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VOLUME  XVI 


HISTORY  OF  THE 

NORTH  MEXICAN  STATES  AND  TEXAS 


Vol.  II 1801—1889 


SAN  FRANCISCX) 

THE  HISTORY  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS 

1889 


Bttrafd  Gollege  Library 

L\  S  >-^'00/^.  ?^^0  atpt«  3, 1913 

^  B«quMt  of 

Jcr-^miah  Ourtin 

HARVARD  UMYERSiTY 

Historical  Department 

\ 

HAbVAHU  CULLEQE  liBRArflr 

Utl  18  1937 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1889,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


AM,  nights  Reserved, 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

TBZA8    OLAIMBD  BT<  THB  UKITXD  8TATH 

I800-18IO. 

TkBm 
Internal  Condition  of  Texas— Society  at  San  Antonia  de  B^jar — 
Colonel  Pike — ^The  Provincial  Government— Nolan*8  Inroad — His 
Defeat  and  Death — Gambling  for  Life — Bean's  Biography— Sale  of 
Louiaiana  to  the  United  States — The  Boundary  Dispute — Preten- 
sions of  the  United  States— Preparations  for  Hostilities— The  Span- 
ish Troops  Cross  the  Sabine — General  Wilkinson  Takes  the  Field—' 
The  Spanish  Retire — Wilkinson  Marches,  to  the  Sabine— A  Blood- 
less Campaign — The  Neutral  Ground  Convention — Improved  Condi- 
tion of  Texas— Desperadoes  Occupy  the  Neutral  Ground— Their 
Organization 1 


CHAPTER  IL  ' 

IKTA8I0N  OF  TXXA8  BT  AMJRIOAN& 
-         1811-1814. 

Revolntion  in  Favor  of  Independence — Zambrano's  Counter-revolution 
— Re^stablishment  of  the  Royalist  Government— Bernardo  Gutier- 
rez— Magee's  Scheme  of  Conquest— The  Americans  Occupy  Nacog- 
doches— La  Bahfa  Falls  into  their  Hands — Governor  Salcedo 
Besieges  La  Bahfa— Death  of  Magee— The  Battle  of  Rosillo— 
Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Army  -Surrender  of  San  Antonio — A  Repub- 
lican Government  Organized — Massacre  of  Salcedo  and  Other  Pris- 
oners— Disgust  of  the  Americans — Defeat  of  Royalists  under 
Elizondo — ^Toledo  Takes  Command  of  the  Republican  Army — 
Approach  of  Arredondo — Battle  of  the  Medina — Destruction  of  the 
Americans— £Uzondo*s  Executions— Pacification  of  the  Province. . .     17 

(V) 


vi  CX)NTENTS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

PBITATEBRINO,   PIPAOY,  AND  INVAfllOMS. 

1815-1821. 

PAOB 

The  Asylum  of  Mexican  Refugees — Herrera's  Privateering  Scheme— A 
Republican  Government  Established  at  Galveston — Havoc  Inflicted 
on  Spanish  Commerce— Arrival  of  Mina — Aury  and  Perry — The 
Descent  on  Soto  la  Marina — Parry's  March  to  Teas — Destruction 
of  his  Band— Aury  at  Matagorda  Bay— He  Leaves  Texas  for  Florida 
— The  Pirate  of  the  Gulf  and  the  Barratarians — Galveston  Occupied 
by  Lafitte — A  Spurious  Government — Piratical  Depredations — 
Lafitte  Expelled  from  Galveston — His  Biography — Lallemand's 
Champ  d'Asile — Settlement  of  the  Boundary  Question — ^Long's  Inva- 
vasion— Texas  Declared  a  Republic — Destruction  of  the  Expe- 
dition       33 


CHAPTER  IV. 

COLONIZATION  AND  THE  BHPRESARIO  STafFEll. 
181»-1831. 

Spain  Relaxes  her  Exclusive  Policy — Biography  of  Moses  Austin — His 
Colonization  Scheme — He  Petitions  for  a  Land  Grant  in  Texas — His 
Sufferings  and  Death —Internal  Affairs  of  Mexico — Beginning  of 
Austin's  Colony — Difficulties,  Dangers,  and  Losses — Stephen  Austin 
in  the  City  of  Mexico — Delay  and  Anxiety — Final  Success  of  his 
Petition — Discretionary  Powers  Granted  Austin — Progress  of  the 
Colony — Austin's  Government — Greedy  and  Discontented  Settlers — 
Erroneous  Idea  about  Immigrant  Criminals — Scattered  Settlements 
— A  New  Contract — The  Empresario  System — Colonization  Law  of 
Coahuila  and  Texa^ — Influx  of  Immigrants— Empresario  Enter- 
prises— Their  Partial  Success — Progress  of  Texas 54 


CHAPTER  V. 

THB  STATB  OF  00AHX7ILA  AND  TEXAS* 

1800-1839. 

Despotism  in  Coahuila — Internal  Government — Resources  and  Condition 
of  the  Province — Character  of  the  People — Coahuila  during  the 
War  of  Independence — Formation  of  the  State  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas — Organization  of  a  Government — ^The  State  Constitution — 
Election    Laws— First    Constitutional  Congress — Viedca  Elected, 


CONTENTS.  irU 

PAoa 
Goyemor— Foyerty  of  the  Treumry — Commercial  Tntraden — Offers 
of  the  United  SUtea  to  Purchase  Texas— The  Slave  Qneetion  in 
Texas — The  Colonists  Angry — Condition  of  the  Mexican  Peon— The 
£manci|»ation  Law — Exception  in  Favor  of  Texas — Persecution  of 
Spaniards — Subserviency  of  the  State  to  the  National  Government 
— Administration  of  Justice — Education  and  Religion — Monopoly 
Friyileges  Granted  to  Colonists 77 


CHAPTER  VT. 

MBXICAN    OFFREasiON   AND  TEXAN  RWOLTS. 

1826-1832. 

Hayden  Edwards*  Grant — His  Difficulties  and  Want  of  Policy — Mexi- 
cans versus  Colonists — Annulment  of  Edwards'  Contract — John 
Dunn  Hunter — Discontent  of  the  Cherokees — The  Fredonian  Revolt 
— Covenant  with  Indian  Tribes — Delusive  Hopes — Red  Men's  Per- 
fidy— Murder  of  Hunter  and  Fields  —Failure  of  the  Revolt — Prog- 
ress and  Condition  of  the  Colonies — Mexico's  Fears  of  Losing  Texas 
-^Alaman's  Propositions — Law  of  April  6,  1830 — Military  Despotism 
— Establishment  of  Cu;itom-houses — Ports  of  Texas  Closed — Demon- 
strations of  the  Colonists — Bradbum's  Outrages — Hostilities  at  AnA- 
huac — The  Turtle  Bayou  Resolutions -Capture  of  Fort  Velasco — 
Mutiny  at  An&huac  and  Flight  of  Bradbum — Resolutions  of  the 
Ayuntamientos — Nacogdoches  Evacuated — Tranquillity  Restored 
in  Texas W 


CHAPTER  VII. 

FB070SKD  8XPARATI0N  OF  TBXAfl  FROK  OOAHUHiAi 

1832-1835. 

Arguments  in  favor  of  Separation — ^The  Texan  Convention — A  Seoes* 
sional  Constitution — Political  Affairs  in  the  Mexican  Capital — Santa 
Anna's  Craftness — Austin  Presents  a  Memorial  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment— Its  Reception — Austin  Injudicious — His  Arrest  for  Trea- 
son— Dragged  from  Court  to  Court — His  Letter  to  the  Texans — 
Maillard's  Book — Santa  Anna  Dictator — Affairs  in  Coahuila — Texas 
Receives  Redress — Saltillo  versus  Mondova — Adjustment  of  Differ- 
ences— Santa  Anna's  Decision  on  the  Texan  Petition — Almonte's 
Report — Population  of  Texas — Fraudulent  Sales  of  Public  Lands — 
Separatists  and  Anti-separatista 130 


Tui  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

EVXinS  LXADIIVG  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

1835. 

PAGE 

Coahoila  and  Texas  Proteata — The  State  Legislature  Disbanded — Grov- 
emor  Viesca  Arrested — Tenoria  Ejected  from  Anihuao— Political 
Fencing — Zavala — Agitators  from  the  United  States — Public  Meet- 
ings— Arrest  of  Zavala  and  Settlers  Ordered — Affair  of  the  Correo 
and  San  Felipe — Columbians  Call  for  a  General  Consultation — Aus- 
tin's Return — His  Speech  at  Brazoria — Preparations  for  War — Gen- 
eral Cos  Arrives  at  B^jar — A  Disputed  Cannon — The  Affair  of 
Gonzalez — Warlike  Enthusiasm — A  Permanent  Council  Established 
•^Austin  Takes  the  Field — Capture  of  Goliad — United  States  Sym- 
pathy—Land Frauds — The  Consultation  Assembles — Its  Labors — 
Organizatioa  of  a  Provisional  Government. , . , i  •  1 1 1 1 1 .  •  1 1 1  •  152 


CHAPTER  IX. 

SISOB   AND   CAPTURE  OF    SAN   ANTONIO  DE    B^AB. 
1835. 

Battle  of  Concepcion — ^The  Grass  Fight — ^Protracted  Siege — ^Dissatisfac- 
tion of  the  Volunteers — ^Burleson  Succeeds  Austin — Orders  and 
Counter-orders — Milam's  Call — ^Description  of  San  Antonio — The 
First  Assault — Steady  Advance  of  the  Texans — ^Death  of  Milam — 
His  Biography — Confusion  at  the  Xlamo — Cos  Surrenders — ^Terms 
of  Capitulation — ^The  Volunteers  Disband — Affiir  at  Lipantitlan — 
The  Tampico  Tragedy — Discord  in  the  Government — Financial 
Matters — Houston's  Proclamation — Governor  Smith  and  the  Coun- 
cil— Grant's  Scheme — Descent  on  Matamoros  Meditated — Smith 
Suspended— The  Effect  of  Discord. ,   .,.,...   175 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  ALAMO  AND  OOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

January-March  1836. 

Apathy  of  the  Texans — Santa  Anna's  Preparation  and  March — ^Descrip- 
tion of  the  Alamo — ^David  Crockett — ^The  Siege — Storming  of  the 
Xiamo — ^The  Assault — Hand-to-hand  Contests — Death  of  Bowie — A 
Holocaust — Victory  Dearly  Bought — ^Declaration  of  Independence 
— ^Names  of  the  Subscribers — ^Labors  of  the  Convention — A  Provi- 
sional Grovemment  Organized— The  Constitution — ^Fannin's  Prepar- 


CONTENTS.  ix 

PAGS 

ations  at  Gk>Uad — ^Defltniction  of  Grant's  Party — Urrea's  Movements 
. — Capture  of  San  Patricio— Fannin's  Force — King's  Party  Shot — 
Assaolt  on  the  Mission  of  Refugio — Capture  of  Ward's  Command — 
Houston  at  Gonzalez — Movements  of  the  Mexican  Forces — Fannin 
Retreats  toward  Victoria — ^A  Fatal  Delay — Battle  of  Encinal  del 
Perdido— Surrender  of  Fannin — A  Barbarous  Massacre — ^Number 
of  the  Victims. 201 


CHAPTER  XL 

SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 
1836-1837. 

Houston's  Retreat — His  Biography — Panic  of  the  Settlers— San  Felipe 
Burned — Santa  Anna's  Plans  and  Advance — His  Impetuous  Move- 
ments— Removal  of  the  Government  to  Galveston — Harrisburg  in 
Ashes — Discontent  of  Houston's  Army — Its  Advance  to  the  San 
Jacinto — Santa  Anna  Bums  New  Washington — He  Marches  to 
Engage  Houston — Preliminary  Skirmishing — Mexican  Carelessness 
in  an  Enemy's  Front — Discussion  on  Houston's  Tactics — Burning 
of  Vince's  Bridge — Preparations  for  Battle— San  Jacinto  and 
Slaughter — Santa  Anna's  Flight  and  Capture — Negotiations  for 
Life— Filisola's  Retreat — Santa  Anna's  Dangerous  Position  and 
Final  Release 2S8 


CHAPTER  XIL 

THS  RXPUBLIO  OV  TEXAS. 

1836-1838. 

Filisola  Superseded — Vain  Threats— The  Texan  Navy — Commissioners 
to  the  United  States — Mortit's  Report — General  Gaines  Crosses 
the  Sabine — Gorostiza's  Protest — He  Demands  his  Passports — Pas- 
sive Character  of  the  War— Return  of  Austin — The  Elections- 
Political  Parties — Houston  Chosen  President — Meeting  of  the  First 
Congress — Houston's  Inaugural  Address — His  Cabinet — Legislative 
Acts  of  Congress— The  National  Seal  and  Flag— Death  and  Biogra- 
phy of  Austin — Condition  of  the  Republic — Recognition  of  her  Inde- 
|>endence  by  the  United  States— Reopening  of  Congress— The  Slave 
Question — Passage  of  the  Land  Law— Its  Provisions — Brighter 
Prospects — Indian  Warfare — Financial  Operations — Lamar  Elected 
President 279 


K.  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIIL 

Lamar's  administration* 

1838-1841. 

PAoa 
President's  Views  on  Annexation— His  Message  to  Congress — Origin  of 
the  Texan  Rangers — Financial  Matters — Hamilton's  Mission  to 
Europe — His  Failare  to  Effect  a  Loan — Indian  Warfare — The 
Nacogdoches  Revolt — Mexican  Intrigues — ^The  Mission  and  Death 
of  Flores — Expulsion  of  the  Cherokees — Fight  at  San  Antonio — An 
Indian  Raid— Massacre  of  the  Comanches — The  Federal  Campaign 
— Battle  of  Alcantro — Republic  of  the  Rio  Grande  Proclaimed — 
Treacherous  Allies — Battle  of  Saltillo — The  Santa  Fe  Expedition — 
Its  Object  and  Disastrous  Result — The  New  Capital— Recognition 
by  France  and  England — Ralations  with  Mexico — English  Media- 
tion Rejected — Houston  Reelected  President — Condition  of  the 
BepubUc 314 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

KND  or  THB  TEXAN  RBFUBLia 

1841-1846. 

Houston's  Second  Admistration — Reduction  of  Expenses — Vasquez 
Takes  B^jar — Correspondence  with  Santa  Anna — Operations  of  the 
Navy— The  Archive  War — Regulators  and  Moderators — England's 
Neutrality — WoU's  Inroad — Dawson's  Defeat — Somerville's  Dubious 
Conduct— Battle  of  Mier — Mexican  Guile — The  Charge  on  the 
Guard — A  Grievous  Mistake— -The  Death-lottery — ^The  Prisoners  at 
Perote — Snively's  Expedition — Robinson's  Diplomacy — ^The  Armis- 
tice— ^Rivalry  of  the  United  States  and  England — Anson  Jones 
Elected  President — Houston's  Farewell  Message— His  Difficult  Posi* 
tion — Annexation — ^The  State  Constitution 344 


CHAPTER  XV, 

TEXAS  AS  A    STATE. 

1846-1859. 

Social  Condition  of  the  Texans — Population — ^Position  of  Malefac- 
tors— Simplicity  of  Households — ^The  Literate  Element — Governor 
Henderson's  Inauguration — ^Texans'  Doings  in  the  Mexican  War — 
Wood's  Administration — ^Dispute  about  the  Possession  of  Santa  ¥i — 
Governor  Bell— The  Texan  Debt— -Pearce's  Bill— The  Santa  Fe  and 
Public  Debt  Questions — Scaling  the  Debt — Pease's  Administration 


CONTENTS.  zi 

FAGB 

—Prosperity— Indian  Depredations — ^Native  Colonies— Proepeots  of 
Sucoeaa — Vicioiu  Indian  Settlere^Angry  Frontier-men — A  Barbar- 
ous Massacre — Removal  of  the  Indian  Colonists — ^Final  Adjustment 
of  the  Pabitc  Debt — Financial  Matters — Hostility  to  Mexicans — ^The 
Cart  War — Political  Parties— Biography  of  Rusk — Administration  of 
Runnels— The  Slavery  Agitation^-Uouston  Elected  Governor 389 

CHAPTER   XVL 

CIVIL  WAB. 

1850-1862. 

The  North  and  the  Soath— Houston's  Message— Reports  of  Committees 
on  Resolutions  of  South  Carolina — Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle^ 
Special  Session  of  the  Texan  Congress  Convened — A  Convention 
Ulegally  Called — Surreader  of  General  Twiggy — Houston  a  Speech 
at  Galveston — Texaj  Secedes  from  the  Union — Proceedings  of  the 
Convention — Houston  Deposed — His  Protest — Clark  Installed  Pro- 
visional  Governor — Indian  Settlement  on  Trinity  River — Cortina's 
Insurrection — His  Defeat  and  Flight — List  of  Senators  and  Repre- 
sentatives— Commencement  of  the  Civil  War — Military  Operations 
— InvMioa  of  New  Mexico— Its  Failure.  .••....  1 1  ..••  1 1 427 

CHAPTER   XVII. 

mOGBXSS  AND  KXD  OT  THB  WAB. 

1862-1865. 

Operations  of  the  United  States  Navy— Recapture  of  Galveston  by  the 
Texans — Military  Despotism — Defeat  of  the  Federals  at  Sabine  Pass 
— Death  of  General  Houston — His  Character  and  Policy — Murrah 
EUected  Governor — Operations  of  the  Federals  on  the  Gulf  Coast — 
Attempt  against  Texas  by  Red  River — Brownsville  Taken  by  Cor- 
tina— Administration  of  Murrah — Financial  Matters — The  Conscrip- 
tion Laws — Lamentable  Social  Condition  of  Texas — Industrial 
Progress — Cotton  Planters  ^Reverses  of  the  Confederate  Arms — 
The  Last  Engagement 464 

CHAPTER   XVIIL 

THS  RXOONSTRUCmOlir  PKBIOD. 

1866-1870. 

GoTemor  Hamilton — ^The  Question  of  Freedmen's  Rights— Lawlessness 
in  Texas — Emancipation  of  Slavery  Declared  in  Texas— Its  Effect— 
The  State  Convention— Throckmorton  Elected  Governor — A  Bold 
ge-*LawB  Passed  by  the  Legislature— Discord  between  Presi- 


Xfl  CONTENTS. 

TAOS 

dent  Johnson  and  Congress — ^A  Rigorous  Act — ^Texas  under  Military 
Rule — Judicial  Districts — Throckmorton's  Difficulties  and  Removal 
— His  Views  on  the  Position — Pease  Appointed  Governor — Changes 
of  Military  Commanders — ^Registration  Questions — ^The  Reconstruc- 
tion Convention — Disagreements — ^The  General  Election — Amended 
Constitution  Ratified — Doings  of  the  Legislature 478 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

TEXAS  RESTORBD,  / 

1871-1888. 

Administration  of  Governor  Davis — Message  to  the  Legislature — Repub- 
lican Measures — Party  Rivalry — Austin  the  Permanent  Capital^* 
Repeal  of  Obnoxious  Laws — Condition  of  the  Treasury — Republicans 
versus  Democrats — A  Dangerous  Crisis — Victory  of  the  Democrats 
— Coke  Elected  Governor — Condition  of  Affairs — The  New  Consti- 
tution— Coke's  Criticisms — Governor  Hubbard — The  Salt  War — 
Finance—Governor  Roberts'  Policy — Indian  Affairs — The  Boundary 
Question , 501 

CHAPTER  XX. 

ZNSTrrnTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL   MATTEBS. 

1835-1888. 

Bapid  Progress — ^Population— Social  Advancetnenfe— Decrease  of  Crime 
—The  State  Capitol— The  Huntaville  Penitentiary— Reform  of 
Abuses — Rusk  Pe?iitentiary — Charitable  Institutions— Asylum  for 
the  Deaf  and  Dumb — ^The  Institute  for  the  Blind — Insane  Asylum 
— Development  of  Education — Appropriations  for  the  Establishment 
of  Free  Schools — ^The  Public  School  System — Statistics — Founding 
of  the  Texas  Univeraity — The  Agricultural  and  Mechanical  College 
— First  Protestant  Churches — Marriage  by  Bond  Legalized — Eccle- 
siaatical  Statistics — First  Printing  Press  in  Texas — Eau-ly  News- 
papers— Texas  Editorial  and  Press  Association 528 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

INDUSTRIES,   OOMMEROE.    AND  RAILROADai 

1835-1888. 

Physical  Divisions — A  Forest  Region — ^The  Level  Prairies  of  the  Gulf 
Coast — Central  Highlands — A  Vast  Cattle  Region— The  Panhandle 
and  Staked  Plain — Climate  and  Rainfall — Cotton  Production — The 
Cereals-*Progres8  of  Agriculture— Cattle  Statistica--Stock  Trails 


coNTSirrs.  xiu 

to  the  North— The  Texas  Fever— Wire  Fence  Troablee— Sheep  aad 
Horses — Minerals — Manufacturing  and  Mechanical  Industries — 
Foreign  Commerce — Imports  and  Elxports — The  Postal  Services- 
Railroad  Systems — The  Oldest  Lines — Houston  the  Natural  Centre 
— Narrow  Gauge  Lines — ^Liberality  of  the  State  Government — The 
Strike  at  Fort  Worth 551 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

GHraUAHgA  AND  DTTBAKOO. 

1800-1845. 

Redivision  of  Provinoias  Intemas — Movements  During  the  War  of 
Independence — Cruz  Defends  the  Royal  Cause—Durango  Captured 
by  Negrete — Chihuahua  and  Durango  Made  Separate  States — Party 
Strife  and  Revolts — Liberals  and  Conservatives — Federal  Coalition 
in  the  North — Change  of  Governors  in  Durango — Apache  Raids  in 
Chihuahua — Decline  of  Presidio  Defences— Indian  Warfare — Scalp 
Hunting — Massacre  at  Janos  —The  Central  Regime — Federal  Oppo- 
sition— Durango  Joins  Paredes'  Revolution 581 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

LATBR  HQTOBT  OF  CHIH0AHUA  AND  DtTBANOa 

1843-1888. 

Preparations  for  War  with  the  United  States— Vidal  Defeated  by  Doni- 
phan— ^Battle  of  Sacramento — Doniphan  Occupies  Chihuahua — He 
Marches  to  Saltillo — Siege  and  Fall  of  Rosales — Frontier  Defence — 
Failure  of  Military  Colonies — Indian  Raids  and  Scalp  Hunting — A 
Coalition  of  States— Sale  of  the  Mesilla  Valley— Plan  of  AyutU 
Adopted— Cajen  Invades  Chihuahua  and  Durango — Victory  of  the 
Liberals — Entry  of  the  Freneh — Juarez  flees  to  Chihuahua — Brin- 
oourt  Occupies  the  City— Departure  of  the  Invaders — Durango 
Opposes  the  Juaristas — Murder  of  Patom — Revolution  of  Porfirio 
Diaz — Lerdista's  Movements — Sierra  Mojada  Territory  Formed — 
Suppression  of  Indian  Raids 004 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

UHrriD  SONOBA  AND  SXNALOA* 

1800-1830. 

Ph)grefl8  of  Settlements — Invasion  by  Hermosillo — Capture  of  Roeario 
— Defeat  of  Hermosillo  at  San  Ignaciode  Piastla— Campaign  against 
the  Apaches— 'Last  Colonial  Rnlera— Upxiaing  of  the  Opatas— The 


3riv  CONTENTS. 

PAGI 

Empire  Wdeomed— Sonora  and  Sinaloa  Neglected— Petition  for 
Reforms — Federalism  Favored — Separation  of  Sonora  Ignored — 
Form  of  Crovemment — Grieyances  and  Revolt  of  the  Yaqnis — Oper- 
ations of  Banderaa — Suppression  of  the  Uprising — Expulsion  of 
Spaniards — Hardy's  Visit — Separation  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa — 
Population t .....  t .«....•..•.....  t  •  I 628 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

BOKOBA  AND  aiKAZX>A  AS  BBPABATl  STATI8« 

1830-1851. 

Sonora's  First  Legislatare — Leading  Towns — ^Indians  versos  Whites — 
Banderaa'  Scheme — His  Defeat  and  Death— War  with  the  Yaqnis 
— Expeditions  against  the  Apaches — Party  Straggles — Governor 
Gtodara — ^Urrea  Proclaims  Federalism — He  is  Recognized  by  Sina- 
loa— GAndara*8  Counter-revolution — The  Yaquis  Roused  by  Gtodara 
— War  between  Federalists  and  Centralists — Alternate  Successes — 
Changes  of  Rulers — War  with  the  United  States — Guaymas  Bom- 
barded— Americans  Take  Possession — Mazatlan  Captured — Migra- 
tion from  Sonora  to  California — ^Troubles  with  Apaches — Changes 
in  the  Administration • M9 

CHAPTER  XXVL 

niJBITSTSRIKO  INVASIONS  FROM  OALIIORNIA. 

1852-1854. 

Racnsset  de  Boulbon's  Early  Career — His  Schemes — Pindray's  Frontier 
Colony — Raonsset's  Grant — Arrival  in  Sonora — Hostility  of  Officials 
— Capture  of  HermosiUo — Raousset  Attacked  with  Fever — Retires 
to  Guaymas-^The  Adventurers  Capitulate — ^New  Schemes  of  the 
Frenchman — ^The  Compafiia  Restauradora — Raousset  Goes  to 
Mexico — A  Second  Expedition  Planned — ^The  Return  to  Sonora — 
Raousset  Duped  by  Yafiez — ^The  Mexican  Barracks  at  Guaymas — 
Plan  of  Attack— Assault  of  the  Filibusters—Their  Defeat — Disposal 
of  the  Prisoners — Execution  of  Raousset — His  Character  .,.•.»•.,.  673 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

tRSNOH  0PXRATI0N8  IN  SONORA  AND  8IXAL0A. 

1854^1866. 

Effect  of  the  Gadsden  Purchase — Crabb*s  Colony  Scheme— GIndara's 
Revolt  and  Defeat— Crabb's  Defeat  at  Caborca— The  Whole  Party 
Shot — Jecker's  Survey  and  Troubles —Conservative  Reaction  in 


CONTENTS,  XV 

Taqe 
Sinaloa — Frequent  Revolutioiui— Triamph  of  Liberals  in  Scmora — 
The  French  Occupy  Guaymaa — Gtodara'a  Operations — Sonora  Held 
by  Impenalists — Struggles  of  the  Liberals — Departure  of  the  French 
— ^Tanori  Shot — Sonora  Free— Loxadu  Besieges  MazaUan — The 
French  Capture  the  Fort — ^Victory  of  Rosales— -Castagny's  Opera- 
tions— Alternate  Successes  of  Liberals  and  ImperialiBts — Loa  Aids 
the  Latter— The  French  Re^mbark  and  Retire , 098 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

BXVOLUnOMa  and  OOUNTBR-UKVOLUnOKa. 

1867-1887. 

^arty  Quarrels — Uprising  of  the  Yaquis — ^Vega's  Piratical  Raid  oa 
Guaymas — Leyva's  Revolution  against  Juares— Its  Failure— Revo- 
lution in  Sinaloa  and  Sequel — Contest  in  Sonora  Regarding  tha 
Constitution — Mariscal  Sent  to  Restore  Order— The  Lerdo  Election 
Troubles — Sinaloa  Yields  to  the  Poriirists— Mariscal  Governor  of 
Sonora — ^Change  of  Governors — Appearance  of  Yellow  Fever— Rev- 
olution in  Sinaloa  by  Ramirez — His  Defeat  and  Death — Marques  de 
Leon  Invades  Sonora — Is  Compelled  to  Retire — Withdraws  to  Cali« 
fofiiia — Ware  with  the  Apaches — Their  Final  Subjugatioa .  •  • 700 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

ijowxr  galhornu. 

1800-1848. 

Separation  from  Alta  California  Decreed — Foreign  Trade— Veaaela  Via* 
iting  the  Coast — Cochrane 's  Raid  on  Loreto — More  Liberty  Granted 
to  Indians — Federal  System  Established — ^Political  Divisions — Mis- 
aiona  Secularized— Party  Factions— The  Calif omias  Reunited^ 
Frontier  Quarrels — Hardy's  Pearl-fishing  Scheme — United  States 
Designa — Americans  Occupy  La  Paz — Selfridge  Takes  Mnlege — 
Patriotic  Rising  at  San  Jos^  del  Cabo— Californians  Attack  La  Paa 
—The  American  Garnson  Relieved— San  Joe^  Besieged — ^Retreat  of 
the  Califomiana— Battle  of  San  Vicente— Burton's  Operations— 
Expedition  to  Todoa  Santoa— End  of  the  War— Lower  California 
Reatored  to  Mexico , 70G 

CHAPTER  XXX, 

LOWZR  OALHOBNIA* 

1848-1888. 

Hew  Political  Diviaion— A  Military  Colony  Established— Filibustering 
Designs— Walker— Hia  Plana  againat  Sonora  Thwarted— Enrollment 


r  CONTENTS. 

PAGK 

of  Men  in  Califomia — Descent  on  Lower  California — ^Proclaims  a 
Republic  at  La  Paz — Walker  Retires  to  Todos  Santos  Bay— -Arrival 
of  ReSnforeements — Capture  of  Santo  Tomas — The  Republic  of 
Sonora  Proclaimed — ^Dissension  Among  the  Filibusters — The  March 
into  Sonora — Collapse  of  the  Expedition— Political  Matters — Con- 
vict Uprising — Strife  for  Power — Frontier  Troubles — Arrival  of 
French  Vessels — Colonization  Plans— Orchilla  Gathering — Revolt 
against  Governor  D&vilos — Change  of  Governors — Marquez*  Revolt 
•^Prospects  of  Progress  , # . .  • 716 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Institutional. 

1800-1888. 

BSbntier  MtUtary  Forces  in  Colonial  Times — War  for  Independence — 
Government — Officers  and  Districts — Revenue— Chihuahua,  Du- 
rango,  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  Lower  Califomia — Crime  and  Punish- 
ment— Fusion  of  Races — Aboriginal  Peoples — Judiciary  and  Codes 
•^ColonizaUon— Education 740 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

RESOURCES  AND  COMMEBCB. 

Obstacles  to  Progress  of  Agriculture — Production  and  Crops — Stock- 
raising — Mining — Effect  of  Indians  on  Development — Districts  in 
Different  States — Metals,  Minerals,  and  Precious  Stones — Pearl 
Fishing — Manufactures — Cotton  Mills — Trade — Imports  and  Ex- 
ports— Smuggling  —  Coast  Trade  —  Steamer  Lines — Roads  and 
Canals— Railways 748 


HISTORY 


OF  THX 


KORTH  MEXICAN   STATES 
AND   TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  L 

TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UKITED  STATES. 

1800-1810. 

Intbrnal  Conditiok  or  Tbxas— Socimr  at  San  Ahtonia  db  BiJAA— Colo- 
NBL  Pikx^Thb  Provincial  Govbrnmbnt— Nolan's  Inboad— His  Db- 

FBAT  AND  DeATH— GAMBLING  BOB  LiBB — BbAN's  BIOORAPHT — SaLB  OB 

liOuisiANA  TO  THB  Unitbd  Statbs— Thb  Bovndabt  Disputb — Prbtbn- 

SIONS   OF  THB  UnITBD    StATBS — PBBPA&ATIONS    FOB    HOSTIUTIBB — THB 

Spanish  Troops  Cross  thb  Sabinb — Gbneral  Wilkinson  Takbs  thb 
FiBLD — ^The  Spanish  Rbtibb — ^Wilkinson  Marches  to  the  Sabine — 
A  Bloodless  Campaign— Thb  Neutral-ground  Convention — Im- 
proved Condition  of  Tbxas  —  Despbradobb  Oooupt  ths  NbutraL 
Ground— Their  Organization. 

With  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  Texas 
began  to  emerge  from  that  slough  of  stagnation  in 
which  she  had  been  so  long  buried.  Henceforth  she 
became  an  object  of  attention  and  a  field  of  strife, 
until  finally  she  rose  to  the  dignity  of  an  independent 
republic.  But  her  elevation  was  not  due  to  internal 
development.  It  was  the  efiect  of  external  influences 
and  the  advent  of  another  race  of  men;  the  Anglo- 
American  element  gained  for  her  a  name  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  New  World. 

What  the  population  of  Texas  was  at  the  beginning 
of  this  century  cannot  be  definitely  ascertained,  but 
according  to  reports  published  by  the  Tribunal  del 

VOUIL    L 


2  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Consulado,  it  was  estimated  to  be  about  21,000  in  1805, 
its  area  being  a  little  over  7,000  square  leagues.* 
Major  Pike,  who  passed  through  the  province  in  1807, 
says :  "  The  population  of  Texas  may  be  estimated  at 
7,000.  These  are  principally  Spanish  Creoles,  some 
French,  some  Americans,  and  a  few  civilized  Indians 
and  half-breeds/'*  But  this  number  did  not  include 
the  wild  Indian  tribes.  It  was,  indeed,  a  desolate 
country.  The  only  settlements  of  any  importance 
were  San  Antonio  de  Bejar,  with  about  2,000  inhabi- 
tants ;  La  Bahf a  del  Espiritu  Santo — now  Groliad — 
about  1,400  ;*  and  Nacogdoches,  with  500  inhabitants. 
Scattered  in  the  interior  were  a  few  military  stations, 
and  here  and  there  a  mission  still  existed,*  round  which 
were  settled  a  few  miserable  Indian  proselytes.  What 
little  trade  there  was,  was  carried  on  with  Mexico  by 
way  of  Monterey  and  Monclova,  and  with  New  Or- 
leans through  Natchitoches,  the  latter  being  contra- 
band; nor  was  it  until  1806  that  Texas  was  allowed  a 
port,  when  the  Bahfa  de  San  Bernardo  was  opened  as 
a  puerto  menor  by  royal  order  of  September  28, 1805.* 
The  exchange  for  merchandise  was  specie,  horses,  and 
mules. 

^Soc  Mex.  Chog,,  iL  20. 

*Exped,y  ap.,  part  iii  33.  The  author  of  the  pamphlet  Pretensiones  de 
los  AnglO'Americant>8j  Mexico,  1820,  pp.  7 — and  who  was  probably  the  gov- 
ernor Cordero,  since,  while  speaking  of  aSain  in  Texas  in  1806,  he  says,  *  Yo 
mandaba  entonces  la  f rontera ' — states  on  page  3  that  the  Americans  assigned 
less  than  6,000  inhabitants  to  the  three  settlements  of  San  Antonio,  La  B^ia^ 
and  Nacogdoches,  and  their  districts.  Pap,  Var.,  157,  no.  4.  Fernando  Na- 
varro y  ^riega  gives  3,334  as  the  number  of  inhabitants  under  the  govern- 
ment of  Texas  in  1810.  Soc.  Mex.  Oeog.,  vii.  138.  Arispe,  Mem,  CooA.,  12,  in 
Pamphletdf  i.,  ^ves  7,000  as  the  number  in  1811. 

'  Almonte  gives  these  for  the  year  1806.  Not.  Egtad.  TeJ,,  26. 

^Cancelada  supplies  the  following  list  for  1811:  Around  the  capital  San 
Fernando:  Mission  of  la  Concepcion,  distant  1  1.;  San  Jos^  de  Agayo,  1  1.; 
San  Antonio  de  B^jar,  2}  L ;  San  Juan  Capistrano,  3^  1. ;  San  Francisco  de  la 
Espada,  4  1  Around  the  F^sidio  of  Espirito  Santo:  Mission  of  the  Rosario, 
distant  1}  1.;  Refugio,  12  L  There  were  also  16  ranches,  'que  sin  dexar  de 
obedecer  i.  las  Antoridades  no  viven  en  continua  sociedad.'  'ihe  total  popula- 
tion of  all  these  places  is  given  as  4,000  of  both  sexes;  that  of  the  wild  Indian 
tribes  as  over  14,000.  Buina  de  N,  Esp.,  41.  Arispe  mentions  only  four 
missions  as  existinff  in  the  above-named  year;  namely,  San  Jos6,  de  la  Espada, 
Saa  Bernardo,  ana  el  Refugio.  Mem,  Coah.,  in  Pamphlets,  L  11.  In  1812 
the  missions  were  suppressed  by  the  Spanish  government,  and  the  Indiana 
dispersed.  Shea,  Hist  Cath  Mis.,  87. 

^IHsposic  Var,,  1 1  132. 


aAN  ANTONIO  SOCIETY.  3 

Most  of  the  inhabitants,  even  those  in  the  capital, 
San  Antonio,  were  of  roaming  inclinations,  inauced 
by  love  of  the  chase.  The  bufialo  and  wild  horse 
abounded  in  great  numbers,  and  the  pursuit  of  them 
was  a  source  of  both  pleasure  and  profit.  The  gov- 
ernor, Antonio  Cordero — who  succeeded  Juan  fiau- 
tista  Guazabal  in  1806 — checked,  however,  in  some 
degree  this  disposition  to  lead  a  wandering  life,  and 
compelled  attention  to  agriculture.'  Yet  in  this  small, 
rough  conmiunity  there  was  not  wanting  somewhat  of 
the  amenities,  and  even  refinement,  of  civilized  society. 
This  was  to  be  found  among  the  Spanish  residento, 

'By  reBtricting  the  bnffido  hunts  to  certam  seMoiiA,  and  obliging  every 
man  of  family  to  cultivate  so  many  acres  of  land.  Pike*9  Exp.,  ap.,  part  iii. 
34.  This  writer,  Major  Zebulon  Montgomery  Pike,  of  the  6th  j^giment  of  the 
U.  S.  infantry,  was  commissioned  under  instructions  of  Pres.  Jefferson  to  ex- 
plore the  sources  of  the  MissiBsippi,  in  which  undertaking  he  was  engaged 
from  Auffust  1805  to  April  1806.  In  July  of  the  latter  year  he  was  sent  by 
Oen.  Wukinson  to  explore  the  Arkansas  and  Red  rivers,  his  pirty  consisting 
of  23  persons.  The  commandant  of  Nacogdoches  be<»une  mformed  of  the 
projected  expedition  while  Pike  was  making  his  preparations  at  St  Louis,  and 
a  strong  force  of  100  dragoons  and  500  mounted  mihtia  was  sent  by  the  gov- 
ernment at  the  Mexican  capital  to  intercept  him.  Pike,  however,  had  got 
lost,  and  was  xmdiscovered  by  the  Spanish  troops,  thoush  they  descended  the 
Red  River  600  miles.  Meantime  the  explorer  nad  made  his  way  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  where  he  and  his  par^  were  taken  by  the  autitiorities  of  New  Mexico 
and  conducted  to  Santa  F^.  He  was  thence  sent  to  Chihuahua,  where  Nemesio 
Salcedo,  the  captain-ffeneral  of  the  provincias  intemas,  resided.  After  an  in- 
Testigation  into  the  oDject  of  his  expedition  and  some  detention,  he  was  sent 
with  a  portion  of  his  party  to  Natchitoches,  in  Louisiana^  then  in  possession 
of  the  U.S.  On  his  arrival  in  the  U.  S.  he  published,  in  the  form  of  a  jour- 
nal, an  account  of  his  expeditions,  under  the  title:  An  Account  o/ExpedUhna 
to  the  Sources  of  the  MissMfppi,  and  through  the  Western  Parts  of  Louisiana  to 
the  Sources  of  the  Arkansaw,  Kans,  La  Platte,  and  Pierre  Jaun  Rivers;  per- 
formed by  order  qfthe  Oovemment  qfthe  United  States  during  the  years  1805, 
1S06,  and  1807,  And  a  Tour  through  the  Interior  Parts  qf  New  Spain,  when 
conducted  through  these  provinces  by  order  of  the  Captain-Oeneral  in  the  year 
1807.  Phihidelphia,  1810.  8vo,  pp.  277,  with  3  appendices,  pp.  65,  52,  87. 
lables.  This  work  was  reprinted  m  London  in  1811,  in  4to,  pp.  436,  under 
the  title:  Exploratory  Travels  through  the  Western  Territories  cj  North  Amer- 
ica, etc.  It  was  also  translated  into  French  in  1811  by  M.  Bresson,  2  vols, 
8vo;  and  into  Dutch  at  Amsterdam  in  1812,  2  vols,  8vo.  Pike  ^ves  a  good 
description  of  the  countries  through  which  he  journeyed,  and  their  resources, 
as  well  as  of  the  manners,  morals,  and  customs  of  their  inhabitants.  With 
regard  to  New  Spain,  he  appears  to  have  been  somewhat  partial,  owing  to  the 
kindness  and  hospitality  wnich  he  received  from  the  people.  He  says :  '  Those 
reasons  have  induced  me  to  omit  many  transactions,  and  draw  a  veil  over 
various  habits  and  customs  which  might  appear  in  an  unfavorable  point  of 
view,  at  the  same  time  that  I  have  dwelt  with  delight  on  their  virtues.  *  Pike 
was  bom  at  Lamberton,  N.  J.,  Jan.  5,  1779;  in  1813  he  was  made  brigadier- 
general,  and  appointed  to  command  the  land  forces  in  the  expedition  against 
York — ^now  Toronto.  On  April  27th  he  attacked  the  place,  and  after  carrying 
one  battery,  was  mortally  wounded  by  the  explosion  of  the  British  magazine. 


4       TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATEa 

many  of  whom  had  come  from  leading  cities  in  Spain, 
or  from  the  viceregal  court;  and  though  most  of  the 
inhabitants  of  San  Antonio  dwelt  in  miserable  houses, 
with  mud  walls  and  grass-thatched  roofs,  the  upper 
class  enlivened  social  intercourse  by  dinner-parties  and 
balls,  at  which  refinement  of  manners  was  noticeable, 
and  cheerful,  bright  conversation  gladdened  the  enter- 
tainments/ The  example  of  this  class  was  not  with- 
out effect.  A  degree  of  politeness  was  infused  into 
the  Creoles  and  half-breeds,  modifying  the  tendency  to 
ruffian  bearing  and  coarseness,  which  are  the  products 
of  a  wild  frontier  life  and  isolation  from  the  world. 

The  province  of  Texas,  as  also  that  of  Coahuila, 
was  subject  to  the  government  of  the  commandant 
general  of  the  provincias  intemas,  who  resided  at  Chi- 
huahua, and  whose  powers  were  independent  of  the 
viceroy.  Each  province  was  ruled  by  a  military  and 
political  governor,  who  by  his  delegated  powers  had 
cognizance  of  all  causes,  being  dependent,  as  regards 
military  matters,  on  the  commandant  general.  In 
fiscal  affeirs  he  was  subject  to  the  intendant  at  San 
Luis  Potosf,  with  recourse  to  the  supreme  council  of 
finance  at  the  city  of  Mexico.  In  regard  to  his  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  appeals  could  be  made  only  to 
the  audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia.®  The  consequences 
of  this  arrangement  are  self-evident.  So  great  were 
the  distances  of  the  places  where  appeals  could  be 
made  that  recourse  to  these  could  be  had  but  by  few 
persons;  and  as  the  magistrates — generally  military 
men — had  no  legal  adviser,  justice  could  not  be  prop- 
erly administered  even  under  the  best  disposed  gov- 
ernor, while  the  system  afforded  every  opportunity 
for  the  exercise  of  tyranny.     In  ecclesiastical  matters 

^  Pike  regarded  San  Antonio  as  one  of  the  most  delightful  places  that  he 
visited  in  the  Spanish  provinces.  Id.^  ap.,  part  iii.  34. 

^Arispe,  Mem,  CoaJi.,  9,  in  Pamphlets,  i.  In  1803  Juan  Beutista  Gnaza- 
bel  was  appointed  governor  of  Texas,  succeeded  in  1806  by  Antonia  Cordero, 
who  had  previously  been  governor  of  Coahuila.  Pike  says  of  this  latter  prov- 
ince: 'Military  and  ecclesiastical  power  is  all  that  is  known  or  acknowl- 
edged. .  .Ihe  governor's  civil  salary  is  4,000  dollars  per  annum.'  Exped.,  ap., 
pi^iiL  29. 


INCOMING  AMERICANS.  5 

the  same  difficulty  presented  itself,  questions  that 
arose  having  to  be  referred  to  the  episcopal  chair  in 
Nuevo  Leon.* 

But  the  time  had  approached  when  the  first  indica- 
tions of  a  distant  infiuenee  that  was  to  bear  on  the 
future  destiny  of  Texas  were  manifested.  The  spirit 
of  adventure  which  led  Daniel  Boone  into  the  wilder- 
ness of  Kentucky  was  abroad  on  the  margins  of  those 
unknown  lands  that  lay  beyond  the  frontier  settle- 
ments of  the  United  States,  and  the  Anglo-American 
race  was  pushing  westward  and  southward.  Bold, 
restless  men,  impelled  by  the  fascination  of  wild  adven- 
ture, made  their  way  into  new  regions,  reckless  of 
danger  and  hardships.  As  the  settlers  in  their  on- 
ward course  approached  the  Spanish  possessions,  it 
was  not  likely  that  these  would  long  remain  a  closed 
garden  of  Hesperides  to  such  spirits.  The  uncom- 
promising exclusion  of  foreigners  only  served  as  an 
mcentive,^®  and  before  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury Americans  had  entered  Texas  and  gained  a  foot- 
hold The  contraband  trade  carried  on  with  New 
Orleans,  and  connived  at  by  the  Spanish  authorities, 
opened  a  gateway  to  these  intruders. 

Probably  the  first  of  these  adventurers  was  Philip 
Nolan,  an  Irishman  by  birth,  who  was  engaged  in 
this  illegal  trade  between  San  Antonio  and  Natchez 
as  early  as  1785.  Whether  it  was  that  this  traffic 
did  not  yield  profits  large  enough  or  quickly  enough, 
under  the  exactions  imposed  upon  it,  or  whether  No- 
lan really  had  the  secret  intention  of  making  discov- 
eries in  reputed  gold-bearing  regions   in  Texas,  as 

*Arkpe,  Mem,  CooJl,  9,  et  seq.,  in  Pamphlets,  no.  i  As  this  is  an  official 
report  to  the  king  by  the  depaty  to  the  Spanish  odrtes  from  CoahuiU  it  may 
be  regarded  as  affording  a  tme  representation  of  the  government  of  these 
provinces  and  real  grievanoes.  The  writer  makes  suggestions  as  to  what 
ought  to  be  done  for  the  better  administration  of  them,  such  as  the  establish- 
ment of  juntas,  courts  of  appeal,  etc. 

*®A11  foreigners  found  on  Spanish  territory  unprovided  with  passports 
were  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison,  where  they  often  lingered  for  years. 
Especial  rigor  was  observed  toward  American  citizens. 


6  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

some  writers  allege,"  is  not  certain;  but  in  1800"  he 
organized  an  armed  expedition  at  Natchez,  ostensibly 
for  the  pm^ose  of  capturing  wild  horses  in  Texas. 
The  adventurers,  twenty-one  in  number  including 
their  leader,  crossed  the  Mississippi  at  Nogales — ^Wal- 
nut Hills — and  having  advanced  forty  miles  in  the 
direction  of  the  Washita,  they  fell  in  with  a  patrol  of 
fifty  Spanish  horsemen  sent  from  the  fort  on  the  river 
to  intercept  them.  The  determined  bearing  of  Nolan 
and  his  followers,  however,  deterred  them  from  attack- 
ing him,  and  he  proceeded  without  interruption. 
Avoiding  Fort  Washita,  the  party  crossed  Red  River, 
and  continuing  their  westward  course  passed  the 
Trinity,  and  reached  the  Brazos,  spending  much  time 
in  hunting.  On  their  arrival  at  the  Brazos  they 
erected  an  enclosure,  and  penned  about  300  wild 
horses.  By  invitation  of  the  Comanches  they  visited 
the  Indian  chief  Necoroco,  whose  village  was  situated 
at  the  south  fork  of  the  Red  River,  where  they  re- 
mained a  month.  After  their  return  to  camp  they 
were  attacked,  March  21,^'  1801,  by  a  troop  of  150 
Spaniards  sent  against  them  by  Salcedo  and  com- 
manded by  Lieutenant  Musquiz."  Nolan's  outpost 
of  six  men — one  American  and  five  Spaniards — was 
captured  before   daylight,  and  as   soon  as  morning 

^^ '  Estimnlados  * — L  e.,  Nolan  and  his  followers — '  de  laa  noticias  de  haber 
en  lajB  montafiaa  de  la  provincia  de  Tejaa,  muchaa  y  abundantes  minas  de  ora 
y  plata.'  FiUaola^  Mem,  Uiat.  Querra  Tejan,  i.  39.  Kennedy  says  it  was 
supposed  that  the  leader  of  the  expedition  cherished  the  secret  intention  of 
making  discoveries  in  the  reputed  gold  regions  of  the  Comanches.  Texas, 
i.  2,37. 

