, 1575.

William L.«Jane

d. of John

:Slt

^ Du.

Bradteyof of (
Beetham.

I. Catherine

d. of Sir Christopher

Carus of Halton.

s= John L.«2 Mary

of Wither-

slack d.
1663.

d. of WiUiani Crofts.
ton and widow of Wm

I 3

William L.= d. of = Roger Bradley. Tho?

killed at Sheriff Thomlinson d. 167

Hutton, ob. s.p. of London.

John L.

of Cunswickft Witherslack,

died unmar., aged 26, 1679.

^ ' I '

Catherine.
Flizabeth.
Ann.

of-

of iA

I.
RE « E]

Lord
3rd SOI
rrom
of Car

»ANTHO^
= WlLLIA

"George

.IZABETH

f Georjre
ton, of H
d. 1687.

(S.

THE LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. 125

but he would appear to have had another son who stands
out more prominently than any other member of this
branch of the Layburnes for the next two centuries of its
history. He is styled Robert de Layburne son of John
de Layburne, in one of the Furness Charters. He
acquired the Manor of Elliscales in the parish of Dalton ;
was sheriff of Lancashire in 1322, and again in 1326 ;
and knight of the shire for Westmorland in 1314. His
wife was sister to the brave but unfortunate Andrew de
Harcla. There are the germs of a powerful romance in
this union of Layburne and Harcla. In the first place
there was probably something out of the ordinary in the
marriage, as he made an unusual disposition of his posses-
sions, transferring them to three ecclesiastics : viz :
Robert de Thweng, rector of Warton, Adam de Bardsea,
vicar of Millom, and John le Englis de Coupland, chaplain.
These three, after his death, transferred to Robert, son of
Sarah, the lands which they had of the gift of Robert de
Leybume, knight, father of the said Robert, remainder to
his brother Andrew. Secondly, a tenant disputes the
legitimacy of this Robert the son of Sarah, and the case
is remitted for enquiry to the Bishop of Carlisle. The
verdict recorded in the episcopal registers is that the
marriage of Robert de Layburne and barah de Harcla was
publicly solemnised, and that Robert was lawfully be-
gotten and the true heir of his father. Thirdly, Sarah
has a grant of her ill-fated brother's dishonoured remains.
One can almost fancy that with them were given as a
heritage to the Layburnes the noble words of Andrew de
Harcla, which he uttered on hearing the hasty and vindic-
tive sentence passed upon him : — " You have disposed of
my body at your pleasure, but my soul I give to God,"
and not the words only but the undaunted spirit which
prompted their utterance, lion-like courage to fight the
battle of right, Christian fortitude to bear the ills of life,
being also shadowed in the quartering of the Layburne
lions with the red cross of Harcla.

Robert

126 THE LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

Robert de Layburne the elder died probably before 1328.
Robert the younger, in 1358, by letter of attorney dated at
Kirkebi in Kendall the Sunday next after the exaltation of
the Holy Cross, parted with the Manor of Alinscales. I
imagine that he was not the head of the house, as he styles
himself "de Alinscales.'' Meantime there is mention
of a Roger de Layburne, knight, probably the son of
Nicholas and next in succession. He was witness to the
grant of lands in Old Hutton and Holmescales in Kendal
by " Robert de Culwen, Lord of Wirkington," to Thomas,
son of Patric de Culwen, knight, his uncle. He is also
named as witness to a grant of land in Sleddale, in 1356.
Thomas is a juror 1374; John in 1390, 1408, and 1411 ;
Philip in 1422 Robert is knight of the shire 1404, 1410,
and 1422. Nicholas is kt. of the shire 1425 and a juror
in 1435, James is next in Dr. Burn's list who says he
married Kalherine, daughter of Sir Henry Bellingham,
in the reign of Henry the VII, which must be an error,
for Henry the VII did not ascend the throne till 1485,
and in the following year Jame^ Layburne contracts for
the marriage of his son and heir Thomas, with Mar-
garet Pennington, then a widow. At this point we get
on firm ground, but up to this there is no evidence as to
which of the contemporaries was head of the house.
I have therefore gathered all the notices together and
give them for reference. Thomas Layburne died on the
5th of August 1510, and it was found by the jury that
James his son and heir was then of the age of twenty
years.

With Sir James Layburne commences what may be
called the history of the family, that is, with him it passes
from the mere recital of names, to something tangible.
The men, but more particularly the women, cease to be
shadows, and become real personages. Sir James mar-
ried to his first wife, Eleanor, daughter of Sir Thomas
Curwen, knight, by whom he had Nicholas, his successor,

and

THE LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. ^2^

and Katherine, who married Richard Duckett, of Gray-
rigg. To his second wife Sir James married Ellen,
daughter of Sir Thomas Preston, knight, of Preston
Patrick, by whom he had two daughters, and possibly
other children, as he had a younger son James, and a
daughter, Margaret, but by which of his wives I have
failed to make out.

He was a man of considerable influence as may be
gathered from the fact that his quota to the defence of
the Borders, was twenty horsemen, fully armed — a modest
number compared with that of his neighbour, Walter
Strickland, Esquire, of Sizergh, who had to put 200 in the
field — but still a sufficient number to show that he held
no mean rank in the county ; he was also knight of the
shire for Westmorland in 1542. His death at the com-
paratively early age of 58 years, took place in 1548. By
his will dated 4th July, and proved 31st October of that
year, he leaves the manor of Cunswick and certain lands
in Skelsmergh to Dame Elyne for life in satisfaction of
jointure and dower. The manors of Ashton, Carnforth,
and Scotforth, which he had on lease from William, Mar-
quis of Northampton, for a term of 44 years, dating from
4th February, ist Edward Vlth (1547), he also left to her
for the term of 18 years, and after that to his younger
son James Layburne. Out of the profits of these manors
and farms she was to pay his debts, legacies and marriage
portions for his daughters. The will is an interesting
document in many ways. One item is, that every priest
present at his funeral was to have xii pence. Another
shows that the poor had a good friend in Sir James whilst
he lived, as well as after his death.

Five men beinge in povertie shall have every Sundaye there dynners
or els every Sunday every one of them a peny a pece to pray for me,
my father and mother, for their natural lyves, and at such tyme as
they die my wife to appoint others in their stead who being in
poverty have been accustomed every Sunday to come to my Manor
of Cunnyswick.

I

128 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

I need not quote more, as the greater portion of it will
be found in an Appendix.

Lady Ellen Layburne married again, her second hus-
band being Thomas Stanley, second Lord Monteagle.
His son, Sir William Stanley married her daughter Anne,
by whom he had an only child, Elizabeth, who married
Edward Parker, Lord Morley, and became mother to
William, Lord Monteagle, who saved the King and Par-
liament from the horrible fate prepared for them by Guy
Fawkes and his accomplices. Elizabeth the other daugh-
ter married firstly, Thomas Lord Dacre, by whom she had
three daughters and a son ; and secondly, Thomas, fourth
Duke of Norfolk, only surviving the second union about
a year. Her daughters Anne and Elizabeth were married
to Philip, Earl of Arundel, and Lord William Howard of
Naworth, and from them are descended respectively the
Dukes of Norfolk, and Earls of Carlisle. The memoir of
Anne, Countess of Arundel, is perhaps the brightest chapter
in the Howard roll of fame. Passing through the fiercest
tribulation, she became like gold refined, and her character
is worthy of the term ** saintly." She was trained, along
with her sister and her cousin Elizabeth Stanley, by the
Dowager, Lady Monteagle. An indication of this fine
old lady's character is given in the account of her grand-
daughter's education.

•* Both these her Daughters knowing the great prudence and care she
had used in the education of themselves, prevaiPd with her to
undertake the education also of their Daughters, which she per-
form*d with such diligence and discretion, that tho* they were but
young when she dy*d, yet they received so much good from that short
education, that they enjoy'd great advantages by it all their life
time. She carry'd a strict hand over them, not permitting such
liberties as many do to the ruin of their children. She reprehended
them sharply for their faults, and chastis'd with her own hands, by
which means they came not only to know what was evil, but also to
have a fear and horror to do it. But above all she took special care
to instill Vertue and Piety into 'em, habituating them beside saying

prayers,

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. 129

prayers, in bestowing Almes with their own hands to prisoners and
poor people, together with many other good deeds. And indeed
such were the good seeds sowM in her Grandchild Anne (who even
to her dying day retain'd a gratefull memory of her, and would often
make mention of ye rare endowments she observ'd in her) that from
them it may well be thought, divers of the good inclinations and
affections which ever after appeared in her, ow'd their rise and
progress.

For first, by what was then ingrafted in her she ever retain'd a
good opinion of and affection to the Catholick Religion. Secondly,
a propension to works of mercy, and a particular application to the
cureing of diseases, wounds and the like, wherein her Grandmother
did excel. Thirdly, a particular affection for the Society of Jesus by
hearing her Grandmother rejoice and praise God for establishing a
new Religious Order which bound itself by a special vow of obedi-
ence to the Pope, whom all Hereticks did then objure and oppugn.

Before the promulgation of the Council of Trent's declaration con-
cerning the unlawfulness of being present at the Protestant Service,
Sermons, and the like here in England; the Lady Monteagle was
accustomed to have Protestant Service read to her by a Chaplain in
her house, and afterwards to hear Mass said privately by a Priest.
But as soon as she understood the unlawfulness of this practice, she
wou*d never be present at the Protestant Service anymore. And
once urg'd by the Duke of Norfolk with whom she liv'd a while be-
fore her death, and at whose house she dy'd, to do something
contrary to the Profession of her Faith, though she much esteemed
and respected him, yet her answer was so round and resolute, that
he never mentioned the like any more, but gave her full liberty to
have all the assistance desir*d before, and at her death, wherein she
was more happy than her Daguhter the Duchesse, who dying not long
before her in Childbed, tho* she desir'd to have been reconciled by
a Priest, who for that end was conducted into the garden, yet could
not have access unto her, either by reason of the Duke's vigilance to
hinder it, or at least by his continual presence in the chamber at that
time."

Sir James vv^as succeeded by Nicholas, his eldest son,
who married Elizabeth, daughter of John Warcop of
Smardale, and widow of Cuthbert Warcop of Cowley.
Nicholas died before 1567. A fragment of his will is
still in existence ; in it he leaves his lands in Skelsmergh

and

[R]

130 lAyburnes of cunswick.

and Sleddale to his widow during the minority of his son
James, who was still under age when his mother died in
1567. Her will is dated November 17th of that year and
is a most interesting document. She recites that her
brother, Thomas Warcop, had a lease of the parsonage of
Lancaster in the first of Elizabeth for one and forty years
and that her late husband Nicholas Layburne did buy it,
and she bequeaths the profits of the same for the benefit
of her daughters, viz., Elizabeth, Julian, Bridget, and
Dorothy, she further says —

I have bought the wardshippe of my son James Layburne of my
brother Thomas Warcoppe and paid for him.

The profits of this wardship she leaves to her brother and
Sir James Dugdall (whom she styles her servant) towards
the marriage and education of her daughters. Sir James
Dugdall to keep house with her children as long as they
will be ordered by him, during the minority of her son
James Layburne. She bequeaths her body to be buried
in her parish church ; her husband had bequeathed his
to be buried in the church of Lancaster. James Lay-
burne married Bridget, daughter of Sir Ralph Bulmer,
*' but died without issue, for anything that appeareth,"
says Dr. Burn. The Parish Register, under the head of
christenings in 1575, says " Lucy ye daughter of Mr.
James Layburne of Skelsmer " on June i8th. The "Boke
of Record " in 1582 says —

Mr. James Layburne of his liberality for the use of the town, and
those coming and resorting unto the same, did freely give and bestow
all his clock, furnished with the sounding bell belonging to the same
from his Manor house of Cunswick, over and beside some oak trees
for setting the clock upon.

This is a pleasant incident ; the next is one of those tragic
scenes, the sickening horrors of which — happily for us —
fire no longer possible in this country. On the 22nd of

March,

LAYBURNBS OP CUNSWICK. I3I

Marchy 1583-4, James Bell, a priest, John Finch of Eccles-
ton, and James Layburne, Esq., were executed at
Lancaster, and their heads afterwards fixed on the tower
of the Collegiate Church of Manchester. Another
authority says that the execution took place on April
20th, 1584, and that Bell and Finch suffered at Lancaster
and Layburne at Manchester. As there were several
Layburnes bearing the name of James, it has been a
matter of considerable difficulty to identify the individual
who suffered this unhappy fate. The fact is mentioned
in the memoir of the Countess of Arundel in the relation
of her Catholic kindred.

Her mother's only sister the Lady Monteagle likewise was a
Catholick, as also most of that kindred, and among the rest Mr.
James Layburne was so resolute and constant therein, that he lost
his life for it, being put to a painfull and ignominious death, hang'd
drawn and quartered at Lancaster, as I take it, in the year 1583, and
26th of Queen Elizabeth, for denying her supremacy in Ecclesiasti-
cal Affaires.

It is also mentioned in the Life of George Layburne,
D.D.

The estate belonging to the family was formerly very considerable,
but by degrees much impaired by heiresses ; and in Queen Eliza-
beth's days it was still more reduced by the unfortunate circumstances
of James Leyburn who was executed at Lancaster March 22nd
1583-

In Bishop Challoner's Catholic Martyrology, there is a
memoir of James Duckett, who was born at Gilthwait-
rigg, apprenticed to a bookseller in London, became a
Catholic, and for having had some copies of a Catholic
book bound, was found guilty of treason, and executed at
Tyburn. It is incidentally mentioned that he had his
name James, from James Layburne of Skelsmergh, whose
godson he was. " Local Chronology " quoting the will of
Sir James, distinctly says —

To

132 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

To James Layburne my younger son my lands in Skelsmer.

Taking this as authentic, it seemed to me more likely
that it was this younger son rather than the grandson of
Sir James who thus suffered, but an extract from the will
(kindly procured for me by Mr. R. J. Whitwell) shows
that the chronologer has put a wrong construction on
the passage he was quoting (from the Surtees' Society's
Vol. of Wills, edited by Canon Raine, 1853). However,
the identity of the martyr with the good neighbour of
the people of Kendal is placed beyond dispute by the
following extract from interrogatories and answers in a
cause, John Leybume v. Henry Fisher, concerning lands
in Skelsmergh in 1612.

Imprimis. Do you know the said parties Plaintiff and Defendant
& do you know the Park called Skellesmere Park & the messuage,
tenement and lands and one Walk-mill upon the water of Sprett

within the Manor or Lordship of Skellesmere did

you know James Labourne late of Skellesmere aforesaid Esqr. &
Willm Laborne Esq. the brother and father of the plaintiff.

William Cowell of Whittington within Co. Lancashire husbandman
aged about 52 years deposeth : — That he knows the pltf & deft. &
the park called Skelsmergh Park & other the messauges, lands &
Tenements & the Walk-mill & did know James Leyburne late of
Skelsmergh, Esq. & William Leyburne his brother father of the
pltff. He further deposed that the said James Leybume did seal &
deliver the deed now shown unto him bearing date 3rd June xxi Eliza-
beth (1579).

I submit for your inspection a deed bearing the same
date and signed by him. It is an undertaking to free one
of his tenants from all fines, gressom, &c., in case of
change of lord. This agreement and the sales of land in
the same year would seem to point to some great pressure
in his circumstances ; possibly he was already feeling the
weight of the enactments against recusants. I have not
been able to find any account of his attainders, but it would
seem to have been shortly after his valuable gift to the

Town

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. I33

Town of Kendal that the lord of Cunswick was appre-
hended, as his name appears in the list of recusants
imprisoned in 1582 at Manchester, which was the prin-
cipal place for the confinement of recusants in the diocese
of Chester.

William Layburne succeeded to the estate on the death
of James. He married Jane, daughter of John Bradley
of Bradley in Lancashire, and Beetham in Westmorland,
and by her had issue, John, his heir ; Thomas who
married Mary, daughter of William Bradley of Arnside ;
Nicholas, vice-president of Douay College ; George ;
Elizabeth, married to Anthony Duckett of Grayrig, Esq. ;
Dorothy, married to William Weaver of Lancashire ; and
Frances, married to George Dabridgecourt of Strathfield-
saye. Of these, by far the most illustrious was George,
the fourth son. He was born in 1597 ; was entered a
member of the English College at Douay, by the name of
George Bradley, March 13th, 1607; studied philosophy
under Professor Thomas White, otherwise Blackloe ; two
years more were devoted to theology ; he then became
tutor, which post he filled with great credit for some years
and then completed his own theological studies. He was
ordained priest August 5th, 1625. Two years later he left
Douay for the University of Paris, and was tutor for two or
three years in Arras College. After this he visited his
native country and became chaplain to the Queen, but
disturbances broke out about the Queen's religious estab-
lishment, and her chaplains had to get out of the way ;
for some reason or other, Layburne did not make his
escape, and was confined in the Tower. Imprisonment
was changed for banishment through the Queen's influence,
and he returned to Douay, where he appears to have been
Professor of Philosophy and Divinity. During this period
he took his degree of Doctor of Divinity at the University
of Rheims. He returned to England at the beginning of
the Civil War, only to find himself very quickly an in-
mate

134 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

mate of the Tower again. One of his fellow prisoners
was Colonel Monck, with whom he had frequent converse
and predicted that he would become the '' greatest person
of the three nations." This was in 1644, and the nar-
rator was Dr. Thomas Gumble, the biographer of Monck.
The same author also says that —

long afterwards the same person being at supper with the General
& other friends, a little before his expedition into Scotland with
Cromwell, he publicly asserted at the table, that he should within
six months, or thereabouts, be a General in the north, & within some
years command the three nations.

The General told Dr. Gumble this story himself when in
Scotland. When Dr. Layburne was set at liberty he went
over to France, and in 1647 was entrusted with a most
delicate and difficult mission by the Queen and Prince
Charles. He was to visit Ireland and report on the breach
between the two Roman Catholic Royalist armies. He
drew up an account of this mission which was printed
in 1722, with a memoir of the author ; to it I am in-
debted for most of the data respecting him. In 1648 he
was appointed Vicar General of England and in 1652
President of Douay College. He filled this important
post for 18 years, and resigned it in favour of his nephew
in 1670. He visited Rome and England and then settled
down at Chalons, where he died on the 29th of December
1677. His anonymous biographer adds that he left be-
hind him

a character becoming the primitive ages ; and the inhabitants of
Chalons to this day pay a respect to his memory little inferior to
that of a canonized Saint .... he was learned, pious, and
warm with zeal, both in public and domestic concerns. His life was
attended with several controversies & contradictions, which he
always made a hand of to his improvement in virtue, and the worst
part of his character was that of being obstinately good.

John, the eldest son of William, succeeded his father
in or about the year 1600. He settled at Witherslack,

perhaps

LAYBURNBS OF CUNSWICK. 135

perhaps in consequence of his mother's marriage to Sir
Francis Duckett of Grayrigg, but more probably because
of its being a better and more comfortable residence.
He married Catherine, daughter of Sir Christopher Carus
of Halton, and by her had issue, William, Thomas, James,
John, Jane, Elizabeth and Lucy. He married secondly,
Mary, daughter of William Croft, of Claughton, co.
Lancaster, and by her had George, Nicholas, Roger,
Charles, William, and two daughters, Frances and
Catherine.

Two of the sons by the first marriage deserve notice.
William the eldest was a Cornet in the Queen's Regiment,
and fell at Sheriff Hutton. In the opening of Dr. Peter
Barwick's Life of the Dean, his brother, is this statement :

Wetherslack in Westmoreland, a village formerly of no great note, but
rendered famous in the late Troubles, partly by the worth of this great
man, and his unshaken Loyalty in the worst Times, partly by the
glorious Death of Mr. William Laybourne, a Gentleman also born
there, and an intimate acquaintance of Mr. Barwick's almost from
his Cradle, who in the beginning of the Civil War bravely lost his
life for the King in the Field of Battel, to the great grief of all good
men, particularly of his dearest Friend Mr. Barwick, the Rival of
his great Virtue.

His widow married Roger Bradley and held Cunswick as
her dower, being in possession when Sir Daniel Fleming
wrote his History in 1671.

John, the fourth son was dedicated to the Church of his
fathers, and became a distinguished member thereof. He
was educated at Douay, and was for some years tutor to
Viscount Montague's eldest son. On the resignation of
his uncle George in 1670, he became President of that
Institution, a position he held till 1676. After that he
was secretary to Cardinal Howard at Rome for some time.
In 1685 he was consecrated Bishop of Adrumetum and
sent to England by Pope Innocent along with Ferdinand,
Count of Adda, who had been appointed Nuncio at the

Court

136 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

Court of James the Ilnd. They were, if possible, to in-
stil some wisdom into that obstinate descendant of the
British Solomon. Macaulay says " they were to inculcate
moderation, both by admonition, and by example." He
further gives this character of the Bishop : —

One of them was John Leyburn, an English Dominican, who, with
some learning, and a rich vein of natural humour, was the most
cautious, dexterous, and taciturn of men.

Again, in narrating the events of 1688, when James too
late opened his eyes and made concessions he says : —

Indeed he did not yield till the Vicar Apostolic Layburn, who seems
to have behaved on all occasions like a wise and honest man,
declared that in his judgement the ejected President and Fellows
[of Magdalen College] had been wronged, and that on religious as
well as on political grounds, restitution ought to be made to them.

There had been no Catholic Bishop resident in Eng-
land since 1629, consequently many who were of that
faith were waiting to be confirmed, not only the children
of Catholic parents but others who by the ceaseless
activity and earnestness of the persecuted priests had
been converted. Bishop Leyburne therefore made a Visi-
tation of the whole of England in 1687. At Wigan he
confirmed 1331 persons, and at Durham 1020. One year
later all was changed ; the rising hopes of the Catholics
were swept aside like the baseless fabric of a vision by
the strong arm of Protestantism : Bishop Layburn was
arrested and imprisoned in the Tower, but was soon after
liberated "on the ground of his inoffensive character."
He continued to reside in England subject to the condition
of reporting to the authorities any change of residence.
He died in 1703 at an advanced age.

John Leyburne, Senr., does not appear to have taken
any part in the Civil War, as his name is not in the list
of Royalists who compounded for their estates but probably

in

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. I37

in consequence of his son William's active participation
therein, he had to give bond and two sureties in £300 not
to travel more than five miles from his dwelling houses
of Wiiherslack and Skelsmergh without licence or a ticket
from Col. James Bellingham of Levens nor to hold any
intelligence with any of the party in arms against the
Parliament. The bond is in the Municipal archives of
Kendal, and is dated December 21st 1644. He survived
to see the Restoration, and died in 1663.

He was succeeded by Thomas his second son, who
married Dorothy, daughter of William Lascelles of
Brackenburgh, in the county of York. He died in 1672,
leaving one son and three daughters. John Leybume
the son, of Cunswick and Witherslack, died unmarried at
the age of 26, in 1679. The Witherslack estate passed
to his sisters, but Cunswick, being entailed, was inherited
by his uncle George Leyburne, of Nateby, which place he
had purchased from Robert Strickland of Sizergh. He
married firstly, Anne, daughter of John Stanley, of Dale-
garth, and according to Nicolson & Burn had by her John,
George, Nicholas, James, and four daughters; secondly,
Elizabeth, daughter of George Preston, of Holker, esquire,
who had previously been twice married. She died the i6th
of April, 1687, at the age of 63, and was buried at Gar-
stang. He died in 1704, and was buried the 14th of May
at the same place. John Leyburn, his eldest son suc-
ceeded to the estates. He married Lucy, daughter of John
Dalston, of Hornby. Frequent mention is made of John,
George, and James Leyburne, in the Diary (1712-14) of
Thomas Tyldesley Esqr. of Myerscough Lodge. George
was the Diarist's godson, and is so styled, the other
brothers are familiarly called Jack and Jemmy. Tyldesley
was an ardent Jacobite in common with the greater part
of the Roman Catholic gentry, and his house was a sort
of rendezvous. He died before the landing of the Old

Pretender
[SI

138 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

Pretender in 1715, but his son and most of his intimates
took part in the rash enterprise of that year.

John Leybum was with the rebels at Preston, and was
attainted of high treason. More fortunate than some of
his associates, he escaped with his life, but lost his estates,
which were forfeited and sold. He survived till 1737, and
fully sustained the noble consistency of his family, the
history of which displays a remarkable continuity of un-
swerving attachment to the Romish Church, even under
the cruel persecutions of the Elizabethan period.

For forms of faith let graceless zealots fight,
His can't be wrong whose Life is in the right.

His widow erected a monument to his memory in the
Parish Church of Kendal, with the following inscription : —

To the Memory of John Leyburne late of Cunswick Esqr. who
died ye gth of Decem : 1737 : Aged 69. In whom that Ancient,
Loyal! and Religious Family is now extinct. Whose example this
Inscription recommends to Posterity, For under this stone lies the
Remains of a most Affectionate Husband, a Charitable Neighbour,
and a Kind Master. In dealings Just, In Words sincere, Was
humble in Prosperty, Heroically resigned in Adversity, Whose
unaffected Devotion, Strict Sobriety, and Unwearied Practice of
Christian Duties, is worthy ye Imitation of All He had two sons
who died in their Infancy so hath left no Issue to inherit his Virtues,
And that the Memory of them may not perish with ye Name Lucy
his wife hath placed this Monument, as a Memorial of her Love and
Esteem.

Miserimini, Miserimini mei,
Saltem vos Amici mei ! Job 19th.

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.
APPENDIX A.

139

Sir Roger de Lay-
burne 1220 46.

Robert de Layburne
1220 46.

John de Layburne

Laurence, son of
Robert de Layburne
1220 46.

Robert de Layburne
Mens Nov : 1246.

Nicholas de Lay-
burne
cir 1260

Cir. 1291.

20 Edward I
1 291.

9 Edward I
1 280- 1

30 Ed. I
1301-2

Witness to grant of Skelsmergh to Robert
de Layburne.

Nicolson & Burn, Vol. i., p. 123.

Had grant of Skelsmergh from William de
Lancaster.

Nicolson & Burn, Vol. i, p. 144.

Son of Robert

ibid.

Witness to grant by William de Lancaster
of land in Winstertway with Common in
Crosthwaite & Crook, to Thomas son of
Adam de Raistwaith.
Hist. MSS. Com. Tenth Rept. App : part iv.
Capt : Bagot's MSS. p. 325.

Witness to deed between the Abbot of Fur-
ness & Wm. de Lancaster Furness Coucher
Book.

Witness to grant by Amice daughter of
Roland de Rosgyle to Roland de Thornberge
[her son] of lands in the valley of Sleddale
Brunholf. Ibid 324.

Witness to grant by William de Lasselles
of land in Sleddal Bronnolfe to Roland de
Thorneburgh. Ibid.

Release by the same to the same, Witnesses
Gilbert de Bronholvishelvd, Sheriff of West-
morland, Nicholas de Layburne & others.

Ibid 325.

Fine levied between Nicholas de Layburne
& Margaret his wife, and John de la Cham-
ber and Sibil his wife of lands in Skailsmer,
Syzar & Strickland Ketell ; to hold to the
said Nicholas in fee.

Vol. I, p. 144, Nicolson & Bum*

Grant of Free Warren in Skelsmergh to

Nicholas de Layburne, grandson of Robert.

N. & B. Vol. I, p. 123.

33

140

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

33 Ed. I
1304-5

Robert de Layburne
Son of John
Oct. 1273.

Robert de Layburne
8 Ed. 2. 1314-5

16 & 20 Ed. 2

1322-6
Sarah, widow of Robt

Leyburne
2 Edw. 3. 1328-9.
Robert de Layburne
^336

Sarah de Layburne
1337

Knight of Shire : Ibid p. 144

& again in list of M.P.s 8 Ed. 2. (1314-5).
Vol. 2. p. 559.

Hugh de Morisceby grants to Robert de
Layburn mineral for one hearth at Ellis-
cales. M** cc<> Ixx® iii^ " Robertus de
Layburn filius J [ohannisj de Leiburne "
renounces all claim to the said mineral after
Hugh's death. This & preceding both
dated at Furness Abbey Oct. 15th, 1273.
Nos. cxxxiii cxxxiv Furness Coucher Book
part 2, p. Chetham Society 1887.

No. cxxxvii is a grant and confirmation by
Hugh son of Hugh de Morisceby to Robert
de Layburne of all his lands in Elliscales
[Alinscalis] . Possibly about the same date.

Knight of the Shire for Westmorland.

N.& B.

Sheriff of Lancashire

Holds lands at Gosforth, Co Cumb.
Denton*s Cumb.

P-25.

Robert de Layburne claims two acres of
land from Ralph de Baggeley ; the latter
who is in possession pleads that Robert is a
Bastard and not heir to his father, to whom
the deft : confesses the land to have be-
longed. The case is remitted to the Bishop
of Carlisle to inquire into the charge of
bastardy. His official finds that Robert de
Layburne Kt. was publicly married to Sarah
de Harkla & that Robert their son was
legitimate and no bastard.

Hiat. MSS. Com. 9th Rep. App. i, p. i88\

Has grant of the four quarters of her
brother Andrew de Harla [executed at Car-
lisle Mch 1323.

Yarker Genealogy 1883.

1340

J

LA\BURNES OF CUNSWICK.

141

1340
Robert de Layburne
14 Ed. 3

Robert de Layburne
1342.

Andrew de Lay-
burne
1342.

Robert de Layburne
18 Ed. 3.
Oct. 1344.

Transfers the Manor of £l]iscales and lands
in Merton & Blawith to Robert de Thweng
parson of the Church of Warton ; Adam de
Bardsea, Vicar of Millom, and John English
Chaplain. Deed dated at Warton in Kendal
die Mercurii proxima ante festum omnium
Sanctorum, Ano Regis Edwardi tertii a
Conquestu xiiii.

[Fur. Coucher Bk. cxxxviii Part 2 p.]

Grant & conveyance in tail male by Robert
de Thweng Rector of Warton; Adam de
Bardsea, Vicar of Millom and John le Inglis
de Coupland, Chaplain, to Robert de Leiburn
(filio Sarrae) Sarah's son of lands in the
parish ofOrton, Bouesfell, Raisbek,Birkebek,
Guthbiggyns, & Keldlith in Co. Westmor-
land & Gosforth in Co. Cumberland which
they had of the gift of Robert de Leiburne
Kt., father of the aforesaid Robert, with
remainder to Andrew his brother. Dated
at Warton, die Jovis prox post festum.
Purificationis B. Marias Virginis A.D. M°
ccc** xl° ii.

cxxxix F. C. B. part 2, p.

[The next deed in the F. C. B. is a grant of
one messuage and six acres of land in
Elliscales by Robert de Layburne to John
de Moriceby. The tenure is the same as
that by which Robt. de Layburne Senr. held
the same lands from Hugh de Moriceby viz.
one rose at the feast of the nativity of St.
John the Baptist. This deed possibly should
succeed the three next.]

Grant by Walter de Hurworth, Clerk, &
John Page Chaplain of the Manor of
Elliscales to Robert, son of Robert de Lai-
burne. Grant from the same to the same
of all goods moveable & immovable at
Elliscales. Letter of Attorney from John
Page to W. de. la. Chamber to deliver the

Manor

142 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

Manor of Elliscales to the said Robert the
son of Robert de Laiburne. cxlii. cxliii &
cxliv. F. C. B.

Robert de Layburne Robert de Layburne de Alinscalis gives a

32 Ed. 3 letter of Attorney for the delivery of the

Sep. T358. Manor of Elliscales to William Sharp of

Furness. Dated at Kirkebi in Kendall " le

samadi prochein appres la fest del Exalta-

tioun de S. Crois.*' On the same day he

sealed the Indenture of grant & conveyance

** Data apud Alinscalis, die Dominica prox.

post, festum Exaltationis S. Crucis. An**

Regis Edw. tertii post Conquestum xxx® ii**."

cxlv & cxlvi F. C. B.

Roger de Layburne Kt. Gilbert de Culwene, lord of Wirkington,

7 Ed. 3 releases & quit claims to Thomas de Cul-

1333. wene son of Patric de Culwene Kt. his

uncle, all his lands in old Hutton & Holme

Scales in Kendal, &c. Roger de Layburne

Kt. is a witness.

N. & B. Vol. I, p. 107.

Roger de Layburne Kt. Witness to grant by Ralph son of John de
30 Ed. 3 Patton to Roland de Thornburgh of lands &c.

1356. in the hamlet of Sleddale.

- Nicholas de Layburne ? Knight of Shire along with Hugh de Louthre
33 Ed. 3 It is curious, if correct, that in the 33 Ed. 2,

1359. the two M.P.s for Westmorland should bear

the same names as in the 33 Ed. 3.

N. & B. Vol. 2, p. 560.

Thomas de Layburne a Juror on Inq. p. m. of Thomas de Thweng.
48 Ed. 3. 1374. N. & B. Vol. I, p. 144.

John de Layburne

14 Ric. 2. 1390- 1 a Juror on Inq. p. m. Thomas de Roos.

9 Hy. 4. 1408. „ „ „ John Parr.

Ibid.
Robert de Layburne ^

6th & i2th Hy. 4. I Knight of Shire.

1404-10.

* Evidently an error as the name does not appear in the " Return of Members
of Parliament," and is nowhere else mentioned.

John

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

H3

John de Layburne
13 Hy. 4. 141 1.

Philip de Layburne
10 Hy. 5. 1422.

Robert de Layburne
I Hy. 6. 1422.

Nicholas Layburne
14 Hy. 6. 1435.

James Layburne
Hy.y. 1485-1509.

Thomas Layburne

Feby. 8. 2 Hy. 7.

1487.

a Juror on Inq. p. m. of Phillipa, daughter
of Ingelram de Coucy.

Ibid.

a Juror on Inq. p. m. of John de Clifford.
10 Hy. 6 (should be 10 Hy. 5). Ibid.

Knight of Shire.

Ibid.

a Juror on the Inq. p. m. of John, Duke of
Bedford. Ibid.

in the reign of King Henry 7 (? Hy. 6.) mar-
ried Katherine, daughter of Sir Henry Bel-
lingham of Burneshead. Ibid.

Agreement between James Laybourne of
Konnyswycke, Co. Westmoreland, esquire,
and Sir John Pennington of Monkastyr, for
a marriage between Thomas son & heir
apparent of the said James, & Margaret,
daughter of the said Sir John, relict of John
Lamplogh.
Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. 10, App. i, p. 228.
Lord Muncaster's MSS.

APPENDIX B.

Extracts from the Will of Sir James Layburne of Cunswick, the
passages within brackets added from vol 26, Surtees' Society's Pub-
lications.

4th day of July, 1548, 2nd Edw. VI. I Sir James Laybourne of
Cunnyswycke in the parish of Kendall in Co. Westmoreland, Knight,
do make my last Will in manner & form following.
Whereas the Right Hon. William Lord Marquis of Northampton by
the name of William Earl of Essex by Indenture bearing date 4th
February i Edw. 6 made between himself of the one part and me
the said Sir James Laybourne of the other part for certain causes
& considerations demised & granted to me the manors of Asheton,
Carneforthe and Scottfourth with the appurtenances in Co. Lane. &
all others his messuages, lands, rents etc in Assheton, Carneforthe &

Scottfourth

144 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

Scottfourth (wards, marriages, reliefs & escheats within the said
manors excepted) To have & to hold to me, my executors & assigns
for the term of 44 years next ensuing. By virtue of these presents
I give & bequeath all the premises aforesaid to my wife Elyne Lay-
bourne to hold from the day of my decease for the term of 18 years
fully to be completed, She to pay my debts & legacies with the issues
& profits of the same. Immediately after the said term of 18 years
then I will that James Layborne my younger son shall have hold &
enjoy the said manors & all others the premises during the residue
of such & so many years as shall be then to come of & in the pre-
mises, Provided always that if James Laybourne happen to die
without issue of his body lawfully begotten at any tyme during the
said term of 44 years (which God defend 1) then I will that Dame
Elyne my wife immediately after the death of my younger son shall
have & enjoy the premises for the residue of the term. If my wife
Elyne happen to die during the term of 44 years then I will that my
next heir male shall have & enjoy all the said premises during the
term of 7 of the last years of the said term untill such time as the
said 44 years from thenceforth shall be fully expired. Further I will
that the said Dame El3me shall immediately after my death have &
occupy during her life my manor of Cunnyswycke with the appur-
tenances in Co. Westmoreland, & certain messuages, lands &
tenements in Skelsmer in Co. Westmorland of the yearly value of
;f 10 in full recompense of her jointure & dower according to a fine
heretofore by me levied for the same consideration She to hold her-
self content with the said manor & premises, & to make no claim to
any part of the residue of my manors etc. I will that Dame Elyne
shall stand charged with the payment of my debts & bequests which
payments shall be taken of my farms of the said manors of Assheton,
Carnefourth & Scotfourth and of my goods that I have at the said
Assheton, Connyswicke, Skelsmer, Sledall or elsewhere. In like
manner of all the debts which are owing to me which I will also
shall go towards payment of the same as much of them as lawfully
may be recovered. I give unto my three daughters Anne, Elizabeth
& Margaret the sum of 600 markes equally to be divided among
them. [To stand & be in full & hole contentacion for their childs'
porcions.] In case any of them happen to die before they attain
their lawful ages, or before they are married, that then my daughter
or daughters then living shall have the said sum of 600 marks truly
paid. [To William Redman, Thomas Redman, and Richard Collyn-
soa my trustie and loving sarvents, annuytiesj Item. I give unto
Thomas Laybourne my uncle's son the tenement and mill ol Bul-
myerstrands, he paying during his natural life to the lord thereof

6s. 8d.

J

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. I45

6s. 8d. annually. Item. I will that every priest being present at my
burial shall have xij d apiece. Item. I will that five men beinge in
povertie shall have every Sundaye there dynners or els every Sunday
every one of them a peny a pece to pray for me, my father & mother
[for their natural lyfes] and at such time as they die my wife to
appoint others in their stead who being in poverty have been accus-
tomed every Sunday to come to my manor of Cunnyswicke. Item,
unto my trustie sarvant Charles Laybourne my tenement and farm-
hold of the bynke with the close that William Atkinson occupied to
said Charles to enjoy the same for ever, paying the rent unto the
lord thereof. My wife Ely ne shall give to my natural brother N icholas
Lrabome meat, drinke, yf that he do use himself honestlie unto her
or els fowcr marks of currant money of England yearlie during his
naturall lyfife towards his fyndinge & lyvinge which ever she shall
think best. [To Sir Robert Kourrowe priest, and Robert Batman my
sarvants joyntely together the tythe meale silver of Trantwaite in
Underbarrye] . Item. I will that Francis Tunstall my son-in-law
shall have xl marks of currant money of England which I do owe
unto him of mariage good upon such covenants as be between him
& me. [To Christofer Walker, scholar to fynde towards the schole
of the universitie the sume of eight shillings yerlie] All such grants
and bequests of and in my said annuities which I have given to my
aforesaid sarvants shall after their several deceases remain & come
to Nicholas Laybourne my son & heir. The several sums of xs.
vjs & viijd and xxd given to William Beck my sarvant for xxx
yeares are to come to my son Nicholas La3'bourne &his heirs in case
the said William Beck happen to die during the said term. [Item.
I will that V marks be bestowed at the day of my buriall in bread
emongs power folks] To the workes of my parish Church x s. [To
Sir John Byrkehead the summe of v s annually as long as he should
leve.] And further I will that Dame Elyne my wife shall have the
tithe corne and tithe hay within the demesne of Connyswicke with-
out any vexation for such years as I have yet in the said tythes.
And I will that my wife shall have liberty to take within the said
manor of Conniswicke sufficient tymber wodde for building her
tenements & houses or amending the same during her life. I also
give her all manner of underwoodes growing within the said manor
for her life for her necessary fuel. Item. 1 will that my said son
Nicholas Laybourne shall have the tithes yearlie coming within the
walls of the parke of Skellsmer he paying to William Readman my
sarvant the yearlie rent of xx s. Item. I will that the said William
Readman shall pay yearlie xl s unto William Readman his son out of

the

[Tl

146 LAYBURNES OP CUNSWICK.

the profits of such tythes as I have granted to the said William the
father during such years as the said William the father hath yet to
come in the said tythes. Further I will the said William Readman
senior shall yearly pay the whole rent of £1 i8s. 8d. for all such
tythes which I have in Lease as long as he shall or may occupy or
enjoy such tythes as I have granted to the said William the father.
Item. I will that my said son Nicholas shall yearly pay to the said
William Readman the sum of 40 s after such time as the tythes of
Skelsmer shall remain & come to the said Nicholas during such
years as shall be then to come in the said tythes. Item. I will that
my tenants of Skelmser shall have the tythes corne which shall
yearlie come in their tenements for their crops next to be taken
within Skelmser, or els that my executors shall content & pay to my
said tenants the sum of xxxli in recompense of such money as here-
tofore I have received of my said tenants for the same tythe corne.

1 utterly revoke all other Wills of this Will I constitute my wellbe-
loved wife Dame Elyne, James Laybourne, my younger son, & Anne
Preston widow, my mother in lawe, myne executors, and I make
Robert Laborne, Clerk, my brother, parson of Lamplough, Adam
Charus, clerk, parson of Wynandermere. John Preston, francisse
Tonstall, Squires & Thomas Cams, gentlemen supervisors of this my
said last Will & testament, & I give them each xxvi s & viij d. I sign
& seal this my will in the presence of Nicholas Laborne the younger,
John Preston, Frances Tonstell, Esquires, William Travers, William
Carus, Thomas Carus, gentlemen, Adam Carus, clerk, Nicholas
Carus, gent., Richard Forster and of divers others. [Prob : 31 Oct

2 Edward VI.J

From Wills & Inventories, Surtees Society 1853.

Will of Elizahethe Laybourne.

November 17, 1567. I Elizabethe Laybume, of Skelmeserghe, in the
paroche of Kendall, and in the countie of Westmoreland, wyddowe

my bodie to be buryed in my parish church. Item whereas my

brother Thomas Warkope did tayke a lece of the parsonage of Lan-
caster in the first yere of the reigne of our soveraigne ladie Quene
Elizabethe that now is by her highnes letters patent for one and
fortie yeres, and my layt husband Niicholas Laborne did bye the
same letters pattents of my said brother Thomas Warcopp, and I

grauntinge the same to my cosinge Francis Tunstalle of Aldcliffe

I

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. I47

I by virtue of thes presents do give and bequethe all the prophetts of
the same with certain lands of my husband bequests in his last
will to be tayken and had to the onlie use and prophett of my
doughters, that is to saye, Elizabethe, Juliane, Brigitt, and Dorithe,
and the same prophetts to be tayken yearlie by the hands of my
brother Thomas and Sir James Dugdall my servande, and thei to
paye to my said doughters fower hundred pounds of currant monie

of England equallie to be devided amongste them. Item I will that

my servente Sir James Dugdall shall kepe house with my children so
long as yei will be ordred by him duringe the minoritie of my sonne
James Layborne, and I put the holl order and governannce of all my
children to my right worshipfuU brother Mr. Thomas Warcoppe, and
to my wellbeloved servante Sir James Dugdall, to thei come of law-
full age to order theimselvels. Also whereas I have bought the
wardshippe of my sonne James Layborne of my brother Thomas
Warcoppe, and paid for him, I will the said wardshippe shall come
and be unto my brother Thomas and my said servante Sir James
Dugdall, all the prophetts thereof in as large maner as thei were
granted by the Quene's Highnes letters patence to my said brother
Thomas, towards the mariaje and educacion of my doughters and

bringinge them upp together in house. Item I give and bequethe

unto my servante Sir James Dugdall xx s annuallie, to be taken up
and upon my leandes which I have in lese duringe his natural lyfe.
Item I give to Thomas Crosse x s for his paynes tayken with my
children ^- my wellbeloved brother Thomas Warcoppe and my said
servand Sir James Dugdall myne executours and I mayke my cosinge
Allen Bellingham and my cosinge Anthonie Dukkett, esquiers, super-
visors. In witness wereof to this my present last will and testament
I the said Elizabeth have set to my seale and delivered the same in
the presence of Thomas Crosse, Ambros Warton, Anthonie War-
riner, with other moo.

A fragment of her husband's will is still remaining, dated 19 July,
156 . in which he directs himself to be buried in the church of Lan-
caster. He mentions his brother Francis Tunstall, and leaves to
his son Francis Tunstall 40 1 when eighteen. To his wife Eliza-
beth his lands in Skelmser and Sieddell, till James his son be
of age, and the tythe come of Skelmser to pay his debts. His
daughters to marry at the discretion of his wife. His cousin
Carus owes him 75 1. *' The right honourable and my spetiall good
lord my Lord Mounteagle, my cossyn Walter Strickland esquire, and
my brother-in-law Master Thomas Warcoppe, supervisors. Lord
Mounteagle, vty brother-in-law Richard Dukkett, Mr. Richard Red-
man of Gressingham, Chr. Carus, Charles Leyburne, &c. witnesses.

148 LAYBURNES OP CUNSWICK,

yames Laybume of BradUfylde.

I H S. II June, 1543. I James Layburne of Bradleyfylde, scyki
ande evill at ease in my bodye, thrughe the visitation of Gode, yet
notwithstandynge boll and perfytc off mynde, — to be burryede in my
parishe church of Kendall, as nere my masters grave as may con-
venientlye be. Item I will that my goods be devidede & separatede
in thre parts according to ye laue, one parte for my selffe, and other
for my wife and ye thirde for my chyldren James & Charles Item I
gyve and beqwethe to Henry Warryner a kelter jacket. Item to
Christofor Cayrus a old tawney jacket. Item I will that ye ministers
and prests shall brynge me to ye churche and to synge mass for my
soulle, and every priest to have ij d. I gyve and beqwest xij d to ye
works and repaaracions of my parish churche. Item I will yt my
towe sonnes James and Charles, shall have my peat mosse at ye
Stonyforde bryge, and ye peatcote there builded, eqwally devided

betwyxe them. To Jenct my dau. xx marks to her marryaje. I

will that my sons shall make an agrement, — and ye said agrement to
be maide at ye determynation, syght and order of my singuler goode
Maister Sir James Layburne knyghte, Maister Parson Laybume,
Comissaryof Rychemundeshyer, and Master Nicholas Leybume, the
elder.

Inventory, 6 June 1543.

Summe xliiij li. xv s. viij d. Sir John Lampolow, knight, awes him
xxxij s, vj d. Item Maister Nycholas Leybume, 5'onger, in lent
money, vj li. xiij s. iiij d. Item John Godmunde, for Kendall (cloth)
of ye last yere, xx s. Item ye same Thomas, for Kendall, Iviij s.
Item Myles Brygs for Kendall, xxvij s. He awes to Sir Alan Shep-
herd, vj 8. Inv. Item a close of grese, xiiij s.

APPENDIX C.

Exchequer Depositions by Commission^ Easter 10, Jas. /, No, 26.

Westmorland.
Writ dated 12 Febmary, 9 James I.
Interrogatories to be ministred to the witnesses to be produced by
& on the parte and behalfe of John Laborne Esq. plaintiffe against
Henry Fisher, Defendt.

I. Inprimis doe you know the said parties plaintiffe and defendt*
^nd doe you know the Park called Skellesmere Parke and the Mes-
suage

LA\BURNBS OP CUNSWICK. I49

suage tente & landes and one walk-mill uppon the water of Sprett
within the Mannor or Lordship of Skellesmere in the countye of
Westmorland now in the tenure or occupation of the said defendt.
or of his assigns & now at variance between the said parties And did
you know James Labome late of Skellesmere aforesaide Esq &
Willm Labome Esq his brother and father of the pit And did you
know James Warde of Skellesmere aforesaid yeoman & John Har-
rison of London draper. And how long have you known them and
every of them ?