1^  Kennedy,  relying  upon  a  manuscript  supplied  him  by  Lamar,  president 
of  Texas,  gives  the  date  1789,  *  or  therealK)uts.  Filisola  also  assigns  that  year 
to  the  expedition;  but  Ellis  P.  Bean,  who  accompanied  Nolan,  and  wrote  a 
full  account  of  the  expedition  and  his  own  subsequent  acts,  distinctly  states 
that  the  adventurers  left  Natchez  in  October  1800.  Yoakum  supplies  a  revised 
copy  of  Bean's  narrative  in  appendix  no,  ii.  Nist.  Tex,,  i.  403-4. 

''  According  to  the  diary  of  Musquiz,  translated  and  published  in  the  Texa* 
Almanac,  Sept.  1868,  60-4. 

^*  Bean  states  that  the  party  at  this  time  numbered  only  18,  three  of  the 
company  having  been  lost  at  the  beginning  of  the  jourrey  while  out  hunting. 
Nolan's  force  at  starting  comprised  14  Americans,  5  Mexicans,  and  one  negro. 
Ihe  lost  men  made  their  way  back  to  Natchez.  Beanos  Mem.,  in  Yoakum's 
J/iMi.  Tex.,  405,  407.  Musquiz,  however,  says  that  there  were  *  14  Americans, 
1  Creole  of  Louisiana^  7  Spaniards  or  Mexicans,  and  2  negro  slaves  at  the  log 
pen  when  he  attacked  it.    Texas  AlmanaCy  Sept.  1868,  62. 


WAR  AND  DEFEAT.  7 

dawned  the  Spaniards  opened  fire  with  grape  from  a 
swivel-gun  upon  the  remaining  twelve,  who  were 
inside  an  enclosure  of  logs,  which  had  been  built  as  a 
protection  against  Indians.  Nolan  fell  early  in  the 
contest,  shot  through  the  head."  Bean  then  took 
command,  and  the  fight  was  continued  for  some  time 
longer,  two  of  the  Americans  being  wounded  and  one 
killed.  At  nine  o'clock  the  besieged  effected  their 
retreat  to  a  neighboring  ravine,  where  they  stubbornly 
defended  themselves  till  two  in  the  afternoon,  when 
the  Mexicans  hoisted  a  white  flag.  A  parley  followed, 
and  the  Americans'  ammunition  having  failed,  a  treaty 
was  made,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  the  Americans 
should  be  sent  back  to  their  own  coimtry ;  that  both 
parties  should  proceed  to  Nacogdoches  in  company ; 
and  that  the  Americans  should  not  be  regarded  as 
prisoners,  but  should  retain  their  arms.  On  their 
arrival  at  Nacogdoches,  however,  they  were  detained 
a  month  waiting  for  Salcedo's  order  for  their  return 
to  the  United  States.  His  instructions,  when  they 
arrived,  were  the  reverse  of  those  hoped  for;  the 
adventurers  were  heavily  ironed  and  sent  to  San 
Antonio;  thence  to  San  Liiis  Potosf,  where  they 
languished  in  prison  sixteen  months.  From  this  city 
they  were  removed  to  Chihuahua  and  tried,  their 
cases  being  referred  to  the  crown.  After  five  years 
of  anxious  waiting  the  king's  decision  arrived.  Every 
fifth  man  was  to  be  hanged.  As  the  survivors  at  this 
time  were  only  nine  in  number,  a  single  life  was 
deemed  sufficient  to  meet  the  stern  requirement  of 
the  royal  sentence.  The  unfortunate  captives  were 
made  to  throw  dice  blindfolded  on  a  drum-head. 
He  who  threw  the  lowest  number  was  to  suffer,  and 
Bean,  the  author  of  the  narrative  from  which  the 
above  account  is  taken,  cast  the  lowest  but  one.     On 

'^Kolan  waci  killed  by  a  cannon-ball,  the  Mexican  troops  haying  brought 
up  a  mountain  gun  on  muleback.  After  the  surrender,  the  negroes  asked 
pernujBsion  to  bury  their  leader,  which  was  granted  '  after  causing  his  ears  to 
be  cut  off,  in  order  to  send  them  to  the  governor  of  Texas.'  ld,j  63. 


8  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  .UNITIID  STATES. 

the  following  day  the  victun  was  executed  in  the  pres- 
ence of  his  more  fortunate  comrades.^* 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  'first  inroad  by  Ameri- 
cans into  Spanish  territory  in  which  the  invaders 
sought  to  sustain  themselves  by  force  of  arms.  Mean- 
time  other  Americani;  had  effected  a  peaceful  entrance 
into  this  forbidden  land,  and  had  settled  along  the 

^' The  nine  who  caat  lots,  aocordinff  to  Bean,  were:  E.  P.  Bean,  David  Fero, 
Tony  Waters,  Ihomas  House,  Charles  King,  Robert  Ashley,  Joseph  Reed, 
the  negro  Caesar,  and  one  whose  name  is  not  avreu.  by  Bean.  Thrall,  without 
onoting  any  authority,  says  the  lot  fell  on  Ephraim  Blackburn:  Ptct.  Huft, 
Tex.,  107.  Bean,  after  numerous  attempts  to  escape,  which  always  resulted 
in  his  recapture  and  imprisonment,  was  offered  his  liberty  when  a  revolution 
was  in  progress  in  1811-12,  if  he  would  enlist  in  the  royal  army.  To  this  he 
consented,  but  on  the  firet  opportunity  ho  deserted  and  joined  Morelos, 
under  whom  he  fought  with  distinction,  and  was  in  command  of  the  troops 
that  captured  Acapulco.  In  1814  Bean  was  sent  as  republican  acent  to  the 
U.  S.,  and  took  part  in  the  battle  of  New  Orleans.  Being  well  known  to 
General  Jackson,  the  command  of  a  battery  was  given  to  him  in  this  engage- 
ment Concluding  that  war-time  was  unpropitious  to  the  Mexican  cause  in 
the  U.  S.,  Bean  returned  to  Mexico,  but  m  the  following  year  went  back  in 
company  with  Herrera.  He  again  returned  to  Mexico  some  time  afterward, 
to  find  the  independent  cause  ul  but  lost.  During  his  stay  in  that  country 
on  this  occasion,  he  married  Anna  Gorthas,  a  Mexican  whose  family,  once 
wealthy,  had  be«n  impoverished  by  the  war.  In  1818  he  visited  Tennessee 
and  spent  some  time  at  the  place  of  his  birth.  He  finally  settled  in  Texas  as 
a  colonist,  and  remained  tnere  many  years.  After  the  termination  of  the 
Mexican  revolution  his  wife  recovered  her  property,  and  the  last  years  of  his 
adventurous  life  were  passed  in  peace  on  her  estate  near  Jalapa.  Bean  was 
bom  in  1783  and  died  Oct.  3,  184G.  Mem.,  in  Yoaktim'a  Hi8t.  Tex.,  L  415-^; 
ThraiVs  Pict.  Hist.  Tex.,  499-^00.  Kennedy's  account  of  this  expedition  is 
ffreatly  at  variance  with  Bean's  narrative.  He  states  that  after  Nolan's 
death  his  followers  surrendered  at  discretion,  and  were  taken  to  Chihuahua^ 
where  with  few  exceptions  they  were  shot.  House  and  Ashley  effected  their 
escape.  Bean  was  pardoned  on  account  of  his  youth,  and  Stephen  Richards — 
not  mentioned  by  Bean — was  compelled  to  enter  the  Spanish  army.  Texas,  L 
238.  Thrall's  statements  are  equally  contradictory,  ift  sup.,  106-1.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Texas  Almanac,  Sept.  1868,  63-4,  the  following  is  the  list  of  those 
who  were  destined  to  draw  for  the  death -lot:  Luciano  Garcia,  Jonah  Walters, 
Solomon  Cooley,  Ellis  Bean,  Joseph  Reed,  William  Danlin,  Charles  King, 
Joseph  Pierce,  Ephraim  Blackburn,  and  David  Fero.  But  Pierce  having 
died  uefore  the  royal  decree — ^that  each  fifth  man  should  be  hanged — could  be 
carried  into  execution,  the  presiding  judge,  with  commendable  mercy,  decided 
that  one  victim  would  be  sufficient.  According  to  the  report  of  the  adjutant 
inspector,  the  lots  drawn  were  the  following,  eadi  gambler  for  his  Ufe  throwing 
in  precedence  according  to  his  age:  '  Blackburn,  3  and  1,  making  4;  Garcia,  1 
and  4,  making  7;  Reed,  6  and  6,  making  11;  Fero,  5  and  3,  makinff  8;  Cooley, 
6  and  5,  makmg  11;  Walters,  6  and  1,  makinff  7;  King,  4  and  3,  making  7; 
Beui,  4  and  1,  making  5;  DanUn,  5  and  2,  nuiKing  7.'  Ephraim  Blackburn, 
having  thrown  the  smallest  number,  was  hanged  at  the  Plaza  de  los  Urangaa  in 
the  town  of  Chihuahua,  on  the  11th  of  November,  1807.  '  Ihe  diary  kept  by 
Nolan  and  many  of  his  letters,  which  are  in  my  possession ' — J.  A.  Quintero 
— 'show  conclusively  that  he  was  not  only  a  g^ilmnt  and  intelligent  gentle- 
man, but  an  accomplished  scholar.  He  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with 
astronomy  and  geography.  He  made  the  first  map  of  'lexas,  which  he  pre- 
sented to  the  But)n  de  Carondelet  on  returning  from  his  first  trip. 


SETTLEMEin!.  9 

San  Antonio  road,  on  both  sides  of  Nacogdoches. 
Among  these  may  be  mentioned  Captain  Dill  and  his 
son-in-law,  Joseph  Darst,  Samuel  Davenport,  and 
Robert  Barr,  all  of  whom  established  themselves  in 
Texas  at  the  close  of  the  last  century  or  in  1800." 
This  privilege  had  only  been  obtained  by  swearing 
allegiance  to  the  Spanish  king.  Hitherto  neither 
these  settlements  nor  Nolan's  inroad  had  any  political 
significance;  they  were  merely  the  results  of  private 
enterprise;  but  the  time  was  close  at  hand  when 
throughout  the  United  States  attention  was  drawn  to 
this  unknown  country.  The  causes  of  this  were  the 
sale  of  Louisiana  to  the  government  at  Washington — 
which  involved  a  dispute  with  Spain  as  to  the  owner- 
ship of  Texas — and  Aaron  Burr's  conspiracy  to  in- 
vaae  and  revolutionize  Mexico,  exciting  thereby  a 
wide-spread  interest  in  this  border  province. 

When  France,  in  November  1762,  ceded  Louisiana 
to  Spain  in  order  to  prevent  it  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  English,  the  western  boundary  line  between 
the  Spanish  and  English  possessions  in  North  Amer- 
ica was  clearly  defined  by  the  treaty  concluded  in  the 
following  February.^  But  in  October  1800  Spain 
ceded  back  the  territory  to  France  in  exchange  for 
Tuscany,  on  the  understanding  that  its  extent  should 
be  the  same  as  it  had  been  durinff  the  former  posses- 
sion of  it  by  that  nation.  The  Doundary  line,  how- 
ever, between  Louisiana  and  Texas  had  never  been 
definitely  settled,  though  Spain  had  always  claimed 
that  Red  River,  or  rather  its  tributary  Arroyo  Hondo, 

"  Barr  and  Dayenport  had  a  setUement  two  miles  eaat  of  the  Angelina, 
and  later  established  a  large  cattle-ranch  east  of  the  Trinity.  Yoakum,  ut 
sup.,  136-7;  T/troU,  ut  sup.,  686. 

"  The  treaty  was  siflned  at  Paris,  between  the  kings  of  Spain  and  of  France 
on  the  one  side,  and  the  king  of  Great  Britain  on  the  other.  In  art.  7  the 
limits  were  '  fixed  by  a  line  <btfcwn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  Mississippi, 
from  its  source  to  the  river  Iberville,  and  from  thence  by  a  line  in  the  midale 
of  that  stream  and  of  the  lakes  Manrepas  and  Pontchartrain  to  the  sea.' 
GnyarreU  JJisL  Loumana,  Fr.  Dom.,  ii.  93;  Claiborne,  in  Mayer^a  Mex.,  MS., 
no.  23. 


10  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BT  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

was  the  western  limit  of  the  French  possessions,"  and 
when,  in  1803,  Napoleon  sold  Louisiana  to  the  United 
States,*^  its  western  limits  at  once  became  a  ground 
of  dispute  with  Spain.  The  government  at  Washing- 
ton, in  its  aggressive  policy,  claimed  all  the  country 
east  of  the  fiio  Grande,*^  which  included  the  whole  of 
Texas  and  the  best  portion  of  New  Mexico — a  pre- 
tension, as  far  as  the  French  were  concerned,  long 
obsolete.  But  for  the  time  the  acquisition  of  Florida 
was  of  more  paramount  importance,  and  Monroe  and 
Pinckney,  ambassadors  at  the  court  of  Spain,  were  in- 
structed, April  15,  1804,  to  propose  to  the  Spanish 
government  that  the  territory  lying  between  the 
Sabine  and  Colorado  rivers  should  be  considered  as 
neutral  groimd  for  a  period  not  longer  than  twenty 
years,  under  the  stipulation  that  Florida  should  be 
ceded  to  the  United  States  for  a  sum  not  exceeding 
$2,000,000.  This  concession  of  its  assumed  right 
to  Teyas,  however,  soon  appeared  too  liberal  to  the 
United  States  government,  and  in  July  following  its 
representatives  were  instructed  to  propose  the  terri- 
tory between  the  Colorado  and  the  Kio  Grande  as 
the  neutral  ground.*^  These  proposals,  though  long 
discussed,  met  with  no  result. 

^  The  Arroiyo  Hondo  was  about  seven  miles  west  of  Natchitoches.  A  con- 
ventional line  seems  to  have  been  recognized  for  many  years  by  both  nations. 
This  ran  between  the  rivers  Mermento  and  Carcasien^  alone  the  Arroyo  Hondo, 
passing  between  Adaes  and  Natchitoches,  and  terminateain  the  Red  River — 
a  bonndary  often  violated  b^  encroachments  of  the  French  toward  the  Sabine 
River.  Pap,  Var,,  162,  no.  i.,  p.  vii  Consult  vol.  L,  Hist.  North  Mex.  States 
atid  Texas,  this  series;  Monettes  Hist.  VaL  Mississippi,  ii  460. 

**  Upon  the  cession  of  Louisiana  by  Spain  to  the  French,  it  was  privately 
stipulated  that  the  territory  should  not  oe  sold  to  the  U.  S.,  and  when  the 
sale  was  effected,  Spain,  recognizing  that  a  protecting  barrier  between  her 
American  possessions  in  North  America  and  the  U.  S.  was  removed,  protested. 
Overawed  Dy  Napoleon,  she  withdrew  her  protest.  Yoakum* s  Hist.  Tex.,  i. 
119;  FiHsola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tex.,  i.  43-4;  Annals  qfCong.,  1804^1805, 
ap.  1268.  A  curious  story  is  told  by  Ashbel  Smith,  who  frequently  met  the 
IVince  of  Peace,  Manuel  Godoy,  in  Paris.  Ihe  latter  told  him  that  Charles  IV. 
of  Spain  bestowed  on  him  the  province  of  Texas,  to  be  an  apanage  of  the 
house  of  Godoy.  Preparations  were  made  to  send  thither  2,000  soldiers  and 
a  number  of  females,  out  the  invasion  of  Spain  by  Napoleon  put  an  end  to 
the  whole  scheme.  Beminis.  Tex.,  27. 

^  Founding  the  claim  on  La  Salle's  unsuccessful  attempt  to  colonize  Texas, 
See  voL  i.,  395-412,  this  series. 

''AnnaUqfCong.,  1804-1805,  ap.  1338-47. 


ATnTDBE  OP  SPAIN.  11 

But  Texas  had  become  a  land  of  mark,  and  enter- 
prising pioneers  kept  pushing  forward  into  the  disputed 
territory.  Spain's  attitude  toward  the  United  States 
and  American  intruders  exhibited  a  growing  hostiUty, 
and  she  showed  herself  determined  to  mamtain  her 
ancient  system  of  exclusion  of  foreignera  To  oppose 
the  encroachments  which  she  clearly  foresaw  her  ag- 
gressive neighbor  in  America  would  attempt,  she  made 
vigorous  preparations  by  the  introduction  of  troops  and 
colonists  into  Texas,*^  hoping  thereby  to  interpose  a 
powerful  state  as  a  protection  on  the  Mexican  frontier. 
Viceroy  Iturrigaray,  being  determined  to  attack  the 
Americans  if  they  crossed  the  Arroyo  Hondo,  took 
active  measures  to  increase  the  military  strength  of 
Texas.  Nacogdoches  and  other  places  were  fortified 
and  provisioned;  companies  of  militia  were  moved 
from  Nuevo  Leon  and  Nuevo  Santander  to  San  An- 
tonio, and  detachments  stationed  at  Matagorda,  the 
mouth  of  Trinity  River,  and  elsewhere.**  At  the  be- 
ginning of  1806,  there  were  about  1,500  soldiers  in 
Texas,  placed  under  the  direction  of  Simon  Herrera, 
the  governor  of  Nuevo  Leon,  Antonio  Cordero,  the 
newly  appointed  governor  of  Texas,  being  second  in 
command. 

In  view  of  this  warlike  attitude,  the  United  States 
government,  which,  though  disinclined  to  take  any 
step  that  might  preclude  a  peaceful  settlement  of  dif- 
ferences, was  resolved  that  the  Spanish  troops  should 

'■John  Sibley  reported  to  the  U.  S.  sec.  of  war,  in  a  letter  dated  Natchi- 
tocheSy  July  2,  1805,  that  500  families  had  arrived  at  San  Antonio,  all  settlers, 
with  a  strong  reenforcement  of  troops;  and  Capt.  Turner,  at  Natchitoches, 
informed  General  Wilkinson,  Sept.  3,  1805,  that  Comandante  General  (Irima- 
rest  from  Spain  was  ^resenUy  expected  to  arrive  at  San  Antonio,  accompa- 
nied by  seven  companies  of  soldiers;  600  families,  coming  from  Spain  to  settle 
Matagorda,  had  put  into  the  Canary  Islands.  Id.,  1805-1806,  ap.  1206-7.  A 
scheme  for  the  establishment  of  military  colonies  at  all  important  points  in 
Texas  was  designed,  professedly  for  the  purpose  of  repelling  Indians.  Heal 
Orden  de  SO  de  Mayo  de  180 J^,  in  Mayer's  Mex,,  MS.,  no.  3,  vuelta.  Uhe 
projected  colony,  placed  under  the  direction  of  Grimarest,  was  to  have  con- 
sisted of  3,000  persons.  It  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  from  Cidiz,  when  the 
capture  of  the  four  Spanish  frigates  took  place  in  1804;  and  subsequent  hos- 
tilities rendered  the  scheme  impracticable.    Ward's  Mex.  in  1827^  i.  556. 

*« President's  message  of  Dec  6,  1805,  in  Annals  of  Cong.,  1805-1806,  p. 
18-19;  and/e^.,  ap.  1207-9. 


12  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATEa 

not  encroach  beyond  the  Sabine/*  had  issued  orders 
November  20,  1805,  to  Major  Porter,  commanding  at 
Natchitoches,  to  repel  any  such  attempt.  On  receipt 
of  these  instructions,  Porter  required  of  the  command- 
ant at  Nacogdoches  an  assurance  that  he  would  not 
cross  that  river,  and  received,  February  4,  1806,  his 
refusal  to  comply  with  such  a  demand.  A.  detachment 
of  twenty  men,  under  Ensign  Gronzalez,  had  already,  in 
fact,  been  advanced  to  the  old  abandoned  post  of  Adaes,^ 
and  on  the  1st  Porter  had  despatched  Captain  Turner 
with  sixty  men  to  enforce  their  withdrawal.  This  was 
effected  with  some  little  trouble,  but  without  blood- 
shed.^ 

The  news  of  this  forcible  ejection,  together  with  the 
alarm  excited  at  this  time  in  the  Mexican  capital  by 
reports  of  a  scheme  of  invasion  meditated  by  Aaron 
Burr,*^  caused  the  Spanish  authorities  to  push  forward 
their  forces  to  the  disputed  ground.  A  reenforcement 
of  800  militiamen  was  sent  by  the  viceroy  to  Herrera,*^ 
and  about  the  1st  of  August  that  commander,  at  the 
head  of  1,300  men,  crossed  the  Sabine,  and  advanced 
to  within  a  few  miles  of  Natchitoches.  At  this  time 
Colonel  Cushing  was  in  command  there,  and  on  Au- 
gust 5th  he  addressed  a  communication  to  Herrera, 
demanding  his  immediate  retirement  to  the  west  side 
of  the  Sabine.  Herrera  replied  on  the  following  day, 
stating  that  he  had  crossed  the  river  with  orders  from 
his  captain-general  "to  keep  the  territory  from  all  hos- 
tile attempts,  as  belonging,  from  time  immemorial,  to 
the  king." 

Meantime  Governor  Claiborne  had  called  out  the 
Louisiana  militia,  and  arrived  in  person  during  the 

*^  President's  message  of  Maroh  20,  1806,  in  AnnaU  <if  Cong,,  1805-1806, 
p.  190. 

» Annals  qf  Cong,,  1806-1807,  ap.  91^-15. 

^  For  references  to  Burr's  proposed  raid  into  Mexican  territory,  see  the 
index  to  Amer,  Slate  PaperSf  xx.  Consult  also  Annala  o/*  Cong,,  1807-1808, 
pp.  386-778;  Amer,  Reg.,  ii.  88-90,  91-103;  and  Royal  Orders  of  May  14, 
Apr.  12,  1807,  and  Jan.  15,  1808,  in  Mayer's  Mex.,  MS.,  nos  4,  5,  and  5||. 

^  Of  these  600  were  undisciplined.  The  king  disapproved  of  sending  such 
men  on  an  expedition  which  required  good  solmers.  itoyal  Order  qf  March 
24, 1807,  in  Mayer's  Mex.,  MS.,  no.  4. 


TERMTORIAL  BOUKDARY.  1$ 

last  week  of  August  at  Natchitoches,  with  a  consid- 
erable force.  Correspondence  was  now  resumed,  Clai- 
borne assuring  Herrera  that  the  consequences  would 
be  serious  if  Sie  Spanish  forces  persisted  in  their  un- 
just aggressions,  and  bringing  before  his  notice  several 
acts  of  outrage  and  unfriendliness  toward  the  United 
States  lately  committed  by  Spanish  troops.®  Herrera 
entered  into  an  explanation  with  regard  to  the  charg^es, 
and  assured  Grovemor  Claiborne  that  the  Spanish 
forces  would  conmiit  no  hostility  that  would  frustrate 
the  negotiations  pending  between  the  two  govern- 
ments, but  at  the  same  time  declared  his  intention, 
if  provoked,  to  preserve  the  honor  of  his  troops  and 
fulfil  his  obligations. 

Shortly  after  the  exchange  of  this  correspondence, 
General  James  Wilkinson  arrived  at  Natchitoches  with 
reenforcements,  and  took  command  On  September 
24th  he  addressed  an  ultimatum  to  Governor  Cordero, 
at  Nacogdoches,  informing  him  that  the  United  States, 
pending  the  settlement  of  the  question,  had  adopted, 
"with  pretensions  far  more  extensive,"  the  Sabine 
River  as  the  most  obvious,  natural,  and  least  excep- 
tionable temporary  boundary ;  and  that  the  presence 
of  Spanish  txoops  on  the  east  side  of  it  was  regarded 
as  an  actual  invasion  of  their  territorial  rights,  and 
would  be  resisted  He  then  reiterated  in  decisive 
tone  the  demand  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops  of 
Spain  to  the  west  side  of  the  river,  in  order  to  avoid 
tile  effusion  of  blood  This  final  communication  was 
immediately  forwarded  to  Nemesio  Salcedo,  the  cap- 
tain-general of  the  eastern  provincias  intemas,  Cordero 
not  feeling  himself  authorized  to  decide  on  so  serious 
a  matter. 

Each  commander  was  loath  to  be  the  initiatory 
cause  of  hostilities,  and  while  Wilkinson  remained  in- 

*  Namely,  the  preventioii  of  a  scientific  exploration  np  Red  River  under 
Col  Freeman;  cntnng  down  the  American  flag  in  the  Caddo  Indian  village; 
the  aeiznre  of  three  Americi^is  within  12  miles  of  Natchitoches;  and  the  asy- 
lum afforded  three  fugitive  negro  slaves  at  Na4X>gdochea.  £b.;  AnnaUqfCona., 
1806-1807,  ap.  918^19. 


14  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

active,  awaiting  Salcedo's  decision,  Herrera  retired 
beyond  the  Sabine.  On  October  21st  the  American 
general  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  war,  enclosing  a  copy 
of  a  note  received  from  Coniero,  by  which  all  doubt 
was  removed  as  to  the  unvielding  pretensions  of  the 
Spaniards  to  the  disputed  territory,  and  announcing 
his  intention  to  advance  to  the  Sabine  on  the  follow- 
ing morning.  He  moreover  stated  that  he  purposed 
proposing  to  the  Spanish  commander  that  they  should 
respectively  withdraw  their  troops  to  the  point  of 
occupancy  at  the  time  of  the  surrender  of  Louisiana 
to  the  United  States.  *° 

Accordingly  on  the  24th  the  American  army  took 
up  a  position  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Sabine,  in  front 
of  Herrera's  forces,  which  occupied  the  west  side  of 
the  river,  and  Wilkinson  without  delay  opened  nego- 
tiations. It  has  never  been  clearly  understood  what 
were  the  motives  which  induced  the  Spanish  general 
to  accept,  on  his  own  responsibility,  the  proposal  of 
Wilkinson  that  the  territory  lying  between  the  Arroyo 
Hondo  and  the  Sabine  should  be  regarded  as  neu- 
tral ground  till  the  boundary  question  was  settled.'^ 
Nevertheless  such  was  the  case.  It  is,  however,  more 
than  probable  that  Wilkinson  so  excited  the  fears  of 
Herrera  by  exaggerated  accounts  of  Burr's  contem- 
plated invasion,  and  by  representing  at  the  same  time 
that  the  movement  could  only  be  suppressed  by  the 
whole  power  of  the  American  army,  that  the  Spanish 
general  was  willing  to  take  the  risk  of  incurring  his 
superior's  displeasure.** 

"*  All  the  correspondence  above  referred  to  will  be  found  in  Id.,  1806-1807, 
ap.  915-25. 

'*  According  to  Pike,  writing  in  1807  at  San  Antonio,  Herrera  held  a  coun- 
cil of  war,  '  yet,  notwithstandmg  the  orders  of  the  viceroy,  the  commandant 
general,  governor  Cordero's  and  the  opinion  of  his  officers,  he  had  the  firmness 
(or  temerity)  to  enter  into  the  agreement  with -General  Wilkinson,  which  at 
present  exists  relative  to  our  boundaries  on  that  frontier.'  ExvecUtions,  270-1. 

'*  Wilkinson  was  well  informed  of  Burr's  designs  AgsdiiBt  Mexico.  While 
at  Natchitoches  Samuel  Swartwout,  a  secret  envoy  mm  the  latter,  visited 
him  at  the  beginning  of  October  and  placed  in  his  hands  a  letter  in  cipher  from 
Burr.  He  moreover  disclosed  to  him  verbally  full  particulars  of  the  plot. 
An  interpretation  of  the  letter  in  cipher  and  Swartwont's  disclosures  will  be 
found  in  Annais  qfCong.,  1806>1807»  ap.  1013-16.     It  was  suspected  later 


HOSminES  ENDED.  15 

With  regard  to  Wilkinson's  action  in  taking  upon 
himself  the  responsibility  of  making  such  an  agree- 
ment in  face  of  the  instructions  he  had  received  to 
claim  positively  territory  as  far  as  the  Sabine,  it  is 
not  unreasonable  to  conjecture  that  he  was  influenced 
by  the  important  disclosures  made  by  Burr's  emissary. 
If  the  whole  of  his  letter  of  October  21st  to  the  secre- 
tary of  war,"  and  a  former  one  alluded  to  in  it,  were 
published,  it  would  probably  be  seen  that  such  were 
the  reasons  which  he  gave  to  the  government  for  his 
meditated  proposal  to  the  Spanish  conunander. 

Having  completed  his  arrangements  with  Herrera 
and  Cordero,  Wilkinson  withdrew  his  forces  on  the 
6th  of  November,  and  hastened  to  New  Orleans  to 
make  preparations  to  oppose  Burr.  The  agreement 
entered  into  met  with  the  approval  of  both  govern- 
ments." 

After  the  conclusion  of  this  bloodless  campaign, 
owing  to  the  diversion  caused  by  the  war  in  Europe, 
and  Spain's  recognition  that  the  flag  protected  the 
cargo,**  the  relations  between  the  two  governments 
were  marked  by  an  interval  of  calm.  The  angry 
demonstrations  that  had  lately  occurred  were  not 
without  benefit  to  Texas,  and  by  the  temporary  con- 
centration of  troops  and  the  introduction  of  new  col- 
onists an  unwonted  activity  had  been  awakened,  and  an 
improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  country  efiected. 
The  American  settlers,  moreover,  were  introducing 
some  httle  agricultural  energy,  cramped  though  they 
were   by  the   suspicious  apprehensions  which   their 

that  Wflkinaon  even  snooeeded  in  obtaming  a  large  sum  of  money  from  the 
.  Spanish  commander,  on  the  nndenrtanding  that  he  would  undertake  to  frus- 
tnie  Bmr's  designs.  For  fnller  particuUra,  consult  Kennedy's  Texas,  i.  244; 
MoMUe's  Higt.  Vol,  MissMvpi,  u.  463-5;  Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  I  145,  note; 
Martin's  Louisiana,  u.  272-0. 

"Only  an  extract  of  it  is  given  in  AnnaJs  qfCong.,  1806-1807,  924. 

**Reai  Orden  de  14  de  Mayo  de  1807,  in  Mayer's  Mejc.,  MS.,  no.  4;  PreM- 
denies  Messaae,  Dec.  2,  1806,  in  Annais  i^Cona.,  1806-1807,  11.  Uerrera  re- 
ceived the  thanks  of  the  viceroy.  POot's  Exped.,  271. 

*  Spanish  men-of-war  had  till  then  ravaged  the  commerce  of  the  U.  S. 
to  a  graat  extent,  both  in  the  Mediteixaaean  and  the  West  Indian  seas.  See 
Toa&m's  HisL  Tex.,  i  127,  133-4. 


16  TKXAS  CLAI2dED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

presence  aroused,  and  consequent  oppressive  treat- 
ment." 

An  unforeseen  evil,  however,  arose  out  of  the  late 
compact  The  neutral  territory  quickly  became  the 
asylum  of  a  large  number  of  desperadoes  and  maraud- 
ers, who  organized  themselves  into  a  community  under 
a  system  not  dissimilar  to  that  of  the  old  buccaneers. 
These  land  pirates  preyed  upon  all  who  came  in  their 
way,  the  traders  between  the  Texan  settlements  and 
Natchitoches,  where  horses  and  specie  were  exchanged 
for  merchandise,  being  their  especial  mark.  They 
had  their  rules  and  regulations,  their  headquarters, 
and  their  outposta  Their  bravery  and  audacity  were 
unsurpassed,  and  their  fidelity  to  each  other  was  in- 
flexible.*^ Traders  were  convoyed  across  the  territory 
of  these  outlaws  by  military  escorts,  which,  however, 
were  frequently  attacked.  The  Spanish  authorities 
made  every  ejQfort  to  eject  them,  and  twice  the  forces 
of  the  Umted  States  drove  them  off  and  burned  their 
houses.     But  these  measures  failed  to  suppress  them. 

** '  The  oppreBsiona  and  suspieiona  they  labour  nnder  preTent  their  pro- 
oeeding  with  that  spirit  which  ic  neoesaary  to  give  auooeaa  to  the  eatabuah- 
ment  of  a  new  country.*  Pihi^a  Exped.,  ap.,  part  iii.  33. 

"  Yoakum  relatea  a  atriking  inatanoe.  Two  of  a  ganff  of  13  robbers,  who 
had  attacked  an  eaoort  and  carried  off  a  large  amount  of  treaaure,  were  cap- 
tured by  Lieut  Magee  in  command  of  some  troope  from  Natchitochea.  Ihe 
men  were  immediately  tied  to  treea  and  floffged,  to  make  t^em  diadoae  who 
were  their  aaaociatea.  Aa  thia  puniahment  uuled  to  elicit  a  word  of  betrayal, 
a  live  coal  of  fire  waa  paaaed  along  their  already  tortured  backa,  but  atill  no 
diacloaure  could  be  obtained.  Hist,  Tex,,  L  152. 


CHAPTER  II. 

INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 
1811-1814. 

RXVOLTTTION   IN  FaVOR   OV    INDEPENDENCE— ZaMBRANO's    CoUNTER-RKVOLU- 

TioN— Reestablishment  of  the  Royalist  Government— Bernardo 
Gutierrez — ^Maoee*s  Scheme  of  Conquest — The  Americans  Occupy 
Nacogdoches — La  Bahia  Falls  into  their  Hands — Governor  Saix^edo 
Besieges  La  Bahia— Death  of  Maoee— The  Battle  of  Rohillo — 
Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Army— Surrender  of  San  Antonio— A  Repub- 
lican Government  Organized— Massacre  of  Salcedo  and  Other 
Prisoners — Disgust  of  the  Americans — Defeat  of  Royalists  under 
Elizonbo — Toledo  Takes  Command  of  the  Republican  Army— Ap- 
proach of  Arredondo — Battle  of  the  Medina — Destruction  of  tub 
Amjbricans — £lizoni>o*s  Executions — Pacification  of  the  Province. 

In  1810  Manuel  de  Salcedo^  was  made  governor  of 
Texas,  Cordero,  whose  administration  had  been  emi- 
nently beneficial,  having  been  appointed  to  the  more 
populous  province  of  Coahuila.  In  September  of  this 
year  Hidalgo  raised  the  standard  of  independence,  and 
daring  the  long  and  bloody  struggle  which  followed, 
Texas,  remote  though  she  was  from  the  more  active 
seats  of  war,  was  made  the  scene  of  deeds  as  horrify- 
ing as  Hidalgo's  massacre  of  his  prisoners,  and  Ca- 
Ueja's  atrocities  at  Guanajuato.  By  January  1811  the 
revolutionary  wave  had  reached  Texas,  and  on  the  2  2d 
of  that  month  Juan  Bautista  Casas,  a  captain  of  the 
militia,  having  seized  the  persons  of  the  governor,  of 
Simon  Herrera — who  was  still  residing  at  San  Anto- 
nio de  B^jar  aa  comandante  of  the  auxiliary  troops — 
and  of  other. officers,  proclaimed  in  favor  of  Hidistlgo 

^  Son  of  Nemeeio  Salcedo,  the  comandaate  general  of  the  internal  prov« 
inceB.  OonzaUz,  Col,  Doc,  N,  Leon,  153 

Hist.  N.  Mez.  8TATB8,  Vox.  U.    2  (17) 


18  INVASION  OP  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

and  constituted  himself  governor.  But  Casas  soon 
disgusted  many  of  the  revolutionary  party  by  his 
despotic  and  disorderly  administration,  and  the  cura 
Juan  Manuel  Zambrano  formed  the  design  of  restor- 
ing the  old  order  of  things.  Concealing  his  real  in- 
tention, he  hoodwinked  those  of  the  dissatisfied  whom 
he  approached  on  the  matter,  by  giving  them  to 
understand  that  his  only  object  was  to  depose  Casas 
and  correct  the  disorders  of  the  government.  He 
was,  moreover,  favored  in  his  designs  by  the  oppor- 
tune arrival  of  the  unfortunate  Aldama,  who  with  a 
large  amount  of  bullion  was  proceeding  to  the  United 
States  as  envoy  of  the  independents,  there  to  solicit 
aid  in  arms  and  men.  Zambrano  cunningly  caused 
the  report  to  be  spread  among  the  lower  orders  that 
Aldama  was  an  emissary  of  Napoleon — a  statement 
the  more  readily  believed  on  account  of  his  uniform 
being  similar  to  that  of  a  French  aide-de-camp.  Noth- 
ing aroused  the  indignation  of  the  common  people  more 
than  the  idea  of  their  being  surrendered  to  the  French. 
By  casting  the  gloomy  shadow  of  that  danger  over  the 
minds  of  his  Indians,  Hidalgo  had  lately  caused  the 
Grito  de  Dolores  to  be  raised  and  rung  through 
the  land;^  and  now  this  wily  priest  used  the  same 
guile  in  Texas  to  advance  the  royalist  cause.  Thus 
the  populace  and  many  in  the  ranks  of  the  revolu- 
tionists in  San  Antonio,  and  many  inside  the  barracks, 
were  unwittingly  on  his  side.  On  the  night  of  March 
1st,  with  only  five  of  those  compromised  to  support 
him,  Zambrano  sallied  from  his  house  and  raised  the 
signal  cry.  Possession  was  obtained  of  the  barracks 
immediately,  and  before  morning  dawned  Casas  was 
a  prisoner,  and  Aldama  confined  under  guard  in  his 
lodging.  Zambrano  and  his  party  now  proceeded 
with  caution,  nor  did  they  prematurely  let  their  real 
design  be  known.  A  governing  junta  of  eleven  vot- 
ing members,  with  Zambrano  as  president,  was  elected 

'See  ffidalgo's  address  to  his  flock  Sept.  16,  1810.  HUL  Mtx^^  iv.  117, 
this  series. 


EXPEDITION  OF  GUTIERREZ.  19 

by  the  principal  inhabitants  of  San  Antonio  and  the 
vicinity,  and  measures  were  adopted  to  secure  the 
province  without  creating  alarm.  The  Europeans 
who  had  been  imprisoned  by  Casas  were  released; 
his  appointees  were  removed  from  office,  a  force  of 
500  reliable  men  was  placed  in  marching  order  to  be 
ready  for  any  emergency ;  and  captains  Jos^  Munoz 
and  Luis  GaJan  were  despatched  as  commissioners 
to  any  royalist  chief  whom  they  might  be  able  to 
approach,  to  solicit  aid.  In  a  short  time  the  viceregal 
government  was  again  firmly  established  in  Texas,' 
and  Salcedo  was  reinstalled  as  governor.  Aldama 
was  sent  to  Monclova,  in  Coahuila;  there  tried,  con- 
demned to  death,  and  executed. 

An  expedition,  however,  organized  in  the  following 
year  by  a  young  officer  in  the  United  States  army,  in 
conjunction  with  a  Mexican  refugee  named  Bernardo 
Gutierrez  de  Lara,  almost  succeeded  in  annihilating 
the  royalist  power  in  Texas.  This  Gutierrez  had  fol- 
lowed the  occupation  of  a  smith  in  the  city  of  Revilla 
— now  Guerrero — and  at  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion 
possessed  great  wealth,  owning  large  estates  and  other 
property  in  the  neighborhood,  besides  an  important 
commercial  house.  He  attached  himself  ardently  to 
the  independent  cause,  and  being  a  man  of  much  sa- 
gacity and  energy,  had  been  made  lieutenant-colonel 
by  Hidalgo,  whom  he  met  at  the  hacienda  de  Santa 
Maria,  near  Saltillo,  when  that  leader  was  about  to 
start  on  his  ill-starred  journey  to  Monclova.  Gutier- 
rez was,  moreover,  commissioned  as  envoy  to  Wash- 
ington, whither,  in  spite  of  the  disasters  that  shortly 
afterward  befell  the  independent  chiefs,  he  proceeded 
by  land,  performing  a  journey  of  four  months  under 

'  The  acconnt  of  thia  revolution  and  counter-revolution  ia  obtained  from 
Gaz.  deMex.,  1812,  iii.  1087-91;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  ii.  96-7,  170-2;  Busta- 
matUe,  Cuad.  Hist.,  iv.  157-60;  Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex,,  196.  Morelos,  in  a  letter 
dated  Yanhuitlaii,  Feb.  17,  1813,  and  addressed  to  the  intendente  Ignacio 
Ayala,  mentions  that  he  had  sent  two  commissioners,  David  and  Tavares,  to 
c^e  Texas  to  the  U.  S.  about  this  time.  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  iii.  341.  The 
commission,  however,  failed  to  reach  its  destination.  Id.y  343. 


20  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

great  difficulties  and  dangers.  But  his  position  in  the 
United  States  was  rather  that  of  a  fugitive  than  an 
envoy,  and  his  credentials  were  not  recognized  by  the 
government.  Being  a  fervent  patriot,  he  went  to  New 
Orleans,  where  he  began  to  organize  an  expedition  for 
the  invasion  of  Texas,  which  scheme  was  facilitated 
by  his  former  commercial  relations  with  that  city.* 

In  1812  Lieutenant  Augustus  Magee^  was  sta- 
tioned at  Natchitoches,  and  had  been  employed  in 
breaking  up  the  gangs  of  outlaws  on  the  neutral 
ground.  Young  and  romantic,  he  conceived  the  idea 
of  conquering  Texas  by  the  aid  of  the  banditti  whom 
he  had  just  subdued.  These  readily  listened  to  his 
scheme,  and  having  formed  his  plans  and  appointed  a 
place  of  rendezvous,  Magee  proceeded  to  New  Orleans 
to  obtain  supplies  and  volunteers.  Here  he  met  Gu- 
tierrez,* and  eagerly  entered  into  an  arrangement  with 
him  to  unite  their  enterprises.  Magee  nominally 
yielded  the  command  to  Gutierrez,^  recognizing  the 
policy  of  letting  the  Mexican  population  believe  that 
the  expedition  was  under  the  direction  of  one  of  their 
own  countrymen. 

Having  resigned  his  commission  in  the  army,  June 
22,  1812,  Magee  proceeded  to  act.  Gutierrez  went 
in  advance  to  the  place  of  rendezvous,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Sabine,  where  158  men  were  assembled. 
Magee  remained  at  Natchitoches  to  bring  up  reen- 
forcements  of  volunteers.  Gutierrez  presently  crossed 
the  Sabine,  engaged  the  Spanish  forces  on  the  Salitre 
prairie,  and  easily  defeating  them,  pursued  them  to 

* Busiamante,  Cuad.  Hist,,  i.  329-90;  FilisolcL,  Mem.  Hist.  Guer.  Tex.,  i. 
50-1;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  Oeog.,  ix.  515;  Mora,  M6j.  y  sus  Rev.,  iv.  449;  Oiterra, 
Rev.  N.  Esp.,  u.  712,  note;  ThraLVs  Pict.  Hist.  Tex.,  548.  This  last  author 
says  that  Gutierrez  made  Natchitoches  his  home  in  the  U.  S. 

^  Magee  graduated  at  West  Point  Jan.  23,  1809,  and  received  the  appoint- 
ment of  second  lieut  of  artillery.    YoahinCs  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  152,  note. 

®Such  is  Brackenridge's  statement.  Holley^s  Texas,  304.  Yoakum,  i.  153, 
says  that  Gutierrez  went  to  Natchitoches,  where  he  met  Magee,  whom  he 
greatly  interested  and  uifluenced  by  his  accounts  of  Mexico. 

^  Mexican  writers  reganl  Gutierrez  as  the  iuspirer  and  promoter  of  the  en- 
terprise, which  is  natural,  as  all  proclamations  were  published  in  his  name, 
ana  he  was  appointed  commander-in-chief.  It  was,  nowever,  essentially  an 
American  enterprise.  See  Niles*  Re<j.,  iii.  104,  v.  87-8. 


GOVERNOR  SALCEDO.  21 

Nacogdoches,  which  was  abandoned  on  the  approach 
of  the  Americans,  who  took  possession  of  the  town 
without  firing  a  shot.  The  Spanish  soldiers  fled  to 
the  Trinidad  station.  This  took  place  August  11, 
1812.^  Magee  kept  sending  reenforcements  to  the 
front,  and  with  their  numbers  increased  to  nearly  500 
men,^  the  Americans  marched  to  Trinidad,  which  was 
evacuated  as  soon  as  they  appeared  in  sight.  Here 
they  remained  till  the  middle  of  October.  Meantime 
Magee  arrived,  and  the  forces,  now  numbering  nearly 
800,  were  organized.  In  this  work  he  was  assisted  by 
Kemper,  Lockett,  Perry,  Koss,  and  Gaines.  Magee 
was  elected  colonel,  though  virtually  commander-in- 
chief;  Kemper  was  chosen  major,  and  the  others  made 
captains. 

Governor  Salcedo  had,  however,  been  making  vig- 
orous preparations  to  repel  the  invaders.  Assisted 
by  Cordero,  who  sent  him  such  troops  as  could  be 
spared  from  Coahuila,  he  joined  his  forces  with  those 
under  Herrera,^^  and  took  up  a  position  at  La  Bahia 
with  1,500  men.  The  Americans  now  continued  their 
march,  directing  their  course  to  that  town.  When  Sal- 
cedo became  aware  of  their  intention  to  attack  him,  he 
marched  out  with  1,400  of  his  men,  whom  he  placed 
in  ambush  at  the  crossing  of  the  Guadalupe  River ; 
but  Magee,  being  informed  of  this  movement,  changed 
his  course,  and  crossing  the  river  at  a  lower  point, 
passed  Salcedo  by  night,  reached  La  Bahla  before  day, 
and  captured  the  place  without  difficulty.  The  mili- 
tary chest  and  a  great  quantity  of  stores  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  victors. 

After  this  disaster  Salcedo  laid  siege  to  La  Bahia, 

^Called  by  the  Americans  Spanish  Blaff. 

•*Con  lo8  cuales* — Amencan  adventurers — 'en  ntLmero  de  unos  cuatro- 
cientm  y  cincuenta,  ocupd  i  principioe  de  Agoeto  de  1812,  la  villb  de  Nacog- 
doches.' Alcmiatij  Hist.  Mej.,  iii  406-1.  'lUunid  cerca  de  quinientos  hoin- 
bres.'  FUiaola^  ut  sup.,  i.  51. 

**Herrera,  after  having  been  governor  of  N.  Leon  for  15  years,  was  given 
the  command  in  1810  of  a  corps  ot  observation  in  Texas.  In  his  absence 
dariiur  his  governorship  his  brother  Pedro  acted  as  lieut-gov.  Oonzalez,  Col, 
Doc  N.  Lton^  153. 


22  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

and  repeatedly  but  ineffectually  assaulted  the  fortifi- 
cations, in  the  last  of  which  attempts  he  lost  200  men. 
During  the  siege  Magee  died,^^  and  the  command  de- 
volved upon  Kemper,  who  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  colonel.  Finding  his  efforts  to  storm  the  place  un- 
availing, Salcedo,  having  suffered  severe  loss  from  the 
deadly  marksmanship  of  the  Americans,  was  compelled 
to  raise  the  siege  about  the  end  of  February,  1813.** 
The  invaders,  relieved  from  the  extremities  to  which 
they  had  been  reduced  by  a  siege  of  nearly  four  months, 
having  obtained  supplies  and  received  additional  reen- 
forcements,^*  pursued  their  march  toward  San  Antonio. 
Viceroy  Venegas  had  in  the  mean  time  found  means  of 
sending  aid  to  Salcedo,  and  when  the  latter  received 
information  of  the  advance  of  the  Americans,  he  again 
marched  to  meet  them,  in  the  hope  of  surprising  them, 
by  means  of  an  ambuscade.  Taking  up  a  position  with 
a  force  of  about  2,000  men  and  six  pieces  of  artillery,** 
nine  miles  from  San  Antonio,  he  awaited  the  enemy's 

*^  Yoaknm,  on  the  authority  of  a  mannscript  narrative  by  Capt.  McKim,  an 
old  citizen  of  'iexas,  who  joined  Gutierrez  at  the  Sabine  an(i  continued  in 
service  during  the  whole  campaign,  relates  the  following  inexplicable  conduct 
of  Magee:  Previous  to  the  last  assault,  a  three  days*  truce  had  been  agreed 
upon,  during  which  time  Magee  dined  with  Salcedo.  While  in  Salcedo  s 
quarters  a  compact  was  made  by  the  two  commanders,  by  which  Magee 
agreed  to  deliver  up  the  fort,  the  Americans  to  return  home  without  their 
arms,  but  to  be  supplied  with  provisions  on  their  march  by  Salcedo.  On  his 
return  to  the  fort  Magee  paraded  the  troops,  informed  them  of  what  he  had 
done,  and  took  their  vote  for  approval.  The  treaty  was  unanimously  voted 
down,  and  Magee  retired  to  his  tent.  Meantime  a  note  arrived  under  a  flag, 
from  Salcedo,  reminding  Magee  of  his  honor,  and  calling  attention  to  the  fact 
that 'the  fort  was  not  surrendered,  though  the  hour  agreed  upon  was  long 
past.  1  he  letter  was  read  to  the  army  and  the  flag  sent  back  without  reply, 
oalcedo  then  ma<ie  a  furious  assault  upon  the  place,  but  the  Americans  under 
Kemper,  the  next  in  command,  repulsed  the  assailants  with  severe  loss. 
Magee  died  that  night,  shortly  after  twelve  o'clock,  and  it  was  said  by  his 
own  hand.  Hist.  7Vx.,  i.  164-5.  Col  Hall,  who  knew  Magee  well,  states  that 
there  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  all  this.  Bakers  Tex.^  227. 

^'^  Alaman  gives  Feb.  Ist  as  the  date.  iii.  483.  Filisola,  about  the  22d  or 
23d.  Ut  sup.f  I.  54-5;  and  Yoakum,  March  12th.  Utsup.,  i.  165.  Bustamante 
states  that  Salcedo  lost  more  than  one  fourth  of  his  troops,  while  the  loss  on 
the  part  of  the  besieged  was  only  fourteen.  Ciiad.  Hist.,  i.  330. 

"From  Nacogdoches  170  recruits,  25  Cooshattie  Indians  from  the  old  mis- 
sions, and  300  Lipau  and  1  wocookaua  Indians,  whom  Capt.  McFarland  had 
obtaineil  as  auxiliaries.  Id.,  165-6. 

**  Yoakum  says  1,500  regulars  and  1,000  militia,  -with  12  cannon.  Id., 
166.  Kennedy  gives  the  numljer  1,200.  Texas,  i.  279.  Filisola  states  that 
Salcedo  had  nearly  900  men  of  all  arms,  with  six  cannon.  Ut  sup.,  56.  Guerra 
places  the  figure  at  2,000.  Hist.  Rev.  N.  Esj).,  ii.  712,  note. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  ROYALISTS.  23 

approach  to  the  Salado  creek,  a  confluent  of  the  San 
Antonio  River.  A  ridge  of  high  land  Hes  between 
these  streams,  and  in  the  dense  chaparral  which  cov- 
ered the  side  facing  the  Salado,  Salcedo  concealed 
his  men.  They  were,  however,  soon  discovered  by 
the  American  sharp-shooters,  who  were  sent  along  the 
crest  of  the  ridge,  and  the  invaders  having  already 
crossed  the  Salado,  the  Spanish  general  advanced  to 
give  them  battle  on  the  open  ground  below,  placing 
his  artillery  in  the  centre  of  his  line.  Kemper  imme- 
diately made  his  dispositions  for  the  fight.  A  select 
body  of  riflemen,  under  Lockett,  were  directed  against 
the  enemy's  cannon,  with  orders  to  pick  off*  the  artil- 
lerymen ;  Kemper  and  Ross  with  the  remaining  Amer- 
icans occupied  the  right  and  left  wings  respectively. 
The  general  order  was  to  fire  three  rounds,  reload,  and 
then  charge.  The  engagement  which  followed  was  a 
one-sided  affair.  The  Spanish  artillerymen  were  shot 
down  before  they  had  inflicted  any  damage,  and  their 
guns  captured.  All  along  the  line  the  Spanish  troops 
dropped  fast  before  the  unerring  aim  of  the  Americans, 
and  when  the  latter  charged,  they  broke  and  fled. 
The  victors  pursued  with  relentless  eagerness,  killing 
great  numbers.  In  this  battle  the  royalists  lost  nearly 
1,000  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  while  the  casualties 
on  the  side  of  the  invaders  were  insignificant,^^  The 
battle  of  Rosillo,  as  it  has  been  called,  was  fought 
March  29,  1813.'* 

Gutierrez,  who  was  still  nominal  commander,  now 
moved  on  to  San  Antonio,  and  demanded  an  uncon- 
ditional surrender  of  the  city.  Nor  was  there  any 
alternative;  on  April  Ist  the  triumphant  army  took 

^  Kennedy  states  that  the  loss  of  the  Spaniards  was  400  killed,  a  greater 
nmnher  wounded,  and  73  taken  prisoners;  that  of  the  victors,  9  killed  and  '25 
wounded.  Texas,  i.  279.  Bustauiante  and  Alaman  sav  that  few  of  the  Span- 
ish tr<x)pe  escaped  to  San  Antonio.  Cuad.  Ht^-t  i-  3SQ-1;  huU.  Mej.y  iii.  463. 
These  writers  depend  for  their  statement  on  a  manifesto  published  by  Ciutier- 
rez  in  Monterey,  1827;  CanipaiUvi  de  Callefa,  178;  CavOf  Trea  i^iylos,  iv.  91. 
Ouerra,  ui  Hup.,  asserts  that  out  of  the  2,000  veterans  and  militiamen,  colUn^ted 
from  the  provinces  of  Coahuila,  N.  I^on,  and  N.  Santander,  only  800  escaped. 

^*  Yoakum  calls  it  the  battle  of  KosaliB,  and  fitatea  that  the  locality  cannot 
be  ideutitied. 


24  INVASION  OP  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

quiet  possession  of  the  place,  Salcedo  and  Heirera, 
with  their  staff-oflScers,  yielding  themselves  as  prison- 
ers of  war  on  condition  that  their  lives  should  be 
spared. 

A  provisional  government  was  now  formed,  consist- 
ing of  a  junta  composed  of  thirteen  members  elected 
by  a  popular  vote,  Gutierrez  being  appointed  general- 
issimo and  governor.  ^^  The  first  question  to  be  de- 
cided was  the  disposal  of  the  prisoners,  whose  blood 
was  loudly  clamored  for  in  expiation  of  the  executions 
of  Hidalgo  and  his  companions,  in  whose  capture 
Salcedo  and  Herrera  had  taken  an  active  part.  It 
was  decided  that  they  should  be  tried  by  court-martial, 
and  as  this  was  composed  of  members  bitterly  hostile 
to  the  royalist  chiefs,  the  result  was  certain.  They 
were  all  condemned'  to  death.  Nevertheless  the 
horror  and  repugnance  with  which  this  sentence  was 
received  by  the  Americans  rendered  the  open  execu- 
tion of  it  a  hazardous  proceeding.  So  secret  assassi- 
nation was  resorted  to ;  under  pretext  of  sending  them 
to  Matagorda  for  shipment  to  the  United  States,  the 
prisoners,  to  the  number  of  seventeen,  escorted  by 
seventy  Mexicans,  were  marched  out  of  San  Antonio, 
and  about  a  mile  and  a  half  below  the  town  were 
stripped  and  bound  in  the  bed  of  the  stream  and  their 
throats  cut.  This  butchery  took  place  on  the  5th 
of  April.  ^« 

^^Two  members,  Masicot  and  Hale,  were  Americans,  the  remainder 
MoxicaDs.  FiOaola,  ut  sup.,  57. 

^'  The  odium  of  this  atrocity  has  fallen  upon  Gutierrez,  who  endeavored 
to  justify  his  action  in  the  matter  by  explaimng  that  a  popular  demonstra- 
tion against  the  prisoners  was  promoted  by  the  intri^es  of  Joed  Alvarez  de 
Toledo — of  whom  more  anon — and  that  they  were  delivered  up  by  the  guard 
in  obedience  to  an  order  of  the  junta,  without  waiting  for  his  instructions, 
and  indeed,  without  his  knowledge.  Bnatamante,  Cttad,  Hist.,  i.  332-3.  The 
American  accounts  are  very  different.  Gutierrez  is  charged  with  having 
secretly  delivered  up  the  captives,  and  with  afterward  defending  his  con- 
duct by  classifying  the  murderous  deed  as  a  just  reprisal  for  we  loss  of 
friends  and  relatives  put  to  death  by  the  royalists.  Yoakum,  ut  gup.,  i.  1  GO- 
TO. Consult  also  Footers  Texas,  i.  188;  Cancelada,  Tel  Mex,,  455-6;  Gon- 
zalez, Col.  Doc.  N.  Leon,  259-60,  in  which  last  authority  a  list  of  the  victims 
is  found  by  Gonzalez  among  the  papers  of  Alejandro  de  Uro  v  Lozano. 
According  to  this  document  the  date  of  the  massacre  is  April  3a,  and  the 
nambcr  of  victims  that  given  in  the  text,  though  other  less  reliable  authori- 
ties state  that  only  14  were  put  to  death.     Foote,  followed  by  Yoakum,  falls 


FURTHER  FIGHTINO.  26 

When  the  atrocious  deed  became  known  to  the 
Americans,  all  but  the  most  hardened  of  the  ruffians 
from  the  neutral  ground  were  horrified  and  disgusted. 
They  did  not  relish  fighting  in  behalf  of  a  people  who 
had  no  respect  for  the  usages  of  war,  no  feelings  of 
common  humanity.  Kemper  and  Lockett  abandoned 
the  enterprise  immediately  and  returned  home,  fol- 
lowed soon  afterward  by  Koss.  They  were  accompa- 
nied by  a  considerable  number  of  the  better  class  of 
volunteers.  As  for  Gutierrez,  he  was  arraigned  before 
a  tribunal  and  deposed.  After  the  departure  of  Ross, 
Captain  Perry,  being  highest  in  rank,  took  conmiand. 
The  Americans,  now  greatly  reduced  in  numbers,  were 
unable  to  continue  active  operations,  and  for  a  time 
gave  themselves  up  to  indolence  and  all  kinds  of  dis- 
sipation. Prom  these  excesses  they  were  suddenly 
aroused  by  news  of  the  approach  of  another  army 
sent  against  them  under  command  of  Colonel  Ignacio 
Elizondo,  the  renegade  who  had  betrayed  Hidalgo. 

In  this  emergency  Gutierrez,  whose  influence  over 
the  Mexican  insurgents  could  not  be  neglected,  was 
nominally  reinstated  in  his  command.  Elizondo  took 
up  a  position  on  a  rising  ground  in  sight  of  the  city 
and  near  the  little  river  Alazan.  Contrary  to  the 
instructions  to  wait  which  he  had  received  from  Colo- 
nel Arredondo,  who  was  also  hastening  up  with  the 
intention  of  operating  in  combination  with  Elizondo, 
the  latter  advanced  against  San  Antonio  alone.  His 
force  consisted  of  1,500  men,  besides  a  number  of 
irregular  troops  of  the  country.  Perry,  to  whom  the 
command  was  intrusted,  decided  to  attempt  a  surprise. 
Silently  marching  out  of  the  city  on  the  night  of  the 
1 9th  of  June,  he  approached  Elizondo's  encampment, 
which  had  been  fortified  by  earthworks,  and  broke  in 
upon  it  just  at  dawn,  while  the  Spaniards  were  at 

into  an  error  in  stating  that  Cordero  was  one  of  those  put  to  death.  His 
name  does  not  appear  in  this  list,  nor  that  of  Col  Navarro — see  Ywihum,  ut 
mip,,  169,  note — which  comprises  14  names,  10  only  of  which  correspond 
with  names  given  by  Gonzalez.  The  truth  is,  Cordero  was  in  Coahuiia  at 
the  time,  being  governor  of  that  province. 


26  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

matins.  The  pickets  were  surprised,  and  the  works 
mounted  before  the  alarm  was  given  in  the  camp. 
Then,  however,  a  furious  contest  ensued,  in  which  the 
Spaniards  displayed  great  firmness  and  bravery.  But 
the  Americans,  supported  by  700  Mexicans  under  the 
command  of  a  native  named  Menchaca,^'  after  an 
obstinate  struggle,  overpowered  them  and  drove  them 
in  flight  from  the  field.  In  this  engagement  a  lar^e 
number  of  Elizondo's  men  fell,  his  army  was  badly 
dispersed,  and  he  escaped  with  but  a  handful  of 
followers.  The  loss  on  the  side  of  the  victors  was 
small,*^  while  the  spoils  in  horses,  mules,  baggage,  and 
munitions  of  war  was  very  great.  After  this  victory 
Gutierrez  was  again  deprived  of  his  command,  doubt- 
less owing  to  the  influence  of  the  American  oflScers, 
though  he  attributes  his  disgrace  to  the  intrigues  of 
Jos6  Alvarez  de  Toledo,^^  who  arrived  at  San  Antonio 
about  this  time,  and  to  whom  Gutierrez  surrendered 
the  command  by  order  of  the  junta. 

Toledo  was  bom  in  the  city  of  Santo  Domingo,  of 
Spanish  parents,  and  had  been  a  deputy  from  the 
island  of  that  name  to  the  Spanish  c6rtes  at  Cddiz. 
His  republican  principles,  however,  got  him  into  dis- 
grace, and  he  escaped  to  the  United  States,  where, 
espousing  the  patriot  cause,  he  occupied  himself  in 
promoting  its  interests  in  that  country.  In  July  1813 
he  proceeded  to  San  Antonio,  and  having  been  ap- 
pointed to   the  chief  command,  he   reorganized  the 

'*Menchaca  was  a  man  of  vigor,  bold  and  resolute,  but  rude  and  unedu- 
cated.    He  possessed  great  influence  with  the  natives. 

^  Bustamante,  with  the  manifesto  of  Gutierrez  before  him,  says  the  roval- 
ists  lost  more  than  400  men;  the  revolutionists  22  killed  and  42  wounded. 
Cuad.  Hist.,  i.  331.  Yoakum,  on  the  authority  of  McKim*s  manuscript,  puts 
the  loss  of  the  Americans  at  47  killed,  and  as  many  more  wounded  who  after- 
ward died  of  their  wounds.  Ut  siip.,  i.  172. 

"  BmtamanUy  ut  sup.,  333-4;  Oaz,  de  Mex.,  1813,  iv.  1145.  Gutierrez 
retired  to  Natchitoches,  and  remained  about  the  neutral  ground  till  1816, 
when  he  went  to  New  Orleans.  Bean  saw  him  at  San  C&rlos,  Tamaulipas, 
in  1825.  In  1830  he  was  keeping  a  small  saddlery  store  at  his  native  town, 
then  called  Guerrero.  Yoakum,  ut  sup.,  note.  Thrall  makes  the  unwarrant- 
able statement  that  Gutierrez  captured  Iturbide  when  he  landed  at  Soto  la 
Marina,  and  executed  him  in  accordance  with  the  decree  of  congress.  Hist, 
Tc£,,  548;  consult  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  806-10,  this  series. 


ARRE1X)ND0'S  MOVEMENTS  27 

junta  and  restored  some  degree  of  order  to  the  civil 
government.  Meantime  the  American  division  of  the 
republican  army  had  received  considerable  reonforce- 
ments ;  for  despite  the  unfavorable  impression  caused 
in  the  United  States  by  the  news  of  the  late  barbar- 
ous deed,  the  signal  victories  obtained  over  the  enemy 
did  not  fail  to  attract  adventurers.  Thus  the  num- 
bers of  the  foreign  element  had  been  raised  to  its  pre- 
vious standard,  while  the  ranks  of  the  native  Mexicans 
were  largely  increased.  The  invading  army  was, 
moreover,  amply  supplied  with  weapons,  artillery,  and 
ammunition,  which  had  fallen  into  its  hands.  Thus 
the  prospects  of  the  enterprise  were  cheering.  But 
the  unseen  hand  of  destruction  was  already  raised 
in  the  distance. 

At  the  time  of  Elizondo's  defeat,  Arredondo,  who 
had  been  appointed  by  Calleja,  then  viceroy,  pro- 
visional comandante  general  of  the  eastern  internal 
provinces,*^  was  at  Laredo,  whence,  on  receipt  of  the 
news  of  the  late  disaster,  he  issued  orders  to  the  dis- 
comfited commander  to  collect  his  dispersed  troops 
and  await  his  arrival.  On  July  26th  he  commenced 
his  march  from  Laredo,  and  being  presently  joined  by 
Elizondo  with  about  400  men,  his  army  amounted  to 
a  total  of  1,930  men,  735  of  whom  were  infantry, 
the  rest  cavalry.  He  had  also  eleven  pieces  of  artU- 
le^v^*^ 

When  intelligence  of  Arredondo's  movements 
reached  San  Antonio,  Toledo,  whose  appointment  as 
commander-in-chief  was  approved  by  the  American 
oflScers,  marched  out  with  all  his  forces  to  meet  him. 
His  army  numbered  over  3,000  men,  and  was  com- 
posed of  850  Americans,  about  1,700  Mexicans,  and 
600  Indian  allies.**     Moving  along  the  road  to  Laredo, 

''In  1813  the  provincias  intemaB  were  again  divided  into  the  eastern  and 
western. 

» Arredondo*8  report  to  Calleja,  of  Sept.  13,  1813,  in  Oaz.  de  Mex,,  1813, 
iv.  1139,  1148.  Yoaknm  gives  the  exaggerated  nnmber  of  4,000  as  the  amount 
of  his  force.  Ut  mtp.,  174.  Filisola  adds  to  Arredondo's  numbers  80  artillery- 
men, making  a  total  of  2,010.  Mem.  H'ust.  Guer.  Tex.,  67. 

»*/6.;  Oaz.  de  Me£.,  1813,  iv.  925,  1144. 


28  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

on  the  18th  of  August,  he  came  upon  the  advance 
troops  of  the  Spanish  army  shortly  after  crossing  the 
river  Medina,  and  the  engagement  began. 

Now  Arredondo  was  fully  informed  by  his  scouts 
of  the  enemy's  movements,  and  had  leisurely  and  care- 
fully formed  his  plans.  Elizondo  was  sent  with  a  de- 
tachment well  in  advance,  under  orders  not  to  enter 
into  any  serious  engagement,  but  by  simulating  flight, 
lure  the  enemy  within  the  Spanish  lines,  which,  in 
that  case,  would  be  conveniently  drawn  up  to  receive 
him.  He  was  to  keep  Arredondo  promptly  informed 
of  all  that  took  place  in  front.  The  ruse  was  fatally 
successful. 

Toledo's  position  as  commander-in-chief  was  not  an 
enviable  one,  it  would  seem.  There  appears  to  have 
been  much  jealousy  and  ill  feeling  displayed  toward 
him  on  the  part  of  Menchaca,  whose  influence  with 
the  Mexicans  was  unbounded.  Toledo  was  regarded 
as  a  Spaniard,  and  looked  upon  with  disfavor  by  the 
Mexicans,  who  bore  it  with  ill  grace  to  be  commanded 
by  a  gachupin.  It  had  been  his  wish  to  wait  for  the 
enemy  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Medina,  the  advantage 
of  which  position  was  obvious ;  but  he  had  been  out- 
ruled  by  both  the  Mexican  and  American  officers, 
who,  flushed  with  their  late  victories,  were  eager  for 
the  fray.  There  was  thus  evidently  a  want  of  har- 
mony and  confidence  between  the  general  and  the 
native  portion  of  his  army,  and  perhaps  this  was  the 
cause  of  his  making  a  grievous  mistake  in  forming  his 
line  of  battle.  Placing  the  Mexicans  in  the  centre, 
he  divided  the  Americans,  and  posted  them  on  his 
right  and  left  wings,  under  Perry  and  Taylor. 

When  the  opposing  forces  met,  a  smart  fire  of  mus- 
ketry was  sustained  for  a  brief  time,  and  then  Eli- 
zondo, according  to  instructions,  began  to  retreat, 
sending  an  aid  at  once  to  Arredondo,  informing  him 
of  the  position  of  affairs.  The  Spanish  commander 
then  sent  a  reenforcement  with  two  small  pieces  of 
artillery  under  command  of  the  reverend  Lieutenant- 


DESPERATE  BATTLE.  29 

colonel  Juan  Manuel  Zambrano,**  who,  however,  re- 
ceived similar  instuctions  to  confine  his  operations  to 
decoying  the  enemy  into  the  net  that  was  being  spread 
for  him.  Arredondo  now  drew  up  his  column  in  line 
of  battle. 

The  ground,  thickly  wooded  on  each  side  of  his  line 
of  march,  favored  his  design,  and  his  position  was 
completely  concealed.  His  troops  were  disposed  in 
the  form  of  an  angle,  with  the  open  space  presented 
to  the  enemy,  his  wings  extending  well  in  front  and 
almost  facing  each  other." 

When  Zambrano  arrived  on  the  scene  of  action  the 
royalists  rallied,  and  for  a  short  time  the  tide  of  battle 
seemed  arrested.  But  they  soon  gave  way  again  and 
retreated  precipitately,  abandoning  their  guns.  The 
republicans,  now  confident  of  victory,  and  believing 
that  they  had  engaged  the  whole  royalist  force, 
pressed  hurriedly  forward  in  disorderly  pursuit.  In 
vain  Toledo,  rightly  fearful  of  an  ambush,  had  ordered 
a  halt  and  expressed  his  apprehensions  to  Menchaca 
and  the  American  leaders;  his  wiser  judgment  was 
again  overruled 

As  the  flying  troops  kept  concentrating  themselves 
toward  the'  apex  of  the  ambuscade,  the  impetuous 
pursuers  were  soon  drawn  well  within  the  fan-shaped 
ines  of  the  enemy.     Then  burst  forth  on  right  and 
eft  of  them  a  blaze  of  fire,  leaping  from  levelled  mus- 
kets and  pointed  cannon  which  struck  them  down  bv 
scores.     Erelong  most  of  the  Mexicans  were  in  full 
flight,  but  not  before  Menchaca  had  fallen  on  the 

^  It  seem  that  Zambrano  had  this  military  rank  bestowed  npon  him  in 
recognition  of  his  services  in  conducting  the  counter-revolution  at  San  An- 
tonio in  1811. 

^  Yoakum  states  that  Arredondo  threw  up  a  breastwork  in  the  form  of 
the  letter  V,  with  the  apex  in  the  road  and  the  open  end  in  the  direction  of 
San  Antonio,  and  lliat  this  defence  was  concealed  from  view  by  an  artificial 
chaparral  constructed  of  branches.  Ut  sup.,  174.  No  allusion  to  such  a  pro- 
tection is  made  in  Arredondo*s  report  of  the  battle,  nor  any  Spanish  authority 
that  1  have  met  with.  Bustamante,  on  the  contrary,  says  that  the  patriots 
came  upon  Arrodondo's  troops  with  such  impetuosity  that  they  had  hardly 
time  to  form  in  Une.  Cuad,  nitU,,  L  348. 


30  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

field.*'  The  brunt  of  the  battle  was  now  borne  by  the 
Americans  and  their  steadfast  Indian  allies.  And 
bravely  they  bore  themselves  in  that  death-struggle. 
It  is  all  very  well  to  call  them  outlaws,  cutthroats, 
desperate  adventurers,  and  savages,  but  the  blood  of 
their  respective  races  was  in  them,  and  they  scorned  to 
yield.  For  four  hours  they  maintained  the  unequal 
fight,  and  strived  in  vain  to  turn  the  enemy's  flank. 
When  nearly  all  were  slain,  a  remnant  of  the  obsti- 
nate band  escaped  from  the  field  of  slaughter — when 
their  ammunition  was  spent !  Out  of  the  850  Ameri- 
cans who  entered  that  gorge  of  death,  only  93  effected 
their  escape  to  Natchitoches.^  Among  those  who 
saved  their  lives  were  Perry,  Taylor,  and  Captain 
BuUard,  who  had  acted  as  aid  to  Toledo  during  the 
battle.^  The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  royalists  cannot 
be  accurately  ascertained.  Arredondo,  in  his  returns, 
reports  55  killed,  178  wounded,  2  missing,  and  175 
hurt  by  contusions;  but  considering  the  obstinacy 
with  which  the  Americans  maintained  the  fight  for 
four  hours,  and  their  skill  in  the  use  of  the  rifle,  I 
hesitate  to  accept  these  numbers  as  worthy  of  credit.*' 
This  defeat  was  a  death-blow  to  the  republican  cause 
in  Texas,  and  it  was  attended  with  all '  the  horrors 
ever  observed  by  the  royalists  on  the  occasion  of  a 

^  American  writers  fall  into  many  errors  by  relying  too  implicitly  on  the 
versions  of  their  countrymen  on  Texan  affairs,  without  consulting  Mexican 
authorities.  Young  boldly  states — Hist.  Mex.f  97 — that  Meuchaca — called  by 
him  and  other  American  authors  Manchaco — at  this  crisis  drew  off  his  men 
and  retired,  and  that  afterward,  *  unable  to  bear  the  reproaches  heaped  upon 
him — or  acting  upon  a  concerted  plan — went  over  to  the  Spaniards  with  such 
information  relative  to  the  condition  of  Toledo's  force  as  precluded  the  possi- 
bility of  attempting  to  continue  the  war.'  Now  Arredondo,  in  his  report, 
makes  especial  mention  of  Menchaca  as  one  of  the  dead  found  on  the  battle- 
field. Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1813,  iv.  1143.  I  call  attention  to  this  error  aa  an  illus- 
tration of  others  committed  by  him  and  American  historians  of  Texan  alEeurs, 
and  which  are  far  too  numerous  to  be  specially  noticed. 

^  Arredondo  says  that  more  than  1,000  corpses  were  counted  on  the  battle- 
field,  the  greater  portion  being  Anglo-Americans — 'la  mayor  parte  anglo 
americanos.'  lb, 

^Yoakum,  ut  sujo.,  175.  The  authorities  consulted  for  the  description  of 
this  *  battle  of  the  Medina '  are  numerous,  but  more  general  reliance  has  been 
placed  on  Arredondo's  full  report  of  it  to  the  viceroy,  copy  of  which  will  be 
found  in  Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1813,  iv.  1139-51. 

^  Bustamante  says:  '£ste  gefe  perdid  en  muertos  y  heridos  mucha  gente.' 
Cuad,  UisL,  i.  349. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  AMERICANS.  81 

victory  during  the  war  of  independence.  In  the  pur- 
suit every  fugitive  overtaken  was  ruthlessly  sabred  or 
lanced ;  the  captured  were  immediately  shot,*^  and  for 
weeks  an  exterminating  persecution  was  carried  on. 

Toledo,  badly  wounded,  made  his  escape  to  the 
United  States,  where  he  still  endeavored  to  further 
the  patriot  cause,  which  resulted  in  his  being  indicted 
for  attempting  to  inaugurate  another  expedition 
against  Mexico.  Defeated  in  other  attempts  against 
Spain,  he  finally  submitted  to  the  king,  reentered  his 
service,  and  was  appointed  ambassador  to  the  court  of 
Naples  by  Ferdinand  VII.^  It  has  been  charged 
against  Toledo  that  he  had  a  secret  understanding 
with  the  Spanish  minister  at  Washington,  that  the 
removal  of  Gutierrez  was  owing  to  his  intrigues,  and 
that  this  triumph  of  the  royalists  was  achieved  through 
his  perfidy. *•  But  Alaman,  with  more  justice,  con- 
siders such  accusations  groundless,  and  believes  that 
Toledo  acted  in  good  faith.^ 

When  victory  had  declared  itself  for  the  royalists, 
Elizondo  was  sent  in  advance  with  200  cavalrymen  to 
occupy  San  Antonio,  whence  many  of  the  families  had 
fled  on  receiving  news  of  the  disaster  to  the  republi- 
can cause.  Arredondo  entered  on  the  following  day, 
and  then  despatched  Elizondo  with  500  men  against 
Nacogdoches,  and  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  He 
held  his  way  as  far  as  Trinidad,  whence  he  sent  a  de- 
tachment to  Nacogdoches.  Having  thoroughly  swept 
through  the  country,  capturing  and  shooting  a  large 
nmnber  of  unfortunates,    he  commenced  his  return  to 

•'  Arredondo,  writing  from  the  field  of  battle  at  four  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, states  that  about  100  had  been  captured  and  already  shot,  most  of  them 
Americans.  Oaz.  de  Mex.,  lU  aup.y  926. 

**Alamanj  Hiist.  MiJ.,  iii.  491-2.  Toledo,  before  his  defection,  had  been 
an  officer  in  the  Spaniflh  navy.  Id.^  487. 

**  *  £ste  triunfo . . ,  fu6  debido  d  la  perversidad  de  aquel  malvado ' — 
that  is,  Toledo.  B-.st'imarUe,  Cund.  Hist.,  i.  334.  This  author  evidently  did 
not  regard  Toledo  with  favor.     See  his  note  on  the  following  page. 

**  Hi^.  M^j.,  m.  4SS, 

*  Elizondo,  in  his  report  to  Arredondo,  states  that  he  shot  71  insurgents, 
and  brought  with  him  lUO prisoners  and  as  many  women.  Odz.  de  Mcj.,  1^13, 
iv.  1162-3.  Bustamante  places  the  number  ot  those  shot  at  74.  Citad.  llkt.^ 
i349. 


82  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

San  Antonio,  and  reached  the  river  Brazos  about  Sep- 
tember 12th.  But  the  hand  of  retribution  was  raised 
to  strike  him.  The  severity  of  his  executions  and 
the  frequency  of  them  had  so  affected  the  mind  of 
Miguel  Serrano,  a  heutenant  of  his  troop,  that  he  lost 
his  reason.  Possessed  of  the  idea  that  Elizondo  in- 
tended to  shoot  him  also,  on  the  arrival  of  the  division 
at  the  Brazos,  he  assailed  him  and  his  cousin,  Isidro 
de  la  Garza,  while  reposing  in  their  tent,  killing  the 
latter  immediately,  and  mortally  wounding  EUzondo. 
Conveyed  in  a  litter,  he  reached  the  river  San  Marcos, 
where  he  died,  and  was  buried  on  its  banks.^ 

Arredondo  remained  for  several  months  at  San 
Antonio,  his  attention  being  principally  directed  to 
the  subjugation  of  hostile  Indians.  In  October,  Colo- 
nel Cayetano  Quintero  was  sent  to  Nacogdoches 
against  the  Lipans,  and  attacking  their  village  of 
more  than  300  lodges,  constructed  of  hides,  routed 
them,  and  captured  most  of  their  household  goods. 
Successful  excursions  against  other  tribes  were  also 
undertaken;  and  Arredondo,  having  appointed  Cris- 
tobal Dominguez  governor  of  the  province,  left  there 
about  March  1814,  and  took  up  his  headquarters  at 
Monterey.  For  some  time,  all  the  other  northern 
provinces  having  also  been  pacified,  Texas  remained 
undisturbed  by  revolutionary  attempts.'^ 

"76.;  Soc,  Mex.  Oeog.,  2a  ep.,  iL  630-1. 

'^Oaz,  de  Mex.,  1814,  v.  27-31,  37-9,  804-5,  814-16,  820-1.  In  order  to 
prevent  other  similar  invasions  of  Texas  by  U.  S.  citizens,  Gov.  Claiborne  of 
Louisiana  issued  a  proclamation  at  New  Orleans,  March  23,  1814,  prohibiting 
such  illegal  proceedings.  Id.,  871-2.  Filisola  asserts  that  Benito  Armifkan 
was  made  governor.  Mem,  Hist.  Querra  TeJ.,  79.  I  have  taken  Alaman  aa 
my  authority.  HUt.  Mij.,  iii  493. 


CHAPTER  III. 

PRIVATEERING,  PIRACY,  ANB  INVASIONa 

1815-1821. 

Ths  Astlum  of  Mexican  Retuous— HotRKiA's  pRiyATsnoNO  ScHim 
— ^A  Republican  Government  Established  at  GALVEarroN— Havoc 
Intlicted  on  Spanish  Commerce— Arrival  or  Mina— Actry  and 
pRRRT — ^Thb  Descent  on  Soto  la  Marina — Perry's  March  to 
Texas — ^Destruchon  or  his  Band — Aurt  at  Matagorda  Bat— He 
Leaves  Texas  for  Florida— The  Pirate  or  the  Gulf  and  the 
Barratarians — Galveston  Occupied  bt  LArrrrE — A  Spurious  Gov- 
ernment—Piratical Depredations— La  mTE  Expelled  from  Gal- 
veston— His  Biography— Lallbmand's  Champ  d*Asile — Settlement 
of  the  Boundary  Question— Long's  Invasion—Texas  Declared  a 
Republic— DssTRUcnoN  or  the  Expedition. 

After  this  rushing  blow,  the  condition  of  Texas 
was  deplorable.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  had  fled 
and  taken  refuge  on  the  frontier  of  Louisiana,  Daven- 
port^ and  other  United  States  settlers  had  left  the 
country ;  their  crops  were  destroyed,  their  cattle  car- 
ried off,  and  their  houses  burned.  The  spirit  of  in- 
surrection was  suppressed  for  years,  and  it  was  only 
by  the  advent  of  a  new  race  that  vitality  was  again 
inspired  into  the  province. 

Besides  those  revolutionists  who  escaped  from  Texas, 
other  refugees  from  different  parts  of  New  Spain 
made  the  United  States  their  home  during  their  exile, 
and  there  tried  to  further  the  independent  cause  by 
collecting  troops  and  arms  for  another  invasion.     Nor 

^  In  the  indulto  which  was  proolaimed  Oct.  10,  1813,  the  settlers  Daven- 
port, Dortolan,  and  Gerard  were  excepted,  as  aiso  Toledo,  Gutierrez,  and 
others.  The  government  would  rewara  those  who  pnt  them  to  death.  Oaz. 
iU  Mex.,  1813,  iv.  1248. 

HiflT.  N.  Mbx.  States,  Vol.  n.   8  ( 38 ) 


34  PRIVATEERING,  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

was  the  field  of  these  indirect  operations  an  ill-chosen 
one.  A  wide-spread  sympathy  with  the  patriots  in 
Mexico  prevailed  in  the  United  States,  and  but  for 
the  vigilance  of  the  government,  thousands  of  volun- 
teers would  have  accepted  the  invitation  of  these 
refugees.  Even  as  it  was,  there  were  not  wanting 
numbers  of  bold  men  ready  to  take  all  risks  and  en- 
gage in  the  illegal  enterprise  of  invadiLg  such  a  land 
of  promise.  Conspicuous  among  them  was  Colonel 
Perry,  with  whom  the  reader  is  already  acquainted, 
and  who  pubhshed  a  proclamation  in  the  New  Orleans 
papers  in  1815,  to  the  effect  that  an  expedition  was 
m  preparation  to  invade  Texas;  that  1,000  men  were 
ready  to  engage  in  the  enterprise,  and  setting  forth 
the  worthiness  of  the  cause,  and  the  honor  and  profit 
that  would  attach  to  those  who  would  fight  for  the 
Mexican  patriots.  Of  this  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment appears  to  have  taken  notice,  and  September 
1st  of  the  same  year  President  Madison  issued  a 
proclamation  prohibiting  such  unlawful  enterprises.* 
Although  any  important  undertaking  was  prevented 
by  the  watchfulness  of  the  authorities,  Perry  escaped 
their  vigilance,  and  late  in  the  autumn  made  his  way 
beyond  the  Sabine  with  a  small  party  which  formed  a 
nucleus. 

At  this  time  Josd  Manuel  de  Hererra,  who  had 
been  appointed  minister  to  the  United  States  by 
Morelos,  was  residing  in  New  Orleans,  and  in  con- 
junction with  other  partisans  of  the  revolutionists, 
conceived  the  idea  of  preying  upon  the  commerce 
of  Spain  by  a  questionable  system  of  privateering. 
Aware  of  the  suitability  of  Galveston  harbor  for  his 
purpose,  and  recognizing  the  advantages  it  offered  as 
a  rendezvous  for  mture  expeditions  in  aid  of  the  inde- 
pendent cause,  he  sailed  thither  September  1,  1816, 

'  Niles*  Reg.,  viii.  436;  ix.  33-4.  Daring  the  same  year  also  Toledo,  Jnlins 
Caesar  Amazoni,  Vincent  Gamble,  John  Robinson,  Romain  Very,  Pierre  Saline- 
son,  and  Bernard  Bonrdin  were  indicted  in  the  U.  S.  district  court  of  Loui- 
siana for  attempting  to  violate  the  neutrality  of  the  Union.  Ainer.  State 
Papers,  xL  307. 


AUBY  AS  OOVEKNOE.  35 

with  Luis  de  Aury,'  whom  he  appointed  commodore 
of  the  fleet  of  the  republic  of  Mexico.  At  a  meeting 
held  at  Gralveston,  September  12,  1816,  Herrera,  by 
virtue  of  his  office  as  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the 
republic  of  Mexico  to  the  Umted  States,  formed  a 
government.  Commodore  Aury  was  made  civil  and 
military  governor  of  the  province  of  Texas  and  the 
new  establishment,  and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  Mexican  republic;  the  several  branches  of  public 
administration  were  arranged ;  Galveston  was  declared 
the  established  port  of  the  republic,  and  the  flag 
hoisted;  and  on  the  16th  Herrera  appointed  the 
necessary  authorities,  and  established  a  treasury.  By 
October  the  20th  their  system  of  government  was 
completed,  Aury  being  authorized  to  form  regulations 
for  the  navy,  as  well  as  to  move  the  new  establish- 
ment and  his  seat  of  government  to  Matagorda,  or 
any  other  more  suitable  place,  in  case  of  necessity.  A 
court  of  admiralty,  moreover,  was  formed,  which  adju- 
dicated in  the  matter  of  captured  vessels. 

The  royalists  in  Texas  were  in  no  position  to  oppose 
the  proceedings  of  Aury;  there  were  not  more  than 
200  men  stationed  in  the  different  posts  throughout 
the  province,  and  the  insular  situation  of  the  invaders 
rendered  them  unassailable.  Perry  soon  joined  with 
nearly  100  recruits,  and  other  reenforcements  arriving, 
the  community  before  long  numbered  400  men.  The 
privateers,  sent  out  to  cruise  in  the  gulf,  inflicted  great 
havoc  upon  Spanish  commerce,  and  as  the  prizes  were 
generally  richly  laden,  the  adventurers  wanted  for 
nothing.  General  Bernardo  Gutierrez,  being  stationed 
as  their  agent  at  Natchitoches  and  hberally  supplied 
with  money,  rendered  valuable  aid. 

Among  the  followers  of  Aury  were  many  of  the  old 

*  Aury  entered  the  service  of  the  republic  of  New  Granada  as  lieut  of  the 
navy  in  May  1815,  and  was  appointed  commandant  general  of  the  naval 
forces  stationed  at  Cartcgena,  Aug.  10th  of  the  same  year.  During  the  siege 
and  blockade  of  tiiat  place  he  rendered  signal  services  by  saving  tlio  lives  of 
nearly  3,000  persons,  and  a  portion  of  the  naval  force,  by  breaking  through 
the  royalist  squadron,  Dec  6,  1815. 


36  PRIVATEERING,  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

Barratarian  freebooters,  who  were  not  always  particu- 
lar as  to  the  nationality  of  the  vessels  they  attacked. 
Moreover,  no  few  Spanish  slavers  were  captured,  and 
though  the  introduction  of  slaves  into  the  United 
States  was  illegal,  it  was  effected  by  aid  of  the  Barra- 
tarians — so  well  acquainted  with  the  outlets  of  the 
Mississippi — and  the  cooperation  of  citizens  in  Louisi- 
ana,* who  would  repair  to  Galveston  and  select  and 
purchase  their  lots  of  human  merchandise,  which  were 
punctually  delivered  Many  of  the  privateers  which 
swept  the  gulf  during  this  period,  and  brought  their 
prizes  to  Galveston,  were  owned  by  United  States 
citizens. 

In  November,  Javier  Mina*  arrived  with  over  200 
men  and  supplies  of  ammunition  in  three  vessels,  which 
increased  the  fleet  to  over  a  dozen  sail.  The  advent 
of  this  unfortxmate  leader  was  attended  with  disastrous 
results  to  Aury's  undertaking,,  and  the  shadow  of  his 
ill-starred  fate  fell  on  many  of  the  adventurers  at  Gal- 
veston. But  it  is  invidious  to  weigh  his  destiny  with 
those  of  others.  Had  the  chiefs  at  Galveston  been  in 
accord  with  him,  his  enterprise  might  have  succeeded. 
But  jealousy  broke  out  among  them.  Perry,  bold 
and  headstrong,  dazzled  by  the  greatness  of  Mina's 
undertaking,  was  ready  to  join  him  in  the  invasion  of 
Mexico,  while  Aury,  who  had  raised  his  force  for  the 
conquest  of  Texas,  would  not  yield  hearty  cooperation. 
The  disagreement  between  Aury  and  Perry  daily  in- 
creased, till  at  last  the  latter,  disclaiming  the  authority 
of  the  former,  wished  to  place  himself  and  his  company 
of  100  men  under  Mina.  Bloodshed  was  threatened ; 
but  as  Perry's  men  stood  firmly  by  him,  Aury  deemed 
it  prudent  to  yield. 

Pour  months  were  passed  in  organizing  and  drilling 

*  Beverly  Clew,  the  collector  at  New  OrleanSy  writes  to  the  secretary  of 
state,  Aug.  1,  1817:  'I  deem  it  my  duty  to  state  that  the  most  shameful 
violations  of  the  slave  act,  as  well  as  our  revenue  laws,  continue  to  be  prac- 
ticed with  impunity,  by  a  motley  mixture  of  freebooters  and  smugglers,  at 
Galveston,  under  the  Mexican  flag.'  Id.,  347.     See  also  pp.  352,  354-5,  377. 

(>For  particulars  of  Gen.  Mina's  career,  consult  HisL  Mex,,  iv.  659  et  seq., 
this  series. 


MINAT3  OPERATIONS.  37 

the  troops,  and  then,  some  correspondence  having  been 
intercepted  on  board  a  Spanish  vessel  from  Tampico, 
Mina  decided,  from  the  information  thereby  obtained, 
to  make  a  descent  upon  Soto  la  Marina.  Having 
burned  down  what  buildings  they  had  erected,  they 
weighed  anchor  April  6,  1817/  When  they  arrived 
at  Soto  la  Marina,  Aury,  chagrined  at  the  position 
which  had  been  imposed  upon  him,  having  landed 
Mina's  force,  detached  himself  from  the  expedition  and 
again  turned  his  prows  toward  Texas/ 

Soto  la  Marina  fell  into  Mina's  hands  without  op- 
position.  His  future  operations  down  to  the  time  of 
his  capture  and  execution  at  Los  Remedies  have  been 
fiilly  narrated  in  another  volume,®  and  as  those  events 
are  not  connected  with  the  history  of  Texas  I  shall 
not  repeat  them.  It  may  be  interesting  to  the  reader, 
however,  to  know  the  fate  of  Perry. 

When  Mina  had  made  every  preparation  to  march 
into  the  interior.  Perry,  convinced  of  the  rashness  of 
making  the  attempt  with  a  force  amounting  to  only 
300  men,  also  abandoned  the  foredoomed  leader,  and 
with  his  usual  recklessness  determined  to  force  his 
way  back  to  the  United  States  by  land.  With  Major 
Gordon,  and  about  fifty  others  of  his  company  whom 
he  induced  to  join  him,  he  commenced  his  dangerous 
march,  and,  incredible^  though  it  seems,  reached  La 
Bahfa  in  Texas.  Though  his  force  was  reduced  to 
forty  in  number,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  demand  the 
surrender  of  the  place.  The  appearance,  however,  of 
a  squadron  of  more  than  100  cavalrymen,  sent  in  pur- 
suit of  him,  compelled  him  to  retire  in  the  direction 
of  Nacogdoches.     Being  overtaken  by  the  enemy,  he 

'In  a  memorial  addressed  to  the  president  of  the  United  States  by  Vicente 
Pasos,  relating  to  Aury 's  operations,  ttiia  is  the  date  given.  A  mer.  State  Pa-pern, 
xiL  409.  Other  authors  give  March  27th,  but  Pazos'  date  is  in  every  prol)a- 
bility  correct.     Consult  Zamacoia^  Hist,  AfeJ.,  z.  265,  note. 

^^For  this  account  of  Mina*s  arrival  at  Galveston,  the  dissensions  of  the 
chiefs,  and  other  particulars,  consult  AUiman,  Hist.  Mij.,  iv.  553  et  seq.; 
Rdinson's  Mex,  Rev.,  i.  121-5;  Gcmalez,  Col.  Doc,,  N.  Leon,  353-5;  Ke»neth/'s 
Tex.,  I  292-3;  TodkunCs  Hist.  Tex,,  i.  182-5;  Anier,  State  Papers,  xi.  34(5, 
xiL408. 

*  HisL  Mex,f  br.^  ch.  zzviiL,  this  series. 


38  PBIVATEEBJNG,  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

took  up  a  position  at  nightfall  in  a  wood  called  El 
Perdido,  and  when  summoned  to  surrender,  declared 
that  he  and  those  with  him  would  all  die  first.  At 
dawn  an  attack  was  made.  Though  surrounded  on 
all  sides,  the  dauntless  band  twice  repulsed  the  enemy 
and  fought  its  way  to  a  rising  ground  on  the  banks 
of  a  stream.  And  here,  when  their  ammunition  was 
exhausted,  they  fell,  Perry  blowing  out  his  brains 
with  a  pistol  at  the  end  of  the  fight,*  rather  than  sur- 
render to  the  foe. 

When  Aury  reached  the  Texan  coast,  he  put  into 
Matagorda  Bay,  and  throwing  up  wooden  buildings  on 
an  islet  lying  between  the  isla  de  la  Culebra  and  the 
isla  del  ^ergantin,  appears  to  have  remained  there 
about  two  months.  During  this  period  he  probably 
sent  out  cruisers,  which  from  time  to  time  brought  in 
prizes.^®  In  July,  however,  he  received  news  of  the 
undertaking  directed  by  General  McGregor  against 
the  Floridas,"  and  decided  to  cooperate  with  him. 
Accordingly,  having  destroyed  seven  of  his  vessels,^^  he 
returned  to  Galveston,  which  port  he  reached  about 
the  middle  of  July.     On  the  21st  of  the  same  month 

'This  account  is  taken  from  the  report  of  the  encounter  to  the  viceroy  ' 
Apodaca,  by  Antonio  Martinez,  in  command  of  the  Spanish  troops.  Martinez 
states  that  after  the  fight  was  over,  26  men  lay  dead  on  the  field,  12  were 
mortally  wounded,  and  2  were  unhurt.  Ihese  last  were  shot.  He  enumer- 
ates the  weapons  taken,  consisting  of  27  muakets,  4  escopetas,  12  bayonets, 
1  pistol,  4  sabres;  also  11  cartridge-boxes;  but  he  makes  no  mention  of  any 
ammunition.  As  he  remarks  that  all  the  wounded  were  'atravesados  de 
lanza,'  it  would  seem  that  Perry's  men  were  ne^ly  all  killed  by  the  lance 
after  their  ammunition  had  failed.  Ouz.  de  Mex,,  1817,  viii.  787-9.  Linn's 
account  of  the  death  of  Perry  is  incorrect;  I  regard  the  report  of  the  Spanish 
commander  as  conclusive. 

^®  Antonio  Martinez,  who  had  succeeded  Domingnez  as  governor  of  Texas, 
on  the  report  of  Aury's  airival,  sent  out  a  corps  of  oraervation,  and  13 
vessels  were  counted  anchored  in  the  bay.  Id.,  1817,  viii.  987-8. 

^^Amer,  State  Papers,  xii.  409.  Sir  Gregor  McGregor  was  a  general  of 
brigade  in  the  service  of  the  revolted  provinces  of  New  Grenada  and  Vene- 
zuela. On  March  31,  1817,  he  received  his  commission  to  undertake  the 
conquest  of  the  Floridas.  Copy  of  translation  will  be  found  in  Id.,  xii. 
421-2. 

^^  Doubtless  his  useless  prizes.  Juan  de  Castafieda,  who  had  been  sent 
with  30  men  to  examine  the  destroyed  craft,  reported  July  2l8t  that  all  were 
utterly  demolished  except  two  which  were  dismasted  and  full  of  water.  One 
of  these  was  loaded  witn  cotton  and  dye-wood,  and  the  other  with  material 
of  war.    See  the  report  in  Croa.  de  Mex.,  1817,  viii.  987-9. 


THE  PIRATS  OF  THE  GULF.  39 

he  addressed  a  note  to  Manuel  Herrera — who  had 
long  before  returned  to  New  Orleans — in  which  he 
stated  that  to  make  a  diversion  for  the  benefit  of  the 
cause  they  were  supporting,  he  had  determined  to 
abandon  the  establishment  at  Galveston,  and  that  he 
should  take  with  him  the  Judge  of  the  admiralty 
court,  the  administrator  of  tne  customs,  and  all  con- 
stituted authoritie&  He  moreover  notified  him  that 
all  proceedings  after  July  31st  were  to  be  considered 
ajs  having  taken  place  without  his  consent  and  con- 
trary to  his  will,  and  that  therefore  every  transac- 
tion not  signed  by  Pedro  Rousselin,  the  collector,  who 
would  accompany  him,  was  to  be  held  as  illegal" 
Aury  adds  that  he  would  have  left  a  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor and  a  deputy  collector,  but  he  feared  that  they 
would  not  have  force  sufficient  to  maintain  order  or 
prevent  the  commission  of  acts  in  violation  of  the  law 
of  nations.^*  A  few  days  after,  he  spread  his  sails, 
bound  for  the  Floridas.  He  had  found  the  island 
occupied  by  Lafitte,  the  Pirate  of  the  Gul£ 

Jean  Lafitte,  the  eldest  of  three  brothers,  is  reputed 
to  have  been  bom  in  Bordeaux,  France,  about  1780. 
So  varied  and  contradictory  are  the  accounts  given  of 
his  early  life  that  no  credence  can  be  attached  to  anv 
of  them.  It  is  not  until  the  smugglers,  or  pirates,  if 
such  you  choose  to  call  them,  had  well  established 
themselves  on  the  island  of  Barrataria  that  his  career 
is  known  with  any  certainty.  This  island,  formerly 
called  Grand  Terre,^*  is  situated  at  the  mouth  of  a 
lake  about  sixty  miles  west  of  the  delta  of  the  Missis- 

"  He  addreraed  a  note  of  the  same  tenor,  July  28thy  to  Beverly  Clew, 
collector  of  ciutoms  at  New  Orleans;  and  a  duplicate  of  it  on  the  3lBt,  dated 
at  sea.  Amer.  State  Papers,  xi.  355. 