2. Item whether did the said James Labome seal and as his deed
deliver the deed now showed unto you at the tyme of this your
examination and dated the thirde day of June in the one & twentithe
yeare of the Keigne of our late sovereigne Lady Queen Elizabeth.
And when and to whom did he so seal & deliver the same deed.
And whether did the said James Labome subscribe his name to the
same deed. And whether were you a witness of the sealing and
deliverye of the same deed. And what other person or persons were
witnesses thereof. What is your knowledge herein And how knowe
you the same to be true ?

3. Item whether did Willm Norris & William Cowell indorse or
wryte their names on the backe side of the saide deed as witnesses
thereof And whether did Ambrose Warton set his mark to the in-
dorsement or backe side of the same deed as a witness also thereof.
And whether were the said Willm Morris Willm Cowell & Ambrose
Warton honest men. What is your whole knowledge concerning the
sealing & deliverye of the said deed and the witnessing thereof. And
how know you or what moveth you to think the same to be true ?

4. Item what other matter or thing do you know and how doe you
know. Or do you think and what moveth you to think that the said
James Labome did convey & assure the said Parke Messuage tente
landes mill & premisses to the said Willm Labome his brother & his
heirs. And when did you first know the intent and purpose of the
said James Laborne to convey the said premisses to the use of him-
self for his life only and after his death to the use of the said Willm
Laborne & of his heirs for ever, and that he did convey the same
accordingly.

5. Item whether is the said James Labome deceased And
whether is the said William Laborne also deceased and when dyed
the said Willm Laborne And whether is the said complt son & heir
to the said Willm Laborne deceased And of what age was the said
complt at the time of his said father's death.

6. Item what other matter or thing doe you know or have credibly
heard and doe believe to be true whith proveth or induceth to prove

the

150 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

the said complt. to have right and title in or to the premisses now in
variance. And how do you know or what moveth you to think the
same to be true.

7. Item whether were you present at a triall at the Common law
at Applebye brought by one Robt. Tunstall lessee from Willm Ley-
burne Esq. the pit's father and in his behalf against Willm Ward &
others for the Recovery of the lands in Skelsmerghe now in variance,
And whether upon full evidence did the verdict then pass for the pit.
against the deft, and whether was one Ambrose Warton then sworn
to the sealing and delivery of the deed of uses which then carried
away the lands upon the said verdict.

8. Item whether have you any part of the lande in possession
which did belong to the said James Leyburne & which are included in
the deed of uses made to the use of the said Willm Leyburne & what
estate or title do you clayme therein & at what rate was the said lands
purchased of the said James Leyburne & whether did he give some
part thereof again at the payment of the money for the lands by him
sold.

9. Item whether have you given Summons to the said Ambrose
Warton to be at the Commission to have him again re-examined to
the sealing and delivery of the deed of uses before expressed, declare
your knowledge therein.

Primo die Aprilis 161 2.

Ex parte Johis Leyburne Ar. Depositions of Witnesses taken at

Kendall within the County of West-
morland the first day of Aprill In the
yeares of the Raigne of our Sove-
raigne Lord James etc of England
xth & of Scotland xlvth Before
George Preston Esq. John Wood,
George Stockdale and Randell Nubye
gent by force of his Majesty's Com-
mission out of his highness Court of
Exchequer to them directed. To
examine witnesses in a cause there
depending between John Leyburne
Esq. pit. & Henry Fisher deft.
Willm Cowell of Whittingham within Co. Lancashire husbandman

aged about 52 years sworne & examined to the ist Interrogatory

deposeth

I. That he knows the pit. & deft & the park called Skelsmergh

Parke & other the Messuages lands & Tenements & the Walke mill

in

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. 15I

in the Interrogator}* mentioned, And did know James Leyburne late
of Skelsmergh Esq. & Willm Leyburne his brother father of the pit.
And did know James Warde of Skelsmergh & John Harrison of Lon-
don draper, & hath for a long time known them & every of them.

2. 3. To the 2nd & 3rd Inter, he saith that the said James Leyburne
did seale & deliver as his deed the deed now shewed unto this exam-
inat bearing date 3rd June, xxi Eliz. And that the said deed was
sealed & delivered unto the above named James Warde & John Har-
rison. And that the said James Leyburne did subscribe his name

unto the said deed. And that this examinat was a witness of the

sealing & delivery thereof. And that there were present together
with this examinat at the sealing & delivery thereof one Willm Norris
and Ambrose Warton And this he know to be true for that he wrote
his name with his own hand upon the back side of the said deed.
And that Willm Norris wrote his name upon the backside of the said
deed with his own hand And that Ambrose Warton was a witness
& put his marke to his name set upon the backside of the said deed.
And he further said that the said Willm Norris & Ambrose Warton
were honest men and so accounted in the countrye.

4. To the 4th Inter, he deposeth that the cause (as he thinketh)
which moved the said James Leyburne so to convey his land as above-
said was the disagreement between him & his wife. And that he
knoweth that the said James Leyburne had an Intent to convey the
same before the date of the deed above mentioned. And that his
knowledge therein doth arise from the speeches of the said James
Leyburne.

5. To the 5th Inter, he saith that the said James Leyburne &
Willm Leyburne are both deceased, & that the said Willm Leyburne
deceased about 12 years ago & that the said Complt. is heir of the
said Willm Leyburne, And that the said Complt. was about the age
of 9 or 10 years at the death of the said Willm Leyburne his
father.

PcUr Matvson of Skelsmergh in the County of Westmorland
yeoman about the age of 50 years sworne & examined.
I. To the ist Inter, he deposeth that he knoweth the parties pit.
& deft. & all the rest in the Inter, mentioned except John Harri-
son.

7. To the 7th he saith that he was present at a trial at the Com-
mon Law at Apleby brought by one Robert Tunstall lessee from
Willm Leyburne Esq. the pU*s father, And in his behalf against
Willm Ward & others for Recovery of lands in Skelsmergh, but not
the lands now in variance, And that the verdict did pass for the pit.

against

152 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.'

against Warde, At which time Ambrose Warton (as he thinketh) was
examined & sworn upon the deed of uses then given in Evidence.

8. To the 8th- Interr. he deposeth & saith that he hath part of the
lands & possessions which did belong to James Leyburne parcel of
the Manor of Skelsmergh but he saith that the same are not con-
tained within the deed of uses made to Willm Leyburne to his
knowledge, And that he paid after the rate of xxxi years for the same
lands And that upon payment of the said money the said Willm did
give him some part thereof again according to his promise at the
Bargaine makeing.

Thomas Gilpin of Skelsmergh about the age of Ixij years
sworn & examined
I. To the ist Interr. he saith as William Cowell hath said.

7. To the 7th he deposeth that he was present at a trial at the
Common Law at Apleby brought by Robert Tunstall lessee from
Willm Leyburne plt*s father, & in his behalf against Willm Ward &
others for the Recovery of Lands in Skelsmergh but not the lands
now in variance, And that the verdict did then pass for the pit.
against Warde, And that Ambrose Warton (as he verily thinketh was
then sworn upon a deed of uses which then carried away the
verdict.)

8. To the 8th as Peter Mawson hath said.

Nicholas Baitinan of Underbarow within the county of West-
morland about the age of xxxv years sworn & examined
saith
I. To the ist he saith as Peter Mawson hath said.

9. To the 9th he saith that he was at the house of Ambrose War-
ton to give him Summons, and hearing by some of his folks that he
was about his own house did leave a precept under the hand of one
of the Commissioners upon the table within the house of the said
Ambrose Warton.

George Preston.
John Wood.
Geo. Stockdale.
Randell Newbye.

Interrogatories to be mynestered to the Witnesses to be produced on
the part & behalf of Henry Fisher deft, against John Layburne Esq.
complt.

I. Imprimis whether do you know the said parties pit. & deft.
And whether do you know the Manor of Skelsmergh in Co. West-
merland And the Messuages Cottages lands & tenements thereunto

belonging

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. 153

belonging and now in variance betwene the said partyes. And
whether did you know James Layburnethe plt*s late uncle deceased,
yea or noe.*

Interrogatories to be mynestered to the Witnesses to be produced
on the part & behalf of Henry Fisher deft, against John Layburne
Esq. complt.t

6. What have you heard William Cowell or Ambrose Warton or
either of them confess or affirm touching a former deposition made
by them or either of them concerning an Indenture by which Wil-
liam Laburne made suite heretofore in this County for his brothers
landes or any parte of it. What manner of confession was the same
made by them or either of them. What was their speeches and to
what effect were their words or speeches soe spoken soe near as you
can remember. And when & where were the same wordes so spoken.
And upon what Occasion & in whose presence & how long since,
declare & speak the truth herein so near as you can remember.

Primo die Aprilis 1612.
Ex parte Henrie Fisher
deft.

Peter Mowson of Skelsmergh in Co. West-
morland yeoman about the age of seventy
years sworn.

1. To the ist Interr. he deposeth that he knoweth pit. & deft, in
this suit & the Manor or Lordship of Skelmsergh, And the Messuages
lands and tenements thereunto belonging now in variance. He
knew James Laburne deceased plt*s late uncle.

2. 3. He saith to these Interr. that James Laburne did shewe to
this Ext. an Indenture by him sealed & delivered leading the use of
a Fine formerly levied by him the said James Laburne of the said
lands & premises in Skelmsergh to James Ward & John Harrison &
the heirs of the one of them, which Indenture did lead the same
Fine to the use of him the said James Laburne & his heir<» for ever,
And he is certain to depose herein for that he did read over the same
Indenture so shewed to him by the said James Laburne in his life
time which he is so shewed of intent to satisfy him this exat. &
such other as had bargained with him for lands in Skelsmergh.

4. 5. He hath seen a copy of an Indenture which was holden to
be a true Copy of the said Indenture made by the said James
Laburne declaring the uses of the said lands and premises to be to

* It is unnecessary to print these interrogatories, as their purport can be gathered
from the answers.
t Ihid, except interrogatory 6.

him

[T]

154 LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK.

him the said James Laburne & his heirs as formerly he hath de-
pored. And he thinketh the writing now to him shewed is a true
Copy of the same Indenture which this exat. did see and read And,
the rather for that the uses therein limitted are to the same effect &
in such manner as the said Indenture doth import & declare.

7. The said James Laburne was accompted and generallie taken
to be the absolute and lawful! owner of the said Manor lands tents
& premises in fee simple until the time of his attaynder, And did
dispose & use the same as his own fee simple lands of Inheritance
so long as he lived.

9« To the 9th Interr. he saith that Robert Bunting did affirm
upon his oath at Appleby Assizes before Justice Rodes that one In-
denture then shewed to him leading the uses of a Fyne knowledged
by the said James Laybume of the said Manor & premises to the
use of himself for life, and after to William Laburne was not Signed
by the said James Laburne with his own hand because the same
differed in some letters of his name from his usual writing & from
other writing then shewed forth where unto he had subscribed his
name, whereupon the same writing was then much doubted by the
said Justice Rodes to be indirectlie made, And he knoweth thus to
depose herein for that he was present when the same Indenture
was so shewed & questioned And the said Bunting did then confess
that he had seen the true Indenture made by the said James
Laburne which was to the effect as in the 2 & 3 Interr. this exat.
hath deposed, as the said Bunting then affirmed.

Edward Collinson of Hawes in the said County about the
age of 63 years sworn & examined.

1. To the ist he saith as his precotest Peter Mowson hath
said.

2. To the 2nd he saith that he hath heard it reported & he verily
hinketh there was a Fine levied of the said Manor and premises by

the said James Laburne unto one one James Warde & John Har-
rison & their heirs or the heirs of the one of them, And as he
thinketh the Fine was levied to the use of the said James Laburne
his heirs & assigns for ever.

3. To the 3rd he saith that he verilie thinketh he hath seen the
** Counterpayne *' of one Indenture made between the said James
Laburne of the one part & the said James Warde & John Harrison
of the other part touching the said Manor & premises declaring (as
he verily thinketh) the same to be to the use of the said James
Laburne & his heirs & assigns, which was long ago.

4.

LAVBURNES OF CUNSWICK. I55

4. To the 4th he saith that he hath seen divers old Evidences
and read some of them, & hath seen (as he thinketh) the counter-
payne of the said Indenture before mentioned, whereunto was
annexed two scedules and the name of the said John Harrison &
the marks of the said James Warde subscribed thereunto which In-
denture had two seals & concerned the Manor of Skelmser^h &
certain lands, tents & hereditaments there mentioned in the same
Indenture. And that he did see a piece of Evidence in a box which
which he supposeth was a Fine thereof And this ext. wrote & was
privie to divers conveyances & assurances made by the said James
Laburne to divers persons dwelling in Skelmsergh Bradleyfield and
Underbarrow of parcel of his lands lying there, As to Christopher
Sprott one tente in Skelmsergh, to Adam Shepperd one tente in
Bradleyfield and to Randell Bateman one or more tenemts. in
Underbarrow, And of divers others in the said several places which
he doth not now remember. By which said several assurances the
said several tentes were conveyed to the uses of the said several
parties purchasers their heirs & assigns for ever. And saith that as
he now remembreth the said Counterpayne of the said Indenture
was to the proper use & behoof of the said James Laburne his heirs
& assigns for ever. And as he now thinketh the copie now to him
shewed is a true coppie of the same Indenture.

5. To the 5th he saith as he hath deposed to the 4th. And fur-
ther saith he hath heard it reported that there was a Fine levied &
knowledged by the said James Laburne to the said John Harrison
and James Warde. And he hath also heard it reported that the
cause of the knowledging of the same fine was to the end that he
might make better assurance to such persons as should purchase
any lands of him comprised in the said Fine.

Nicholas Warde of Burrelmaynes in the said Countie yeo-
man about the age of Ix years sworn & examined.

1. To the ist he saith as his procotest Peter Mowson hath
said.

2. To the and he saith that he being sent to the said James
Laburne to deal with him for some lands in Skelmsergh in the be-
half of one William Warde his kinsman, he did move some doubt
to the said James Laburne of an entail of his lands in Skelsmergh
whereunto he answered that he had knowledged a Fine to cut away
all entails thereof to the end that he might make a good assurance
of the said lands to such as should purchase the same which he
said he might sufficiently do. And that they might so purchase with-
out any danger.

6.

156 LAYBURNES OF CtJNSWICK.

6. To the 6th he saith that William Cowell told this cxt. that he
thought he had seen the likeness of his old Master James Laburne
after his death, willing him to take heed & do no more wrong or to
the like effect as he now remembreth. And he then further said
that he was sorry for the " oth *' which he had taken touching the
said lands in Skelsmergh.

Roger Dawson of Firbank in the said Countie aged about
Ix years.

1. To the ist as Peter Mowson hath deposed.

2. 3. To these he cannot depose but by report.

4. To the 4th he saith that one Edward Collinson did deliver to
this ext. a copy of an Indenture which he said was a true cop}' of
one Indenture which was made by James Laburne Esq. of the
Manor of Skelsmergh & other lands there to the use of him & his
heirs. And as he now remembreth this ext. wrote a Copie of the
same Copie, And he believeth that the copy now read to him is the
same Copie which he wrote & subscribed his name to which he can-
not directlie speak to because it hath pleased God partly to take
away his sight, yet by the report of his familiar friends who know
his hand, this Copy to him now read is the same Copie so by him
written which was examined before good witnesses who subscribed
their names thereunto.

Thomas Gilpin of Skelmsergh about the age of Ixij years.

1. To this Intern as Peter Mowson hath said.

2. 3. He being about the purchasing of a tenement in Skelmsergh
parcel of Jame*s Laburne's lands there, did tell the said James he
feared he could make no good estate thereof whereunto he ans-
wered that he had knowledged a Fine & sealed an Indenture leadings
the uses thereof whereby he had settled his lands aforesaid to the
use of him & his heirs. And that therefore he might make a good
estate of the said lands. And willed this ext. to bring his Counsel
to see the same, whereupon he brought one Robert Bunting who
upon the sight of the same Fine & Indenture told this ext that he
might well purchase and parte of the said lands without danger.

4. Hath seen a copy of an Indenture which copie was written
furth of the original Indenture by Edward Collinson as he upon his
oath confessed at Appleby Assizes And the same copy was delivered
to William Warde who (as he thinkelh) carried it to London, which
copie is recorded in the Exchequer at London as this Ext hath heard
qredibly reported.

6.

LAYBURNES OF CUNSWICK. 1 57

6. He saith that William Cowell coming to Skelmsergh to demand
an annuity told Ext that he had seen a vision in the likeness of
James Laburne his old Master which as he thought spoke these or
the like words, " take heed Cowell they will deceive thee," And he
then further said that he repented himself of an oath which he had
formerly taken in the behalf of the said Willm Laburne touching the
said lands in Skelsmergh. And if he should be brought to swear
again he would swear otherwise than formerly he had done.

7. 8. Same as Peter Mowson.

Lancelott Wardc of Skelmsergh aged about Ivij years.

1. Same as Peter Mowson.

2. 3. 4. To these he cannot certainlie depose.

6. To the 6th he saith, he heard it reported by Ric. Cowell that
Will. Cowell his brother had done wrong touching a deed concern-
ing Mr. Laburne's lands.

George Preston. George Stockdale.
John Wood. Randall Newuie.

(158)

Art. VII. — An Architectural Description of Newton Reigny

Church. By the Rev. T. W. Norwood, M.A.
Contributed at Kendal^ July nth, 1888.

THIS church, with the exception of a new and very
disproportionate chancel by Mr. Christian, is an
ancient edifice, built mainly of ashlar roughly dressed ;
it is coated with whitewash, and roofed with fissile stone.

Its plan is — nave and aisles, under the same wide roof,
with a chantry at the east end of each aisle ; and there
has formerly been a south porch. Internally, the old
rafters are hidden by ceilings, except where they are
partly visible in both aisles. There are two late but-
tresses on the west wall.

There is a western bell-turret with two bells, one of
which is said to be inscribed in black letter with legend

^ st'a m'ria magOabna ova pvo nobis.

The register is said to date from 1571 ; the commu-
nion cup is said to have London marks for 1568, and to be
the oldest hall-marked ecclesiastical vessel in the diocese.*
For these particulars about the bell, book, and cup, I am
indebted to the rector, the Rev. H. Whitehead.

Externally, the length of the old work is about 37 feet,
and its breadth about 42 feet. The new chancel is about
20} by 19.

The nave is divided from the aisles by three plain
obtusely pointed arches on each side, all recessed, approxi-
mately semi-circular, to the depressed shape of which it
is important to call attention. They are very slightly
chamfered in the south arcade, but more freely in the

* The Bridekirk communion cup, hall-marked 1550, was originally secular. H. W.

north,

NEWTON REIGNY CHURCH. 159

north, these chamfers bein^ about in proportion of one
to two. The south western arch shews a little ancient
sinking, and the whole north arcade has fallen out of the
perpendicular. This last probably gave occasion to the
raising and strengthening of the original lean-to aisles,*
that they might buttress up the weak north nave. There
is a more recent crack across the nave, in its east part, from
north to south, which may be due to the removal of the
ancient chancel, and which requires attention, especially
as it traverses the region of some of the most impor-
tant remains of the two aisle chantries, which are a
principal part of our investigation.

The nave arches rest on low piers not more than si
feet high, which on the south side are cylindrical and on
the north octagonal, a fashion not uncommon in Early
English churches. There are two on each side with their
eastern and western responds. All these piers and res-
ponds have, with slight modifications, the same abacus
and cap-mouldings throughout ; except that the west pier
on the south side is a little more ornate, through the intro-
duction of two additional mouldings. The bavse-mouldings
of the piers are also similar throughout — as if of late
Norman character, passing into Early English — low and
more or less concave. Some of them distinctly so.

Though the arches and pier abaci make this church
look late as one first enters it, this impression is corrected
by an examination of the piers and responds in detail,
which are then seen to be of one period, and that probably
the late 12th or early 13th century.

For precise evidence and illustration of this, let us
begin at the south-west and proceed in order through the
two arcades.

The south western respond is of a pointed-Norman
character, often seen in ruined abbeys (as at Fountains,

* Which, as well as the removal of the porch, took place about sixty years
ago. H. W.

Valle

l6o NEWTON REIGNY CHURCH.

Valle Crucis, and Kirkstall, for instance), where it is of
the I2th century ; but in a plain country church on the
border it may well be a little later (It would, have been
desirable, had opportunity permitted, to compare Newton
Reigny with other small churches in the neighbourhood
of Penrith). The abacus is scarcely undercut ; but the
bell-moulding is hollow-chamfered and undercut slightly ;
below which this respond is elegantly prolonged through
three members to a point.

Close under this respond but much concealed by pews
is a round font,* the bowl of which, two feet in diameter,
looks like an imitation of Norman with a heavy lip or
rim. The base cannot at present be sufficiently examined.

The next pier, with its extra cap moulding, and low base
of two or three rather concave rounds, has its abacus
square above as in Norman and i6th century work, and
below very slightly hollow-chamfered and undercut. Then
follow the bell-mouldings, in order thus : a half round, a
short vertical plain, a groove, then the abacus repeated
and undercut. Then a neck band. The whole cap bell-
shaped.

The second south pier is simpler ; and may be taken as a
sample of the pier-caps and mouldings in general on both
sides ; but in essentials it corresponds with the one just
described. It has the same prevalent abacus, square
above, a little more widely hollow-chamfered below than
in the first, and this is repeated, as the bell moulding,
on a rather larger scale and undercut, with the same neck
band and general bell-shape. The base mouldings, much
injured, here and in other piers on both sides of the nave,
might with advantage be repaired.

The south eastern respond has much the same cap
moulding and general form, and rests on an elegant knot

•Called by Bishop Nicolson, who saw it on March 14, 1704, "a pood new
Font." (Bp. N.'s yisUatiiw, p. 14C). H. W.

of

NEWTON REIGNY CHURCH. l6l

of unmistakable stifif-leaved incipient Early English foliage,
with the trefoils ascending on their proper stalks, as if of
date about A.D. 1170. The wall is cracked near this
graceful work anxl otherwise needs repair.

Coming now to the north nave arcade, from cast to
west, the north-eastern respond is of the same time and
style as the other responds and caps in general. Here we
have for mouldings of the capital the same two verticals
and slight hollow chamfers below each of them, the lower
being decidedly undercut. Attached in front is an original
round piscina, and the whole is supported on mutilated
stiff-leaved trefoiled foliage, much concealed by the yellow-
wash which colours both arcades. The rest of the wall in
nave and aisles is whitewashed. The piscina itself is
moulded and undercut in the usual way, and has a slit
drain running backwards into the wall, like an old piscina
of the south east chancel, which has been rudely inserted
in the new wall there. We have in this church, I believe,
clear indications of two original aisle chantries coeval
with the church itself. The south chantry piscina is not
in the respond, but in the south wall, as usual, round,
but much built over and hidden. Aisle chantries in parish
churches are often later than the main fabric ; but here
I take them to be coeval.

It is not necessary to describe particularly the two piers
of the north arcade. They correspond, as I have already
said, with the more eastern pier on the south side in all
essential characters, differing chiefly in their octagonal
form, not in height, mouldings, nor thickness of wall
above ; and I repeat that there is nothing unusual in this
difference of form. The mouldings vary only in scale and
proportion from one capital to another, in the greater or
less uillrercutting of the lower part of the bell, and in the
more or less concavity of the upper surfaces of the two
or three rounds which compose the low (mutilated) bases.

The
[V]

l62 NEWTON REIGNY CHURCH.

The north western respond is very similar to the south
western, with which we began, and to the piers, in its
abacus and beli-mouldings, with the two successive short
verticals, slightly hollow-chamfered below, the lower being
decidedly undercut. It is finished below similarly, but
more simply.

The chancel is new, as has been said ; but its arch is
old, with seeming indications of a rood loft on both sides.
The arc his large, high and equilateral, or nearly so,
much injured in perhaps more than one " restoration " —
and certainly in the last, when its low capitals have been
tooled out of character, except that fortunately one unin-
jured stone remains on the south side, and shews that
this arch, so different in size and shape from the nave
arches, is yet certainly coeval with the nave pier caps.
The original supporting pillars and bases seem to have
been slightly attached ; but what exists of this kind is
all new or altered, and of little architectural value.
I have mentioned a late Norman slit drain of a piscina,
roughly reset in the south east of the chancel ; and in
the north east corner there is an under-chamfered rude
stone ledge also inserted, as if intended by Mr. Christian
for use as a credence table.

The aisles show no ancient windows on either side, but
have modern insertions of a chapel character, round and
oblong. In the west window of the nave, however, and
east window of the south aisle, I noticed mediaeval ogee-
mouldings in the jambs. And in the churchyard wall,
south west of the church, is a portion of a mullion, diverg-
ing above as if into the cuspless heads of two conjoined
lancets ; this may be a fragment of a former window.
The south aisle wall is about 2^ feet thick. The oblong
window at the east end, which has the old jamb mouldings,
has had an external shutter. In the south aisle are two
round south windows, and in the north aisle three, of no

value.

Some

NEWTON REIGNY CHURCH. 163

Some memorial slabs lie in the nave floor, one to
James Pearson, 40 years curate, who died in 1676.

The most interesting is a large flagstone incised with
a cross, the arms flory, and the lower limb descending
to a calvary of three steps, on the dexter side of which
is a shield bearing afess chequy between six garbs for Vaux
of Catterlen, and on the sinister a large pommel-hilted
sword. The time may be early 15th century or late 14th.
I saw no legend. This slab is in the mid-floor of the
nave. The Hall of Catterlen (or Kaderleng anciently)
built by the Vaux family is close by. I saw this same
Vaux coat with date 1577 on the more ancient part of it ;
with several other arms of ownership and alliance, as of
Richmond, Delamore, Chaytor, and Clarevaulx. William
Vaux married Isabel Delamore in 20 Edward IV ; and
Richmond on the newer portion of Catterlen Hall of date
1657 impales Chaytor who quarters Clarevaulx.

In the north aisle chantry the north wall is marked as
if with the impression of a high tomb; but ** restora-
tion " has swept away the records of both chantries.

Though there seem to have been three altars I saw no
altar stone among the reddish flags of the floor. But the
ledge of the north chantry altar is clearly seen in the east
wall, though the last restoration has cut clean through
it by a door into a new vestry, as the way of " restoration "
is.

The church is fitted with old-fashioned panelled pews
of oak, with straight up backs, in a uniform arrangement,
which is not displeasing but rather simple and appropriate.
I would commend their suitableness and venerable associa-
tions rather than advise their removal. They might easily
be made all that is necessary or properly desirable. Among
them are a few pieces older than the rest, as is shown both
by their colour and mode of construction. The oak, both
older and newer, is mostly sound. The pulpit of painted
deal is valueless.

Newton

164 NEWTON REIGNY CHURCH.

Newton Reigny and Catterlen are two adjoining townships
separated, I understand, by the river which flows near the
church. As there is, some way off", an old Church Field,
where tradition says the first church stood, the Reigny and
Vaux families may have combined to build the present
church* in a place more equally convenient to themselves
and their tenants ; and may have simultaneously founded
original chantries, one in each aisle, though I cannot
learn that these chapels are now distinguished by any
names. They may have done this near the time of their
first settling here ; for Henry ITs reign would suit well
with the stiff'-leaved foliage of the responds and piscina.

I have been the more carefully minute in my description
of this church, because, in spite of evidences which to me
are convincing, it is very unlike late Norman work upon
the whole ; and I desire that my report may be strictly
criticised.

If it be proposed to repair the church, I see no harm
in removing the whitewash from the walls, and the yellow
wash from the piers and arches. The nave and aisle
ceilings too should be removed, and the roofs attended
to. The crack across the east end should be examined,
and stopped if possible ; though the new chancel, which
probably caused it, may now prevent its widening.
Several pier bases and parts of the walls are in need of
strengthening and repairing. There is indeed a general
want of repair, on the principle of care and maintenance,

* Whellan (p. 581 ), in his account of this church, says that " the character of the
architecture indicates the date of the construction of the church as being: about
the commencement of the fourteenth century " ; which, if correct, would exclude
the Rei^nys from any share in the erection of the church, as the manor of New-
ton had passed out of their hands before the end of the 13th century. Accordingly
it has hitherto been supposed that a Vaux of Catterlen must have been the sole
founder of the church ; thou|rh it is not easy to explain why, if sole founder, he
should have built it in Newton manor, where he nad no land. But if Mr. Nor-
wood be right in his opinion that the church is at least of the beginning of the
13th century, and may be of as early date as 11 70 or thereabouts, we amve at a
more probable story of its foundation.— H, W.

all

NEWTON REIGNY CHURCH. 165

all through the interior, both in stone and wood. But if
it were projected to take off the wide roof, and return to
lean-to aisles, on what was very likely the original plan,
then it would be necessary to consider whether the north
arcade, so much fallen outward, could stand without the
support of the present high buttresses, formed by the
east and west walls of the heightened aisles.

(i66)

Art. VIII. — The Old Chancel in Brampton Churchyard.
By the Rev. T. W. Norwood, M.A.
Contributed at Carlisle, September i^th, 1888.

THIS ancient churchyard is some way from the present
town of Brampton, which has a new church more
convenient ; and appears to be on or immediately adjoin-
ing a Roman occupation, — one evidence of which is
a great block of cemented Roman masonry, at the bottom
of the north slope of the churchyard, near the river
Irthing, and where doubtless was a Roman ford or bridge.

The chancel is entered through a poor modern vestibule,
which contains two or three inteiesting monumental an-
tiquities. There are several others dispersed about the
churchyard, and perishing under the weather, which it
would be proper to place in this same shelter, as they are
all significant, though some are in bad condition from
long neglect.

I saw in this porch a large coffin stone, set up erect in
the east wall, incised with a cross of what Mr. Bloxam
calls "iron hinge " pattern, a kind of ornamentation which
he ascribes to the 13th century, and figures in vol, iii,
p. 341, of his edition of 1882. The legend, much worn,
and which I did not try to read, is thus recorded, probably
not very correctly, in vol. iv, p. 550, of these Transactions,
where also is a very incorrect engraving of the cross.

+ hic- \aaav \ ooo/nvs • RiCflROVSioa?
iszivsiaaau

This Richard Caldecote was vicar in 1334. Another

interest

CHANCEL IN BRAMPTON CHURCHYARD. 167

interest of this vestibule is a 15th century panel, like the
side of a high tomb, with a row of three quatrefoils divided
by uprights, in each of which is a shield of arms, [thus
(from left to right) : i, a bend chequy of three rows, for
Vaux of Tryermain ; 2, Three scallops, two and one, for
Dacre of Naworth ; 3, A cross flory, with a scallop in
dexter chief, for Delamore.

The old chancel arch, if it exists, is quite blocked out
of view. The chancel itself, rude and ivy-covered, is
externally about 30 feet long by 18 wide, of square stone
roughly wrought. In the western part of the south wall,
on the outside, is a chamfered dripped segmental arch,
almost circular, of the founder's tomb kind, under which
is the entrance to a vault, perhaps of the Delamores, which
sounds hollow as one treads above it within. The age of
this arch is not well indicated. Under it externally lie
two cofl&n stones, side by side, one of which, much worn,
is remarkable for a graceful incised cross of " hinge-work "
character, like that with the Caldecote legend.

These crosses are very elegant, and of a kind not uncom-
mon. There is one at Bunbury in Cheshire. I should
judge that they may often be of the 14th century, though
Mr. Bloxam prefers the 13th,

This again, like Caldecote's, is a priest's grave, for on
the dexter side of the cross there is incised a chalice. It
would be interesting to engrave and publish an orderly
suite of the forms of these old chalices sculptured on
gravestones, and might tend to improve modern manu-
facture. This coffin-stone, though similar, I suppose to
be a little earlier than that of Caldecote, for two branches
from the stem support the head of the cross, and give it a
13th century look.

Immediately above this vault-entrance is a small round-
headed early Norman window, set flush outside, and
within widely splayed, through a wall three and a-half
feet thick. It may be about three feet in length. Such

simple

l68 CHANCEL IN BRAMPTON CHURCHYARD.

simple early Norman lights are very common in the small
churches about Wenlock and Bridgnorth in Shropshire, of
date about A.D. iioo.

These are all the antiquities now visible externally.

In my opinion it would be proper to remove the two
coffin-stones from under the arch of the vault, where they
have no meaning, into the vestibule for protection. All
these outlying sculptured stones were doubtless in the
church floor at first.

In the interior, on the sill of the modern oblong upright
east window, there is a stone looking like the head of a
lancet light, pointed, splayed, and uncusped.

There is no external buttress ; and I saw no blocked lights
under the ivy, corresponding to the one on the south side
just described, though one would expect to find traces of
such.

A niche pierced as if for a sanctus bell is said to exist
under the ivy, in the west gable above the porch.

The walls of the east part of the chancel within are
somewhat recessed and retiring, I know not why. The
roof is ceiled. In the south-east corner is an aumbrye,
also a segmental almost semicircular-headed piscina.
Some gravestones are in the flagged floor. There is a bell
turret with one bell.

This old chancel is now only used for funerals in the
graveyard in which it stands. If it should seem desir-
desirable to put it into better condition, both as to fabric
and furniture, one would say its custodians might usefully
remove the whitewash from the inner walls, and open any
blocked lancets discovered in the process, as well as the
the chancel arch, if they find one. I should advocate a
decent ornamental east window, and an open roof, with
a needful repair of the floor, and good plain stalls for
the funeral services. For the rest, the ivy masks rough
masonrj', and is doing no harm,

HISTORICAL

CHANCEL IN BRAMPTON CHURCHYARD. 169

HISTORICAL APPENDIX.
By the Rev. H. Whitehead.

It is sometimes asked why Brampton church was built so far from
the town. It would be more to the purpose to ask, though perhaps
no conclusive answer can be given, why the town was built so far
from the church. The distance between them itself suggests that
the church is older than the town ; for, whilst it is unlikely that the
church would be placed a mile and a half from a town for the use of
which it was intended, it is less improbable that a town might owe
its origin to circumstances which outweighed the inconvenience of its
remoteness from an already existing church.

The late Mr. Robert Bell, of Irthington Nook, who discovered the
Roman camp or station marked '* Aballaba " on the Ordnance Map,'*'
also found, about a quarter of a mile east by north of it, traces of a
village ** of considerable extent, as indicated by quantities of stones
scattered over three or four acres of ground" (Mac Lauchlan's Sur-
vey 0/ the Roman WaH^ p. 64). This village, for site of which see the
Ordnance Map, Mr. Mac Lauchlan calls *' Old Brampton," agreeing
with Mr. Bell that the present town is of much later origin. Their
conjecture is that Thomas de Multon, lord of Gilsland, when he
formed Brampton Park,t inclosing therein both camp and village,
removed the inhabitants of the village to the present town, which
they suggest that he built to receive them, perhaps about the time
when he obtained the grant of a market for Brampton, i.e., 32 Henry
III, A.D. 1348. (76., p. 65).

A little to the north of the village, as shewn on a map,J dated
1603, now at Naworth Castle, formerly stood ** St. Martin's Oak,"
traditionally believed to have been the tree under which the Gospel
was first preached in that neighbourhood ; near to which may have
been whatever building of wood or clay first served as a church.

When the time came for erecting a stone church, the site for it
was probably selected for the strength of its position, a matter of
some consequence, even for a church, in those days of border war-
fare.

That the Romans, as might be expected, had not failed to perceive
the use of this strong position for military purposes, is evidenced
by •* a great block of cemented Roman masonry at the bottom of

* It is not now thought that the ancient name of this camp was Aballaba.
t No traces of the park now remain. It was parcelled into farms, and its fence
removed, about the middle of last century.
tThis map shews the boundaries of Brampton Park.

the

LWJ

170 CHANCEL IN BRAMPTON CHURCHYARD.

the north slope of the churchyard," (ante p. i66). Other evidences
are a stone foundation discovered in the ground added to the
churchyard in 1858, and a Roman amphora recently found by
the sexton while digging a grave. Here, then, as suggested by
Chancellor Ferguson, ** was probably an outpost of the Roman camp*
which had existed in the neighbourhood, meant to guard the crossing
of the Irthing, and to keep up the communications with the camps at
Watchcross and Castlesteads " {ante iv, 550).

Of the history of the church built on this site nothing is known of
earlier date than its appropriation by Robert de Vaux, soon after
1 169, to Lanercost Priory, by the prior and convent of which the
vicars of Brampton were appointed until the suppression of the
religious houses, when the advowson was held for several generations
by the Dacres of Lanercost, on the death of the last of whom it
passed to Lord Carlisle, by whose descendants it has ever since
been retained.

For the name of the earliest known vicar, Thomas, instituted in
1220 by Bishop Hugh, who at the same time endowed the church
with ** the whole alterage, and the tithes, oblations, and obventions,
belonging to the said alterage, and the lands belonging to the same
with the tithes thereof,** we are indebted to the Lanercost chartulary ;
and for the name of another early vicar, Robertus West, to the
Taxation of Pope Nicholas in 1290. The grave stone, on the dexter
side of which is a chalice, may be that of this Robert West. The
first vicar mentioned in the existing episcopal registers, which date
from 1292, is Richard de Caldecotes, whose tombstone, discovered by
Mr. Robert Bell, now stands erect in the east wall of the modern porch
of the chancel. He appears in Bishop Halton*s register as " Ricar-
dus filius Nicolai de Caldecotys de Karleolo,** ordained subdeacon in
1303, and priest in 1305. In what year he became vicar of Bramp-
ton there is nothing to shew ; but Bishop Kirby*s register, Feb. 24,
1334, records a dispute ** inter Dm. Ric. de Caldecotes vicarium ec-
clesie de Brampton ex parte una ac religiosos viros Priorem &c de
Lanercost ex altera parte super porcione et aumentacione vicarii
ecclesie de Brampton.'* It may have been from too cursory perusal
of this memorandum that Chancellor Waugh, in his MS notes to
Bishop Nicolson's account of Brampton church, says that " the
prior and convent of Leonard Coastt presented a vicar in 1334.*'
Hum and Nicolson (II, 492) more correctly say that " in 1334

• The so-called " Aballaba " of the Ordnance Map.

fWhat can have been the reason why Lanercost, not only in Chancellor
Waugh's notes, but also often in the Lanercost and Brampton registers of last
century, appears as Leonard Coast ?

Richard

CHANCEL IN BRAMPTON CHURCHYARD. l^^

Richard de Caldecotes was vicar.*' He died in 1346. The succes-
sion goes on thus : — ^John Bngge, instituted 1346, died 1361 ; John
de Hayton, instituted 1361, resigned 1372; William de Kirkby, insti-
tuted 1372. Here, owing to the loss of the espiscopal registers from
1403 to 1563, there occurs a wide gap, on the hither side of which
we find Christopher Davies dying vicar of Brampton in 1565 ; John
Rudd, instituted 1565, died 1579 ; Robert Beck, instituted 1579, died
1600 ; Henry Hudson, instituted 1600. Henceforth until the Res-
toration the only notice of a Brampton vicar, as given by the county
histories, is this : ** William Warwick occurs 1644." But Lord
William Howard's Housebook (p. 56) rescues from oblivion the name
of another vicar of that period: "January 2, i6n. To Mr. Cowp-
land vicar of Brampton uppon composition for the tythes thear due
and payable at this Christmas last past for one year vii lu [Re-
ceived] Nicholas Cowpland." He had been head master of St.
Bees Grammar School from 1586 to 1593 ( Whellan, p. 431), and
rector of Gosforth from 1593 to 1600 [fmte^ viii, 81). It is not impro-
bable that he may have been the sole link between Henry Hudson
and William Warwick, as we learn from Lord William Howard's
Housebook (p. 145) that Mr. Warwick was vicar of Brampton in
1630, i.e., twenty years earlier than he ** occurs " in the county his-
tories. In 1644 he (Warwick) was also vicar of Bowness, as
among those who in that year sent relief to Carlisle during the siege
was '* Mr. Warwick for Brampton and Bowness £z^^ (B. & N. II.,
237). He must have been a staunch royalist to do this, as he was
often himself in need of relief, e.g., ** May 28, 1620, Lent to Parson
Warik by my Lord's appoyntment xl 5 " (Ld. W. H.'s Housebook,
p. 145), and again, " August 2, 1633, Lent unto Mr. Warwicke Viker
of Brampton to redeem him from the Pursiventes handes xx li "
(16. p. 338). How long after 1644 ^^ remained vicar of Brampton
is not known. He certainly, notwithstanding his royalist proclivities,
was not ejected by Cromwell's commissioners, else his successor, the
Presbyterian vicar, Nathaniel Burnand, instead of being ejected in
1662, would have had, by the Act of the Convention Parliament, to
vacate the living in 1660.* I have elsewhere {anic^ viii, 350) suggested
that Warwick died, and was succeeded by Burnand, in 1655-6. Of
Burnand the earlier county histories make no mention ; and Whellan
only mentions him as " ejected in 1662." For further information
respecting him I refer the reader to vol. viii, 348-356, 372, of these
Transactions. He was succeeded by Philip Feilding, whose institution

* Whoever had superseded a vicar during the Commonwealth, even if the
superseded vicar was since dead, had to vacate the living in 1660.

is

172 CHANCBL IN BRAMPTON CHURCHYARD.

is wrongly assigned by all the county histories to 1670, though
Hutchinson (I, p. 131) acknowledges his "great obligations to the
Rev. W. Richardson, vicar of Brampton, for his accurate and valu-
able information touching the whole of this parish,** who by turning
to the first page of the existing Brampton register would have seen
the memorandum of Mr. Feilding reading himself in as vicar on
August 26, 1662. He (Feilding) in 1666 also became vicar of Irthtng-
ton and Crosby on Eden, but resigned Crosby on 1670, retaining
Brampton and Irthing^on until his death in 1692. It was during his
incumbency of Brampton that it was first proposed, by the then Lord
Carlisle, to remove the parish church to the town. " My Lord*s
Offers,** says Bp. Nicolson (p. 143), " were generous ; and such as
were approv*d both by the Bishop and the Parishioners ; But ye then
vicar (Mr. Feilding who was rich and had no children) refuseing to
make some small contribution on his part, the Earl was so far dis-
gusted that the thing fell.'* His epitaph in the chancel of the old
church sa3rs that he died *' in anno aetatis 53, A.D. 1692 '* ; from
which it appears that he was but twenty three years of age when
instituted to the living. His successor, John Cockbum, described
by Bp. Nicolson as " the late honest and poor vicar,'* died in 1702.
The next vicar, Richard Culcheth, was in the bishop's opinion
'* somewhat too Worldly; endeavouring to hold Stapleton^ Upper
Denton and Farlam^ in connection with ye Liveing of Brampton."
He was piobably a grandson of the Culcheth who was steward at
Naworth Castle in 1649. (Ld. W. H.'s Housebook, p. 297). His
epitaph in the churchyard shews that, whatever the bishop may
have thought of him, there were some who held him in high
estimation : —

Man*s life's like cobwebs, be he ne*er so gay.
And death*s the broom that sweeps us all away
Into the grave, where good men are at rest,
With whom no doubt that Mr. Culcheth 's blest;
For all his actions here below were just,
And will smell sweet and blossom in the dust.

It is added that "he was vicar ten yean, ten months, and ten
days.** The succession, until the abandonment of the old church,
went on thus:->Theophilus Garencieres, 1747 — 1750, collated to
Scarborough ; John Thomas, 1721-1747, father of Dr. Thomas, bishop
of Rochester; William Flasket, 1747-1750; Robert Wardale, former-
ly curate of Stanwix, writer of numerous letters to Chancellor
Waugh concerning the Rebellion, for which see Mounsey's CarlisU

in

CHANCEL IN BRAMPTON CHURCHYARD, I73

in 1745," canon of Carlisle 1765, died 1773, buried in the cathedral ;
Charles Stoddart, instituted 1773.

It was during Mr. Stoddart's incumbency that the nave of the old
church was pulled down, and the chapel of the almshouses in the
town was enlarged and adopted as the parish church. These alms-
houses, according to the 5th Report of the Charity Commissioners,
dated January 16, 1821, were built in 1688 by the then Earl of Car-
lisle, who gave £s a year to a master**' for teaching school in one of
the apartments, and for reading divine service in the chapel. It
may have been only for the inmates of the almshouses that the ser-
vice in the chapel was first intended. But, owing to the distance of
the parish church from the town, it is likely that the chapel soon
began to be used for public service. Chancellor Waugh, in his MS
notes, referring to Brampton in 1749 or thereabouts, says : — "The
service, except the first Sunday in the month, is performed in a
decent chapel made out of the Hospital." The marriage service also,
as shewn by the register during the latter half of last century, was
mostly read in the chapel. ** In 1788,*' say the Charity Commis-
sioners, "the Chapel in the Hospital together with four of the Alms-
houses were converted into a Parish Church on the petition of the
inhabitants and landowners of the parish of Brampton to the Earl
of Carlisle, and the church was regularly consecrated by the then
bishop." With the subsequent history of the parish church in the
town, again enlarged in 1828, and rebuilt in 1878, this paper is ilot
concerned.

Reverting, then, to the old church, we find Bishop Nicolson in
1704 describing it as " little and unbecomeing the grandeur of a
Mercate-Town.*' It was not, however, as we have seen, built for a
market town. " No Monuments," he adds, " in or about it ; " from
which it would seem that Caldecotes* tombstone, the stone under the
arch, and the " 15th century panel like the side of a high tomb,"
were already underground, whence at different times they have been
dug up within living memory. The stone under the arch was dis-
covered by Mr. C. J. Ferguson, who happened to be with me in the
churchyard about fourteen years ago, when at his request I directed
the sexton to remove the earth under the arch in order to ascertain
what there was below. Caldecotes* tombstone, as already stated,
was discovered by the late Mr. Robert Bell of Irthington Nook,
The " 15th century panel '* was found in 1858 by the sexton whilst

* This allowance of£s a year to^ a schoolmaster at Brampton had continued
from the time of the Dacres (Inquisition, 31st Elizabeth, quoted by Hutchinson
I* 123)-

digging

174 CHANCEL IN BRAMPTON CHURCHYARD.

digging a grave on the north side of the churchyard. " A notion
having got abroad", says Whellan (p. 649), " that this curiosity was
' the long-lost tombstone of Lrord William Howard of Naworth, it
was carefully inspected by the Earl of Carlisle, and by many others.
The stone, however, is of much earlier date than the time of Lrord
William Howard.'*'!' The arms in this panel being (i) Vaux, (2)
Dacre, and (3) Delamore (ante p. 167). I incline to identify it as
part of the tombstone of a Delamore, having seen in a manuscript
catalogue of deeds of the Barony of Gilsland a memorandum of an
" Indenture of exchange," dated Nov. 15, 1387, " between Wm. de
Dacre Lord of Gilsland on the one part and John Delamore on the
other part of tenement and premises in Cumcatch in villa de Bramp-
ton ; '* and one of the contracting parties to another deed, dated
dated March 10, 1440, is *' Margaret Hansert daughter of Thomas de
la More of Cumcatch and Talkin.*' It was in 1380 that the Dela-
mores acquired land in Talkin, bought by John Delamore from
William Perysson, and described in the Lanercost Chartularyf as
'* apud Hullerbank in villa de Brampton ; " from which it appears
that the township of Talkin, in which Hullerbank is situated, now
belonging to Hay ton parish, was anciently a part of the parish
of Brampton. The Delamores, then, whether living at Huller-
bank or (as is more likely) at Cumcatch, would be buried in Bramp-
ton churchyard; J and "Thomas Delamore of Cumcatch and
Talkin " in 1440, high sheriff of Cumberland in 1430, 1444, 1448, and
1453, and Knight of the Shire from 1450 to 1454, seems a likely sub-
ject for our ** 15th century panel.*' Another ancient tombstone,
lying in situ close to the south hedge of the churchyard, has on it a
cross and sword, with the initials A M under the arms of the cross.
Of later tombstones there is the usual lack until the latter half of the
17th century, when inscriptions with raised letters are found, which
in the following century give way to incised letters. On the backs
of some of the i8th century stones appear the arms of yeomen, as the
three bows of the Bowmans, and the three griffins of the Hethering-
tons, examples of a kind to be met with in almost any Cumberland
churchyard, but ceasing after the imposition of the tax on armorial
bearings.