^*  See  copy  of  letter  in  Id.,  xii  423-4. 

^  After  serving  the  caose  of  the  patriots  for  some  years,  Anry  returned  to 
New  Orleans,  and  being  a  man  of  fine  appearance,  married  a  rich  widow,  from 
whom,  however,  he  was  sepvated  some  time  afterward.  As  late  as  1845  he 
was  residing  at  Habana.  ToakuvCs  Hist.  Tex,,  L  194;  United  Service  Journal, 
1852. 

^*It  received  the  name  Barrataria^  derived  from  barat,  an  old  French  word, 
from  which  also  is  derived  barratry. 


40  PRIVATEERING,  PIRACY.  AND  INVASIONS. 

sippi.  About  the  year  1810  it  became  the  rendezvotis 
of  smugglers,  freebooters,  and  desperadoes  of  different 
nationalities,  who  found  an  easy  disposal  of  their  ill* 
gotten  goods  at  New  Orleans.  Among  these  Lafitte 
soon  became  preeminent,  by  reason  of  his  superior  tal- 
ent in  conducting  their  nefarious  enterprises,  and  his 
power  over  the  other  chieftans  became  almost  absolute. 
Governor  Claiborne,  in  view  of  the  demoralizing  effect 
which  the  traffic  had  upon  the  commercial  community 
at  New  Orleans — for  many  large  houses  were  in  col- 
lusion with  them — issued,  in  March  1813,  a  proclama- 
tion ordering  them  to  disperse.  This  had  no  effect, 
so  he  placed  a  reward  of  500  dollars  on  the  head  of 
Lafitte,  which  the  latter  treated  with  such  contempt 
as  to  offer  thirty  times  the  amount  for  the  governor's 
head.  Claiborne  then  tried  force,  and  again  was  un- 
successful. Lafitte  surrounded  the  troops  sent  against 
him — and  dismissed  them,  loaded  with  presentsl 

This  state  of  affairs  being  reported  to  President 
Madison,  Commodore  Patterson  of  the  United  States 
navy  was  ordered  to  destroy  this  homets'-nest,  and 
in  June  1814  he  arrived  before  Barrataria  with  gim- 
boats  and  the  schooner  Caroline.  The  pirates,  in 
seven  fine  armed  cruisers  and  a  felucca,  manned  by 
nearly  1,000  men,  at  first  made  a  show  of  resistance, 
but  finally  abandoning  their  vessels,  made  for  the 
land  and  dispersed  among  the  swamps.  Patterson 
took  the  surrendered  vessels  and  all  the  spoils  of  Bar- 
rataria to  New  Orleans. 

This  broke  the  backbone  of  the  community,  whose 
leading  spirit  was  the  Pirate  of  the  Gulf  But  he  was 
still  at  large,  and  as  the  outlying  cruisers  kept  return- 
ing, business  was  stiU  carried  on  secretly.  When  the 
British  approached  New  Orleans,  in  the  autumn  of 
this  year,  overtures  were  made  to  Lafitte,  with  most 
tempting  offers  of  rank  in  the  British  navy  and  a  large 
sum  of  money,  if  he  would  join  the  service.  Lafitte 
asked  for  time  to  consider,  which  was  granted,  and  he 
sent  without  delay  the  written  proposals  which  he  had 


LIFE  OP  LAFITTE.  41 

received  to  Governor  Claiborne,  with  an  offer  of  his 
services  to  the  United  States,  on  condition  that  he 
and  his  followers  should  be  no  further  molested.  His 
offer  was  accepted;  and  at  the  battle  of  New  Orleans, 
he  and  his  men  did  such  good  service,  that  a  pardon 
was  granted  them  by  President  Madison." 

Little  is  known  of  Lafitte's  movements  during  the 
next  two  years.  Precluded  from  carrying  on  depre- 
dations with  his  headquarters  on  United  States  terri- 
tory, he  seems  to  have  cruised  about  the  gulf,  and 
endeavored,  though  unsuccessfully,  to  establish  him- 
self at  Port  au  Prince."  A  few  days,  however,  after 
the  departure  of  Aury  from  Galveston  for  Soto  la 
Marina,  Lafitte  appeared  at  the  island  with  his  pri- 
vateers. The  number  of  his  followers  was  then  about 
forty,  and  on  the  15th  of  April,  1817,  these  freebooters 
proceeded  to  establish  a  government,  with  the  object 
of  "  capturing  Spanish  property  under  what  they  called 
the  Mexican  flag,  but  without  an  idea  of  aiding  the 
revolution  in  Mexico,  or  that  of  any  of  the  Spanish 
revolted  colonies."  ^^  It  seemed  good,  however,  to 
imitate  the  policy  of  Aury  in  order  that  their  lawless 
captures  might  be  introduced  into  Louisiana  with  less 
trouble.  Accordingly  the  captains  of  the  cruisers  met 
and  elected  the  different  members  of  their  government. 
Louis  Derieux  was  made  governor  and  military  com- 
mandant; A.  Pironneau,  adjutant  commandant;  J. 
Ducoing,  judge  of  the  admiralty ;  Pedro  Rousselin,'^ 
collector  of  customs;  Raymon  Espagnol,  secretary 
of  the  treasury  and  notary  public ;  and  Jean  Jannet, 
marine  commandant.  That  no  formality  might  be 
wanting,  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Mexican  republic 
was  taken.     The  governor  was  first  sworn  by  Luis 

"Dated  Feb.  6, 1816.  Consult  Toahim*a  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  186-90;  Bah^  Mar- 
6oM,  Higt,  Loui8.,  382-4,  Eng.  ed.;  Kennedy's  7'ex.,  I  288-9;  Gayarr<l,  Hist, 
LoftU.,  Am.  Donu,  289-90,  302-6,  312-16,  356-7,  411,  504;  DemocriUic  Review, 
vi  34. 

^Amer.  State  Papers,  xi.  361. 

^'Raymon  Espagnors  testimony,  in  Id.,  xi.  369. 

"  Ronsselin  was  Aury *8  collector,  and  had  been  left  by  him  with  an  advice 
boat  to  report  arrivals  of  privateers  to  him.' 


42  PBIVATEEBING,  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

Iturribarrfa,  and  the  others  then  took  the  oath  to  the 
governor,*^  On  the  20th  of  the  same  month,  other 
craft  havinff  arrived,  the  captains  and  owners  of  them, 
to  the  num  ber  of  seventeen,  were  convened  on  board 
the  schooner  JupHer.  The  appointments  were  con- 
firmed, and  regulations  made  concerning  the  disposal 
of  the  duties  that  should  accrue  from  prizes.  The 
proceedings  were  drawn  up  and  signed  by  those  pres- 
ent before  the  secretary  pro  tem,  Lafon. 

Under  the  auspices  of  this  worthy  administration, 
Galveston  soon  became  the  asylum  of  refugees  from 
justice  and  desperadoes  of  every  nationality  and  dye. 
"By  the  end  of  the  year,  Lafitte's  followers  numbered 
nearly  1,000  men,  and  their  depredations  in  the  gulf 
were  carried  on  to  such  an  extent  that  Spanish  com- 
merce was  almost  swept  from  that  sea.  But  this  was 
not  all ;  the  vessels  of  other  nations  became  the  prey 
of  these  pirates.  The  United  States  government 
would  have  broken  up  the  nest  but  for  the  opposition 
of  the  Spanish  minister  Onis.  The  boundary  question 
had  not  yet  been  settled,  and  it  was  feared  that  if  the 
government  at  Washington  dispersed  the  buccaneers 
from  Galveston  by  armed  force,  it  would  retain  pos- 
session of  the  island.^  Thus  for  years  the  Pirate  of 
the  Gulf  remained  unmolested.  On  the  site  where  the 
city  of  Galveston  now  stands  he  erected  a  fort,  and 
built  himself  a  house,  around  which  numerous  other 
edifices  soon  sprung  up,  forming  a  busy  settlement, 
which  he  named  Campeachy.  On  the  9th  of  October, 
1819,  Galveston  was  declared  a  port  of  entry  of  the 
republic  of  Texas,  which  had  lately  been  proclaimed 
by  the  leaders  of  another  expedition  into  the  countrv, 
and  Lafitte  was  made  governor  of  the  place.  Shortly 
afterward  one  of  his  followers,  named  Brown,  robbed 
an  American  vessel  near  the  Sabine,  and  being  pur- 

»/rf.,  xi  358-9,  386-7.  It  will  bo  noticed  that  Lafitte's  name  does  not 
appear.  But  there  is  evidence  that  he  was  present.  Consult  Id.j  xi.  349. 
He  probably  did  not  choose,  from  policy,  to  nave  his  name  used.  This  is 
Yoakum*s  opinion. 

**See  the  objections  raised  by  Onis,  Deo.  6,  1817,  when  informed  of  meas- 
ures taken  by  we  president  to  suppress  these  marauders,  /i.,  xiL  11. 


AFFAIRS  AT  GALVESTON.  43 

sued  by  the  United  States  schooner  Lyvx^  Captain 
Madison,  he  abandoned  his  boats  and  escaped  with 
the  crews  to  land.  The  Lyruxi  sailed  to  Galveston,  and 
Lafitte  summarily  hanged  Brown.  Madison  was 
satisfied  with  this  prompt  measure,  and  with  the  dis- 
position shown  by  Lafitte  to  bring  the  other  culprits 
to  justice."  But  in  the  following  year  another  Amer- 
ican vessel  was  taken  by  one  of  Lafitte's  cruisers  and 
scuttled  in  Matagorda  Bay.  The  government  at 
Washington  sent  a  commission  to  inquire  into  the 
case,  and  the  report  being  unfavorable  to  Lafitte,  the 
Enterprise^  Lieutenant  Kearney,  was  sent  early  in 
1821  to  break  up  the  Galveston  establishment. 
Kearney  visited  the  freebooter  in  his  home,  where  he 
was  hospitably  entertained.  Lafitte,  aware  of  the  in- 
flexible determination  of  the  United  States  govern- 
ment, proceeded  to  obey  its  orders.  He  destroyed 
his  fortifications,  paid  off  and  disbanded  his  men,  and 
on  board  his  favorite  vessel,  the  Pridey  sailed  away 
forever  from  the  shores  of  Texas." 

^See  the  corrospoiidenoe  on  this  matter  between  Capt.  Madison  and 
Laatte,  in  liiiee*  Beg.,  zvii  395-6;  al«o  A  Day  toUh  Lajite,  in  DemocnUk 
Heview^  vi.  40. 

**  liafitte  penistently  maintained  that  he  only  made  war  on  Spanish  ves- 
sels. According  to  an  account  given  by  an  officer  of  the  Enterprise,  who 
accompanied  Kearney  on  a  visit  to  Lafitte,  the  freebooter  gave  at  table  the 
foUowinff  sketch  of  his  life  as  a  pirate,  and  the  cause  of  hia  adopting  this 
career:  he  stated  that  18  years  before  he  had  been  a  merchant  at  Santo 
Domingo,  and  that  having  become  rich,  he  wound  up  his  afiairs,  sold  his 
inroperty,  bought  a  ship,  and  freighted  her  with  a  valuable  cargo,  including  a 
large  amount  of  specie.  Having  set  sail  for  Europe  with  his  wife  on  board, 
he  was  captured,  when  a  week  at  sea,  by  a  Spanisn  man-of-war,  and  robbed 
of  everythmg  he  possessed.  The  Spanish  captain  had  the  inhumanity  to  set 
him  ana  the  crew  ashore  on  a  barren  sand  key,  with  provisions  for  a  few  days 
only.  They  were  taken  off  by  an  American  schooner  and  landed  at  New 
Orleans,  where  his  wife  died  in  a  few  da^s  from  fever,  contracted  by  hardship 
and  exposure.  Lafitte,  in  desperation,  joining  some  daring  fellows,  and  hav- 
ing porchased  a  schooner,  declared  eternal  vengeance  against  Spain.  '  For 
fifteen  years,'  he  said,  '  I  have  carried  on  a  war  against  Spain.  So  lonff  as  I 
live  I  am  at  war  with  Spain,  but  no  other  nation.  I  am  at  peace  with  ul  the 
world  except  Spain.  Althoush  they  call  me  a  pirate,  I  am  not  guilty  of 
attacking  ainr  vessel  of  the  English  or  French.'  Id.,  42.  The  same  writer 
describes  Lantte  '  as  a  stout,  rather  gentlemanly  personage,  some  five  feet  ten 
inches  in  height,  dressed  very  simply  in  a  foraging  cap  and  blue  frock  of  a 
Diost  villanons  fit;  his  complexion,  like  most  Creoles,  olive;  his  countenance 
full,  mild,  and  rather  impressive,  but  for  a  small  black  eye,  which  now  and 
then,  as  he  grew  animated  in  conversation,  would  flash  in  a  way  which  im- 
pressed me  with  a  notion  that  "  II  Capitano  "  might  be,  when  rouseil,  a  very 


44  PRIVATEERING.  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

After  the  fall  of  Napoleon,  a  number  of  French 
officers  who  had  followed  his  fortunes  retu-ed  to  the 
United  States,  where  they  were  kindly  received.  On 
the  3d  of  March,  1817,  congress  bestowed  on  these 
refugees  a  grant  of  92,000  acres  of  choice  land  in  Ala- 
bama, on  the  condition  that  the  settlers  should  intro- 
duce the  cultivation  of  the  vine  and  olive.  The  terms 
of  the  grant  were  so  favorable*^  as  to  make  it  equiva- 
lent to  a  gift.  Nevertheless,  the  colonists  being  mili- 
tary men  failed  of  success,  and  most  of  them  sold 
their  portion  of  land  for  a  mere  trifle.  Thus  the  gen- 
erous intention  of  the  United  States  congress  to  ben- 
efit a  number  of  unfortunate  persons  and  promote 
their  welfare  resulted  in  the  enriching  of  a  few  spec- 
ulators.^ Some  of  the  grantees  attributed  their  failure 
to  the  climate,  and  sought  for  more  genial  localities. 
Among  these  were  generals  Lallemand  and  Rigault, 
who  believed  that  they  would  find  in  Texas  all  the 
requirements  for  the  establishment  of  a  successful 
colony.  Having  addressed  to  the  court  of  Spain  a 
note  declaring  their  intention,  and  having  received  no 
reply  to  theu*  communication,  which  could  only  be 
regarded  as  imoertinent,*^  they  proceeded  to  carry  out 
their  design. 

Accordingly,  in  March  1818,  Lallemand,  leaving  a 
younger  brother,  Dominique,  at  New  Orleans  to  for- 
ward supplies,  sailed  with  120  settlers,  and  having 

''ugly  customer."  His  demeanor  toward  us  was  exceedingly  courteous.* 
Later  he  remarks:  'He  was  evidently  educated  and  gifted  with  no  common 
talent  for  conversation.'  Lafitte  continued  to  cruise  on  the  Spanish  main  for 
several  years.  Occasionally  he  visited  Sisal,  and  the  island  of  Margarita, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Oronoco.  He  died  in  1826  at  Cil^un — ^properly  written 
Dilam,  and  incorrectly  Silan,  as  in  the  American  Cyclopaedia,  sub  nom.  Lafitte 
— a  town  in  Yucatan,  and  was  there  buried  in  the  campo  santo.  Yoakutnj  uC 
sup.,  204;  De  Bow's  Bevteio,  Oct.  1851. 

^  The  land  was  sold  to  them  at  |2  per  acre,  payable  in  14  years  without 
interest.  Niles*  Reg.^  xiv.  393. 

^  One  speculator  was  said  to  have  made  between  $500,000  and  $1,000,000 
by  these  land  transactions.  Id.;  LejChanvp  d^Asile,  14-15. 

^  They  wrote  thus:  '  Que  si  la  cour  d'Espagne  acquies^ait  k  leurs  demande, 
elle  pouvait  compter  sur  leurs  services  et  kur  fid^liti^.  Que,  dans  le  caa 
contraire,  ils  pronteraient  du  droit  que  la  nature  accorde  k  tout  homme  de 
fertiliser  des  solitudes  incultes,  et  dont  personne  n'est  autoris^  a  lui  disputer 
la  possession. .  .Qu*  enfin  ils  6taient  d^termin^,  quelque  chose  qui  arriv&t,  Ik 
se  fixer  dans  la  contr6e  du  Texas.'  Id.,  18-19. 


COLONIZATION.  46 

entered  the  bay  of  Galveston,  selected  a  spot  on  the 
Trinity  River,  about  twelve  miles  above  its  mouth, 
and  began  to  fortifv  the  post.  On  May  11th  a  decla- 
ration was  issued  by  the  colonists,  in  which  they  set 
forth  that,  having  been  driven  from  their  country  by 
a  series  of  calamities,  they  had  determined  to  seek  an 
asylum,  and  that  finding  lands  unoccupied,  they  con- 
sidered that  they  had  the  right  to  establish  themselves 
thereon.  They  proceeded  to  state  that  their  inten- 
tions were  peaceable,  but  that,  if  persecuted,  they 
would  justly  defend  themselves;  the  land  they  occu- 
pied would  see  them  prosper  or  bravely  die.  The 
colony,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Champ  d' 
Asile,  was  essentially  an  agricultural  and  commercial 
one,  but  for  its  preservation  it  would  be  conducted 
under  a  military  system.^  Such  were  their  senti- 
ments and  intentions,  but  the  soldier  does  hot  make 
a  good  agriculturist.  Moreover,  a  drought  set  in 
and  rendered  abortive  their  first  efforts.  Neverthe- 
less, as  game  was  abundant,  they  managed  to  subsist 
for  a  time,  and  established  a  petty  traffic  with  the 
Indians;  but  when  a  Spanish  force  marched  against 
Champ  d' Asile,  the  feeble  colony,  reduced  by  priva- 
tions, was  in  no  condition  to  resist,^  and  retired  to 
Galveston.  Lallemand  returned  to  the  United  States, 
but  the  fate  of  his  followers  is  unknown.  It  is  prob- 
able that  most  of  them  cast  their  lot  with  Lafitte's 
desperadoes,  a  few  only  reaching  the  United  States. 

During  the  period  from  1809  to  18X5  no  diplomatic 
relations  existed  between  the  United  States  and  Spain. 
In  June  of  the  first-named  year  Luis  de  Onis  had 
been  appointed  envoy  extraordinary  to  Washington 
by  the  Spanish  suprema  junta  central,  a  provisional 
government  which  the  United  States  could  not  ac- 
knowledge, nor  was  it  until  December  1815  that  Onis 

"Copy  of  declaration  will  be  found  in  Id.,  i^7,  and  a  translation  in  Nilea* 
%.,  xiv.  394. 

^BarU  MarhfM,  HiaL  LouU.,  396-8;  Notidow  Gau,  Feb  12,  1819,  4. 


46  PRIVATEERING,  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

was  formally  recognized.**  Relations  having  then 
been  restored,  the  Louisiana  boundaiy  question  be- 
came a  matter  of  serious  consideration.  The  settle- 
ment of  the  dispute  between  the  two  powers  as  to  the 
right  of  ownership  to  Texas  became  involved  with 
the  negotiations  that  had  taken  place  for  the  cession 
of  the  Floridas  to  the  United  States,  and  the  two 
questions  were  now  to  be  treated  in  combination. 
The  discussions  which  ensued  were  very  lengthy, 
extending  over  three  years,  and  numerous  proposi- 
tions and  counter-propositions  were  made.*^ 

Terms  of  agreement  were  finally  arranged,  and  on 
February  22,  1819,  a  treaty  was  signed  by  Onis  and 
the  American  secretary  of  state,  by  which  ther  Flori- 
das were  ceded  to  the  United  States,  and  Spain 
retained  possession  of  Texas.  The  boundary  line 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Spanish  posses- 
sions, as  defined  in  the  third  article  of  the  convention, 
was  as  follows :  it  was  to  begin  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Sabine,  continuing  north  along  the  western  bank 
of  that  river  to  latitude  32"*;  thence  by  a  line  due 
north  to  the  degree  of  latitude  where  it  strikes  Red 
River ;  then  following  the  course  of  that  river  west- 
ward to  longitude  23°  west  from  Washington;  crossing 
said  river,  it  was  to  run  by  a  line  due  north  to  the 
Arkansas^  following  the  southern  bank  of  that  river 

*  Onls,  Mem,  Negoc.,  1-2;  Amer.  State  Papers,  xi.  64. 

'^  The  correspondence  and  documents  relating  to  the  opposing  claims  to 
the  possession  of  Texas  will  be  found  in  Anna^la  qf  Cong.,  1819,  ii.  1629-2131. 
The  claims  of  the  U.  S.  that  Texas  formed  a  part  of  Louisiana  were  based  on 
the  possession  taken  and  establishment  made  uy  La  Salle  in  1685  at  San  Ber- 
narcio  Bay;  the  charter  of  Louis  XIV.  to  Crozat  in  1712;  the  geographical 
authority  of  Be  Lasle's  map,  and  more  especially  that  of  Tomas  Lopez, 
geographer  to  the  king  of  Spain,  published  in  1762;  the  map  of  Homann, 
published  at  Nuremburg  in  1712,  and  a  British  official  map  published  by 
Bowen  in  1755,  intended  to  point  out  the  boundaries  of  British,  Spanish,  and 
French  colonies  in  North  America;  also  on  geographical  works  and  narra- 
tives, especially  the  accounts  of  Hennepin  in  1683;  of  Fonti  in  1697;  and 
of  Jontel  in  1713— pp.  1757-8.  Onis  endeavors  to  show  that  these  supports 
were  without  foundation,  claiming  priority  of  discovery,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  the  province  of  Texas  in  1690.  Mem.  Neyoc.,  48-57.  A  long  review 
of  the  U.  S.  claims  to  Texas,  wherein  the  author  seeks  to  prove  that  Texas 
never  formed  anv  part  of  Louisiana,  and  that  the  cry  oi  're-annexation,' 
raised  20  years  later,  was  an  attempt  at  a  '  gross  infraction  of  a  previous 
treaty/  will  be  found  in  QraUafCa  Cen,  Amer.,  254-82, 


TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  47 

to  Its  source  in  latitude  42"*  north;  and  thence  by 
that  parallel  to  the  Pacific." 

The  king  of  Spain,  however,  failed  to  ratify  the 
treaty  within  the  six  months  prescribed,  and  when  he 
ratified  it,  October  24,  1820,  the  controversy  was 
renewed,  the  United  States  being  strongly  disinclined 
to  recognize  the  late  convention.  The  treaty  had 
from  the  first  caused  wide-spread  dissatisfaction,  and 
there  was  a  strong  party  which  not  only  regarded  the 
cession  of  Texas  for  the  Floridas,  as  the  exchange  of 
a  valuable  territory  for  an  inferior  one,  but  as  a  vio- 
lation of  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  United 
States  never  to  relinquish  territory.  The  demurrers 
to  the  treaty,  insisting  on  the  justice  of  the  claim  to 
Texas,  considered  the  action  of  the  government  in 
making  the  convention  unconstitutional,  and  that  the 
equivalent  to  be  given  by  Spain  was  inadequate.*^ 
Ajiother  year  having  been  passed  in  profitless  discus- 
sion between  the  two  governments,  congress,  on  the 
19th  of  February,  1821,  consented  to  and  advised 
the  president  to  ratify  the  treaty.  On  the  28th  of 
the  same  month  John  Quincy  Adams  informed  the 
Spanish  envoy  that  President  Monroe  had  accepted 
the  ratification. 

The  reader  will  not  have  failed  to  observe  with 
what  signal  want  of  success  all  attempts  to  occupy  or 
colonize  Texas  by  force  of  arms  were  attended.  I 
have  still  to  record  another  instance  of  like  failure. 

In  Natchez  the  angry  feeling  aroused  by  the  treaty 
of  February  1819  was  exhibited  in  a  practical  man- 
ner.    A  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  was  held,  for  the 

^'AnmaU  qf  Cong.t  1819,  iL  2190  et  seq.,  where  a  copy  of  the  treaxy  will 
be  found. 

•*  Henry  Clay,  a  few  days  before,  April  3,  1820,  submitted  the  following 
resolations  to  the  honae:  "ihat  the  conatitntion  of  the  U.  S.  vests  in  con- 
gress the  power  to  dispose  of  the  territory  belonging  to  them,  and  that  no 
treaty  purporting  to  alienate  any  portion  therein  is  valid  without  the  con- 
currence ot  congress; '  and  *  that  the  equivalent  proposed  to  be  given  by 
Spain  to  the  U.  S.  in  the  treaty. .  .for  that  part  of  Louisiana  lying  west  of 
vbA  Sabine  was  inadequate;  and  that  it  woulct  be  inexpedient  to  make  a  trans- 
fer thereof  to  any  foreign  power,  or  renew  the  aforesaid  treaty.'  AnnaU  qf 
Cong.,  1820,  iL  1719.     i^guments  in  support  follow. 


48  PRIVATEERING,  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

purpose  of  organizing  an  expedition  in  aid  of  the  rev- 
olutionanr  party,  and  James  Long"  was  appointed 
leader  of  the  enterprise.  Long  entered  into  the  un- 
dertaking with  enthusiasm,  and  in  June  started  from 
Natchez  with  about  seventy-five  followers  for  Nacog- 
doches. His  numbers  were  rapidly  increased,  and 
soon  after  his  arrival  at  that  place  he  could  muster 
over  300  men,  among  whom  may  be  mentioned  Ber- 
nardo Gutierrez  and  Samuel  Davenport.  He  imme- 
diately proceeded  to  establish  a  civil  government, 
under  the  control  of  a  supreme  council  invested  with 
legislative  powers.  The  council  was  composed  of 
Horatio  Biglow,  Hamlin  Cook,  W.  W.  Walker,  Ste- 
phen  Barker,  John  Sibley,  Samuel  Davenport,  John 
G.  Burnett,  J.  Child,  Pedro  Procello,  and  Bernardo 
Gutierrez.  General  Long  was  chosen  president.  On 
June  23d  the  supreme  council  declared  the  province 
a  free  and  independent  republic,"  In  the  preamble 
it  was  set  forth  that  the  citizens  of  Texas  had  long 
indulged  the  hope  that,  in  the  settlement  of  the  boun- 
dary question,  they  would  be  included  within  the  limits 
of  the  United  States.  The  recent  treaty,  however, 
with  Spain  had  dissipated  this  illusion,  and  they  saw 
themselves  abandoned  to  the  dominion  of  the  crown 
of  Spain.  They  had  therefore  resolved,  under  the 
blessing  of  God,  to  be  free.  I  must  remark  that  these 
'citizens  of  Texas'  were  comprised  of  a  few  American 
settlers,  who  had  gradually  encroached  upon  the  ter- 
ritory and  been  unmolested.  Various  laws  were  next 
enacted  for  the  organization  of  the  new  republic,  and 
the  raising  of  revenue  by  the  sale  of  public  lands.* 

'^  James  Long  was  bom  in  Virg  nia»  and  having  studied  medicine,  was  at- 
tached to  the  medical  staff  of  Carroll's  brigade.  He  was  a  favorite  of  Oen. 
Jackson,  and  distinguished  himself  at  the  oattle  of  New  Orleans.  Having 
married  Jane  H.  WUldnoon,  a  niece  of  Gren.  Wilkinson,  he  retired  from  the 
army,  and  after  trying  agriculture,  settled  at  Natchez  as  a  merchant.  From 
Gen.  Mirabeau  Lamar  s  narrative,  in  Footers  Tex.,  i  201-2. 

^  Interesting  extracts  from  this  declaration  of  the  independence  of  Texas, 
which  was  published  in  the  Lcuidana  Herald^  will  be  found  in  NUea*  Heg,, 
xvii.  31. 

"^  A  bill  was  passed  for  the  sale  of  lands  on  the  Atoyac  and  Red  rivers, 
the  minimum  price  for  those  on  the  first-named  stream,  which  was  an  affluent 


LONG'S  EXPEDITION.  49 

The  adventurers,  or  patriots  as  they  styled  them- 
selves, made  military  dispositions  to  occupy  the  coun- 
try. David  Long,  a  brother  of  the  general,  was 
despatched  with  merchandise  to  tlie  upper  crossing  of 
the  Trinity  to  traffic  with  the  Indians ;  Johnson  was 
sent  on  a  similar  expedition  to  the  Brazos;  Major 
Smith,  with  forty  men,  was  stationed  at  the  Cocliattee 
village  on  the  Trinity ;  and  Walker  with  twenty-eight 
men  fortified  a  position  on  the  Brazos  at  the  old  La 
Bahia  crossing.  These  arrangements  having  been 
completed  by  the  end  of  September,  Long,  who  had 
already  been  in  communication  with  Lafitte,  now 
governor  of  Galveston  under  the  republic,  decided  to 
pay  him  a  visit,  in  the  hope  that  by  a  personal  inter- 
view he  would  be  able  to  induce  that  chieftain  to 
assist  him  in  his  undertaking.  Leaving  Major  Cook 
in  coiumand  at  Nacogdoclies,  he  therefore  proceeded 
toward  Galveston,  but  on  arriving  at  the  Cochattee 
village,  he  received  tidings,  brought  in  by  the  Indians, 
that  the  royalists  were  rapidly  approaching.  A  Span- 
ish force,  700  strong,  under  Colonel  Ignacio  Perez, 
was  advancing  to  drive  out  the  invaders.  Long  at 
once  sent  orders  to  Cook  and  his  outlying  detachments 
to  concentrate  at  the  Cochattee  village,  and  hastened 
on  to  Galveston.  But  Lafitte,  though  expressing  his 
best  wishes  for  Long's  success,  regarded  the  enter- 
prise as  far  too  hazardous,  and  so  told  Long,  calling 
liis  attention  to  the  many  attempts  which  had  failed 
through  want  of  the  large  force  necessary  for  an  in- 
vasion by  land.  Disappointed  at  not  receiving  the 
desired  aid,  Long  returned  without  delay  to  the  vil- 
lage, where  he  learned  that  sudden  and  most  ruinous 
calamity  had  fallen  on  the  embryo  repubUc. 

Of  all  the  expeditions  to  Texas,  not  one  experienced 
a  more  speedy  collapse  or  swifter  ruin  than  that  of 
Long.     Cook  was  of  all  men  the  most  unfit  to  hold 

of  the  Xaches,  being  $1  an  acre,  pavaUe  one  fonrth  down  and  the  remaiiuler 
in  three  aimoal  iostalments.     The  landB  on  the  more  distant  Ked  Kiver  were 
rated  at  from  12^  to  50  cents  an  acre.  Footers  Ttx.,  i.  205. 
Hist.  N.  Mez.  States,  Vol.  IL    4 


60  PBIVATEEEING,  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

the  responsible  position  in  which  he  had  been  placed. 
Of  intemperate  habits,  on  the  departure  of  Long  from 
Nacogdoches,  he  gave  way  to  drunkenness  and  dissi- 
pation, and  the  garrison,  following  his  example,  fell 
into  disorder.  Meantime  the  royalist  troops,  October 
11th,  surprised  Johnson's  detachment  on  the  Brazos, 
taking  eleven  prisoners,  and  dispersing  the  rest. 
Johnson  with  six  others  escaped  to  Walker's  fort, 
which  was  assailed  on  the  15th;  the  republicans  were 
compelled  to  seek  safety  in  flight,  destitute  of  every- 
thing. David  Long's  post  at  the  upper  crossing  on 
the  Trinity  was  next  attacked.  Long  was  killed,  and 
his  men  fled  to  Nacogdoches.  Smith  at  the  Cochat- 
tee  village  had  been  joined  by  Johnson  and  Walker, 
with  other  fugitives;  and  when  Perez  approached,  he 
retreated  forty  miles  below  the  village.  But  attempt- 
ing to  elude  the  enemy,  a  skirmish  was  brought  on,  in 
which  several  fell  on  both  sides.  The  republicans 
were  again  defeated,  and  made  their  way  in  canoes  to 
Point  Bolivar  on  Galveston  Bay,  which  Long  had  pre- 
viously appointed  as  a  place  of  rendezvous  in  case  of 
disaster,  and  had  already  made  preparations  to  fortify. 
When  the  fugitives  from  David  Long's  post  reached 
Nacogdoches  the  wildest  confiision  prevailed.  Not 
for  a  moment  was  a  thought  of  resistance  entertained ; 
the  garrison  and  inhabitants  alike  hurried  out  of  the 
place  to  seek  safety  on  the  other  side  of  the  Sabine ; 
and  when  Long,  who  had  hastened  forward  at  full 
speed,  arrived  at  Nacogdoches,  he  found  a  silent  and 
deserted  town.  He  himself  barely  escaped  capture  at 
the  hands  of  a  detachment  of  royalists  which  pres- 
ently came  up  in  pursuit,  and  succeeded  in  taking 
many  of  the  fugitives  prisoners  before  they  crossed 
the  saving  river.  After  his  escape,  Long  passed  down 
the  Calcasieu  and  repaired  to  Point  BoUvar,  where 
he  found  the  remnant  of  the  republican  forces.*^ 

'^  1  he  above  account  of  this  expedition  is  taken  from  the  narrative  of  Gen- 
eral Mirabeau  Lamer,  president  of  'iexas,  and  which  he  placed  in  the  hands 
of  Foote,  who  gave  it  to  the  public  in  his  I'exas  and  the  Texans,  i,  108-216. 


SAD  CONDITION  OP  AFFAIRS.  51 

Recognizing  that  the  expedition  was  utterly  broken 
up,  Long  retired  to  New  Orleans,  where  he  appears 
to  have  formed  the  acquaintance  of  the  Mexican  pa- 
triots Milam  and  Trespalacios.  In  the  spring  of 
1821  an  expedition  was  organized  by  these  indepen- 
dent leaders,  and  Point  Bolivar  occupied.  Provided 
with  a  commission  by  Trespalacios,  who  styled  him- 
self lieutenant-general  of  the  Mexican  army  and  pres- 
ident of  the  supreme  council  of  Texas,**  Long  landed 
at  the  mouth  of  the  San  Antonio,  and  with  51  men 
marched  against  La  Bahla,  which  he  took  possession 
of  without  opposition  October  4,  1821.  He  was  com- 
pelled, however,  to  surrender  a  few  days  afterward  to 
Colonel  Perez,  and  was  sent  as  a  prisoner  with  his 
followers  to  San  Antonio  de  B^jar.  Representing 
that  he  had  undertaken  the  expedition  in  the  cause 
of  independence,  he  and  his  fellow-captives  were 
treated  with  leniency.'^  Long  was  conveyed  to  the 
city  of  Mexico,  and  the  independence  of  which  he 
professed  himself  a  supporter  having  been  achieved, 
he  was  granted  his  liberty.  In  1822,  wishing  to  enter 
the  barracks  of  Los  Gallos,  and  being  refused  admis- 
sion, he  struck  the  sentinel,  who  thereupon  shot  him 
dead.^ 

Perez  waa  oomplimented  by  the  king  for  his  snccesB.  Chu,  de  Mex,,  1820,  xi. 
1190. 

•NUes'  Beg.,  xx.  191,  22S-4,  383. 

*  Report  of  Gaspar  Lopez,  acting  commandant  general  of  the  internal 
provinces,  to  Iturbide,  dated  Saltillo,  Oct.  19,  1821,  in  Oac,  Imp.  Mex.,  L 
129^32;  Niies'  Jieg.,  xxi.  375;  Alaman,  Hist,  MeJ.,  v.  239,  478-9. 

**  Tomel  y  MrndtvU,  Breve  Reiiefla,  147;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist,  Mex.,  86; 
Fitieola,  Mem,  Hist.  Ouerra  Tex.,  i.  110-11.  Footc's.  account  is  very  differ- 
ent from  that  given  in  the  text,  and  is  incorrect.  He  states  that  Long  held 
Vooesaion  of  La  Bahia  till  the  achievement  of  independence  by  Iturbide;  that 
tie  was  then  invited  by  the  new  government  to  visit  the  capital,  '  that  he 
Liigfat  receive  appropriate  honors  as  one  of  the  champions  of  civil  libei-ty;' 
that  he  became  an  object  of  suspicion  to  Iturbide,  and  that  secret  ortlers  for 
his  assassination  are  supposed  to  have  been  issued.  Being  on  a  visit  to  a  gov- 
enunent  officer,  he  was  shot  by  a  soLlier  from  an  adjoining  piazza  while  pro- 
dacing  his  passport  to  the  guard  at  tlie  gate.  The  reader  can  form  his  own 
opinioQ  as  to  tne  probabiuty  of  an  assassination  being  perpetrated  umler 
such  circumstances  and  so  openly.  Tex,,  i.  216-17.  Kennedy,  Texas,  i.  301, 
erroneously  states  that  180  prisoners  were  taken  at  La  Bahla  and  sent  to 
Mexico;  and  that  they  were  released  by  the  interference  of  the  American  en- 
voy Poinsett.  Yoakum  also  asserts  that  the  men  were  release<l  and  sent 
home  Nov.  11,  1822,  at  the  instance  of  Poinsett.     Ihis  statement  is  ba^d  on 


52  PRIVATEKRING,  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS 

The  condition  of  Texas  in  1821  was  deplorable. 
After  the  expulsion  of  Long  in  1819  every  intruder 
who  had  settled  in  the  country  was  driven  off,  his 
buildings  were  destroyed,  and  his  cattle  driven  away. 
Vast  regions  were  destitute  of  inhabitants,  and  the 
populated  districts  did  not  contain  4,000  civilized  be- 
ings." Agriculture  was  almost  entirely  neglected, 
and  provisions  were  so  scarce  even  in  San  Antonio  as 
to  be  the  subject  of  frequent  report  by  Governor 
Martinez  to  the  commandant  general  at  Saltillo,*^ 
while  the  traveller  ran  a  dangerous  risk  of  perishing 
by  hunger.  The  north-eastern  borders  had  become 
the  asylum  of  criminals,  and  the  abode  of  bands  of 
armed  desperadoes  engaged  in  smuggling;  villanous 
gangs  of  ruffians  from  Lafitte's  piratical  establishment 
drove  their  troops  of  Africans  with  impunity  through 
the  land,  introducing  them  into  Louisiana  for  sale;*' 
and  savage  Indians  hovered  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
interior  towns.  But  this  was  tlie  most  gloomy  period 
in  the  history  of  Texas — ^the  darkest  hour  of  her  ex- 
istence.    The  dawn  was  already  about  to  break.** 

a  remark  made  by  Poinsett,  in  his  Notes  on  Tex.,  164r-5,  with  date  Nov.  llih, 
to  the  effect  that  he  '  had  asked  and  obtained  the  liberty  of  39  men,  who  were 
imprisoned  in  Mexico  on  charge  of  conspiring  against  the  governor  ef  'lexas. 
About  one  half  of  them  are  American  citizens.  *  There  is  no  doubt  that  these 
men  belonged  to  Long's  expedition.  See  McHenry's  account,  in  Linn  a  Rem- 
inis.,  68-74. 

*^  The  author  of  Pretenaones  de  loa  AnglO'Americano8f  writing  in  1820,  says, 
page  7,  note  1 :  '  En  el  dia  no  tiene  la  provincia  cuatro  mil  almas  de  poblacion. ' 

*^Tlie  commandant  general,  writmg  to  Iturbide  Oct.  19,  1821,  says  that 
Lon^  and  his  fellow-prisoners  were  removed  from  San  Antonio  to  Saltillo  '  en 
consideracion  de  ser  aquel  pueblo  *  —  San  Antonio  —  *  sumamente  escaso  de 
recursoe,  segun  lo  que  constantemente  representa  el  Sr  Grobemador.  *"  Guc. 
Imp,  Mex.,  1.  131. 

*^Nile8*  Iieg.jXxi.4S,4O0, 

**  The  following  authorities  have  been  consulted  for  the  history  contained  in 
the  preceding  chapters:  Zavala,  Rev,  Mex,,  L  285,  384-6;  Gonzales,  Coleccion 
N,  Leon,  253-60,  353-5;  Cancelada,  Ruina  N,  Espa-ka,  39-43;  Id.,  TeL  Mex., 
432-5, 456^;  Dispo«ic.  V arias,  L  132;  Gac.  de  M6x.,  (1812)  iii  1087-91;  (1813) 
iv.  925-7,  970-1,  1139-51,  1159-63,  1247-9;  (1814)  v.  27-31,  37-9,  804-5,  814 
-16,  820-21,  871-2;  (1817)  viii.  787-90,  807-9,  987-9,  1167-8;  (1818)  ix.  pas- 
sim;  (1819)  x.  144,  1363;  xi.  1190;  DuvaUon,  Colonic  £sp.  du  Miss.,  51-63; 
Youngs  Hist.  Mex.,  93-8,  127-77;  Edinb,  Review,  no.  147,  pp.  254-5;  Gaine4s, 
Corresp.  sotyre  Paso  delSMna,  pp.  vii.-xv.;  Cavo,  Tres  Sigtos,  iiL  219;  iv.  92- 
5;  Bartmann,  Le  Texas,  1-24,  45-7,  100-49,  172-236;  Gtierra,  Rev,  N,  Esp., 
ii.  370,  372,  711-13;  Bustamante,  Cuad,  Hist.,  i.  123,  262,  329-50;  iv.  157-60; 
Id.,  Gnhinete  Mex.,  ii.  25-6;  Id.,  Campailas  de  Calleja,  44,  178-85;  FiHaoict, 
Mem,  Hist.  Guerra  Texas,  L  32-4, 39-4Q,  44r^6,  109-10>  Maillard's  Hist.  Texas, 


AUTHORITIES.  53 

1&-27;  Mexko  in  184i,  154;  Preienskmes  AngUhAmer.,  2-7;  Tomd,  Tejfjs 
yl08  EE,  UU.,  21-5,  80-«;  Tomtl  y  Mendivil,  hist,  Mex.,  137-47;  Larf. 
wsudikrt,  Mex.  et  Chtat.,  228-9;  OitiBf  Mern,  sobre  ^S-fgoc.^  passim;  ThmlCa 
JfisL  Tex.,  passim;  Afoffii's  Report,  in  TluntvptovCe  life,  of  Mexieo,  175-0; 
Jay*8  Mex,  War,  10-11,  19-20;  Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex.,  196;  Suarez  y  Navarro, 
JfitL  Mex.,  84-5;  Pinart  CoU.,  Cidh,  Book,  i.  15-24;  Bent&tt's  Alrr.  Debates 
Cong.,  TL  122,  458;  Reme  AnUr.,  ii  634,  549;  Holleye  Texas,  302,  304-9; 
Vtlaseo,  Son.,  249;  Jenkins*  Mex.  War,  30;  Swisher's  Am.  Sketch  Book,  vi.,  no. 
6,  pp.  359^-65;  Direet.  San  Ant.,  1877-8,  10-28;  Conder's  Mex.  and  Onai., 
101-17;  Rivera^  Hist.  Jaiapa,  i.  268;  ii.  382-3;  Pino,  Nuetx)  Mexico,  40-1; 
Moeako  Mex.,  i.  80;  ii.  270,  419;  €hnhrie*s  Univ.  Oeog.,  L  396;  Blanduird  et 
Dausuxts,  San  Juan  de  UlUui,  527;  Willson's  Amer.  Hist.,  624-30,  U.  S.  OoH 
Does,  8th  Cong.  2d  Seas.,  Sen.  Joor.,  413;  McCabe's  Comprehetmve  View,  Ibl- 
8;  MtUne's  ^^,000  Miles  on  Horseback,  234-45;  Domenech*s  Miss.  Adv.,  20;  /(/., 
Jour.,  23;  Aritpe^  Memorial,  passim;  Humboldt,  Essai  PolU.,  ii.  822;  Footers 
Texas,  i.  14^-68,  185-217,  392-400;  Le  Champ  d'Asile,  passim;  Texas  Aim. 
1861,  70-3;  Hutcfiison's  Rem.,  196-«;  Gomez  del  Campo,  Apttntes  Hint.; 
Estrella  de  Oceid.,  Sept  4,  1868,  p.  4;  Pike's  Expl.  Travels,  364-70,  391-436; 
TorreiUe,  RevoL  Hisp.  Am.,  ii.  101-2;  Abad  y  Queipo,  fn/orme:  Nouv.  Anmiles 
Voy.,  xlvii  6-11,  23;  Peterson's  MilU.  Heroes,  ii.  68;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  GtH)y., 
ix.  515-17;  x.  274-5,  289;  ap.  i.  139;  Almonte,  Not.  Est.  Texas,  13;  Amer. 
State  Pap.f  xx.  passim;  OrcUtan's  Civilized  Amer.,  254-82;  Kennedy's  Textis, 
passim;  Soc.  Mex.  Oeog.  Bolet.,  ii.  6;  vii.  138;  zl  90;  2da  ^p.,  iL  630-1; 
Hidalgo,  Apuntes  Hist.  Proy.  Monarq.  en  Mix.,  33-5.  Abney's  Life  and  Adv., 
83-90,  125-41;  Agileyo,  Diario,  in  Doe.  Hist.  Texas,  437;  One.  de  Pan.,  Aug. 
11,  1870;  Braekenridge*s  Mex.  Letters,  i.,  letter  2;  Baker's  Hist.  Texas,  30-1; 
Barber's  Hist,  West.  States,  666-7;  Falconer's  Discov.  Miss.,  41-52;  North  Am. 
Review,  xliii.  234-43;  Diario  Mex.,  235;  Democ.  Review,  vi,  33-42;  Nolirioso 
Oen.,  Jnly  23,  Sept.  12,  Oct.  27,  1817;  Nov.  30,  1818;  Feb.  12,  1819;  Mdx., 
El  Virey  de  N.  Esp.,  2-5;  Id.,  Avuntes  Hist.  Ouerra,  6-16;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex., 
vt.  2G9-70,  449;  Loreto  Mission  Records,  MS.,  45-^;  Varios  Impresos,  2,  no. 
vi,  25-60,  67-«,  and  table  no.  4;  L'HircHne  du  Texas,  1-118;  Murray's  Hist. 
Acct  and  Discov.  in  N.  Am.,  I  479-87;  Revista  Mexicana,  416,  421-3;  S/teas 
Cath.  Miss.,  87;  Amer.  Antiquarian  Journal,  Oct.  21,  1881;  Amer.  Reg.,  ii. 
68-103;  Freeman  and  Custis*  AcetRed  River  in  La,  1-63;  Monette's  Hist.  Dis- 
cov. and  SetllefneiU  Valley  Miss.,  ii.  454-84;  Papeles  Varios,  no.  cvi.,  pt  1;  no. 
cxlix.,  pt  10;  no.  clvii.,  pt4;  no.  clxiL,  pt  1;  no.  ccxv.,  pt  2;  Mayer,  MSS., 
nos  3,  i,  5,  5^,  25,  30;  Claiborne,  Extract  Letter  to  Sec  qf  Stale  qf  U.  S.,  Dec 
27.  1803;  Real  Orden,  30  de  Mayo  de  1804;  Id.,  12  de  Abril,  14  y  24  de  Mayo 
de  1807;  Id.,  15  de  Knero  de  1808;  Robin,  Voy.  dans  la  Louisiane,  iii.  117-36; 
AnnaU  qf  Congress,  1804,  p.  1026;  1804-5,  app.  1499-1602;  1805,  p.  18-19; 
1805-6,  app.  1206-16;  1806,  p.  11,  190;  1806-7,  index  *Burr,'  app.  913-26; 
\m-%,  vot  L-ii.,  index  'Bnir';  1817,  p.  14;  1818,  iL  app.  1786-1800;  1819, 
il  162^-2131;  1820,  ii  1719-82;  1820-1,  app.  1337-1469;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii. 
373-6;  Id.,  Mi}.,  L  29^7;  ii.  96-7,  170-2;  iii.  67,  479-94;  iv.  553-9,  606-7, 
603-4,  711-13;  v.  478-9;  Zamaoois,  Hist.  M^j.,  vi.  86-8;  vii  194-201,  216-19; 
viiL  630,  599-600;  ix.  85-8,  202-24;  x.  251-2,  260-2,  271,  278-80;  Yo^ikum's 
Hist.  Texas,  i  1-206,  passim;  Niles'  Reg.,  iii  34,  64,  104,  144,  272,  352;  iv. 
120.  248,  280,  313;  v.  W-«,  104,  152;  viu.  436;  ix.  33-4;  x.  402;  xi  32,  206; 
xiil  253,  287-93,  301-4,  335,  338;  xiv.  65-88,  393-4,  408,  424;  xv.  6-7;  xvi 
42-6,  347,  365-6,  S84,  440;  xvii.  31-2,  175,  208,  240,  304,  352,  395-6;  xviii 
273;  xix.  112,  191,  306-7;  xz.  165,  191,  223-4,  383;  xxi  48,  376,  400 


CHAPTER  IV. 

COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESARIO  SYSTEM. 

1819^1831. 

Spain  Relaxes  her  Exclusive  Policy— Biography  of  Moses  AuarriN— 
His  Colonization  Scheme — He  Petitions  for  a  Land  Grant  in 
Texas — His  Sufferings  and  Death — Internal  Affairs  of  Mexico 
^Beginning  of  Austin's  Colony — Difficulties,  Dangers,  and  Losses 
— Stephen  Austin  in  the  City  of  Mexico— Delay  and  Anxibty— 
Final  Success  of  his  Petition — Discretionary  Powers  Granted 
Austin — ^Progress  of  the  Colony — Austin's  Government — Greedy 

AND     DlSCOTTTENTED     SETTLERS — ERRONEOUS     IdEA     ABOUT    IMMIGRANT 

Criminals— Scattered  Settlements— A  New  Contract— The  Em- 
presario  System — Colonization  Law  of  Coahuila  and  Texas — In- 
flux OF  Immigrants— Empresario  Enterprises — Their  Partial  Suc- 
cess—Progress OF  Texas. 

If  the  reader  will  glance  back  at  the  history  of 
Texas,  he  will  find  that  no  advance  in  the  colonization 
of  that  fertile  country  was  made  during  the  period  of 
Spanish  domination.  The  reason  of  this,  apart  from 
the  exclusion  of  foreigners,  lay  mainly  in  the  aversion 
of  the  Spanish  Creoles  to  agriculture,  and  the  dangers 
to  which  settlers  were  exposed.  Enterprise  in  New 
Spain  was  chiefly  directed  to  the  development  of 
mines,  while  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  was  performed 
for  the  most  part  by  the  passive  Indians.  In  Texas 
— an  essentially  agricultural  province — the  conditions 
were  reversed.  There  were  no  mines  to  be  devel- 
oped, nor  were  there  peaceable  natives  who  could  be 
made  to  till  the  ground.  It  therefore  offered  no  in- 
ducements to  Spanish  Americans  to  migrate  from  safe 
and  settled  distoicts  to  a  remote  region  where  a  few 

(54) 


SPAIN'S  POUCY.  5( 

ill-garrisoned  presidios  could  afford  little  or  no  protec- 
tion to  the  cultivator  against  the  stealthy  attacks  of 
hostile  Indians.  Thus  the  colonization  of  Texas  was 
confined  to  the  establishment  of  a  few  settlers  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  these  military  posts.  Two  of 
these  only,  San  Antonio  de  Bdjar  and  La  Bahfa  del 
Espiritu  Santo,  developed  into  towns  of  any  consider- 
ation. Later  attempts  of  Spain  to  colonize  the  coun- 
try at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  met  with 
no  success.  The  undertaking  projected  by  the  Span- 
ish government  and  placed  under  the  direction  of 
Greneral  Grimarest  *  failed  of  accomplishment  on  ac- 
count of  the  breaking-out  of  hostilities  between 
Spain  and  England ;  nor  did  other  settlers  who  were 
introduced  into  Texas  about  this  time  effect  any  ex- 
pansion of  the  community.  It  remained  for  peaceable 
immigrants  from  the  United  States  to  accomplish  a 
work  of  progress  which  Spain  had  proved  herself  in- 
competent to  perform,  and  which  had  been  beyond 
achievement  by  force  of  arms  on  the  part  of  adven- 
turers. 

I  have  already  related  how  anxious  Spain  was  to 
people  Texas,  immediately  after  the  purchase  of  Lou- 
isiana by  the  United  States,  and  so  protect  herself 
against  encroachments  by  occupancy  of  the  country. 
Her  intentions,  however,  were  frustrated  by  the 
dreadful  wars  in  which  she  soon  became  engaged,  and 
the  revolutions  which  broke  out  in  her  colonies.  In 
the  emergencies  to  which  she  was  reduced  she  relaxed 
her  exclusive  policy,  and  official  proclamations  were 
published  inviting  colonists  of  all  classes  and  national 
ities  to  settle  in  her  American  dominions.  The  treaty 
of  amity  of  February  22,  1819,  having  confirmed  her 
in  the  possession  of  Texas,  Spain  felt  herself  in  a 
position  to  remove  the  exclusion  of  Anglo-Americans 
as  colonists  on  her  territory,*  which  hitherto  had  been 

^The  colony  was  to  have  consisted  of  3|000  persons,  natives  of  Old  Spain. 
Keuitedy,  Ter.,  I  309. 

'  Although  settlers  of  other  nationalities  were  admitted  as  colonists,  Anglo- 
Americans  were  rigidly  excluded  from  obtaining  erants  of  lands.  See  White's 
Col.  LawB,  iL  401-3,  and  Cortes  Act,  Ord.,  1813,  i.  404. 


66  CJOLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESARIO  SYSTEM. 

insisted  upon  in  all  colonization  schemes.  At  the 
same  time  the  royalist  power  at  this  period  seemed 
to  be  firmly  reestablished  in  Mexico,  the  revolution 
having  been  wellnigh  suppressed,  and  the  pacifica- 
tion of  the  country  almost  consummated.  It  was 
reasonable,  therefore,  to  suppose  that  the  Spanish 
government  would  give  satisfactory  assurances  to 
Anglo-Americans  who  might  wish  to  obtain  in  a  legal 
manner  grants  of  land  in  Texas.  The  first  American 
who  availed  himself  of  this  new  order  of  things  was 
Moses  Austin,  who  in  December  1820  made  an  ap- 
plication for  permission  to  introduce  a  colony  of  300 
families  into  the  province. 

Moses  Austin,  a  native  of  Durham,  in  the  state  of 
Connecticut,  was  born  about  the  year  1764.  At  the 
age  of  twenty  he  married  Maria  Brown  in  Philadel- 
phia, and  soon  afterward  established  a  commercial 
louse  in  Richmond,  Virginia,  in  partnership  with  his 
brother  Stephen,  who  was  at  the  head  of  a  large  im- 
porting business  at  Philadelphia.  The  two  brothers 
a  few  years  later  purchased  conjointly  the  Chissel 
lead  mines,  on  New  River,  Wythe  county,  Virginia, 
where  they  established  smelting-works  and  factories 
for  the  manufacture  of  shot  and  sheet  lead.  Adven- 
turous speculation,  however,  brought  reverses  upon 
the  houses  in  Philadelphia  and  Virginia,  and  Moses 
Austin,  who  was  a  man  of  enterprise  and  perseverance, 
obtained,  in  1797,  a  grant  from  Baron  de  Carondelet, 
governor-general  of  Louisiana,  conferring  upon  him 
one  league  of  land,  including  the  Mine-a-Burton, 
afterward  called  Potosf,  situated  forty  miles  west  of 
St  Genivieve.  Having  closed  his  affairs  in  the  United 
States,  he  removed  thither  with  his  family  in  1799, 
and  laid  the  foundation  for  the  settlement  of  what  is 
now  Washington  county,  Missouri.  Austin  resided 
for  many  vears  at  Mine-a-Burton,  where  he  won  the 
respect  of  the  early  settlers  by  his  upright  conduct 
and  public  spirit.  But  the  very  qualities  which  gained 
for  him  the  affection  of  all  who  knew  him  occasioned 


MOSES  AUSTIN.  57 

toother  reverse  of  fortune.  He  had  become  a  lar^e 
stockholder  in  the  Bank  of  St  Louis,  and  when,  in 
1818,  that  institution  was  involved  in  ruin,  Austin 
surrendered  the  whole  of  his  propertv  for  the  benefit 
of  the  creditors.  But  adversity  .did  not  damp  his 
ardor  or  depress  his  enterprising  spirit,  and  althougli 
now  in  his  55th  year,  he  conceived  the  bold  idea  of 
undertaking  to  establish  an  extensive  colony  in  Texas, 
of  the  resources  and  fertility  of  which  country  he  had 
long  been  aware. 

In  turning  his  attention  to  the  settlement  of  the 
wildernesses  of  Texas,  Austin  was  not  moved  by  the 
spirit  of  adventure  which  had  originated  previous  at- 
tenipts  to  occupy  Texas.  His  intention  from  the  first 
was  to  proceed  legally,  and  after  careful  inquiry  as  to 
the  best  mode  of  mating  application  to  the  Spanish 
government  for  a  grant  of  land,  having  been  advised 
to  lay  the  subject  before  the  Spanish  authorities  in 
New  Spain,  he  undertook  the  long  and  dangerous 
journey  from  Missouri  to  San  Antonio  de  Bejar  with 
that  object.  Having  taken  into  council  and  concerted 
plans  with  his  son,  Stephen  Fuller — by  which  it  was 
arranged  that  the  younger  Austin  should  proceed  to 
Xew  Orleans  to  make  preparatory  arrangements  for 
the  transportation  of  emigrants — Moses  Austin  pro- 
ceeded on  his  journey,  and  arrived  at  San  Antonio  at 
the  beginning  of  December  1820.  At  first  he  only 
met  with  rebuff  and  disappointment.  Although  in 
1799  he  had  become  a  naturalized  Spanish  subject  in 
upper  Louisiana,  he  had  failed  to  provide  himself  with 
the  necessary  passport  before  starting  on  his  journey, 
and  when  he  presented  himself  before  the  governor, 
he  was  peremptorily  ordered  to  leave  the  province 
immediately.  In  bitterness  of  heart  he  left  the  gov- 
ernor s  house  to  make  preparations  for  his  departure, 
but  on  crossing  the  plaza  he  met  Baron  de  Bastrop,^ 

•Felipe  Henrique  Neri,  Boron  de  Bastrop,  was  a  native  of  Prussia,  and 
■crv'e<l  as  a  t>oliiior  of  fortune  under  Frederick  the  (ireat.  Ho  afterward 
entered  Iho  service  of  the  king  of  Spain,  who  sent  him  on  a  hpocial  mission  to 
Mexico.    While  Louisiana  waa  under  the  dominion  of  Spain,  he  obtained  a 


58  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESABIO  SYSTEM. 

with  whom  he  had  been  acquainted  many  years  before. 
Bastrop  interested  himself  in  Austin's  undertaking, 
and  by  his  influence  a  second  interview  was  obtained 
with  Governor  Martinez,  who,  after  some  deliberation, 
forwarded  Austin's  memorial  to  Arredondo,  the  com- 
mandant general  of  the  eastern  internal  provinces, 
with  a.  strong  recommendation  in  its  favor  from  the 
local  authorities  of  the  province. 

Leaving  the  matter  thus  pending,  Austin  started 
on  his  return  in  January  1821.  The  privations  and 
sufferings  which  he  underwent  on  this  journey  were 
most  severe.  He  was  frequently  obliged  to  cross  the 
swollen  rivers  and  creeks  by  swimming  or  rafting, 
and  as  the  country  between  San  Antonio  and  the 
Sabine  was  then  a  desolate  wilderness,  all  settlements 
having  been  destrovcd  after  Long's  inroad  in  1819, 
he  was  pinched  with  hunger.  The  exposure,  hard- 
ships, and  fatigue  broke  down  his  health.  He  reached 
Natchitoches  in  an  exhausted  condition  and  afflicted 
with  a  cold  which  had  settled  on  his  lungs.  After 
recruiting  his  strength  somewhat,  he  resumed  his 
journey  and  arrived  at  Missouri  in  the  spring.  But 
his  constitution  was  undermined;  the  cold  on  his 
lungs  terminated  in  inflammation;  and  on  June  10, 
1821,  he  breathed  his  last,  having  received  a  few  days 
before  information  that  his  petition  had  met  with 
success.     He  was  in  his  57th  year  when  he  died.* 

In  order  better  to  understand  the  difficulties  and 

grant  of  30  miles  square  between  the  Mississippi  and  Ked  rivers,  400,000 
acres  of  which  he  ceaed  to  Aaron  Burr,  on  which  the  latter  intended  to  plant 
a  colony  as  a  nucleus  for  his  meditated  expedition  against  Mexico.  When 
Louisiana  was  re-ceded  to  France,  Bastrop  became  a  citizen  of  San  Antonio  de 
B^jar,  in  which  city  he  was  one  of  the  alcaldes  when  Austin  visited  it.  In 
1824  he  became  land  comnussioner,  and  in  that  year  as  well  as  in  1827  he 
represented  lexas  in  the  legislature  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  He 
died  in  1828  or  1829.  ThrcUV^  HiU.  Tex.,  498. 

*  TMs  sketch  of  the  life  of  Moses  Austin  is  mainly  derived  from  the  aocount 
given  by  his  son  Stephen  in  1829,  to  the  settlers  in  'Austin's  colony,'  oopv  of 
which  will  be  founa  in  White's  Col.  Laios,  i.  559-61.  Kennedy,  having  had 
bdfore  him  the  Biotjraphtcal  Notux  qf  Moses  A  usthif  by  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar, 
supplies  some  few  particulars  not  noticed  bv  the  son.  Texas,  L  310-13,  316- 
18.  Mrs  Holley  and  subsequent  writers  add  nothing  of  imjportanoe  to  the 
biography  of  Moses  Austin  obtained  from  the  above  authorities. 


AMEBICANS  IK  TEXAS.  59 

delays  which  attended  the  establishment  of  this  first 
Anglo-American  colony  in  Texas,  it  is  necessary  to 
glance  at  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico,  and  note  the 
various  changes  of  government  which  occurred  dur- 
ing the  next  three  years.  The  proclamation  of  the 
plan  of  Iguala  by  Iturbide,  in  February  1821,  was 
responded  to  all  over  New  Spain  by  revolutionary 
patriots  and  royalist  commanaers  alike,  and  O'Don- 
oju's  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Mexico  by 
the  treaty  of  C6rdova,  in  August  of  the  same  year, 
terminated  the  long  struggle,  and  freed  the  country 
forever  from  the  Spanish  yoke.  On  the  occupation 
of  the  capital,  September  27th,  by  the  army  of  the 
three  guarantees,  a  provisional  government  was  im- 
mediately formed,  consisting  of  a  'junta  gubernativa,' 
and  a  regency  which  represented  the  absent  monarch 
— whoever  he  might  be— who  was  expected  to  accept 
the  throne  of  Mexico.*  In  five  months'  time  the 
junta  resigned  its  powers  to  the  national  congress, 
which  was  installed  February  24,  1822,  and  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  regency  lasted  till  May  19th  follow- 
ing, when  Iturbide  was  proclaimed  emperor  by  a 
popular  ^meute,  which  compelled  the  congress  to  rat- 
ify the  wishes  of  the  rabble.  His  empire  only  lasted 
till  March  1823,  when  he  in  turn  was  forced  to  abdi- 
cate by  a  revolution  initiated  by  Santa  Anna.  Then 
followed  a  republic  under  a  supreme  executive  power, 
which  in  1824  was  changed  to  a  federal  system  in 
imitation  of  the  government  of  the  United  States. 
Thus  in  the  space  of  four  years  there  were  no  less 
than  four  different  forms  of  government. 

When  Moses  Austin  died  he  left  an  injunction  that 
his  son  Stephen,  then  in  New  Orleans,  should  prose- 

*  According  to  the  treaty  of  Cdrdova,  Mexico  wu  declared  an  independent 
empire,  and  princes  of  Si)ain  were  to  be  invited  to  reign  over  it  in  the  follow- 
ing order:  In  the  first  place,  Fernando  VII.,  catholic  king  of  Spain;  by  his 
renunciation  or  non-admission,  his  brother  CiLrloe;  for  the  same  reasons,  next 
after  him,  his  other  brother,  Francisco  de  Paula;  next  C&rlos  Luis,  a  prince 
of  Spain;  and  in  case  of  his  renouncing  or  not  accepting,  then  such  person  as 
the  unperial  odrtes  may  designate.  Hut.  Mex.,  iv.  728,  note  40,  this  series. 


60  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESAEIO  SYSTEM. 

cute  the  enterprise.  The  memorial  presented  by  the 
father  was  granted  January  17,  1821,  by  the  supreme 
government  of  the  eastern  internal  provinces,  the 
grant  giving  him  permission  to  introduce  300  families 
into  Texas.  In  energy  and  perseverance  Stephen  F. 
Austin  was  in  all  respects  his  father's  counterpart. 
Having  received  information  of  the  appointment  of  a 
special  commissioner  by  Governor  Martinez  to  com- 
municate the  result  of  the  application  and  conduct  the 
families  into  the  country,  Stephen  repaired  to  Natch- 
itoches, where  he  met  the  commissioner,  Erasmo 
Seguin.  He  then  proceeded  with  seventeen  compan- 
ions and  Seguin  to  San  Antonio  de  Bdjar,  where  he 
arrived  August  10th.  He  was  officially  received  by 
the  governor,  who  gave  him  permission  to  explore 
tJie  country  on  the  Colorado  River  and  select  an  ad- 
vantageous position  for  the  settlement.  Accordingly 
he  proceeded  to  La  Bahla,  and  thence  commenced  his 
explorations,  which  were  continued  as  far  as  practica- 
ble up  the  Colorado  and  Brazos  rivers.  Being  con- 
vinced of  the  fertility  of  this  tract  of  country,  he 
returned  to  Louisiana,  and  published  in  the  papers 
particulars  of  the  scheme.  Austin  had  furnished  a 
plan  for  the  distribution  of  land  to  settlers,  which  the 
governor  had  apftfdv^.  It  was  to  the  effect  that 
each  head  of  a  family  was  to  receive  640  acres,  320 
acres  in  addition  for  the  wife  should  there  be  one, 
100  acres  in  addition  for  each  child,  and  80  acres  in 
addition  for  each  slave.  Each  single  man  also  would 
obtain  a  grant  of  640  acres.  The  conditions  imposed 
on  the  grantee,  as  set  forth  in  the  official  document 
of  January  17,  1821,  were:  that  the  colonists  intro- 
duced should  be  catholics,  or  agree  to  become  so, 
before  entering  the  Spanish  territory ;  that  they  should 
be  provided  with  credentials  of  good  character  and 
habits ;  should  take  the  iiecessary  oath  to  be  obedient 
in  all  things  to  the  government ;  to  take  up  arms  in 
its  defence  against  all  enemies;  to  be  faithful  to  the 


TEEMS  OF  SETTLEMENT.  61 

king ;  and  to  observe  the  political  constitution  of  the 
Si)anisli  monarchy/ 

As  a  fund  was  indispensable  for  the  establishment 
of  the  colony,  it  was  advertised  that  each  settler  would 
have  to  pay  twelve  and  a  half  cents  per  acre  for  his 
land,  Austin  taking  upon  himself  the  cost  of  survey- 
ing, procuring  titles,  and  all  other  expenses.  The 
money  was  to  be  paid  in  instalments  after  receipt  of 
title.  A  portion  of  it  was  also  designed  for  purposes 
of  government,  defence  against  hostile  Indians,  and  to 
furnish  supplies  for  poor  immigrants.  He  moreover 
considered  that  he  was  entitled  to  provide  means  of 
remunerating  himself  for  his  labors  and  expenses,  as 
well  as  promote  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the 
colony.  Indeed,  he  had  consulted  Governor  Martinez 
on  the  matter,  who  could  see  no  reason  to  supp>se 
that  the  government  would  interfere  with  any  private 
arrangement  of  that  nature. 

The  project  attracted  attention,  and  was  viewed 
with  favor  by  many  persons.  In  December  1821 
the  first  colonists  arrived,  and  the  new  settlement  was 
commenced  on  the  Brazos  River  at  the  Bahia  cross- 
ing; but  difficulties,  hardships,  and  much  suffering 
were  encountered.  During  the  first  few  years  un- 
yielding perseverance  and  forbearance  had  to  be  put 
in  practice.  Supplies  of  food,  seed  com,  and  imple- 
ments several  times  failed  to  reach  their  destination. 
The  schooner  Lively,  from  New  Orleans,  had  been 
lost  at  sea  in  November  1821,  and  the  heavy  expense 
which  her  fitting-out  had  caused  was  of  no  benefit  to 
the  settlement.  Another  cargo,  which  reached  the 
momth  of  the  Colorado,  the  place  of  rendezvous,  was 
destroyed  by  the  Karankaways  in  the  autumn  of  1822, 
and  the  settlers  were  reduced  to  great  distress,  having 
to  subsist  on  the  produce  of  the  chase,  to  provide 
which  was  difficult  and  dangerous,  owing  to  the  hostil- 
ity of  the  Indians.^ 

•  WfuU's  Col.  Latfm,  i.  586-7. 

'  Dariug  tliij  period  thj  conditioxL  of  Texas  was  so  deplorable,  owing  to 


62  COLOKIZATIOK  AND  THE  EMPKElSAiaO  SYSTEM. 

In  March  1822  Austin  repaired  to  San  Antonio 
to  report  progress,  and  there  learned  for  the  first 
time  that  under  the  change  In  political  affairs  he 
would  have  to  obtain  from  the  Mexican  congress  a 
confirmation  of  the  grant  conceded  to  his  father  by  the 
Spanish  government,  and  receive  special  instructions 
relative  to  the  distribution  of  land,  and  other  details 
connected  with  the  grant.  This  was  a  sore  disap- 
pointment. He  would  have  to  travel  1,200  miles  by 
land  on  roads  infested  by  banditti  and  deserters,  and 
he  was  ill  prepared  for  such  a  journey.  Nevertheless 
he  did  not  flinch  from  the  undertaking,  but  disguised 
in  ragged  clothes  and  a  blanket,  passed  himself  off  as 
a  poor  traveller  going  to  Mexico  to  petition  for  com- 
pensation for  services  in  the  revolution.  He  reached 
the  capital  in  safety  on  April  29,  1822.  A  long 
delay,  however,  occurred  before  Austin  could  obtain 
attention  to  his  business.  Iturbide  was  proclaimed 
emperor  soon  after  his  arrival;  then  followed  the  dis- 
solution of  congress,  and  the  establishment  of  a  'junta 
instituyente ;'  such  political  changes  were  not  favorable 
to  despatch.  Moreover,  several  petitions  to  establish 
colonies  had  been  presented  at  this  time,  and  though 
Austin  tried  to  procure  a  special  law  in  his  favor,  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  frame  a  general  coloniza- 
tion law,  which  when  drawn  up  was  slowly  discussed 
in  detail.  Then  when  the  congress  was  dissolved  a 
new  committee  was  nominated  by  the  junta  institu- 
yente, and  the  work  was  begun  again.  Finally  a  law 
was  passed,  approved  by  the  emperor,  and  promul- 
gated January  4,  1823.^  The  next  step  was  to  obtain 
a  recognition  of  his  claim ;  and  fortunately  the  mtnis- 
ter  of  relations,  Jos^  Manuel  Herrera,  and  the  sub- 
minister,  Andres  Quintana,  were  favorable  to  the 
immigration  of  foreigners,  besides  other  influential 
persons,  among  whom  may  be  mentioned  Anastacio 

the  inroads  of  Indians,  that  all  imports,  native  or  foreign,  were  made  free  of 
duty  for  seven  years.  Mex,  Quia  de  Hoc,  iv.  21-2. 

^  It  was  suspended,  however,  a  few  months  later,  on  the  fall  of  Iturbide. 


AUSTIN  m  MEXICO.  68 

Bustamante,  then  captain-general  of  the  internal  prov- 
inces. The  claim,  moreover,  of  Austin  was  a  valid 
one,  and  he  was  able  to  place  his  petition  before  the 
council  of  state  in  such  strong  light  that  on  January 
the  14th*  that  body  reported  favorably,  and  on  Feb- 
ruary 18,  1823,  an  imperial  decree  was  published  con- 
firming the  original  grant  made  in  favor  of  Moses 
Austin  by  Spamsh  authorities. 

When  Austin  was  about  to  leave  the  capital,  Feb- 
ruary 23d,  he  was  still  further  detained  bv  the  politi- 
cal convulsion  which  terminated  in  .the  abdication  of 
Iturbide  on  the  19th  of  March,  and  the  congressional 
decree  of  April  8th  annulling  all  the  acts  of  his  gov- 
ernment. In  consequence  of  this  decree  Austin  was 
again  compelled  to  petition  congress  to  confirm  the 
concession  granted  by  Iturbide.  That  body  referred 
his  memorial  to  the  supreme  executive  power,  and  at 
the  same  time — ^by  decree  of  April  11th — suspended 
the  colonization  law  of  January  4,  1823.  On  April 
14th  the  supreme  executive  confirmed  the  imperial 
decree  of  February  18,  1823.  Thus  after  a  year  of 
anxiety  Austin  was  enabled  to  return  with  his  grant 
confirmed  by  the  Mexican  governments  which  had 
been  in  power  during  that  time. 

With  regard  to  the  government  of  the  new  colony, 
it  was  committed,  in  general  terms,  to  Austin,  by  the 
decree  of  February  18,  1823,*  and  on  his  arrival  at 
Monterey  he  applied  to  the  commandant  general,  then 
Felipe  de  la  Garza,  for  special  instructions.     The  ap- 

?lication  was  referred  to  the  provincial  deputation  of 
luevo  Leon,  Coahuila,  and  Texas,  which  passed  a 
resolution  to  the  eflect  that  Austin's  powers  under  the 
above-mentioned  decree  were  full  and  ample  as  to  the 

*The  decree  tranBlated  reads  thna:  '  He  ia  authorized  to  organize  the  colo- 
nists into  a  body  of  national  militia,  to  i)re8erve  tranquillity,  rendering  an  ac- 
count to  the  governor  of  lexas,  and  actins  under  his  orders,  and  those  of  the 
eaptain-seneral  of  the  province;  also,  until  the  government  of  the  settlement 
is  organized,  he  is  charsed  with  the  administration 'of  justice,  settling  all 
differences  which  may  arise  among  the  inhabitants,  and  perservifig  goml  onlur 
and  tranquillity;  rendering  an  account  to  the  government  of  any  remarkable 
event  that  may  occur.'   Whites  CoL  Latos^  i.  593-4. 


64  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESAMO  SYSTEM. 

administration  of  justice,  and  the  civil  government  of 
the  colony;  that  he  was  empowered  to  command  the 
mihtia,  with  the  rank,  as  a  militia  officer,  of  lieutenant- 
colonel  ;  that  he  could  make  war  on  the  Indian  tribes 
which  molested  the  settlement;  could  introduce  sup- 
plies by  the  harbor  of  Galveston  for  the  colony  during 
its  infancy — ^in  short,  govern  the  colony,  in  all  civil, 
judicial,  and  military  matters,  without  copies  of  laws, 
until  the  government  was  otherwise  organized  and 
copies  of  the  laws  provided.  He  was  to  render  an  ac- 
count of  his  acts  to  the  governor  of  Texas,  and  be 
subject  to  him  and  the  commandant  general  The 
local  government  was  thus  committed  to  him  with  ex- 
tensive powers,  without  specific  instructions  of  any 
kind,  or  the  guidance  of  written  laws.^® 

Austin  now  proceeded  on  his  way  to  Texas,  and 
Luciano  Garcia,  then  governor,  appointed,  July  17th, 
Baron  de  Bastrop  commissioner  to  survey  lands  for 
the  colonists,  ana  extend,  in  concert  with  Austin, 
titles  to  them  in  the  name  of  the  government.  By 
an  official  act,  Garcia,  on  the  26th  of  the  same  month, 
gave  the  name  of  San  Felipe  de  Austin  to  the  future 
capital  of  the  new  colony.  In  August  the  commis- 
sioner commenced  his  duties ;  the  town  was  laid  out, 
and  the  land-office  opened.  When  Austin  arrived,  in 
company  with  Bastrop,  he  found  the  settlement  almost 
abandoned  in  consequence  of  his  long  detention  in 
Mexico.  Many  of  the  settlers  had  retired  to  other 
localities,  and  with  the  immigrants  who  kept  arriving 
had  settled  around  Nacogdoches,  and  on  the  Trinity 
and  Ayist  Bayou  rivers.  Immigration,  too,  had  al- 
most ceased,  while  those  who  abandoned  Austin's 
colony,  having  no  titles  to  the  lands  they  had  occu- 
pied,   were    liable   to   ejection    by  the    government. 

^^Austiriy  To  the  Settlers,  in  /(/.,  L  571-2.  The  particulars  in  the  above 
account  have  been  obtained  from  Tex.  Translation  qf  Laws,  etc.,  6-19 — the 
introduction  to  which  was  written  by  Austin,  and  is  a  history  of  the  estab- 
lishment of  his  colony?  Kennedys  Tex.,  i.  318-27;  Yoakurns  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  211- 
27;  Hivera,  flist,  Jalapa,  iii.  25;  Filisola,  Mem.  Hist,  Ouer.  Tex,,  L  123-6; 
Ool.  Dec.  Sob.  Cong.  Mex.,  110-11;  Mex.  Col.  Leyes,  Ord.  y  Dee.,  ii.  94;  HoUey's 
Tex,,  284-7;  Texas  Alvianac,  1859,  157-8;  Footers  Texas,  I  221-3. 


LAND  GRANTS.  65 

Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  this  disheartening  state  of 
affairs,  the  news  of  his  return  and  the  success  of  his 
undertaking  attracted  settlers  in  such  numbers  that 
in  1824  the  stipulated  300  families  had  arrived." 
Bastrop's  labors  having  been  interrupted  by  his  duties 
as  a  member  of  the  deputation  of  Texas,  and  a  second 
time  in  consequence  of  his  having  been  elected  a 
member  of  the  legislature  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas. ^*  Gasper  Flores  was  specially  commissioned 
to  complete  the  work.  "By  the  end  of  the  year  the 
land  titles  and  surveys  were  all  settled  and  the  colony 
commenced  its  prosperous  career. 

I  have  already  mentioned  that  the  colonization  law 
promulgated  January  4,  1823,  was  suspended  on  the 
fall  of  Iturbide.  Austin's  grant  had  been,  neverthe- 
less, confirmed  in  conformity  with  that  law,  and  the 
new  settlers,  instead  of  receiving  land  in  the  quanti- 
ties and  proportions  as  advertised  by  him,  had  much 
larger  allotments  assigned  to  them.  Heads  of  fam- 
ilies each  received  one  square  league,  or  sitio,  of  graz- 
ing land,  and  one  labor  of  tillage  land,^*  in  all  4,605 
acres,  while  an  unmarried  man  was  granted  one  quar- 
ter of  a  square  league." 

Austin  saw  that  to  discharge  the  duties  connected 
with  the  civil  and  judicial  administrations,  and  at  the 
same  time  manage  the  colonial  land  business,  was  be- 
yond his  power.  During  his  absence  the  settlement 
had  been  divided  into  two  alcalde  districts  by  Josd 
Felix  Trespalacios,  then  governor  of  Texas.  These 
Austin    continued,    and   likewise   formed    additional 

^^  A  list  of  the  ziamea  of  the  original  300  colonists  introduced  by  Austin  is 
supplied  by  Baker,  who  obtained  it  from  the  records  of  the  land-office.  Bak- 
ers,  Texas,  557-61. 

^'Coahuila  and  Texas  were  formed  in  one  state  in  1824. 

"The  square  league  was  a  tract  5,000  varas  square,  and  contained  4,428 
acres.  The  labor  was  1,000  varas  square,  or  one  twenty-fifth  part  of  a  sitio. 
It  contained  177  acres.  Five  sitios  composed  one  hacienda.  (Joloniz.  Lmo  of 
ISS3,  in  Holleu's  Tex.,  197-«. 

^Deweeg'  Letters,  49.     Dewees,  however,  makes  the  square  league  4,444 
acres,  which  is  incorrect,  the  vara  being  approximately  33  j  inches. 
Hui.  M.  Mbx.  Sxatxs,  Vol.  XL 


66  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESABIO  SYSTEM. 

ones  as  occasion  required,  directing  that  in  such  cases 
the  justice  should  be  chosen  by  popular  election.  To 
these  alcaldes  he  gave  jurisdiction  in  civil  matters  to 
the  extent  of  $200,  the  suitors  having  the  right  of 
appeal  to  himself  in  all  sums  over  twenty-five  dollars. 
He  also  drew  up  a  civil  and  judicial  code  of  provis- 
ional regulations,  which  was  approved  by  the  gov- 
ernor. In  September  1824  he  nominated  Samuel  M. 
Williams  secretary  of  the  local  government,  which 
appointment  was  also  approved,  and  with  his  assist- 
tance  opened  a  book  of  record,  in  which  all  land  docu- 
ments and  title  deeds  were  registered."^ 

But  it  mattered  not  how  deeply  he  had  at  heart 
the  welfare  of  his  colonists,  or  how  drudgingly  and 
gratuitously  he  toiled  in  their  behalf;  it  mattered  not 
how  great  was  the  responsibility  under  which  he  lay, 
or  how  often  he  untied  his  purse-strings  to  secure  to 
the  penniless  immigrant  his  grant  of  land  and  supply 
his  wants — ^there  would  be  growlers.  When  the  time 
arrived  for  the  payment  of  the  twelve  and  a  half  cents 
per  acre,  charged  upon  the  lands  by  agreement  for 
the  formation  of  a  fund,  partly  to  be  employed  in 
meeting  the  expenses  of  government,  and  partly  in 
reimbursing  Austin  for  outlays  made  by  him,  violent 
opposition  was  raised.  It  was  loudly  asserted  that  he 
was  selling  the  lands  to  the  settlers;  that  he  was  ex- 
acting payments  which  he  had  no  legal  right  to  claim ; 
that  in  fact  he  was  speculating  upon  the  immigrants. 
Austin  considered  that  he  had  entered  into  an  equi- 
table contract  with  them  in  a  public  and  open  manner ; 
but  from  the  temper  displayed,  he  saw  that  to  attempt 
to  enforce  his  claims  would  jeopardize  the  object  he 
had  in  view  of  colonizing  the  country.  Therefore, 
although  many  were  willing  to  comply  with  their  en- 
gagements, he  not  only  desisted  from  his  demands,  but 
declined  to  accept  payment  from  any  unless  it  were 
made  by  all.  The  result  was,  that  under  the  original 
contracts  he  never  received  a  dollar,  and  the  payments 

^  Tex.  Translaihn  qf  Laws^  etc.,  21-2. 


LAWS  NEEDED.  67 

on  land  titles  were  regulated  by  a  fee-bill  published 
by  the  ffovemor  of  Texas,  May  20,  1824,  covering 
commissioners'  fees,  surveying  expenses,  and  other 
costs. 

Then,  again,  the  assistance  rendered  to  poor  immi- 
grants by  Austin,  who  procured  for  them  the  means 
of  defraying  the  fees  on  their  lands,  and  settling 
thereon,  aroused  the  jealousy  of  others,  who  charged 
him  with  partiality,  and  with  making  unjust  distinc- 
tions. His  extensive  and  discretionary  powers,  also, 
with  regard  to  the  reception  of  settlers,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  colony,  and  the  distribution  of  land  ex- 
posed him  continually  to  abuse.  Every  act  of  his 
was  closely  watched  by  severely  scrutinizing  eyes. 
The  men  he  had  to  deal  with  were  a  mixed  multitude, 
ignorant  of  the  language  and  laws  of  their  adopted 
country,  and  many  of  them  turbulent  spirits.  With 
no  interpreters  among  them,  they  had  no  means  of 
gaining  any  information  as  to  the  orders  of  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  laws,  except  through  Austin  and  his 
secretary;  and  though  these  indefatigable  workers, 
with  infinite  toil,  supplied  them  with  translations  in 
manuscript,  the  settlers  were  suspicious,  captious,  and 
uncompromising.  They  made  no  allowance  for  his 
peculiar  position,  but  expected  to  find  in  an  infant 
colony  the  regularity  and  organized  system  which  only 
the  experience  of  a  long-established  community  can 
develop.  Austin  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  the 
want  of  a  written  code  of  laws,  the  exhibition  of 
which  in  support  of  his  official  acts  was  incessantly 
demanded  with  clamorous  emphasis.  Moreover,  while 
his  discretionary  powers  were  regarded  with  aversion 
on  the  one  hand,  and  objected  to,  they  were  indorsed 
and  appealed  to  when  avarice  could  be  gratified  by 
the  exercise  of  them.  Greedy  immigrants,  not  con- 
tent with  their  square  league  of  land,  demanded  more, 
and  when  it  was  refused,  conceived  themselves  treated 
with  injustice  by  one  who  could  comply  with  their 
wishes  if  he  chose.     The  greatest  patience  and  for- 


68  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPEESAKIO  SYSTEM.       • 

bearance  were  necessary  to  deal  with,  such  settlers, 
and  prevent  the  refractory  from  producmg  a  state  of 
anarchy  which  would  have  ruined  the  prospects  of 
the  colony.  Yet  with  so  much  prudence  and  moder- 
ation, so  much  of  temperate  compliance  and  firm  re- 
fusal, did  Austin  manage  the  afiairs,  that  though  on 
more  than  one  occasion  dissension  was  so  violent  and 
popular  excitement  rose  so  high  as  to  require  his  ut> 
most  energy  to  allay  them,  no  blood  was  ever  shed  in 
civil  strife,  and  as  time  passed  on  he  gained  the  gen- 
eral confidence  and  esteem  of  the  settlers.^* 

The  idea  prevailed  in  the  United  States  and  Europe 
that  the  early  colonists  of  Austin  s  settlement  were 
composed  of  fugitives  from  justice,  and  criminals  from 
all  countries.  This  erroneous  opinion  is  rebutted  by 
Austin,  who,  in  1829,  says  that  naturally  some  fugi- 
tives would  find  their  way  into  the  country,  but  meas- 
ures were  taken  at  an  early  day,  both  by  the  govern- 
ment and  himself,  to  shield  Texas  from  that  evil. 
During  1823  and  1824  he  banished  several  from  the 
colony,  under  the  severest  threats  of  corporal  punish- 
ment if  they  returned,  and  in  one  instance  inflicted  it. 
The  fact  that  he  had  no  force  with  which  to  expel 
these  intruders,  except  the  militia  composed  of  the 
settlers  themselves,  proves  that  the  men  of  that  class 
were  very  few  in  his  colony.  His  settlement,  he 
maintained,  as  regarded  morality  and  the  commission 
of  crime,  could  bear  favorable  comparison  with  any 
county  in  the  United  States,  however  celebrated  for 
its  exemption  from  criminal  oflfences.^^ 

"M,  26-9.  Austin  to  Edwards,  1825,  in  Footers  Tex.,  L  902-4.  Foote 
writes— /(^.,  300 — *It  ia  confidently  l)elieved  that  at  the  period  of  the  death 
of  this  extraordinary  personage . . .  there  was  not  a  man,  women,  or  chihl 
in  all  Texas . . .  who  was  not  inclined  to  do  hearty  homage  to  the  extraordinary 
wisdom  and  unsurpassed  virtues  of  this  efficient  and  truly  philanthropic 
champion  of  free  institutions.'^  Mrs  HoIIey  sa^s:  'Amidst  aU  we  slanderous 
imputations  that  have  been  uttered  asainst  him,  he  finds  sufficient  consola- 
tion in  the  general  confidence  of  all  the  intelligent  and  worthy  part  of  the 
settlers.'  T«:<w,  294. 

'^  Tex.  Tramlation  qf  Laio/t^  etc.,  29.  Yet  Filisola  goes  so  far  as  to  say 
that  he  was  robl)ed  of  all  the  fruits  of  his  toil  and  hardships  by  a  second  del- 
uge of  adventurers  and  criminals;  *k)s  que  en  realidad  le  arreWtara  despues 
el  nuevo  alubion  que  sobrevino  de  aventureros  y  criminales  con  que    se 


INCOMING  FAMILIES.  09 

Austin's  colony  was  an  exceptional  one.  No  speci- 
fied limits  had  ever  been  assigned  to  his  grant,  and 
his  immigrants,  being  of  a  rambling  disposition,  had 
scattered  themselves  over  a  large  extent  of  country, 
each  setthng  in  the  locality  which  most  pleased  him. 
Although  this  dispersion  at  first  was  attended  with 
inconvenience  and  additional  expense  in  the  matters 
of  government  and  protection,  it  was  permitted  in  the 
belief  that,  if  the  settlers  could  sustain  themselves 
against  Indian  attacks,  the  expansion,  by  affording 
facilities  to  new  immigrants,  would  be  of  more  ulti- 
mate benefit  to  the  country  than  a  cluster  of  coter- 
n^inous  grants.  The  advantage  of  this  system  in  time 
became  apparent,  when  provisions  could  be  procured 
in  all  directions,  without  the  necessity  of  transporta- 
tion from  places  far  distant  As  all  the  intervening 
vacant  lands  were  public  domain,  Austin  now  turned 
his  attention  to  settling  them,  and  in  1824  and  1825 
made  several  petitions  to  the  state  government  with 
that  object  The  result  was,  that  on  May  20,  1825, 
permission  was  granted  him  to  settle  500  families  on 
the  unoccupied  lands  lying  within  his  colony,  the 
Umits  of  which  were  still  undefined.^ 

After  the  Mexican  provinces  had  declared  them- 
selves free,  and  possessed  of  sovereign  rights,  and  the 
federal  system  had  been  established,  a  national  coloiii- 

aumentd  la  pobUdon,  y  que  se  apoderafon  de  bus  tierrajs.'  Mem,  Hist.  Guerra 
Tej.,  i.  137. 

"  Tex,  Translation  of  Laws^  etc.,  20-1.  Austin  signed  ^he  contract  Juno 
4th,  from  which  date  it  took  effect.  He  had  previously  applied  for  a  contract 
to  settle  300  families,  which  being  granted,  the  number  was  afterward  in- 
creased to  600.  See  the  contract  in  White's  Col.  Lawn,  i.  610-13.  The  limits 
of  the  colony  were  thus  defined  March  7,  1827:  'Commencing  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  river  San  Jacinto,  at  the  termination  of  the  ten-league  reserve  ' — 
art  4  of  the  national  colonization  law,  and  art.  7  of  that  of  Coiihuila  and 
"iexas — '  from  the  pilf  of  Mexico,  and  thence  following  the  right  bank  of  said 
river  to  its  hea<l,  thence  due  north  to  the  road  leading  from  Hcxar  to  Xaci  >;,'- 
doches;  thence  following  said  road  westwardly,  to  a  point  from  wlience  a  line 
due  south  will  strike  the  La  Baca  to  within  ten  leagues  of  tlie  gulf  of  Mexico, 
and  thence  eastwardl^  alonff  the  sai<l  ten-league  line,  parallel  with  the  coast, 
to  the  place  of  beginning.'  /&.;  Keport  of  the  gov.  of  Coah.,  in  Tor  net,  Ttjc.  y 
EeUuL  Unkl.,  28. 


70  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPKESAEIO  SYSTEM. 

zation  law  was  enacted  August  18,  1824,®  one  of  the 
items  of  which  authorized  the  legislatures  of  the  dif- 
ferent states  to  form  colonization  laws  for  the  occu- 
pancy of  the  pubUc  domains  within  their  respective 
territories,  on  terms  that  were  not  at  variance  with 
the  federal  constitution.  Accordingly,  the  newly 
formed  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,^  having  organized 
its  government,  the  legislature,  on  March  24,  1825, 
decreed  such  a  law.*^  It  will  be  observed  by  referring 
to  this  law,  and  to  the  one  enacted  by  the  junta  insti- 
tutiva,  January  4,  1823,  that  the  policy  pursued,  in 
order  to  procure  the  settlement  of  unoccupied  terri- 
tory by  foreigners,  was  to  confer  tracts  of  the  public 
domains  upon  persons  who  should  introduce  at  their 
own  expense  a  certain  number  of  immigrant  families. 
This  plan  is  known  as  the  'empresario  system.'^  The 
regulations  with  regard  to  this  system  of  colonization 
were  as  follow:  The  empresario  first  presented  a 
memorial  to  the  state  government  asking  for  permis- 
sion to  colonize  certain  waste  lands  which  were  desig- 
nated, as  well  as  the  number  of  families  he  proposed 
to  introduce.  To  afford  ample  choice  to  the  settlers, 
the  tract  designated  and  usually  conceded  by  the  gov- 
ernment was  greatly  in  excess  of  the  appropriation  to 
be  finally  made ;  but  after  the  establishment  of  the 
settlement  and  the  completion  of  the  allotments  to  the 
colonists,  and  the  assignment  of  the  '  premium  land ' 
to  the  empresario,  all  surplus  land  reverted  to  the 
state.  The  distribution  of  the  allotments  was  under 
the  control  of  a  commissioner,^  appointed  by  the  state 

1*  Translations  will  be  found  in  WlviU'B  CoL  Laws,  I  601-2;  HoUey's  Texan, 
202^. 

*£y  decree  of  May  7,  1824.  Hist,  Meac,  v,  22,  this  series;  Mex,  OoL  LeyeJt 
Ord,  y  Decret.j  iii.  4G-7. 

s^  Copy  in  Spanish  and  English  will  be  found  in  Coah,  Leyes  y  Decretoe,  14- 
23. 

^ '  Empresario,'  meaning  '  contractor.' 

^The  commissioner  was  an  important  fonctionary.  His  dnties  were  to 
examine  colonists'  certiiicatee;  to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  them; 
to  issue  the  land  titles;  and  appoint  the  surveyor.  He  selected  the  sites  for 
the  founding  of  towns;  establisned  ferries;  and  presided  at  the  popular  elec- 
tions for  the  appointment  of  ayuntamientos  of  new  towns,  and  mducted  the 
officers  chosen.     All  public  instruments,  titles,  or  documents  were  to  be 


LAND  REGULATIOKa  •71 

govemmenty  but  he  had  no  power  to  make  an  assign- 
ment without  the  approval  of  the  contractor.  If  the 
contractor  failed  to  mtroduce  the  stipulated  number 
of  families  within  the  term  of  six  years,  he  lost  his 
rights  and  privileges  in  proportion  to  the  deficiency, 
and  the  contract  was  totally  annulled  if  he  had  not 
succeeded  in  settling  100  famiUes.  The  premium 
granted  to  a  contractor  was  five  square  leagues  of 
grazing  land  and  five  labores  of  tillage  land  for  each 
hundred  famihes,  but  he  could  not  acquire  premium 
on  more  than  800  famiUes." 

With  regard  to  the  settlers  comprehended  in  a  con- 
tract, each  family  whose  sole  occupation  was  farming 
received  177  acres — one  labor — of  agricultural  land; 
and  if  it  engaged  in  stock-raising  also,  a  grazing  tract 
suflBcient  to  complete  a  square  league  was  added. 
Those  famiUes  whose  sole  occupation  was  cattle-raising 
received  each  a  square  league,  less  177  acres.  An 
unmarried  man  received  one  fourth  of  the  above 
quantity.  The  government  of  the  state  alone  could 
increase  these  quantities  in  proportion  to  the  size  of  a 
family  and  the  industry  and  activity  of  colonists. 
Eleven  square  leagues  was  the  limit  of  land  that  could 
be  owned  by  the  same  hands  as  prescribed  by  the 
national  colonization  law. 