• His Housebook, published in 187S, shews (p. 354) that he was buried at Grey-
stoke.

t For this reference to the Lanercost Chartulary I am indebted to Chancellor
Fereuson.

^Nearly all Talkin people down to the beginning- of last century were buried
in Brampton churchyard, (ante iv, 436).

It

CHANCEL IN BRAMPTON CHURCHYARD. I75

It only remains to notice the " Well or Fountain caird the Nine-
wellSj alias Priest-welly'* mentioned by Mr. Culcheth in an account of
the glebe forwarded by him to Bishop Nicolson in 1704 (Visitation
p. 161) ; the site of which, though I looked for it, I was unable to
discover until shortly before leaving Brampton I happened to speak
of it in the hearing of the sexton*s assistant, who told me that many
years ago it was pointed out to him by an old woman, who said she
used to fetch water from it to the glebe farm-house, where as a girl
she had been servant. He then shewed me the spot, covered with
earth, near the " great block of Roman masonry at the bottom of the
north slope of the churchyard.*' Being pressed for time I did not
ask him to dig in search of the spring, and it afterwards slipped my
memory. As Brougham church, from time immemorial called
" Nine Kirks,*' derived its name from St. Ninian, " son of a British
chieftain, under the Roman jurisdiction, and born on the shores of the
Solway," of whom there is a memorial in " his well at Brisco, near
Carlisle," it may be that we have another memorial of the same
Cumberland saint in this " well or fountain called Nine-wells" in
close proximity to the only Cumberland church dedicated to St.
Martin of Tours, with whom St Ninian stayed some time when re-
turning from Rome, commissioned ** to spread Christianity among
the people of his native Cumbria " (St. Ninian's Church, Brougham,
by the Rev. T. Lees, ante iv, pp. 220-4). It does not follow, suppos-
ing this well to have derived its name from St. Ninian, that the
original church of wood or clay was on the site of what is now
known as Brampton Old Church, or that in his time there was any
church at all. He may have preached under " St. Martin's Oak "
to the inhabitants of the village, and to the Roman soldiers at the
fort near the well, which after all was not more than two hun-
dred yards from the oak. We learn from Mr. Lees that, for the
preservation of St. Ninian's Well at Brisco, " some forty years ago,
that good lady, Miss Sarah Losh of Woodside, took pious care, pro-
tecting it by a characteristic arch, with an appropriate inscription "
(ib. p. 222). Let us hope that some one will arise to do the same ser-
vice for St. Ninian's Brampton well, and also, after the example of
the cross erected by Lord Granville on the site of St. Augustine's
Oak at Ebbsileet in Thanet, to mark with a cross the spot where
once stood St. Martin's Oak at Brampton.

(176)

Art. IX. — The Oldest Register Book of the parish of Holm
Cultram, Cumberland. By the Rev. W. F. Gilbanks,
Rector of Orton.
Read at Carlisle Sept. x^th, 1888.

''PHIS Register covers the period from 1580 to 1597, and
-■- is written on paper 12} inches long by 8 inches wide ;

this paper has a watermark of a
pot or tankard in common use
in the 15th century, which is
here represented ; this mark is
peculiarly characteristic of
Dutch paper, and is found on
books printed at Gouda, Lou-
vain, Delft, and other places in
t he Netherlands in the 15th cen-
tury : it gives names to the paper,
** pot-paper": the letters PO
may possibly point to this being
an English imitation. Some of
the outside pages of the register
are very torn, and almost il-
1 egible in parts through soiling
and wear, but the writing throughout is not bad and is
very fairly legible. The clerk who wrote it signs himself
Rowland Chambers, with a handsome amount of flourish.
The vicar is Edward Mandevell by whom some of the items
are inserted, though in Chambers' hand. There is a dot-
ted "p" against 17 of the names of those buried before
July, 1582, evidently the plague; and during the years
^595-96-97, ** +b " frequently occurs; presumably meaning
black sickness. The names of places mentioned are numer-
~ and in several instances offer striking explanations
present names. I have appended a list of these

and

RBGISTER BOOK OF HOLME CULTRAM. ^^^

and also of the surnames in the register The number of
names remaining still in the place and neighbourhood is
remarkable. There are many curious aliases, but few or
none of any special interest.

Visitations are mentioned as having taken place at
Carlisle on July 5th, 1580 ; at Calbecke in 1588 when ex-
pense was incurred ; and at Isell in 1594 which cost them
5s. id. Other general visitations are mentioned without
naming the place at which they were held.

I will first give an instance of parish accounts as then
kept — followed by such interesting items in those accounts
as seem worth noting.

The effect of the account maid by the Churchwardens of ye yeare of
our Lord God 1584, viz: Jo. Hewctt. Wm. Sim. Mathew Askey.
Robt. Watman. Simond Messenger. Edward Kendell. & there
asotiats for there yeare being. Unto Leonard Musgrave. John
Shawe John Lethes. Jo Ritson & there fellowes succedinge in the
ofyse the next yeare after is thes as foUoweth viz. There was
dewe to the Church for ye yeare for buryalls in ye Church & for

spaide & beare Fyftene shillings whereof was laid out by them

for the use of the Church in there time 5s. 2d. Soe there remayne
wh was given to the newe Churchwardens 9s. lod. wh was given to
the hands of William Illeson one of the Churchwardens the xviii

day of June Anno Dni 1585 per me Rowlandum Chambers.

The Spaid, beare. & burialls in the Churche in the yeare 1585 am-
ounted to 33s. id. Item in taske mony set downe for the Repara-
tion of the Churche by the consent of the most part of the Parishe
viz : — 8d every tenant 4d every cottar.

P""^"| 14I 8s. 8d.
tolis ) ^

The wch some was disbursed & accounted by the said Leonard & his
assotiates as followith viz : —

To Tho Wylye for mending the leads 55/8d.

For sowder Iron & naylej? . . 4/1 id.

For caterchesomes . . . i/6d.

For absolution ... 2/-

For weshing the Church cloithes . i2d.

for a shoule Iron ... 6d.

[X]

for

178 REGISTER BOOK OP HOLME CULTRAM.

for iron lickets *.

I2d

ToStockcdall .

4d.

ToSibson

4d,

for Chaiiges

lo/iod.

To Simekin for gitting Crowes .

5/-

For my charges and writing

2h

Item delivered to the said Osmotherlcy and his asotiats at there entre
in monye £j 7s. and behind in sertayne persons hands for there taske
which they the said Osmotherley his felJowes must collect and make
answere for.

By the next accounts we see that there was a fee on
baptisms —

the some of iSs. i id. was due for burialls in the Churche and for
spaid & beare in the yeare 1586, & for bapt unpayed sence 1585
ii/yd Upon this account mayd in effect as aforementioned the said
Tho. Osmotherley & his fellowes were acquited by the said Tho.
Langekaike & his asotiates the 4 day of June 1587 in the presence
of me Edward Mandevill Vicar of Holme Churche.

In the 1588 accounts the following are massed to-
gether.

For sleathe for the Churche, and for working the same. For time, &
for breade & wyne ; at the Visitation at Calbecke to Jas. Sinking &
for other Charges as in these accounts appeareth particular not the
some of 3li. 9s. lod.

The parish clerk seems to have had a fee on each of
the insertions in the register.

The number of baptyzings within this Parish of Holme hapening in
the yeare of our Salvation 1588 and with halfepenies amounte to the
to the some of ii/iid. ob. 75. The number of weddings hapening
in thys pshe of Holme in the yeare of our Salvation 1588 ar 37 feod
illor suor mihi 27/8d. et ano testimoni in hoc feod lo/jd.
Suma sepult — bapte. matri teste et testamentorum in hoc ano
salutis 1588 per estimationem fuere 5/13/4.

per me Rowlandum Chamber.

* ! cannot find this word in any dictionary. R. S. F.

An

REGISTER BOOK OP HOLME CULTRAM. 179

An entry in the accounts of 1588 speaks of '' all books
and other church goods — belonging and apperteyning to
this church " being transferred to the incoming church-
wardens.

An entry in 1589 gives is. as the cost of the quene's
monitions and other articles.

In 1590 we have —

2/2 laid out for a spaid & a shovell.

3/4 for painting the Commandments.

2/6 for purging the ales.

1/4 for & towards a boit to- Blackedyke.

2/2 for fees at the visitation.

2/8 for other charges there done.

3/8 for Iron & workenship to the belles.

4d. for paper to the Register booke.

2/- for writing the accounts & other notes.

2/- for tyme

Soma 22/2d.

The books and other goods were delivered over whilk appeareth in
tharr counte before written viz: a Common Cup of Silver aCurplesse
& Certayne bordes. per me Edward Mandevell vicar.

In 1591 the sum of 3^4 los. 8d. was expended as fol-
lows —

To James Claim and his man for worke about the pulpit 3/4d. for iron
bands 8d. for tyme 4/- ToThos. Gray for his work in the low Church
9/iod to the plummer 26/iod. for the glasse windowes amending
every hole therein 15/- To Hew. Hugon for nailes 2/- to Thos Scot
for a locke to the Steple dore 13d., &c. &c.

In 1592 an item occurs

for.fynes of dyvers disobedient persons 2/7d. Thos. Gray was paid
8d. for work at Steple door, for the artez'^^ articales i2d.

In 1593

At the Visitation at Isall & for the charges 5/id.
To the Clercke for soip & Iron igd.
for whit candles 2d. &c. &c.

* This word is incomprehensible in the original. W. F. G. Probably " arcdn "
or " ardn," the articles at the archdeacon's visitation. R. S. F.

The

fSo REGISTER BOOK OF HOLME CULTRAM.

The churchwardens' accounts unfortunately do not go
any further than 1593. Presumably they were thence-
forth kept in another book.

There are several interesting notes by Mandeville in the
years 1590 and following

In the 14th day of May there fell out of the foit of the Steeple
Vaulte over above the poulepoit thre great stones wch brast the stalle
where I use to sitte & some part of Chambers stall and a ledge of the
Common table a lytle time before it fell there was auld Steven &
sertaine others standing where the fale happed 8c so was I there also
and came southe. I immediately went to the Churche againe and
then were the said stones fallen, it was the morrowe after a court
was holden in the church and the Jury was that daye together in
the Churche.

Edward Mandevell Clercke.
1591.

Upon occation partly of the Premises but more espetially for that in
the Chancell there were manye corneres wherein people were always
laughing and talking in tym of devine service, which abuse I thought
to redresse for the honour of God ; for these causes I moved the
parishioners to remove to the|lowe "^^churche which is proper to all the
parishe and for the better drawin of ther mynds to this good purpose
I repared the lead, washed over the walls repared all the glasse win>
dowes, lefte not a hole in any of then*, within the compasse of the
parish Churche and this being deune in August & September 1591,
in October following I sett it withe fourmes wch cost cost me the
very worke beysydes the wood for it pertayned to the Parishe 33/iod.
and upon the Sunday the twenty after Trenitye being the 17th day
of October 1591 I began to do service & ministred the Sacrement
that same day the were very quiet & maid noe question about there
places as many dowted they shoulde.

Edward Mandevill.

Item that upon a Presentment mayd to the Ordinary that the
Chancell was in great decay, the East window being fallen with a
blast of winde upon the xxvth day of Marche 1579 & contineing in
decay till the yeare 1591 together with great decay of all other win-
dows & the leads scrincke very sore the Iving growing in many

*The church was a divided church, of which the chancel or high church was
the Cistercian, the nave.or low church the parochial church. R. S. F.

places

REGISTER BOOK OP HOLME CULTRAM. l8l

places upon the waules with divers other delapeditations pitiful to
se. I procured a commission out of the ordenarye Consistorie and
by vertue thereof did by the advise & consent of the Churchwardens
for that yeare, being a. 1591, sese & rate every tennante yt payethe
come tythe to pay towards the reparing of the decaed Chancell four
pence lor every bushel(?) of tythe corneyt he payeth : wch came to the
some of 28;f , yt every one should paye truly after this rait now by
vertue of this commission I called them to paye accordingly who
refused for a while but in the end most of them yealded & payed a
resaving (?) this I repayred & redressed the East window as it

is now & glazened all the windowes in the churche to the valey of
60 foite & 400 holes but the most part of this was donne with ould
glasse that we tooke downe out of the ould East windowe where
stoneworke is now sette.

This ends the extra matter of the book — we can now
examine the register proper from 1581 to 97. And first
the names of persons, which for ease of reference' I have
put alphabetically ; those in italics have still like-named
successors in this Holme, and many unmarked will be
recognised as of local interest, though not possessing at
present a representative within Abbey Holme.

Abbat. Adamson. Addison, Aiston. Allenbye. Alleson. Anderson.
Andrewe. Ardell. Askew. Askey. Atkinson. Audray. Auston. Ays-
ton.

Backhouse. Barber. Barker. Bancke. Barnes Barneson Barwise
Bawne Bebe. Becke. Beckwith. Bell. Benson. Bigland. Blaine Bla-
locke. Blacklocke. Blackspauld. Bowman. Bouche. Boast. Borrodell
Boake Browne. Briskoe. Brice Brenhouse. Braithwait. Brige.
Brownerig. Bull. Burghe.

Calvard. Cave. Calvey. Caverley. Carrudas. Carrudders. Chambers,
Challener. Charles. Chrigheton. Cleanke. Clemetson. Cleasbye. Carry.
Cowley. Cogeton. Coulleighe. Cottard. Crosby. Crookdaike. Cum-
mings.

Dand Devell. Deves. Denkenson. Dickman. Dickenson. Donely.
Dodgson. Downe. Doughty. Dobbinson. Damp. Dryholme. Dridon.
Dra.

Elleson. Eadnell. Eddison. Empson.

Fawcon. Farlam. Fisher. Fletcher. Fordise. Foxe. Fyddie.

Gaston. Geddy. Gibbinson. Gibson. Glaisters. Grason. Grace.
Grame. Gray. Grisdall. Gouldsmith.

Hayton.

I82 REGISTER BOOK OF HOLME CULTRAM.

Haton. Hayton. Hall. Haum. Hakon. Heroing. Hempson. Her-
wood. Herington. Hetherton, Hewson. Herding. Hewett. Henderson.
Head. Hill. Home. Holestocke. Home. HoUiday. Howe Houp. Hope,
Hutcheson. Huddert, Huntingdon. Hug^on. Humfrey.

Illeson.

Jeffrey. Jack. Jonson, Jenkenson. James.

Kageton. Kendell. Key. Kemp. Kobourne. Knobley. Knocke. Kirk-
bride.

Lademan. Lambe. Langlige. Lathes. Lauder. Leighe. Lightfoot,
Lawskirk. Lokin, Longkaike. Lowson. Lowrye. Lut.

Machell. Mandevill. Man. Mane. Mareton. Martindale. Mason.
Maxwell. Makin. Marinson. Miner. Milner. Milliner. Millor. Mes-
senger. Morrison. More. Moreton. Musgrave. Muncke. Myrouse.

Nelson. Nicholson. Nixon.

Osboume, Osmotherley. Ostell

Paip. Parker. Parkin. Pattinson. Peat. Penrise. Penrose. Pe&rson.
Pethouse. Place, Plaskett. Powe Powson. Powly. Porte. Pot. Potter.
Price. Purves. Purdon

Railton. Reddam. Revell. Rendell. Redhead. Richardson. Richmont.
Richburne. Robinson, Roy. Robyson. Rosburne.

Savige. Salwood. Sandwith. Saule. Salkeld, Sanderson. Seilby.
Senhouse. Sewell. Serle. Sim. Scot, Sim kin. Shawe. Shipherd. Skelton.
Sharpe. Sibson. Stockdell. Steile, Stag. Stevenson. Stub. Stodderd. Spoit.
Swaile. Story. Stamper. Snaipe.

Tordife. Taylor, Tyfing. Tindell. Thirkeld. Thompson. Tremell.
Tweadie. Towson. Temple, Tymc.

UUacre. Unthanke.

Vickerman. Voacke. Vache.

Wayt. Wat, Waile. Watson. Waitman. Wacke Wayton. Welch.
Welshman. Wender. Whinfield. Whitehead Wilkinson. Whitlocke.
Wittie. Williamson. Whit. Wood. Wyly. WHght. Wyse. Wylson,
Wyld. Will.

Yonge. Yonghusbande. Yotter.

The names of places in the Holme mentioned are : —

Brownrigg, Goody hills, Eddersyde, Th'abbey, Maybroughe, Raby,
Sillethe, Leas, Newton, Skinbernes, Fulesyke, Sowterfield, Hertlawe,
Eilechist, Calfey, Woulstey, Newcowbyers, Mossyd, the Wath,
Werthe, Pelethowe, High-lawes. Craickhill. Blackedyke. Sander-
house. Abbey-cowbyer. Becke. Aldethe, the Ben, Kingesyd, Cuning-
garthe, ** the Chappell," Hang, Newton Arloshe, Glouser, Kelsyke,
Dundrawe, Field heade, Brocke-holes, Plasket-lands, Swenstye,

Gilbaneke,

RBGISTBR BOOK OF HOLME CULTRAM. 183

Gilbancke, Causey, ' The Close/ Sevell, Ternes, Mildrige, Blincow-
gay, Rabycoit, Ryeboddome, Saltcoits. Pondefaule— Oulde Maw-
burghe.

The particularly curious or interesting entries are : —

Sep. 23. 1582. John that God sent us. Bap.
Nov 4. Clitye Stamper.

„ 27. Euneiis.
Dec. 8 Jo of Jo Biglands Bap. & his mother bur.
July 16 A child of Jo. Taylor bur. in the church & not Baptized.
Aug John ye porter bur.

Burials in the church were very frequent and not un-
usual in the chancel.

July 1585 Bette Tyfin wed. (no groom mentioned).
'* Christenings in the year of our lord god a thousand five hundrethe
fower score & six."

Oct 30 Susan of Jo Draip pip (piper ? ) bap.
Mar 22 Helen— (only).

" Here endithe all the baptyzings wch have hapned within this
parishe of holme in the yeare of our saulevacion 1586. per me Row-
landum scriptorem hujus libri et Edwardum Mandevell cUum (clerum)
July 13 Janet of eight-feit bur

June 12 1587. Janat Wilson ales blind Jinnye bu. in ecclesia.
Oct 8 Robt Haton ales lonnebouts bu
— 29 James Askey wyfe of Robt Peat called ciltye.
Nov 23 Uxor Jo Richardson alias East John &c bur.
Feb 2. Mrgat the supposed of Mungo Taylor ded.
Jan 18 Tho Brewhouse alias toshe — bu
May 9 Jo Smith ales lusteman & Janet Salwood, wed
Mar. 22 1589. Tho of Jo Smith alias halting

Feb Magdelen of Sibbell vicar & Tho Nicholson as she sayethe Negat
22 Janat of a pore man named Wilson. Bap.

The number of children bap in this parish of Holme Ano Dni 1589
are 124 pro quibus in obbulis 5/1 id.
Aug 24 Robt Mandevell bur at Brumfield
Sep 15 Uxor Jo Hewet alias parson Hewet — Du —

The number of maried persons hapining within this pishe 1589
are 77. quod est mihi xxviiis. 6d. ultro certilic
Qoud est 3/- sum. baptz : matr : sepulter : testim : donor
Et aliud fee que mihi contegerim ano dni 1589. 410.
June 9. Elizebe doughter of Sandy goodey.

May

184 REGISTER BOOK OF HOLME CULTRAM.

May 25 Margat of Cuthe Musgraive bu in the Chancell

July 10 Roxvland Glaisters of Th*abbey bu in eccl: supposed to be

slaine by Walter Caverley

Sep 26 Robt Berwis of Swinsty bur in chancel ales captaice.

Dec 17 Robt Draip of Sillethe bu — his fees payed.

Dec 18 Jo Atkinson ales Webster — Jo he hanged himself — ^bu

A booke of all christinings &c in the yeare of our Salvation 1591
beginning at the 25th day of Marche being the i day of the same
yeare after the Computation of the Church of England."^
July 6. Jo of Robt Berwis of Sowterficld ba

Wherof godfather & godmotherf were Wm Skelton of Armiwhait, Jno
Milner Dalston of Dalston & myself bein vicar Ed. Mandevell.
Mar 5 Ed of Edw Kendell ba his father was deade before.
Sep 27 annus the lait wyfe of Wm Johnston bur
Sep 29 Jo Wysc alias blind Jo bu —
Mar 15 Janat Wilson ales Licksly.

June 9. Thomas Chambers of Raby Coit & Janat Grame wedded at
Nunry by me Edward Mandevell.

May 6. 1592. Mrgat uxor Penrise she drowned herself the 4 of Maye
Nov 8 Thorn Steale a Miller bu in eccl : he was hurt with a fale of a
milston that bracke boithe his leges ye 3 of November
Jan 15. Jo Pap of leas aUs ould swering paip. bu.

Jan 27. 1593. Victarinian & Vickermann occurs as a
surname.

Nov 25 Janat Smith aUs Mausey bur

Jan 4 Rich. Sanderson bur. he drowned himself.

April 21. Jo supposed of Anthony Wait bap : his mother was in the

Sherife preson for felionye & condemned to Dye when he was bourne

yet was she fetched forth to travell & was delivered in the jalors

house — he is buried —

•The CIVIL, ECCLESIASTICAL, and LEGAL year in England from the
beginninfT of the 14th century to the ist of January, 1753, commenced on the
2^th of March ; but the HISTORICAL commenced on the ist of January : vide
Snn*s Manual for the Gevealttfiist, CS^c, 2nd edition, p. 484.

t Cardinal Pole in 1555 required the names of the godfathers and eodmothers
to be added in the register of baptisms, according to the practice ox Italy and
Spain. This addition nas been of obligation in Catholic countries, since Novem-
ber, 1563, when it was enjoined by the Conncil of Trent, but it was never the law
of the Anglican chureh, except during the reign of Queen Mary, and Cardinal
Pole's injunction was then only partially obeyed. It iias never, however, been
foi bidden to Anglicans to record the names of the sponsors, and the custom was
retained by the parish of St. Nicholas, Newcastle-on-Tyne, and possibly by
many others up to the beginning of the present century.

IVaiers on Parish Registers.

July

REGISTER BOOK OF HOLME CULTRAM. 185

July 4 Margat of David Corey bu in eccl :

Cuthbert Wilson bu They boith were drowned in the sea to-
gether with 4 oxen and a nage —

July 13 Margat Berwis she was burned, as it is reported &c.
Jan 12. Tho Chambers of Hertlawe bu in eccl; he was drowned at
low waithe the 10 day of Januarye as he came from Carlill
Fabruarye 6 Richd of Tho Mandevell bu. borne under Capricorn.*

Another child is mentioned as born under Gemini.

May 22 Jo Langkaike ales Stacckedowne bu

Sep 26 Jo Smith aUs halting John —

Nov 14 Helen Brige drowned in Wampsule bu in eccl :

Dec 31 Jo Wylye ales black Wylye of Newton bu

Jan 4 : b ' Wm Tindell aUs poccky Will bu

— 10 Tho Smith an Ideot or borne naturall bu

— II * b ' Tho Cory ales bawtle. bu

— 17 " +b '* Wm Askey ales girning Will bu

— 19 * b ' Katheren hota bu she cutte her owne throate
April 9. 1597 Esabell Brig — and oulde wyfe bu

May 3 Jo Gibson ales learned Jo — bu

A daughter of Tho Burghe she dyed in the Church porche
July 25 Gawin borradell bu in ecclasia f

The black sickness or whatever * + b ' stood for was
still raging.

The Rev. H. Whitehead remarked that this register, being
written on paper, interspersed with churchwardens' accounts, and
containing various references to matters outside the strict province
of the register, seemed to be the original, and not a copy made in
obedience to the Inquisition of 1597. The copies were ordered to be
on parchment ; and the transcribers, to save themselves trouble,
were apt to omit whatever seemed irrelevant. Original registers of
earlier date than 1597 were very scarce; and probably there was not
another extant instance of one in this diocese.

• Sometimes the time of births was recorded with great precision to assist the
astrologer in casting the nativity of the child.

{IPaters on Parish Registers p. 35.)

t If this be Gawcn Borrowdale, the last abbot of Holm, he must have lived to
a great age : but he was onl^r abbot a few months, and might be a young man at
the Surrender in 1538. R. S. F.

[Y]

(i86)

Art. X. — The Retreat of the Highlatiders through West-
morland in 1745. By the Worshipful Chancellor
Ferguson, F.S.A. President of the Society.

Read at Kendal and Clifton, July nth* & 12th, 1888.

SOME time in the year 1886 I was in the keep of the
old castle of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which is occu-
pied by the Society of Antiquaries of that city for the
purposes of their museum. My attention was attracted
to a manuscript plan hanging in one of the deep window
recesses ; its limits were defined by a broad margin of red
paint, within which a vast tartan boa constrictor seemed
to be endeavouring to swallow a church and sundry red
and black blocks. On a close inspection I found that the
plan was titled

^n i&xatt |)lan of the Skirmish on Clifton Moor ;

that the red and black blocks represented the forces of the
Duke of Cumberland ; and that the tartan boa constrictor
was nothing else than the Highland army, or a part of
it.

As I have always thought that the history of the retreat
of the Highlanders through Westmoreland in December,
1745, has been very inadequately dealt with by all previous
writers, I viewed this strange plan with much interest : by
the courtesy of the officials of the Newcastle Society of

• F'art of this paper was delivered as a lecture at Penrith in 1SS7, with a view
to arouse interest in the matter, and so revive the local legends. In this I was
fairij^ successful. I then prepared this paper and sent it to the Society of Anti-
quaries of London : the paper was returned to me almost by the foUowinjr post,
the plans not having been opened. The executive committee stated that they
had just refused a paper on Sir Cloudsley Shovel, in pursuance of a rule under
which papers on matters later than 1700 were not laid before the Society of An-
tiquaries. This seemed to me very odd, as a paper by Lord Stanhope P.S.A. on
the Highlanders at Derby in 1745, is printed in the Society's Proceedings, 2nd
Series, vol. Ill, p. 118, and 1 wrote to the President; on investigation no such
rule could be discovered on record. I then sent the paper in "The Reliquary,"
from which it is now reproduced with additions and corrections.

Antiquaries

£M:^-<^J^

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 187

Antiquaries the plan was entrusted to me for examination,
and a fac-simile of it is here reproduced as Plate i. My
first enquiries were as to how the Society became pos-
sessed of it, and Mr. C. J. Spence was kind enough to
make the necessary researches, with the following result :
In the Archaologia Juliana, vol. iii., Old Series, p. 12,
under head of " Donations," is

I . March 1842
An exact plan of the Skirmish on Clifton-Moor in 1745 (M.S).
Donor— Sir M. W. Ridley Bart.

This is, as Mr.Spence kindly ascertained, an exact copy of
the entry in the minute book of the Society, signed by
John Trotter Brockett ; the file of the Society's corres-
pondence for that year contains no letter from Sir M. W.
Ridley, and no reference to the plan whatever. No en-
graving or account of the plan is in the publications of the
Newcastle Society of Antiquaries. The present Sir M. W.
Ridley, in reply to an enquiry, courteously regrets he has
no information to give, nor can he suggest any reason why
such a plan should have been in his father's possession.
Internal evidence seems to prove the plan to be contem-
porary with the skirmish, and my own impression is that
it is the work of G. Smith, a schoolmaster of Wigton, and
at this period a frequent contributor to the Gentleman's
Magazine on antiquarian subjects. He published, in 1746,
plans of Carlisle and the vicinity, showing the position of
the Duke of Cumberland's batteries, and the breaches made
in the walls of the city.

This plan (plate I) represents the position of the troops
at two distinct times on Wednesday the i8th Dec, namely
at 3 p.m, and 5 p.m. I have therefore dissected this plan,
which I shall call the Newcastle plan, and made from it
two copies (plates VIII and IX) shewing matters at 3 p.m
and at 5 p.m.

The title, an ** Exact Plan," is rather a stretch of the
imagination on the part of the artist ; it is rather a bird's

eye

l88 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

eye view of a somewhat large district, extending from the
parallel of latitude, if we may so speak, of Lowther Hall
on the south to that of Lowther Bridge on the north ; and
from the longitude of Lowther Hall on the west to
Brougham Common on the east. The Shap and Penrith
road, running from south to north, bisects this district,
whose centre is occupied by Clifton Moor, which is, roughly
speaking, represented by a right-angled triangle, with its
right angle toward the S.W. angle of the plan ; the longer
of the sides that contain the right angle runs north and
south, parallel to and between the Lowther enclosures
and the Shap and Penrith road, while the shorter side
runs due east and west, and at its eastern end a road com-
municating with the Appleby road leaves the Moor.
The Shap and Penrith road leaves the Moor at the
northern angle of the triangle, going through the town of
Clifton, between the Church and the Hall, and down the
hill to Lowther Bridge over the river of that name. The
Moor slopes downwards to the north, and the northern
angle is the " Foot of the Moor " and also " The Town
End,*' where is, on the west of the road, the Town End
farm-house, the residence, in 1745, of Thomas Savage, a
Quaker, and the place where the Duke of Cumberland
lodged on the night of Wednesday, December i8th, 1745.
The Moor was enclosed in 1812, and only a small green at
its north, or foot, left open.

The Clifton Moor of 1745 was thus surrounded by enclo-
sures on all sides, and approached at each angle by a
narrow road. A small lane running due east leads from
the Moor into a small green among the eastern or Clifton
enclosures. This can be identified on the ordnance map,
for on it is marked " The Rebel Tree."

Plate II is a rough diagram of that portion of the
county of Westmoreland, through which the Highlanders
retired on the 14th, 15th, i6th, 17th, and i8th of December,
1745, after their surprising march to Derby. It shows

the

PUTE IL

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 189

the towns of Kendal and Penrith (which last is just with-
in the Cumberland borders) ; they are about 25 miles
apart, and connected by a road, which, in December,
1745, must have been most trying for troops passing over
the bleak moors of Shap Fell, well known to every travel-
ler by the London and North-Western Railway. For
most of the way the road was, in 1745, open to the fells
and commons, but near the villages ft became a narrow
lane passing through the enclosures which surrounded
these villages. The town of Shap is on this road, 14 miles
distant from Kendal and 11 from Penrith. The village of
Thrimby, with its enclosures and Thrimby Hill, is about
halfway between Shap and Penrith.

A little north of Thrimby the road bifurcates, the main
road going through the village of Hackthorpe and its en-
closures, while a mere lane runs (westward of the main
road) through the village of Lowther and the Lowther
enclosures, sometimes called by Lord George Murray
" Lord Lonsdale's enclosures; " the lane falls again into
the main road a little to the north of Lowther. The main
road continues a little way and comes [or rather did in
1745] to Clifton Moor, a large right-angled triangular space
which it enters at the right angle, and passes along one
side, having the Lowther enclosures to the west and Clif-
ton Moor to the east. Beyond Clifton Moor to the east
are the Clifton enclosures, and beyond to the east is
Brougham Common, in the parish of that name. The
road leaves the Moor at its northern angle, where the
i* Foot of the Moor " and the " Town End " coincide.
The town is about a third of a mile in length, and the
Church and Clifton Hall are at its northern extremity, from
which the road passes down a gentle slope of some half
mile to the river Lowther and Lowther Bridge, beyond
which, at about a quarter, of a mile distance, it crosses the
river Eamont by Eamont Bridge, and proceeds to Penrith,
which is distant from Clifton about a mile and a quarter.

Lowther

igo THE HIGHLANDbRS IN WESTMORLAND.

Lowther Park and Hall are to the west of the Lowther
enclosures, and a road leads from the north end of Clifton
to Lowther Hall.

There was another main road from Kendal, by Orton
and Crosby Ravensworth, to Appleby ; cross roads, mere
lanes, connect it with the Shap and Penrith road. There
are bridges over the Eden at Appleby and Temple Sow-
erby in Westmorland, and another, lower down, at
Langwathby, in Cumberland. All these remarks apply
to the condition of things in 1745.

The next plan (plate III) is an enlargement of the map
from the Chevalier de Johnstone's Memoirs.* I have in
verted it, as he puts the south at the top. This map is
a very rough sketch, and the lane through the Lowther
enclosures is carried down to the south of Thrimby Hill,
instead of the north. He has omitted one of the two
rivers, either Lowther or Eamont ; and, most puzzling
of all, he has shifted Clifton Hall, a small border peel,
under the name of the " Castle of Clifton Hall," into
Penrith, evidently confusing it with Penrith Castle. This
map represents the troops as they were at three distinct
times on December i8th — namely, at noon, i p.m., and
5 p.m. I have, therefore, made three copies, plates V, VI,
and VII, in which I have put down matters as they were
at such three times — viz., noon, i p.m., and 5 p.m. On
these plans I have corrected Johnstone's title of Clifton
Hall to Clifton Moor.

The editor of the Chevalier's Memoirs makes no
attempt to explain the Chevalier's map or to reconcile it
with his text.

The next plan (plate IV) is entitled *' A plan of the
Battle of Clifton Moor," and represents matters at 3 p.m.

• Memoirs of the RcbcUion in 1745, 1746, by the Chevalier do Johnstone. Lon-
don, 1822 : Longman & Co.; third edition.

on

PLATE III.

wATw

- 1745 A 174 6 —

PLATE IV.

A PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF CLIFTON MUIR

NORTH SIDE

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THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. I9I

on the i8th Dec. It is taken from Dugald Graham's his-
tory of the Rebellion, written in doggrel verse.*

These three plans (Plates I, III, IV,) taken with the
skeleton map of the country (Plate II), when carefully
studied, give most important information as to the retreat
of the Highlanders through Westmoreland in December
1745, and the skirmish on Clifton Moor on the i8th of
that month. Previous writers have not known of the
Newcastle plan ; and D. Graham's they have ignored.

They have also ignored or not known of Mounsey*s
Authentic Account of the Occupation of Carlisle in 1745. t
It contains the correspondence of Dr. Waugh, one of my
predecessors as Chancellor of Carlisle. Dr. Waugh was
an active Whig, in close correspondence with the Premier,
the Duke of Newcastle ; he organised an intelligence de-
partment for the benefit of the Government in the south of
Scotland and north-west of England. The local guides
who accompanied the Duke of Cumberland, were allies of
his, probably found by him, and in constant communica-
tion with him. The book, Carlisle in 1745, is indispens-
able, and has been strangely overlooked by Mr. Ewald,
in his Life of Prince Charles, and by Colonel Hozier in
his Invasions of England. They have also overlooked
Walker's History of Penrith, in which is a letter by Tho-
mas Savage, giving a minute account of the skirmish on
Clifton Moor. As this letter is not readily accessible, I
have quoted largely from it, and put it in extenso in
appendix III. In appendix IV I have put another im-
portant letter, hitherto unprinted, from Tom Tinkler.^

•An Impartial History of the Rise, Progress and Extinction of the late Rebel-
lion in Britain in 1745 and 1746. The Sixth Edition. Glasgow: Printed by J.
and M. Robertson, mdccxcvi.

tl^ndon : Longman & Co., Carlisle; Tames Steel, 1S4O.

X I applied to my friend Canon Machell, the owner of the ** Hill MS. collec-
tions towards a History of Westmorland," and asked if any information was
contained in the eleven magnificent volumes about Clifton skirmish. The Canon
kindly searched and found a reference to the Chevalier de Johnstone's map, and
to some curious map or maps of the skirmish said to be at Downing College,

On

192 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

On the 4th of December, 1745, (O.S.) Prince Charles
concentrated his army at Derby, and his advanced guard
occupied the strong position of Swarkeston Bridge, which,
nearly a mile in length, spans the Trent and the lowlands
adjoining. On the 5th the Prince held a council of war ;
on the 6th he commenced his retreat. It is foreign to my
purpose to discuss why he did so, or to speculate on what
might have happened, had he pushed on for London, where
the sensation produced by his arrival in Derby was intense.
It was apprehended that he would evade the armies
both of Marshal Wade and of the Duke of Cumberland,
and march directly upon London. Wade's army he had
already evaded ; that commander, expecting the High-
landers to enter England by the eastern route, waited
for them at Newcastle until too late ; he then marched to
Hexham, only to learn that Carlisle had surrendered, and
to return to Newcastle, from which place he was marching
through Yorkshire to the south, to intercept the High-
landers, if he could.

The Duke of Cumberland, with an army of about 8,000,
occupied at Stone the passages of the Trent, between
Newcastle-under-Lyne and Lichfield, and barred the way
towards the west ; while a third army, famous by Hogarth's
well-known picture, assembled on Finchley Common for
the protection of London.

The Highlanders commenced their retreat on Decem-
ber the 6th, and passed the night at Ashbourne : the
Chevalier de Johnstone says : —

On the 7th we reached Leek, on the 8th Macclesfield, the 9th Man-
chester, loth Wigan, and the nth Preston, where we remained
during the 12th. We arrived at Lancaster on the 13th, where we
recruited ourselves during the 14th, and on the 15th we reached
Kendal. •=

Cambridge. I have to thank the Master of Downing and Mr. Courtney Kenny,
M.P., for searching among the Downing archives, but with no result.

Canon Machcll found an account of the burial of those who fell at Clifton
Moor, which will be added in its place.

So

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. I93

So soon as the Duke of Cumberland heard of the
retreat, expresses were sent to the deputy-lieutenants and
the magistrates, ordering them to rouse the country, to
break up the roads, and to break down the bridges. The
Duke of Cumberland commenced his pursuit of the High-
landers on the 8th December, when he marched north
with the whole of his cavalry, and a number of infantry,
mounted upon horses, which were supplied by the gentry
of the neighbourhood. Wade returned to Newcastle, but
sent his cavalry, under Major-General Oglethorpe, to join
the Duke of Cumberland, which they did at Preston, on
the 13th December, having marched, spite of weather,
100 miles in three days.

The principal difficulties the Highlanders encountered
in their retreat occurred on their passage through West-
morland.* The deputy lieutenants of that county, on the
14th of December, in obedience to the command of the
Duke of Cumberland, raised a part of the county to de-
molish Wastall Bridge and break up the road down
Grayrigge hawset in order to make the roads from Kendal
and Appleby impassable for artillery and wheel-carriages.
Whether this was done or not I do not know. The sequel
shows that the roads were bad enough in their natural
state. The deputy lieutenants were a little late in moving
in the matter, for an advanced party of the Highland army
arrived at Kendal on the morning of that same day
(Saturday, the 14th). It consisted of no or 120 hussars
under the Duke of Perth, who, according to Lord George

*On their advance through Cumberland and Westmorland the Highlanders
neither molested the country people, nor were molested by them. At first,
supposed to be cannibals, they became mere objects of curiosity. Carlisle in
'745» p- 106. An account will be found in the same book, p. 116 : (also in Ray's
History of the Rebellion, and in Tom Tinkler's letter — Appendix iv. to tnis

?aper) of how some Penrith volunteers captured a marauding party at Lowther
lall.

t Wastall Bridge, now called Wasdale Bridge, is over Wasdale Beck, and is on
the main road between Kendal and Shap, three-and-a-half miles south of Shap.
Grayrigg hawse is on the road between Kendal and Appleby. See plate iv.

Murray's
[Z]

194 'I'HB HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

Murray's account, had been sent off to make his way to
Scotland to bring up men and to carry dispatches. This
force was accompanied by a chaise, in which was " a per-
son in woman's clothes". Another account says two
ladies, and the suggestion was thrown out that one was
Prince Charles himself, in female attire, endeavouring to
get back to Scotland. The reception the Duke of Perth
got from the Kendal people was a warm one. Hodgson,
in his History of Westmorland, says.

They passed quietly till they came into Finkle Street, when the mob
suddenly fell upon them with clubs, stones, and anything they could
pick up in their hurry. The Duke's men made a short stand, a
little below the Fish Market, and fired several shots, by which four
people received wounds of which they died. Of the rebels none
were killed on the spot,* but four made prisoners, one of them Perthes
servant. The rebels then pushed briskly forward, and were pursued
near a quarter of a mile to Stramongate bridge, by the enraged popu-
lace annoying them with stones. Then they made another stand
here, and seemed as if they would return ; but a townsman having
crept privately to the bridge, fired at the foremost, who immediately
let his gun and cloak fall, and could not turn his horse ; but by the
help of his companions they got to Shap, from which place they pro-
ceeded that afternoon to Eamont bridge; but perceiving Penrith
beacon on fire, they enquired the reason, and being told that it was
to raise the country, and that all the hedges from that place to Pen-
rith were lined with armed men,t they returned to Shap, where they
halted during the night.

The arrival of the Duke of Perth in Kendal had been
preceded by an anonymous letter to the Mayor, contain-

* Kendal parish register contains the following entr3fi— " i74S» Dec. i6th.
— ^,Iohn Slack Kild by ye Scotts. Same day a Scotch rebel, name not
known." Slack was a respectable farmer. Tradition mentions Richard Pindar, a
shoemaker, as wounded, and also an ostler, name unknown. Further accounts of
this affray will be found in Ray's History of the ReheUion and in Carlisle, in 1745,
pp. 130, 151, M2. Ray states he had seen the grave of one of the hussars, on
the roadside, about four miles from Kendal, where he dropped oflf his horse and
died.

t Tom Tinkler's letter (Appendix IV) details the preparation made at Penrith
He says that Wade had sent 120 soldiers to Penrith ; that these— some 50 volun-
teers and somecounti^men — lined the road from Eamont bridge to Penrith at proper
distances ; that the Penrith Beacon was fired, and the whole countryside assembled
on Penrith Fell.

ing

THB HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. I95

ing a report that the Highland army had been severely
defeated by the Duke of Cumberland. The fact that the
Duke of Perth and his hussars rode through the town
without a halt would tend to confirm the Kendal men in
the idea that they were fugitives, and might be mobbed,
and stoned, and shot, things which they would hardly
have indulged in had they known that the Highland in-
fantry in full force, and undefeated, was close behind the
horsemen.

To return to the Duke of Perth, whom we left halted
for Saturday night the 14th, at Shap. The unfounded
report of a Highland defeat had got well into circulation,t
and not only were the Penrith people in arms to cut off
stragglers, but even Dalston, Sebergham, and Brough
turned out strong parties, armed as best they could, who
guarded Armathwaite and Sebergham Bridges.* On
Sunday the 15th the Duke of Perth and his hussars made
an attempt to get into Scotland, by the route along the
eastern bank of the river Eden (plate' II). They went by
Cliburn, Temple Sowerby (where they crossed the Eden by
Temple Sowerby Bridge) and Culgaith to Langwathby
Moor. But the Penrith men crossed the river lower down
at Langwathby Bridge, and with a number of country men
got within pistol fire of the hussars at Appleside Hill on
Langwathby Moor in Cumberland. They mobbed the
hussars out of Cumberland, and through Westmoreland,
through Culgaith, Newbiggen Moor, Kirkby Thore, where
the hussars pressed one Jack Boucher as a guide, through
the river Eden at Bolton, through Moorland, Newby-
Mill-Flat, and Reagill to Shap, thence to Orton Scar, where
they left them. The hussars refreshed at Orton, and got
back to Kendal on Sunday night, after a somewhat excit-

* See Tom Tinkler's letter in appendix IV. The report at Penrith took the
form that the Highlanders were surrounded at Lancaster.

t Another report was of a battle at Ellelmoor, five miles south of Lancaster ;
Carlisle in 1745, p. 131.

ing

196 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

ing, if somewhat inglorious two days' excursion through
the two counties of Cumberland and Westmorland. One
wonders that a party of over 100 hussars could not cut
their way through a mob of Penrith townsmen and country
people.*

The Highlanders levied a fine on Kendal for the death of
their hussar, and when the bulk of their army reached Pen-
rith on the 17th they threatened to burn the town for
'* Sunday hunting ". Tinkler tells us that ere the High-
land army arrived, most of the Penrith men made them-
selves scarce, and that Wade*s 120 soldiers marched out
to Gamelsby.

The hussars having now rejoined the Highland army at
Kendal, we have the whole Highland army to deal with.

On Monday, December the i6th, the whole Highland
army left Kendal at daybreak hoping to reach Penrith that
night, a distance of about 25 miles. This march is well
described by the Chevalier de Johnstone, who at this time
served as a captain in the Lowland regiment of Scotch,
known as the Duke of Perth's; the company which he
commanded was, with three others of the same regiment,
detailed off for the arduous duty of escorting the artillery.
The rear of the march was brought up by the commander-
in-chief. Lord George Murray, who was under the impres-
sion, an erroneous one, that Marshal Wade's army, was
within two miles, and that an engagement was imminent ;
as a matter of fact. Wade's infantry were making for New-
castle, and his cavalry under Major-General Oglethorpe in
company with the Duke of Cumberland and his cavalry
and probably some mounted infantry only reached Kendal
on the following day, Tuesday the 17th.

Owing to the bad state of the roads and the weather, the
Highland army got on Monday, the i6th, no further than

• The 1 20 soldiers, whom we arc told by Tinkler, vide ante p. 194 n.. Wade sent to
Penrith, do not appear to have been in this " Sunday Huntinfc," as Tinkler calls
it, nor were the hunters militia or ligfht horse, for the Highlanders had captured
all the arms of these troops at Carlisle.

Shap

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. I97

Shap, where they stayed the nipht ; their artillery did not
even get so far, some ammunition waggons broke down
about a league and a half or some four miles from Kendal,
and the artillery and its escort passed the night on the high
road in a storm of wind and rain. On Tuesday, the 17th,
the Prince with the bulk of the army arrived at Penrith,
but the artillery and its escort, now reinforced by the
Macdonalds of Glengarry, to the number, the Chevalier
says, of 500 men, but I think of only 300, only managed
to reach Shap, and that with great difficulty at nightfall.
It will be convenient to here give the Chevalier's own
account of the first part of the next day's proceedings : —

We set out from Shap by break of day, on the 18th, to join our
army, which waited for us at Penrith ; but we had scarcely begun
our march, when we saw a great number of the enemy's light-
horse continually hovering about us : without venturing, however,
to come within musket-shot. The appearance of these light-horse-
men appeared the more extraordinary, as hitherto we had seen none
in the whole course of our expedition into England. Having arrived
at mid-day, at the foot of an eminence [Thrimby HillJ, which it was
necessary to cross in our march to Penrith, about half-way between
that town and Shap, the moment we began to ascend, we instantiy
discovered cavalry, marching two and two abreast on the top of the
hill, who disappeared soon after, as if to form themselves in order of
battle, behind the eminence which concealed their numbers from us,
with the intention of disputing the passage. We heard at the same
time a prodigious number of trumpets and kettle-drums. Mr. Brown,
colonel in the train of Lally's regiment, was at the head of the co-
lumns with two of the companies, which the Duke of Perth had
attached to the artillery, and of which mine was one. After them
followed the guns and ammunition waggons, and then the two other
companies attached to the artillery. Lord George was in the rear
of the column with the regiment of Macdonalds. We stopt a
moment at the foot of the hill, everybody believing it was the
English Army, from the great number of trumpets and kettle-drums.
In this seemingly desperate conjecture, we immediately adopted
the opinion of Mr. Brown, and resolved to rush upon the enemy,
sword in hand, and open a passage to our army at Penrith, or
perish in the attempt. Thus, without informing Lord George of
our resolution, we darted forward with great swiftness, running
up the hill as fast as our legs could carry us. Lord George, who

was

igS THB HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

was in the rear, seeing our manceuvre at the head of the column,
and being unable to pass the waggons in the deep roads confined by
hedges, in which we then were, immediately ordered the Highlanders
to proceed across the enclosure, and ascend the hill from another
quarter. They ran so fast that they reached the summit of the hill
almost as soon as those who were at the head of the column. We
were agreeably surprised, when we reached the top of the hill to find,
instead of the English Army, only three hundred light horse and
chasseurs, who immediately fled in disorder,'^' and of whom we were
only able to come up with one man, who had been thrown from his horse,
and whom we wished to make prisoner to obtain some intelligence
from him ; but it was impossible to save him from the fury of the
Highlanders, who cut him to pieces in an instant. From the great
number of trumpets and kettle-drums which the light-horse had with
them, there is every reason for supposing that it was their design
to endeavour to induce us to turn aside from the road to Penrith, by
making us believe that the whole English Army was on the hill be-
fore us, and if we had fallen into the snare which was laid for us,
in a few hours every man of our detachment would either have been
killed or taken prisoner.