For  each  square  league,  or  sitio  as  it  was  denomi- 
nated, the  colonist  paid  an  emption  sima  of  $30  to  the 
state,  $2.50  for  each  labor  not  irrigable,  and  $3.50 
for  one  that  was  irrigaWe ;  but  these  payments  were 
not  demanded  till  after  the  expiration  of  six  years  from 
time  of  settlement,  and  then  only  in  three  instalments 
at  long  intervals.    Contractors  and  the  military  were 

vritteii  in  the  Spanish  language,  and  he  was  required  to  form  and  fumiBh  a 
book  of  record  for  each  new  town.  Coah.  Leyes  y  Decretm,  70-3.  His  fees,  by 
decree  of  May  15,  1828,  were  fixed  at  $15  for  each  sitio  distributed,  ^1  for 
each  labor  not  irrigable,  and  $2.50  for  each  irrigable  one.  Id.,  100.  By  de- 
cree of  Apn  1,  1830,  the  survevor's  fees  were  rated  at  $8  and  ^  respectively, 
for  the  survey  of  a  sitio  and  labor,  and  $1.50  for  that  of  a  town  lot.  /r/.,  14^. 
**By  art.  12  of  the  national  colonization  law,  no  one  could  own  more  than 

11  square  leagues,  while  it  was  possible  for  a  contractor  to  own  over  forty. 
He  was,  however,  required  to  alienate  the  excess  by  sale  or  otherwise  within 

12  years.  Id.,  17. 


l9         COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESABIO  SYSTEM. 

exempt  from  this  quittance.  The  incoming  settler  was, 
moreover,  subject  to  the  payment  of  the  commis- 
sioner's and  surveyor's  fees,  and  to  the  charges  for  the 
sheets  of  stamped  paper  on  which  the  order  for  the 
survey  was  granted  and  his  title  deed  issued.  With 
other  minor  items,  the  total  cost  of  a  sitio  was  about 
1180.^ 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  terms  offered  to  for- 
eigners as  an  inducement  to  settle  in  Texas  were  most 
liberal.  There  are,  however,  two  points  noticeable  in 
this  famous  colonization  law  which  manifest  a  lack  of 
wisdom  in  the  framers ;  namely,  the  requirement  that 
the  foreign  settlers  should  take  oath  to  observe  the 
religion  prescribed  by  the  federal  constitution ;  and 
the  preference  given  to  Mexicans.  In  the  first  case, 
the  condition,  if  scrupulously  carried  out,  would  ex- 
clude all  but  Roman  catholics,  and  to  a  great  extent 
defeat  the  object  of  the  law.  No  empresario  could 
have  introduced  any  large  number  of  colonists  under 
such  a  proviso  if  strictly  adhered  to,  and  few  would 
have   been  found   to  make  the   attempt  in  face  of 

^  More  general  reffulations  contained  in  the  colonization  law  of  Coahnila 
and  Texas,  upon  which  I  have  drawn  for  the  above  details,  are  the  following: 
All  foreigners  were  not  only  at  liberty  to  settle  in  the  state,  but  were 
invited  to  do  so.  Settlers  were  required  to  profess  the  catholic  faith,  and 
prove  their  morality  and  good  habits;  they  could  then  project  the  formation 
of  new  towns  on  vacant  lands,  and  pursue  an^  branch  of  mdustry  thev  thought 
proper.  No  settlement  could  be  formed  within  20  leagues  of  the  1x>undary 
tine  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  or  within  10  leagues  of  the  coast 
of  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  In  the  distribution  of  lands,  preference  was  to  be 
dven  to  the  military  entitled  to  them,  and  to  Mexican  citizens  not  military. 
Indians  were  to  be  received  in  the  markms  of  colonial  towns  without  paying 
duty,  for  traffic  in  the  products  of  the  country,  and  if  they  declared  them- 
selves in  favor  of  the  religion  and  institutions  of  the  country,  were  to  be  ad- 
mitted as  settlers  on  the  same  terms  as  the  colonists.  The  government  would 
sell  to  Mexicans,  and  to  Mexicans  only,  such  lands  as  they  might  wish  to 
purchase,  to  the  extent  of  1 1  sitios.  Settlers  who  failed  to  cultivate  their 
lands  within  six  years  lost  their  right  of  possession.  A  colonist  might  dis- 
pose of  his  land  by  testamentary  will,  but  no  such  land  could  be  neld  in 
mortmain.  Foreigners  who  acquired  land  by  this  law  became  naturalized. 
Ihiring  the  first  ten  years,  counting  from  its  establishment,  a  new  settlement 
was  to  be  free  from  all  contributions,  except  in  war  time,  and  all  produce  of 
agriculture  and  industry  were  to  be  exempt  from  every  kind  of  duty.  Forty 
families  united  might  proceed  to  found  a  town,  and  one  of  not  less  than  20O 
inhabitants  was  to  elect  an  ayuntamiento  provided  no  other  one  had  been 
established  within  8  leagues  of  it.  With  regard  to  the  introduction  of  slaves, 
new  settlers  were  to  be  subject  to  existing  laws  and  those  which  might  be 
later  enacted  on  the  matter. 


IMMIGRATION.  -73 

ulmost  certain  loss.  The  consequence  was,  that  in 
practice  neither  the  contractors  nor  the  settlers  were 
at  all  scrupulous  about  the  matter,  and  in  this  point 
the  third  article  of  the  decree  became  almost  a  dead 
letter.^  In  the  second  case,  the  natural  result  was 
the  promotion  of  jealousy  and  ill  feeUng  between  the 
foreign  immigrants  and  the  Mexican  settlers,  when 
harmonious  coalescence  ought  to  have  been  the  object 
aimed  at. 

After  the  promulgation  of  the  state  colonization 
law,  a  tide  of  immigration  into  Texas  set  in  from  the 
United  States,  which  in  a  few  years  converted  her 
wildernesses  and  wastes  into  thriving  farms  and  lucra- 
tive cattle-ranges;  while  town  after  town,  busy  under 
the  impulse  of  progress,  sprung  up  in  rapid  succession. 
Empresarios  flocked  into  the  countrj",  bringing  settlers 
in  their  wake,  and  eager  inmiigrants,  in  no  connection 
with  contractors,  moved  into  Texas  at  their  own  ex- 
pense and  obtained  land  grants.  On  the  15th  of 
April,  1825,  Robert  Leftwich  and  Hay  den  Edwards 
obtained  contracts,  the  former  to  introduce  200  fami- 
lies,^ and  the  latter  800.  The  same  year  Green 
Dewitt  and  Martin  de  Leon  obtained  contracts,  the 
former  to  settle  300  families  in  the  district  south- 
west of  Austin's  colony,  and  the  latter  to  found  with 
150  families  a  villa,  to  be  named  Victoria,  on  the 
Guadalupe.® 

During  succeeding  years  numerous  other  contracts 
were  made,  and  nearly  the  whole  surface  of  Texas 
was  parcelled  out  to  different  empresarios;  though 
none  of  these  fulfilled  their  contracts,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Austin,  who  was  the  only  thoroughly  success- 

**  The  fifth  article  calls  for  a  certificate  from  the  authorities  of  the  place 
whence  the  settler  migrated,  vouching  for  his  morality  and  good  habits,  and 
for  his  Ixnng  a  catholic. 

^  Leftwich's  contract  was  first  applied  for  in  1822,  when  Austin  was  in  the 
city  of  Mexico.  7Vx.  Translation  of  tau\%  12,  note.  After  much  controversy, 
it  Dually  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Nashville  Co.  of  Tennessee,  Leftwich  hav- 
ing l>een  their  at,'cnt.   DeicftH    Letferjif  116. 

^Ib,;  Yoahima  HH.  Tex.,  i.  2U;  J?ewee^*  LcUer.%  115-lG,  118. 


74  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESARIO  SYSTEM. 

ful  contractor,  some  of  them  partially  colonized  their 
land  grants.  I  will  mention  the  principal  under- 
takings under  the  empresario  system. 

Benjamin  R.  Milam  contracted,  January  12,  1826, 
to  settle  300  families  in  the  district  lying  north-west 
of  the  San  Antonio  and  the  Nacogdoches  road,  be- 
tween the  Guadalupe  and  Colorado  rivers,  and  bounded 
on  the  north-west  by  a  line  parallel  with  the  road,  and 
fifteen  leagues  distant  from  it. 

James  Powers,  June  11,  1826,  engaged  to  form  a 
settlement  of  200  families  in  the  country  south  of 
Leon's  ^ant,  and  bounded  on  the  south  by  the 
Nueces  xliver. 

McMuUen  and  McGloin  contracted,  August  17, 
1826,  to  settle,  with  200  families,  the  district  lying 
west  of  the  ten-league  reserve  as  exhibited  on  Stephen 
Austin's  map  of  Texas,  1835. 

Joseph  Vehlein  contracted,  December  21,  1826,  to 
introduce  300  families  into  the  district  which  nearly 
corresponded  with  the  grants  of  Zavala  and  Whelin 
as  shown  on  the  same  map.  Vehlein's  grant,  how- 
ever, was  Umited  by  the  twenty-league  border  line  on 
the  east,  and  the  ten-league  coast  reserve  on  the 
south. 

David  G.  Burnett,  December  22,  1826,  engaged  to 
colonize  with  300  families  the  land  grant  shown  under 
his  name  on  the  map. 

John  Cameron  contracted,  May  21,  1827,  to  settle 
100  families  on  a  grant  of  land  located  north  of  32"* 
latitude  and  west  of  102**  longitude.  On  August  18, 
1828,  he  also  obtained  a  large  grant  south  of  Red 
River. 

Stephen  Austin  obtained  a  grant  of  land  to  the 
west  of  Dewitts  colony,  November  20,  1827,  for  the 
settlement  of  100  families;  and  in  1828  he  was  per- 
mitted by  the  federal  government  to  settle  the  ten- 
league  reserve  of  coast  land  lying  between  his  colony 
and  the  sea.  In  February  1831  Austin,  in  partner- 
ship with  Samuel  Williams,  obtained  a  large  grant 


ATTITUDE  OF  MEXICO. 


76 


with  the  engagement  to  settle  thereon  800  Mexican 
and  other  families. 

Lorenzo  de  Zavala  acquired  his  grant  March  6, 
1829,  contracting  to  colonize  it  with  500  famiHes. 

Greneral  Vicente  FiHsola  contracted,  October  12, 
1831,  to  colonize  with  600  foreign  famiHes,  the  dis- 
trict designated  under  his  name  on  the  map.^ 


Austin's  Map  of  1835. 


Many  other  contracts  were  made,  some  of  which 
were  never  carried  into  effect,  and  the  grants  reverted 


76  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESARIO  SYSTEM. 

to  the  government,  while  others  were  merged  in  new 
concessions.  But  though  the  empresarios  were  only 
partially  successful  in  their  enterprises,  Texas  was 
steadily  progressing.  Her  population  increased  so 
rapidly  that  whereas  in  1821  the  'number  of  her  in- 
habitants, exclusive  of  Indians,  did  not  exceed  3,500, 
ill  1830  it  amounted  to  nearly  20,000 ;*'  and  the 
natural  resources  of  the  country  were  already  greatly 
developed.  But  the  time  had  arrived  when  Mexico, 
by  her  misrule  and  jealous  apprehensions,  alienated 
these  thriving  settlements  of  a  free-spirited  race,  and 
drove  them  to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  their 
rights.  ^^ 

^  The  above  list  of  empresarios  and  their  grants  is  obtained  from  DetcetfC 
Lettcrsy  115-18,  and  the  report  of  the  governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  to  the 
supreme  government,  in  Tomel,  TeJ.  y  Estad.  [/rwL,  27-38.  The  first  edi- 
tion of  Austin's  map  was  published  in  1833. 

^Auiftifij  Effpos.  sobre  7'e/tw,  8,  in  Pap.  Var.,  167,  no.  10;  Mer.  ApnnL 
Hist.  Guerrtif  16;  Ramsey  8  Oilier  Sule,  18;  Almonte^  Not.  Extad.  Tej.^  25,  50, 
07,  aad  table  no.  4.  In  1827  the  population  was  estimated  at  about  10,000. 
La  OpoHidon,  1  En.,  1835,  2;  Cor.  Fed.  Mex.,  12  Mar.,  1827,  3. 

*^  On  the  subject  of  the  colonization  of  Texas  and  the  empresario  system, 
the  authorities  that  have  been  consulted  are:  Tornely  Tej<u  y  ios  EE.  UU., 
C5-47;  M,  ffiM.  M^x.,  147-58;  Zamia,  VicKje  a  loa  Estachs  Unkloa,  149-52; 
Id.,  Rev.  M6x.,  ii.  128-9;  Mex.  Menu  Reiac.,  1823,  34;  Id.,  Mem.  Relac., 
1831,  20;  /(/.,  Col.  Leyes,  1829-30,  102;  /(/.,  Col.  Leyes,  6rd.  y  Dec,  ii.  94, 
183;  FilhoUi,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tex.,  i.  Ill,  122-6,  130-41,  553-67;  Deicecn 
Letters  from  Texas,  23-50,  112-19,  134-41;  Kennedys  Texas,  i.  270-2,  316-41, 
359-01,  377;  Hunt's  Adclress  to  People  qf  Tex.,  22-4;  Swisher's  Amer.  Sketch 
Book,  vol.  iv.,  no.  2,  pp.  154-5;  no.  4,  p.  201;  vol.  vi.,  no.  5,  pp.  365-75; 
Lwlecus,  Reise,  50-8;  AusUn,  E-tposic.  sobre  Tejus^  8,  13-14;  ArrilUnja,  Recoup., 
18:U,  47-50;  DoninvcK  Journal  d'un  Miss.,  23-4;  Id.,  Miss.  Advent.,  20; 
Holley's  Texas,  195-231,  281-.300.  309-10;  Houston  s  Texas,  i.  196-201;  Mc- 
Volte's  Comprehensive  View,  759-60;  La  Oposidofi,  Jan.  1,  1835;  Niles'  S.  Am. 
and  Mex.,  i.  252-0;  Id.,  Rej.,  xi.  207,  380;  xxiii.  80;  xxvii.  112;  xxx.  242; 
xxxi.  3;  Querra  entre  M^r.  y  Ios  Est.  Un.,  16;  Gvia  de  Hac.  Rep.  Mex.,  iv. 
21-2;  Mexico  in  18/, J,  6-7;  Mex.  Cook,  aiid  Tex.  Colonization  Law;  Papeles 
ToWo^,  no.  cxi.,  pt  2;  no.  clxvii.,  pt  10;  Nor^i  Am.  Review,  xliii.  244-5; 
Trx.,  Address  Refatimj  to  Gnlv.  Bay  and  Tex.  Land  Co.,  pp.  1-37,  and  ap. 
1-G8;  Id.,  TransUUion  cif  L'lws,  Orders,  etc.  (Columbia,  1837),  p.  81;  i'oah.  y 
Tix.,  LcifPSy  15-23,  70-4;  Eiinh.  Review,  no.  147,  p.  257;  La  Mijienxi,  May  8, 
1^5;  RockwelVs  Span,  a  fid  Mex.  Law,  648--52;  El  ConstUucional,  March  22, 
1844;  Mix.,  Col.  Dec.  sob.  Conjr.  Mex.,  110-11;  Tex.  Aim.,  1858,  145-75; 
1859,  153-60;  18G8,  171-7;  White's  ColL  La\os,  i.  559-622;  Modem  Travel- 
ler Mex.  ami  On  it,  ii.  29-31;  Cor.  Fed.  Mex.,  March  12,  1827;  Noticioso 
O^n.,  Feb.  14,  1821;  Mex.,  Injor.ite  Coumion  Pesqui^dora,  1874,  9;  Id..  Rept 
Mex.  Border  Contm.,  244-5;  Cortes,  Act.  Ord.,  1813,  i.  4(H-5;  Id.,  Diano, 
xxii.,  June  18,  1821,  pp.  S-VO;  Foofe's  Texas,  i.  221-9;  ThraWs  Hist.  Texas, 
117-70,  175-6,  479-82,  498;  WilUon's  Amer.  Hl<t.,  631-3;  Blanchard  et 
DdHzatSy  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  529-30;  Nouv.  Annates  Voy.,  cliv.  357;  HowitCs 
Hut.  U.  S.,  ii.  343;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  24-5;  Varios  Impremn.  2, 
no.  vi.,  2r)-l;  Rvsfaniav/e,  Gahinete  Mex.,  ii.  15-21;  Snarez  y  Navarro,  Hist. 
M^j.,  242-6,  315-19;  395-406;  Hutchinson's  Rem.,  194-6;  AbwrnU,  Not.  EsL 
Texas,  14,  20-5;  La?-enaudidre,  Mex.  et  Guai.,  229. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AXD  TEXAS. 

1800-ia39. 

Dekpotism  in  Coahthla — Internal  Government— Resoukces  and  Con- 
dition or  THE  Province — Charac^ter  of  the  People — C'oahitila 
DURING   the  War  of  Independence — Formation  of  the  State  of 

COAllUILA  AND  TeXAS — ORGANIZATION     OF  A  GOVERNMENT— ThE    StaTE 

CoNsrrrruTioN — Election  Laws — First  CoNSTm'TioNAL  Congress — 
ViE«cA  Elected  Governor— Poverty  of  the  Treasury— Commercial 
Intruders — Offers  of  the  United  States  to  Purchase  Texas— '^  he 
Slave  Question  in  Texas— The  Colonists  Angry — Condition  of  the 
Mexican  Peon^The  Emancipation  Law — Exception  in  Favor  of 
Texas — Persecution  of  Spaniards — Subserviency  of  the  State  to 
THE  National  Government — ^Administration  of  Justice — Education 
AND  Religion — Monopoly  Privileges  Granted  to  Colonists. 

Previous  to  the  year  1824  Texas  had  no  poHtical 
connection  with  Coahuila,  each  forming  a  separate 
province  under  the  supreme  rule  of  the  commandant 
general  of  the  provincias  internas  de  oriente.^  As  the 
internal  administration  of  both  these  provinces  was 
identical  during  the  Spanish  domination,  nothing  fur- 
ther need  be  said  with  regard  to  that  of  Coahuila,  in 
addition  to  the  description  given  in  a  former  chapter 
of  the  government  of  Texas,  except  that  Coahuila 
being  a  far  richer  and  more  populous  country,  the 
temptations  presented  to  a  practically  absolute  ruler 
were  greater.  Thus  corruption  and  injustice  were 
practised,  and  tryanny  and  oppression  exercised,  on  a 
proportionately  larger  scale  in  Coahuila  than  in  Texas.^ 

^  Under  the  Spanish  domination  the  province  of  Coahuila  was  called  Pro- 
vincia  de  Nueva  Estremadura.  PriiOy  in  Mayer ^  MS.,  no.  19,  p.  2*2. 

"Unfortunate  provinces!* — says  Arispe  in  his  memorial  to  tho  rei-ency, 


78  THE  STATE  OF  C50AHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

The  commandant  general  ruled  as  it  suited  him ;  and 
while  possessing  even  superior  power  to  the  viceroy, 
there  was  really  no  semblance  of  a  check  upon  has 
authority,  except  the  presence  of  his  legal  adviser,  the 
auditor  de  guerra,  who  generally  did  nothing  more 
than  approve  and  support  his  opinions.  With  regard 
to  internal  administration,  remoteness  from  the  centre 
of  supreme  government  rendered  the  supremacy  of  the 
local  governors  almost  as  absolute  as  that  of  the  com- 
mandant general,*  and  reduced  their  responsibility  to 
a  mere  cipher.  Consequently,  in  the  administration 
of  so-called  justice,  every  enormity  was  practised  that 
enmity  or  covetousness  suggested,  and  venalty  and 
corruptness  made  easy  of  perpetration.  Liberty, 
honor,  and  property  were  alike  assailed.* 

As  in  the  case  of  Texas,  the  number  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Coahuila  can  only  be  approximately  obtained. 
The  Tribunal  del  Consulado  assigned  to  it  a  population 
of  40,000  in  1803,  while  Humboldt  for  the  same  year 

i)laces  the  figures  as  low  as  16,900.*^  Pike,  four  years 
ater,  states  that  the  population  was  estimated  at 
70,000  souls,  10,000  only  of  whom  were  Spaniards; 
and  this  number  is  indorsed  both  by  Arispe  and 
Guerra.®  Again,  Navarro  y  Noriega  calculated  that 
the  total  number  of  inhabitants  of  all  races  in  1810 
was  42,937.^  With  such  varying  estimates  before  me, 
I  shall  leave  the  reader  to  draw  his  own  conclusion 
on  the  subject. 

At  this  time  there  were  in  Coahuila  no  less  than 

Nov.  1,  1811 — *I  wish  not  to  be  personal,  but  I  know  that  every  enormity 
has  been  committed  there. '  p.  26.  This  memorial  was  printed  at  C^diz  in 
1812,  and  a  translation  of  it  published  in  Philadelphia  in  1814. 

' '  I  am  therefore  not  at  all  ajstonished  at  the  excesses  of  many  governors, 
at  their  arbitrary  and  despotic  rule;  I  rather  wonder  that  they  have  not  all 
been  uniformly  despots  and  tyrants.*  Id.,  27. 

*  *  I  have  many  times  known  respectable  and  useful  citizens  suffer  such 
scandalous  vexations,  and  even  die  broken-hearted,  at  iiniling  it  impossible  to 
vindicate  their  honor,  and  recover  their  property  of  which  they  had  been  de- 
frauded with  such  scandal  and  injustice,    /a.,  31. 

^Soc.  Mfx,  Oeog.,  ii.  6;  Esaai  PolU.,  156. 

^Pike's  Erped.,  ap.  iii.  29;  Arispe,  Mem,  Coah.,  9;  Ouenu,  HisL  Rev,  N, 
E^.,  ii.  370,  note. 

^Ihus  divided:  Spaniards,  13,285;  Indians,  12,437;  Castes,  17,215.  Soe, 
Mtx,  Ocotj,,  2a  6p.,  L  291. 


INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT.  79 

twelve  Spanish  towns,  the  most  populous  and  thriv- 
ing of  which  were  Saltillo,  Monclova,  Parras,  and 
Santa  Kosa.^  The  first  of  these  only  was  governed 
by  a  cabildo ;  Monclova  had  two  alcaldes  and  a  syndic, 
and  Parras  a  subdelegado,  two  alcaldes,  and  a  syndic; 
all  other  towns  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  lieuten- 
ants of  the  governor,  who  could  appoint  or  remove 
them  at  his  pleasure  by  a  simple  official  letter.  This 
was  a  grievous  and  despotic  system  of  government, 
and  it  was  not  Ukely  that  impartial  justice  would  be 
meted  out  in  Coahuila.  Arispe,  who  was  deputy  to 
Spain  for  this  province,  vehemently  pleaded  before  the 
c6rtes  for  redress  of  these  grievances,  and  suggested 
the  establishment  of  a  superior  executive  council  for 
the  four  eastern  internal  provinces,  of  a  high  court  of 
appeal,  and  of  provincial  deputations  and  local  cabildos 
or  municipalities.* 

At  Monclova,  Santa  Bosa,  San  Fernando  de  Kosas, 
and  Rio  Grande  were  stationed  garrison  companies  of 
veteran  calvary,  whose  duties  were  to  protect  the 
frontier,  fiimish  detachments  for  the  missions,^®  escort 
their  own  supplies  of  money  and  clothing  from  Sal- 

*  Pike  givea  the  estimated  prnmlatioii  of  Parraa  as  7,000;  that  of  Monclova 
3,500;  and  that  of  Santa  Rosa,  400.  Ut  gup.,  28.  According  to  Ouerra,  Sal- 
tillo in  1811  had  aboat  12,000  inhabitants.  Hist.  Rev.  N.  E/rp.,  i.  364.  Arispe, 
1811,  gives  to  the  town  and  district  of  Parras  10,000  inhabitants,  and  to  those 
of  Monclova  6,000.  Mem,  Coah.,  29. 

*  On  May  23,  1812,  the  Spanish  odrtes  passed  a  decree  ordering  the  forma- 
tion of  cabildos.  In  all  towns  with  a  population  not  exceeding  2(X)  there  were 
to  be  elected  by  vote  of  the  citizens  one  alcalde,  two  regidores,  and  one  pro- 
curator svndic;  in  towns  with  not  more  than  500  inhabitants,  one  alcaide, 
four  re&iidorea,  and  one  procurator;  in  those  with  not  more  than  1,000  inhabi- 
tants, but  exceeding  500,  one  alcalde,  six  regidores,  and  one  procurator;  in 
towns  with  a  popumtion  from  1,000  to  4,000,  two  alcaldes,  eight  regidores, 
and  two  procurators,  the  number  of  regidores  to  be  augmented  to  twelve  in 
those  towns  which  had  more  than  4,0(10  inhabitants.  The  capitals  of  prov- 
inces were  to  have  at  least  twelve  regidores;  and  should  th(,\  posseas  more 
than  10,000  inhabitants,  their  number  was  to  be  sixteen.  HV//^  's  Col.  Lawn, 
i.  416-18.  Rules  for  tiie  ffuidance  of  alcaldes  were  decreed  ()'-t.  9th  of  the 
same  year.  Id.,  419-20.  m  1813  the  odrtcs  decreed  the  eHtalJisimieiit  of  an 
intendencia  at  Saltillo,  and  in  1814»  of  a  provincial  deputation,  nprcHcuting 
Coahuila,  Nuevo  Leon,  Santander  or  Tamaulipas,  and  1  exas,  a.ssigning  Sal- 
tillo as  the  place  of  residence.  C6rte8 Diario,  1813,  xviii.  4'23;  COrtea,  Act. 
Ord.,  1814,  iL  266. 

*•  Arispe  mentions  6  Indian  missions;  namely,  Vissarron,  Dulce  Nombre  de 
Jesns,  Peyotes,  Juan  Bantista.  and  Nuestra  Seflora  de  la  Victoria.  Menu 
CooJl,  10. 


80  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TE3CAS. 

tillo,  and  conduct  the  bimonthly  mail  to  Texas  from 
Monclova,  which  town  was  the  principal  military 
depot  of  the  province  and  the  governor's  place  of  resi- 
dence. 

Under  a  less  oppressive  government,  the  province 
of  Coahuila,  with  its  fertile  soil,  its  genial  climate, 
and  pure  atmosphere,  would  have  been,  as  an  abiding 
place,  all  that  tiie  heart  of  man  could  desire.  There 
the  cultivator  could  produce  in  profuse  abundance 
com  and  wheat  and  wine,  delicious  fi-uits  and  deli- 
cate vegetables.  There,  too,  the  cotton-tree  thrived, 
and  on  the  rich  pasture  lands  flocks  of  sheep  and 
herds  of  cattle  and  horses  multiplied."  But  the 
incubus  of  commercial  and  agricultural  monopoly 
pressed  heavily  on  the  land.  The  avaricious  mer- 
chants of  San  Luis,  Quer^taro,  and  other  manufactur- 
ing cities  smothered  development  in  the  provincial 
internas.  In  Coahuila  no  factories  made  busy  the 
population  of  a  town;  the  hum  of  machinery  was 
not  heard;  and  the  industrious  women  plied  the 
primitive  spindle  and  distaff  to  supply  their  household 
wants,  and  produce  a  few  marketable  commodities.^" 
Thus  the  people  had  to  depend  upon  the  exportation 
of  their  flocks  and  mules,^*  and  raw  materials ;  and 
their  wool  and  cotton,  their  hides  and  wheat,  were  re- 
turned to  them  in  manufactured  form,  charged  with 
the  expenses  of  transportation  and  alcabala  duties,  and 
with  the  profits  of  the  outside  manufacturer,  the  mer- 
chant, and  the  retail  dealer.  Even  the  agricultural 
implements  of  iron  were  imported,  though  the  manu- 

"Arispe  says — ^p.  20 — 'The  most  interesting  branch  is  the  breeding  of 
sheep,  to  which  so  much  attention  is  paid  that,  after  furnishing  many  thou- 
sand head  to  the  markets  of  Saltillo,  Parras,  and  other  places  of  the  prov- 
inces, vast  numbers  are  exported  to  Zacatecas,  San  Miguel,  Quer^taro, 
Mexico,  and  Puebla.'  Cotton  was  produced  in  such  quantity  that  after  sup- 
plying the  four  provinces,  many  thousand  quintals  were  exported  to  furnish 
the  factories  at  San  Luis  Potosf,  San  Miguel,  Zelaya,  Silao,  Leon,  and  places 
in  Gua<lalajara.  Id,^  19. 

i'*  W^ith  these  simple  contrivances,  shawls  and  table-cloths  were  manufaxi- 
tured  of  such  durability  and  fineness  that  they  never  sold  for  less  than  eight 
dollars,  and  frequently  as  high  as  forty  or  fifty  dollars,  /rf.,  21-2. 

^^  Besides  keeping  up  a  stock  of  3,000  pack-mules,  2,000  were  annually 
exported,  Id.^  20. 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  OOUNTRY.  81 

facture  of  that  metal  and  of  wood  was  tolerably  well 
advanced  in  Saltillo^*  and  Parras. 

One  of  the  most  productive  industries  of  Coahuila 
was  the  cultivation  of  the  vine,  which,  despite  the  pro- 
hibitions against  it,  was  developed  to  a  considerable 
extent  in  the  district  of  Parrajs."  Combined  with 
this  agricultural  pursuit  was  the  only  manufacturing 
business  that  can  be  rightly  claimed  for  the  province. 
Great  quantities  of  excellent  brandies  and  delicious 
wines  were  manufactured  yearly  and  exported  to  Mex- 
ico and  other  parts  of  New  Spain.  These  two  indus- 
tries afforded  employment  to  the  whole  population  of 
the  district,  no  other  occupation  being  pursued.** 

The  inhabitants  of  Coahuila  were  a  thoroughly 
pastoral  and  agricultural  people,  and  their  character 
was  formed  from  the  nature  of  their  occupations. 
Here  were  to  be  found  simplicity  and  insensibility  to 
intrigue,  untiring  industry  and  patience  under  severe 
labor,  the  endurance  of  privations  without  murmur, 
and  a  deep-rooted  love  of  liberty.  Both  the  social 
and  political  morals  of  this  rural  population  were  of  a 
higher  standard  than  those  of  the  mhabitants  of  the 
manufacturing  and  mining  districts  of  New  Spain." 

During  the  war  of  independence,  Coahuila  was 
little  disturbed  by  the  battle-din  which  shook  the 
foundations  of  the  more  southern  provinces.  A  blood- 
less revolution  and  counter-revolution  at  first  caused 

^*  At  SaltiUo  the  xnanufactnre  of  cotton  was  also  somewhat  advanced,  and 
m  1811  above  40  looms  for  weaving  coarse  cloths  had  been  erected.  The 
artisans,  however,  labored  under  the  want  of  protection,  and  were  compelled 
to  sell  at  low  prices  the  production  of  one  week's  work  in  order  to  procure 
raw  cotton  for  the  next,  /i.,  22. 

^The  meaoinff  of  Parras  is  'grape-vines/  Pike  calls  it  the  'vineyard  of 
Coahuila.'  At  the  hacienda  of  San  Lorenzo,  three  miles  to  the  north  of  the 
town,  he  saw  15  large  stills,  and  a  sreater  number  of  casks  than  he  had  ever 
wen  in  any  brewery  of  the  U.  S.   Ut  sup,,  28. 

^fb,;  Arispe  states  that  the  number  of  inhabitants  of  this  district  was 
10,000.  Mem.  Coah,,  18. 

^^  Arigpe,  tU  Mtp.,  16.  'As  we  diverged  from  these  parts  which  produced 
Rich  vast  quantities  of  the  precious  metals,  the  inhabitants  became  more  in- 
dustrious and  there  were  fewer  beffgars.  Thus  the  morals  of  the  people  of 
Cogquilla  (sic)  were  less  corrupt  tium  those  of  Biscay  or  New  Leon,  their 
neighbors.'  Pafo,  ut  gup.,  29. 

Hist.  N.  Hex.  States,  Vol.  H.   6 


82  THE  STATE  OF  OOAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

temporary  agitation.  Governor  Cordero,  deserted  by 
his  troops,  falls  into  the  hands  of  the  independent 
leader  Jimenez,  and  Aranda  becomes  revolutionary 
governor.  His  turn  soon  arrives,  and  he  is  seized  by 
the  plotter  Elizondo.  Then  follows  the  capture  of 
Hildalgo  and  the  other  leaders  at  La  Noria,  who  with 
Aranda  are  marched  off  to  Chihuahua,  where  most  of 
them  suffer  death,  a  few  only  being  condemned  to 
long  imprisonment.^®  From  this  time  to  the  downfall 
of  the  monarchical  power  in  New  Spain,  Coahuila  re- 
mained in  quiet  possession  of  the  royalists,  unmolested 
except  by  the  predatory  incursions  of  wild  Indians. 

But  the  people  thirsted  none  the  less  for  freedom, 
and  when  the  news  arrived  in  1821  of  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  plan  of  Iguala,  an  uncontrollable  agitation 
pervaded  the  province.  Arredondo,  the  command- 
ant general,  then  residing  in  Monterey,  the  capital  of 
Nuevo  Leon,  in  vain  attempted  to  arrest  the  tide  of 
popular  feeling.  Lieutenant  Nicolas  del  Moral  was 
sent  against  Saltillo  in  command  of  a  company  of  the 
line  grenadiers  of  Vera  Cruz,  followed  by  the  whole 
battalion,  under  the  lieutenant  Pedro  Lemus.  Moral, 
however,  on  his  arrival  proclaimed,  July  1st,  the  in- 
dependence. The  authorities  did  likewise,  and  Lemus 
entered  the  city,  after  having  administered  to  his 
troops  the  oath  to  support  the  plan  of  Iguala.  Arre- 
dondo, thus  abandoned,  convoked  a  general  assembly 
of  the  authorities  of  Monterey,  at  which  it  was  unani- 
mously resolved  to  adopt  the  plan.  The  commandant 
general  submitted  with  good  grace,  and  independence 
was  proclaimed  July  4th.  But  he  could  not  win 
thereby  the  good-will  and  obedience  of  his  former 
sorely  pressed  subjects.  The  authorities  and  forces  at 
Saltillo  refused  to  recognize  him,  and  in  disgust  he 
surrendered  his  command  to  Gaspar  Lopez,  the  first 
officer  of  the  trigarante  army  who  approached.     Ar- 

^  Among  the  latter  waa  Aranda,  who  was  sentenced  with  four  others  to 
imprisonment  ior  ten  years.  Alaman,  Hist,  Mej.,  ii.  190;  Hernandez  y  Davalos, 
Col.  Doc.,  i.  76.     Consult  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  240,  272,  this  series. 


POLITICAL  DIVISIONS.  83 

redondo  then  retired  to  San  Luis  Potosl,  whence  he 
proceeded  to  Tampico,  where  he  embarked  for  Ha- 
bana.^ 

The  political  convulsions  which  presently  occurred 
in  the  Mexican  capital  after  the  establishment  of  in- 
dependence were  but  slightly  felt  in  the  provincias 
intemas  de  oriente,  which,  under  the  empire,  were 
governed  as  previously,  by  a  political  and  military 
chief.  In  1823,  however,  after  the  fall  of  Iturbide,  a 
junta  was  convened  at  Monterey,  composed  of  dele- 
gates representing  Coahuila,  Nuevo  Leon,  Tamaulipas, 
and  Texas.  This  junta  represented  to  the  provisional 
government  that  the  four  provinces  wished  to  be  sepa- 
rated, and  were  desirous  that  the  federal  system  should 
be  adopted.*^  That  form  of  government  having  been 
proclaimed  by  the  constituent  congress,  Coahuila, 
Xuevo  Leon,  and  Texas  were  formed  into  one  state 
by  the  acta  constitutiva,  promulgated  January  31, 
1824.  On  May  7th,  however,  a  decree  was  passed 
which  detached  Nuevo  Leon  and  raised  it  to  the 
rank  of  an  independent  state,  while  Coahuila  and  Texas 
were  provisionally  united  until  the  latter  should  pos- 
sess the  necessary  elements  to  form  a  state  of  itself.^^ 
This  political  division  was  confirmed  by  the  federal 
constitution  published  October  4,  1824. 

The  new  state  at  once  proceeded  to  form  its  gov- 
ernment. A  constituent  congress  was  elected,  and 
assembled  at  Saltillo  in  August  1824.  A  provisional 
governor  was  appointed,^  and  an  executive  council 
created  to  assist  him  in  his  administration.^     By  de- 

^Alaman,  Hist.  Mtj„  v.  238-9. 

'^BuBtamanU,  Cuad.  Hist.,  MS.,  viii.  177;  Id.,  JTigt.  Iturhide,  160. 

**  *  Pero  taa  Inego  como  esta  tiltima '  — Texas — *  estuviere  en  aptitud  de  fieu- 
rar  oomo  estodo  por  si  sola,  lo  participartl  al  congreso  general  para  su  resolu- 
doiu'  Mex.  Col,  Ord.  y  Dec,,  iu.  46,  where  a  copy  of  the  decree  will  be  found. 

°Kafael  GonzBdez  was  proviaional  governor  in  1825,  and  Victor  Blanco  in 
1825-1827.    WkiU's  Col,  Laws,  i  612,  615. 

^Composed  of  a  yioe-ffovemor  and  four  members.  The  council  was  ap- 
pointed by  comgress,  and  me  first  one  created  was  by  decree  of  Aug.  31, 1825. 
The  memoers  were  Jos^  Ignacio  de  Arispe,  vice-governor  ad  interim,  Juan 
de  Goribar,  Jos^  Ignacio  Suichez,  Jos4  Ignacio  Alcocer,  and  Joe^  Ignacio  de 
Cardenas.  Coah,  y  Tex,  Leyea  y  J)ec.,  32. 


84  THE  STATE  OF  OOAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

cree  of  August  28,  1824,  the  functions  of  the  political 
chief**  and  the  deputation  of  Texas  were  declared  to 
have  ceased,  as  had  already  been  the  case  with  respect 
to  the  authorities  of  the  same  class  in  Coahuila ;  and 
a  few  months  later  a  political  administrator,  styled 
'chief  of  the  department  of  Texas,'  was  provision- 
ally established.  In  its  first  decree,  August  15, 
1824,  the  constituent  congress  pledged  the  state  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas  to  sustain  at  all  hazards  the  su- 
preme federal  powers,  and  declared  its  form  of  gov- 
ernment to  be  representative,  popular,  and  federal, 
divided  into  the  three  powers,  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial. 

During  the  next  two  years  a  number  of  decrees 
were  passed  regulating  the  attributes,  restrictions,  and 
duties  of  the  executive  and  officials,  establishing  elec- 
tion laws,  creating  judges  of  responsibility,  and  relat- 
ing to  other  matters  connected  with  the  internal 
government  of  the  state.^  It  was  not  until  March 
11,  1827,  that  the  constitution  of  the  state  was  pub- 
lished. Every  officer  and  citizen  was  required  to  take 
oath  to  sustain  it — ^a  regulation  which,  in  view  of  the 
third  article,  must  have  been  acquiesced  in  with  grim 
dissatisfaction  by  the  enlightened  Coahuilan.     In  that 

^*  JoB^  Felix  Trespalacios  was  the  last  political  and  military  governor  of 
Texas  under  the  old  system.  Almonte,  Not,  Estad.  TeJ.^  14.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded in  1823  by  Luciano  Garcia,  who  served  provisionally  as  such.  Wf litems 
Col  Laws,  i.  696.  Trespalacios,  in  April  1823,  had  pronounced  in  favor  of 
Iturbide.  Bitstamante,  HUt,  Iturhide,  161-2. 

^  Jos6  Antonio  Saucedo,  succeeding  Garcia  in  1824,  was  the  first  to  bear 
this  title.  Wldte'a  Col  Laws,  i.  597-9;  Coah,  Leyes  y  Dec,  8,  11.  Tlie  chief 
of  department  was  authorized  to  impose  fines  from  one  to  one  hundred  dollars 
on  those  who  did  not  obey  or  respect  him;  he  had  also  power  to  make  arrests, 
but  only  on  the  express  terms  that  within  48  hours  ne  placed  the  arrested 
party  at  the  disposed  of  a  competent  tribunal  or  jud^e.  He  was  not  to  allow 
any  person  to  appropriate  lands,  and  was  to  give  circumstantial  information 
to  the  government  with  respect  to  those  who  had  already  done  so.  B^jar  was 
to  be  his  place  of  residence;  he  commanded  the  local  militia,  and  was  to  pre- 
side over  all  popular  juntas,  as  well  as  over  the  ayuntamiento  of  B^jar,  or  any 
other  place  in  the  department  where  circumstances  might  require  hia  presence. 
At  the  sessions  of  ayuutamientos,  however,  he  had  no  vote,  except  a  casting 
one  in  case  of  a  tie.  Moreover,  he  was  the  sole  channel  of  communication 
between  his  subordinates  and  the  government.  Id.,  11-14. 

''^On  March  27,  1826,  a  general  amnesty  was  proclaimed,  by  which  aU 
political  prisoners  were  released  from  confinement,  and  those  banished  were 
to  be  assisted  by  the  government  to  return  to  their  homes.  Id,,  34-6. 


TEKRITOBIAL  DEPARTMENTS.  85 

article  it  is  set  down  that  *'the  sovereignty  of  the 
state  resides  originally  and  essentially  in  the  general 
mass  of  the  individuals  that  compose  it;  but  they 
shall  not  of  themselves  exercise  any  other  acts  of 
sovereignty  than  those  indicated  in  this  constitution, 
and  in  the  form  which  it  prescribes."*'  Such  a  restric- 
tion speaks  loudly  of  the  timidity  with  which  the 
fitimers  of  the  constitution  regarded  untrammelled 
freedom  of  the  people.  The  state  was  divided  into 
three  departments — ^namely,  those  of  Saltillo,  Mon- 
clova,  and  Texas — which  number  was  increased  later  to 
four,  by  detaching  Parras  from  Saltillo."  The  consti- 
tutional congress  to  be  presently  elected  was  to  consist  of 
twelve  members,  two  of  whom  was  to  represent  Texas. *• 
These  representatives  were  not  elected  directly  by  the 
people,  but  by  the  system  of  primary  and  secondary 
elections  adopted  elsewhere  in  the  Mexican  republic. 
In  a  district  which  sent  up  only  one  deputy,  eleven 
electors  were  popularly  chosen,  and  twenty-one  in 
those  which  sent  up  two  or  more  representatives. 
These  electors  appointed  by  a  majority  of  votes  the 
deputies  for  their  respective  departments.  The  num- 
ber of  deputies  was  to  be  increased  in  proportion  to 
the  increase  of  the  population  of  a  department.  Other 
provisions  of  the  constitution  were  to  the  effect  that 
the  profession  of  any  other  reUgion  than  the  Roman 
catholic  was  forbidden;  freedom  of  the  press  was 
declared,  but  subject  to  existing  restrictions,  and  such 
future  ones  as  should  be  established  by  law ;  and  by 
the  thirteenth  article  all  children  bom  of  slave  parents 
on  the  territory  of  the  state  were  pronounced  free,  the 
introduction  of  slaves  six  months  after  the  publica- 
tion of  the  constitution  being  strictly  prohibited.     A 

'  Jlfez.  Cisi.  dt  ConMut.,  L  196;  in  which  Tolume  a  copy  of  the  conatitu- 
tioa  will  be  found. 

^  Id.,  197.  The  state  was  finally  divided  into  seven  departments:  Sal- 
tillo, Parras,  Monclova^  and  Kosas  in  Coahnila,  and  B^jar,  Brazos,  and 
Naooffdochee  in  Texas.  AInumte,  Not,  Ettad.  Tti^l^ 

'By  the  convocation  law  of  March  23,  1827,  the  districts  of  Saltillo, 
Parraa,  and  Mondova  were  to  elect  three  deputies  each,  Texas  two,  and  Rio 
Grande  one.  Saltillo  was  to  send  np  two  sappletories,  and  each  of  the  other 
districts  one.  Coah,  Leffu  y  Dec,  47. 


86  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

candidate  for  the  governorship  was  required  to  be  a 
native  of  the  republic,  30  years  of  age,  and  to  have 
been  domiciliated  in  the  state  five  years.  The  gov- 
ernor's term  of  oflBce  was  four  years ;  he  was  elected 
by  the  people,  and  had  the  prerogative  of  appointing 
the  political  chiefs  of  departments,  each  appointed 
being  chosen  from  three  candidates  nominated  by  the 
executive  council,  the  number  of  whose  members  was 
reduced  from  four  to  three. 

On  March  23, 1827,  the  convocation  law  for  the  elec- 
tion of  the  first  constitutional  congress  was  published, 
and  on  July  1st  following,  the  assembly  met  in  session. 
On  the. 4th  the  number  of  the  votes  cast  for  the  elec- 
tions of  governor,  vice-governor,  and  the  executive 
council  was  made  known,  with  the  following  results : 
Jos^  Maria  Viesca  was  elected  governor;  Victor 
Blanco,  vice-governor;  and  Santiago  de  Valle,  Dioni- 
cio  Elizondo,  and  Josd  Ignacio  de  Cardenas  coimcil- 
lors.«» 

The  greatest  difficulty  with  which  the  new  legisla- 
ture had  to  contend  was  the  question  of  finance. 
Texas,  if  not  an  actual  burden  to  the  state,  was  little 
less.  Though  yearly  increasing  in  population  and 
wealth,  she  contributed  nothing  to  the  revenue,  owing 
to  the  exemption  of  the  colonists  from  taxation,  and 
the  privilege  granted  them  of  introducing  supplies  of 
all  kinds  free  of  import  duties.  To  such  straits  was 
the  government  reduced  that  many  offices  were  sus- 
pended for  want  of  money  to  pay  the  salaries.*^  Every 
resource  was  resorted  to  in  order  to  increase  the  rev- 

^Id.j  63.  Josd  Ignacio  Arispe  had  been  acting  as  provisional  governor. 
Hex.  Col  Can^tituL,  i,  195,  273.  In  Correo  Fed.  Mex.,  21  Jul.,  1827,  wiU  be 
found  a  list  of  the  names  of  the  deputies  from  the  different  departments. 

^^  Congress,  in  view  of  the  embarrassments  of  the  state  treasury  from  want 
of  funds  oy  decree  of  April  17,  1828,  suspended  the  office  of  councillor  until 
the  state  should  be  able  to  defray  the  expense  thereof,  the  governor  being 
directed  to  act  by  himself.  The  vice-governor  was  only  to  receive  pay  when 
officiating  on  account  of  death,  sickness,  or  absence  of  the  governor.  The 
establishment  of  a  treasury  was  postponed;  and  the  department  and  dis- 
trict chiefs,  with  the  exception  of  the  one  in  Texas,  were  temporarily  suspended 
in  the  exercise  of  their  functions,  the  ayuntamientos  beinff  ordered  to  com- 
municate directly  with  the  executive  through  their  alcades.  Coah.  y  Yex^ 
Leye8,  101 


REVKNUE.         ,  87 

enue.  The  cock-pits  were  leased  at  auction  to  the 
highest  bidder;  bUliard-tables  were  taxed  at  $24  per 
annum;  and  a  duty  of  two  per  centum  was  charged 
on  the  circulation  of  money,  whether  the  destination 
of  the  coin  was  to  a  place  within  or  without  the  terri- 
tory of  the  state ;  funds  were  borrowed  from  the  church, 
and  all  persons,  females  excepted,  whether  they  derived 
their  incomes  from  rents,  salaries,  or  wages,  from 
business  or  industrial  occupations,  were  taxed  to  the 
amount  of  three  days'  income  per  annum. 

What  added  to  the  perplexities  of  the  government 
during  this  period  was  the  alarming  decUne  of  the  in- 
ternal trade  of  the  state.  This  was  chiefly  owing  to 
the  influx  of  foreign  dealers,  who  introduced  cotton 
and  woollen  goods  with  ruinous  effect  upon  the  native 
merchants  and  retailers.  The  native  business  was  so 
paralyzed  that  congress  was  under  the  necessity  of 
legislating  on  the  matter,  and  thereby  gave  grievous 
offence  to  the  Anglo-American  colonists  in  Texas. 
In  April  and  May  1829,  decrees  were  passed  prohibit- 
ing foreign  merchants,  of  whatever  nation,  from  retail- 
ing goods  or  importing  coarse  cotton  or  woollen  stuffs 
not  manufactured  in  the  republic."*  The  opening  of 
the  port  of  G^veston  by  decree  of  October  17,  1825,** 
afforded  facilities  to  these  commercial  intruders,  while 
the  exemption  law  in  favor  of  the  colonists  offered 
temptations  to  engage  in  smuggling  which  were  not 
very  stoutly  resisted. 

A  breach  between  the  Mexicans  and  the  Anglo- 
American  settlers  had  indeed  already  been  opened. 
Apart  from  the  fact  that  the  immigrants  brought  with 
them  the  principles  of  law,  liberty,  and  religion  which 
prevailed  in  the  country  of  their  birth,  and  which 
could   not   be  conducive  to   amalgamation  with  the 

"  They  were  only  allowed  to  sell  at  wholesale,  and  for  cash,  Id,^  117,  126- 
7.  Dewees  engaged,  in  1826>7,  in  one  of  these  trading  enterprises.  LeUers 
from  T(x.,  55-6. 

'*Ouia  de  Hoc.  i?cp.  Mex.,  iv.  308;  Jf«c.  Mem,  Minest.,  13,  no.  iv.  The 
port  of  Matagorda,  as  also  that  of  Matamoros  in  Tamaulipas  on  the  Rio 
(rrande,  had  been  opened  to  trade  in  1820.  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Comerc.  Eskui.^ 
21. 


88  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AlTD  TEXAS. 

natives,  their  great  influx  and  steady  success  not  only 
excited  jealousy,  but  began  to  be  watched  with  appre- 
hension by  both  the  state  and  federal  governments. 
The  covetous  solicitude  to  gain  possession  of  Texas 
evinced  by  the  United  States  aggravated  the  anxiety 
of  Mexico  and  the  disfavor  with  which  the  colonists 
wore  being  regarded.  It  was  hard  for  the  suspicious 
Mexican  not  to  believe  that  the  Anglo-Americans 
within  his  borders  did  not  secretly  cherish  the  hope 
that  the  territorv  would  be  eventually  annexed  to  the 
northern  republic.  The  action  of  the  government  at 
Washington  certainly  tended  to  foment  such  aspira- 
tion. Only  a  few  years  had  elapsed  after  the  treaty 
of  1819  with  Spain  when  the  United  States  pretended 
to  foresee  future  trouble,  and  began  to  express  dissat- 
isfaction at  the  agreement  they  had  entered  into.  In 
March  1825  Henry  Clay,  in  a  letter  to  the  envoy, 
Joel  R.  Poinsett,  spoke  of  difficulties  that  might  arise 
from  the  boundary  agreed  upon.  He  considered  the 
line  of  the  Sabine  nearer  to  the  great  western  com- 
mercial capital  of  the  United  States  than  was  desirable, 
and  instruct-ed  that  minister  to  soimd  the  Mexican 
government  as  to  its  inclination  to  the  adoption  of  a 
new  boundary,  suggesting  as  such  the  Brazos,  the  Rio 
Colorado,  or  the  Kio  Grande.**  In  March  1827  Poin- 
sett was  authorized  to  make  a  specific  proposition  on  the 
matter,  by  which  the  United  States  would  agree  to  pay 
$1,000,000  if  Mexico  would  consent  to  the  Rio  Grande 
being  made  the  boundary;"  if  this  were  unattainable, 
half  that  sum  was  to  be  offered  for  the  Colorado  line. 
Neither  of  these  proposals  was  received  by  the  Mexican 
government,  nor  would  the  congress  take  into  consid- 
eration a  treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation, 
on  the  point  of  being  concluded  between  the  two 
nations,  unless  it  contained  an  article  which  renewed 
the  existence  of  the  treaty  celebrated  by  the  cabinets 

**Congreu.  Debates,  1837,  ii  ap.  125-6. 

'^The  bouidary  proposed  was  to  begin  at  the  month  of  the  Bio  Grande, 
pass  np  tiiat  river  to  the  Rio  Pueroo,  thence  to  the  souroe  of  the  latter,  whence 
It  was  to  run  due  north  to  the  Arkajosas.  Id.,  127. 


MEXICO  suspiaoua  so 

of  Madrid  and  Washington  respecting  the  territorial 
limits.  This  resolution  rendered  it  imperative  to  settle 
that  question  first,  and  on  January  12,  1828,  a  proto- 
col was  siojned  by  Poinsett  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  S.  Comacho  and  J.  Y.  Esteva  on  tliat  of 
Mexico,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  the  dividing  line 
between  the  two  countries  should  be  that  fixed  upon 
by  the  treaty  of  1819  with  Spain.  Nevertheless  the 
United  States  still  persisted  in  their  obiect.  In  Au- 
gust 1829  instructions  were  sent  to  Pomsett  to  open 
negotiations  for  the  purchase  of  so  much  of  Texas 
as  Mexico  could  be  induced  to  cede.  Four  diflTerent 
cessions  were  suggested,  the  corresponding  boundary 
lines  beginning  respectively  at  the  mouths  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  the  Baca,  the  Colorado,  and  the  Brazos. 
Poinsett  was  authorized  to  offer  as  high  as  $5,000,000 
for  the  first-named  line,  and  for  the  others,  amounts 
proportionate  to  the  extent  of  territory  that  would  be 
ceded.  But  Poinsett  never  received  these  instruc- 
tions. His  ofificious  meddling  with  the  internal  aflairs 
of  the  Mexican  republic  had  gained  for  him  the  dislike 
of  the  government.  His  recall  was  demanded  and 
acceded  to,  and  his  successor,  Anthony  Butler  of 
Mississippi,  made  no  progress  in  his  negotiations  for 
the  purchase  of  Texas. 

Another  cause  of  suspicion,  and  consequent  want  of 
confidence  between  the  Mexican  authorities  and  the 
settlers,  was  the  temporary  freedom  of  the  latter  from 
molestation  by  the  Indians.  During  the  first  three 
or  four  years  of  the  colony's  existence  the  settlers 
had  been  grievously  troubled  by  these  savages,  and 
had  engaged  in  numerous  conflicts  with  them."  The 
signal  punishment,  however,  which  they  inflicted  upon 
the  aggressors  won  for  them,  the  respect  and  awe  of 
the  wild  tribes  around  them ;  and  while  in  the  Mexican 
district  of  B^jar  the  Indians  even  carried  their  depre- 
dations with  impimity  into  San  Antonio,  the  Anglo- 

**Far  particulars  of  fights  with  Indiana,  see  Dewees*  LeUers,  37-^  50-2 
U-b',  and  Yoahtm^B  Hiat.  Tan.,  L  221-6 


90  THE  STATE  OF  CX)AHUILA  AND  TEXAa 

American  colony  was  left  in  comparative  peace.  This 
exemption,  gained  entirely  by  the  determination  and 
courage  of  the  settlers,  was  attributed  to  a  sinister 
understanding  with  the  Indians. 

While  the  jealous  fears  of  the  state  government 
that  its  liberal  poUcy  had  overshot  the  mark  became 
more  and  more  confirmed,  certain  legislative  acts, 
which  it  was  expected  would  be  corrective  of  past 
mistakes  and  preventive  of  foreshadowed  trouble,  irri- 
tated the  settlers.  The  slave  laws  of  1827,  and  the 
prohibitory  one  of  1829,  respecting  foreign  merchants, 
caused  great  offence.  By  decree  of  September  15, 
1827,  the  constituent  congress  manifested  its  intention 
not  only  to  carry  out  strictly  the  thirteenth  article  of 
the  constitution,  but  also  to  acquire  the  gradual  eman- 
cipation of  slaves  already  introduced.  Ayuntamientos 
were  ordered  to  keep  a  list  of  all  slaves  in  their  re- 
spective municipalities,  designating  age,  name,  and 
sex.  A  register  of  the  deaths  of  slaves  and  the  births 
of  slave-born  children  was  also  to  be  rigidly  kept 
Slaves  whose  owners  had  no  apparent  heirs  were  to 
become  free  immediately  on  the  decease  of  their  mas- 
ters; and  on  each  change  of  ownership,  even  in  the 
case  of  heirs  succeeding,  one  tenth  of  the  number  of 
slaves  inherited  was  to  be  manumitted,  the  individuals 
being  determined  by  lot.  By  another  decree,  of  No- 
vember 24th  of  the  same  year,  it  was  provided  that 
any  slave  who  wished  to  change  his  master  could  do 
so,  provided  the  new  owner  indemnified  the  former 
one  for  the  cost  of  the  slave,  according  to  the  bill  of 
sale.^ 

Although  the  colonists  kept  themselves  aloof  and 
were  indifierent  to  Mexican  legislation  so  long  as  their 
own  immediate  interests  .were  not  attacked,  their  anger 
rose  when  a  direct  blow  was  struck  at  their  prosperity. 
Without  entering  into  the  moral  question  of  right, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  without  slave  labor  the 
colonization  of  Texas  would  have  been  retarded  for 

"  CoaL  y  Tex,  Leyes,  78-9,  91-2. 


SLAVERY  AND  PEONAGE.  91 

many  years.  The  immigrants  would  have  been  limited 
exclusively  to  the  class  of  laboring  farmers  who',  by 
the  toil  of  their  hands  and  the  sweat  of  their  brows, 
would  have  reclaimed  some  small  portions  only  of 
the  uncultivated  wastes.  No  capitalist  would  have 
engaged  in  a  venture  which  would  reduce  him  and  his 
family  to  the  condition  of  laborers.  However  loudly 
the  Mexican  people  and  outside  philanthropists  may 
claim  enlightenment  for  the  government  of  that  re- 
public in  proclaiming  the  abolition  of  slavery  at  this 
early  date,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  such  legisla- 
tion in  no  wise  affected  the  interests  of  the  landed 
proprietors  of  Mexico.  A  labor  system  had  been  de- 
veloped which  was  far  less  expensive  than  that  of 
slavery,  but  which  practically  embraced  all  its  attri- 
butes. The  position  of  the  Mexican  laborer,  or  peon, 
was  one  of  perpetual  servitude  and  subjection  to  a  task- 
master. He  bound  himself  to  his  master  by  a  written 
contract  on  entering  his  service,  and  immediately  be- 
came his  debtor  for  money  advanced,  sometimes  to 
the  amount  of  a  year's  wages.**  His  employer  kept  a 
debit  and  credit  account  with  him,  and  rarely  did  it 
show  a  balance  in  the  peon's  favor.  If  he  gave  offense, 
committed  a  fault,  or  failed  in  the  fulfilment  of  his 
duties,  confinement,  shackles,  or  the  lash  could  be 
legally  meted  out  to  him ;  and  should  he  desert  his 
master  s  service,  he  could  be  reclaimed  through  the 
alcalde,  who  had  the  authority  to  compel  him  to  re- 
turn, and  punish  him.  In  fact,  never  out  of  debt,  he 
was  ever  a  bondman,  with  but  Uttle  more  liberty  than 
a  slave.  In  name  only  was  he  not  one.  As  the  peon's 
wi^es  varied  from  one  to  three  reales  a  day,  providing 
for  himself,  and  as  his  working  days  were  reduced  by 
the  numerous  church  hoUdays  observed  in  Mexico  to 
about  two  hundred,  the  average  cost  of  a  peon  was 
about  1 50  a  year.     Thus  the  landed  proprietors,  under 

"The  conffress  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  by  decree  of  Sept.  30, 
182S,  provided  that  no  advance  could  be  made  by  the  master  to  the  servant 
to  an  amount  exceeding  one  yearns  wages,  /c/.,  108. 


92  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

this  system,  in  which  no  outlay  of  capital  was  required, 
nor  loss  by  death  incurred,  reaped  all  the  advantages 
of  absolute  slavery  without  one  tithe  of  its  expense. 

Under  the  above-described  system,  it  was  not  diffi- 
cult for  the  Anglo-Americans  to  evade  the  law  pro- 
hibiting the  further  importation  of  slaves ;  and  under 
the  appellation  of  indentured  servants,  they  continued 
to  introduce  them  into  Texas.**  But  in  1829  more 
decisive  pressure  was  applied,  by  the  promulgation  of 
Guerrero's  decree  of  September  15th,  ordering  the 
total  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the  Mexican 
republic.*®  Now,  at  this  time  there  were  very  few 
slaves  in  Mexico  outside  of  Texas,  and  these  few  were 
treated  with  great  indulgence  by  their  owners,  who 
regarded  them  as  favorite  servants  and  members  of 
their  families.*^  Consequently  the  decree — ^which  in 
fact  was  dictated  by  a  spirit  of  self-protection  against 
the  United  States  by  the  establishment  of  a  political 
barrier  between  the  two  nations" — met  with  no  oppo- 
sition elsewhere  in  Mexico.  In  Texas,  however,  there 
were  now  over  1,000  slaves,  whose  manumission  would 
have  crippled  the  colony  to  a  ruinous  degree.  Strong 
remonstrances  were  made  to  the  federal  government, 
setting  forth  the  facts  that  if  the  slaves  were  freed 
they  would  become  a  nuisance,  and  a  hinderance  to 
prosperity;  that  the  tranquillity  of  the  department 
would  be  endangered,  as  the  colonists  would  regard 
the  dispossession  of  their  slaves  as  a  violation  of  the 

Sromises  and  guarantees  by  which  they  had  been  in- 
uced  to  settle  in  the  country;  and  lastly,  that  the 
indemnification  would  be  very  heavy,  and  in  the  ex- 
hausted condition  of  the  treasury  would  remain  unpaid 

"  The  sUye  law  was  evaded  by  introdacmg  negroes  to  serve  as  apprentices 
for  99  years.  NUea*  Reg,,  xzziv.  334. 

"•Mex,  Col,  Leyes,  1929-90,  149-60;  Dvblan  and  Loxano,  LegU,  Jlec,  ii 
163;  Arrillaga,  Jiecop,,  1829,  213. 

*^Tomel,  Breve  ReaelUi  HiH.,  85,  savs:  '  Nominalmente  eran  esolavos,  por- 
que  SOS  duellos  los  oonsideraban  oomo  domtetioos  favorites,  y  aun  los  trataban 
oomo^hijos.' 

^  'En  la  abolicion  de  la  esdavitnd,*  remarks  Tomel,  the  initiator  of  the 
decree,  '  se  envolvia  una  mira  altamente  polltioa^  la  de  estableoer  una  bairera 
entre  Mexico  y  los  Estados-Unidoe.*  lb. 


DECREES  AKD  LEOISLATIOH.  08 

for  many  years.  These  representations  were  of  such 
weight  that  on  December  2d  of  the  same  year  an  ex- 
ception was  made  in  favor  of  Texas.** 

An  examination  of  the  decrees  issued  during  the 
first  five  years  of  the  state's  existence  shows  that  the 
congressional  assemblies  endeavored  to  legislate  with 
honesty  and  justice,  and  many  wise  laws  were  enacted. 
But  inexperience,  combined  with  a  dim  perception  in 
regard  to  civil  and  individual  rights,  made  it  difficult 
properly  to  organize  a  state  with  free  institutions  out 
of  a  despoticafly  ruled  province.  Thus  a  curious  mix- 
ture of  liberal  principles  and  conservative  prejudices  is 
observable.  The  restrictions  on  the  sovereignty  of 
the  people  laid  down  in  the  3d  article  of  the  constitu- 
tion, the  intolerance  of  any  religion  but  the  Roman 
catholic,  and  the  excessive  power  vested  in  the  chief 
of  the  department  of  Texas,  were  incompatible  with 
firee  republican  institutions.  In  strong  contrast  with 
the  liberality  manifested  in  the  state  colonization  law 
was  the  persecution  to  which  resident  Spaniards  were 
submitted.  By  a  law  passed  June  23,  1827,  they 
were  excluded  from  all  civil  and  ecclesiastical  offices 
until  Spain  should  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
Mexico,  and  in  November  of  the  same  year  all  Span- 
iards, except  those  domiciliated  in  the  state  thirty 
years,  were  banished;  travellers  of  that  nationality 
could  not  remain  more  than  three  days  in  any  town 
except  in  case  of  sickness  or  other  recognized  imped- 
iment ;  those  who  remained  were  required  to  present 
themselves  monthly  to  the  local  authorities,  and  were 
forbidden  to  carry  any  arms  except  those  customarily 
worn  for  personal  defence;  and  a  strict  surveillance 
was  kept  over  their  conduct.**  When  in  1829  Mexico 
was  invaded  by  the  Spanish  forces  under  Barradas,** 
the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  displayed  its  patriot- 

*^Mex,  Diet.  C<ym,  Juti,,  L  1;  Nilei'  Heg.,  xxxviii.  291. 

**Coah,  y  Tex.  Leyes,  62,  W-n5,  106-6. 

^For  an  acoount  of  this  mva«ion,  aee  Hiei.  Mex.,  v.  72-5,  thifl  series. 


94  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

ism  by  exacting  a  heavy  forced  loan  from  the  resident 
Spaniards,**  while  the  property  still  remaining  in  the 
state,  of  those  who  had  left  for  other  comitries^was 
confiscated. 

It  must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  states 
were  under  a  kind  of  political  thraldom  to  the  federal 
government,  whose  decrees  they  were  compelled  to 
mdorse,  and  which  dictated  their  rights  under  the  late 
constitution  to  a  degree  that  left  their  individual  inde- 
pendence decidedly  equivocal.  In  the  case  of  Coa- 
huila  and  Texas,  it  is  noticeable  that,  during  the 
repeated  changes  of  administration  in  the  national 
capital,  the  state  government  was  ever  anxious  to 
keep  on  good  terms  with  the  dominant  party  and 
adopt  its  policy.  The  consequences  were  perplexity, 
contradictions,*'  and  an  absence  of  fixed  political 
principles 

In  the  administration  of  justice  the  legislature  en- 
deavored to  insure  fair  trials.  In  the  criminal  courts 
the  accused  was  tried  before  the  presiding  judge, 
in  the  presence  of  two  assistant  judges,  one  chosen  by 
the  defendant  and  the  other  by  the  plaintiflf.  After 
all  the  evidence  had  been  taken,  the  three  judges  in 
consultation  decided  upon  the  case.  When  two  or 
more  defendants  were  on  trial  on  the  same  charge, 
each  could  nominate  two  assistant  judges,  and  out  of 
the  whole  number  one  was  elected  by  a  majority  of 
votes.  Every  citizen  when  called  upon  to  sit  as  an 
assistant  judge  was  obligated  to  serve,  unless  some 
legal  impediment  exonerated  him.*^  Simple  theft  of 
small  amounts   was   punishable   by  the   infliction  of 

**  UnmaiTied  Spaniards  and  widowers  without  children  were  called  npon 
for  one  third  of  their  capitals;  those  married  without  children,  and  widowers 
with  onlv  one  child,  for  one  fifth;  and  those  of  both  classes  with  more  than 
one  child,  for  one  eighth.  Jd,,  135. 

*^  When  Guerrero  was  in  |)ower,  the  congress  of  Coahuila  and  Texas 
ordered  his  bust  to  be  set  up  in  their  hall,  but  when  adversity  came  upon 
him,  they  repealed  the  order.  They  then  named  a  town  after  Bustamante, 
and  by  a  later  decree  struck  out  his  name.   Yoakum* s  Hist,  Tex,,  i.  270. 

**  CocUi.  y  Tex.  Leyes^  66,  83, 102-3.  Deputies  of  congress,  the  governor, 
▼ice-governor,  councillors,  the  secretaries  of  state,  military  men,  and  ecclesi- 
astics could  not  be  called  upon  to  act  as  assistant  judges. 


EDUCATION  AND  GOVERNMENT.  06 

fines  varying  from  $10  to  $30,  or  by  labor  on  the  public 
works  for  from  one  to  three  months.  When  the  value 
of  the  stolen  property  exceeded  $10  but  not  $100,  the 
punishment  was  not  less  than  one  year's  nor  more 
than  two  years'  such  labor.  For  the  third  offence  the 
criminal  was  exposed  in  the  most  public  place  with  a 
placard  on  his  head  bearing  the  inscription  *  thief'*" 
In  case  of  the  impeachment  of  an  authority — as,  for 
instance,  the  governor,  a  deputy,  or  a  member  of  the 
supreme  court — congress  appointed  four  of  its  own 
number  to  sit  as  a  grand  jury,  one  of  whom  had  no 
vote,  but  acted  as  secretary.  This  jury  reported  its 
finding  to  congress,  which  then  discussed  the  evidence, 
and  declared  whether  or  not  there  was  just  cause  of 
action.  If  congress  resolved  in  the  affirmative,  the 
case  was  transmitted  to  the  corresponding  tribunal  for 
trial.«> 

Education  in  Coahuila  and  Texas  was  at  an  ex- 
tremely low  ebb.  Arispe,  in  his  memorial  of  November 
1,  1811,  to  the  Spanish  c6rtes,  says  on  the  subject  of 
public  education:  "Only  in  the  town  of  Saltillo. . .  is 
there  a  scanty  fixed  appropriation  for  the  maintenance 
of  a  common  school-master."  "  On  the  great  estates, 
and  in  the  populous  districts,  where  many  servants  are 
employed,  it  is  common  also  to  have  schools;  but  I 
have  observed  the  pains  taken  to  prevent  the  children 
of  servants  from  learning  to  write ;  for  some  masters 
believe  that  if  they  arrive  at  that  important  point  of 
education,  they  may  be  induced  to  seek  some  other  less 
servile  mode  of  gaining  their  living."  The  congress 
tried  to  remedy  this  evil,  and  by  decree  of  May  13, 
1829,  an  attempt  was  made  to  establish  in  each  de- 
partment a  school  of  mutual  instruction  on  the  Lan- 
casterian  system.  By  this  law  it  was  provided  that 
the  teacher  should  instruct  the  pupils  in  reading, 
writing,  arithmetic,  the  dogmas  of  the  catholic  religion, 

*•/</.,  66-8.     Beoeiven  of  stolen  goods,  agents  and  protectors  of  thieves, 
■offered  the  same  punishments  on  conviction  as  the  latter. 
*•  Jfa.  Col.  ConttUtU,,  I  229;  CooA.  y  Tex,  Lq/es,  118. 


^  THE  STATE  OF  CX)AHUILA  AND  TEXAA 

and  Ackerman's  catechisms  of  arts  and  sciences,  each 
teacher's  salary  being  fixed  at  $800  per  annum,  pay- 
able monthly  in  advance."  But  legislation  in  the 
matter  was  more  easy  than  fulfilment,  and  the  project 
cotild  not  be  carried  into  effect.  In  April  1830 
another  law  was  passed  for  the  establishment  of  six 
primary  schools  on  the  same  plan,  but  with  no  better 
result.  The  people  were  indifferent  to  educational 
progress.  Among  the  settlements  of  Austin's  colony 
a  few  private  schools  were  established,  and  in  1829 
the  first  protestant  sunday-school  in  Texas  was  opened 
at  San  Felipe  de  Austin  by  T.  J.  Pilgrim  of  the  bap- 
tist church.  It  soon,  however,  met  with  interruption. 
A  diflScultv  arose  between  some  Mexican  litigants, 
who  visited  San  Felipe,  and  some  of  the  settlers ;  and 
Austin,  aware  that  the  visitors  wotild  not  fail  to  notice 
the  violation  of  the  colonization  law,  deemed  it  prudent 
temporarily  to  close  the  school.^* 

With  regard  to  religion,  the  Texan  colonists  at  this 
early  date  had  neither  opportunity  nor  much  inclina- 
tion to  practise  it.  Dewees,  writing  in  November 
1831,  says :  "  The  people  of  this  country  seem  to  have 
forgotten  that  there  is  such  a  commandment  as  '  Re- 
member the  sabbath  day  and  keep  it  holy.'  This  day 
is  generally  spent  in  visiting,  drivmg  stock,  and  break- 
ing mustangs."  "I  have  not  heard  a  sermon  since  I 
left  Kentucky,  except  at  a  camp-meeting  in  Arkan- 
sas."^ Having  furnished  the  required  certificate  of 
his  catholic  faith,  the  Anglo-American  eased  his 
conscience  by  refraining  from  any  practical  expression 
of  it. 

Apart  from  the  causes  mentioned  of  dissatisfaction 

"  Coah,  y  Tex,  Leyea,  127-30. 

^Baier\s  Texas,  74-5.  HuUhinson^s  Reminia,,  213.  Another  mbbath- 
Bchool  was  opened  ^e  same  year  at  Matagorda. 

^Letters from  Tex.,  137.  In  1824  the  Rev.  Henry  Stephenson,  of  the 
methodist  denomination^  preached  the  first  protestant  sermon  west  of  the 
Bnusos,  near  San  Felipe.  There  were  four  families  present  on  the  occasion. 
The  first  baptist  preacher  was  Joseph  Bays,  who  preached  on  Peach  Creek, 
west  of  the  Brazos,  in  1826.  He  presently  removed  to  San  Antonio,  where 
he  labored  till  ordered  away  by  tne  Mexican  authorities.  HtUckituon's  RetH- 
inu.,  209,  212-13. 


WAR  BREWING.  97 

between  the  state  and  the  colonists,  the  government 
showed  itself  otherwise  favorably  disposed  toward 
them.  Hitherto  they  were  left  unmolested  in  the 
management  of  their  internal  affairs,  and  besides  its 
readiness  to  extend  land  grants,  the  state  displayed 
equal  willingness  to  encourage  Anglo-American  enter- 
prises of  otiber  kinds.  In  October  1827  Leon  Alemy 
obtained  the  excltsive  privilege,  for  a  term  of  six 

i rears,  to  sink  artesian  wells;  and  in  February  1828  a 
ike  privilege,  for  twenty-three  years,  was  granted  to 
John  L.  Woodbury  and  John  Cameron  to  work  iron 
and  coal  mines  in  the  state,  facilities  being  afforded 
them  for  the  introduction  of  the  necessary  machinery 
The  same  year  John  Davis  Bradburn  and  Stephen 
Staples  obtained  a  similar  right  to  navigate  for  fifteen 
years  the  Rio  Grande  with  boats  propelled  by  steam 
or  horse  power." 

But  the  federal  government  was  not  equally  con- 
siderate ;  and  with  its  customary  interference  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  the  states,  it  presently  began  a  sys- 
tem of  encroachments  on  the  liberty  and  rights  of 
the  settlers,  thereby  establishing  a  mine  of  grievances 
which  the  colonists  exploded  Jby  the  outburst  of  a 
bloody  revolt. 

**  CocUi,  y  Tex.  Leytn,  83-4,  9&-9,  100-1,  106-7.  Bradburn  was  not  a  Texan 
settler.  He  hail  joined  Mina's  expedition,  and  afterward,  joining  Guerrero, 
rose  to  distinction  in  the  republican  ranks.  Uiat.  Mex.^  iv.  675-45,  this  scries. 
TKralV9  HiH.  Tec,,  606. 

Hist.  N.  Hex.  States,  Vol.  U.    7 


CHAPTER  VJ[. 

MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

1826-1832. 

Hatden  Edwards*  Grant— His  Difficultibs  and  Want  or  Poucr— Mexi- 
cans YERSus  Colonists — ^Annulment  or  Edwards*  Contract — John 
Dunn  Hunter — Discontent  or  the  Cherokbes— The  Fredonian  Re- 
volt—Covenant WITH  Indian  Tribes— Delusive  Hopes— Red  Men*s 
Perfidy — Murder  or  Hunter  and  Fields — Failure  or  the  Revolt 
— Progress  and  Condition  or  the  Colonies— Mexico's  Fears  or 
Losing  Texas— Alabian's  Propositions — Law  or  April  6,  1890 — Mili- 
tary Despotism— Establishment  or  Custom-houses— Ports  or  Texas 
Closed — Demonstrations  or  the  Colon larrs — Bradburn*s  Outrages- 
Hostilities  at  Anahuag— The  Turtle  Bayou  Resolutions— Capture 
or  Fort  Velasoo — Mutiny  at  An^^huac  and  Flight  or  Bradburn — 
Resolutions  or  the  Ayuntamientos  —  Nacogdoches  Evacuated- 
Tranquillity  Restored  in  Texas. 

In  the  lacter  part  of  1826  the  first  indication  ap- 
peared of  the  intention  on  the  part  of  Anglo-American 
settlers  to  resist  oppression.  It  has  been  already  men- 
tioned that,  when  Austin  was  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
one  of  the  causes  of  the  delay  which  attended  his  en- 
deavors to  procure  a  confirmation  of  the  grant  conceded 
to  his  father,  was  the  numerous  applications  that  were 
being  made  at  that  time  for  similar  contracts.  Among 
the  applicants  was  Hayden  Edwards,  who,  after  much 
trouble,  eventually  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the 
government  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  a  con- 
tract to  settle  800  families  on  lands  surrounding  Na- 
cogdoches.^    Edwards   thereupon    proceeded   to   the 

^The  limits  of  his  grant  were  aa  followB:  beginninff  at  the  angle  formed 
bv  a  line  twenty  leases  from  the  Sabine,  and  one  ten  leagaes  from  the  coast 
of  the  gulf  of  Mexico;  thence  in  a  northerly  direction,  passing  the  post  of 
Nacogdoches,  and  in  tho  same  direction  fifteen  leagaes  above;  thence  westerly 

'98) 


EDWAKDS*  PLANa  i» 

United  States,  and  spared  no  pains  or  expense  in  en- 
deavoring to  fulfil  his  contract,  at  the  same  time  in- 
ducing his  brother,  Major  Benjamin  W.  Edwards,  to 
go  to  Texas  and  aid  him  in  establishing  his  colony.' 

In  October  1825  Hayden  Edwards  returned  to 
Texas  and  took  up  his  residence  at  Nacogdoches.  He 
soon  discovered  that  he  had  difficulties  to  contend 
with  that  had  never  troubled  Austin.  Portions  of 
the  lands  conceded  to  him  were  already  occupied  by 
Mexican  settlers,  some  of  whom  had  been  driven  from 
their  homes  after  the  destruction  of  Long's  expedition, 
and  had  recently  returned.  Nacogdoches  had  again 
about  100  inhabitants,  and  certain  of  the  villanous  class, 
formerly  of  the  *  neutral  ground/  had  taken  up  lands. 
These  latter,  without  regarding  Edwards  with  any 
particular  aversion,  were  wholly  averse  to  subordina- 
tion ;  while  the  Mexicans,  jealous  of  his  authority,  and 
angry  at  an  American  being  placed  over  them,  showed 
marked  symptoms  of  unfriendliness.  There  were, 
moreover,  amoag  them  many  turbulent  and  bad  char- 
acters, and  not  a  few  fugitives  from  justice.  The  re- 
sult was,  that,  as  Edwards'  immigrants  arrived,  the 
colony  was  quickly  divided  into  two  hostile  factions. 
Edwards  did  what  he  could  to  preserve  order  and 

at  right  angles  with  the  first  line  to  the  Kavaaoto  creek;  thenoe  down  said 
creek  till  it  strikes  the  upper  road  from  B^jar  to  Nacogdoches;  thence  east- 
wardly  along  the  said  -road  to  the  San  Jacinto;  thence  down  said  river  to 
within  ten  leagues  of  the  coast;  thence  eastwardly  along  a  line  ten  leagues 
from  the  coast  to  the  beginning.  Yoakum* s  Hist,  Tex.,  i.  462,  where  a  trans- 
lation of  the  contract  will  be  found.  The  last  line  is  described  as  being  drawn 
within  only  ten  miles  of  the  coast.  This  is  evidently  an  error,  and  should  be 
leagues.  The  state  government  had  no  power  to  authorize  the  establishment 
of  settlements  on  the  ten-league  coast  reserve.  The  federal  congress  alone 
could  grant  that  privilege. 

'Foote  states  that  Benjamin  Edwards  paid  a  long  visit  to  Austin,  and  had 
many  conversations  with  him  on  the  subject  of  the  colonization  of  Texas. 
According  to  this  author,  Austin  and  Edwards  were  of  one  mind,  and  had  in 
view  '  the  firm  establishment,  in  this  favored  country,  of  the  institutions  of 
civil  and  religious  freedom,  and  the  redemption  of  a  region  from  forei^pi  rule, 
which  rightfully  belonged  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  of  which 
they  had  been  notoriously  bereaved  bv  fraudful  negotiations.'  They,  how- 
ever, agreed  that  many  ffrievances  would  have  to  be  borne  before  the  colonies 
were  strong  enough  to  Uux>w  off  the  yoke.  Tex,  and  the  Texajis,  i.  22.  It  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  Austin  expressed  any  such  ideas  with  regard  to  the 
fraud  practised  on  the  U.  S. 


100  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

maintain  his  authority,  but  several  measures  adopted 
by  him  were  far  from  politic. 

The  second  article  of  his  contract  provided  that  all 
possessions  found  in  Nacogdoches  and  its  vicinity,  sup- 
ported by  the  corresponding  titles,  should  be  respected ; 
and  that  in  case  any  of  the  ancient  possessors  should 
claim  preservation  of  their  rights,  it  was  the  empresa- 
rio's  duty  to  comply  therewith.  This  afforded  a  wide 
loophole  through  which  to  thrust  in  claims  to  the 
most  valuable  lands,  and  old  title  deeds  were  diligently 
searched  for  or  manufactured.*  In  order  to  ascertain 
the  extent  of  these  claims,  Edwards,  in  November 
1825,  called  upon  all  persons  holding  such  land  titles 
to  produce  them,  in  order  that  their  legality  might  be 
decided  upon  according  to  law.  In  this  there  was  no 
harm ;  but  he  gave  further  notice  that  the  lands  of 
tliose  who  failed  to  present  their  titles  would  be  sold, 
and  that  claimants  whose  titles  were  just  would  have 
to  pay  for  any  improvements  that  had  been  made  on 
the  lands  by  tlie  present  occupiers.  This  caused  in- 
dignation to  the  Mexicans,  and  gave  great  offence  t<) 
the  authorities,  who  could  but  regard  his  notification 
in  respect  to  the  sale  of  lands  as  an  assumption  of 
power  that  had  never  been  given  him. 

By  the  sixth  article  of  the  contract  Edwards  was 
authorized  to  raise  the  national  militia  within  his 
colony,  and  was  appointed  its  chief  until  further  dis- 
position should  be  made.  Accordingly  he  gave  notice 
for  the  election  of  militia  officers  to  take  place  on 
December  1 5th  of  the  same  year.  At  the  same  time 
he  proposed  that  the  people  should  elect  an  alcalde. 
With  the  election  of  this  magistrate  the  more  serious 
troubles  began.  Each  party  had  its  candidate  for  the 
office ;  Chaplin,  Edwards'  son-in-law,  being  put  for- 
ward by  the  American  colonists,  and  Samuel  Norris, 
devoted  to  Mexican  interests,  by  their  opponents. 
The  election  decided  in  favor  of  the  former,  who  took 

*  A  Mexican  named  Antonio  Septilveda  was  engaged  in  this  nefarious  busi- 
ness.   Yoakum's  Hist.  Ttx.,  i.  238. 


TYRANNICAL  GOVERNMENT.  101 

possession  of  the  archives  and  entered  upon  the  duties 
of  the  office.  But  Sepiilveda,  the  outgoing  alcalde, 
and  his  party  disputed  many  of  the  votes  as  having 
been  cast  by  settlers  residing  outside  the  limits  of 
Edwards'  grant,  though  under  the  alcalde's  jurisdic- 
tion. Accordingly,  they  represented  the  matter  to 
Saucedo,  the  political  chief  at  San  Antonio.  Already 
offended  with  Edwards  by  reason  of  a  report  sent  in 
by  the  latter  giving  an  account  of  his  official  acts,  and 
which  was  not  deemed  sufficiently  respectful,  Saucedo 
decided  in  favor  of  Norris,  and  instructed  Sepiilveda 
to  install  him  by  force  of  arms  if  any  opposition  was 
offered.  No  resistance  was  made,  however;  on  the 
exhibition  of  Norris'  commission  Chaplin  surrendered 
up  the  archives  of  the  office  to  him. 

And  now  commenced  a  system  of  petty  tryanny 
and  invidious  distinctions,  which  exasperated  the  col- 
onists. Americans,  who  had  wrought  improvements 
on  their  lands,  w^re  ousted  from  them  to  give  place  to 
Mexicans,  the  favorites  of  Sepiilvada  and  the  alcalde. 
A  band  of  regulators  was  formed,  under  the  command 
of  James  Gaines,  the  brother-in-law  of  Norris ;  and 
backed  by  these  ruffians  and  the  official  support  of 
Saucedo,  the  Mexican  party  domineered  as  they  liked. 
Moreover,  accusations  against  Edwards  were  made  to 
the  political  chief,  who  did  not  conceal  his  hostility  to 


the 


empresario. 


Early  in  the  summer  of  1826,  Hayden  Edwards 
again  returned  to  the  United  States,  leaving  to  his 
brother  the  management  of  the  colony  during  his 
absence.  Benjamin  Edwards,  in  his  anxiety  to  over- 
come existing  difficulties  and  avoid  future  trouble, 
sought  the  advice  of  Austin,  who  recommended  him 

^In  his  letter  to  Edwards  dated  May  1,  1826,  he  writes:  'Hitherto,  the 
accusation  against  you,  which  has  arrested  the  attention  of  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment of  we  union,  ia  the  ordinance  which  ^ou  yourself  published  in  Oct. 
of  the  past  year,  proclaiming  yourself  the  mihtary  chief  of  that  part  of  the 
state,  and  demanding  of  the  old  inhabitants  the  titles  of  the  lands  which 
they  possess;  for  which  acts  the  corresponding  charges  shall  be  made  when 
the  ffovemment  shaU  so  order. '  Now  Edwards  had  only  acted  in  the  matter 
of  the  militia  in  acoordanoe  with  the  provisions  of  his  contract.  Id.,  241. 


102  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

to  send  to  Blanco,  the  provisional  governor  of  the 
state,  a  detailed  account  of  the  conduct  of  both  par- 
ties.*' This  was  accordingly  done ;  on  September  5th 
Benjamin  Edwards  despatched  his  letter,  in  which, 
after  entering  into  full  particulars,  he  alluded  to  the 
charges  that  had  been  preferred  against  his  brother, 
and  requested  the  governor  to  abstain  from  taking 
action  until  the  empresario  had  an  opportunity  of 
defending  himself  Before  the  receipt  of  a  reply  to 
this  communication,  Hayden  Edwards  returned,  and 
was  soon  made  aware  of  the  reception  it  had  met 
with,  by  the  rumor  which  was  spread  that  his  contract 
was  going  to  be  annulled.  At  this  the  Mexican  pop- 
ulation was  jubilant.  It  was  confidently  anticipated 
that,  as  a  consequence,  titles  to  land  acquired  through 
him  would  be  revoked,  and  claims  were  at  once  set  up 
to  all  the  most  valuable  places  occupied  and  improved 
by  Edwards'  colonists.  The  shamelessness  of  Norris 
— who  was,  however,  controlled  by  Gaines — was  such 
that  these  abominable  claims  were  sanctioned  by  him. 
A  reign  of  terror  followed.  American  settlers  were 
dispossessed  of  their  homes ;  were  arrested  at  midnight 
and  dragged  before  the  alcalde,  to  be  punished  for  acts 
they  had  never  committed ;  they  were  fined  and  im- 
prisoned; and  every  contumely  and  vexation  that 
envy  and  malice  could  suggest  were  heaped  upon 
them.  The  tyranny  exercised  was  so  glaringly  out- 
rageous and  intolerable  that  most  of  Norris'  Ameri- 
can supporters  abandoned  him. 

At  last  the  governor's  reply  to  Benjamin  Edwards' 
letter  arrived,  confirming  the  prevailing  riimor.  It 
was  dated  Saltillo,  October  2,  1826.  Blanco,  after 
stating  that  the  communication  addressed  to  him  was 
wanting  in  respect,  continues  as  follows:  "In  view  of 
such  proceedings,  by  which  Hayden  Edwards'  conduct 
is  well  attested,  I  have  decreed  the  annulment  of  his 

^ '  Give  him  a  full  Btatement  of  facts,  and  a  very  minute  history  of  the 
acts  of  your  principal  enemies  and  their  opponents,  and  their  manner  of  doing 
business  in  every  particular,  both  in  reguxl  to  your  brother  as  well  as  aU 
others.'  FooU'a  Tex,,  i  269. 


CHEBOKEE  IMMIQRANT£L  103 

contract  and  his  expulsion  from  the  territory  of  the 
republic.  He  has  lost  the  confidence  of  the  govern- 
ment, I  doubt  his  fidelity,  and  it  is  imprudent  to  admit 
men  who  begin  by  dictating  laws  as  sovereigns."  He 
concludes  by  informing  the  two  brothers  that  if  these 
measures  were  unwelcome  or  prejudicial  to  them,  they 
could  apply  to  the  supreme  government,  but  not  until 
they  had  both  first  evacuated  the  country,  and  that 
he  had  issued  orders  to  the  authorities  of  the  depart- 
ment relative  to  their  expulsion.*  It  was  an  arbitrary 
and  unjust  proceeding  thus  summarily  to  inflict  a 
heavy  pecuniary  loss^  on  the  empresario,  and  banish 
him  without  afibrding  him  a  chance  to  defend  his  line 
of  conduct.  And  in  this  light  it  was  viewed  by  his 
colonists,  and  they  were  determined  to  remain  passive 
no  longer. 

While  Hayden  Edwards  was  in  the  city  of  Mexico 
applying  for  his  contract,  certain  chiefs  of  a  tribe  of 
the  Cherokees,  which  had  lately  immigrated  into  Texas, 
were  petitioning  at  the  same  time  for  a  grant  of  land 
whereon  to  settle.  Among  these  chiefs  was  one 
Fields,  a  half-breed,  who  possessed  great  influence  with 
the  Indians.  Without  receiving  any  formal  assign- 
ment of  territory,  Fields,  confiding  in  promises  made  to 
him,  and  a  conditional  agreement  in  1822  with  FeUx 
Trespalacios,®  then  governor  of  the  province,  on  his 
return  to  Texas  established  a  village  about  fifty  miles 
north  of  Nacogdoches.  Several  years  passed,  how- 
ever, and  still  no  legal  titles  to  the  lands  the  Indians 
had  settled  upon  was  given  to  them.  About  the  year 
1825  John  Dunn  Hunter,^  a  devoted  champion  of  the 

'Yoakum  BuppUes  a  copy  of  all  this  portion  of  Blanco  b  letter.  Hist,  Tex., 
1243. 

^  Edwards  had* expended  |50,000  in  his  e£forti  to  establish  his  colony.  Id., 
244. 

'This  agreement  was  confirmed  bv  Itorbide,  AprU  27,  1823.  Id.,  216. 

'This  remarkable  man  was  brought  up  by  Indians  from  his  earliest  child- 
hood till  he  was  nineteen  or  twenty  years  of  age.  In  1823  he  published  a 
narrative  of  his  captivity,  under  the  title:  Manners  and  Customs  q/'  Several 
Indian  Tribes  Loeaied  West  qf  the  Mississinpi,  Phihidelphia,  1823,  8vo,  pp. 
402;  and  in  the  same  year  a  reprint  tiie  work  in  London,  entitled:  Memoirs  q/ 


104  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

rights  of  Indians,  and  an  earnest  laborer  for  the  pro- 
motion of  their  welfare  and  civilization,  appeared  in 
the  Cherokee  village.  He  soon  perceived  the  flimsy 
tenure  by  which  the  Indians  held  their  lands,  and  did 
not  doubt  that  the  Mexican  government  would  dis- 
pense with  its  promises  and  provisional  agreements  ^° 
whenever  it  might  be  deemed  convenient  to  do  so. 
Hunter,  therefore,  with  the  consent  of  the  chiefs, 
undertook  a  journey  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  for  the 
purpose  of  representing  their  case  to  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment, and  procuring  for  them  their  long-promised 
title.  He  arrived  at  the  Mexican  capital  in  March 
1826,  but  his  endeavors  met  with  no  better  result 
than  those  of  preceding  representatives  of  the  tribe, 
and  vague  promises,  as  heretofore,  were  all  that  could 

a  Captivity  among  the  Indiana  qf  North  America^  frovn  Childhood  to  ifie  Age  qf 
Nhieteen,  8vo,  pp.  ix.,  447.  In  1824  a  third  edition  waa  issued  with  addi- 
tions, 8vo,  pp.  XI.,  468,  London,  1824.  Hunter  states  that  he  had  no  recol- 
lection of  his  parents,  who,  he  believed,  were  killed  at  the  time  of  his  capture, 
but  when  or  where  that  occurred  he  could  not  tell.  His  skill  in  hunting  when 
vet  a  boy  gained  for  him  the  name  of  '  hunter '  am'on^  the  Indians,  which 
he  afterward  adopted  as  a  patron^rmic.  He  assumed  his  other  names  out  of 
respect  to  John  Dunn  of  Missouri,  who  treated  him  with  fraternal  kindness 
after  his  association  with  white  people.  Having  formed  acquaintance  with 
fur- traders,  he  abandoned  hia  Indian  life  in  1816,  and  engaged  in  trading. 
During  the  intervals  between  the  trading  seasons,  he  attended  for  some  years 
a  school  near  Pearl  River,  Mississippi,  and  applied  himself  assiduously  to  the 
study  of  the  English  language,  writing,  ana  arithmetic,  in  which  he  made 
great  proficiency.  In  1^1  he  crossed  the  Alleghanies,  went  to  New  York, 
and,  as  he  says,  began  a  new  existence.  He  afterward  visited  England  and 
Europe.  During  1823-^  he  was  lionized  by  the  fashionable  world  in  London, 
and  excited  the  deepest  interest  of  philosophers  and  philanthropists,  literati 
and  noblemen,  not  only  on  account  of  hia  romantic  life,  but  also  of  his  project 
of  cix'ilizing  the  Indians.  This  could  only  be  eflfected,  he  maintained,  by  the 
introduction  of  civilized  habits  by  a  slow  and  invisible  progress,  and  his  plan 
was  to  form  a  settlement  in  which  Indian  manners  and  customs  would  at  first 
be  adopted,  but  gradually  eliminated  with  time.  In  the  summer  of  1824  he 
left  London  and  went  to  live  with  the  Cherokees  in  Texas,  over  whom  he 
immediately  acquired  a  leading  influence.  Hunter  was  denounced  by  the 
periodicals  of  the  U.  S.  as  an  adventurer  who  imposed  on  the  credulity  of 
the  British  public,  and  the  North  American  Meview,  1826,  xxil  101-7,  in  un- 
qualified language  proclaims  him  a  bold  but  ignorant  imposter.  There  are 
many  writers,  however,  who  do  not  regard  him  in  this  light,  but  consider 
that  he  broufi^ht  down  upon  himself  the  enmity  of  many  persons  in  the  U.  S. 
on  account  oT  his  outspoken  vindication  of  the  rights  of  the  Indians.  Consult 
Quart.  Rev.,  xxxi  76-111;  Blackwood's  Mag.,  xvi.,'639,  xviL  56;  Literary 
Gaz.,  1823,  p.  242,  etc.;   Ward's  Mex.,  ii.  687-8;  Footers  Tex.,  I  239-47. 

^*  The  agreement  of  April  1823  was  made  with  the  understanding  that  the 
Indians  should  retire  farther  into  the  interior,  and  that  no  addition;u  families 
should  immigrate  till  the  general  colonization  law  was  published.  Yoakttfn*^ 
Uist.  Tex.,  L  216. 


THREATENED  INDIAN  OUTBREAK.  105 

be  obtained  from  the  cautious  government.  When 
Hunter  on  his  return  reported  his  want  of  success,  his 
people  were  terribly  exasperated  against  the  Mexicans, 
who,  they  considered,  were  intending  to  defraud  them 
of  lands  w^hich  they  now  regarded  as  their  rightful 
possessions.  Driven  from  their  vast  hunting-grounds 
in  the  United  States  by  the  advance  of  the  Anglo- 
Americans,  their  past  experience  had  made  the  Cher- 
okees  watchful  and  suspicious,  and  they  regarded  the 
white  race  with  no  friendly  feelings.  Without  making 
distinction,  therefore,  between  the  colonists  and  the 
Mexicans,  they  meditated  avenging  themselves  by 
waging  an  indiscriminate  war  against  the  settlements. 
With  this  object  they  associated  themselves  with  other 
neighboring  tribes,  which  were  not  unwilling  to  make 
reprisals  for  the  punishment  they  had  frequently  re- 
ceived at  the  hands  of  the  Anglo-Americans.^^  They 
were,  however,  diverted  from  their  purpose  by  the 
influence  of  Hunter,  who  persuaded  them  to  postpone 
active  operations  for  a  time,  while  he  informed  him- 
self of  the  position  of  aflfairs  at  Nacogdoches. 

Meanwhile  the  action  of  Edwards*  colonists  had 
assumed  all  the  features  of  revolt.  Exasperated 
beyond  endurance  by  the  tyrannical  acts  of  Norris 
and  Gaines,  they  had  lately  deposed  the  former,  and 
installed  another  alcalde  in  his  place.  Apprehending 
that  the  political  chief  would  send  a  force  to  restore 
the  former  order  of  things  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  this 
proceeding,  Hayden  Edwards  and  his  brother  busily 
occupied  themselves  in  visiting  the  settlements  in  order 
to  rouse  to  action  the  spirit  of  independence.  At  this 
juncture  Hunter  paid  them  a  visit,  and  representing 
to  them  the  hostile  intentions  of  the  Indians  with 
much  earnestness,  laid  before  them  a  proposal  that 
the  colonists  and  Cherokees  should  enter  into  a  league 
and  alliance  for  mutual   protection.     The   plan  was 

^^  Benjamin  Edwards  states  in  his  address  to  the  settlers  of  Austin's  colony, 
Jan.  16,  1827,  that  no  less  than  23  different  tribes  had  allied  themselves  with 
the  Comanche  nation.  Footea  Tex.,  i.  262.  Ward  says  that  the  numerous 
Indian  tribes  mustered  nearly  20,000  warriors.   Ut  mp. 


106  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

approved  by  the  brothers,  and  Hunter  returned  to 
his  village  to  communicate  the  matter  to  the  Indian 
chiefs,  who  were  easily  induced  to  follow  the  advice 
of  their  zealous  friend. 

A  report  that  the  enemy  was  approaching  Nacog- 
doches caused  Benjamin  Edwards  to  hasten  thither 
with  all  speed.  Putting  himself  at  the  head  of  only 
fifteen  men,  he  prepared  a  suitable  flag — inscribed 
with  the  names  of  the  individuals  who  composed  his 
little  band,  and  with  a  solemn  pledge  to  stand  by  each 
other  in  the  cause  of  independence — ^and  on  December 
16th  entered  Nacogdoches,  where  he  proclaimed  free- 
dom and  independence.  He  then  proceeded  to  fortify 
himself  in  a  large  stone  building  in  the  centre  of  the 
town;  the  settlers  flocked  to  his  standard,  and  his 
force  in  a  few  days  amounted  to  about  200  men.  A 
republic  under  the  name  of  Predonia  was  proclaimed, 
and  a  temporary  government  organized.  A  committee 
of  independence  was  inaugurated,  justices  of  the  peace 
were  chosen  for  the  different  settlements,  and  Martin 
Parmer  was  appointed  to  the  chief  command  of  the 
military. 