This episode, which is represented on plate V, took
place about mid-day. The light horse and chasseurs
have generally been put down as local militia : in reality
they were light horse, pushed on from a column under
General Bland, which was endeavouring to intercept the
Highland army by pushing on through the lanes west-
ward of the main road : when I first wrote this account in
the Reliquary of July and October, 1888, I thought they
might have been detachedt from another column under
General Oglethorpe, which was moving parallel to the
main column of the Duke of Cumberland, and marching
through Orton and Crosby Ravensworth (plate II). None
of the historians of the occurrences of the i8th December
mention that Oglethorpe was thus operating with a de-
tached column, but it is proved by a letter from Mr.
Lamb, printed in Mounsey's Carlisle in 1745," p. 136.
Mr. Lamb says —

''^Lord George Murray, a more experienced soldier than the Chevalier, says,
" they moved off at top ffallop, and gave me no more trouble."

t We leam this from Uugald Graham and that Bland had with him Bland's
dragoons, Kingston's light horse, and the Yorkshire Hunters.

On

PLATE V.

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND I99

On Wednesday morning I carryed some letters to General Ogle-
thorpe, at Orton, who the Duke expected would have been with the
Rear Guard of the Rebels the night before. I went with them till
they took ye road to Strickland Head, then I took the Shap road, and
at Shap Thorn* (See plate II). I came in sight of the Duke*s army
about i20.t

There can be no doubt that the 300 chasseurs (light
horse), trumpeters and kettledrums had been hurried on
from Bland's column to intercept the lagging Highland
train of artillery and its escort, and cut it off from the
Highland army.

At twelve o'clock we get the position thus : the Duke of
Cumberland's army at Shap % ; the Highland artillery and
its escort (four companies of the Duke of Perth's regi-
ment and the Macdonalds) ascending Thrimby Hill, be-
yond which were light horse, chasseurs, trumpeters, and
kettledrummers, while Bland was endeavouring to get in
front of them on their west flank and Oglethorpe with
Ligonier's dragoons, was somewhere on their east flank,
making his way to Brougham Common, where the
Appleby men were ordered to meet him.§ The situ-
ation was serious ; had the Highlanders halted or left
the road, a short time would have seen them caught
between the columns of the Duke of Cumberland and
General Bland, and General Oglethorpe would have got
before them to Brougham Common, and cut them off
from Penrith. But they were able to brush away the

* Shap Thorn is on the road between Kendal and Shap, two miles to the south
of Shap.

t Mr. Mounsey does not say who or what Mr. Lamb was, and I have been un-
able to ascertain. But he was a local man, in the confidence of the Chancellor of
Carlisle, and serving with the Duke of Cumberland, as g^uide, etc. See appendix
VI for additionallinformation as to Oglethorp's flank march.

X The Duke's army here means only a part of his army, the cavalry. He
brought to Cliflon moor the following cavalry res^iments, viz., Cobham's, Kerr's,
Bland's, and Montafifu's dragfoons, and Kinj^stoirs lig^ht horse : and !

. _ . .. ^ of the

Royal or Yorkshire Hunters. See Appendix I.

$ Liflfonier's draffoons were not with the Duke of Cumberland, and so must
have been with Oglethorpe.

II See;unsis:ned letter appendix VI.

light

200 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

light horsemen and chasseurs, and with their charge
up the hill ends Scene I of the military drama played
in Westmoreland, on Wednesday, the i8th December.

I shall again put the Chevalier de Johnstone into the
witness box, and he shall give an account of Scene II,
which is, in the language of the theatre, a mere carpen-
ter's flat, between two more important scenes.

We immediately resumed our march, but in less than an hour"^ one
of our ammunition waggons having broken from the badness of the
roads, we were obliged to halt. The singular adventure of the light
horse had filled me with some uneasiness, as I was unable to ac-
count for their audacity, unless the army of Marshal Wade were
much nearer us than we imagined, and I communicated my fears
to Mr. Grant, an officer of great talents, who commanded our artil-
lery, and acted as our engineer at the same time ; and, in order that
we might not lose time in repairing the broken waggon, I suggested
to him that we should go to a farm which we saw on our right,
about a quarter of a league from us, and try to procure one. He
consented ; and we took seven or eight men with us, of whom my
sergeant, Dickson, was one. Having found a waggon in the court-
yard of the farmer, we immediately carried it ofFf (see Plate VI);
and our march was retarded no longer than the time necessary for
transferring the ammunition from one waggon to another. In re-
turning from the farm, Dickson called our attention to something
which appeared blackish to us, on a hill about a league to our left;
and he alone, contrary to the opinion of every one else, maintained
that he saw it moving, and that it was the English army advancing
towards us. As we took what he saw for bushes, and as nobody,
excepting himself, could distinguish anything, I treated him as a
visionary ; but he still persisted, till I ordered him to be silent, tell-
ing him that fear alone could have filled his imagination with the
idea of an army. However, his last word was that we should see in
an hour whether or not he was in the right. When we had advanced
about two miles,J we were soon convinced that Dickson's eyes were

• That will make the time a little before one o'clock.

f I do not know if tradition preserves the name of the farm : Thrimby Hall
suits the description of the place, or it may have been nearer Hackthorpe. It is
marked on the Chevalier's plan.

^Two miles would take about an hour to march; this brinies the time of day
to 2 p.m. We shall see the artillery passed Clifton Town End about 2.30, the
charge mentioned in the text must have taken place about half-a-mile or rather
more from the Town End.

much

PLATE VI.

- CMJgDli— 'MDI^iR P«<^ 1745 -

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 201

much better than ours. The Duke of Cumberland, having followed
us by forced marches, with two thousand cavalry, and as many foot
soldiers mounted behind them, fell suddenly on the Macdonalds, who
were in the rear of the column, with all the fury and impetuos-
ity imaginable. Fortunately the road running between thorn hedges
and ditches, the cavalry could not act in such a manner as to sur-
round us, nor present a larger frq/it than the breadth of the road.
The Highlanders received their charge with most undaunted firm-
ness. They repelled the assailants with their swords, and did not
quit their ground till the artillery and waggons were a hundred paces
from them and continuing their route. Then the Highlanders
wheeled to the right and ran with full speed till they joined the wag-
gons, when they stopt again for the cavalry, and stood their charge
as firm as a wall. The cavalry were repulsed in the same manner
as before with their swords. We marched in this manner about a
mile, the cavalry continually renewing the charge, and the High-
landers always repulsing them, repeating the same manoeuvre and
behaving like lions.

The plan given by the Chevalier de Johnstone (Plates
III and IV) shows that the column seen by Sergeant
Dickson, was marching, not on the main road between
Shap and Clifton, through Hackthorpe, but on a loop
road or lane to the west of the main road, running
through Lowther and the Lowther enclosures : it must
have been the column under General Bland, consisting,
as Dugald Graham tells, of Bland's dragoons, Kingston's
light horse, and the Yorkshire Hunters, some of whom
had already been encountered on Thrimby Hill ; the Duke
of Cumberland with his force was three miles behind, and
no doubt on the main road, while Bland was pushing for-
ward along the side lane through the Lowther enclosures,
to get between the Highland artillery and Penrith (Plate
VI.) 'This he probably would have done had any delay
taken place over the broken waggon, but the Chevalier's
presence of mind prevented this. The cavalry, however,
got touch of the rear of the Highland artillery escort
immediately after the junction of the two roads ; the

Chevalier
[2 A]

202 THE UIGHLANDbRS IN WESTMORLAND.

Chevalier talks of a running fight for a mile, which is
about the distance between the junction of the roads and
Clifton moor. This running fight must have taken place
about 2 p.m. ; messengers had been sent to Penrith by
Lord George Murray, and a body of Highland infantry
under Cameron of Lochiel had moved from Penrith and
taken post at Lowther bridge behind the river Lowther
to assist the Highland train of artillery, and the Scotch
cavalry had come out to Clifton. Here ends Scene H.,
and I will dismiss the Chevalier de Johnstone from the
witness box, for though he continues his story, he was no
longer an eye witness, as the train of artillery and the
four companies of Perth's regiment did not stop for the
fighting at Clifton, but proceeded at once to Carlisle, not
stopping at Penrith, except for a short rest.

I shall now call into the witness box Thomas Savage
of the Town End, Clifton, whose letter to his friend Rich-
ard Partridge is given in the appendix to this paper.*
Thomas Savage says :

Now I shall give thee to understand the beginning and the end of the
engagement. First, the rebel hussars being gone past to Penrith,
came riding back to my door in haste, between one and two in the
afternoon. Then in an hour afterf came back again driving up the
rear of their army to my door, and some others then took their
place, and they wheeled off and set themselves in ambush against
my barn side, being so inclosed with cross houses that our king's
men could not see them until close to them, we not knowing their
design, but I firmly believed it to be evil, and so we went into my
house ; yet could not long be easy there, and returned forth and look-
ing about me, I espied the commanders of the king's men appearing
upon the hill,| at about 400 yards south of my house, whereupon my

* See appendices 1 1, and HI.

t This brings the time to about 2.30 p.m., the artillerv and its escort, now
reinforced by the Scotch hussars, passingfjCIifton Town End. We have previously
at 2 p.m., got them to within a mile of the Town End, vix., the junction of the
two roads, where the running fight began.

X Bland's column debouching from the road upon the south or high end of
Clifton Moor,

verj'

PLATE VI 1.

—SIIIBISSII-

-AT-

«c|74S—

5f M—

'XaiBi^iBiiiaiiiv AS (Curv(DB-

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 203

very heart was in pain for believing that a great number might be
cut off before they were aware ; so our care was to give the king's
men notice, for which my son* ventured his life, and gave them no-
tice about 300 yards before they came to the place ; when in the
meantime a second ambush was laid, about 100 yards nearer to our
king's men,t and the king's hussars with some of the Yorkshire
Hunters, came down, and so soon as they came opposite to the first
ambush, the rebels fired upon them, but did no execution ; and then
issued out the ambush at my doors and a furious firing they had, the
king's men acting the quickest and nimblest that ever my eyes be-
held, not one of them receiving any harm. Some horse followed the
former, so that in a few minutes the rebels ran away like mad men,
and just by my door one of the rebels was brought down, and taken,
and a Captain Hamilton was also taken at the same time. They
were both had up to the Duke.

This happened about 3 o'clock, and is shown on the
sketch (Plate IV) given by D. Graham, who tells that the
hussars engaged on the English side were Kingston's light
horse, and that the horse were Bland's dragoons, and
that Bland ordered his cavalry to retire. The Newcastle
map also has this scene laid down upon it, the Scotch
hussars filling the town, and Kingston's light horse,
who are marked " The Forlorn Hope," riding on them
I have reproduced this from the Newcastle map as a
separate map (Plate VIII.) Bland, after being warned
by Jonathan Savage, would not consider it prudent
to attack the enemy until the Duke of Cumberland
came up in force ; from Graham we learn the Duke was
three miles (say an hour) behind Bland. Thomas Savage
says the " rebels ran away like madmen ; " this may seem
strong language, but Lord George says :

* Jonathan Savage. The Newcastle map shows the route by which he went to
warn the king's hussars, namely, through the fields at the back of his father's
house ;^ by a mistake it calls him Thomas.

t This IS shown on the sketch (Plate IV.) given by D. Graham, who marks
a Quaker's house on the east side of the road, the opposite side to the Town End
farm house, which was Savage's house, and is generally known in connection
with the i8th Dec, 1745, as the Quaker's house. The house on the east of the
road was also a Quakers house, oelonging to a son-in-law of Thomas Savage,
named Josiah Walker.

Our

204 ThE HIGHLANDERS IK WESTMORLAND.

Our hussars upon seeing the enemy, went off to Penrith. One of
their officers, Mr. Hamilton, with two or three of his men, had dis-
mounted (being ashamed of the going off of the others).'^

Hamilton took refuge in a cottage a little detached from
the town ; one of the Duke's hussars (said by D. Graham
to be an Austrian) fired through the window, and drove
Hamilton out, a single combat ensued, but the hussar cap-
tured Hamilton, who was much cut about the head ; the
other prisoner was one Ogden, of the Manchester regi-
ment. No other casualities are recorded as having oc-
curred during this spirited little rally, which forms Scene
III.

Scene IV. is a carpenter's flat, which Thomas Savage
shall tell.

Then all was still about an hour,f in which time I abode in the
house, the king's troops still standing upon the common ; in which
time my son went over a little green | to see if he could gii the cattle
brought into the houses, but seeing that in vain, came homewards
again, when four rebels on horseback seized him, callind; him a spy
and had him down under their horses' feet, swearing] desperately
many times they would shoot him ; three of them contimanded the
fourth to shoot him, which he attempted with his gun, adid pistol, but
neither would fire, so he escaped, and came in a littletf after. . . .
and in the time of quietness as above, they had sent ciff a party of
their horse § to plunder and burn Lowther Hall and to\ ?n, and were
also plundering our town, leaving nothing they could la^ y their hands
on, breaking locks, and making ruinous work, even to a 11 our victuals
and little children's clothes of all sorts.

This ends Scene IV. Lord George Murr/ay had, in
sending horse to Lowther Hall (he accompg mied them
himselO a much more important object tl iian that of

* The Sunday hunting had probably demoralised them.

f This would bring the time to 4 p.m., when the popping s. hots Lord George
mentions began.

J The little green is to be seen on the Newcastle map, F'^late 1.; the place

marked 14, where Col. Honey^vood was afterwards wounded ; it is by the " Rebels'
Tree."

§ A party of horse would be a detachment from the Scotch ! lifeguards, of which

there were two troops, commanded bv Lords Elcho and Balm arino] the hussars>

who had gone off to Penrith, were commanded by Lord Pitsli^ rg.

plunder.

PiATE JX.

^

THE HIGHLANDBRS IN WESTMORLAND. 2O5

plunder. He tells us that his object was to fall upon the
Duke's army in the narrow lanes where he calculated that

If but twenty of their horse could be killed, it would make such an
embarrass in the lane, that it would put them to confusion, and
choke up the only road they had to retreat except the Appleby road,
and that might also be secured, which would give us an advantage
that perhaps we should not meet the like again.

This, however. Lord George was unable to effect. The
Duke of Cumberland's forces were through the lanes, and
drawn up on the Clifton Moor, before Lord George could
intercept them ; and Lord George's horse did nothing be-
yond capturing a militia officer in green, probably a York-
shire hunter, and the Duke of Cumberland's footman.
Lord George himself returned from Lowther Hall to
Clifton, and saw to the disposition of the forces he had
with him. He had sent the artillery off to Penrith, or
rather, to Carlisle. His first object was, of course, to
secure its safety. His hussars had bolted, but he had
with him about 1,000 men, Highlanders and Lowlander^,
most of whom had come out to him from Penrith. (Plates
Vn and IX). The Athol brigade had also advanced from
Penrith to a position* on the north side of Lowther
Bridge, and there waited for orders. Lord George's ac-
count of how he disposed his forces is printed in several
books, but Plate IX shows it at a glance. The Glengarry
men were in the enclosures, on the right of the road —
Lord George's right, that is, the west side, the same side
as Savage's house at Town End. Appin's and Cluny's
men were in the enclosures on the left, or east side of the
road, with Roy Stewart's men (the Edinburgh regiment)
on the side of the lane, or highway, close to the village
(Plates I and IX.) Lord George says —

* Lord George is the authority for this ; according to the Chevalier de John-
stone, Cameron of Lochiel had previously occupied this position, but he crossed
the bridge to rescue Lord George and the Glengarry Macaonalds from the English
cavalry.

The

206 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

The ditches at the foot advanced more towards the muir on the right
than on the left; and that part was also covered by Lord Lonsdale's
other enclosures, so that they could not easily be attacked, but had
the advantage that they could with their fire, flank the enemy when
they made an attack on our left. The lane, which was the high road
between these small enclosures was not above twenty feet broad.
It was now an hour after sunset, pretty cloudy, but the moon, which
was in its second quarter, from time to time broke out and gave good
light ; but this did not continue above two minutes at a time. We
had the advantage of seeing their disposition, but they could not see

Ray says the same, and that the buff belts of the
dragoons made them conspicuous.

The Duke of Cumberland's forces were by now
drawn up in two lines (see Plates I and XI) on the
high end of the common, Bland's, Kerr's, and Cobham's
forming the first line, and Montagu's and Kingston's the
second ; a detachment faced the Appleby road and the
Duke's baggage was in the rear of the second line. The
left regiment of each line was wheeled up inward, to their
right, or east.

I have now got the flats set and scenery fixed, and will
go on with Scene V. — the most important of all (see Plate
IX.) Lord George gives us the time of its commence-
ment — an hour after sunset, which on Dec. i8th, would
be about 5 p.m. Mr. Lamb in a letter printed in Moun-
sey's Carlisle in 1745, says the firing began about 4 p.m.
— the " popping shots " no doubt, which Lord George
mentions, as I shall presently show.* I will again put
Thomas Savage into the witness box. He says —

I was again growing uneasy to go out, which I ventured to do ; and
looking about me, I saw the king's men standing as before upon the
common ; turning me about I saw the rebels filling the town street,
north of my house, and also lining the hedges and walls, even down

* It would be about 4 p.m., when Thomas Savage came out and looked round ;
5 p.m. when the dragoons and Highlanders came to close quarters.

to

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. ^0^

to my house on both sides. Then I was in great pain for the Duke
and his men, it beginning to grow darkish ; but I ventured my life,
and stood a little way off, and waved my hat in my hand, which some
of them discovering, one of them riding down towards me, and I
called to him, bidding him to cast his eyes about him, and see how
the town was filled, and hedges lined, after which he returned.

I need not relate the personal adventures of the worthy
Quaker, for they will be found in his letter in the appen-
dix ; his evidence fails us now, for he, wise man that he
was, locked himself into his house during the fight that
presently ensued, and his daughter-in-law, the mistress
of his house, hid in the kitchen cupboard. About this
time Lord George received an important order from the
Prince, and he shall tell what the order was and how he
replied thereto. He says —

Colonel Roy Stewart returned to me from Penrith. He told me his
royal highness had resolved to march for Carlisle immediately, and
had sent off the cannon before, and desired me to retreat to Pen-
rith. I showed Col. S. my situation with that of the enemy. They
were by this time shooting popping shots among us. I told him if I
retreated, being within musket shot of the enemy, they would follow
up the lane, and I must lose a number of men, besides discouraging
the rest ; that from Clifton it was a narrow road and very high walls,
so that I could not line them to secure my retreat ; and that probably
my men would fall into confusion in the dark ; and that the enemy by
regular platoons in our rear, being encouraged by our retreat, must
destroy a great many ; and by taking any wounded man prisoner,
they would know our numbers ; whereas I told him I was confident
I could dislodge them from where they were by a brisk attack, as
they had by all that I could judge, not dismounted above 500. Their
great body was on horseback, and at some distance ; and Cluny and
he owned that what I proposed was the only prudent and sure way,
so we agreed not to mention the message from the prince.

Lord George then visited the Glengarry men (see Plate
IX) and cautioned them to reserve their fire until the enemy
were close, and not to fire across the road ; further, when
the enemy retired, they were to give them a flank fire,
but not to follow them up the moor. He next returned
to the left of his line east of the road.

208 THB HIGHLANDBRS IN Wt'STMORLAKD.

We must now go to the Duke of Cumberland ; he had
dismounted some of his men, namely, portions of Bland's,
Kerr*s, and Cobham's dragoons (see Plate IX.), who ad-
vanced against the Highlanders, leaving their horses in
charge of their comrades. Bland's dismounted dragoons
went into the enclosures east of the road, Kerr's went
straight up the road, while Cobham's went through the
enclosures and got in rear of the Glengarry men. Then
the fighting began. Thomas Savage can tell no more than
that '' the firing on all hands was dreadful and continued
half-an-hour.*' Lord George's account is as follows —

We had advanced and a good deal of fire on both sides. After the
Highlanders on that side'^ had given most of their fire they lay close
at an open hedge, which was the second in these fields. We then
received the whole fire of the dragoons that were at the bottom, upon
which Cluny said ** What the devil is this ? " Indeed the bullets
were going thick enough. I told him we had nothing for it but going
down upon them sword in hand, before they had time to charge
again. T immediately drew my sword and cried " Claymore." Cluny
did the same, and we ran down to the bottom ditch, clearing the
diagonal hedges as we went. There were a good many of the enemy
killed at the bottom ditch, f and the rest took to their heels, but re-
ceived the fire of the Glengarry regiment. Most of ArdshiersJ men,
being next the lane, did not meet with so much opposition.^ I had
given orders that our men should not pass the bottom ditch to go up
the muir, for they would have been exposed to the fire of the Glen-
garry regiment that could not distinguish them from the enemy. We
had now done what we proposed, and, being sure of no more trouble
from the enemy, I ordered the retreat, first Roy Stewart, then Appin,

*The main fifi:hting was between the Macphersons under Lord Geor^^e and
Quny, and Bland's dragfoons under Colonel Honeywood; the dragoons evidently
(see the Newcastle map, Plate I) penetrated from the moor over two diagonal
hedges to the place marked 14, as where Colonel Honeywood was wounded ;
from this place they were driven back to the moor. Except that Kerr's lost
one man killed, and Cobham's three, I have found no details as to the fighting
done by these two regiments.

t The bottom ditch means the last ditch between the enclosures and the moor;
the Newcastle map shows BIand*s dragoons between the diagonal hedges, and just
in front of this ditch.

X That is the Appin men ; Stewart of Ardshiel commanded Stewart of Appin's
men.

( The west side, where were the Macdonalds of Glengarry.

Cluny

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND 209

Cluny and the Glengarry men ; and it was half an hour after the
skirmish before we went ofif.^^ The Atholl brigade had come the
length of a bridge, within half a mile of Clifton, hearing of my being
in sight of the enemy, and there waited for orders. Had the rest of
the army come out, and following the plan that was proposed, they
would have been on the flank of the dragoons that were on horse-
back by the time we attacked the others.

I will now give the Duke of Cumberland's account of
of this skirmish, quoting it from Ewald's Life of Prince
Charles.

After a ten hours' march our cavalry came up with the rebels just
beyond Lowther Hall : nay, we heard that their rear was in posses-
sion of it, but they left it on our approach, and threw themselves
into the village of Clifton, which we immediately attacked with the
dismounted dragoons, and though it is the most defensible village I
ever saw, yet our men drove them out of it in an hour's time, with a
very small loss. Cobham's and Mark Kerr's behaved both extremely
well. As it was quite dark before the skirmish was over, we were
obliged to remain content with the ground we had gained. What
the rebels may have lost I can't tell ; we have four officers wounded,
none mortally, and about forty men killed and wounded. The regi-
ment which suffered the greatest loss was the King's Own Regiment
of Dragoons. By some confusion in the two dismounted squadrons
commanded by Colonel Honeywood, they firing at 150 yards dis-
tance, and then giving way, the rebels came out with broadswords
and wounded several of the officers, and some of the men. When
the officers of the King's regiment were wounded, the rebels cried
** No quarter, murder them," and they received several wounds after
they were knocked down.f

These two accounts fit into one another very well ; it
is clear Bland's dragoons broke — the regimental records
say they were ordered to retire a few paces, which the
Highlanders took for a retreat and rushed on them. Ray
gives the following account —

•The skirmish began at 5 p.m.; Savage says the firing lasted half an hour;
half an hour more brings the time of the Highland retreat to 6 p.m.

+ At Thrimby Hill it was impossible, says the Chevalier de Johnstone, to save
a prisoner from the fury of the Highlanders, who cut him to pieces in an
instant.

[2 B]

210 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

The action was very sharp and desperate while it lasted, but at last
ended in our favour, notwithstanding the rebels, from their situation,
had greatly the advantage of us, we being obliged to go over the
hedges up to the boot tops in water ; not only so, but it being late in
the evening, they could see our buff belts and laced hats, when we
could not so well discern their blue bonnets and dark colour'd plaids,
so that we directed our fire at their fire, which was very hot on both
sides. Notwithstanding these disadvantages we pushed them with
such intrepidity that in about an hour they quitted the field and vil-
lage and fled to Penrith.

For what happened next, I will go again to Thomas
Savage. He says : —

And after the heat of firing was over, all seemed still a little space,
after which some came and broke in at my court door, calling
sharply to open ; but we believed it to be the rebels, and would not
open, when they began to be sharp, and orders were given to fire
— they supposing the house to be full of rebels ; but I called and said
I would open as fast as I could, and the first words said to me were
" Could the Duke lodge here to-night ? '* to which with pleasure I
answered " Yes ; " and pleasant agreeable company he was— a man
of parts, very friendly and no pride in him.

Young Mrs. Savage also emerged from the kitchen
cupboard, and was saluted by the Duke with : '' Madame,
we come to protect you, not to do you any harm.** One
local legend I have picked up concerning Colonel Honey-
wood, who commanded the dismounted squadrons of
Bland's. One of the Highland prisoners was asked about
the fight, how his side got on. His reply was : " We gat
on (no)* vary weel, till the lang man in the muckle boots
came ower the dyke, but his fut slipped on a turd, and we
gat him down.'* The "lang man man in the muckle
boots" was the luckless Colonel Honeywood, who had
but recently recovered from wounds received at Dettingen,
namely, 23 broadsword cuts and two musket balls, which

• The " no " is a conjectural emendation of mine ; it makes the story tally with
Cluny's surprised exclamation of "What the devil is this," which looks as if at
first thines were not going well with Cluny's men ; no doubt matters were much
improved for Cluny when the commander of the dragoons went down.

wer«

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 211

were never extracted. On this occasion he received
three sword cuts about the head ; he was removed to How-
gill Castle, of which he was the owner, through his
mother, the heiress of the Sandfords, of Howgill. He was
afterwards M.P. for Appleby from 1754 to 1784, and died
in 1785, having attained high rank in the army. He
lost his sword at Clifton, which was carried off by Cluny,
chief of the Macphersons, as a trophy* According to
Mr. Savage and Lord George the fighting must have
been over about 5.30, but Mr. Lamb, in a letter printed
in Carlisle in 1745, says it lasted until 8 o'clock. I imagine
that when the Highlanders began to retreat after the
skirmish the Duke's light horse followed them up, and
that " popping shots " continued for long to be exchanged
between stragglers from both sides. The Newcastle map
marks a spot north of Lowther Bridge as the *' Rebels
Last Fire".

One episode of the fight remains to be mentioned, for
which the Newcastle map (see plan L) is the author-
ity. The figures 10, thrice repeated, are [explained as
" The place that Oglethorpe first appeared ; the way that
he went to engage a partie of Rebels at Pillar Hill, who
fled." The place is Brougham Common, east of Clifton.
Oglethorpe was, as mentioned before, moving up with
Ligonier's dragoons from Orton, and the Appleby men
were to meet him on Brougham Common.* Nothing is
said as to what time he appeared on Brougham Common.
If Oglethorpe was oh Brougham Common before Lord
George retreated from Clifton he should have cut Lord
George off from Lowther Bridge and Penrith. We can
only suppose Oglethorpe was unable to get up in time ;
for his failure he was brought before a court of enquiry
at the Horse Guards in Feb. 1746, and was honourably
acquitted.?

• Appendix VI.

•fLecky History of England i8th century vol I., p. 5o;v See also General
Biographical Dictionary revised by Chalmers in 1S14, sub voce Oglethorpe.

The

212 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAKD.

The Highlanders, after the skirmish at Clifton, went off
to Penrith, and marched at once from that place to Car-
lisle, marching all night; the whole Highland army
arrived at Carlisle early next morning in a sorry condi-
tion, and straggling over eight miles of road. The Duke
and his forces occupied Clifton that night, the main bulk
of them standing under arms on the moor.

The number of the killed and wounded on each side
has been the subject of much discussion. Captain Hozier
says the total number of the English killed and wounded
exceeded one hundred men, while the Highlanders lost
but twelve. Let us see what the actual witnesses say.
Thomas Savage says : " Ten of the King's men were
killed and twenty-one wounded, and five rebels." Mr.
Lamb rode over the field next morning, and saw " Seven
of our men dead, and there was thirteen wounded. . . .
I only see four rebels killed." Ray says eleven of the
King's men were killed and twenty-nine wounded, and he
specifies the killed as seven of Bland's, three of Cobham's,
and one of Mark Kerr's. The wounded included Colonel
Honeywood, Captain East, and Cornets Owen and Hamil-
ton. The English official account was 40 killed and
wounded. The parish register at Clifton agrees exactly
with Ray's account, except in giving one man less from
Bland's ; it agrees exactly with the number of dead given
by Savage, viz., ten ; but one man of Bland's lingered and
was buried on the 8th of January, 1745, O.S. The fol-
lowing are the extracts from the register : —

The 19th of December, 1745, Ten Dragoons, to wit, six of Bland's
three of Cobham's, and one of Mark Kerr's Regiment buried, who
was killed y® evening before by y® Rebells in y« skirmish between y*
Duke of Cumberland's army and them at y* end of Clifton Moor
next y® Town.-"-

Robert Akins, a private Dragoon of General Bland's Regiment,
Buried y° 8th Day of Janry., 1745.

• 1 have been told that before the Knglish dragoons were buried, "the clerk's
wife stripped their holland shirts from them, and that woman never did a day's
good after ".

Savage

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 2I3

Savage and Lamb were eye-witnesses, so was Ray, but
he had also the opportunity, before he wrote his book, of
correcting his information by the official returns. The regi-
mental records of the three regiments engaged make the
killed twelve ; the discrepancy of one man may be ac-
counted for by a desertion, or a wounded man dying
subsequently at Carlisle.*

Against these statements must be put one by the Che-
valier de Johnstone, that " whole platoons of forty and
fifty men might be seen falling all at once under the
swords of the Highlanders ". He also says some put the
English loss as high as 600, i.e., at. more than the num-
ber at which Lord George estimated the whole number
of men dismounted for the attack. The Chevalier was
not an eye-witness, for he marched on to Penrith with the
artillery, and what he says are " mere camp shaves," and
may be paired off with the statements of the ** eye-wit-
ness cited in Hodgson's Westmoreland, who says he saw
scores of Highlanders fall, and ** I am sure they never
rose again while I kept my station." All accounts agree
that only five of the Highlanders were found dead on the
field. Canon Machell has supplied me with the following
interesting note by Mr. Hill, from the Hill Collections
for a history of Westmoreland : —

27th Oct., 1847. Being in company with Mr. William Broughamf
in Clifton church this day, when he was speaking of levelling the
earth immediately about the church and removing it to another part
of the burial ground, I mentioned the foregoing extract, J and ex-
pressed my surprise that no parochial record appeared relative to the
interment of the devoted Highlanders who were known to have

• Bland's dragoons buried several men at Carlisle, but not necessarily wounded
men ; so did the following foot regiments — Guise's, Herbert's, Pultney's Boc-
land's. Perry's, Richbell's,Lord Bury's, General Wolf's, the Old BuflFs, the Welsh
Fusiliers, ye Royal Irish, the 7th, 56th, 12th, and the train of artillery ; about a
man daily for six months after the Duke of Cumberland retook Carlisle ; there was
an equal mortality among the prisoners taken and kept at Carlisle. Transactions
Cumb'd and ffesVd Antiq. S'tciety. Vol. II., p. 350.

fThe late (second) Lord Brougham.

J The entry in the register about the dragoons.

falkn

214 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

fallen in the skirmish, when Mr. Brougham stated they had all been
buried in a field now belonging to him, near the upper end of the
village, where their place of sepulchre had, many years ago, been
pointed out to him by old Rachel [Quere Rachel Younger, of Pen-
rith, buried at Clifton, Z4th July, 1823, aged 89], who died some 30
years ago, in about her 90th year, and who told him she had seen
them all laid side by side in one grave, under a hedge ; it was sev-
eral years since he had been upon the ground, but he thought he
could still find the place.

They were buried by the " Rebel Tree," The legend
that 30 or 40 dead Highlanders were thrown into Clifton
Mill Dam is very doubtful,* in fact I take it that in the
dark both parties fired high and wide ; there is proof of
this in the fact that Thomas Savage's cattle were in the
thick of the fray, and were unhurt. The Chevalier de
Johnstone says the total loss of the Highlanders at Clif-
ton was only twelve, and their total loss in England,
including these twelve, only forty. But letters printed in
Carlisle in 1745 and written by Messrs. Hutchinson, Lamb,
and Nicolsont state that from 40 to 70 Highland prisoners
were taken after the Skirmish at Clifton. This is cor-
roborated by an inscription on the gilt chandeliers in
Penrith parish church : —

These chandeliers were purchased with the fifty guineas given by
the most noble William, Duke of Portland, to his tenants of the
honor of Penrith, who, under his Grace's encouragement, associated
in defence of the government, and town of Penrith, against the
rebels in 1745. The rebels after their retreat from Darby, were put
to flight from Clifton and Penrith, by His Royal Highness, Duke of
Cumberland, after a short skirmish nigh Clifton moor, which began
at four in the afternoon, on Wednesday, the i8th December, 1745.
Rebel prisoners taken by the tenants of Penrith and the neighbours,
were upwards of 80.

The question has been much mooted as to which army
was victorious in this, the last engagement ever fought

* Highland straggflers were probably drowned in crossing the Lowther and
Eamont which were in high flood : so tne report may have originated,
tpp. 136, I37» >38.

on

THE HIQHLANDBRS IN WESTMORLAND. 315

on English ground. Both commanders claimed a vic-
tory. Most writers put it down as a defeat for the
English, which checked their pursuit of the Highlanders,
and Ewald, in his life of Prince Charles, accuses (very
groundlessly it seems to me) the Duke of Cumberland of
a want of veracity in his account of the action. But the
very account cited by Ewald as proof of the Duke*s want
of veracity agrees most singularly with the real facts of
the action as detailed by the witnesses I have called.
The Duke says : —

After a ten hours' march* our cavalry came up with rebels just be-
yond Lowther Hall — nay, we even heard that their rear was in
possession of it, but they left it on our approach, and threw them-
selves into the valley of Clifton, which we immediately attacked
with the dismounted dragoons, and though it is the most defensible
village I ever saw, yet our men drove them out of it in about an
hour's time, with a very small loss.

This agrees exactly with what Savage and Lord George
say : the firing lasted half an hour : after it ceased Lord
George retired. The Duke continues : —

Cobham's and Mark Kerr's behaved both extremely well. As it was
quite dark before the skirmish was over, we were obliged to remain
contented with the ground we had gained.

I shall have something to say on this presently.

What the rebels may have lost I can't tell ; we have four officers
wounded, none mortally, and about forty men killed and wounded.

All this is strictly correct and true. He then goes on
to say that the King's Own Regiment (Bland's) suffered
severely, got into confusion and gave way ; he does not
conceal it. He further says that —

The little affair at Clifton, though but trifling, has increased the
the terror and panic which has daily been coming on among the
rebels.

* Twenty miles of difficult country and bad roads.

Mr,

2l6 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

Mr. Ewald cites this with the remark " H.R.H. coolly
says," H.R.H.'s remark was, however, quite justifiable.
The way in which the Scotch hussars were " Sunday-
chased '* all round Westmoreland by a few rustics justifies
it. Of the conduct of the same hussars at Clifton Lord
George says : — ••'

Our hussars, upon seeing the enemy, went to Penrith. One of their
officers, Mr. Hamilton, with two or three of his men, had dis-
mounted, being ashamed of the going off of the others.

That is " terror and panic " enough, bolting and leaving
their officer. The whole Highland army was, after Clif-
ton, in a very disorganised condition. What does Lord
George himself say of it ? —

It was lucky I made the stand at Clifton, for otherwise the enemy
would have been at our heels, and come straight to Penrith ; where,
after refreshing two or three hours, they might have come up with
us before we got to Carlisle. I am persuaded that night and next
morning when the van entered Carlisle there was above eight miles
from van to our rear, and mostly an open country full of commons.

I will not say Lord George Murray was under the in-
fluence of "terror and panic," but clearly he was in a
very anxious frame of mind.

But why did not the Duke pursue the Highlanders in
their hurried retreat ? He says : —

He dared not follow them because it was so dark, and the country
between Clifton and Penrith so extremely covered; besides his
troops, both horse and men, were so fatigued with their forced
marches.

Mr. Ewald calls this an excuse ; it seems a ver}' reason-
able one. His troops had marched that day 24 miles in
ID hours ; it was dark ; after 6 p.m. on the i8th of Dec-
cember; the country between Clifton and Penrith such
as could be most easily defended ; two rapid and broad
rivers, Lowther and Eamont, crossed by narrow bridges,

ar^

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. ^\^

are situate between these places ; the road was a narrow
lane between high walls. Lord George indeed says he
could not have hindered the Duke from following him
into Penrith, and that he could not have lined the walls.
Lord George is quite right — with the Duke at his heels
he would have had no time to loophole and line the walls,
and form ambushes, but the Highlanders, who remained
in Penrith and never appeared on Clifton moor, might
easily have loopholed and lined every wall, defended Low-
ther and Eamont bridges, and turned every house (and
there are some very suitable ones) into forts. No pru-
dent commander would by night venture into such
country unless he were first aware of the sort of opposi-
tion he would meet with.

Mr. Evvald indulges in the following sneer at the Duke,
for which I think there is not the slightest foundation.

History teaches us that the Duke of Cumberland is not the only
commander who has represented a defeat as a victory in his
despatches.

The Duke fought his enemy, drove him off the ground,
and bivouacked for the night on it ; by all the laws of war
he is entitled to score a victory. He did not follow up
his advantage for three good reasons : — His troops were
fatigued, the country was difficult, it was dark, after night-
fall.

Lord George himself, as we have seen, only writes of
the affair as a '* stand," a successful one indeed, and he
withdrew at once after he had made it ; he did not (as
Mr. Ewald says) send for reinforcements after ii^ that he
might improve it ; he sent for reinforcements before it, in
order that he might make a fiank attack on the dragoons
while in the lanes to the south of Clifton moor. These
reinforcements he did not get, so that he could not carry
out his intention. But he did get his artillery off safe, and

that

[2C]

2l8 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

that artillery must have been for the last two days a
matter of great apprehension to him. It seems that the
events of the day are creditable to the military skill of both
generals, and each was probably justified in considering he
had got the better of his rival. I think that neither of
them is open to the charge of falsifying despatches ; one
admits his hussars bolted, the other that Bland's dragoons
broke.

APPENDIX I.
Regiments Present at Clifton Moor.

It may be interesting to identify the various cavalry regiments
which figure in the fight, with the names by which they are now
known in the Army List.

Lord Cobham*» dragoons are the present loth Hussars, to whose
colonelcy F. M. Lord Cobham was appointed the 14th May, 1745.
Lord Mark Kerr's dragoons are the present nth Hussars, whose
colonelcy was held by that officer from 1732 to 1752. Gen. Bland's
dragoons are the present 3rd Hussars, formerly the K.O.L.D. Ligo-
nier's dragoons were afterwards the 8th Horse, but are now the 7th
Dragoon Guards. Kingston's Light Horse has no representative in
our present army ; it was raised by the Duke of that name on the
occasion of the 1745, and was disbanded m the next year, immedi-
ately re-embodied as the 15th Light Horse, but disembodied in 1749.
Two regiments in 1745 bore the name of the Duke of Montagu, one,
that now known as the Bays or 2nd Dragoon Guards, and formerly
known as the Queen's Horse; the other, a regiment of Light Horse,
raised like Kingston's on the occasion of the 1745} and disbanded in
the following year ; the regimental records show that the Bays (2nd
D. G.'s) were at Clifton. There were also present a " large body of
gentlemen volunteers, well mounted, who appeared under arms,
served at their own expense, and put themselves under Major-Gen-
eral Oglethorpe, styled the Koyal Hunters." {Ray's History of the
Rebellion,) They are more frequently called the Yorkshire Hunters,
and were afterwards with General Hawley in Scotland.

APPENDIX

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 219

APPENDIX 11.

Thomas Savage, of the Town End, Clifton.

The identification of Thomas Savage's house as the farm marked
" Town End '* on the Ordnance Map is proved by a map of Clifton,
kindly lent me by Mr. Little, Lord Lonsdale's agent ; this was pre-
pared in 1810 or thereabouts, with a view to the enclosure of Clifton
moor, and Thomas Savage's house is distinctly marked on it. Mr.
P. Gillbanks, of the Lowther Estate office, has kindly consulted the
title deeds. It was purchased on April 29th, 18 ig, by the Earl of
Lonsdale from Thomas Savage, grandson of the Thomas Savage of
the 1745.

APPENDIX III.

THOMAS SAVAGE TO RICHARD PARTRIDGE.*

Clifton, 29TH, 12M0., 1745.
Esteemed Friend Richard Partridge.

By this know thine I received, and shall hereby give thee the
results of the affair here, as it was from the beginning to the end, I
being both an eye and ear witness to the truth thereof. But in the
first place I cannot easily avoid acknowledging the favour and pro-
tecting hand of power to be manifested, as thou, by the following
account, may understand.

(i.) First, as to the rebels, when they came south we did not
sufTcr much, but they seemed to have great confidence that they
would proclaim their king in London on the 24th of last month, and
crown him on New Year's day, and then they would send Geordy, as
they called him, over to Hanover, and would tread down his turnip
field dykes ; highly disesteeming the Duke, calling him Geordy's lad,
Geordy's Wully, with many more opprobrious speeches ;

•This letter is printed in " The History of Penrith," published in 1858 by
B. T. Sweeten of that place, without any author's name on the title page ; a
second edition without date was published by Hodgson of Penrith, in which the
author's name is given as T. Walker. The letter is said to be printed from a
copy of the origmal letter in the possession of Mr. John Mason, of Eamont
Bridge, and Mrs. Mason is stated to be a descendant of Thomas Savage, but
this IS probably an error for Mr., as Esther, daughter of Thomas Savage, mar-
ried John Mason, of Bleach Green, Flamont Bridge. As these books are not very
accessible, I print this letter in r.rtcnso, hut for greater convenience broken up
into numbered paragraphs.

(2).

220 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

(2.) put on their return north they were cruelly barbarous and
inhun&n when here, for their leaders gave them liberty to plunder
for four hours, and then to burn Lowther, Clifton . . . and Pen-
rith, and some say for six miles round. But the Most High, whose
power is above the power of man often preventing wicked designs, it
certainly was the Lord's doing in bringing forward the noble Duke
and his men in the very hour of great distress ; as for my own part
I must ever love and esteem him as a man of worth.
• (3.) Now I shall give thee to understand the beginning and the
end of the engagement.

(4.) First the rebel hussars being gone past to Penrith, came rid-
ing back to my door in haste between one and two in the afternoon.
Then in an hour after came back again, driving up the rear of their
army to my door, and some others then took their place, and they
wheeled off and set themselves in ambush against my barn side,
being so enclosed with cross houses that our King's men could not
see them until close to them, we not knowing their design, but I
firmly believed it to be evil, and so went into my house ; yet could
not long be easy there, and returned forth again, and looking about
me I espied the commanders of the King's men appearing upon the
hill at about 400 yards south of my house, whereupon my very heart
was in pain, for believing that a great number might be cut off before
they were aware ; so our care was to give the King's men notice, for
which my son * ventured his life and gave them notice about 300
yards before they came to the place ; when, in the meantime, a
second ambush was laid about 100 yards nearer to our King's men,
and the King's hussars, with some of the Yorkshire hunters, came
down, and so soon as they came opposite to the first ambush, the
rebels fired upon them, but did no execution, and then issued out the
ambush at my doors, and a furious firing they had, the King's men
acting the quickest and nimblest that ever my eyes beheld, not one
of them receiving any harm. Some horse followed the former, so
that in a few minutes the rebels ran away like mad men, and just by
my door one of the rebels was brought down and taken, and a Cap-
tain Hamilton was also taken at the same time. They were both
had up to the Duke.

(5.) Then all was still about an hour, in which time I abode in the
house, the King's troops still standing upon the common ; in which

* From Ray we learn that his son was named Jonathan ; he was married, and
as his father was a widower, his wife acted as mistress of the house. During the
fighting she concealed herself in a large cupboard, and did not emerge, until the
Duke entered the house, who addres^d her " Madam, we come to protect you,
not to do you any harm,"

THE HIGHLANDBRS IN WESTMORLAND. 221

time my son went over a little green, to see if he could get the cattle
brought into the houses, but seeing that in vain, came homewards
again, when four rebels, on horseback, seized him, called him a spy,
and had him down under their horses* feet, swearing desperately
many times they would shoot him ; three of them commanded the
fourth to shoot him, which he attempted with his gun, and then
pistol, but neither would fire, so he escaped, and came in a little
after.

(6.) I was again growing uneasy to go out, which I ventured to
do ; and, looking about me, I saw the King's men standing, as be-
fore, upon the common ; turning me about, I saw the rebels filling
the town street, north of my house, and also running down and lin-
ing the hedges and walls, even down to my house on both sides.
Then I was in great pain for the Duke and his men, it beginning to
grow darkish; but I ventured my life and stood a little off, and
waved my hat in my hand, which, some of them discovering, one o
them came down towards me, and I called to him, bidding him cast
his eyes about him, and see how the town was filled and hedges
lined, after which he returned, and then a party was dismounted
and sent down to meet the rebels.

(7.) And in the time of quietness as above, they had sent off a
party of their horse to plunder and burn Lowther Hall and town,
and were also plundering our town, leaving nothing they could lay
their hands on, breaking locks and making ruinous work, even to all
our victuals and little children's clothes of all sorts. Now, it begin-
ning to grow dark, the rebels were so thick about my house, we had
no hopes of saving ourselves ; but we concluded to leave the house
and go into the fields, if we could but get there. In the middle of
the orchard we were parted by the rebels, one part of us driven into
the fields and the other part into the house, severely threatening our
lives, never expecting to see one another alive again. A son-in-law
and his family were under like circumstances, for they seemed more
severe upon us than upon others.

(8.) Now, to come to the matter above again, we were not all got
to the fire-side again, before the firing, on all hands, was dreadful,
which continued half-an-hqur, in which time were killed ten of the
King's men, and twenty-one wounded, and the Duke's footman taken
prisoner, who was recovered ; and of the rebels, five killed and many
wounded.

(9.) Early next morning were thirty prisoners under custody.

(10.) And after the heat of firing was all over all seemed still a
little space, after which some came and broke in at my court door,
calling sharply to open ; but we believed it to be the rebels and would

not

222 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

not open, when they began to be sharp, and orders were given to fire,
they supposing the house to be full of rebels ; but I called, and said I
would open as fast as I could, and the first words said to me were,
** Could the Duke lodge here to-night," to which, with pleasure, I
answered " Yes ; " and pleasant, agreeable company he was — a man
of parts, very friendly, and no pride in him.

(ii.) Much on this head I could say, if it would not be tedious to
thee, yet I shall mention one thing more to thee, very remarkable,
which was, our cattle were all standing amongst the slain men, and
not one of them hurt, and them that were banished from our house,
came in again next morning, which the Duke*s men said was a won-
der they were not all killed, our next neighbour^* being shot at the
same time.

(i2.) Thou mayest know, also, I had the Duke of Richmond and
the Duke of Kingston, with about one hundred more, and as many
horse. I have not yet mentioned a scaffold erected by the rebels be-
hind a wall at the corner of my house, as we believe, to cut off any
that night coming to my Court, which, if it had not been that they
had fled, the noble Duke had stood a bad chance there. I am afraid
thou can scarcely read this ; but, if thou thinks to show this to any-
one, I would have thee copy it fair; and show it whon* thou wilt,
even if it be to the King, I should be easy, because I know it to be
the truth. I will conclude, with true love,

Thomas Savage.

APPENDIX IV.

Tom Tinkler to his CousiN.f
Dear Cousin,

(i.) As I promised in my last to be a correspondent of yours, I
have delayed longer than I would have done thinking to get you

• I have not found this person's name.

t A copjr of this letter was jjiven to me by Mr. John Powley, of Langwathby,
to which village the writer bclonp:ed ; it was written to a cousin in London. 'I he
original draft or a contemporary copy (which I have seen) is in the possession of
Mr. William Hodgson, of I-angwathby, who is descended from the writer. From
the absence of date, signature or address, and the presence of numerous correc-
tions and interlineations, I feel convinced Mr. Hodgson's document is the original
draft of the letter. Richard and Thomas Tinkler were, in 1 745, well to-do states-
nun (yeomen) of I-,angwathby. The baptism of Thomas, the son of Thomas
Tinkler, and Hlizabeth, his wife, is entered in the I^ngwathby register for Febru-
ary the 17th day, lO^j-S. Thomas Tinkler, of Fdenhall, and Isabel Harrow were
married at Langwathhy, May lyth, 1734; they had a numerous family, some
of whom were baptized at l^ngwathby and si)me at Edenhall, which are con-
tiguous parishes always held together, I^ngwathby being originally a chapel to
Edenhall.

some

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 223

some news material, and some particulars ot what has happened in
and about Penrith. As a great many places in this nation had raised
numbers of men in arms, the gentlemen of Penrith, to show them-
selves loyal subjects among the rest, associated and raised about
eighty as a guard for the town, and to distinguish themselves, and
had been exercising near a a fortnight.

(2.) On the 9th of November, when the rebels appeared before
Carlisle, all their intentions were laid aside and as silent as if there
had been nothing to do ; but, however, as there's bad persons in
every place, and for doing all the prejudice they can, some had in-
formed the rebels of everything that had been carried on at Pen-
rith.

(3.) On the i8th their vanguard, composed of 100 horse and several
of them quarter-masters, came to Penrith. The 19th they made a
demand of 1,000 sts. of hay and 10 loads of oats each from Lowther
Hall, Ednal Hall, Dalemain, Hutton John, Hutton Hall, and Grey-
stoke Castle. They all complied with their demand except Lowther,
who would not bring them anything. The 20th the said horse left
the town and took up their quarters at Lowther Hall : the same
evening Lord George Murray arrived with 600 Highlanders, and as
many more lay at Plumpton Wall: these marched over Eamont
Bridge by six o'clock. The 21st in the evening their prince as they
called him, arrived, and great Lords who had marched on foot from
Carlisle at the head of their regiments, who came straggling in all
that night. 22nd they halted ; several of them put their linen out
to wash, and made the same demand as above, and 10 bushel of oats
from Langwathby and all the towns as near Penrith, and billets for
a great number of men likewise. This made everyone think they
had been for staying some time, because General Wade was at
Hexham. 23rd they all marched out of town ; they behaved better
than was expected, and most of them left something. Every (one)
was cheerful and thought they had got well quit of them ; they kept
150 in Carlisle.

(4.) 28th, 20 horse of those came and demanded quarters for 2,000
more ; the townsmen did not credit this, and resolved to take them ;
some let them know what designed against them ; they mounted and
rode out of town in great hurry; they went but to Lowther Hall, and
took up their quarters, begun very rude, forced open all the doors.
At this Mr. Armitage rode to Penrith for aid. He no sooner made it
known, than there was 60 to assist him with 20 guns only. They
advanced to Lowther in the best order they could, and at the first
fire they drove the rebel guard from the gates. Another party rushed

into

224 '^HE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

into stables at backside and seized some of them, while the rest fired
so briskly at those making for the kitchen and others in the inside
that they wounded eight of the rebels ; then they called for quarter.
In the meanwhile eight had made their escape through the garden
(this happened at ten o*clock at night). One man from Penrith shot
through thigh, but recovered soon.* As this was the first defeat the
rebels had met with, they returned like victors to Penrith that night.
This so incensed the rebels at Carlisle that they threatened to burn
Penrith and Lowther. Circular letters were sent all the countr}'
round desiring assistance in case of an attack ; the beacon was to
give the signal where the guard was kept. The townsmen began to
wear their cockades again, and raised all their force, which was 50.
In the meanwhile they carried the prisoners to General Wade, who
was then in Yorkshire. At the instance of this he sent them 120
soldiers to their assistance, so they were not afraid of anything from
those at Carlisle.t

(5.) The loth of December news came that the Rebels was retreat-
ing back again which put all in a great stickle. Again 14th, express
came that a 1,000 were near Shap all their armed men were called
up and soldiers were resolved to resist ; they lined the lane at proper
distances between the town and Bridge,! ^^^ orders were to be
given when to begin the attack. The beacon was fired, and
several country fellows went to assist, and all the country arose and
went on to Penrith Fell. In the morning express arrived signed
Duke of Cumberland, that the rebels that were. seen night before
were only 116 horse, the Pretender was amongst, and the Duke of
Perth, Lord George Murray, and others of their chiefs, and sup-
posed to have half-a-million of money with them, desired to take
care of them, and for the rest they were all surrounded at Lan-
caster. At 10 o'clock word came they were at Cliburn, same num-
ber as mentioned in the express. This made th^ country in greater
spirits than ever. A great number of horse rode to Udfit (Udford)
expecting them there, word came they were going over Eden Bridge ;§
some crossed the water into Mickleton's, others over our bridge,||
horse and faot expecting battle upon our moor.lT They met at

* An account of this exploit is in Ray*s Uistory of the Rebellion. See also a
letter from Mr. Nicolson to Dr. Waugn, printed in Mounsey's Carlisle in 1745
p. 1 16. Mr. Armytage was the steward at Lowther.

1 1 do not recollect these soldiers being mentioned in any other account.

X Eamont Bridge.

§ At Temple Sowerby.

[i I^ngwathby Bridge over Eden.

if Langwathby Moor.

Appleside

THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 225

Appleside hill within pistol shot. Thos. Teesdale,* of Ousby, was
the first that fired at them, they returned and rode back up the moor
by Culgaith, conntry pursuing through Newbiggin up-moor through
Kirkby-thore, still firing when near ; Jack Boucherf standing upon
what design I cannot tell was desired to keep out of their way ;
they seized him for a guide ; he answered he would go for his horse
and accordingly he did. He has been imprisoned since. He con-
ducted through the water, Bolton, Morland, Newby-Mill-flat, up a
narrow lane near Reagle, and were pursued so close they were
forced to quit two horses with something like large cloak bags on
them, some attempted to take them off, but they were heavy. The
rebels were no sooner out of the lane than they faced about and
sent a shower of shot amongst them, which hurt none, but made the
country retreat in confusion coming at so great a disadvantage.
Thos. Teesdale was forced to quit his mare of £'j value, which fell
into their hands, and (he was) ill put to it to save himself. This
gave them time to recover their bags. As soon as the rear of the
cavalry came up made a push and shot a horse under a hussar and
took him a prisoner, they were put to flight again as far as Orton
Scar; then night coming on and horses so much fatigued they were
obliged to leave the chase for the day. The Rebels refreshed at
Orton two hours, and went quite back to Kendal, where the rest of
the army was.

(6.) The i6th, all the bottom ot Westmorland was up in arms
thinking to (get) this rich prize, but it was a day too late, otherwise
they could not have escaped. News came in the morning to Pen-
rith that the whole rebel army was at Shap, this put all in confusion.
The soldiers came to Gamelsby that night and scarce a man was left
in town. 17th, the rebels entered the town at two o'clock afternoon,
threatening to burn it and all the country round, for Sunday hunt-
ingj took all horses they could meet, and stripped any one of their

• "Thomas, son of ThomasTeasdale and Isabel, baptised Oct. 9, i/^jS," Ousby
Register; the father in this entry is probably the hero of Appleside Hill.

t The name of Boucher does not occur in the Kirkby-thore register, but Bowser
docs; John Bowser was churchwarden in 1742, and married Marc^aret Hutton in
1743. In 1 741 he executed a conveyance in which bis name is spelt Boushar> and
Boushur, though he signs John Bowser. He must be the Jack Boucher of the
letter : he was father of General Sir Thomas Bowser, commander-in-Chief Madras
Army, see Atkinson's ** Worthies of Westmorland," vol. II, p. 229. John Bowser
was a substantial yeoman : the family estate was sold by the general.

A local tradition, of which Mr. lamieson of Crackenthorpe informs me, says
that four of the Duke of Perth's hussars, who had lost their way, were euided
through Bolton, by one Bowsher of Drybeck, just as people were going to church.
Drybock is a village 3i miles S.S.W. of Appleby, where the Bowshers had. pro-
perty, which \ras sold about 35 years ago.

X The 15th, the day of the great chase, was a Sunday.

•> shoes

[2D]

226 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMOR1.AND.

shoes, they also forced open all doors that were shut. iSth, they
seemed to halt until four o'clock when they all got to anns, our
anny had been seen by them. Half of them marched over Bamont
Bridge and lined all the lanes and hedges about Clifton to Brougham,
the rest made for Carlisle. Five o*clock Duke of Cumberland arrived
at Clifton with part of the army.

APPENDIX V.
Lbttbk prom Josbph Herbert to Sir J. Pennington, Bt., M.P.

We had ao account this morning that the Rebels are returning,
and were got back to Preston on Wednesday last, that they bum and
destroy all forrage they can meet with, to prevent its falling into the
hands of the Duke of Cumberland's army, who is in pursuit of them,
and that the Rebels march in one body, and while they keep so to-
gether, I hope we are in no danger of their coming this road.
Dated at Muncaster, December 13, 1745.

The Same to the Same.
Duke of Perth with 120 of his Hussars entered Lancaster last
Friday morning, and after setting at liberty the Rebel prisoners then
in Lancaster Castle, and plundering Doctor Braken's house, the
Doctor being the cause of taking those prisoners, he that day
marched to Burton, and the next morning about 9 o'clock he and
his Hussars marched through Kendal without halting, when a mob
rose upon them and took 5 of them and their horses. Amongst
those taken was the Duke of Perth's cook with a mail behind him
upon a valuable horse, which Captn. Wilson of Dallen Tower lost
at Carlisle. Upon this the Rebels fired at the mob, killed 2 and
wounded 3. One of the wounded is since dead. The mob returned
the fire and killed z of the Rebels. They turned about at Stramon-
gate Bridge, and threatened to burn the town, but Duke of Perth
prevented them, who was heard to say, '* You have no powder, drive
on." I've heard nothing of these rebels since with any certainty.
The Pretender with the rest of the Rebel Army and all their luggage
came to Lancaster the same day that the Duke of Perth left that
town, and immediately employed all the taylors and shoemakers in
town to make cloaks and shoes for his army, and on Sunday morning
last they marched to Kendal. Dated at Muncaster, December 18,
1845.

Hist: MSS Commission
loth report p. 296.
The

THB HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND. 227

The following interesting letter is furnished me by the Rev. W.
Grenside of Melling in Lancashire.

Mblling, Dbcbmbbr 22, 1745.

Just got home from my journey into the North with the King's
Army. I was abroad four days in Expectation of seing a decisive
Battle every Day, but the Rebels always ran away. I suppose you
would have a report of the Skirmish that happen'd on Wednesday
last in the Evening, at a place called Clifton Moor, within about two
miles of Penrith. A party of the Rebels had placed Themselves
behind the hedges and;some old Houses, and fired upon our Huzzars
unawares, which oblig*d them to retire to the Duke*s Army, which
was but just behind, as there was no foot come up (which was a
great misfortune at that time) the Dragoons were obliged to Dismount
and draw up in order of Battle as well as the time and place would
permit, but they only fired three platoons upon them, and they ran
away to the main body of the Rebels, which was then at Penrith,
but before ten o'clock that night, the whole Body with their Baggage
left Penrith going towards Carlisle, we have no certain account of
them since but suppose the Duke is in close pursuit after them, we
had about 12 Dragoons kill'd in the Place, and about 20 wounded,
but no account of any officer of Distinction (except Collonel Honey-
wood wounded) but hopes not mortel, & of the Rebel party not above
six kiird but have taken 60 prisoners or upwards. I was within
about two miles of the Battle that night, and had the Curiosity next
rooming to go down to the place, I see about six or seven lying dead
strept naked in the fields, but the sight was so Dismal did not choose
to see any more. -

We had none at Melling neither going nor coming, so that we
Bufiered no damage by them, but in the Road where they passed they
were very rude in plundering and am a£fraid have almost ruin'd some
people.

I suppose you wou'd be in our Case at Chester very ill frightened
but not much hurt.

Yr. loving Brother

Henry Remington*

To Miss Remington with Mr. Benjn. Wilson

in Bridge Street,

Chester,

APPENPIX

228 THE HIGHLANDERS IN WESTMORLAND.

APPENDIX VI.

Oqlbthorpb*s Flank March.

After this paper appeared in the Reliquary Mr. Lister of Shibden
Hall near Halifax, kindly sent me a copy of the following unsigned
letter which he discovered among the papers of General Sir Wil-
liam Fawcett who, as a stripling, took part in the campaign. He also
referred me to the authorities for the court marshal on General
Oglethorpe, ante p. 211, n.

Brough, Dec. i8th, 1745.
My Lord,

I have just recM a letter from Mr. Burn of Orton that Genii. Ogle-
thrope (sic) is in his house & the town is full of our Forces. Our
Messinger is amongst them. And the Duke of Cumberland has
taken the Rear Guard of the Rebles at Shap & has an Express to
Appleby to summons all the Country to joyn him at Brougham as
soon as possible this day whit (sic /) such Arms as they can get to
pursue the Rest.

The story is confirmed in the following note to me from the present
Col. Bum of Orton Hall.

Orton Hall, Tebat, Westmoreland,
29th Oct. 1888

My dear Mr. Chancellor,

Thank you for your letter of yesterday.

The Mr. Burn mentioned in the letter from Brough was Richard
Burn, elected by the parishioners to the living of Orton in 1736 (as
you are aware was Chancellor of Carlisle & had the Oxford LL.D
conferred upon him). It was at the Orton Vicarage that Genl. Ogle-
thorpe took up his quarters in Deer. 1745. There was a room there
which always was known by his name & a bed in it in which the
General was said to have overslept himself & so allowed a part of the
Scotch army to get past uaattacked. This house [i.e., Orton Hall]
was built by Dr. Burns* only son John, who was born 1744. A room
in it is still called ** Oglethorpe ". The (unlucky for the Genl.) bed
was brought hereafter Dr. Burns' death, (1785) & retained its.'name &
history. The bed in course of time required to be replaced by a
more modern couch, but the room has retained the name & the legend
which the note you kindly sent me to a certain extent corroborates.

Yours sincerely,

Richard Burn.

Art.

(229)

Art. XL — The Baptismal Fonts in the Rural Deanery of
Carlisle, N. By the Rev. J. Wilson, M.A., Vicar of
Dalston.

Read at Carlisle, Sep. istk, 1888.

IIAHEN I undertook to write a paper on Baptismal
** Fonts, my first idea was to select a few of the
most notable in the Diocese, and confine my remarks to
them. But on further consideration it seemed a very
fragmentary sort of way to treat an important subject and
after visiting some score of churches the conclusion forced
itself upon me that, as ancient Fonts lurked in the most
unexpected places, nothing less than a visit to every
church would be satisfactoiy. The little experience I have
already gained is of itself enough to justify the under-
taking. The history of Fonts in England since the Re-
formation is not a bright one, and if the time ever comes
when the survey of our territorial Hmits is complete, it
will be found that the Diocese of Carlisle furnishes no
exception to the general rule.

It IS lamentable to think how many ancient Fonts have been irre-
parably injured from neglect or wilfully destroyed; the Puritans
appear to have been especially hostile to them, and up to the present
day too many of those who ought to be their guardians have paid
little or no attention to their decent preservation : in some (but pro-
bably very few) instances after having been discarded for a time,
the ancient Font was restored to its original situation in the Church.
(Glossary of Architecture vol. I, p. 2i4^"Note).

We shall presently learn the truth of these remarks and
how amply they are illustrated in and about Carlisle. It
is to be hoped that one good result at least may come out
of our investigation. There are many Fonts up and down
the Diocese which cannot lay claim to much antiquity but
still they have been used as "the sacred laver of Re-
generation

230 BAPTISMAL FONTS.

generation " for years, some of them for centuries : they
are now to be seen at churchwardens' doors or in rectory
gardens, certainly not for a sacred purpose. From their
intimate association with the history and spiritual life of
the parish, one would fain see them having a place in the
vicinity of the church, and treated with that care which
the vehicle of a Holy Sacrament deserves.

St. Paul's, Carlisle.
The Font in this church tells a sad story. It was origi-
nally in the nave of the Cathedral, but was transferred
to S. Paul's and placed on the north side of the west door
when that church was completed in 1870. The event was
thus chronicled in a local paper describing the ceremony
of Consecration.

The Font which is placed near the west door was formerly in the old
church of St. Mary. It is of the date of the middle of the fifteenth cen-
tury and is a plainly moulded octagonal monument. When removed
from the nave of the Cathedral, it was somewhat dilapidated * and it
has since been reworked and some fresh carving inserted. {CarlisU
Patriot ^ D.ec. 2, 1870.)

It is not easy to discover what the Font was like before
it underwent the transformation mentioned in the Patriot^
no notice of it occurring in any of the County histories^
guides to Carlisle, lectures on the Cathedral, or in any
local literature I am acquainted with. There is nothing
about its appearance now to mark its pre- Reformation date
except the staple-fangs in the lip, and a Dove in relief on
the side of the bowl. The Revd. Francis Richardson^
vicar of Corbridge-on-Tyne, and first Incumbent of S.
Paul's, writes on this subject.

The Font was in old St. Mary's Church when it formed part of the
Cathedral. When the new St. Mary's was built, the architect of the

<^ For the condition of the interior of St. Mary's Church one hundred and £lly
years ago, see the letter of Prebendary Wilson to Dr. Waugh.

Mounsey's Carlisle in 1745, p. 186.

new

BAPTISMAL FONTS. 23 1

new Church presented the Font which they now have. The late Mr.
:^ « :ic « * 4c X heard, had either removed or intended
to remove the old Font into his garden. In order to save it from
the improper use to which it was apparently intended to put it, and
to preserve a relic of old St. Mary's in which I believe, generations
of Carlisle people had been baptized, I applied to Dean Close
to have it removed to St. Paul's. My request was complied with and
I had it repaired, and with one exception had what was sculptured
on the Font altered into the
sacred monogram. The excep-
tion was a Dove with a branch
in its mouth, which you will still
find there,* The only thing I
remember was the defaced figure
of a man clasping a sort of oval
in front of him, which looked
like having once had a coat of arms or some device upon it.

Whilst undergoing this ** repair " the form of the Font
was changed from a hexagon into an octagon, very slightly
lop-sided. The work, whatever else may be said of it, was
a triumph of skill and a guarantee of some mathematical
knowledge on the part of the architect, the builder or what-
ever person was responsible for the alteration. That the
Font was originally a hexagon is beyond doubt. It ap-
pears as such in a plate of the nave of the Cathedral drawn
in 1813 by Clennell, for Scott's Border Antiquities, and is
classified by Mr. F. A. Paley amongst hexagonal Fonts
in his introduction to the '' Illustrations of Baptismal
Fonts," published in 1844 by Van Voorst. Ayliffe Poole
who wrote about the same time as Paley, bears a like
testimony — -'that at Carlisle Cathedral is hexagonal."

• Note to Dove:— It will be seen from the illustration that the Dove on the
Font is very similar to the dove-figures which appear on the iron-work of the
entrance to the Abbey in Castle Street. Is there any connection ? It would
be interesting to know why the Dean and Chapter should use a symbol of this
nature !

Note by the Editor.— I do not think the Dove on the Cathedral railing has
any symbolic meaning : the railing was erected in i838» from the design o? Mr.
BilUngSy (ArchitecturaL JUustrations of Carlisle Cathedral by R. W. Billings,
London, T. and W. Boone, 1840, p. 7). llie dove and laurel sprig was the crest
of Dr. Hodgson, then dean.

(Churches :

232 BAPTISMAL FONTS.

{Churches: their structure, arrangement^ and decoration, p.
49). But the source from which probably both Paley
and Poole got their information was a paper read before
the Society of Antiquaries in 1790, by Dr. Gough, and
printed in Vol. X, p. 192, of the Archceologia. Speaking
of ancient Fonts, he says " That in Carlisle Cathedral,
hexagon, has a cross on a shield (the arms of the See) and
a rude face." This account coincides with Mr. Richard-
son's recollections, and the imperfec.t sketch in the Border
Antiquities, the latter of which seems to shew a rude cross
on the face of the bowl.

The mention of armorial bearings on the Font may give
us a clue to fix its approximate date. Though the hexagon
is generally characteristic of Decorated work, it is no
positive proof of date, as examples of that form are found
in almost every Gothic period : much reliance, therefore,
cannot be placed upon it, unless backed up by supplemen-
tary presumptions. The custom of placing armorial bear-
ings on Fonts seems to have commenced in the Decorated,
if not in the early English period, upon which Poole says:

It is worthy of remark that this inapposite decoration for the Font
came into general use just when heraldry was losing whatever relig-
ion it once had. So long as it was religious, it was too humble to
appear, except in rare instances, in such a place; but after the
Crusades, and with the mock chivalry of the Tudors, with hexagon
Fonts and debased architecture, the custom of decorating Fonts with
armorial bearings became common. (Churches: p. 49.)

The symbolism of the Dove which remains in statu quo
is very evident. It carries us to our Lord's Baptism when
" the Holy Ghost descended in a bodily shape, like a Dove,
upon Him.'* Its mystical meaning is well expressed in a
popular hymn

We love the sacred Font

For there the Holy Dove
To pour is ever wont

His blessings from above.

BAPTISMAL FONTS. 233

I have met with another reading of the sacred symbol
in the Bestiary published by the Early English Text
Society and of date about the middle of the thirteenth
century. It is so applicable to the Dove on Fonts as
explaining the duties and responsibilities of the catechu-
men that I have ventured to quote a few lines

woning and groning is lie hire song,
bimene we us, we hauen done wrong.
In water ge is wis of heuckef come ;
and we in boke wid deules nome ;
In hole of ston ge maked hire nest,
In cristes milce ure hope is best.

{Old English Miscellany, p. 35).

Staples or their marks in the lip of the bowl may be
taken as characteristic of pre-Reformation Fonts. Large
iron staples were wedged with lead into the bowl for the
purpose of securing a lid or cover. There are usually
three of these to be found, two for the hinges and one
for the hasp or lock. We have the reason for the origin
and use of Font covers in the Constitutions of Archbishop
Edmund in 1236

Pontes Baptismales sub sera clausi
teneantur propter sortilegia : chrisma
similiter & oleum sacrum sub
clavi custodiantur

Lyndwood's note on propter sortilegia is so quaint that
I am forced to give it

Quae honestius est tacere quam dicere

(Provittciale, lib. iii tit, 25.)

Some of the covers, but very few, of pre-Reformation
date, remain. I have met with none as yet, but when
attention is called to them, some may be discovered stowed
away in belfries, galleries, or parsonages. It may be

noticed
I2E]

234 BAPTISMAL FONTS.

noticed that the ecclesiastical injunction for providing
covers for the Fonts is not mentioned in the canons of
1571 or 1603, yet in many Dioceses since the Reforma-
tion, the Bishops made a point of requiring their continu-
ance. In a neighbouring Diocese, Archdeacon Cosin,
afterwards Bishop of Durham, as late as 1627, inserts
among his questions in the " Articles of Inquiry in the
Archdeaconry of the East Riding of York."

Whether have you a Font of stone, wi$h a comely cover, set in the
ancient usual place. (Bp. Cosin's Works vol. ii., 4.)

As 17th century covers exist in abundance elsewhere,
we may reasonably expect that some will turn up in the
Diocese of Carlisle.

The predecessor of the S. Paul Font in the Cathedral
was Norman, and very likely coeval with the original
building, parts of the bowl, if we believe Mackenzie Wal-
cott, having been found built into the walls of the nave.

Two fragments of a sculptured Norman Font were discovered in the
walls of the nave, and south wing of the Transept, built apparently
into this position c. 1300. {Memorials of Carlisle, p. 16.)

In the Pipe Rolls of 34th Henry II there is an interest-
ing though indirect allusion to this Font, which is
worthy of record here. After the death of Bishop Ber-
nard, the See of Carlisle was vacant some years, but how
long does not clearly appear.

The See of Carlisle is said to have been vacant for over 30 years
after the death of Bernard, but the assertion is not borne out by the
Pipe Rolls, in which an account of its revenues is only rendered for
two years, the 33rd and 34th of Henry II.

This is the opinion of the writer of the introduction to
the Pipe Rolls of Cumberland and Westmorland, published
by the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-on-Tyne. At
all events it is agreed that Bishop Bernard died in 1186,

and

BAPTISMAL FONTS. 235

and that for the following two years the Sheriff includes
the Episcopal Revenues in his returns to the Exchequer.
The account is headed —

Epat' Carleolii de ij annis
in which is found the following item of expenditure.

£t pro oleo ad Sac^mtum Paschale duobus terminis, 7 eo defendo a
Londino usque Carleolum xiiij.s.

The Sheriff spent fourteen shillings* on oil and its car-
riage from Londont for the Paschal Sacrament. Easter
was the chief season for the administration of Baptism
and the cost of the Holy oil necessary for Benediction and
Unction in that Sacrament was defrayed out of the
revenues of the vacant Bishopric.

What this Norman Font was like we have no data to
show. There are two drawings of a Font on the back of
the Cathedral stalls, one in the second panel of the Legend
of S. Anthony, and the other in the tenth of S. Augustine.
The form of both Fonts is circular and chalice-shaped ;
the panel representing the baptism of Augustine, shows
the figure of a catechumen standing to his waist in the
bowl.

Connected with the Service of the Font I must not omit
to mention the Cathedral Wells. Of these there are two,
both in the Transept, and in close proximity to the place
where the Font stood, as shown in Mr. Christian's ground
plan of the nave in 1852. " In the west wall " of the
south arm of the Transept " is seen the buttressing arch
of the Tower : in the eastern pier is a pointed entrance
of the I2th century, opening upon a well, 25 feet deep,
which was dug to drain a spring which flows across the
Transept, and caused the subsidence of the Tower piers."
(Walcott's Memorials J p. 21). Further on he adds " near

* Incorrectly given in Nicolson & Burn as 1^x4.

t Why the Holy Oil for Baptism should have been brought from London, con-
9a1t the S. P. C. K. History of the Diocese of York, p. 135.

the

236 BAPTISMAL FONTS.

the N. E. pillar is a well, 3 feet in diameter, and 43 feet
deep, made to drain the spring which flows across this
portion of the Church, and used to fill the Font, and serve
for cleaning, and probably also for the use of the Clergy
and inhabitants who took refuge in the Church during the
Scotch raids." (lb. pp. 22 — 23). It is not possible that
men like the mediaeval architects should have been ignor-
ant of these springs, and that wells had to be sunk after
the church was built, to drain them : it seems rather that
like the case of Kirkoswald, the site of the Church was
chosen on account of these wells which were so necessary
to supply water for the various Sacramental functions.

Crosby on Eden.
The Font is Norman with a square bowl, not a very
uncommon form in this period, with the lower part of
the corners chamfered to meet a cylindrical stem. The
whole rests on a square plinth, is of red sandstone and
has a drain. The bowl bears evident marks of ill-usage,
but one wonders that it is in such preservation, when we
remember that Crosby Church is north of the Eden, and
exposed to hazards during the Border feuds. When Bishop
Nicolson visited it in October, 1703, he found the Font
"pretty well". {Miscellany Accounts, p. 106). It must
have fared worse since, probably in 1745, when, according
to local tradition, the rebels stabled their horses in this as
well as Stanwix Church. At all events the bowl is scored
with deep lines, and one side has been manifestly used as
the parish whetstone.* In the present church built in
1854, it stands in the north aisle, near the west door still
retaining its paint and whitewash. I am informed that
the old church was a plain, low, whitewashed building,

•NoTB BY THE EDITOR.— Bishop Nicolson says "Mr. Pearson the School-
master, has no certain and fix'd Salary. ^ He teaches the children in the Quire;
where the Boys and Girls sit on good Wainscot Benches, and urite on the Com-
munion Table, too good (were it not appointed to a higher use) for such a
service."

with

CRi95BY-ON-EuE N •

J.W.B«KV»e>.>..i>«i..lV« Afc^^-.

BAPTISMAL FONTS. 237

with the usual three-decker and the choir seats placed
within the communion rails. It was hardly fair to treat
the memory of Bishop Smith in this way {Miscellany
Accounts^ Bishop Nicolson, p. 105.)

KiRKANDREWS ON EdEN.

This curious specimen, now in the rector's garden,
is supposed to have been the Font used in the old
Church of Kirkandrews on Eden. It was found, accord-
ing to the oldest inhabitant, in that churchyard, and
was brought to Beaumont where it served as the parish
Font "for years and years." About 1875 it was sup-
planted by a new one, given by Mr. Hodgson (?) on the
occasion of the baptism of his son. The present rector
found it amongst some rubbish in one of the rectory
out-offices, and has it placed near his door. He intends,
I understand, to replace it in the churchyard of Beaumont
when the restoration of that church is completed.

It consists of three parts, red sandstone, said by Dr.
Bruce to be the several parts of a Roman mill. Very
likely as

the churchyard at Kirkandrews is a mass of stones : it has probably
been the site of a mile-castle. (Handbook of the Roman Wall, by Dr.
Bruce, p. 231.)

SCALEBY.

After the Restoration in 1660, the services of the
church were not conducted with decency and order in
Scaleby. Rector Priestman may have been successful in
Quaker-catching in his parish {Carlisle Patriot, Sept. 23,
1887) but he neglected the internal arrangement of his
church and left a legacy of confusion to his successor. We
make this extract from documents relating to Scaleby in
the Bishop's Registry —

The presentment off the parish of Scalbey An : dom : 1684.
In prim. To the first Article off the Title off the book off visitation

exhibited

238 BAPTISMAL FONTS.

exhibited att the Bishop's last trienniall visitation we answer
That our church is so ffar frome being in good repair that it
is in noewise fit for the publick worship off God.

2ly. We have noe Carpet cloath, surplice or pulpit cloath.

3ly. We have noe Church Bible, booke of Homilies or other bookes
required by the Canons off our Church.

This earnest representation to head-quarters does not
seem to have improved matters. When Bishop Nicolson
visited Scaleby in June, 1703, he reported a somewhat
similar state of things, adding a new item " they want a
Font". {Miscellany Account p. 5). This latter defect
was soon supplied as we learn from the date on the present
Font. It consists of an octangular bowl and base with a
circular stem. Around the bowl is the following legend

Mr.H|P^»-"|w.B.|c.G.|ats| 'H °H I

It may be of some interest to inquire to whom these
initials belong. Mr. H. seems to be one of the Hethering-
ton family of Kirklinton, a name well known for benevol-
ence and charity in many parts of the county. The
Church-plate of Kirklinton and Walton are marked with
the initials F. H., and it is presumed with every probability
of truth, that they were the gifts of Francis Hetherington,
one of this family. (0. C. P. pp. 11 and 44). I find this
note in one of the countv histories.

The Hetheringtons are a very ancient Border family : and are re-
markable, not only for having so long preserved the family estate,
but for having produced sundry persons of note in their day : among
others, the late Mr. Hetherington, who gave so large a sum of money
in his lifetime, to found a charity for the relief of the blind, was
descended from the Hetheringtons of Cumberland. And it appears
that a George Hetherington was, in the reign of Henry VIII ap-
pointed to be King's bailiff, to keep watch and ward, in the parish of
Kirklington, in the west marshes. (Hutchinson's History of Cumber-
landy vol. ii, 565.)

It

BAPTISMAL FONTS. 239

It is not difficult to discover that N. B. are the initials
of Nathaniel Bowey, who was also vicar of Crosby-on-
Eden. Bowey was a pluralist of whom Bishop Nicolson
had a small opinion.

The Register-book (if it may be call'd so) is most scandalous : being
loose, in paper, and of no age. It looks like all the rest that's under
the care of Mr. Bowey, the present vicar : who is an unhappy Man-
ager of all his concerns, {Miscellany Accts, p. 106.)

The initials of the churchwardens I shall not attempt
to decipher as I can find no contemporary document. The
Parish Register begins in 1724 {Gilpin Memoirs p. 20),
and, worse luck ! there is a blank in the transcripts in the
Bishop's Registry for some years preceding and following
1707. It may be noticed in this connection that there is
added to the 1684 " presentment," from which the above
is extracted, the following note

Noe Reg. Booke in the parish.

Just like Parson N. B. who managed things as badly
here as at Crosby. The bowl is shallow without a drain
and the whole Font is of an ugly yellowish colour. On
one side there is a wedge of iron leaded into the bowl,
which served probably as a book-rest. A small porcelain
fontlet is used here contrary to Church of England tradi-
tion.

From the time of the Reformation to the days of Puritanic fury in
the days of Charles I, there was a strong propensity to remove or
neglect the Font and use a basin instead. This was checked as long
as it was possible : thus in 1564 it was directed.

That the fonte be not removed, nor the Curate do baptize in

the parishe churches in any basons, nor in anye other form

then is alredie prescribed.

In 1571 it was directed Curabunt (oeditui) ut in singulis ecclesiis sit

sacer fons, non pelvis, in quo baptismus ministretur, isque ut decenter

et munde conservetur. (Simpson's Ancient Baptismal Fonts p. xvi.)

This

240 BAPTISMAL FONTS.

This basin or pelvis, placed within the bowl of the Font,
is used in several churches throughout the Diocese. Why
such a strange ritual should be observed I do not know.

BOWNESS-ON-SOLWAY.

A Font often denotes the antiquity and frequently determines the
former importance of the church, and is so essential a part of the
edifice that it is incomplete without one. According to the rubrick
a church may be without a pulpit but not without a Font : hence
almost the first thing I look for in an old church is its old stone
Font. (TabU Book pt. i., 771).

Hone's opinion about the value and importance of the
font to a church will be subscribed by most people and
may be found very applicable to Bowness-on-Solway.
Little seems to be known about the architecture of this
Church.

Bowness Church, dedicated to St. Michael, is an ancient building,
the date of whose erection is unknown, but the materials employed are
generally said to have been brought from the Roman station. (Whel-
lan History of Cumberland, 150.)

Evidences there are both in doors and windows which
place the church in the Norman period, but the font is
enough of itself to settle speculation in this direction. The
east window seems to show that the present church
is only the wreck of a larger and more magnificent
building. If this opinion be correct Hone's remarks on
fonts may not be considered much beside the truth.
From the illustration it will be seen that the Bowness
font is a rich specimen of Norman work. It stands near
the principal entrance, in the centre of a square Georgian
pew. The bowl, the only original part, is like Crosby-on-
Eden, square, with corners chamfered to meet the stem.
The raised ornamentation with which the whole bowl is
covered is rude, well-defined, and may have symbolic
meaning. On the west side, as given in the plate, it is

quite

.BAPTISMAL FONTS. ^4!

quite plain that we have the Vine, a figure of the Church,
springing from three interlaced circles, the symbol of the
Holy Trinity, and the whole signifying very appropriately
the nature and effects of the Sacrament of Baptism. Inter-
laced bands run diagonally on the north side, the intersec-
tions forming a lozenge panel filled alternately with nail-
heads and round pellet^.

On the remaining sides and corners there is an irregular
and floriated ornamentation. The moulding round the
lip, very much broken, is now patched with pieces of red
sandstone. It has, of course, the characteristic lead lining
and the drain.

- It is not a little curious that Bishop Nicolson omits to
mention the Font when he visited Bowness on July 2, 1703.
For that matter small use the parishioners could make of
it, had it been above ground.

The Rector (Mr. Gerard Lowther) has remov'd all his Goods to
Colby-leathes near Appleby, designing to fix his family there : and
his Curate is also retired into Lancashire : so that, on Sunday last,
they had no Service : nor do they know when they shall. (Miscellany
Accounts^ p. 2i).

The Rev. S. Medlicott informs me that according to
local tradition, the bowl of the Font was dug up by John
Wallace, the then sexton of Bowness, when making a
grave in the beginning of this century. This seems pro-
bable enough, as it was seen by the Messrs. Lysons in
1808 "lying in a garden near the church." {Lyson's
Cumberland cxciv). It was soon taken, says Mr. Med-
licott, from the churchyard into Mr. Hodgson's garden,
where it is well remembered as standing for many years
in use as a flower pot until presented to and put by him
into the church. There can be little doubt that it was
buried by some pious person to save it from desecration
or more probably destruction, in times when every sacred
relic of the church Catholic was set at nought.

In

[2 F]

242 BAPTISMAL FONTS.

In 1848 the Norman bowl was placed by Mr. Hodgson
on an octagonal stem with a square base. On the stem
is a brass plate with this inscription.

Hunc Pontem

Ecclesia dio ejectum

Et in proximo horto collocatum

Deo et Ecciesiae

Restituendum curavit

Gulielmus Hodgson, Arm.

A.D. MDCCCXLVIII.

The Fonts in the remaining twelve churches of this
Deanery are comparatively modern and of slender interest.
That now in use at Kirklinton is in the perpendicular style
and of the same date as the present church. The pre-
vious Font has found a resting-place near the rectory door
and is filled with clay and weeds. In Bishop Nicolson's
time there was ** no Font more than a small fragment
of one that has been/' but the church he then visited
and the " fragment " have since disappeared. There are
some relics of the old Norman Church still preserved :
they are built into the interior of the tower. The scat-
tered pieces of the Norman piers have been collected
under the superintendance of Dr. Grant, the late rector,
and erected in a sort of colonnade from the rectory to the
church.

The Fonts at Arthuret and Burgh-on-Sands have no
distinctive marks about them and so may be of any date.
The bowl of the former is peculiar, being a lop-sided nonagon
with a quadrangular basin, terminating narrowly at the
drain. There is an indentation at the south angle about
a foot broad, which might be caused by the drawing of
the staples, or probably made for the hand of the priest
when the cover was locked down. The base and bowl
of the Burgh Font are of red sandstone and the shaft of
grey : the bowl is octangular with a circular basin. The

cover

BAPTISMAL FONTS. 243

cover is an unornamental structure of oak fitting into
a border chased round the margin of the bowl. The less
said of the Font at Kirkandrews on Esk the better. Those
at Grinsdale, Houghton, Rocliflf, Nichol-forest, Blackford,
and Holy Trinity, Carlisle, have no particular interest.
Most of them are contemporary with the present churches
which have been built within living memory. " The Font "
in S. Mary's Church, Carlisle, ** a circular white stone
bowl, supported on fine marble shafts with carved capitals,
and an appropriate text cut round the top, is the gift of
Mr. Christian, the architect." {Carlisle Patriot, Jan. 28,
1870). In 1703 the Stanwix Font was " base and so low
that *tis troublesome for the minister to stoop to it." Of
this there is no trace now ; its place is taken by a modem
structure, higher perhaps than its predecessors, but still
not beautiful.

The illustrations have been pencilled by Mr. J. Wayland
Benwell, of Carlisle, who has been kind enough to accom-
pany me on my various pilgrimages in search of Fonts.

(244)

Art. XI I • — Notes on the Postlcthwayts ofMillom,with re
ference to an early Initialled Spoon of that family. Bl
Albert Hartshorne, F.S.A.*

Communicated at Carlisle, Sept. 13/A, 1888.

1 should hardly have ventured to bring such an uncertaii
antiquity as an un-hall-marked spoon to the notice
of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquaries, if ther
were not other evidences upon it by which its histor
and date may be traced. I will go as briefly as I can intc
those evidences, and I hope to be able to show that it is
possible to date it, approximately, without any of those
signs which the researches of Mr. Morgan and Mr. Cripps
have made available for use.

I will deal first with the series of initials engraved in the
bowl of the spoon. These take it back far enough to give
it an interest of its own, and I shall then endeavour tc
carry it back farther still by the aid of its general appear*
ance and fashion.

This little piece of plate has come down to me froml
the family of Postlethayt, of Millom, in Cumberland, andj
it will be convenient to go a little into their history. Itl
is an ancient local name in that county signifying Postle'sl
clearing. There are several thwaites in the immedi-j
ate vicinity of Millom, — Crossthwayte, Crosby thwaite, I
Hallthwaites, Birketthwaite, Stonythwaite, Austhwaite,!
Waberthwaite, Thwaitesgate, and Thwaites, all suggestive!
of early struggles with nature; the Postlcthwayts are,!
therefore, here on their own ground, in every sense. As I
to their more particular history, it appears to have been!

* This paper is, with some slight alterations, the same that Mr. Hartshorne I
read before the Society of Antiquaries of London, Feb. 2, 18SS, and since)
printed in their Procecditi^s, By the courtesy of the G>uncil of that learned]
body it is now reproduced in our Transactions, and by the same obliging co-ope- !
ration we are enabled to give an illustration of the piece of silver plate in

question. The Pedigree, however, is now printed for the first time. tV.

barely

lET HUNTON,

eb. 13, 1657.

George Pi
ide, born Sept

EW POSTLETHWA
March 14, 1680,
)9,&St.John*sCol
1707, Rector of D
of Kedenhall, di<

OSTLETHWAYT,=

712, died 1768.

Us.

Sermon |

Mary Posti.]

born Ji ^

ried May' i, {jy6.

ETH WAYT (twins).

TH POSTLETHWA

1876.

NE, =Frederilethwayt,

Char- second dj
1., Ox- Byng, M
cmple, I Oxford.
)ct. 7. I

Mary Post^Barwise
born 1 83 1

WAYT,

879

Sarah Postlkthwayt,
born 1812, died 1S36.
Pearson Postlethwayt,
born 1813, died 1887.
George Postlethwayt,
born 1 8 15, die d 1885.

Edkin.
married 1877.

Sarah Postlethwayt,
born, 1845.

!

postlethWayts of millom. 245

bftrely touched upon, and tliat little not very accurately,
by Nicolson and Burn. There is a history of Thwaites,
which I have not seen.

The principal family in Millom from an early time was
the ancient one of Huddlestone, of Millom Castle, who
inhabited that fortress till the end of the seventeenth
century. Humphrey Senhouse possessed it and writes
thence in 1714.

It appears that the Postlethwayts were of Bankside in
Millom, and that this estate has been held by them from
a very early time. On turning to the parish registers of
Millom, which begin in 1590, I find that John Postle-
thwayt, of Bankside, is first mentioned as such in 1595.
His son John, who married Susannah Askew, of Pow
House, in 1585, is described as of Bankside, on the birth
of his daughter Susannah, in 1595 ; he is first mentioned
as ' de Powhouse ' in 1605. Powhouse had been bought
from the Huddlestones.

John Postlethwayt, whose initials appear first on the
spoon, had a large and patriarchal family. He died after
1615, the year his youngest child Christopher was born.
He had three properties in Millom : Powhouse and Lacra,
Lowscales, and Bankside. ^ To his eldest son John, John
the patriarch left Powhouse and Lacra ; this man became
ancestor of the Postlethwayts of that ilk, who continued
until the end of the last centuiy, when the properties
passed by marriage to the Myres, who now hold it. The
second son, George, had Lowscales, and after four gen-
erations, that branch became extinct, and Lowscales
merged into the Myers family.

The third son Matthew, whose initials come next on
the spoon, was born 1607; to him the patriarch left Bank-
side. He married Margaret Hunton in 1636, died in 1682,
and was buried in woollen cloth.

Matthew Postlethwayt had four sons : Hugh a rough-
tempered, quarrelsome yeoman, of Swallest in Bootle,

living

246 POSTLBTHWAYTS OP MILLOM.

living 1713 ; Thomas, of Bankside, born 1637 ; George, of
Bankside, bom 1639 ; and John, bom 1650. Hugh, the
eldest, had three sons, who had families and, living else-
where than Millom, I have not traced them further.
There were also two daughters married. Of Thomas, the
second son, I only know that he had a son George, buried
in 1769. George, of Bankside, the third son, was an
excellent God-fearing man, and his high qualities were
transmitted with increased measure to his eldest son,
Matthew, of whom presently. He died in 1710, and was
buiied January i, 1710-11. A sermon was preached at
his funeral from the text : ' So David slept with his fathers,
and was buried in the city of David.' I mention this as
tending to corroborate the early settlement of the Postle-
thwayts here. The original MS. sermon is in my pos-
session.

John, the fourth son — the second LP. on the spoon —
was educated at Whicham, near Millom ; from hence he
was entered of Merton College, Oxford ; he took his degree
of B.A. in 1674, and proceeded M.A. in 1678. He was
a ripe scholar, and became Head Master of St. Martin's
school, London, founded by Archbishop Tenison. On the
resignation of Dr. Gale, promoted to the Deanery of York
in 1697, he was appointed Chief Master of St. Paul's
school. He presented testimonials for that office from
the bishop of Oxford, Hody, the famous Richard Bentley,
the bishop of Ely, Wake afterwards archbishop of Canter-
bury, Knipe head master of Westminster, Mr. Evelyn, the
bishop of Norwich, the archbishop of Canterbury, and
others. Contemporary copies of these are in my collec-
tion. In this office he continued, with great reputation
as a scholar, until his death, September 26, 1713.

I have gone at this length into the history of the differ-
ent brothers as much in order to show that I have not
swerved to either side of the pedigree in order to make up
a case for the spoon, as to demonstrate that it would

not

POSTLETHWAYTS OF MILLOM. 247

not be possible to appropriate the three earlier initials to
any other individuals. Why the youngest brother, John,
took away with him to London — when he relinquished
his inheritance in Millom, as he did, to his brothers — the
treasured relic of his grandfather, I cannot say, unless,
indeed, it was regarded as a talisman for the good fortune
which certainly and deservedly followed him in his career,

I possess the bill and full details of his funeral, some
invitations to the ceremony, at St. Austin's Church, City,
scutcheons of his arms on paper, of which eight dozen
were provided for decorating the lying-in-state, and after-
wards given to friends ; a set of his six silver gilt spoons,
his ivory viatorium^ his complicated telescope walking-
stick, and an inventory of the whole of his household
eflFects. Some of his furniture, and plate other than
spoons, and many of his personal relics, are also in my
possession. I have also several copies of the Sermon,
bound in black, entitled " The Christian Schoolmaster,"
preached at John Postlethwayt's funeral, by John Han-
cock, D.D. Among other original Postlethwayt docu-
ments in my hands are some volumes of the Chief
Master's correspondence, part of a series of twenty-eight
books. John Postlethwayt left nearly the whole of his
property, including estates he had bought at Denton,
in Norfolk, to his nephew, Matthew, son of the God-fearing
George, whose initials come as the fourth set on the
spoon.

Matthew Postlethwayt was born at Millom in 1679 *
educated by his uncle John at St. Paul's school, he was
entered of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, then called
Benet College, in 1699. He migrated to St. John's in
1701 ; B.A. 1702, M.A. 1706. His first cure was at
Whicham, in Cumberland, in 1703. He became vicar of
Shottesham, in Norfolk, in 1707, and rector of Denton,
in the same county, in 1714, where he built the rectory-
bouse, 1718. He was appointed Archdeacon of Norwich

and

248 POSTLETHWAYTS OF MJLLOM.

and rector of Redenhall in 1742, and died in 1745. He
married, first, in 1704, Elizabeth, daughter of Robert
Rogerson, rector of Denton. She died in 1730, leaving
two daughters, Barbara and Elizabeth, and an only son,
John, of whom I will speak presently. Matthew married,
secondly, in 1731, Matilda, sister of Sir Thomas Gooch,
Bart., progenitor of the Gooches of Benacre, and suc-
cessively bishop of Bristol, Norwich, and Ely. She died
in 1760.

In my possession is a volume of Matthew's correspon-
dence, his gold and crystal ruffle buttons, and his minia-
ture portrait by Francis Cufaude> his portrait in oil by
the same artist, and another in pastels by John Saunders,
and other relics. He was a man of so many high attain-
ments — a knowledge of antiquities being one — that I can
do no more now than mention the fact. He is described as
a tall, spare, grave man, held in high respect, and seems
to have been in every relation of life a worthy scion of
that independent race, the * statesmen ' of Cumberland.

I now come to John Postlethwayt, son of Matthew,
whose initials appear last on the spoon. He was born
in 171 1, and educated at St. Paul's school ; his portrait in
pastels by Saunders, at the age of nine years, shows him
in a white wig, and with black eyes, like his father. He
was entered of Merton College, Oxford, in 1728. I gather,
from family letters, that he was a contrarious clever boy,
and a wild, extravagant, dissipated man. He gave his
father much sorrow at Oxford, but he was ordained in
1735» ' being well affected to our present establishment
both in Church and State,' and instituted to the rectory
of Thelveton, in Norfolk, in 1737. But this did not suit
him. He then became chaplain on board H.M.S. * Wor-
cester,' in 1738. The sea was not wide enough for his
restless spirit, so he got his discharge after a few months.
I have got the papers for his appointment and release.
On his father's death, in 1745, he, as a Merton man, ob-
tained

r

POSTLETHWAYTS OF MILLOM. 249

tained the valuable living of Denton. *He enjoyed this
only for a few years, and came to his end by an accident
in 1750. Among other documents relating to him is a
volume containing his correspondence, the inventory of
his plate, and the bill for his coffin.

I have now come to the end of my story, as far as the
identification of the initials on the spoon are concerned.
As to direct documentary evidence, there is only a men-
tion in one of the letters from Elizabeth Postlethwa^'t,
younger daughter, to Barbara Kerrich, elder daughter of
Matthew Postlethwayt, to the effect that it was buried in
the garden of Denton rectory, together with other valu-
ables, on the occasion of a scare of the Scotch rebels in
December, 1745 ; and the entry in the last John Postle-
thwayt's list of plate of 1750, in which it is described as 'one
old gilt spoon,' weighing one ounce, its exact weight now.

The rest of its tale is soon told — and perhaps soonest
by reference to the annexed Postlethwayt pedigree, brought
down to the present date. I have run the risk of being
wearisome with all these, to a great extent, small annals.
I might easily have said less, I might have said nothing,
and left the spoon to speak for itself ; but having a good
deal of Postlethwayt evidence which I found so fully
corroborated by the parish registers of Millom, I thought
it might not be improper to bring them together in deduc-
ing the certain history, for three hundred years, of nothing
more heroic than a small piece of silver. I should add,
that I have scarcely before faced the drudgery of a pedi-
gree, but I have at least learnt how much out-of-the-way
biography may be contained in, or rather stirred up by, a
single spoon.

I have now, as I proposed in the outset, to take the
spoon on its own merits, with the view of trying to get
at its date. In the absence of hall-marks we have to look,
first, at its general form, and secondly, at the details of the
head.

POSTLETHWAYT^

[2G]

250

POSTLETHWAYTS OF MILLOM.

SILVER-GILT SPOON WITH INITIALS OF MEMBERS OF POSTLETHWAYT

FAMILY. (Full Size).

A§

POSTLETHWAYTS OF MILLOM. 251

As regards the general form, it may be fairly compared
with the maidenhead spoon, circa 1540, engraved on page
193 of the last edition of Mr. Cripp's Old English Plate.
These short-handled spoons were probably so made for
the convenience of carrying in the pocket, or gypciere, at
a time when everybody carried a spoon of some kind about
with him ; and I believe I am right in saying that, unless
they were made with folding handles, it was the usual
shape from the thirteenth to about the middle of the six-
teenth century ; and this is also the traditional Scandina-
vian type. With so wide a margin we can, therefore, get
nothing definite as to date from the form of the spoon.
We are therefore, driven back upon the head for informa-
tion.

I take it for granted that the spoon is of Perpendicular
date, and English work. But Perpendicular is a loose
phrase, for that style had its dawnings at Gloucester in
1330, and lasted in its native purity till the coming of
Torregiano in the first decade of the sixteenth century.

We are rather deficient in information respecting the
progress of art in England under Henry VIII., but we
know how rapidly in architecture Renaissance penetrated
Gothic. And as the fashion in plate followed behind that
of architecture, we may examine the spoon under notice
to see which of the two styles predominates in the head
or crope.

Persons who have studied the details of crockets and
finials will have noticed how gradually the form of the
finial changes, in the course of Gothic, from the graceful
foliage of Decorated to the stiffness of the latest Perpen-
dicular. To the latter quality the head of the spoon
belongs, and with the exception, perhaps, of the plain
pommel on the top, the head is undoubtedly Gothic, with
no trace of Renaissance about it.

Allowing for the general lingering of Gothic in articles
of silver, and for the continuance of a kind of traditional

type

252 POSTLBTHWAYTS OF MILLOM.

type in such things as spoons, I think this one may be
on the one count, as early as 1525, and on the other, not
later than 1545. I say this with some diffidence, not
having had the opportunity of comparing it with other
examples of known dates. But I notice that the Wylie
chalice, dated 1524, exhibits distinct evidences of the
Renaissance, showing that that style had already crept
into Gothic plate in that year.

The John Postlethwayt who first put his initials upon
the spoon might very well have acquired it thirty years
before his marriage in 1585, and this would take it back
to 1555 » or it may have been his christening spoon, if
such were given so early, or it may have been an old
spoon which came to him from his father. All this, how-
ever, is mere speculation, and, as I said before, I mention
any dates before 1585, the year of the second John
Postlethwayt's marriage, with considerable reserve.

I have only to add that three first sets of initials have
been stamped with single punches, a space for the first
set having been possibly cleared by effacing the leopard's
face, which should properly be there ; the rest are en-
graved. There are some indications of marks, or repairs,
immediately below the neck of the crope, and I should
add that the bowl of the spoon was unfortunately re-gilt
by my grandmother Mrs. Kerrich about sixty years ago.
It is apparent that the entire spoon was originally gilt.

A set of six split-ended gilt spoons before mentioned,
which belonged to the Chief Master are noteworthy.
They are the work of three different makers, and are hall-
marked between 1681 and 1691. They seem to have
scarcely been used, and are in the same condition as
when they left the workman's hand. They have followed
the fortunes of the single spoon.

In the discussion which followed the reading of the above paper
before the Society of Antiquaries, Mr. Franks said concerning the
initialled spoon, that if English, it was of much earlier date than
Mr. Hartshorne thought ; he was afraid, however, that it was more
probably Swedish, but even then of very early date.

Art,

(253)

Art. XIII. — Field Name Survivals in the Parish of Dalston.

By M. E. Kuper.
Communicated at Kendal^ Sep. 8, 1886.

D ALSTON is divided into the tithings of Great Dalston,
Broadfield, Bishop's Tithing, Hawksdale, Canthill,
Buckabank, Holm Hill, Bishop's Highhead, Gatesgill
Raughton, and Unthank, Skiprigg, Little Raughton,
Cardew, Cumdivock, Little Dalston, and Highhead No. 2.
Beginning with Great Dalston, we find Barras Close,
near Barras Gate and Barras Brow.

The narrow lane, Barras Lane, leads from the village, through the
old enclosures, and was continued over the open common to Neilhouse
Bar. At Barras Gate, there would be a gate or bar across the road
to keep the cattle on the common from straying into the village. . . .
Such a bar can now be seen at the entrance to Burgh Marsh from the
village of Burgh, and again on leaving the marsh at the hamlet of
Drumburgh. Other instances occur near Askerton Castle, and also
near Wast Water ; they must have been of very frequent occurrence
before the general enclosure of commons at the end of last century^
and the beginning of this. One called " Clemson^s Bar,*' was on the
road from Carlisle to Dalston, where it entered on the " Carlisle and
Cummersdale Moor '* ; there would be another where it left the moor
for the Dalston enclosures. The Barras oak probably marks the bar
between the Hawksdale enclosures and Hawksdale Common.")"

There are in Buckabank Tithing a " Bar Rudding
Holme," also a *• Bar Rudding Holme Bank," and
** Wood." Lordlands, not far from the railway station,
may perhaps derive its name from the Bishop of Carlisle,
lord of the manor of Dalston. This parish is full of
suggestions of the vicinity of Rose Castle. There is a
Bishop's Mill near the Forge, and a Bishop's Lough on
Hawksdale Pasture, the latter a fishpond now filled up ;
part of the old embankment still remains. And there is

•These Tramactiom vol. VII, p. 275.

the

254 FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON.

the Bishop's Dyke,* an ancient earthwork opposite Dalston
Hall, called by that name in the parish registers as far
back as 1576, but probably older than the Bishopric itself.
The influence of such a name as Rose Castle is shown
in humbler names such as these — Rose Acre in Little Dal-
ston, and Rose Close in Great Dalston, Rose Quarries, and
Rose Gate near " the Castle of the Rose."

Larripotts or Lairpotts probably once contained some
basin-shaped cavities or holes, — Old Norse pottr. This
name is borne by two damp fields opposite Dalston Vicar-
age, and two more lower down. The cavities have
probably been filled up by the farmers. Mr. R. Ferguson,
F.S.A., writes

it seems to me that a probable derivation may be found in Old
Northern Uir (pronounced lair) clay, — ** lair potts," being clayholes or
excavations [as pot seems to be.) If this be so the name would be
of a certain interest, as containing the Scandinavian term for clay
instead of the Anglo-Saxon clcBgcWy.

" Beneath th' Cross," which we find mentioned in an
MS. book of accounts — 1687 to 1691, belonging to Mr.
John Nicolson, steward to Bishop Smith and to Bishop
Nicolson in the last century, — is near the Old Brewery.
The ancient Cross of Dalston, stood, however, close to the
church.

Bue Bank is joined with May Close, called in the older
tithe books Mary Close. There are many such personal
names of long forgotten people scattered up and down the
neighbourhood. In Dalston a Charley Croft, in Hawks-
dale, a Jane Porter's and a Bet Hudson's Close. Jane
Porter seems to have lived just behind Guide Post House,
(now pulled down) in the large field opposite the Welton
road, where it branches off from Hawksdale. Sissy, a
field in Buckabank, where the sweet Cicely ought to grow,
called probably from one of the many long-forgotten

♦These Transactions vol VII. p. 271.

Cicelys

FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON. 255

Cicelys of Dalston, Margaret Field near Brackenhow,
and even Mungo Croft have a pleasanter sound. In
Gatesgill we light on a Samuel Croft, and an Emanuel
Close. In Raughton we find a high and sunny field called
Nanney Close.* This process goes on now. Mary Car-
ruthers has of late given her name to a field in Raughton
Head parish. In Holm Mill tithing, the dark and boggy
oak wood not far from the Lodge, bears the name of
Thomases Wood. This lies on Hessing Hill (A S. haes
from hatan to command.) Here according to old tradition,
the Bishops held their courts. The Barras Oak by
Hessing Hill was the nearest point to Rose Castle, whence
a view of Scotland could be obtained. Thither, says
legend, went eager watchers when a raid was anticipated,
to strain their eyes towards the blue hills over the Border.
Not so many years ago a road ran across Hessing Hill,t
still marked by a noble row of oaks in Holm Hill Park,
and there were dwellings which have now disappeared.

While we are in the neighbourhood of Holm Hill, once
simply ** hill " — , afterwards taking its name from the
Holme family, we may add that on Hessing Hill lie Rose
Quarries, now no longer worked ; also that the pleasant
pretty wood beside the lonning leading up to Hawksdale
Lodge is called Willises Wood, or Willows Wood, probably
the latter, and named from the large willow which over-
shadows the gloomy pond hard by.

Alas ! the bitter banks in Willowwood,
With tear spurge wan, with bloodwort burning red :

Alas ! if ever such a pillow could
Steep deep the soul in sleep till she were dead, —

Better all life forget her than this thing
That Willowwood should hold her wandering.

• ? Nanny — a goat. R. S. F.

t Hessary Tor on Dartmoor is supposed to derive its name from i^us or Hesus,
a Celtic deity, and Hessing: Hill may have something to do with the old British
worship. See IVords and Places, by the Rev. Isaac Taylor, p. 345.

These

256 FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON.

These beautiful lines of Rossetti's are not inappropriate
to the spot.

Returning to Great Dalston, in the older books we get
Cobble Hall, one of the numerous public houses in the
village, and situated near the Old Brewery. Trumpet
Close in Dalston (behind Dalston House) would be difficult
to explain, were it not for an entry in the parish registers :

1622 Julye 3. Jhon Burton de Hauxdale buccinator* buried.

Coming to Little Dalston, we find the Galla Hills and the
Galla Mire; Galla is apparently a corruption of Gallow,
and probably commemorates the scene of the death of
some murderer who was hung in chains on the scene of
his crime, or Galla Hill may be the place where the lords
of the barony had their gallows. On this broken ground
some of the Dalstons once dwelt. We find in the parish
register :

1745 octob 14 George Dalston of Gallow Hills buried

1762 September 25. Anne widow of George Dalston of Gallow

Hills buried.

Galla Mire is a large field by the Wigton road. Burn-
ing Mountain and Ancient Burning Mountain were probably
beacons. Cunning Hills and Cunning Common, near
the esker or gravel ridge, which crosses the Carlisle and
Dalston road near Dalston Hall, suggest a rabbit-warren :
there is another place of this name on Hawksdale Pasture.
Madam Banks and Madam House are said to take their
name from Madam Dacre a former proprietor.t The

•Note by the Editor.— The following items from the Chamberlain's
Accounts of Carlisle, come in very curiously.

" Itm unto John Trumpeter its. Chamberlain's Accounts, 1603—3."

"Itm to John Burton trumpeter upon the Election day at Mr Major comd
ii vid."

Trumpet Qose sounds as if it was the official endowment of some trumpeter
attached to the barony of Dalston : the Bishop, as lord, may have had such an
official.

t Madame Dacre was Elizabeth Dacre, widow of Squire Dacre of IGrklinton
Hall. She built the three houses in Lowther Street, Carlisle, one of which is now
(1889) the Liberal Club: she lived in that house and was a personage in Carlisle
society in the early part of this century. Editor.

house

FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON. 257

house which is in a field near the Vicarage, is now a ruins
its naked gables (1886) standing out like heraldic chevron,
against the sky. Lownholme is mentioned in the old
books as somewhere in this part of the world, but the
name seems to have died out.

Sevilhwaite and Sevy Grassing are names in the district,
and we are reminded thus of the " lown beck * and sevyt
spring," mentioned by Miss Powley in her poem " to the
Pack Horse bell of Hartside." Near Tom Holme and
Far Tom Holme are in the neighbourhood. Haggy Bank
— together with Hagg Bank Wood and Hagg Gill Wood,
derive perhaps from the Anglo-Saxon haga — hedge, field,
or wood. Near Raise J and Far Raise Fields, (the latter
near the Village House) suggest tumuli. And now come
Great Madge Mire and Little Madge Mire, once, if not
now, the lodging of owls, madge-howlets

" ril sit in a barn with Madge-howlet, and catch mice first ;§ " says
Ben Jonson.

In Cumdivock we find, matching the Trumpet)! Close of
Dalston — a Piper Croft, recalling " Jo. Knott the piper,"
so often mentioned in the " Booke of Robert Thomlin-
son."|| Indeed there are two Piper Crofts, and one is near
to the Gill where Robert Thomlinson lived. There are
also two Grandy or Grundy Closes, and there are High
Leases, Low Leases, and Whiteleases. The word leases
seems to be merely the plural of lea. Near to one of the
Grandy Closes is Gowbarrow Park where once must have
been a barrow raised over a Norseman named Gow, or
Go. Here at one angle we found what was either a loW

• From old Norse and Danish— sheltered.

+ Sievy— rushy, Dan, a rush. Echoes 0/ Old Cumberland, p. 87.

X Iron is said to have been found under two cairns at Stoneraise Camp in
Dalston. Cumberland and Westmorland Ancient and Modem, p. 61. 1.
Sullivan, 1857. '^ *'

$ Quoted by O^ylvy. Imperial Dictionary,

II bee Gatesgill Chronicle and Raughton Gazette, March, April, May, luly.
1885. ■' "^

barrow
2 [H]

258 FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON.

barrow or the foundation of a cottage. It was eight to
ten yards in diameter. Reaching the high road we come
to Tumbling Hole, a place where the Gill Beck empties
itself through a ravine and flows on to join Cardew Mire
and the Wampool. This is just below Cardew Hall,
birthplace of the author of the Denton History of Cum-
berland.

As for Dufty Hills there must be some connection with
the German and Norse " duftig " breezy and odorous.

One meadow in Cumdivock bears the ill sounding name
of Stenk or Stank, which merely means a dam, a fish
pond, or a wet place: there is a Stank-bottoms near
Brampton, and a meadow near Wigton left by some local
benefactor to the parish is named on a board outside the
church door, Stank or Stony Bank.

Just behind Chalk Quarries rise Hesp and Denket Rigg.
Hesp I cannot explain ; Denket Ridge is the hill of the
Danes. This bold ridge commands a great stretch of
country. The road which runs straight across Hawksdale,
ending near here, may have been a Roman one. From
Denket Rigg we perceive a small chapel-like edifice named
Sandy Bank Abbey, the windows of which glow in the set-
ting sun. We reach the old house by hedge and field, a
small white house with " chapel windows," the dripstones
antique and heavy looking. There is a wooded bank near,
agarden, field, and well, the whole enclosed. Some priest,
sent out from the Abbeys of Carlisle or Holme Cultram,
perhaps once here said mass in a field chapel, or to speak
correctly — pre-Reformation chantry, when Hawksdale
pasture was a dreary wilderness. The owner of the
property is Mr. Dobinson of Stanwix, who has kindly
referred to old deeds, and investigated the subject of Sandy
Bank Abbey. He says —

I can find nothing to throw light on the name. It has been described
by that name for 200 years, and it is curious that it was an old
enclosure of copyhold tenure at the time when all the surrounding

land

FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON. 259

land was uninclosed common. It has been in the ownership of my
ancestors for about two hundred years.

The article by the Rev. Robert Wood M.A. on the
Church Bells of Westward and Rosley, contributed to the
Gatesgill Chronicle in October, 1883, throws some light
on the probable origin of this curious old place.

We are informed that King John granted the hermitage of St. Hilda,
situated at Ilekirk in the parish of Westward, to the monastery of
Holm Cultram, and that the monks of that house erected a chapel
in the neighbourhood of the hermitage which chapel in process of
time, obtained the rights and privileges of a parish church. This
was probably the original parish church of Westward.

Sandy Bank Abbey would probably remain a chantry.

Duersdale, near Chalk Quarries, must be the dale of the
pigeons or doves, Danish duCy a dove. This is just behind
the bold ivy clad rock whence Tom Smith the highwayman
took his fatal leap.

Bell Gate was so called, the people think, because a
bell once hung here to announce the arrival of the pack-
horse band from Keswick, or to warn the neighbourhood
of the approach of moss-trooping Scots. The name begins
almost with the parish registers in 1570.

We now come to Cardew Ing or Meadow, in Cardew
Tithing near the river Wampool — deriving from ingy
Icelandic and Danish, a meadow.

In Cumbria's slowly changing vales, we now,

As favoured flocks graze deep in early springs
On river meads unbroken by the plough,
Of perfect verdure, call them holms and ings.
Echoes of Old Cumberland, Miss Powley. Page 67.

Here are personal names, Jamey Close, and Robinhind
Mire: Sorrow Pow has perhaps its own old tale of Border
raid and massacre, or may refer to the badness of the
land. Beggaram Meadow is not far oflf. There are three
or four fields which bear this name near Nook Lane in

Canthil)

260 FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON.

Canthill Tithing and close to Barras field. There are also
two in Cardewlees."^'

I have spoken in a paper on Sebergham parish registers
on the possible, I fear not probable, derivation of Paper
Meadow and Paper Gills.t

Army Meadow is perhaps called after the soldiers who
came to Cumdivock in 1689. It stands written in the
" Book of Robert Thomlinson,"

1689, April 20th, being Saturdi night soldiers came to quarter amongst
us ; the names of ym I have are Wm Waile, John Biphin, Tho
Goph, Humphrey Sander, Tho: Ward : the two last went away at
week end. Paid i/- a peice per week for their quarters.
i689» May zSth. Then came twenty horses being in Captain ffarmer's
troop to grass in ye High Holm Close, and about a week after came
my Brother Barker's to them he being listed into ye troop.
May 27th, Mr. Home's horse came toym.

It is specified at the top of the page that '' these went
away ye day month." An old sword kept at Greensyke
may be a relic of these soldiers.:|:

Once a windmill flapped lazily in the breeze, not far
from Cardew Hall — hence the name Windmill House.
Of Kitchen Meadow and Water Sloat I can give no
explanation. Of Far Keswick and Near Keswick, just
opposite Cardew Hall, Mr. Robert Ferguson writes as
follows : —

*The process of place-name making goes on in America. There is a
" Calamity Pond " in the Adirondack Mountains, commemorating the accidental
death withm the last forty years of a popular young Scotchman. ''Fort Defiance "
the name of a rock in the river Kanawha> W. Va., seems to refier to some
episode of the terrible rails of the Indians in the last century. I noted many
more curious names during a recent visit to the United States.

t These Transactions vol. IX, p. 32, 33.

^ These soldiers would be horse or dragoons quartered in and about Carlisle.
Archdeacon (afterwards Bishop) Nicolson mentions in his journal, about two or
three years before this date, two troops of dragoons exercising in the Market
Place there : it was formerly the custom for cavalry to turn out their horses to
grass in the vicinity of their quarters : the first rumours of the rising of 1745 found
the English cavalry regiments quartered in Scotland with their horses out at
grass. Editqr,

I

FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON. 261

I am disposed to come to the conclusion that Keswick is a con-
traction of Kelswick (there is a Kelswick in the district) or Ketils-
wick, from the Scandinavian name Ketil, — Keswick=Ketilswyke or
bay. The proper name Ketil used among the northmen themselves
when in compounds, to be generally contracted into Kel as in
Thorkel for Thorketil. The same system of contraction obtains
extensively in the Cumberland dialect as in smoor for smother.

Near the Keswicks are groups of deserted cottages,
Andrew's Cottage and others. One has a red stone lintel
and the date 1709. Cardew Farm has a very curious lintel
of which I insert a drawing, which I owe to the kindness

Ccorne yortcT dr

of my friend Major General Lowther. Just below Cardew
Lodge and its great hedge of thorn, once stood Silk Hall,
now swept away. The word Cardew is thought to derive
from the old Danish Kar thew, God's fear.

In Canthill tithing we find Lowther Lands, no doubt
called from that branch of the Lowther family for a long
time settled at Rose Castle apparently as hereditary
constables, and afterwards as stewards or agents of the
Bishops. William Lowther of Rose is mentioned in the
list of gentry of the county, returned by the commissioners
as one of the four representatives of branches of the Lowther
family resident in Cumberland in the 12th year of King
Henry VL* Probably in this tithing was the property

* L)*son's Cumberland, under heading Lowther, and Dalston parish registers.

once

262 FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON.

once called Elludgang,thegangorwalkofsomeEllwood of
the district. In 1687 John Rumney (alias Rumley) of
Hawksdale, and Elizabeth, his wife, sold their messuage
and tenement called Elludgang to our old friend Robert
Thpmlinson.

On the road above the Oaks stands a house called Black
Dish, once a public house, with a small black dish hanging
in front for a sign ; only the name remains now. The
Royal School, Cumdivock, takes its name too from a
public house, *' The Royals," previously a bakehouse, and
still standing by the school. Carrier Croft tells its own
tale. Doctor Field near Bishop's Lough reminds us that
once in 1614 there was an

Edward Moore de Hauxdale, doctor,

whose burial is noted " January 27th," in Dalston parish
registers, also in 15S1,

May 1 2th, Amy Burd filia Doktoris bird

is baptised.* As the editor of these Transactions remarks :

The Bishop's household included a chamberlain, a gentleman usher,
and a solicitor. Had he a medical attendant as well, or was Dr.
Bird a divine ? f

Close by Doctor Field is Bishop's Lough— before men-
tioned ; an old fishpond, now filled up and waving with tall
grass and corn. Popular tradition, probably correct,
assigns it to the special use of the Bishop. In Catholic
days fish would be needed for frequent and strictly kept
fasts.

Blamire Common recalls the family so long resident at
the Oaks, the tithe commissioner, his sister, Jane Christian
Blamire, and many others of the old Norman name.
There is also a Blamire Close in Hawksdale tithing.

• Dal&ton parish registers. These Transactions vol. VII, p. 170.
flHd, p. 163, n.

Hawksdale,

FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON. 263

Hawksdale, the sweet sounding name, speaks to us of
the hawks which bred in the King's eyries in Inglewood
Forest. When we find a Sacre Bank not far off, we feel
convinced that Hawksdale does indeed take its name from
the hawks which furnished the Bishop's retainers, and the
Dalstons, Dentons and Lowthers of the valley with pastime
in days gone by. For Sacre, Saker, is a small hawk, and
Sacre Bank is near Gatesgill. " Gatesgill and Raughton,"
say Nicolson and Burn " were at the conquest all forest
and waste ground. They were enclosed by one Ughtred
who kept the eyries of hawks for the King in the forest of
Inglewood." But it is fair to state a conflicting theory —
that Hawksdale derives its name from some Norwegian
named Haukr who there founded a colony. (There is a
Haukadal in Norway mentioned in the Heimskringla of
Snorro Sturleson). In the old books it is frequently spelt
Hauxdale.

Willy Gap, or Will Gap, or Wull Gap, a spot behind
Gib's house (formerly Gibhole, now foolishly modermised
into Oaks Cottage), and marked by four old thorns, has a
strong flavour of the Border. The wide spreading meadow
in front of Hawksdale Hall is called Pear Tree Park.
I have heard rumours of a famous pear tree which grew in
the kitchen garden of Hawksdale Hall, now the bull
paddock. Stretching away to the left of the house, is a
long narrow arable field called Rye Meadow, leading to
a pleasant green hill crowned by a Scotch fir, Rye Brow.
Beyond is a meadow called Wythes, but only one willow
grows there now. Behind Gib's house stretches Towndale.

Little Holme Bank is close to Chapel Flatt. To reach
this latter interesting spot we must climb the high bank
in Holm Hill Park opposite Brackenhow. Chapel Flatt
is said to be the spot where Sir Hugh de Lilford the hermit
of Dalston in 1361 erected his hermitage and chapel.
Crossing the river by the ricketty bridge aptly called

Doddrums,

264 FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON.

Doddrums, we arrive at Mumgey or more properly Mungo
Croft, marked by a small cattle shed, and called after some
obscure local Mungo— not, I should think, after the great
St. Mungo or Kentigern. The bridge was a very primitive
one until a few years ago, when the present slightly
improved one was constructed. We read in the old book
of Mr. John Nicolson of Rose, of Brackenhead by
Willowbed, and Thomlinsons of Brackenhow are an old
stock. There was an ancient gate here called Brackentre-
gate, the posts of which have lately been found in a pond.

In Gatesgill tithing and also here are the Gledwyns,
suggesting young kites, and in this part of the world is
Derby. Barn Croft, High Barn Croft, and Barney
Close are here in a cluster.

Between this and Raughton the names are curious.
Far Ronteth and Near Ronteth I cannot explain. Lyzicks
and High Lyzicks may have to do with the Gadhelic word
Lis, an earthen fort, equivalent to burg, e.g. Lismore,
Listowel.

Nearer to Brackenhow are High Castlesteads and Low
Castlesteads, probably old Roman camps. Nanney Close
is a sunny field with a fine view; nearly opposite is
Ducket, where within the memory of man stood a dovecote.
Not far oflf is Drees, derived from Dreogin, to sufiFer
(Anglo Saxon). Can this be another allusion to the
Border forays, which devastated these vales, and perhaps
left traces in Sorrow Pow and Woeful! Wood ? Some
little ditch or trench gave its name to Gaws, a Scotch
word. There were once villages at High Carnaby, and
Great Carnaby ; and indeed how often in these lonely fields
do we not come upon the traces of dwellings? Now
scattered stones, now only a raised foundation, now rude
massive fragments of wall, the remains of some clay
daubing — tell their tale of the humble dwellers on this
northern soil who have passed away. On this subject
Principal Shairp in his Poetic Interpretation of Nature,
writes as follows : Wherever

FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON. 265

Wherever men have been upon the earth, even when they have done
no memorable deeds, and left no history behind them, they have lived
and they have died, they have joyed and they have sorrowed, and
the sense that men have been and disappeared, leaves a pathos on
the face of many a now unpeopled solitude.

To return to our Carnabys. There were perhaps cairns
there before villages. Mondy field is mysterious.

Sargin Tree may possibly record a field, which has been
the official endowment of the land-sergeant of the barony,
as Trumpet Close of the trumpeter, and Piper's ^Croft of
the piper.

Broadstone,the stone of Breidr, brings the Norse element
before us. We have perhaps the Gadhelic in the Lyzicks,
the Roman and Saxon joined in Castlesteads, and pure
Anglo-Saxon in Unthank (Unthances) "without leave"
of the proprietors.

There seems to have been a series of small camps on
the east side of the Caldew. Thornthwaite Meadow
above Gatesgill is traditionally a Roman camp, though
more connected in popular memory with Archdeacon Paley
whose favourite seat it was. He was vicar of Dalston
from 1776 to 1793. His View of the Evidences of Christ*
ianity was printed in 1794. Perhaps on Thornthwaite
Meadow he mused over the words which have made his
name famous throughout the English speaking world.

Drawing nearer to Gatesgill, and very near the Lyzicks,
we find Far and Near Smearburgh, Windmill Field, and
Tottermire.

The Rev. Isaac Taylor, in his Words and Places^ writes:
" In Kerry we find a Smerwick or butter bay." But
Smearburgh may derive simply from Smar — clover, as in
the case of Smardale in Westmorland. The Smearburghs
are steepish and may once have been fortified, though I
have found no trace of earthworks. Celt, Roman, and
Dane seem to have had their strongholds about here, and

doubtless

[2 1]

266 FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON.

doubtless each yard of ground; was assailed and hotly
contested in the days of

" Old unhappy far off things
And battles long ago.*'

Burgh here comes simply from the Anglo-Saxon burg.
Tottenmire, so styled in the tithe book, was I thought
the mire of the dead — "myri." — Norse for bog or fen,
and " dod " dead, but the natives call it Tottermire, and
it is green and unstable enough for the name.

Taking Little Raughton next, an oak wood to the right
of the road from Holm Hill to Gatesgill, was formerly
called Woefull Wood, though simply marked as Bank
Wood on the Tithe Map. The next field is Sour Dale
{sour is a term frequently applied to bad, water soaked
land), and then comes Top Croft, then Knows, a rising
ground. The next lonely field is called Rumney Houses,
and remains of dwellings were to be seen there only a few
years ago. In Dalston Parish Registers we find " 1602-3,
february 24th, Jhon Rumney de Thrangholme was found
dead in a lane." Rumneys there were at Thrangholme
hard by the field as late as Chancellor Fletcher's time.

Down by the river Roe we come to marshy Scounscales,
sometimes written Skormscales ; apropos of this I am
enabled to quote again from the valuable notes of Mr.
Robert Ferguson: "Inasmuch as Scali is I think rather
a Scandinavian than a Saxon form, I should if practicable
look upon Scoun also as a Scandinavian word. Compare
Old Norse Skoun (pronounced scoun) a marshy place."
'^ Scale, old Norse skdli signifies a wooden hut or loghouse.
As might be expected, it is coupled in many cases with
the name of the person who erected or occupied the
dwelling.*'*

• R. Ferguson, F.S.A., The ^'Northmen in Cumberland and IVcslmorlandf'* p. 45.

Scur

FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON. 267

Scur Top is the steep rising ground which overlooks
graceful Thrangholme bridge with its tall poplars. Scur
comes from the Norse sker, Norwegian skar. Scar is a
general term throughout the North of England for a steep
or precipitous rock, and it is derived from the old Norse
skere to cut. The derivations from the Anglo-Saxon sceran
take the softened form of shear^ shire^ share, sheer, the
last applied to a precipice much in the same sense as scar,
Thus we say " the rock went sheer down, as if cut down."

Opposite to Woefull Wood we have Sacre Bank Wood,
Sacre Bank, and Sacre Bank Top Wood. The word
Sacre, in Oglivy's Imperial Dictionary is from the Arabian
Sagr — a sparrow hawk. ** The name has sometimes been
given to the lanner, but properly belongs to a distinct
species, the Falco Sacer, a European and Asiatic falcon,
still used in falconry among the Asiatics. Probably
sparrow-hawks bred in Sacre Bank Wood, a pleasant
spot, where, **the shouts of Ughtred with his hawking
band " would resound right joyfully.

Near to Scounscales is Chapel Wood, which may per-
haps have belonged to Raughton Head Chapel, or else
have contained a field chapel long ago. Close to Hall
Hill is First Shot, with which probably is connected some
long forgotten story. The Holm Hill Kennels are close by.

I have not had time thoroughly to explore the Bishop's
High Head tithing. Here Barton Field reminds us of
the family of that name so long residing in Ivegill, of
the John Barton who seems to have given a bell to the
ancient chapel of Highhead, and of the Quaker poet
Bernard Barton. Their small house still stands opposite
to the larger and more important one of the old and
remarkable Quaker family of Bewley, near to the peaceful
green terrace which is the site of the Quaker burial ground,
and above the graceful, one-arched, pack-horse bridge in
Ivegill parish. Giant Hill may recall some mighty chief
buried in a tumulus. Not far off is Hempsgillhow, a

farm

268 FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON.

farm romantically situated by the Roe. Long Swathgate
Head comes probably from the swaths, bands, or ridges of
grass or hay, produced by mowing with the scythe.

A few words must suffice for Broadfield Tithing which
begins with pleasant Sunny Vale, near Stockdalewath,
and contains countrified names like Cowscot (Icelandic
and Anglo-Saxon cot^ a hut) Heathwaite {hea — perhaps
high ; ihwaiie^ Anglo-Saxon, a clearing), and Bassenbeck.
Near Stone How and Far Stone How have had probably
their Bauta Stones. A How Gat (Gate) in Cumdivock
and a Tacking How in Raughton remind us of the sepul-
chral hills of the Norsemen. There is another Smearburgh
here, and a Kirksteads, and somewhere about here a
Catha Green — the Green of the fortress, from a Celtic
word, Caihair. High Head Castle with its old chapel and
the surrounding localities might yield many names of
interest.

In the Bishop's Tithing extending over Hawksdale, we
find a great group of Hagg Banks, Woods and Meadows ;
also, near Foxley Henning is Haining Side Close, from
the Icelandic Hagna^ to hedge, to protect. Dalipar is a
pleasant meadow near Moss End Farm. Far Near Brow
which has much the same eiFect as Little Big Field, lies
by Moss End Cottage. Near here are the Sutchets.

Near Borranshill House is Paddigal, a ravine shaded
by willows and other trees. Here is a well specially called
Paddygill, but the whole gill bears the name, which may
come from some former inhabitant of the name of Paddy,
from the paddocks or frogs which croak in the hollow, or
simply from Parkgill. " Paddigal William (William Hodg-
son) was called," Mr. R. Ferguson tells us, in his Northmen
in Cumberland and Westmorland, p. 142, " from the family
having formerly lived at a place called Parkgill, corrupted
in pronunciation into Paddigal." Near here are the remains
of two cottages ; — one, a regular clay daubing, was in-
habited

FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON. 269

habited not many years ago, and called Tinkler's Castle.
Burns Hill Side is near Borranshill. Round Borranshill
House in Sebergham Parish are some very curious place
names. Howdy Hall, a little white roadside cottage, tells
its own tale. But what does the word come from?
Faulder's Croft, Faulder's Plains, Faulder's Blackbecks,
North Faulder's Burbles, recal the Scotch Episcopalian
family* which came here in the religious troubles nearly
two centuries ago. The word Burbles I do not understand ;
nor have I ever met with it till recently, save in " Alice
in Wonderland," where it is stated of the " Jabberwok"
that he " burbled as he came."

Nell's Meadow and Nell's Park adjoin Borranshill house.

In Buckabank we find Briery Dale, and Margaret Field,
both above Brackenhow. Bar Rudding Holme and Bar
Rudding Wood, before mentioned, suggest another of the
bars which once shut in the cultivated land from the open
common. Rudding or ridding is from the old Norse rydia —
Anglo-Saxon riddan, to rid or clear. Ridding signifies a
more general clearing than thwaite which signifies simply
a piece of land cleared for the purpose of habitation or
agriculture, in the midst of a forest.

Corsica, Waterloo, and French Flatt match each other.

Just behind Dalston Forge are Far Lakewolf and Near
Lakewolf. These are mentioned as Leckwolf (elsewhere
as LeckswooO in a list of Thomlinson properties in 1679.
Robert Thomlinson held it by lease from Edward Rainbow,
Lord Bishop of Carlisle.

I hope these rough notes may suggest to some readers
the possibility of tracing old and rapidly vanishing names
around their homes. No tinkling beck but will reward the
wayfarer who follows it to its source, or to its junction with
the rushing river. Behind many a green knoll lies some

• Sebergham parish registers. These Iransactions ed. IX, pp. 32, 40 ei seq,

gorge

270 FIELD NAME SURVIVALS IN DALSTON.

gorge rich in fern and wild flower, unsuspected by the
passer by. Here a Roman camp or a Roman road is to
be traced, here a " Tingsted " where the Norse settlers
took counsel of old. Here only the name tells of some
rude wooden earthwork or Celtic fort. And the fore-
fathers of the little hamlets and townships live on in
many a Christopher Row, Kit Garth, Pegg's Close, Mar-
garet Field, Thomases Wood, Thomas Close, or Far Tom
Holme. There are many more names to be investigated,
a mine of wealth to lovers of mead and beck, and countiy
road and hedgerow

where neath
The desolate red waste of sunset air
Lie fields old time made fair.

In conclusion I have to thank Mr. Robert Ferguson,
' F.S.A.» for his great kindness in elucidating the difficulties
connected with a few of the old field names treated of in
the foregoing paper.

(271)

Art. XIV. — Report on Ancient Monuments in Cumberland

and Westmorland.
Communicated at Carlisle Sept. i^thy 1888.

THE following report was drawn up by the committee
appointed for that purpose in answers to the letters
printed in these Transactions, Vol. IX, p. 154, and is
printed in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries,
Feb. 9th, 1888.

Sir,

The Local Secretaries for Cumberland and Westmorland of the
Society of Antiquaries of London brought before the notice of the
Cumberland and Wcstnrorland Antiquarian and Archselogical Society,
at its annual meeting, held at Kendal, on September 8th, 1886, a
communication addressed to those officials by Mr. St. John Hope,
on behalf of the Society of Antiquaries of London, enclosing a copy
of a letter addressed to you, Sir, from the Inspector of Ancient
Monuments in Great Britain.

The Cumberland and Westmorland Society appointed a Com-
mittee, consisting of the Local Secretaries of the Society of
Antiquaries for Cumberland and Westmorland (Mr. R. S. Ferguson,
F.S.A., and the Rev. Canon Weston), the Rev. T. Lees, F.S.A., and
their own Secretary, Mr. T. Wilson, to consider the matter.

The Committee now forward to you, Sir, the results of their
deliberations.

The Ancient Monuments in Cumberland and Westmorland, sche-
duled under the Act, arc —

ist. The stone circle, known as Long Meg and her Daughters.
2nd. The stone circle on Castle Rigg, near Keswick.
3rd. The stone circles on Burn Moor.
4th. Mayborough, near Penrith.
5th. Arthur's Round Table, Penrith.

I. The stone circle, known as Long Meg and her Daughters, is
is the property of Mr. Sowerby, who resides close to the circle.
During his lifetime there is no probability that the circle will be
placed under the Act, as Mr. Sowerby believes he is quite able to
protect the monument himself. We quite believe that, and we
would add a word of caution to people wishing to inspect the circle

that

272 REPORT ON ANCIENT MONUMENTS.

— that they should first ask permission at Mr. Sowerby's house. He
has a special aversion (very rightly) to geologists, many of whom,
without leave, chip fragments off the stones.

2. The stone circle on Castle Rigg, near Keswick, is the property
of Miss Edmondson, of Haulgh Bank, Bolton-le-Moors, Lancashire.
An impression is current about Keswick that this circle has been
placed under the protection of the Act, but we cannot ascertain that
this is so. Of all the ancient monuments in the two counties this is
the one that most requires protection. During the Lake season
huge chars-d'bancs daily discharge large numbers of tourists and
trippers at the circle, who proceed to cut their initials on the stones.
This practice was however, checked a few years ago. At the instiga-
tion of Mr. Jenkinson, the author of the well-known and valuable
guide-book to the Lakes, and of the Cumberland and Westmorland
Society, notice-boards prohibiting the practice were put up.

Judging from a correspondence that one of us has seen, there is
not much chance of this circle being placed under the Act.

3. The stone circles on Burn Moor are situated at the head of
Miterdale, and the great circle is rather more than a mile from the
hamlet of Boot. They stand on the wastes of the manors of Miter-
dale and Eskdale, of which Lord Leconfield is the lord. These
circles are protected by their inaccessible position, and are little
known. Your Local Secretary for Cumberland some short time ago
made arrangements with Lord Muncaster for exploring these
remains, and also the extensive ones known as Barnscar, situate on
Birker Fell, near Devoke Water, in Birker manor, of which Mr.
Stanley, of Dalegarth Hall, is lord.-*'

Accurate surveys of Long Meg and her Daughters, of the Kes-
wick stone circle, and of the great circle on Burn Moor, made by
Mr. C. W. Dymond, F.S.A., are in the Transactions of the Cumberland
and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archceological Society ^ vol. v. p. 39,
and in the Journal of the British A rchaological Association, vol. xxxiv.
PP- 31-36.

4. Mayborough, near Penrith. — We are informed that under
some recent exchanges the whole of this monument has now become
the property of Lord Brougham.

5. Arthur's Round Table is also the property of Lord Brougham.

* 1 am ^lad to inform the Society that Lord Muncaster has been excavating^ in
a mound m Barnscar, and found two urns, which Mr. Franks pronounces of the
bronze period. This is very satisfactory as a refutation of the infidels who
declared the mounds on Barnscar to be clearance heaps. Lord Muncaster pro-
poses to have Barnscar properly explored, surveyed, and planned : the results will
be laid before this Society. K. .S. F*.

REPORT ON ANCIENT MONUMENTS. 273

The Act has not been applied to the last three mentioned ancient
monuments.

It thus appears that in Cumberland and Westmorland the Ancient
Monuments Protection Act 1882 is a dead letter. We are afraid that
little or nothing can locally be done to alter this.

With regard to the inclusion in the schedule to the Act of
additional monuments in Cumberland and Westmorland, such would
seem difficult to suggest while the Act remains unapplied to those
already scheduled. It is difficult to see on what principle the great
stone circles at Gunnerkeld, near Shap, in Westmorland,* that at
Swineside, in Cumberland,! that at Gamelands, Orton, Wcstmor-
land,j those at Knipe Scar and Oddendale, near Shap§ should be
excluded, or the pre-historic remains on Moor Divock,j| or those near
Devoke Water already mentioned.

No exhaustive list exists of the ancient monuments in Cumberland
and Westmorland of like character to those included in the schedule
to the Act. The late Mr. Clifton Ward, of Her Majesty's Geological
Survey, made a list of those in the Lake district; which is printed in
the Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and
Archaohgical Society, vol. iii. p. 241. To it we beg to refer. To this
list many others must be added ; the British village at Hugill, near
Windermere ; IT the Grey Yauds on King Harry, near Kirkoswald,
in Cumberland ; the terraces known as the Hanging Walls of Mark
Antony, near Kirkland, in Cumberland ; * * the Bishop's Dyke near
Dalston, and the Bishop's, or Baron's Dyke, near Crosby on
Eden ; f + the Rath, near Kirkby Lonsdale ; J J the Labyrinth, on
Rockcliffe Marsh; § ^the prehistoric remains in Geltsdale, Cumber-
land ; nil the earthworks near Eamont Bridge, other than the Round
Table ;^I^ the circle at Leacet Hill, Westmorland ;*** Raycross on
Stainmore, and Liddell Moat, in Cumberland, both figured by
General Roy ; the pre-historic remains at Lowther Woodhouses and
Eamont Side, near Ulleswater ; ftt the remains of the Great Shap

•See Transactions of the Cumberland and f^f^ est mor land Antiquarian and
ArdiKological Socicttj, vol. vi. p. 537, and Journal of the British Archceological
Association, vol. xxxv. p. 36S.

fSce Transactions 0/ the Cumberland and IVestmorland Society, vol. v. p. 47.
Journal of the British Archtrologiccl Association, vol. xxxiv. pp. 31-36.

X Transactions of the Cumberland and Pf Westmorland Societi/, vol. vi. p. 183.

§ Jbid vol. vi. p. 176. II Ibid vol. viii. p. 323.

f Jbid, vol. vi, p. S6, * * Ibid, vol. viii. p. 40.

1 1 Jbid. vol. vii. p. 271. XX ll^'id, vol. viii. p. in.

§ § Ibid, vol. vii. p. 40.

jlll Ibid. vol. vi. p. 45C. ••• Ibid, vol. vi. p. 444.

^^ Ibid, vol. V. p. 76. ttt li^i*l* vol. i. p. 157.

Avenue ;

[2K1

274 REPORT ON ANCIENT MONUMENTS.

Avenue ; '^' Castlefolds, Orton ; prehistoric remains at Lacra and
Kirk Santon, Cumberland,t &c. Many little-known ancient monu-
ments exist on the eastern and northern fells of Cumberland.

It is impossible to measure the destruction already wrought among
the ancient monuments of Cumberland and Westmorland. We have
reason 1o think we can find some evidence as to that wrought at
Shap in the last century. The work still goes on ; the prehistoric
remains at Hugill will be destroyed to make way for the pipes of the
Manchester Waterworks ; the prehistoric settlement on Threlkdd
Knott, near Keswick, is doomed to ruin, for the clifif on which it
stands is rapidly being converted into paving sets, and the river
Lune is fast washing away the moated mound near Tebay.
We have the honour to remain,
Sir,
Your obedient and humble servants,
Richard S. Ferguson, F.S.A.,

Local Secretary S.A. for Cumberland.
G. F. Weston,

Local Secretary S.A. for Westmorland.
Thomas Lees, F.S.A.
Titus Wilson.
To the Ptesident,

Society of Antiquaries of London.

It was explained at the meeting of the Society of Anti-
quaries that the Report though dated October, 1886, had
been kept back in the hope that similar reports would be
forthcoming from other districts, which had not been the
case.

A letter from Lieut.-General Pitt-Rivers was also read,
pointing out that he had been able to get three of the five
scheduled monuments placed under the Act, viz., the stone
circle at Castle Rigg, the circles at Mayborough and
Arthur's Round Table.

• Pntecedings of the Soeietif of Antiquaries ofLondtm, 2d. S. vol. x. p. 313.
t Ttansaciions of the Cumberland and IVestmorland Society ^ vol. i. p. 29S.

(275)

Art. XV. — Recent Roman Discoveries. By the Presi-
dent.
Communicated at Carlisle, Sep. 13/A, 1888.

I regret that I have no new Roman inscriptions to
bring under your notice : the objects which I have to
bring have already been brought by me under the notice
of the Society of Antiquaries of London in performance of
my duty as one of their officials, and I shall read to you
the accounts that I have laid before the London Society.

I.

I have the honour to exhibit a whetstone of quartzite, stained red
by infiltered irony matter. It is 4J inches long, tapering to the
ends; the cross-section measures in the centre ^ of an inch. This
beautifully finished little article was found in the excavations for the
foundations of the New Markets now being erected in Carlisle. A
bronze pin, 4^ inches long, was found with it. The precise circum-
stances of the find cannot be ascertained, but the locality is close
to Sewell's Lane, Scotch Street, where, in 1804, were discovered two
bronze vases, with carved handles, ornamented with figures in high
relief, now in the British Museum.*

To return to the little whetstone, our learned President, Mr. Evansf
cites several instances of similar objects of even smaller dimensions,
and assigns them to the bronze period. In the Proceedings of the
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland; I one is thus described: — * Small
whetstone of quartzite, 2J inches in length, quadrangular, and taper-
ing to both ends, which arc slightly rounded off.§

Mr. J. G. Goodchild of Her Majesty's Geological Survey, kindly
supplies the following note as to the stone of which the whetstone is
made :—

• They are described in Jefferson's History and Antiquities of Carlisle, p. 326.

t Ancient Stone Implements, p. 242.

X 2nd Series, vol. VIII, p. 173.

§ Other instances will be seen in the same Proceedings, Series 2, vol. U, pp.
172 and 221; vol. IV, p. 37; vol. VII, pp. 8 and 469. See also Archaolof^ical
jFoumal, vol. XIII, p. 184; vol. XV. p. 70, and vol. X, p. 356.

276 RECENT ROMAN DISCOVERIES.

It is not easy to speak with certainty in regard to where it (the stone) came
from. All one can say is, that stone exactly like it is not at all common, perhaps
is absent entirely, in the north-west of Enj^land, and also in parts of Scotland
adjoining. On the other hand stones of exactly the same character do occur in
the new red conglomerate of the west midlands, and also along the south coast
of Devonshire. Vast quantities of pebbles of the same material occur in the
glacial drifts around Stafford, and thence southward for a considerable distance.
1 am inclined to think it may have been worked out of the material presented by
one of these pebbles,

A good deal of Romano-British pottery in a fragmentary' condition
has also been found in these excavations, including a large number
of fragments of the red Samian ware. Two of these fragments
displayed well-known potter's marks, Advocisi and Crvcvro, while a
third had XIII cut on it. The red Salopian and the black Duro-
brivian were also represented, but in no great quantity. One or two
fragments displayed the green glaze assigned to a mediaeval date ;
while a broken figure of a dragoon's horse cannot be earlier than the
end of last century. A wooden lion's face cannot be of great anti-
quity ; and a small iron dish looks much like a mince pie tin. A
small circular brooch, richly enamelled, is a relic of the Romano-
British period. The coins are very few, half-a-dozen battered speci-
mens of Roman date and a couple of half-pennies of George II.

I reserve for the present any list of the potter's marks,
as I think more may be yet found, but I will refer the
impatient to Proceedings S.A., 2nd series, vol. XII, p. 112,
and to Archceologica Ailiana, 2nd series, vol. XIII, p. 198.

II.
" I have the honour to exhibit and present photographs of a
sculptured stone of Roman date found on the site of the New Markets,
Carlisle. The present find is the larger portion of a stone, on which
there is a representation of the well-known dea matres, seated under a
segmental arch rising from pillars with square capitals and abaci sup-
porting an involute. An ornament resembling the dog tooth decorates
the front of the arch : the fragment contains only two of the three dea
matreSf each of whom supports on her lap the usual basin or basket
of fruit. The face of one of the figures has been, at some remote
period, knocked off, the other is weathered. A careful look out is
being kept for the missing piece of the stone. This stone was found
very close to the surface. We are endebted to the Council of the
British Archaeological Association for the loan of the engraving given
with ^his account,

A

RECENT ROMAN DISCOVERIES.

277

A small altar was found in another part of the site at the depth of
twelve feet ; it is blank ; with it was found the stone socket or
stand, into which its base fitted.

Pottery continues to occur ; an almost perfect mortarium, with an
inside diameter of 10 inches, was found with the altar ; it bears no
potter's mark.

This is all that has come to my notice up to this date
Sept. 13, 1888, as found on the site of the New Markets,
Carlisle, but a bronze figure of a sea horse was found,
and acquired by a London dealer, who sold it to the
British Museum : I fancy coins have been found, and
sold on the sly. About 1000 cartloads of earth yet remain
to be carried away : they should yield something.*

III.
I have also the honour to exhibit a bronze implement of a type,
which seems to me peculiar : it measures 4 J inches in length and

* Up to going to press (January
been unable to be present.

iSvSq,) I have heard of nothing, but I have

has

278 RECENT ROMAN DISCOVERIES.

has probably been 4I inches in length before its point was bruised :
the head is a triangular pyramid, measuring along one of its sides
2\ inches with a base of rather over one quarter of an inch : it is
slightly barbed : the socket is roughly circular within, and has ten
rough facets without, on one of which is IX : the weight of the
implement is i]oz. The point of the implement is much bruised.

O

and the implement is bent : it presents every appearance oi having
been fired with very great force against a stone. It was found in a
pit of black earth at North View, Stanwix, about 400 yards north of
the station on the Roman Wall : some pottery was found with it,
which I have been unable to see. 1 am inclined, but hesitatingly,
to conjecture that this bronze implement is the head of a javelin
that has been fired from an engine of some sort or other, and not
projected by the hand alone: the socket for the shaft is very small,
and would only admit of a shaft very disproportionate in diameter
and weight to the diameter and weight of the head : the weapon,
whatever it may have been, to which this head belonged, must have
been very top heavy, unless balanced by a heavy ferule at the
other end.

I have succeeded in finding three similar objects, similar in every
way, in the triangular pyramidical heads, the rudimentary barbs, and
disproportionate shafts, as indicated by the sockets.

Two of these, of bronze, are in the Guildhall Museum, among the
Romano- British relics, and are labelled " Pikeheads " : they are
rather larger than the one now exhibited, one being 5 inches in
length, and the other 6 : the first was found at Butler's Wharf,
Shadwell ; the second on the Upper Thames. A third is in a case
in the Second Bronze Room in the British Museum, with Roman
relics, and is with others labelled " Arrowheads " : it is only t^
inches long. Next to it is a similar object, but having a tang tor
insertion in a shaft instead of an hollow socket for its reception.
We are indebted to the Council of the Society of Antiquarians of
London for the loan of the engraving given with this account.

(279)

PROCEEDINGS AND EXCURSIONS.

Wednesday and Thursday, July nth and 12th, 1888.

THE members of this Society and their friends assembled at the
Town Hall, Kendal, at i p.m. on Wednesday, July nth, when
the following exhibits were made : —

Mrs. Ware exhibited a Penannular Brooch of Silver, with ends
like thistle-heads, found at Casterton, Kirkby Lonsdale, Westmore-
land, on which the President made the following observations : — *

The brooch now exhibited was brought to me on Friday, December the 17th,
1886, by my friend the Rev. Canon Ware, vicar of Kirkby Lonsdale, in West-
moreland. He stated that it had been found in a cupboard at Casterton Hall,
near Kirkby Lonsdale, and that nothing was known about it. I at once
recognised the brooch as beingc of the type assigned by Dr. Anderson to the
Iron Age, and to the Scandinavian colonies planted on Celtic soil. On making
search, I found that the brooch was a re*discovery ; that it had been exhibited to
the Royal Archseologieal Institute on January 5, 1849; and that it was engraved
in the 6th volume of the Archceologieal yournal, opposite p. 69. That this
brooch has been so forgotten is another proof of the necessity of placing such
objects in one or other of the national museums.

The brooch was originally discovered in 1846; it was ploughed up in a field
near Casterton, which is a mile from Kirkby Lonsdale. About the same time the
plough turned up a stone in the same field, and disclosed a large cavity. Nothing
was found in it, according to the account of the labourers. No particulars are
preserved of other relics said to have been found in the same field at various
times.

The brooch consists of a plain penannular ring, formed of a solid cylindrical
rod about g inch thick, bent into an incomplete circle, whose diameter in 1S49,
when the ends of the rod nearly met, was nearly 5I inches ; since that the ends
have been pulled rather apart. One of the ends is furnished with a bulbous knob,
cast hollow, having a thistle- head-shaped collar at one side, and a smaller collar
at the other; through the hollow the end of the cylindrical rod passes. The
bulbous knob is plain, except on the lower side, which is flattened and ornamented
with a pattern of dots or very small circles, as is the thistle-head. A second
bulbous knob must have terminated the other end of the cylindrical rod, but was
lo6t before the brooch was exhibited in 1849, if indeed it was not lost before the

* These observations are printed in the Transactions S. A. of Scotland, Vol.
IX, N.S.

brooch

28o PROCEEDINGS AND EXCURSIONS.

brooch was discovered in 1846. A third bulbous knob of similar character runs
loosely on the cylindrical rod ; the thistle-head is on its upper part, and its lower
is prolonged into the acus, of which a very small frag-ment remains. In addition
to the dots or small circles on the lower side of each bulbous knob, are some
segments of circles set out by compass.

A similar brooch was found in 17S5 near Flusken Pike, in the parish of Dacre,
Cumberland, and is figured in Clarke's Surveij of the Lakes, The diameters of
the oval ring are there given as 7^ inches and Cf ; the length of the acus as 22
inches. A drawing of a similar brooch was exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries
in June 17S5, and is preserved in their minute books. The brooch is stated to
have been found in 1785 in the Newbiggin enclosures, near Penrith. The
Ordnance Map shows tho Newbiggin enclosures to be on Fluskcn Pike ; and a
careful comparison of the drawing in the minute book of the S. A. and of the
engraving in Clarke's Survey shows that they represent one and the same brooch.
The bulbous knobs have a prickly ornamention on one side, and intersecting
segments of circles set out with compasses on the other. I do not know where
this brooch now is.

A third and similar brooch was found near Penrith in 1S30, and was exhibited
in the museum formed when the Archaeological Institute visited Carlisle in 1S59;
the acus was about 20 inches long, and the bulbous knobs were ornamented with
the triquetra. I am endeavouring to trace this brooch.

Mrs. Ware also exhibited an iron " Hippo Sandal" found near
Kirkby Lonsdale, length 6J inches, length of perpendicular projection
5 incheSjOn which Mrs. Ware communicated the following remarks : — -'•

" The iron implement which I exhibit was found under the following circum-
stances. Two miles from Kirkby Lonsdale arc the remains of a British or
Romano-British village (see Transactions of Cumberland and Westmoreland
Arch. Society, Vol. VU. p. 111) occupying about two thirds of an acre of
ground and surrounded by a low, but easily distinguished, wall. During the past
summer Canon Ware and I, assisted by Chancellor Ferguson of Carlisle, began
some digging there, and discovered several traces of buildings ; one mound which
we excavated proved to be a circular (or beehive) hut, measuring about 6 feet
9 inches in internal diameter, and within this, one foot below the surface, we
found the iron implement mentioned above and some animals' bones and teeth,
these later we sent to Sir Richard Owen, who pronounces them to be those of ihe
bos longifrons, Si small o:i, the progenitor of the present little Scotch cattle. It
is not so easy to pronounce an opinion on the iron implement; several specimens
of the same character (some almost identical) have been dug up in different parts
of England and also on the Continent of luiropc, always, I believe, in connection
with Roman remains, and I append a list of booksf where their uses are
discussed and where several eng.avinjjs will be found; they are always called

• These remarks arc printed Proceedings S. A. of Newcastle, Vol. III., to
whom we are endebted for the loan of the engravings.

t Excavations at Ruslnnorc, by General Pitt-Kivers (not published), p. 76.
Journal of the Royal Arch. Institute, Vol. XI. p. 41G. C. Roach Smith's
Catalogue of Museum of London Anliiiuitics, 1S54, p. yj. Gcorpe Fleming's
Horse Shoes and Horse Shoeing, 2^S. 7'raniyailions London and Middlesex Soc.,
Vol. III. p. 517.

' hippo-sandals,'

PROCEEDINGS AND EXCURSIONS.

281

' hippo-sandals/ but some of them certainly cannot have been used as horse-shoes.
It has also been supposed that they may have been lamp-stands, or skids, or that

they fitted the ends of shafts which were dragged along the ground. None'of
these suggestions, however, seem to me to be entirely satisfactory, and I shall be
glad if any member of the Society can help towards a solution of the problem."

The Archdeacon of Westmorland exhibited the much-worn
brass matrix of the Seal of Sir Joseph Cradock, commissary of the
Archdeacon of Richmond, on which the President made some
observations which are printed in Proceedings S. A., 2nd Series,
Vol XII, p. 63.

The
[2L

282 PROCEEDINGS AND EXCURSIONS.

The President next read the first part of his paper on "The Retreat
of the Highlanders through Westmorland in 1745," after which light
refreshments were kindly provided by the Mayor of Kendal (Mr. T.
Wilson, Secretary of the Society). Carriages were next taken to
Sizergh, which, by permission of Mr. Strickland, was thoroughly
explored under the guidance of M. W. Taylor, F.S.A., and a paper on
the " Stricklands of Sizergh," by E. Bellasis (Lancaster Herald) was
read. On the return many of the party visited the Castle How Hill.

In the^evening the members and their friends dined together at the
King*s Arms, under the presidency of the Mayor of Kendal. After
dinner the annual meeting was held, when, on the motion of the
President, seconded by the Rev. Thos. Lees, the officers of the
Society were re-appointed, with the exception that Canon Ware and
Mr. H. S. Cowper were elected to fill the vacancies in the Council
caused by the deaths of Canon Weston and Mr. G. F. Braithwaite;
and Mr. James G. Gandy was elected auditor in place of the late
Mr. Richard Nelson.

The following new members were also elected, viz. : — Mr. William
Robinson, Greenbank^ Sedbergh ; Mr. and Mrs. William Ireland,
Sunny Brow, Kendal ; Rev. Joseph and Mrs. Hudson, Crosby House,
Carlisle ; Mr. Edward Crewdson, Abbot Hall, Kendal ; Mr. Walter
J. Marshall, Pattendale Hall, Penrith; Colonel Westmoreland, R.E.,
Yanwath, Penrith; Captain A. J. J. Ross, Ulverston; Mrs. Thomas
Mason, Kirkby Stephen ; Mr. Edward Gill, Towns View, Kendal ;
Mr. J. C. Cowper, Keen Ground, Hawkshead ; Mr. Henry Gordon
Smith, Bank Field, Urswick, Ulverston; Mrs. Jacob Thompson,
Hackthorpe, Penrith ; The Keswick Free Library.

The following resolutions were passed : —

The next meeting and excursion of the Society was decided to be
held in the Wigton district, the date to be fixed by the local committee.

On the motion of the President it was unanimously resolved that a
sum of ;£'22 los. be voted towards defraying the expenses of trans-
cribing the Chartularies of Wetheral and Holm Cultram.

It was also unanimously resolved that " Fleming's Description of
Cumberland '* be published as a separate tract, under the auspices
and at the expense of the Society ; and uniform with " Fleming's
Description of Westmorland."

It was also resolved that copies of ''Archbishop GrindaWs School,
St. Bees" by W. Jackson, F.S.A., be purchased for the members of this
Society."

On the following morning two four-in-hand coaches laden with the
members and their friends left Kendal at an early hour, and took the

* This resolution cannot be carried out, as a sufficient number of copies cannot
be obtained.

coach

PROCEEDINGS AND EXCURSIONS. 283

coach road over Shap Fell to Shap ; the route taken by the High-
landers in 1745 was pointed out to the party at various places. At
Shap the party was largely reinforced, and a detour made to Shap
Abbey, where papers by the late Canon Weston and Mr. St. John
Hope were read, and the excavations made under Mr. Hope's
superintendence inspected. The route was then resumed to Hack-
thorpe, where lunch was provided, and many of the party, by
permission of Mrs. Thompson, visited the studio of the late Jacob
Thompson, and the pictures preserved there. At Clifton, the
Quaker's House, the Rebel Tree, and the church were all visited,
and the President read the concluding part of the paper, and
described the incidents of the famous skirmish at Clifton. Carriages
were resumed to Penrith, and in the churchyard there the Rev. W.
S. Calverley, F.S.A., read a most interesting and original paper on
the Giant's Grave, after which the meeting broke up.

Thursday and Friday, September 13th and 14th, 1888.
The members and their friends assembled in the Central Station,
Carlisle, and went by train to Wigton, where carriages were in
readiness. The church at Westward was first visited, where the
Rev. W. S. Calverley gave an interesting account of the origin of the
parish. The drive was continued to Ilekirk, where the Rev. T. Lees
gave an account of the Hermitage of S. Hilda. The great Roman
camp at Old Carlisle was next inspected under the guidance of the
President, who then conducted the party to Conningsgarth, where
are several fragments of Roman work built into the wall of the farm
buildings. One of these fragments, of which by the kindness of the
Newcastle Society of Antiquaries we give a picture, the President

pointed out as a reproduction of the famous Hermes of Praxiteles,
which the Germans got out from Olympia, holding little Bacchus in

his

284 PROCBBDINGS AND EXCURSIONS.

his left arm, and shewing him a grape with his right hand, the child
joyfully grasping at it. Mr. and Mrs. Jefferson, of Conningsgarth,
kindly refreshed the party with tea, served in front of the house. On
the road back to Wigton a call was made at Highmoor for the pur-
pose of hearing " Old Joe " and his satellites strike six o'clock.

The annual dinner was held in the Central Hotel, Carlisle, after
which the following new members were elected : — Mr. John Henry
Braithwaite, Airethwaite, Kendal ; Mr. Eli Cox, Lound, Kendal ;
Rev. R. E. Hoopell, M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., Byers Green, Spenny-
moor ; Rev. E. Ernest Stock, M.A., Rydal Vicarage, Ambleside ;
Mr. W. H. Hoodlcss, West End, Wigton ; Mr. John A. E. Rayner,
28, Devonshire Road, Princes* Park, Liverpool ; Mr. Stephen H.
Jackson, Heaning Wood, Ulverston ; Mr. Myles Woodburn, Kirk-
land, Ulvcrston ; Rev. R. B. Billinge, Urswick Vicarage, Ulverston ;
Mr. R. O'Neil Pearson, Sivarthdale, Ulverston ; Dr. Thomas Jackson,
Hazel Bank, Yanwath, Penrith ; Mr. George S. Grant, Devonshire
Street, Carlisle ; Dr. Tiffin, The Limes, Wigton, and Mrs. Clifton
Ward, Cockermouth.

The following business was also transacted : —

The president proposed and Mr. Arnison seconded, and it was
unanimously resolved that a sum of £y> be voted for transcribing
the Chartulary of St. Bees.*

A communication from the Society of Antiquaries of London was
read, and it was proposed that two delegates be appointed to represent
this Society at a meeting which is intended to be convened in London.
The president was unanimously elected for one, and it was decided
to leave the selection of the second delegate in his hands. This
decision the President undertook to communicate to the Society of
Antiquaries.

A communication from Mr. John Fell, Dane Ghyll, was read,
suggesting that the Society should extend its researches to the
family documents of the i6th, 17th, and i8th centuries. The sug-
gestion was looked upon with great favour, but no decision was come
to, and the matter was left for future discussion ; afterwards several
papers were read.

On Friday, September 14th, the party went by early train to
Aspatria, and there took carriages. Aspatria church was inspected
under guidance of the vicar, the Rev. W. S. Calverley, who showed
the various early sculptured fragments that have been found in and
about the church. The replica of the Gosforth cross, recently erected

*This resolution is rendered unnecessary by the discovery of a transcript,
available for the Society's purposes.

by

PROCEEDINGS AND EXCURSIONS. 285

by the vicar, was much admired. The next point was the little peel
of Harbybrow, where the President acted cicerone ; the party then
went through the grounds of Whitehall, by invitation of Mrs. Moore,
to All Hallows Church, which was described by the vicar, the Rev.
J. Harris, who gave some interesting extracts from the register ; the
President described the little camp at Whitehall Lodge. Carriages
were then resumed and a flying visit paid to Bolton church. A halt
for lunch was made at Ireby, after which Ireby Old Church was
visited ; this interesting building is now disused, except for burial
services ; it was described by the Rev. W. S. Calverley. Torpenhow
Church was the last archaeological item on the programme, and it was
described by the vicar, the Rev. C. H. Gem. A visit was next paid
to Brayton, where the party were most kindly entertained to tea by
Lady Lawson, after which the meeting broke up.

(286)

Art. XVI. — The Pramonstratcnsian Abbey of St. Maty

Magdalene at Shap, Westmorland,
Part I. — Historical^ by the late Rev. G. F. Weston, Hon.

Canon of Carlisle and Vicar of Crosby Ravensworth.
Part 11. — Architectural, 6y W. H. St. John Hope, M.A.
Read at that place September gth, 1886, and JtUy 12th, 1888.

PART I.— HISTORICAL.

fPHE interesting ruins we have come to visit are the I
-■- remains of a convent of Premonstratensian Canons. |
They were an Order that separated from the Augustinian
or Austin Canons for the purpose of following a stricter
rule. They originated in France, in the diocese of Laon,
in the year 1120. St. Norbert was their founder. Acting I
under a sudden conversion, he quitted the court of the
emperor Henry IV, whose kinsman he was, and desiring
a life of more complete self-mortification than that adopted
by the Augustinian Canons he took the advice of his friend j
the bishop of Laon, determined to found a new order, and
together they sought a site for the erection of a conventual
house to carry out these views. After much wandering a
green spot in the depths of the forest of Coucy struck the
fancy of Norbert, and in a small ruined building, once a
chapel dedicated to the Baptist, he passed the night alone
in prayer. In a vision the Virgin Mary appeared to him
pointing out the exact site the building he desired to erect
should occupy, and also the dress he and his associates
should adopt. The green meadow thus pointed out was
the pre monire or pratum pramonsiraitim which gave the
name to the new order; and the dress, a white cassock, a
rochet, and white cloak, symbolising purity of heart and
life, became their habit and gave them the name, by which
they were afterwards styled, of ** White Canons," and by
which they were distinguished from the Augustinians,

known

T

I

^4

fl3W0T

J

SHAP ABBEY. 287

known as the " Black Canons '^ from the costume they
had adopted, as significant of the mortification of the flesh
and its lusts, and of death to the world.

Founded thus in 1120 in France, the Order became first
established in England at Newhouse, Lincolnshire, in 1140.

Why this Order specially commended itself to Thomas,
son of Gospatric, a member of a powerful family having
large possesions in Cumberland and Westmorland we do
not know, but he gave to God and St. Mary Magdalene
and to the canons at Preston of the Order of Premonstra-
tensians a portion of his lands at Preston in Kendal to build
a house for the said canons. Why this proved unsuitable
to them we do not know, perhaps it was too near to a
large town, for they loved to be far away from towns in
the seclusion of wild uninhabited districts. Unsuitable,
however, for some reason or other it would appear to have
proved, for the Society were removed by their patron and
settled here at Shap, or Heppe as it was then called, receiv-
ing in lieu of their former estate, another, which must have
fully met their love of retirement. The deed of gift
preserved in Dugdale minutely lays down its boundaries,
the chief points of which are still known by the same
names. It is that part of his land which was Karl, a term
still retained in Karl4ofts, denoting land probably tenanted
by free husbandmen. Starting at Karlwath, a ford across
the Lowther, a little south of the abbey, the boundary
follows the stream as far as its little tributary the Lang-
shawbeck; ascending this till it crosses the road from
Keld to Swindale, it follows the road to a burial mound
still known as Staniraise ; thence it follows the path
northwards to the little hamlet of Rayset; thence it
makes down the hill to a large stone by the riverside to
which a word used in hunting deer " Lestablie "* is ap-

* Ubi homines solebant faceie Lestablie Stablye. Nicolson and Burn, vol. I,
p. 470 : a place where an ambush or trap, a buckstall, was made for the deer,
who were driven to it.

plied,

288 SHAP ABBEY.

plied, a spot at which men were stationed ready with
bows and dogs to shoot or pursue the deer as they were
driven past ; going down the stream of the Lowther as
far as the boundaries of Rosgill it then proceeds southward
by the top of the hill Creskeld to a field called Almbanke,
thus enclosing a considerable tract of pasture and brush-
wood on the eastern side of the vale, till the lane is reached
which descends steeply at the starting point Karlwath.
He also grants them pasture in common with his tenants
at Rayset and pasture at Thamboord and at Swindale on
both sides to the top of Binbarh on one side and on the
other beyond Thengeheved for 60 cows, 20 mares to run
in the woods, and 500 sheep with their young till the age
of 3 years, and for five yoke of oxen, and wood also for the
Abbey for timber, fire, hedging, and other necessaries,
without the control of his foresters. At a nearly central
spot on their estate, on a small level thwaite on the left
bank of the Lowther, with steep tree-grown heights on
the other bank, protecting them against winds from north
and east, the canons fixed the site of their house. They
would seem to have commenced building it early in the
thirteenth century and to have taken no great number of
years in completing it, its si2e indeed not requiring many,
the greater part of it, as may be seen, being in the style
of architecture of that period.

We may infer that they became popular from the nu-
merous additions to their property which they from
time to time received. The founder of the abbey gave
them the whole rectory of the church of Shap. The
church of Bampton was also appropriated to the canons
about the time of the foundation o.f the abbey, which
appropriation, as well as that of the church of Shap,
was confirmed to the convent by Robert bishop of Car-
lisle, in 1263, who grants that in consideration of the
smallness of their revenues they may officiate in the
said churches by two or three of their own canons, one

of

SHAP ABBEY. 289

of whom was to be presented to the bishop as vicar, to
be answerable to the bishop in spirituals ; and another to
be answerable to the abbot and convent in temporals,
yet so that in each church they should have one secular
chaplain to hear confessions and execute such other
matters as cannot so properly be done by their own
regular canons. Johanna de Veteripont, daughter-in-law
of the founder, gave them nine acres in the vill of Heppe.

Robert de Veteripont among other grants gave them
the whole of the vill of Renegill, now Reagill in the
parish of Crosby Ravensworth, where the canons had a
grange, and a chapel, served no doubt by one of their
number. John de Veteripont, son of the former, gave
them the hospital of St. Nicholas, near Appleby, on condi-
tion of their maintaining three lepers in it for ever.

In the reign of king Edward I. the church of Warcop
was appropriated to the canons by Robert de Clifford,
which appropriation was confirmed by bishop Halton in
consideration of the poverty and ruined condition to
which they were reduced by the incursions of the Scots.

In the 43rd year of Edward III., Margaret, widow of
Hugh de Lowther, gave all her estates in Westmorland
to the abbey. In the same king's reign the manor of
Shap fell to them by gift from the Curwen family. They
held property too of various kinds, houses, lands, tithes,
and other charges upon land, in numberless parishes of
Westmorland, and the neighbouring counties, so that at
the dissolution their revenues were estimated at ;f 134 7s.
7jd. a year.

To proceed, however, with the buildings of the abbey
as far as their ruined condition will permit us to make
them out.

To begin with the church. This consisted of choir, north

and south transepts, nave with north aisle, and western

tower. With the exception of an eastern prolongation of

the choir and the tower, the rest of the church must have

[2 Ml been

290 SHAP ABBEY.

been built in the early part^^of the 13th centuiy. The
entire length of the original building was 153 feet by 23^
in breadth, the addition to the choir was 27 feet, making
B total of 180 feet as the length of the existing building
from west to east. The breadth across the transept is 81
feet.

The north wall of the choir is standing to the height
of 6 or 8 feet ; on the outside of it, and along cast wall
of north transept, may be seen the original early-English
base course, the broad buttress which supported the
original east wall, and a smaller buttress westward of it ;
also the base course and eastern buttress of the Perpendi-
cular prolongation. Within is an aumbry for containing
the service books and sacred vessels, 3 feet 8 inches wide,
and I foot 8 inches deep, beneath which, close under the
wall is a flat gravestone, having a sword incised along its
whole length. The interior angles of the east wall are
perfect. On the south side of the choir is a long lime-
stone slab, 7 feet long by about half that width, now
broken in two, which may have been the altar. The
south wall has been entirely broken down.

The transepts have each two chapels on their east
sides. The southernmost chapel of the north transept
has been separated from the presbytery by a beautifully
moulded segmental arch, beneath which may have been
the tomb of the founder, who is known to have been buried
in the church. At the entrance to this chapel is a grave-
stone having a crozier incised upon it.

In the southernmost chapel of the south transept is
another flat gravestone now much broken. From the
appearance of the capital in the south wall and of the base of
the centre pillar in this transept, it is possible this corner
of it may have been screened off as a treasury.

The north aisle has been separated from the nave by
an arcade of six arches, of which the bases and some of

the

SHAP ABBEY. 29I

the stones of the pillars are still in situ. The pillars con-
sist of four large filleted columns one foot in diameter,
and four small of six inches, all engaged, the total height
including base and capital being an inch or two over
nine feet. Upon the top of this arcade was set, . at
the end of the fifteenth century, a range of three lighted
uncusped clerestory windows. Rough walls of poor con-
struction connect the nave pillars with the north wall,
either to support them under the overloading of the cleres-
tory, as some conjecture, or else to form a series of small
chapels, after those of the transepts had been appropriated.
The space between the last pillar eastward and the north-
west pier of the crossing was walled up in the same rough
way but more massively.*

The tower is a specimen of plain solid building of quite
the end of the fifteenth century or perhaps the beginning
of the sixteenth. Its walls rise nearly to the battlements ;
but they are rent by large cracks, and the fall of large
masses seems inevitable at no distant period, unless
measures be taken to prevent it. Much was done by the
erection of massive buttresses to prevent the fall of the
tower some years ago, and it is much to be wished that
further steps may be taken soon to preserve the upper part
from destruction, the tower being now the most noticeable
and picturesque feature of the ruins. A lofty and perfectly
plain arch connects the tower with the nave, above which
may be seen the two lines of the high pitched early-Eng-
lish roof and the lead-covered roof of the Perpendicular
period, depressed almost to flatness to admit of the con-
struction of the clerestory. In the west face of the tower
are the remains of a fine window with bold but shallow
mouldings, beneath which may have been a western door-

*The churches of this Order had often no aisles to the nave, of which Ef^leston
is an instance, and rarely, if ever, more than a north aisle, as here and elsewhere.
None but guests were admitted to their services.

way.

292 SHAP ABBEY.

way. The windows of the belfry stage were plain and
uncusped like those of the clerestory. The addition to
the choir, erected at the same period, either simply to
lengthen the choir, or else to form a lady chapel, would
seem, from engravings shewing the condition of the ruins
100 or 150 years ago, to have been lighted by very large
windowsof similar character to that of the tower. These
additions to the sacred building can only have been com-
pleted a few years before its seizure out of the pos-
session of the society, who for 300 years had been its
reverent guardians, and its wanton handing over to des-
truction. Passing out of the nave by one of two doors in
its south wall, we find ourselves in the cloister court. It is
about 68 i feet from north to south, and is 61 feet from east
to west. Around it ran a covered walk, the roof of which,
on the inner side, rested on an arcaded wall, the base of
which may here still be traced. It was in this part of a
conventual house that much of the Hfe of its inmates was
passed, so much of it indeed as to lead to its being styled
the life of the cloister or the cloistered life. In the inter-
vals between the choir services, mealtimes, sleeping or
daily occupation, it was the place of general resort for
meditation, reading, working, and teaching. In the win-
dows of the north walk, after they became glazed,* sat
writers, illuminators, and transcribers at their work. In
the west walk, the teaching of the novices in psalmody
was carried on. The east walk was reserved for the
Maundy, i. c, the washing of the feet of poor men on
Thursday in Holy week. There was always a door into
the nave at the end of the east walk for those having
seats in the choir. This door seems to have been removed
and placed a little to the west.t Another door often

• As was the case in the 15th century.

fXhe brinfiring of this door a little westward, and the wallin? up of the
easternmost bay of the north aisle may have been for the purpose ot prolonging*
the quire westward.

faged

SHAP ABBEY. 293

faced the west walk, as here, for those worshipping in the
nave.

Had this been a house of Cistercians, every part of it,
of which a trace above ground remained, might have been
identified, so uniform was the plan on which they built.
The Premonstratensians observed no such absolute uni-
formity : still a clue to the purport of the various parts of
their buildings may be gained from the Cistercian arrange-
ments.

Thus, entered from the east walk, and near to the
transept was the chapter house, which we certainly have
here in the chamber in this position 46 feet long by nearly
21 feet broad, down the centre of which were three beauti-
fully finished pillars supporting a vaulted roof. It is not
unlikely that this was lengthened, and perhaps to a great
extent reconstructed sometime after the completion of the
building, in a style of greater delicacy. The doorway
pillars and vaulting must have been beautiful specimens
of somewhat advanced early-English work. It may have
been a reconstruction after injury done during some incur-
sion of the Scots.

In the chapter house the brethren assembled after matin
mass, taking their seats on the stone bench running round
the walls in the order in which they sat in the choir ;
a novice then read a chapter of the rule of the house, from
which the chamber took its name. Here faults were
confessed and dealt with according to their gravity : for
minor offences there was the penitents' bench before the
chapter house door ; for graver, the cell with its fare of
bread and water, or the scourge inflicted in the presence
of the brethren. In the chapter house novices were
admitted : and the brethren selected for the various oflices
received their appointment.* Abbots were buried in the

* After vespers the brethren again assembled in the chapter house fur a
spiritual lecture called collation, delivered from the pulpit, and for prayer and
devotion.

chapter

2 94 SHAP ABBEY.

chapter house : we have, no doubt, an instance here in
the stone coffin in the floor just within the entrance. The
brethren were buried in a cemetery, lying generally east-
ward of the church.

Between the chapter house and the south wall of the
transept there should be a sacristy and a slype or passage
to the cemeter}'. Here the interval (lo feet) seems not
sufficient for both. A door in the transept wall would
seem to point to this space having been the sacristy and
the more so as there seems to have been a wall across
this space, the early-English base, still visible in the north
wall of the chapter house, having been returned so as to
carry it along a cross wall, at a point at about half-way
down the chapter house. Adjoining the chapter house on
the south is a chamber entered by a door in the south-east
angle of the cloister, 43 feet from north to south, with a
breadth of 2ii feet. Down the centre are three small plain
octagonal pillars shewing that this chamber must have
been vaulted. In the east wall has been a fireplace 8 feet
by 6 feet in width, over which has been thrown a plain
chamfered segmental arch. In the north wall which is thin,
has been embedded a pillar similar to those in the room,
and exactly as far from the first of them as that is from the
second. I am of opinion that this was once included in
the room. This would bring the fireplace exactly in the
centre. And I think this chamber has been shortened in
order to increase the width of the chapter house at the
time it was rebuilt.

This chamber has, I think, been the caUfaciorium, the
warming house of the brethren, which was the only
place* where they were allowed the luxury of a fire.
Above it would be their dormitory. This was always

* Mong the outside of the south wall of thi i building', and returned a short
way down the sides, may be seen the early-English course, shewing that these
were external walls and part of the original group of buildings.

erected

SHAP AB15EY. 295

erected above a vaulted substructure, and in this position ;
a passage led out of it over the chapter house into the
south transept, down into which was a flight of steps, for
the convenience of the brethren attending the night
services. On the south side of the cloister was a long
vaulted chamber, 76 feet by 21 feet 9 inches, between which
and the last chamber was a passage closed at each end
by a door opening inwards. Down the centre of this
chamber, if its length be accurately guessed at, must have
been a row of seven or eight pillars. Guessed at its length
must be, since the greater part remains unexcavated. A
clue to the dimensions of this chamber, however, is got
from a corbel protruding from the north wall of the farm-
house, which is said to be in situ. Its level, with reference
to the other pillars ; the line and thickness of the wall
in which it is embedded, corresponding as they do with the
south wall of the chamber at its further end tends to con-
firm this, and gives us this corbel, so fortunately left
protruding, as the south-west angle of this long apartment.
But this being, as it ought to be, the position of the
refectory, this length is not greater than we might look for.
At St. Agatha's abbey near Richmond, a house of this order,
the refectory is 103 feet long by 27 feet wide, the number
of canons there being but 17, while here there were 20.
This no doubt is the site of the refectory or rather of its
undercroft, the fraters of canons being always over cellars
which were used for the various kinds of work performed
by the conversi or lay-brethren acting as servants.* The
undercroft appropriated to them among the Cistercians
was on the west side of the cloister, of which there is a
perfect and very beautiful specimen at Fountains: but
here there seems to have been no such arrangement. The

• This long room may have been divided into two, as was certainly the case at
St. Agatha's, one apartment being the frater proper, the other perhaps the
apartment known as the misericorde.

room

296 SHAP ABBEY.

room above this undercroft was no doubt the refectory,
or the refectory with its adjoining apartment, the
approach to which would be found, could an excavation
be made, by a stair at the western end, its usual position.
This was the construction of the refectory in the other
houses of the Order at St. Agatha's and Halesowen — as it
will be remembered it is at Carlisle in what is known as the
Fratry. Here the brethren partook of their frugal meals,
for frugal we may believe them to have been, since the
brethren of this Order were noted for having long main*
tained their original austere mode of living.

The kitchens with their offices ought to be found some-
where about the western end of the refectory building,
and I think we find traces of them in the thick walls of
the present farmhouse. At the extreme end of that range
used to be an ancient fireplace, which I remember seeing
many years ago in company with a friend, an architect,
who counselled me to reproduce it in my own house in
some alterations I was then making, and it was carried
out pretty nearly from a sketch which he had made.

On the west side of the cloister are two arched cellars,
about 17 feet by 16 feet, the arches flat, formed with
large, rough, unhewed stones — the floors considerably
below that of this cloister: one of them entered through
a double dcorway in the wall, the total width of which is
about 9 feet.

It is difficult to say what these vaults have been. They
have been called prisons or penitential cells. These were
always in connection with the infirmary ; and this was not
the place for the infirmary. A building must have been
erected over them, and this, opposite the chapter house,
would most probably the cellarer's hall, and if so the
vaults beneath are the cellars in which some of his stores
were kept. There is but one other building that demands
our notice, and that is one that stands south-east of the
calefactory. It has been a vaulted chamber 39 feet long

by

SHAP ABBEY. 297

by 20 feet broad. No doubt there has been a chamber
above it. This, I am inclined to think, has been the
infirmary, for which this is a very usual position. North;
of it are the foundations of other chambers, and at its north
west entrance angle are a few jamb stones of an Early
English arched gateway. Along the east wall of the
infirmary, and under these adjacent chambers, would very
probably be found the usual well constructed drain flushed
with a constant copious flow of water, if the necessary
investigation could be made. A short distance up the
stream on its right bank was the mill, which, though now
in ruins, was, within the memory of many now living, still
in use.

A portion of the precinct wall, beyond which no con-
ventual might pass without special permission, is probably
to be traced in the remains of a very thick wall, running
for a considerable distance along the edge of the cliff on
the east side of the river. This was probably pierced by
an arched gateway, where the road from Shap makes a
sharp descent down the brow to the stream. The abut-
ments of the bridge by which the stream was crossed and
the causeway beyond, leading to the abbey, a little south*
ward of the present bridge may still be traced. The level
field between the causeway and the abbey was the vine-
yard, and on a little bit of level land opposite the abbey
buildings on the other side of the river are said to have
been the fishponds.

The revenues of the abbey being under jfaoo a-year
(3^154 7s. 7id. being their exact estimated value) it was
one of those on whom the decree of dissolution first fell
in the 27th Henry VIIL, but either in consequence of its
inmates being above the number of twelve mentioned in
that act, or from its having a powerful patron in Henry
earl of Cumberland, who was high in favour with the
king, it received a respite. Not however for long. Its
surrender took place on the 14th January in the 31st
[2 N] Henry

2g6 SHAP ABBEY.

Henry VIII. Richard Evenwode was its last abbot ; he
signed the surrender^ but for some reason or other, under
the name of Richard Baggot. However high the abbey
may have stood under the rule of its early abbots, we can-
not but see that corrupt times had been fallen upon under
the rule of its last. This Richard Evenwode was an
absentee. He was rector of the rich living of Kirkby Thore
to which he had been presented by his patron, Henry earl
of Cumberland, under a contract, which, if legal then,
would not be now, to pay the previous rector a pension of
£so a-year on his resignation of the living. He appeared
too, to have schemed the appropriation of this rich living
to the abbey, and the transaction was all but completed
when the dissolution took place. On surrendering the
abbey he appears to have secured for himself a pension
of £40a-year: the remaining canons receiving pensions
from £4 to £6 each.

The possessions of the abbey were granted to Sir
Thomas Wharton, governor of Carlisle. They remained
in the Wharton family till the time of the notorious Duke
when on their forfeiture they were purchased by Richard
Lowther, of Maulds Meaburn Hall, and are now part of
the Lowther estate.

PART II.— ARCHITECTURAL.

How, when, and by whom Shap abbey was founded,
and who were the White Canons to whom it belonged,
are questions that have been already set forth by Canon
Weston in his paper. To what he has written on these
points and on the history of the abbey generally, I have
nothing to add ; I shall therefore pass on without further
preface to the subjects of my paper, viz. the architectural
history of the abbey buildings, their growth, and the uses
to which they were put. The deductions arrived at were
made after a careful and critical examination of the remains

of

MASONS MARKS FROM SHAP ABBEY.
FROM THE TOWER

FROM THE EAST BAY NORTH WALL OF CHOIR
OUTSIDE.

K

^^^

^

^^X

SHAP ABBEY, 299

of the buildings last Whitsuntide, aided by certain excava-
tions made under my direction on behalf of your Society,
on the kind invitation of your President, the Worshipful
Chancellor Ferguson.

The remains of the abbey consist almost entirely of the
church and claustral buildings. The various ofEces, etc.
that stood in the outer court have utterly perished, in-
cluding even the gateway — a part of the buildings often
spared when all else has been destroyed on account of
its affording a suitable dwelling for the caretaker put in
at the suppression.

By the statutes of the Prsemonstratensian Order, no
new house might be founded unless there were at least
twelve canons besides the abbot, a proper supply of service
books, f$ec nisiprius constructis his officinis^ oratorio^ dormu
toriOf refcctoriOf cella hospitum portarii, that is to say, the
church, dorter, frater, and porter's cell. These buildings,
however, were not necessarily of stone, and the statute
was considered to be sufficiently obeyed if temporary
wooden huts or sheds were set up for the accommodation of
the brethren till they could proceed with buildings of a
more permanent character.

The first of the permanent buildings undertaken was
always the church, but usually no more of that was
erected than was sufficient for the choir services — for the
White Canons' churches being in all cases purely con-
ventual, there was no need to consider the wants of the
parish as in a divided church. A temporary cloister was
the next work, to provide for which the nave wall against
which it abutted was carried up to a sufficient height for
the cloister roof. Then followed the buildings round the
cloister: first, those on the east, extending from the
church southward (if the cloister was on the south) ;
nexty the south range ; then the western range, and finally
the nave of the church. Sometimes, of course, where
funds permitted, several buildings were erected simul-
taneously

1

30O SHAP ABBBY.

taneously, bat in a small and poorly aidowed hoase the
construction proceeded much on the lines I have indicated.
The gatehouse was generally included in the earlier build-
ings.

We know very little as yet of the arrangements of the
outer court of a small or even moderate-siced monastety ;
but probably many houses were content with buildings of
pan*and«poflt work, or of wood — structures of a more
solid duracter taldag their place when funds permitted.

The precinct of the abbey was also usually enclosed by
a stone wall.

The abbey church at Shap, as originally set out, con-
sisted of a short presbs^ety with a south aisle of the same
lengthy a central crossing with north and south transepts
— ^the latter having each an eastern aisle, and a nave with
north aisle only. The western tower was a subsequent
addition.

The church was begun very shortly after the foundation,
that is, circa xzoo, and as usual^ at the east end, and was
proceeded with in the following order : (i) the presbytery
and its aisle ; (2) the south transept ; (3) the north tran-
sept ; and (4) the eastern half of the nave, or as much
as was sufficient to act as an abutment for the crossing
arches.

Then followed the buildings on the east of the cloister,
viz. the vestry, the chapter house, and the warming house,
and in all probability (for there is nothing of it left to tell
its own tale) the dormitorium or dorter, which occupied
the upper floor above all these apartments. The domus
necessaria or rere*dorter, to the eastward of this range,
would also be a contemporary work. At the same time
the unfinished north aisle was carried on a bay further.
Then followed the buildings on the south of the cloister,
consisting of an extensive range of cellars with the refcc-
torium or frater above. The western range, that known
as the ceUarium, or cellarer's buildings, was the next
work^ which, with that immediately succeeding, the

building

SHAP ABBEY. 3OI

building of the western half of the nave and its aisle,
also completed the circuit of buildings surrounding the
cloister court. The erection of the infirmary on the sduth
east appears to have been next undertaken, and was the
last of the buildings required for the accommodation and
convenience of the canons of the abbey.

The moldings and other details shew that the progress
of the work was comparatively slow, and probably an
interval of quite 70 years elapsed between the commence-
ment of the presbytery and the completion of the nave.

Later works of which we have evidence are; (a) the
elongation of the presbytery and its aisles in the fifteenth
century ; (b) the erection, circa 1500, of the western
steeple ; and (c) the addition of a clerestory to the nave.
• We will now proceed to describe the buildings in detail.

Of the original presbytery there remains the base of the
north wall to a height of some feet ; the lowest course of
the plinth of the east wall may also be traced at the
ground level within, right across the church.

This original presbytery was three bays long. It had
clasping pilaster buttresses at the angles, a pilaster but-
tress in the centre of the east wall, and another on the
line between the two disengaged bays. Of the aisle
absolutely nothing is left but the foundations, from which
I find it was as long as the presbytery, but only half its
width. The greater ease with which an arcade can
be removed than a solid wall, accounts for there being
nothing left of that which divided the aisle from the pres-
bytery. The only trace of the arrangements of the
original presbytery exists in the lower part of an almery
or locker, which had two doors divided by a monial in
front, in the north wall. About the end of the 14th or
beginning of the 15th century the presbytery was extended
eastward 27 feet, together with its aisle. What its archi-
tectural features were, is uncertain, for with the exception
of the lower part of the north wall, part of the plinth of

the

302 SHAP ABBEY.

the east wall and two rough masses of masonry at the
angles, it has been entirely destroyed. A small fragment
is also left of its south wall, which serves to shew that
instead of an arcade between the presbytery and the
elongation of the aisle, the wall was, at any rate in part,
solid to contain the sedilia, etc. In the north wall of the
westernmost bay of the presbytery are the last remaining
fragments of a recessed tomb of 14th century date. This
I am informed was fairly perfect not so very long ago,
but has now been destroyed by the growth of a great tree
above it.

Of the south transept and its aisle, the walls are still
standing to a height of some feet. The aisle was of two
bays, and certainly contained one altar, if not two. The
arcade has disappeared, with the exception of the south res-
pond, from which and other indications we learn that
the aisle was vaulted, and cut off from the transept by
wooden screens, as may be seen from the notches in the
masonry. The altars were doubtless similarly partitioned
from each other. In the south wall of the transept is a door
into the vestry, and there also a door on the west from the
cloister. Immediately within thislatterdoor,to the south, is
an irregular platform of masonry. This marks the position
of the bottom of a flight of stairs from the church up to the
dorter, which extended southwards from the transept, used
by the canons to enable them to descend direct for service
at midnight.

The north transept has suffered destruction equally with
its fellow, and has also lost the whole of the external
casing of what is left of its main walls. It had an eastern
aisle with two altars, vaulted and screened off like that
on the south. Of the arcade only the north respond
remains. On the west was an arch opening into the nave
aisle. The responds of this arch though of the same plan
as the others in the transepts — viz., a bold keel between
two circular shafts — are of diflferent dates. The south

respond

SHAP ABBEY. 303

respond and the responds of the transept arcades and of the

arches of the crossing have bases with the section shewn

* Fig. ,. in Fig I ; but the base of the north respond

^ is of much later character, and is of al-

^^ most the same section as those of the

^E|^ fourth and fifth piers of the nave, from

^^V which it differs only in having the lowest

^^^^ member a scroll molding instead of a plain

^H roll. (Cp. Fig. 4).

^^H Of the crossing nothing whatever is left

^^^L save the western responds of the north

^^^^^ and south arches, and the north respond

^^^^H of the western arch. Imperfect as these

■I^PL remains are, they nevertheless tell an in-

»■ ■ ,fa, ' ■ teresting tale. All the responds were

originally of the same date and plan as

those of the transept arcades, but at some later period the

north-west angle of the crossing gave way — perhaps

because the canons were trying to make the arches carry

a tower. To remedy the mischief, the original north-west

piers were cut away and replaced by plain and massive

semi'Octagonal ones, beneath which may still be seen the

old molded bases. At the same time, the arch opening

from the transept into the north aisle, and the first arch of

the arcade, were filled up with solid masonry, much of

which still remains in situ.

The nave was 87 feet long to the middle of the arch
dividing it from the crossing. In the south wall are two
doorways from the cloister, the westernmost of which
appears to have been walled up before the suppression*.
The same wall also shews at almost exactly half the length
of the nave, a strongly marked junction of two works of
very different dates. On the north, and separated from
the nave by an arcade of six arches, is an aisle, 10^ feet wide.

* See A Lecture on Shop Abbey, by the Rev. Canon Simpson, LL.D., F.S.A., late
President of this Society. (Kendal, 1S62).

This

304

SHAP ABBBY.

This had a vaulted roof, and a wide window in each bay
except the westernmost, where there seems to have been
a door. The piers are all of the same plan, consisting of
four larger and four smaller engaged circular shafts, of
\vhich the former are filleted. The moldings of the
bases vary in a manner which is of great interest as shew-
ing the gradual progress of the buildings. The eastern
respond and piers i and 2 have bases of the section shewn
in Fig. 2 ; the third pier has a similar base, but with
the hollow omitted as in Fig. 3, and the bases of piers 4 and
5, have a much later and very different section, Fig. 4, which
is of distinctly early-Decorated character, while the others
are clearly early-English. From the fact of piers i and i
having the same base as the transepts it is quite clear
that the aisle was thought of from the first. .Itspljnth
too, is throughout of the same section as that of the
original presbytery.

Fig. 2.

Fi«- 3.

Fig. 4.

MS TMcnnuK

The piers, which are standing to a height of about four
feet, are now connected with the aisle wall by rough walls
of masonry, 2 feet 6 inches thick. Canon Weston, Dr.
Simpson, and others, think these are medieval insertions

to

SHAP ABBEY. 305

to strengthen the arcade when it began to give way
beneath the added clerestory. This view seems justified
by the thickness of the walls ; but their very rough char-
acter seems to me to be against such a theory, and it is
quite as likely they have been built up long posterior to
the suppression to convert the aisle into a row of sheep
or cattle pens.

What the west end of the nave was like originally we
do not know. The present western tower, which is the
most conspicuous portion of the abbey ruins, was built quite
at the end of the 15th or early in the i6th century. It
is still standing almost to its original height, but in
view of the serious cracks that are visible, it is doubtful
how long it will continue to do so, unless something is
speedily done to keep the wet out of the masonry, and
prevent the growth of plants and shrubs. The tower,
though of the plainest character, is not without a certain
amount of dignity. None of its windows have cusps to
the tracery, and in this and several other features, as
well as its general proportions, it strongly resembles
the stately tower of Fountains abbey, with which it is
clearly contemporary. Externally it is divided into two
stages by a stringcourse a little below the belfry windows,
but internally there are three stages. The east side opens
into the nave by a lofty pointed arch of extreme plainness,
above which appear the marks of two roofs : (i) that
of the original high-pitched roof of the nave ; (2) that of
a nearly flat roof put on when the nave walls were
heightened by a clerestory, which was erected after the
building of the tower. The upper stage of the east face
has a two-light square-headed window.

On the north face, the easternmost buttress, through
having been built on top of the aisle west wall, encloses a
fragment of the aisle stringcourse, and shews part of the
curve of the aisle window arch. The lower stage is here
quite plain ; the upper retains the jambs of a three-light
window.

[2 OJ The

306 SHAP ABBEY.

The west side, according to Buck's view taken in 1739,
had a large doorway, over which was a window of five
lights with tracery in the head. Since then these features
have been much altered ; the tracery of the window has
disappeared, and the jambs have been chopped down to
the ground line, thus forming an arched opening to cor-
respond with the tower arch. All traces of the west door
have of course been obliterated. Above the window is a
good canopied niche, with a hook in the back for the lost
image (probably that of St. Mary Magdalene). The upper
stage has a large three-light window, pointed, with six
lesser lights in the head. On the south side of the tower
the lower stage is quite plain, but just below the string is
a two-light square-headed window, grooved for glass.
Above the string, and set a little to the east, is a single
headed light. The parapet and pinnacles of the tower
are missing, but the plinth is very perfect on the three
disengaged sides.

Internally the tower has a narrow vice or stair up the
south-west angle, entered by a small door with four-
centred head. About half way up the height of the
tower arch, in the north and south walls, are the holes
for the floor joists of a gallery or loft, which must have
been reached by a wooden stair of some sort. Above the
level of the crown of the tower arch, a door opened from
the circular stair into a low chamber below the upper
floor. This chamber was lighted by a window on the
south, immediately to the west of which was a fireplace.
The chimney of this fireplace was carried up in the thick-
ness of the wall and ended in the tower parapet, thus
accounting for the window of the upper stage on this side
being narrower, and set out of the centre. The upper
floor of course was that where the bells hung.

Whatever vestiges remained of the ancient arrangements
of the church were unwittingly but effectually removed in
the excavations made some thirty years ago, when the

whole

SHAP ABBEY. 307

whole area was cleared of rubbish. Portions still remain
of the stone paving of the nave then uncovered, which is
raised 20 inches above the original level. The pulpitum
or screen at the entrance of the choir stood under the arch
at the east end of the nave, with the rood screen and nave
altar a bay to the west ; the eastern cloister door thus
would open into the choir entry between the two screens.
The choir proper extended beneath the crossing, being
shut off from the transepts by screens, of which the stalls
probably formed part. A great slab that doubtless covered
the high altar now lies on the south side of the presbytery.
The several tombs and slabs found in the floor have already
been enumerated by Canon Weston. Dr. Simpson's paper
already quoted, speaking of the south side of the presbytery
says : " It is well known that there was a door in this
south wall leading into what was probably a vestry, and
that another door opened out of the vestry into a small
plot of ground near the river, used as a burial place."
There are now no signs of these doors. All the roofs of
the church except in the aisles of the nave and transepts
were of wood.

We will now leave the church and examine the cloister
and the apartments round it.

The cloister itself is here placed on the south side of the
nave, and is a rectangular area about 60J feet from east
to west, and 69 feet from north to south. It was sur-
rounded by covered alleys, about 8 feet wide on the south
and east sides, 7^ feet wide on the west, and nearly 9
feet wide on the north, enclosing a small open court or
garth covered with grass. ^The wall enclosing the garth
was about two feet in thickness. The base of it is for-
tunately left on three sides, from which we learn that the
alleys were lighted by six windows, or rather openings,
on each side, with pilaster buttresses between. From
fragments lying ;[ about, these openings appear to have
consisted, as usual in early work, of narrow arches sup-
ported

308 SHAP ABBEY.

ported by pairs of detached shafts with twin caps and
bases. The cloister roof was of wood. I failed to find
any evidence of a laver or conduit in the middle of
the garth. The north alley, being that next the church,
was the place where the canons spent most of their
time during the day, when not engaged in the church
or elsewhere. This explains the extra width of this
alley, the other and narrower alleys being merely pas-
sages. Opening into the church from the north alley, are
two doors. The easternmost door is of early-English
character, and has an inner and outer order of moldings,
and detached jamb-shafts. The westernmost door, though
it has detached jamb- shafts, has the hollow-chamfer and
other moldings indicative of its early- Decorated date.
The difference in date between the two doors is further
marked by a strong break in the masonry of the interven-
ing wall. The jointing of the masonry between the
easternmost door and the angle nearest it is very uneven,
and suggestive of alteration; in fact, Canon Weston
thinks the door has been reset a little to the west of its
original position.

At the north end of the eastern alley of the cloister is
a third door into the church, opening into the south
transept. It is of the same date and fashion as the
adjoining door in the north alley. Its use was to enable
the canons to reach the high altar and transept chapels
without going round through the choir.

About two-fifths of the length of the east alley is over-
lapped by the south transept. Immediately to the south
of this was a narrow chamber, 21 feet long and 9 feet
wide, entered from the transept, probably the vestry.
Its west wall is now utterly broken down, which rather
suggests that there was also a door from the cloister, but
no trace of this is left.

To the south of the vestry, and separated only by a thin
wall, is the chapter house. This was a building of some

architectural

SHAP ABBEY. 309

architectural importance, and one moreover that fur-
nishes us with some interesting and unusual features.
The existing remains shew it to have been a rectangular
apartment, 45 feet long and about 21 feet wide, divided
into two alleys by a central row of three pillars, and
vaulted in eight compartments. The first and third pillars
were octofoil in plan, the members being alternately plain
and filleted. The middle pillar had a cruciform centre,
set saltirewise, with a detached shaft on each of the
cardinal points, that on the west being larger than the
others. The vaulting ribs springing from this middle
pillar to the side walls rested on shafted responds, and
were probably of greater strength than the rest of the ribs,
in order to carry the weight of a main wall or arcade in
the dorter above. The chapter house was thus divided
into two distinct halves. The eastern half projected
beyond the main range of buildings, and was probably
lighted by six windows. The western half is furnished
with a stone bench all round, and I think also served
as the auditorium or regular parlour. The chapter house
door, unlike any other example, is here set to one
side. It had three detached shafts in each jamb, whose
shattered bases may still be seen. Just to the south
of the door, in the cloister, is the base of a pilaster
buttress, which is not one of a series nor does it line
with any part of the existing chapter house. Taking
this in conjunction with the unusual position of the door-
way, it seems that when the cloister wall was built, it
was intended to erect a polygonal chapter house. The
existing door would then properly open into a vestibule
about 12 feet wide, whose south wall would come exactly
opposite the seemingly useless buttress in the cloister.
The polygonal part, or chapter house proper, would have
stood clear of the range as at Westminster and elsewhere.
By a strange oversight, I omitted to dig a hole on the
probable line of the vestibule wall, to see if its foundations

were

3IO SHAP ABBEY.

were yet in situ. In the floor immediately in front of the
chapter house door, within the entrance, is a stone coffin.
In the south-east angle of the cloister is a door into a
large apartment extending from the chapter house south-
ward. This was the calefadorium or warming house, so
called because it was the only apartment provided with a fire
where the canons might come and warm themselves. It
measures 43 feet in length by 21^ feet in width, and has a
central row of octagonal pillars to carry the vaulted roof.
The capitals now placed on the pillars do not give their true
height. It was originally intended that this room should
be 51 feet long, with a central row of four pillars which
were actually set up, and whose bases still remain, but
after the idea of a polygonal chapter house was abandoned,
the northernmost bay was cut off by a thin partition wall
and taken into the area of the rectangular chapter house.
The lower part of the fourth pillar may still be seen built
up in the north wall of the apartment we are now de-

Fip. 5. Fig. 0.

scribing. There is a singular variation in the base-mold-
ings of the central pillars ; the southernmost is of the
section shewn in Fig. 5, but the other two detached pil-
lars (and presumably the built up northernmost one) have
bases of the section of Fig. 6. Immediately opposite the
door from the cloister was another door, now blocked, that
led to the canons' cemetery on the east. Probably this

bay

SHAP ABBEY. 3II

bay was screened off as a passage. To the south of this
are the remains of the large fireplace, 8 feet in width, from
which the room gets its name. Around the walls was a
stone bench.

Extending over all the three apartments just described,
from the transept southwards, was the canons' dormi-
torium, or dorter. Its total length was probably 76 feet,
but as nothing whatever of it remains, we have no idea
of its subdivisions or arrangements. Curiously enough,
I can find no trace of any staircase up to the dorter, except
that in the church, which of course was not that in
ordinary use during the day. In the south-east corner
of the warming-house is a block of masonry suggestive
of the required staircase, but on examination, it yielded
negative results, and it Js doubtful whether it is medieval
work at all.

Close to this block of masonry, in the south wall of the
warming-house, is a door that originally opened into a long
narrow hall or room, about 11 feet wide and over 45 feet
long. The westernmost bay of this was cut off by an arch,
and vaulted to form a lobby, with doors on the north and
south, as well as that by which it is entered from the
warming-house ; the arch was at a later period filled up
with masonry. On the north of this hall is another room,
subsequently added, 36 feet long and about 10} feet wide,
but devoid of any architectural features.

Although the arrangements cannot now be made out,
there is no doubt that we have here the domus necessarian
or rere-dorter of the abbey. It was as usual on the first
floor, and was separated from the dorter, from which it
was entered, by a bridge formed by the vaulted lobby
above-mentioned. The large rooms beneath were store-
houses. Owing to the existence of drains from the farm-
yard still running underground here, it was not possible to
make any excavations to ascertain the original drainage
system.

Immediately

312 SHAP ABBEY.

Immediately to the south of the rere-dorter, and about
lo feet distant, are the remains of a large hall, 39^ feet
long and nearly 20 feet wide, standing north and south,
and originally vaulted in four bays with a central row of
pillars. It was entered by a door in the north-west cor-
ner, and had other doors at each end of the east wall.
Only the north end and east side remain, with the return of
the south wall, and we are therefore ignorant of the in-
ternal arrangements. The doors in the east wall severally
led into small chambers, now entirely destroyed with the
exception of parts of the side walls. How the upper
chambers were reached is not clear. On the outside of
the north-west corner is the jamb of a Decorated doorway,
which may have led to an external flight of stairs, ap-
proached by a paved alley or pentice along the north wall,
between it and the rere-dorter. There are some fragments
of walling to the south of the vaulted hall above-mentioned,
which are all that remain of the abbey buildings in this
direction.

The group of buildings just described formed the infir-
mitorium or ** farmery " of the abbey. It was the abode
of the sick and infirm brethren, and of canons who were
temporarily relaxed from the observance of the Rule.

\Ve must now return to the examination of the buildings
on the south and west sides of the cloister.

At the eastern end of the south alley, is a door that
opens into a passage, 8 feet 8 inches wide and 21 feet 9
inches long, by which access was gained from the cloister
to the outer court. On the west of this passage, and
extending along and beyond the whole of the south side of
the cloister, are the remains of a vaulted undercroft about
75 feet long, and of seven bays, with a central row of oc-
tagonal pillars. Nearly the whole of this undercroft,
which was used as cellars, is now filled up with rubbish ;
and as it extends beneath the farmyard a detailed examina-
tion of it is impracticable. Its length is fortunately fixed

by

SHAP ABBEY. 313

by a springer of the vault of its south west angle remaining
low down close beside the back door of the farm house.
During the excavations at Whitsuntide last, we uncovered
in the fourth bay a doorway from the cloister into the
undercroft. In the west jamb of this doorway was found the
lowest of a flight of steps about three feet wide, leading in
the thickness of the wall up to the floofabove. The whole
of this upper floor, which was the canons' refectorium or
frater, is utterly destroyed, and we have no evidence of its
arrangements, or how it was approached. The narrow
wall stair cannot well have been the canon's entrance, but
was more likely a way to bring up stores from the cellar.
The staircase proper must, I think, be looked for in that
part of the undercroft which is now beneath the farmyard ;
as the narrow width of the cloister alley seems to preclude
its having been external.

Of the buttery, pantry, and kitchen nothing remains
above ground ; the last named probably stood on the site
of the present farmhouse.

The west side of the cloister was covered by a range
known as the cellarium, or cellarer's buildings, where that
officer kept his stores and took charge of the better sort of
guests. Its total length was about 69 feet by 21 feet 9
inches in width. It was at first divided into, and perhaps
vaulted in seven bays, but later alterations have almost
completely obliterated the original arrangements, which
are further obscured by the destruction of the southern end,
and by the great accumulation of rubbish on the west side.

On the cloister side the original divisions are clearly
marked by the pilaster buttresses. There are also the
remains of four doorways. The southernmost bay we
found had been entirely destroyed, but in the next bay were
uncovered the jambs of a Decorated doorway, of the same
section as that at the north-west corner of the infirmary;
it probably opened into a chamber occupying the two

southermost

[2P]

314 SHAP ABBEY.

southernmost bays. Next to this is a doorway with a
molded rere-arch, which on that account was almost cer-
tainly the inner door of a passage to the cloister from
without, which passage'probably also served as the outer
parlour. The next two bays are blind. The last but one
has a door, described by Dr. Simpson as having an oak
threshold, inserted when alterations were made in the last
bay. The latter has a door which originally was the en-
trance to this part of the building, but it has been
subsequently diverted from its first use and a staircase
built up inside. This staircase has also a second door,
opening westwards, and itself led to the upper floor, now
wholly destroyed, where the cellarer lodged his guests.
By this stair the guests could enter the church, and
stores could be brought up for their provision. The
later alterations to which I have alluded consisted in
substituting for the original ceiling, whether groined or
otherwise, two (probably three) heavy and massive wagon
vaults ; these were built quite irrespective of buttresses,
divisions, or windows, and several of the latter may
be traced on the west side which were blocked up
in consequence. The northern apartment occupies two
bays, and may be examined. The next one is almost filled
up by being used as a kitchen midden, and is inaccessible.
These two vaults are the only examples left standing
in the abbey. The great accumulation of rubbish about
this range of buildings ought to be carefully removed, and
thereby render its arrangements more visible.

The outer court is now covered by farm buildings, but
none of these show any signs of medieval work.

The gatehouse probably stood to the north-west of the
church.

(315)

LIST OF MEMBERS

OF THE

Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and
Archaeological Society.

HONORARY MEMBERS.
Bruce, Rev. J. Collingwood, LL.D., F.S.A., Newcastle-on-

Tyne.
Greenwell, Rev. William, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Durham.
Stephens, Professor George, F.S.A., Copenhagen.
Evans, J., Esq., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., Nash Mills,

Hemel Hempstead.
Freeman, Edward A., Esq., D.C.L., LL.D., Somerleaze,

Wells.

ORDINARY members.
I Addison, John, Castle Hill, Maryport
Arnison, Major W. B., Beaumont, Penrith
Bective, Earl of, Underley Hall, Kirkby Lonsdale
Bain, Sir James, 3, Park Terrace, Glasgow
5 Balme, E. B. W., Loughrigg, Ambleside

Braithwaite, Charles Lloyd, Ghyll Close, Kendal
Braithwaite, Charles Lloyd, jun., Kendal
Burn, Richard, Orton Hall, Tebay
Browne, William, Tallentire Hall, Cockermouth
10 Crosthwaite, J. F., F.S.A., The Bank, Keswick
Cooper, Ven. Archdeacon, The Vicarage, Kendal
Cropper, James, EUergreen, Kendal
Clayton, John, F.S.A., The Chesters, Northumberland
Ferguson, The Worshipful Chancellor, F.S.A., (Lon. and
Scot.) Lowther Street, Carlisle
15 Ferguson, Robert, F.S.A., (Lon. and Scot.) Morton,
Carlisle

Ferguson,

3l6 LIST OF MEMBERS.

Ferguson, Charles J., F.S.A., 50, English Street, Carlisle

Gandy, J. G., Heaves, Kendal

Hornby, E. G. S., Dalton Hall, Burton

Hudleston, W., Hut ton John, Penrith
20 Johnson, G. J., Castlesteads^ Brampton

Jackson, WiHiam, F.S.A., 21, Roe Lane, Southport

Lees, Rev. Thomas, F.S.A., Wreay, Carlisle

Nelson, Thomas, Friar*s Carse, Dumfries

Pearson, F. Fenwick, Kirkby Lonsdale
25 Sherwen, Rev. Canon, Dean, Cockermouth

Taylor, M. \V., F.S.A., (Lon. and Scot.) 200, Earl's
Court Road, South Kensington

Ware, Rev. Canon, The Abbey, Carlisle

Wakefield, W. H., Sedgwick House, Kendal

Wakefield, William, Birklands, Kendal
30 Wheatley, J. A., Portland Square, Carlisle

1870.
Carlyle, Dr., The Crescent, Carlisle
Mason, Thomas, Kirkby Stephen

1872.
I'Anson, Dr., Whitehaven

Carlisle, the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of. Rose Castle,
Carlisle
35 Knowles, Rev. Canon, The Priory, Saint Bees

Harvey, Rev. George, F.S.A., Vicar's Close, Lincoln
Brunskill, Rev. J., Threlkeld, Keswick

1874.
Allison, R. A., M.P., Scaleby Hall, Carlisle
Bower, Rev. R., St. Cuthbert's Vicarage, Carlisle
40 Chapelhow, Rev. James, Kirkbampton, Carlisle
Crowder, W. L R., Stanwix, Carlisle
Dalzell, Thomas H., Clifton Hall, Workington
Dobinson, H., Stanwix, Carlisle
Hoskins, Rev. Canon, Higham, Cockermouth

Lowther,

LIST OF MEMBERS. 317

45 Lowther, Hon. W., M.P., Lowther Lodge, Kensington
Gore, London
Maclaren, R., M.D., Porland Square, Carlisle
Muncaster, Lord, M.P., Muncaster Hall, Ravenglass
Nanson, William, Singapore
Nicholson, J. Holme, Whitefield, \Vilnisl©w, Manchester

50 Steele, James, Wetheral, Carlisle

Steele, William, Chatsworth Square, Carlisle
Thomlinson, John, Inglethwaite Hall, Carlisle
Whitehead, Rev. Henry, Newton Reigny, Penrith

1875.
Atkinson, Rev. G. W., Culgaith Vicarage, Penrith

55 Barnes, H., M.D., Portland Square, Carlisle

Bellasis, Edward, Lancaster Herald, Coll. of Arms,

London
Cooper, Rev. Canon, Grange-over-Sands
Cartmell, Rev. J. W., Christ^s College, Cambridge
Cartmell, Studholme, 81, Castle Street, Carlisle

60 Cartmell, Joseph, C.E., Maryport

Clark, G. T., F.S.A., Dowlais House, Dowlais
Fell, John, Dane.Ghyll, Furness Abbey
The Earl of Carlisle, i. Palace Green, Kensington
Loftie, Rev. A. G., Calder Bridge, Carnforth

65 Peile, Alfred, Brow Top, Workington

Prescott, Ven. Archdeacon, The Abbej^ Carlisle
Robertson, George Hunter, Gateacre, Liverpool.
Strickland, Rev. W. E., St. Paul's Vicarage, Carlisle
Senhouse, Humphrey, Hames Hall, Cockermouth

70 Watson, Rev. S. W., Bootle, Carnforth
Webster, John, Barony House, St. Bees
Whitehead, John, Elmbank, Appleby

1876.
Bell, Rev. John, Matterdale, Penrith
Dickson,' Arthur Benson, Abbots Reading, Ulverstone
75 Fisher, John, Bank, Street, Carlisle

Hetherington,

3l8 LIST OF MEMBERS.

Hetherington, J. Crosby, Burlington Place, Carlisle
Maclnnes, Miles, M.P., Rickerby, Carlisle
Simpson, Joseph, Rom an way, Penrith
Smith, Charles, F.G.S., Crosslands, Barrow-in-Furness
80 Vaughan, Cedric, C.E., Leyfield House, Millom
Wilson, Frank, Castle Lodge, Kendal
Wilson, John F., South field Villa, Middlesborough

1877.
Beardsley, Amos, F.L.S., F.G.S., Grange-over- Sands
Blanc, Hippolyte J., F.S.A., (Scot,), 78, George Street,
Edinburgh

85 Calverley, Rev. W^ S., F.S.A., Aspatria, Carlisle
Douglas, T. S., AUonby House, Workington
Dowding, Rev. C, Aspatria Vicarage, Carlisle
Fletcher, William, Brigham Hill, Cockermouth
Greenwood, R. H., Bankfield, Kendal

90 Helder, A., Whitehaven

Massicks, Thontas Barlow, The Oaks, Millom

Martin, Rear- Admiral Thomas M. Hutchinson, Bitteme

Russel, Robert, F.G.S., Saint Bees

Sewell, Colonel, Brandling Ghyll, Cockermouth

95 Troutbeck, Rev. Dr., Deans Yard, Westminster
Varty, Major, Stagstones, Penrith

Woods, Sir Albert, Garter King at Arms, College of
Arms, London

1878.
Ainsworth, J. S., Harecroft, Holmrook, Carnforth
Brown, George, Troutbeck, Windermere
100 Bell, John, jun., Appleby

Burnyeat, William, jun., Corkickle, Whitehaven
Carey, Thomas, John Street, Maryport
Clutton, William J., Cockermouth Castle, Cockermouth
Curwen, Rev. Alfred F., Harrington
105 Curwen, H. F., Workington Hall, Workington

Harrison, Rev. James, Barbon Vicarage, Kirkby Lons-
dale
Hargreaves, J. E. Beezon House, Kendal

Hannah,

LIST OF MEMBERS. 3I9

Hannah, Joseph, Castle View, Carlisle

Heelis, William Hopes, Hawkshead
no Harris, Jonathan James, Lindenside, Cockermouth

Ransome, Rev. Canon, Kirkoswald

Robinson, R. A., South Lodge, Cockermouth

Tyson, E. T., Maryport

Wilson, Robert, Broughton Grange, Cockermouth
115 Waugh, E. L., Cockermouth

1879.
Argles, Thomas Atkinson, Eversley, Milnthorpe
Ainsworth, David, The Flosh, Cleator, Carnforth
Blair, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields
Bracken, T. H., Hilham Hall, South Milford

120 Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 15, Albany Villas, Hove, Brighton
Deakin, Joseph, Ellerhow, Grange over-Sands
Grenside, Rev. W. Brent, Melling Vicarage, Lancaster
Harry, J. H., High Law House, Abbey Town
Hills, William Henry, The Knoll, Ambleside

125 Jenkinson, Henry L, Keswick

Martindale, Joseph Anthony, Staveley, Kendal
Machell, Thomas, Joint Stock Bank, Whitehaven
Nanson, John, Castle Street, Carlisle
PoUitt, Charles, Kendal

130 Peile. George, Shotley Bridge, Durham

Steele, Major-General, J. A., 9, Eastbourne Terrace, Hyde

Park, London
Tosh, E. G., Flan How, Ulverston

Wiper, W^illiam, Rock Terrace, Higher Broughton,
Manchester

1880.
Bone, Rev. John, West Newton, Aspatria

135 Burrow, Rev. J. J., Ireby, Carlisle

Bailey, J. B., 28, Eaglesfield Street, Maryport
Bardsley, Rev. C. W., St. Mary's Ulverstone
Carrick, Thomas, Keswick
Dawson, B.D., High Street, Maryport

140 Hepworth, J., 18, Chatsworth Square, Carlisle
Hine, Wilfrid, Camp Hill, Maryport

Hine,

320 LIST OF MEMBERS.

Hine, Alfred, Camp Hill, Maryport
Moss, A. B., English Street, Carlisle
Maddison, Rev. A. R., F.S.A., Vicar's Court, Lincoln
145 Mawson, John Sanderson, The Larches, Keswick
Paisley, William, Workington
Rushforth, George, Kirkland, Kendal

i88i.

Atkinson, J. Ottley, Stramongate, Kendal

Addison, J. J., Kendal
150 Bnlkeley, Rev. H. I., Lanercost Prior)', Carlisle

Borradaile, Arthur F., A.M.I.C.E., Saltburn-by-the-Sea

Beardsley, Richard Henry, Grange-over-Sands

Calderwood, Dr., Egremont

Davidson, Peter, Maryport
155 Dover, W. Kinsey, F.G.S., Keswick

Falcon, Michael, Stainburn, Workington

Goodchild, J. G., Art and Science Museum, Edinburgh

Greenwood, Rev. J., Ulgate, Mealsgate, Carlisle

Harrison, James, Newby Bridge House, Ulv'erstone
160 Hellan, John S., Whitehaven -^

Howson, Thomas, Whitehaven '^v

Hayton, Joseph, Cockermouth

Hetherington, J. Newby, F.R.G.S., 62, Harley StrA
London

I red ale, Thomas, Workington
165 Moor, Henry, Ullcoats, Egremont

Postlethwaite, John, Fair View, Eskett, Whitehaven

Richardson, J. M., Bank Street, Carlisle

Seymour, J. S., Bank Street, Carlisle

Smith, John, Egremont
170 Thompson, Rev. W., Guldrey Lodge, Sedbergh

Valentine, Charles, Bankfield, Workington

Wiper, Joseph, Stricklaqdgate, Kendal

W^otherspoon, Dr., Mansion House, Brampton

Wilkinson, Rev. W. H., Hensingham, Whitehaven

175 Argles, Mrs. Eversley, Milnthorpe
Arnison, Mrs., Beaumont, Penrith

Balme,

M

LIST OP MEMBERS. 321

Balme, Mrs., Loughrigg, Ambleside

Braithwaite, Mrs., Hawes Mead, Kendal

Braithwaite, Mrs. C. LL, junr., Kendal
1 80 Weston, Mrs., Ashbank, Penrith

Bland, Miss, 2, 27, Ervington Terrace, Morecambe

Colville, Mrs., Handyside, Grange-over- Sands

Ferguson, Mrs. C. J., Ravenside, Carlisle

Gillings, Mrs., St. Nicholas Vicarage, Whitehaven
185 Fletcher, Mrs., WoUescote Hall, Stourbridge

Gibson, Miss M., Whelprigg, Kirkby Lonsdale

Hill, Miss, Asby Lodge, Carlton Road, Putney Hill,
London

Hodgetts, Mrs., Abbotts Court, St. Bees

Jackson, Mrs., Roe Lane, Southport
190 Lees, Miss, Wreay Vicarage, Carlisle

Gillbanks, Mrs., Lowther, Penrith

Parker, Mrs. T. H., Belle Vue, Tilehurst Road, Reading

Preston, Miss, Undercliffe, Settle

Tomlinson, Miss E., The Biggins, Kirkby Lonsdale
195 Taylor, Mrs., 202, Earls Court Road, South Kensington

Wakefield, Mrs., Sedgwick, Kendal

Wilson, Mrs. I. W., Thorney Hills, Kendal

Wilson, Miss, Corkickle, Whitehaven

Varty, Mrs., Stagstones, Penrith

1878.
200 Fletcher, Mrs. William, Brigham, Cockermouth
Miller, Miss Sarah, Undermount, Rydal, Ambleside
Piatt, Miss, Burrow Cottage, Kirkby Lonsdale
Sewell, Mrs., Brandling Ghyll, Cockermouth

1879.
Brougham, Lady, Brougham Hall, Penrith
205 Drysdale, Mrs. D. W., Silvermere, Prince's Park, Liver-
pool
Nicholson, Miss, Carlton House, Clifton, Penrith
Thomlinson, Mrs., Inglethwaite Hall, Carlisle
Thomlinson, Miss, Inglethwaite Hall, Carlisle

Boyd,

[2QI.

322 LIST OF MEMBERS.

Boyd, Miss Julia, Moor House, Leemside Station, Dur-
ham

2IO Danvers, Mrs., Gate House, Dent, Yorkshire
Harvey, Miss, Wordsworth Street, Penrith
Kuper, Miss, The Laurels, Thames Ditton

1881.
Harrison, Mrs., Newby Bridge, Ulverstone
Williams, Mrs., Meathop Hall, Grange-over- Sands

215 Thompson, Miss, Croft House, Askam, Penrith
Wilson, Mrs. T., Aynam Lodge, Kendal

1882.-

Barnett, Rev. B., Preston Patrick, Milnthorpe

Constable, W., Holm Head, Carlisle

Danson, J. T., F.S.A., Grasmere
220 Downing, Wm., Springfield House, Acocks Green, Bir-
mingham

Harrison, John, 16, Hartington Terrace, Barrow

Hothfield, The Right Hon. Lord, Appleby Castle

Lazonby, J., Wigton

Lonsdale, Rev. H., Thornthwaite, Keswick
225 McArthur, Rev. J., St. Mary's Vicarage, Westminster

McArthur, Mrs. St. Mary's Vicarage, Westminster

Newbold, Rev. W. T., The Grammar School, Saint
Bees

Porter, W. H., Heads Nook, Carlisle

Parkin, John S., 11, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, London
230 Paley, E. G., Lancaster

Robson, Arnold, The Esplanade, Sunderland

Rea, Miss Alice, Eskdale, Holm Rook, Carnforth

Richmond, Rev. Canon, The Abbey, Carlisle

Rumney, Oswald George, Watermillock, Penrith
235 Senhouse, Miss, Galeholme, Gosforth

Smith, Charles William, Fisherbeck House, Ambleside

Ware, Mrs., The Abbey, Carlisle

Waterton, Rev. G. W., St. Mary's Catholic Vicarage,
Carlisle

• Ladies elected after this date, pay an annual Subscription of 10/6 per oHnum,
a separate list is not therefore kept.

Wilson

LIST OF MEMBERS. ^2^

Wilson, John Jowitt, 7, Thoraey Hills, Kendal
240 Wood, Joseph Huddlestone, Hayborough House, Mary-
port
Walker, Robert, Windermere
Weston, J. W., Enyeat, Milnthorpe

1883.
Collin, P. de E., Brooklands, Maryport
Conder, Edward, jun., Terry Bank, Old Town, Kirkby
Lonsdale
245 Deakin, George, Blawith, Grange-over-sands
Dixon, T. Parker, 9, Gray's Inn Square, London
Dykes, Mrs., The Red House, Keswick
Harris, Alfred, Lunefield, Kirkby Lonsdale
Hodgson, Isaac, Brampton
250 Hodgson, T. Hesketh, Newby Grange, Carlisle
Irving, W. J., Buckabank House, Dalston
Lonsdale, Horace B., Moorhouse, Carlisle
Micklethwaite, J. T., F.S.A., 15, Dean's Yard, West-
minster
Liverpool Free Public Library'
255 Newbold, Thomas Robinson, Burtonleigh, Kenyon, Man-
chester
Peile, John, Litt. D., The Lodge, Christ's College,

Cambridge
Rawnsley, Rev. H. D., Crosthwaite, Keswick
Stamper, Mrs., Mountain View, Caldbeck, Carlisle
White, Rev. J., Dacre Vicarage, Penrith
260 Wilson, Rev. James, The Vicarage, Dalston, Carlisle
Whitwell, Robert Jowitt, 69, Highgate, Kendal

1884.
Adair, Joseph, Egremont
Atkinson, James, The Rookerj-, Ulverston
Bagot, Josceline, Levens Hall, Milnthorpe
265 Baker, Rev. John, Nether Wastdale
Bowman, Rev. E. L., Vicarage, Alston
Coward, John, Fountain Street, Ulverston
Dickenson, Joseph, jun.. The Raise, Alston

Douglas

324 LIST OP MBMBBRS.

Douglas, Mrs., Lairthwaite, Keswick
270 Ford, John Walker, Chase Park, Enfield

Ford, John Rawlinson, Headingly, Leeds

Henderson, The Very Rev. W. G., D.D., The Deanery,
Carlisle

Hodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L , Ben well, Newcastle

Horrocks, T., Eden Brow, Carlisle
275 Irwin, T. A., Lynehow, Carlisle

London, The Lord Mayor of, Mansion House, London,
and Highfield House, Catford Bridge

Leitch, Mrs., Derwent Bank, Keswick

Lindow, Jonas, Ehen Hall, Cleator

Lindow, Miss, Ehen Hall, Cleator
280 Miller, W. P., Merlewood, Grange-over- Sands

Pitt-Rivers, Major-Gen. F.R.S., F.S.A., Rushmore,
Salisbury

Pughe, Rev. K. M., Irton, Carnforth

Riley, Hamlet, Ennim, Penrith

Robinson, Mrs., Green Lane Carlisle
285 Robinson, Miss, Green Lane, Carlisle

Spence, C. J., South Preston Lodge, North Shields

Taylor, Rev. W. L., Soulby Vicarage, Kirkby Stephen

Watson, John, Kendal Green, Kendal

Wood, Miss, 35, Lismore Terrace, Stanwix, Carlisle

1885.
290 Banks, Edwin H., Highmoor House, Wigton
Barrow in Furness Free Library
Creighton, Miss, Warwick Square, Carlisle
Ecroyd, Edmund, Low House, Carlisle
Ellenborough, Col. the Hon. Lord, 6, Buckingham Gate,
London
295 Elliott, G. B., Wordsworth Street, Penrith
Gilbanks, Rev. W. F., Great Orton, Carlisle
Gillings, Rev. C. B., St. Nicholas, Whitehaven
Hoare, Rev. J. N., F.R.Hist.S., St. John's Vicarage,

Keswick
Heelis, Rev. J., Kirkby Thore Rectory, Penrith

Hodgson,

LIST OP MEMBERS. 325

300 Hodgson, James, Britain Place, Ulverston

Hibbert, Percy, Plumtree Hall, Milnthorpe

Jackson, Edwin, Hawthorns, Keswick

Kendal Literary and Scientific Society

Lowthian, Rev. W., The Villa, Soulby, Kirkby Stephen
305 Machell, Rev. Canon, Roos Rectory, Hull

Norman, Rev. J. B., Whitchurch Rectory, Edgware

Pearson, A. G. B., Kirkby Lonsdale

Pennington, William James, Windermere

Penrith Free Library
310 Roper, W. O., Edenbreck, Lancaster

Robinson, John, Elterwater Hall, Ambleside

Sanderson, Dr., Penrith

Wagner, Henry, F.S.A., 13, Halfmoon Street, Piccadilly,
London

Watson, George, Penrith
315 Wilson, William, Keswick Hotel, Keswick

Wainwright, Rev. W. J., Aspatria

1886.

Benn, T. G., Newton Reigny, Penrith

Cole, Rev. G. W., Beetham Vicarage, Milnthorpe

Cowper, H. Swainson, Yewfield Castle, Outgate, Amble-
side
320 Crewdson, F. W., Greenside, Kendal

Crewdson, W. D., Helme Lodge, Kendal

Dixon, T., Rheda, Whitehaven

Fletcher, W. L., Stoneleigh, Workington

Foljambe, Cecil G. S., M.P., Cockglode, OUerton,
Newark
325 Hogg, J. Henry, Stricklandgate, Kendal

Matthews, Rev. Canon, Appleby

Parez, Rev. C. H., Stanwix, Carlisle

Richmond, Rev. H. A., Sherburn Vicarage, Durham

Robinson, John, M.Inst., C.E., East Barry House, Cardiff
330 Rymer, Thomas, Calder Abbey, Carnforth

Swainson, Joseph, Bankfield, Kendal

Wilson, Christopher M., Bampton, Shap

1887.

326 LIST OF MEMBERS.

1887.

Addison, Percy L., C.E., Cleator

Atkinson, John, Croftlands, Ulverstone
335 Ayre, Rev. L. R.'. Holy Trinity Vicarage, Ulverstone

Bell, John, Heath waite, Coniston

Boston Public Library, Boston, Mass. U.S.A.

Collingwood, W. G., M.A., Gill Head, Windermere

Crewdson Wilfred Howard, Abbot Hall, Kendal
340 Curwen, Miss Julia, Roewath, Dalston

Curwen, John F., Horncop Hall, Kendal

Duncan, Rev. R., Whitehaven

Ecroyd, William, Lomeshaye, Burnley

Parish, Edward Garthwaite, Pall Mall Club, London
345 Fielden, Rev. H. A., The Vicarage, Kirkby Stephen

Fletcher, Miss, Stoneleigh, Workington

Garnett, Fred. B., C.B., 4, Argyll Road, Camden Hill,
London

Hodgson, Rev. W. G. C, Distington Rector^', White-
haven

Hoggarth, Arthur, Kirkland House, Kendal
350 Holmes, W., 161, Chatsworth Terrace, Abbey Road,
Barrow

Kitchen, Hume, Ulverstone

Lester, T., Firbank, Penrith

Marsh, Rev. W. J., Penrith

Marshall, John, The Island, Keswick
355 Mitchell, Rev. J., Coney House, Penrith

Nelson, George H., Kent Terrace, Kendal

Philadelphia Library Company, Philadelphia, U.S.A.

Price, John Spencer, F.R.G.S., 41, Gloucester Place,
Hyde Park, London

Rawlinson, Joseph, Cavendish Street, Ulverston
360 Stordy, T., English Street, Carlisle

Walker, Edward, Oubas, Ulverston

Whiteside, Rev. Joseph, The Vicarage, Shap

Wilson, Christopher Mounsey, jun., Bampton, Shap

Witham, Joseph Shaw, National School, Ulverston
365 Yeates, Joseph Simpson, 7, Devonshire Street, Penrith

1888.

LIST OU MEMDliKS. 327

1888.

Breeks, Miss, Helbeck House, Brough, Kirkby Stephen
Bell, E. F., Dean and Chapter Registry, Carlisle js=^

Brougham, Right Hon. Lord, Brougham Hall, Penrith
Bland, Henry Hewitson, Measand Beck Hall, Shap

370 Billing, Rev. R. B., Urswick Vicarage, Ulverston
Braithwaite, John H., Airethwaite, Kendal
Crewdson, Edward, Abbot Hall, Kendal
Cowper, J. C, Keen Ground, Hawkshead
Cox, Eli Lound, Kendal

375 French, John Mason, The Grove, Hopton Mirfield
Fothergill, Miss, 27, Arboretum Street, Nottingham
Metcalfe-Gibson, Anthony, Park House, Ravenstonedale
Gill, Edward, Town View, Kendal
Gordon Smith, Henry, Bank Field, Ulverston

380 Grant, George S., Devonshire Street, Carlisle
Hudson, Rev. Joseph, Crosby House, Carlisle
Hud5on, Mrs., Crosby House, Carlisle
Hoodless, W. H., West End, Wigton
Hooppell, Rev. Robert E., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., Byles
Green Rectory, Spennymoor

385 Ireland, William, Sunny Brow, Kendal
Ireland, Mrs., Sunny Brow, Kendal
Jackson, Samuel Hart, Heaning Wood, Ulverston
Jackson, Thomas, M.D., Hazel Bank, Yanwath, Penrith
Keswick Library (per Rev. J. N. Hoare), Keswick

390 Marshall, Walter J., Patterdale Hall, Penrith

Mason, Mrs. Thomas, Redmayne House, Kirkby Stephen
Pearson, R. O'Neil, Swarthdale, Ulverston
Robinson, William, Greenbank, Sedbergh
Ross, Captain A. J. J., Ulverston

395 Rayner, John A. E., 28, Devonshire Road, Princes Park,
Liverpool
Snape, Rev. R. H., Eskdale Vicarage, Holm Rook, Carn-

forth
Stock, Rev. E. Ernest, Rydal Vicarage, Ambleside
Thompson, Mrs., Hackthorpe, Penrith
Tiffin, Dr. Charles J., The Limes, Wigton

Westmorland

328 LIST OF MEMBERS.

400 Westmorland, Col. J. P., Yanwajfch, Penrith

Woodburn, Miles, Kirkland, Ulverston
. 402 Ward, Mrs. Clifton, St. Helens, Cockermouth

LIBRARIES TO WHICH COPIES OF THE TRANSACTIONS ARE

SUPPLIED.
The Society of Antiquaries, Burlington House, London
The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland
Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen
The Royal Archaeok)gical Institute of Great Britain and

Ireland, Oxford Mansions, Oxford Street, Lrondon
The British Archaeological Association, 32, Sackville Street,

Piccadilly, London
The Dean and Chapter Library, Carlisle
The British Museum
The Bodleian Library, Oxford
The University Library, Cambridge
Trinity College, Dublin r

The Advocate's Library, Edinburgh

SOCIETIES WHICH EXCHANGE TRANSACTIONS. '

The Oxford Archaeological Society (J. P. Earwaker, Merton
Coll.

The Lincoln Architectural Society (Rev. G. T. Hervey, Lin-
coln.

The Kent Archaeological Society (The Rev. Canon Scott

Robinson).
The Shropshire Archaeological Society (Rev, W. A. Leighton,

Shrewsbury).
The Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle-upon-Tyne (Robert

Blair, Esq).
The Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire (R. D.

Radcliffe, M.A).

CONTENTS OF VOL. ^

The Threlkelds of Melmerby, and some other Branches

of the Family. . . . . . i

Sizergh, No. i. . . . . . . 48

Sissergh, No. 2. . . . . . .66

Strickland of Sizergh . . . . • 75

Leprosy, and Local Leper Hospitals . . '95

The L^yburnes of Cunswick • . . , 124

An Architectural Description of Newton Reigny Church 158

The Old Chancel in Brampton Churchyard . . '166

The Oldest Register Book of the Parish of Holme Cul-

tram, Cumberland. . . . . .176

The Retreat of the Highlanders through Westmorland

in 1745 . . . . . .186

The Baptismal Fonts in the Rui:al Deanery of Carlisle. 229

Notes on the Postlethwayts of Millom.

Field Name Survivals in the Parish of Dalston.

Report on Ancient Monuments in Cumberland and
! Westmorland.

Recent Roman Discoveries.

Proceeedings and Excursions.

Shap Abbey, Westmorland

I List of Members . . .

244
253

271

275

279
286

315

|)uf]lirnt!0ns^^br €umb^rliinli and Mtstmorlartd
Jlniiqiiarian mifi ^rrlj etiological .§orirtg.

YOL. L— BISHOP NIC0L80N'S VISITATION AND St»RVEY
OF THE DIOCESE OF CAR^LISLE IX 1703-4.
Cn\^^^f!^r nij FerqusoNi I*\S.A, Messrs* C. Thtimativ & Son
sle* Price 13/6.

MEMOIRS OF THE GIL PI* PAMTLVOF ^CALRBV
■:y(hc lateKc%^ Wil
V of the Author. .

\ . Messrs. C. Xhur«-^ni ^ S^m, Etij^jluiii :5ir£ct.

the Aij!

YOU UI.-THl:^ OLD CHWCH PLATB IN
OF CARUSLE, Edited by CtiJ^?<ceLLo»
^lcss^;. Tl\urnaiin tt Sons. English Strcctt Carliisk. /'rjut 1^,1.
TiroL, IV— SOMB MUNICIPAL RHCORDR OF- THE CITY O!'
* CARLISLE. Edited t>v CuAKCELLOft !
W- Nansos, B.A., F.S.A. Messrs. a Thu
Sti^et, Carlisle* i^ricr 15/--

YOL. v.— (In Preparation): THE PREREFORMATION EPIS-
COPAL REGISTERS OF CARLISLE,

N
N
W

TRACTS,

O. u FLEMINGS DBSCRIPTION OF WESTMOKLANif
Edited by Sir Gr,«irfoc DircstETT, F*S,A, f*n€4 ty«.

O* 2. r :s ACCOUNT OF CUMBERLAND. Edtted

by C H Fi^ t^ t ♦ t! so N , F .S . A. Priu 5/6*

\. Frcjisi. FLEMINGS DESCRIPTION OP

CUMf. \X

0. .uonL SANDFORD^S HISTORV OF CUM-

vjni: Volumes of the Society « Tranaaclkms can l»e hiul

£ *' *J-

ti 4p* 6 cjich.

no in ;tic Set
VoL I* conNj^

VoL IL (fJKAl VJt (HiMU

Vol. riL, Part a Laud IL
Vol. IV., Parl-j L m4 tl

Vol* v., tout of print) „,.. —

VoL VL, Par ^ ML ^ .... 010 6 eai^h.

VoLVUmCv One part ^ o la <»

VoL VHL* Fisn- I, fflod IL -_ .«- o lo ft esich-

VoL IX., PAita L and IL .... ^ o 10 6
/fiifi-.r f<3 the jini Seven Volumes to hfnd up with Votmm. '\'
^rutts to Mtmbeti,

\WA N T E D to Py rclmsc .
M Part I, VoL V,
the Hon. Sec-, KcndaL

i

^