On  December  20th  Hunter,  Fields,  and  other  chiefs 
of  the  associated  tribes  repaired  to  Nacogdoches,  where 
on  the  following  day  a  solemn  league  and  confedera- 
tion was  agreed  upon  and  signed  by  the  representatives 
of  the  colonists  and  Indians  respectively.^*  By  this 
covenant  it  was  agreed  to  divide  the  territory  of  Texas 
between  the  Indians  and  Anglo-Americans,  and  wage 
war  against  Mexico  until  their  independence  was  con- 
summated. The  portion  assigned  to  the  red  men  was 
all  the  territory  lying  between  the  United  States  and 

^^  A  copy  of  this  treaty  in  Spanish  will  be  found  in  Cor,  Fed,  Mex.,  18  Feb., 
1827,  p.  3-4.  It  was  made  by  Benjamin  W.  Edwards  and  Harmon  B.  Mayo 
on  the  part  of  the  Fredonians,  and  Richard  Fields  and  John  D.  Hunter  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians.  It  was  ratified  the  same  day  by  the  committee  of 
Independence  and  the  committee  of  Red  People.  The  signatures  are  as  f<d- 
low:  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  Richard  Fields,  John  D.  Hunter,  Nekolake, 
John  Bags,  and  Guktokeh;  on  the  part  of  the  colonists,  Martin  Parmer, 
president,  Hayden  Edwards,  W.  B.  Legon,  John  Sprow,  B.  P.  Thompson, 
Jos.  A.  Huber,  B.  W.  Edwards,  and  H.  S.  Mayo.  Foote  also  supplies  a  copy 
of  this  treaty,  voL  i  253-^. 


AUSTIN  OPPOSES  EDWARDS*  PLANS.  107 

a  line  drawn  due  west  from  Sandy  Spring  near  Nacog- 
doches to  the  Rio  Grande,  thence  up  that  river  to  its 
source ;  all  the  territory  south  of  this  line  was  to  be- 
long to  the  Americans. 

The  Fredonians  had  based  their  project  upon  the 
expectation  that  not  only  woiild  all  the  settlers  and 
Indians  in  Texas  support  the  movement,  but  also  that 
volunteers  from  the  United  States  would  join  the 
cause.  Messengers  were  accordingly  sent  with  procla- 
mations to  Natchitoches  and  Austin's  colony,  appealing 
for  aid  in  the  cause  of  freedom.  But  the  hopes  of  the 
insurgents  were  soon  rudely  crushed.  Austui,  cautious 
and  politic,  was  not  long  in  deciding  that  the  Anglo- 
Americans  in  Texas  were  quite  incapable  of  success- 
fully prosecuting  a  war  with  Mexico.  Any  such 
attempt  would  inevitably  end  in  the  ruin  of  his  colony, 
and  the  frustration  of  his  cherished  plans  to  people  a 
lovely  land  on  a  firm  basis  of  welfare  and  happiness. 
Moreover,  he  condemned  the  policy  of  the  Fredonians 
in  associating  themselves  with  barbarous  and  blood- 
thirsty Indians,  at  whose  hands  his  settlers  had  sufiered 
the  only  outrages  they  had  as  yet  experienced.  As  a 
counter-eflFect  to  Benjamin  Edwards'  address,^*  he  issued 
a  proclamation  January  22, 1827,  denouncing  in  strong 
terms  the  insurrection.  The  Fredonians,  whom  he 
calls  the  "  Nacogdoches  madmen,"  were,  he  said,  incit- 
ing the  Indians  to  murder  and  plunder,  and  openly 
threatening  the  colonists  with  massacre.  He  repudi- 
ated them,  pronouncing  them  base  and  degraded 
apostates  from  the  name  of  Americans,  to  which  they 
had  forfeited  all  title  by  their  unnatural  alliance  with 
Indians;  and  concluded  by  calling  the  people  of  the 
colony  to  arms  en  masse,  at  the  same  time  announcing 
that  100  men  already  called  out  would  march  against 
Nac(^doches  on  the  26th." 

Equally  unfavorable  was  the  reception  of  their  ap- 
peals to  the  United  States  for  aid.     Huber,  who  had 

"  Dated  Kacogdochee,  Jan.  16,  1827.     Copy  will  be  found  in  Id.,  I  260-^ 
^^Copy  Austins  procUmation  in  Id, ,  L  266--8. 


108  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

been  intrusted  with  that  mission,  on  his  arrival  at 
Natchitoches  represented,  through  the  medium  of  the 
press,  the  Fredonian  enterprise  not  only  as  a  hopeless 
one,  but  also  disreputable,  and  the  succor  that  was 
confidently  expected  from  that  source  was  withheld. 
But  the  death-blow  to  this  wild  scheme  was  the  deser- 
tion of  the  Indians.  Many  of  the  tribes  would  not 
join  the  alliance  with  a  people  against  whom  they  were 
embittered.  Mexican  emissaries,  too,  were  sent  among 
them,  who,  by  promises  and  threats,  allured  or  alarmed 
them.  When  the  time  for  action  came  they  turned 
against  their  white  allies. 

The  rumor  of  the  enemy's  approach,  which  had  spread 
at  the  latter  part  of  December,  was  occasioned  by  the 
arrival  of  Colonel  Ellis  Bean  ^^  in  the  vicinity  of  Na- 
cogdoches with  thirty-five  men.  Finding  the  place 
too  strongly  defended.  Bean  retired,  and  the  Fredo- 
nians,  seeing  no  cause  for  immediate  alarm,  dispersed 
to  their  homes,  leaving  Parmer  with  a  few  men  on 
guard.  Saucedo  had,  however,  set  out  from  San 
Antonio  with  about  200  men,  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Mateo  Ahumada,  and  reached  San  Felipe  de 
Austin  by  the  1st  of  January.  On  the  4th  he  issued 
a  conciliatory  proclamation,  offering  peace  and  secure 
possession  of  their  lands  to  the  subordinates,  but  his 
offers  were  received  with  contempt.^®  On  that  same 
day  Norris,  with  about  eighty  men,  some  dozen  of 
whom  were -Americans,  entered  Nacogdoches  with  the 
avowed  intention  of  hanging  the  Fredonians.  Of  the 
latter  there  were  only  eleven,  with  eight  Cherokees, 
under  Hunter,  but  they  boldly  charged  the  invaders, 
and  quickly  put  them  to  flight,  with  the  loss  of  one 
killed  and  ten  or  twelve  severely  wounded.  The  Fre- 
donians had  only  one  man  slightly  hurt.     It  was  an 

^^  Bean  had  been  made  colonel  for  his  services  in  the  war  of  independence, 
and  alao  obtained  a  ffrant  of  land  in  Texas.  He  was  one  of  the  settlers  on 
Edwards'  colony.  He  had  lately  returned  from  the  Mexican  capital,  whither 
he  had  gone  in  1826.  Mem,  cfCap,  W,  Shaw,  MS.;  YoaJsum'a  hist,  Tex.  L 
236. 

^*Id,,  249;  Austin's  address,  in  FooU,  ut  sup.,  260. 


WAR  INEVITABLE.  109 

insignificant  affair,  but  the  first  blood  in  strife  between 
the  Mexicans  and  Anglo-American  settlers  had  been 
shed. 

Active  measures  were  now  adopted  by  Saucedo. 
The  Indians  were  entirely  gained  over,  and  breaking 
their  covenant,  joined  the  Mexicans.  Ahumada  now 
marched  against  Nacogdoches  with  200  infantry,  1 00 
dragoons,  and  Austin's  reenforcement  of  colonial  mili- 
tia.^^  A  small  number  of  Predonians  had  assembled 
in  the  town,  but  their  cause  was  irretrievably  lost. 
Hordes  of  recreant  allies  were  within  a  few  leagues 
of  them,  ready  to  raise  the  war-cry  and  swoop 
down  upon  them.  Hunter  and  Fields,  who  remained 
stanchly  faithful,  endeavored  in  vain  to  hold  their 
people  to  their  pledge,  and  were  ruthlessly  murdered 
for  their  fidelity.^®  No  aid  from  outside  arrived ;  the 
settlers,  completely  intimidated  by  the  presence  of 
the  Mexican  forces  and  the  unexpected  action  of  Aus- 
tin's colonists,  submitted  without  striking  a  blow,  on 
the  promise  of  pardon  for  past  offences ;  and  a  band  of 
twenty  Fredonian  regulars  was  captured.  Under 
these  circumstances,  the  party  at  Nacogdoches  evacu- 
ated the  town  in  despair  on  the  approach  of  Ahumada, 
January  27th,  and  sought  safety  in  the  territory  of 
the  United  States,  which  thev  entered  on  the  31st.'* 
Ahumada,  yielding  to  the  solicitations  of  Austin,  re- 
leased his  prisoners.  This  unusual  clemency  on  the 
part  of  a  victorious  Mexican  commander  elicited  from 
Benjamin  Edwards  a  warm  expression  of  his  thanks.®^ 

"  T&mel^  Heseila  IlisL  Mex.,  158;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mex.,  85. 

^Fields  woB  first  murdered,  and  shortly  afterward  Hunter.  The  latter, 
while  watering  his  horse  at  a  creek  near  the  Anadagua  village,  was  shot  by  an 
Indian.  He  was  going,  with  two  or  three  companions  only — one  of  whom 
killed  him — to  join  the  Fredonians  at  Nacogdoches,  having  failed  to  induce 
the  Indiana  to  keep  their  promises.  Fields  was  an  intelligent  man,  and  had 
joined  the  York  lodge  of  ireemasons  while  in  Mexico.  Foote,  i.  280;  Yoakum^ 
I  250;  Car,  Fed.  Mex.,  31  Mar.,  1827,  n.  3. 

^*  Hayden  Edwards  returned  after  the  Texan  revolution,  and  at  one  time 
represented  his  district  in  the  congress.  His  brother,  in  1836,  was  engaged 
in  raising  a  company  in  Mississippi  in  aid  of  Texas,  but  discontinued  his 
efforts  on  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  In  1837  he  was 
candidate  for  governor  of  Mississippi,  but  died  during  the  canvass.  ThralVa 
nut.  Tex.,  631-2. 

*  *  Your  kind,  your  friendly,  and  generous  deportment  towards  my  friends 


110  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

Thus  terminated  an  insurrection  which,  as  far  as  active 
operations  were  concerned,  was  a  trivial  affair,  but  in 
its  significance  was  weighty  and  ominous. 

During  the  three  following  years  the  progress  and 
prospects  of  Austin's  colonies  were  all  that  could  be 
desired.  His  conduct  in  the  late  abortive  rebellion 
had  gained  for  hira  the  pronounced  confidence  and 
commendation  of  the  supreme  government,"  and  he 
was  able  to  proceed  rapidly  with  the  settlement  of  the 
new  grants  he  obtained  m  1827  and  1828.  Other 
colonies  also  showed  progresa  After  the  annulment 
of  Edwards'  contract  the  territory  included  in  his  grant 
was  divided  between  David  G.  Burnett  and  Joseph 
Vehlein,"  and  immigrants  continued  to  flow  into  that 
portion  of  Texaa  Dewitt,  although  his  first  settlers 
were  temporarily  driven  off  by  Indians,  had  laid  out 
the  town  of  Gonzalez^  in  1825,  and  during  1827  and 
1828  he  succeeded  in  introducing  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  colonists.  In  De  Leon's  grant,  the  town  of 
Victoria  was  founded,  and  La  Bahla  del  Espiritu 
Santo  had  developed  into  a  town  of  such  appreciable 
dimensions,  that  by  the  decree  of  February  4,  1829, 
it  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  villa,  and  the  high- 
sounding  title  of  Goliad,  or  Goliath,  given  to  it.**  On 
the  Brazos  a  flourishing  settlement  called  Brazoria  had 
also  sprung  up. 

and  fellow-soldiers  while  prisoners  of  yonrs,  entitles  yon  and  the  officers 
nnder  your  command  to  the  expression  of  my  thanks,  and  has  insured  to  yon 
and  them  a  distinction  in  our  hearts  that  will  ever  separate  you  from  the  rest 
of  your  countrymen  who  have  oppressed  us.  As  a  foe  to  your  country,  I  view 
you  still  as  a  national  enemy;  but  as  a  man  and  a  philanthropist,  you  have 
powerful  claims  upon  my  heart*  EdwanU  to  AhumadOf  March  25,  1827; 
Foote,  i.  287. 

>i  Anastacio  Bustamante,  commandant  general  of  the  federal  fckroes  in  the 
eastern  internal  states,  in  his  report  to  the  war  office,  March  6th,  says:  '  Kb 
pudiendo  menos  que  hacer  una  particular  recommendacion  del  gran  m^rito 
QUO  han  contraido  en  esta  tLltima  jomada. .  .los  estimables  cnidaduios  Felipe 
Austin  y  Juan  A.  Williams.'  Cor.  Fed,  Mex.,  31  Mar.,  1827,  p.  3. 

^Cadled  Whelin  on  Austin's  map.  Burnet,  Vehlein,  and  Zavala  after- 
ward sold  out  to  a  New  York  company  called  'The  Galveston  Bay  Co.' 
Almonte,  Not  Estad,  Tei.,  68. 

**  Named  after  Rafael  Oonzalez,  thegovemor  pro  tem.  of  the  state. 

^  Coah.  y  Tex.  Leyea,  112.  In  1827  the  names  of  several  towns  in  Coa- 
buila  were  changed.     San  Fernando  received  the  name  ox  San  Fernando  de 


MAmFE£Pr  DESTINT  OF  TEXAS.  Ill 

Nevertheless,  the  attempt  of  the  Fredonians  had 
opened  the  eyes  of  the  national  government  to  the 
possibility  that  the  infant  giant  it  had  adopted  might 
not  prove  a  very  docile  member  of  the  Mexican  fam- 
ily, and  it  began  to  consider  that,  in  lieu  of  gentle 
treatment,  a  repressive  system  of  education,  backed 
by  coercion,  would  be  necessary  erelong.  The  cramp 
was  not  immediately  applied,  it  is  true.  Under 
the  liberal  and  non-aggressive  policy  of  Guerrero 
the  colonists  were  left  pretty  mucii  to  themselves, 
and  redress  was  even  vouchsafed  to  them  in  the 
important  matter  of  the  abolition  of  slavery.  But 
when  he  was  overthrown,  in  December  1829,  and 
Bustamante  seized  the  helm,  the  recumbent  tiger  rose 
and  showed  his  teeth. 

It  cannot  be  urged  that  there  did  not  exist  very 
forcible  reasons  for  apprehending  that  Texas  would 
attempt  to  slip  the  leash.  The  designs  of  the  United 
States  were  too  apparent  to  admit  of  a  doubt  as  to 
their  expectations,  and  the  territory  was  becoming 
thickly  settled  by  emigrants  from  them.  It  did  not 
require  much  penetration  to  foresee  that  this  new 
land  would  soon  be  overrun  by  these  aliens  if  the  tide 
of  immigration  were  not  stopped.  This  increasing 
Dopiilation,  too,  was  not  only  alien  in  race,  but  in 
X)iitical  principles,  habits,  and  religion ;  while  it  was 
X)und  to  the  people  it  had  migrated  from  by  the  ties 
of  consanguinity,  and  the  prestige  of  a  glorious  histor- 
ical record  of  a  young  nation  that  haid  rent  asunder 
the  bonds  of  oppression.  It  was,  therefore,  natural 
that  Mexico  should  entertain  fears  as  to  the  future 
obedience  of  the  Texan  colonists,  and  it  was  equally 
natural  that  the  latter  would  not  tamely  submit  to 
the  unposition  of  fetters  similar  to  those  which  the 

Boaaa;  Rio  Grande  that  of  Guerrero;  Saltillo  was  changed  to  Leona  Vicario; 
and  Estevan  de  Tlascala  to  Villalongin.  Id.,  65,  85.  Filisola— i.  1G5— to 
wrench  an  anagram  out  of  Hidalgo's  name,  introduces  h  into  Groliad,  spelling 
it  Golhiad.  J.  C.  Beales,  in  Dec.  1833,  describes  Goliad  as  a  wretched  village 
containing  800  souls.  The  inhabitants,  almost  without  exception,  were  gam- 
blers and  smugglers.  Beale^  Joamaiy  in  Kennedy's  Tex,,  ii.  3£k(>. 


112  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

fathers  of  most  of  them  had  helped  to  break.  Yet  in 
its  short-sightedness  the  government,  under  the  des- 
potic administration  of  Bustamante,  thought  to  obvi- 
ate a  probable,  but  not  unavoidable  contingency  by 
adopting  the  very  measures  which  were  most  calcu- 
lated to  provoke  a  spirit  of  antagonism.  Admitting, 
as  Mexican  writers  are  eager  to  assert,  that  a  great 
number  of  settlers  were  adventurers  who  held  their 
lands  by  no  better  titles  than  those  of  loaded  rifles,*^ 
and  that  there  were  many  advocates  of  annexation  to 
the  United  States,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Aus- 
tin's colonists — ^who  far  outnumbered  all  the  rest 
together — were  not  of  that  class.  They  were  an  in- 
dustrious, respectable  people,  who  had,  through  dan- 
gers, trials,  and  privations,  built  for  themselves  homes 
in  the  wilderness,  and  converted  wastes,  that  were 
valueless  to  Mexico  till  their  arrival,  into  thriving 
farms  and  plantations.  They  had  formed  a  commu- 
nity which  had  been  welded  together  in  the  furnace  of 
hardship  and  toil,  and  which  had  neither  interfered 
nor  had  been  interfered  with  in  political  matters. 
For  nearly  a  decade  they  had  been  left  alone  and  had 
ruled  themselves.^  No  disposition  had  been  made  by 
either  the  national  or  state  legislature  for  their  gov- 
ernment other  than  the  provisional  one  which  had 
vested  the  political  and  military  administration  in 
Austin.  Crime  among  them  was  rare,  and  their 
morality  and  other  virtues  were  far  above  the  Mexi- 
can standards.  But  they  had  an  uncompromising 
love  of  republican  freedom,  and  they  had  confidently 
expected  that  a  republic  which  had  based  its  constitu- 
tion on  that  of  the  United  States  would  put  in  prac- 
tice the  free  institutions  it  proclaimed.  They  could 
not  recognize  the  principles  of  centralism  in  face  of 
the  constitution  of  1824. 

^  Rivera,  for  instance,  speaks  of  '  aventureros  de  todas  las  naciones  que  ae 
apropiaban  por  sf  mismos  los  terrenos  que  mas  las  acomodaban,  fundiLudose  en 
la  razon  del  riile.'  Hitft.  JalapOf  iii.  25. 

'^^  'Aquellas  colouias,  que  se  gobemaban  &  su  antojo,  6  por  leyes  norte- 
americauas. '  Id.,  27. 


MEASURES  IS  MEXICO.  113 

The  evil  spirit  which  inspired  the  Mexican  legisla- 
ture to  make  the  fatal  mistake  of  attempting  to  curb 
the  designs  of  the  United  States,  by  the  exercise  of 
oppressive  measures  against  the  Texan  colonists,  was 
Lucas  Alaman,  the  minister  of  relations  under  the  new 
government  On  February  8,  1830,  he  laid  a  memo- 
rial before  congress,  in  which  with  just  reason  he  calls 
attention  to  the  danger  Texas  was  exposed  to  of  being 
absorbed  by  the  northern  republic,  and  to  the  careless- 
ness which  the  government  of  the  state  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas  had  shown  in  its  neglect  to  see  that  the 
colonization  laws  were  properly  carried  out.  Orders 
of  June  1827,  and  April  1828,  respectively,  providing 
that  no  more  than  the  number  of  families  designated 
in  a  contract  should  settle  on  the  corresponding  grant, 
and  that  colonies  near  the  boundary  line  shoiud  be 
composed  of  settlers  who  were  not  natives  of  the 
United  States,  had,  he  said,  been  without  effect;  and 
he  expatiated  on  the  fact  that  a  large  number  of  in- 
truders had  taken  possession  of  lands,  especially  near 
the  frontier,  without  any  pretension  of  satisfying  the 
formalities  of  the  colonization  laws.  He  then  sug- 
gested measures  which  he  considered  would  be  ade- 
quate to  preserve  Texas  to  Mexico,  and  which  ought 
to  be  immediately  put  in  operation.  They  were,  firstly, 
to  increase  the  Mexican  population  by  making  Texas 
a  penal  settlement,  the  criminals  transported  thither 
to  be  employed  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil ;  ^  secondly, 
to  introduce  foreign  colonists  differing  from  North 
Americans  in  interests,  habits,  and  language ;  thirdly, 
to  establish  a  coasting  trade  between  Texas  and  other 
parts  of  the  republic,  which  would  tend  to  nationalize 
the  department;  fourthly,  to  suspend,  as  far  as  Texas 
was  concerned,  the  colonization  law  of  August  1824, 
and  place  the  settlement  of  that  department  under  the 
direction  of  the  general  government;  and  fifthly,  to 

"In  1833  a  number  of  laws  were  naned  with  the  object  of  colonizing 
Texaa  with  criminalB  and  desertera.    Tne  reader  can  consult  A  rrillaga  Recop. , 
1832-8,  433;  1833,  Apr.  and  May,  89,  132>7;  VaU.  Doc,  ii  101;  Mex.  Menu 
JuaUaa,  60-1;  Id,,  1833,  8-9,  in  Mtm,  Mem,,  2,  doc.  7 
Hut.  N.  Mju.  BiATis,  Vol.  IL   8 


114  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

appoint  a  commissioner  to  examine  and  report  upon 
the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  Texan  colonies,  as  to  the 
number  of  contracts  entered  into  and  families  intro- 
duced, the  amount  of  land  occupied,  the  number  of 
slaves  in  each  settlement  and  the  legality  of  their 
importation,  and  the  fulfilment  or  non-fulfilment  of 
existing  contracts.® 

Alaman's  views  were  responded  to  by  the  subservi- 
ent congress,  and  on  April  6,  1830,  a  law  was  passed 
which  prohibited  the  citizens  of  nations  bordering  on 
Mexico  from  colonizing  any  of  her  states  or  territories 
immediately  adjacent  to  them.  It  also  declared  that 
colonization  contracts  not  yet  fulfilled,  or  such  as  were 
in  opposition  to  this  law,  were  forthwith  suspended; 
that  no  foreigner  under  any  pretext  whatever  would 
be  allowed  to  enter  the  northern  frontier,  unless  pro- 
vided with  a  passport  from  the  Mexican  consular 
agent  at  the  place  of  his  previous  residence.  With 
regard  to  colonies  already  established,  and  the  slaves 
introduced  into  them,  no  change  would  be  made,  but 
the  further  importation  of  slaves  was  strictly  forbid- 
den." These  provisions  were  tantamount  to  the  special 
exclusion,  for  the  future,  of  Anglo-American  settlers, 
and  of  them  only.  The  law  in  itself  was  obnoxious  to 
the  Texan  colonists,  and  this  invidious  distinction  made 
it  doubly  so.  It  was  received  with  out-spoken  dis- 
satisfaction. Grievances  of  an  oppressive  character 
immediately  followed.  The  despotic  government  of 
Bustamante  did  not  delay  matters.  With  the  year 
1830  the  exemption  from  duties  that  had  been  con- 
ceded to  the  colonists  on  articles  imported  for  their 
own  use  ceased.  This  privilege  had  been  greatly 
abused,  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  settlers  availed 
themselves  of  it  to  carry  on  smuggling  to  an  extent 
veiT  detrimental  to  the  revenue — a  practice  which  also 
had  to  be  suppressed. 

^  Ink,  de  Ley.,  in  Alaman^  Not.  Biog.,  47-66. 

"Articles  9,  10,  and  11  of  the  decree,  copy  of  which  will  be  foond  in  Dv- 
hlan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  iL  238-40. 


MILITARY  DESPOTISM.  115 

Simultaneously  with  the  promulgation  of  the  law, 
Manuel  Mier  y  Teran,  who  had  been  appointed  com- 
mandant general  of  the  national  forces  m  the  estados 
de  Oriente,  was  instructed  to  proceed  to  Texas  with  a 
sufficient  force  and  carry  its  provisions  into  effect,  as 
well  as  establish  inland  and  maritime  custom-houses. 
Accordingly,  he  entered  the  department  with  the  11th 
and  12th  battalions  of  regular  infantry,  the  9th  regi- 
ment of  cavalry,  the  presidial  companies,  and  the 
militia  of  the  three  estados  de  Oriente,  supported  by 
some  artillery.  A  military  despotism  was  soon  in- 
augurated. Only  the  colonies  of  Austin,  Dewitt,  and 
Martin  De  Leon  were  recognized,  all  other  concessions 
being  suspended  till  the  contracts  had  been  examined 
and  their  fulfilments  verified ;  titles  were  denied  to  a 
great  number  of  settlers  already  domiciled,  and  incom- 
ing emigrants  from  the  United  States  were  ordered 
to  quit  the  country  on  their  arrival.  Military  posts 
were  established  at  the  mouths  of  La  Baca  and 
Brazos  rivers,  at  Matagorda,  Galveston,  and  Andhuac, 
and  at  Goliad,  Victoria,  San  Felipe  do  Austin,  Tenox- 
titlan,  Nacogdoches,  and  other  places;  custom-houses 
were  established,  and  a  war  vessel  stationed  on  the 
coast.*^  The  soldiery  distributed  at  these  posts  was 
for  the  most  part  composed  of  convicts  and  the  worst 
class  of  men  in  Mexico,'^  contact  with  whom  was 
contamination,  and  Whose  bearing  was  insolent  and 
outrageous. 

Having  completed  his  dispositions,  Teran  went 
to  Matamoros,  leaving  Davis  Bradbum^  at  Andhuac, 

^Suarez  y  Navarro^  Hiet.  Mex.,  244-6;  Jiwera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii  26-7; 
FUisola,  Mem.  HUt,  Ouerra  TeJ.,  L  161-5,  169-70;  Mex.  Mem.  Ouerra,  1830, 
p.  3;  Kennedy's  Tex.,  i.  375-7,  ii.  4-5;  LarenaudUre,  Mex.  et  Ouat.,  231;  Hunt's 
AddffsB,  24;   WiOsan's  Am.  HiU.,  635. 

'^  In  order  that  the  reader  may  form  some  idea  of  the  daas  of  men  from 
which  the  Mexican  troops  were  drawn,  and  the  means  employed  to  raise 
recruits,  I  quote  the  provisions  on  these  points  laid  down  by  decree  of  the 
conxress  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  dated  Sept.  29,  1826.  'The  ayuntamientos 
with  the  assistance  of  armed  force  will  proceed  to  make  levies;  va^bonds  and 
disorderly  persons  shall  be  taken  in  preference  for  military  service,  recruits 
may  be  obtained  by  entrapment  and  decoy.'  Articles  4,  5,  and  9,  in  Coah.  y 
Tex.  Leyes,  42. 

'^  Biadbum  was  an  American  by  birth,  but  had  served  in  the  revolution- 
ary war,  and  had  obtained  the  rank  of  oolond  in  the  Mexican  army. 


116  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

at  the  head  of  Galveston  Bay,**  with  150  men ;  Colonel 
Piedras  at  Nacogdoches,  with  350  men;  and  Colonel 
Ugartechea  at  Velasco,  the  post  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Brazos,  with  125  men.  Kamon  Miisquiz  at  this 
time  was  political  chief  at  San  Antonio  de  B^jar. 
Bradburn  was  by  nature  a  tyrant,  and  made  himself 
consipcuous  as  such.  A  series  of  outrages  was  soon 
commenced  by  him.  The  local  authorities  were  set  at 
naught,  and  military  law  substituted  for  civil  jurisdic- 
tion; settlers  were  dispossessed  of  their  lands  and 
property,  many  of  them  were  imprisoned,  and  no  re- 
dress could  be  obtained  for  thefts  and  robberies  com- 
mitted by  the  rascally  troops. 

When  the  state  congress  assembled  in  January 
1831,  it  declared  that  Jos^  Maria  Letona  had  been 
duly  elected  governor,  and  Juan  Martin  De  Veramendi 
vice-governor.  Urgent  applications  had  been  made  by 
numerous  settlers  for  the  appointment  of  a  commis- 
sioner to  extend  titles  to  them,  and  Letona,  who  could 
do  no  otherwise  than  regard  the  law  of  April  6,  1830, 
as  unconstitutional,  and  an  infringement  on  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  state,  sent  Francisco  Madero  in  that  ca- 
pacity, with  Jos^  Maria  Carbajal,  as  surveyor,  to  put 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Trinity  River  in  possession  of 
their  lands.  The  commissioner,  in  accordance  with 
the  state  colonization  law,  granted  the  required  titles, 
established  the  town  of  Liberty,  and  appointed  an 
ayuntamiento.  Teran,  as  uncompromising  a  centralist 
and  as  aggressive  as  Bustamante  himself,  seized  this 
opportunity  to  exercise  his  despotic  power.  Declar- 
ing that  the  law  of  April  6th  was  being  contravened, 
he  ordered  Bradburn  to  arrest  Madero  and  Carbajal, 
who  were  accordingly  cast  into  prison  at  Andhuac 
Bradburn  next  dissolved  the  ayuntamiento  at  Liberty, 
established  one  at  Andhuac,  and  assuming  the  appro- 
priation of  a  large  tract  of  country,  proceeded  to  dis- 
tribute lands.     All  these  acts  were  performed  without 

"  Aniknao  was  known  as  the  port  of  Galyeston,  opened  in  1825.  The 
iflUnd  wu  uninhabited  at  thia  time. 


OOLLBCnOK  or  BEVEKUE.  117 

any  authority  from  the  state  government;  indeed, 
Bradbum  did  not  condescend  even  to  consult  or  ad- 
vise it  on  the  matter.  These  high-handed  measures 
were  complemented  by  various  tyrannical  proceedings 
affecting  the  welfare  of  the  community  at  large,  and 
the  personal  rights  of  individuals. 

In  the  collection  of  the  customs,  to  the  payment  of 
which  the  colonists  had  lately  been  made  subject, 
great  disgust  was  caused  Not  that  they  were  op- 
posed to  paying  legitimate  duties,  but  the  offensive 
steps  taken  to  collect  them  provoked  their  ire.  The 
revenue  officers  were  avoweoly  inimical  in  their  prin- 
ciples to  the  interests  of  the  Texans,  and  their  con- 
temptuous bearing  and  arbitrary  dealing,  supported, 
by  bands  of  armed  soldiers,  were  doubly  galling.  The 
tariff,  moreover,  was  considered  unreasonable.  To 
facilitate  the  collection  of  the  custom  duties  and  pre- 
vent smuggling,"  all  ports  except  that  of  An^uac, 
which  only  vessels  of  six  feet  draught  could  enter,  were 
ordered  to  be  closed.  But  the  indignation  aroused  at 
this  blow  at  the  commercial  interests  of  Texas,  and 
the  attendant  inconvenience  in  other  respects,  was 
such  that  on  December  16,  1831,  a  large  and  angry 
meeting  was  held  at  Braasoria  to  discuss  the  question. 
Commissioners  were  sent  to  Andhuac  to  demand  the 
withdrawal  of  the  order.  Bradbum  grumbled  and 
asked  that  time  be  allowed  him  to  communicate  with 
Teran ;  whereupon  threats  of  an  attack  were  uttered, 
and  the  port  of  Brazos  was  reluctantly  allowed  to 
remain  open.^ 

It  is  not  surprising  that,  under  such  circumstances, 
some  proceedings  which  will  not  bear  scrutiny  were 
committed  or  connived  at  by  the  settlers.  Arms  and 
war  material  were  introduced  into  the  country  from 

''It  is  narrated  that  in  July  or  August  1890,  a  band  of  smugglers,  in 
order  to  carry  on  their  operations  unopposed,  seized  the  administrator  of  the 
leTenue  in  Matacorda,  and  placed  him  in  a  boat  under  the  custody  of  ten 
men.  Phtart'B  CoL,  Print»  no.  214,  p.  2. 

*  Yoakum,  i  281-2;  Filiaola^  vt  wp,,  L  186;  Tex.  Aim,,  1859.  103. 


118  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

the  United  States  in  spite  of  the  custom-houses. 
Smuggling  greatly  increased,  and  was  very  defiantly 
carried  on.  In  December  1831,  while  the  colonists 
at  Brazoria  were  under  great  excitement  at  the  clos- 
ing of  their  port,  the  schooners  Ticson  (sic),  Nelson, 
and  Sabinej  under  the  protection  of  an  armed  band  of 
colonists  on  shore,  sailed  out  of  the  harbor  without 
paying  the  custom  dues  they  owed;  and  when  an 
attempt  was  made  to  oppose  their  departure,  the 
Mexican  troops  were  fired  at  from  the  vessels  and  a 
soldier  wounded*'  The  administrator  of  customs  at 
Andhuac,  considering  it  convenient  to  remove  the  re- 
ceiver's office  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos  to  the  town 
of  Brazoria,  sent  thither,  in  January  1832,  the  col- 
lector Juan  Pacho  to  effect  the  change.  Pacho  arrived 
off  Brazoria  on  the  night  of  the  22d,  and  remaining 
on  board,  sent  on  shore  a  soldier  to  deliver  a  copy 
of  the  ordinance  to  the  authoritiea  The  unfortu- 
nate bearer  was  almost  beaten  to  death  by  the  colo- 
nists, and  such  hostile  demonstrations  were  made,  that 
Pacho,  deeming  it  unsafe  to  remain  on  board,  was 
glad  to  land  during  the  night  and  escape  to  a  place  of 
security.  On  the  29th  of  the  same  month  the  Sabine, 
holding  in  contempt  Teran's  orders  to  detain  her  and 
put  her  crew  on  trial  if  she  returned,  boldly  came  to 
anchor  at  Brazoria,  with  a  full  cargo  from  New  Orleans, 
and  two  cannon!  Nor  were  the  Mexican  troops  in 
sufficient  force  to  interfere  with  her.  Thus  mutual 
aggravation  widened  the  breach.  Instances  of  wrongs 
inflicted  on  individuals,  and  invasions  of  their  personal 
liberties,  were  frequent.  Servants  were  inveigled  away 
by.  Bradbum  from  their  masters,  and  made  to  work 
without  remuneration ;  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves 
was  refused,  and  settlers  were  arbitrarily  arrested  and 
thrown  into  dungeons.'^ 

^FHisola,  ut  iup.,  184-<6.  Tenm's  letter  to  Austin  dated  Matamoroa, 
Jan.  27,  1832,  in  /dt,  188-9. 

*^  The  reader  is  referred  to  the  followiojg  authorities,  which  have  been  oon- 
snlted  as  to  the  condition  of  affairs  during  this  period:  Kennedy* s  TVsc.,  iL 
&-7;  HoUey's  Tex.,  32a-3j  Yoakum,  L  270-6,  281-2,  290-1;  FooU'9  Tex,,  iL 


MARTIAL  LAW.  119 

On  May  15, 1832,  Bradbum  proclaimed  all  the  coun- 
try lying  within  the  ten-lei^e  coast  reserve  to  be 
under  martial  law.  In  the  same  month,  almost  imme- 
diately after  the  adoption  of  this  extreme  measure, 
some  soldiers  of  the  presidial  troops  perpetrated  a 
criminal  outrage  upon  a  woman  in  the  vicinity  of  And- 
huac.  The  enn^ed  settlers,  knowing  that  no  redress 
could  be  obtained,  seized  a  worthless  fellow  of  their 
community,  who,  if  not  an  actual  participator  in  the 
deed,  had  ponnived  at  it,*®  and  tarred  and  feathered 
him.  While  engaged  in  inflicting  this  punishment,  a 
troop  of  soldiers  despatched  by  Bradbum  interfered. 
A  scrimmage  ensued,  in  which  some  shots  were  fired, 
and  several  of  the  colonists,  among  whom  Was  William 
B.  Travis — who  at  a  later  date  gained  high  renown — 
were  made  prisoners.  The  captives  were  thrown  into 
dungeons,  and  treated  with  great  rigor.'^ 

This  event  and  Bradbum's  unwarrantable  declara- 
tion of  martial  law  having  been  duly  reported  to 
Teran,  who  was  residing  in  Matamoros,  the  latter,  on 
May  31st,  instructed  Piedras  to  proceed  to  Andhuac 
and  take  such  measures  to  put  an  end  to  the  disturb- 
ances as  he  might  deem  opportune.  But  before  the 
receipt  of  this  order,  the  angry  colonists  had  taken  the 
matter  into  their  own  hands.  Many  of  the  settlers 
on  Trinity  River  and  in  Austin's  colony  flew  to  arms 
and  marched  to  Andhuac,  Francis  W.  Johnson  being 
chosen  their  chief  in  command.  The  colonies  were 
already  ablaze  with  the  spirit  of  resistance,  and  were 

8-16;  Larenaudih-e,  Mex.  et  Ouat.,  232;   Willson's  Amer,  Hist.,  635-6;  Ed 
wards'  Niat.  Tex.,  186;  MaiUard's  Hist.  Tex.,  68-62;  FUtsola,  ut  sup.,l  169- 
74;  Teran's  Letter  to  Aftstm,  in  Id.,  185-9;  Jiivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  in.  26-8,  81 
Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mex.,  240^7. 

"  Foote  states  that  this  Ainericaa  committed  the  oatrage  himself.   Tex. 
ii  16.     Filisola's  version  is  that  a  presidial  soldier  perpetrated  the  violence^ 
and  that  the  American,  who  lived  close  by,  made  no  attempt  to  succor  the 
woman.   Ul  sup.,  L  193-4. 

*  Yoakum,  with  reason,  remarks  that  the  different  accounts  given  by 
Foote,  HoUe^,  Kennedy,  and  Dewees  of  the  events  about  to  be  narrated  are 
very  conflicting.  But  these  writers,  with  the  exception  of  the  Englishman 
Kennedy,  are  Americans,  and  all  derived  their  information  from  Texan  sources. 
Reports  and  letters,  however,  of  Ugartechea,  Piedras,  and  Bradbum,  sup- 
plied by  Filisola,  L  205-30,  throw  much  light  on  these  occurrences,  and  en- 
able me  to  present  them  with  greater  clearness  and  correctness. 


laO  MEXICAN  OPPKESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

ripe  for  rebellion.  A  certain  John  Austin*®  was  at  this 
time  one  of  the  alcaldes  of  Brazoria.  He  was  a  man 
of  great  energy,  and  not  being  of  the  type  to  submit 
meekly  to  tyranny,  had  already  obtained  prominence 
by  his  decided  views  and  spirited  conduct.  On  the 
10th  of  June  he  joined  the  insurgents  with  about  100 
men,  having  captured  on  the  preceding  day  Lieutenant 
Miguel  Nieto,  and  a  troop  of  cavalry  sent  out  to  re- 
connoitre by  Bradbum,  who  was  ^aware  of  his  ap- 
proach. On  his  arrival,  a  demand  for  the  release  of 
the  prisoners  was  made  and  refused,  whereupon  the 
settlers  who  had  entered  the  town  took  up  a  position 
in  the  buildings  of  the  plazuela  de  Malinche.  During 
the  next  two  or  three  days  some  desultory  firing  took 
place,  but  before  any  effective  fighting  occurred  an 
adjustment  was  arranged,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that 
the  prisoners  should  be  released  if  the  assailants  would 
previously  surrender  their  captives,  and  retire  six 
miles  away  from  the  town.  The  colonists  were  will- 
ing to  keep  their  part  of  the  compact,  and  setting  at 
liberty  the  cavalrymen,  Austin  retired  with  a  portion 
of  his  forces  to  Turtle  Bayou.*^  Bradbum,  however, 
having  secured  a  quantity  of  ammunition  that  had 
been  stored  in  one  of  the  houses,  and  had  escaped  dis- 
covery, threw  his  stipulation  to  the  winds,  opened  fire 
upon  the  insurgents  that  had  remained  in  An^uac, 
and  drove  them  from  the  place. 

In  January  of  this  year  Santa  Anna  had   pro- 

^ThiB  Austin  was  not  a  relative  of  Stephen  F.  Aastin.    He  was  bom  in 


his  release  through  the  intercession  of  Poinsett.  Daring  his  stay  in  the 
Mexican  capital  he  became  acquainted  with  Stephen  F.  A^istin,  and  decided 
to  accompany  him  to  his  colony.  John  Austin  had  sreat  strength  of  charac- 
ter, and  became  an  active  and  useful  citizen.  He  died  of  cholera  in  1833. 
He  would  have  played  a  prominent  part  in  the  Texan  revolution  had  he  lived 
to  see  it.  Holl/ey's  Tex.,  248-^;  TknUVa  Hist.  Tex,,  496-7;  Edwards*  HisL 
Tex.,  184;  FUisold,  xUswp.,  195. 

*^  Kennedy,  ii.  8;  Dewees'  Letters,  143;  P^Usola,  L  200-1.  The  latter  author 
states  that  only  half  of  Austin's  force  was  withdrawn.  Labadie's  and  Frauds 
W.  Johnson's  aooounts,  in  Tex.  Aba.,  1859,  30-40. 


UPRISING  OF  THE  SETTLERS.  121 

nonnced  at  Vera  Cruz  against  the  government  of  Bus- 
tamante,  and  the  usual  war,  which  in  Mexico  follows 
such  revolutionary  appeals,  was  in  full  blast.  The 
colonists  were  heartily  sick  of  Bustamante's  method 
of  administering  the  laws  of  the  country,  and  the  in- 
surgents, on  their  arrival  at  Turtle  Bayou,  drew  up  a 
list  of  their  grievances  June  13th,  and  passed  resolu- 
tions adopting  Santa  Anna's  plan,  and  pledging  their 
lives  and  fortunes  to  support  the  constitution,  and  the 
leaders  who  were  then  fighting  in  defence  of  civil 
liberty.  All  the  people  of  Texas  were  invited  to  co- 
operate with  them  in  support  of  these  principles.** 

When  Bradbum's  intention  not  to  fulfil  his  part  of 
the  agreement  was  no  longer  doubtful,  the  settlers  were 
determined  to  enforce  compliance.  Knowing  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  take  the  fort  without  artillery, 
John  Austin  went  to  Brazoria  to  fetch  by  sea  the 
cannon  brought  by  the  Sabine,  leaving  the  main  force 
to  blockade  Andhuac  during  his  absence.  On  his 
arrival  at  Brazoria  a  public  meeting  was  held,  at  which 
the  resolutions  of  June  13th  were  adopted,  and  Ugar- 
techea  having  refused  to  allow  the  vessel  bearing  the 
cannon  to  pass  out  of  the  river,  it  was  decided  to  reduce 
fort  Velasco  before  making  the  attack  on  Andhuac.*" 
Accordingly  John  Austin,  having  collected  112  men, 
caused  the  cannon  to  be  mounted  on  board  the  schooner 
Brazoria,  then  at  that  place,  and  marched  to  Velasco. 
At  first  some  negotiations  were  carried  on.  Ugarte- 
chea  was  apprised  of  the  adoption  of  the  plan  of  Vera 
Cruz,  and  invited  to  join  the  settlers  in  his  support. 
On  his  refusal  the  evacuation  of  the  fort  was  demanded. 
This  summons  being  also  disregarded,  Austin  made 
his  dispositions  to  attack.  The  schooner,  which  had 
dropped  down  the  river,  was  moored  on  the  night  of 

*»HoUey's  Tex.,  923;  Edwards'  HitL  Ttx,,  185-7.  In  the  last  authority  a 
copy  of  the  resolatioiis  wiU  be  found. 

^On  the  11th  of  May  preceding  a  meeting  of  the  citixens  of  Brazoria  was 
held,  at  which  it  was  proposed  to  attack  the  u>Tt  at  Veluoo.  The  proposition 
.  WW  lost  by  only  a  single  vote.  FooU^  Tex,,  ii  19. 


122  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

the  26th  close  to  the  shore,  in  front  of  the  fort,  about 
200  yards  off;  and  forty  men,  armed  with  rifles,  were 
placed  on  board  of  her  and  protected  by  a  bulwark  of 
cotton  bales.  During  the  same  night  Austin  with  his 
remaining  force  in  two  divisions  approached  to  within 
fifty  yards  of  the  redoubt  on  the  land  side,  and  under 
cover  of  the  darkness,  and  the  diversion  caused  by  the 
fire  from  the  schooner,  threw  up  a  palisade.  Though 
firing  was  kept  up  during  the  night,  little  harm  was 
done  to  either  side ;  but  when  day  broke  the  affair  as- 
sumed another  aspect  Austin's  breastworks  afforded 
him  little  protection,  the  fire  from  the  fort  was  galling; 
and  a  violent  storm  of  rain  coming  on,  he  was  com- 
pelled to  withdraw  about  9  o'clock,  while  the  Mexicans, 
whose  only  gun  was  mounted  en  barbette,  suffered 
severely  from  the  rifles  of  the  besiegers.  The  schooner, 
however,  kept  up  the  engagement;  almost  every  man 
who  showed  himself  at  the  gun  or  above  the  enemy's 
prapets  was  struck  by  the  unerring  riflemen.  The 
besiegers'  artillery,  too,  did  good  service,  while  the 
Mexicans'  piece  was  so  ill-managed  in  its  exposed  posi- 
tion as  to  do  little  injury  to  the  Brazoria.  Due  credit 
must  be  given  to  Ugartechea's  personal  bravery.  Over 
and  over  again,  as  the  artillerist  held  the  linstock  to 
to  fire  the  cannon,  his  exposed  hand  or  arm  was  shat- 
tered, and  when  at  last  his  men  flinched  from  serving 
the  gun,  their  commandant  mounted  the  bastion  and 

Sinted  it  himself.  His  courage  was  appreciated. 
is  foes,  respecting  his  gallant  bearing,  had  the  mag- 
nanimity not  to  strike  him  down.  After  a  contest  of 
eleven  hours  the  Mexican  commander,  having  almost 
exhausted  his  ammunition,  hoisted  a  white  flag,  and 
terms  of  capitulation  were  signed  the  next  day,  by 
which  Ugartechea  was  allowed  to  evacuate  the  fort 
with  the  honors  of  war,  his  troops  retaining  their  anus, 
ammunition,   and  baggage.**     They  were,   moreover, 

^Yoakum,  i.  296,  incorrectly,  and  without  authority^  states  that  *the 
enemy  were  deprived  of  their  arms.  See  Filisola's  statement,*  L  215,  de- 
rived from  Ugartechea's  report  of  the  a£BBur. 


SUCCESS  OF  THE  INSUKOENTS.  123 

supplied  with  provisions  for  their  march  to  Mata- 
moros.** 

According  to  American  authorities,  the  loss  of  the 
Texans  in  this  engagement  was  seven  killed  and 
twenty-seven  wounded ;  that  of  the  Mexicans,  thirty- 
five  killed  and  fifteen  wounded,  Ugartechea,  how- 
ever, only  reports  seven  of  his  troops  killed  and 
nineteen  wounded,  ten  of  whom  were  shot  in  the 
hand  or  arm;  Kennedy  raises  the  number  on  both 
sides,  assigning  to  the  Texans  eleven  killed  and  fifty- 
two  wounded,  twelve  of  them  mortally,  and  to  the 
Mexicans  about  one  half  killed  of  the  125  men  en- 
gaged, while  seventeen  'Uost  their  hands  by  the  fear- 
ful drilling  of  the  rifle." 

Meanwhile  the  forces  left  bv  John  Austin  around 
Andhuac  maintained  a  steady  blockade  of  the  place, 
confining  themselves  to  cutting  off  supplies  and  com- 
munication, without  engaging  m  any  active  operation* 
Piedras,  the  commandant  at  Nacogdoches,  having 
received  Teran's  instructions  of  May  31st,  proceeded 
thither,  about  the  end  of  June,  with  a  small  escort 
On  his  approach  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  revolted 
settlers,  and  having  heard  their  statements,  promised 
that  the  imprisoned  citizens  should  be  released,  and 
Bradbum  removed  Piedras  kept  his  word.  Whether 
he  would  have  done  so  under  different  circumstances 
is  open  to  the  gravest  doubt  ;*•  but  he  saw  plainly 

*^CoiiBult  Ugartechea's  report  in  Id,,  I  205-16;  Kennedy,  L  8-9;  Foote, 
ii.  20-3;  Yoakum,  I  293-^;  and  Tex.  Aim.,  1872,  166-70.  Dewee«'  account 
is  not  only  false  in  most  particolars,  bat  is  conspicuous  for  absurd  ezagger- 
ations.  He  says  that  Ugartechea's  force  at  Velasco  was  1,000  men^  Bradbum's 
700,  and  Piedras'  1,900  men;  that  700  Mexicans  were  put  to  flight  at  Anil- 
huac  by  100  colonists,  and  that  1,300  men  under  Piedras  on  march  to  support 
Bradbum  surrendered  to  17  '  brave  Texan  lads '  1  Ugartechea,  too,  was  cap- 
tured, according  to  this  yeracious  letter-writer,  with  a  large  reinforcement  on 
Galveston  island  by  a  company  of  the  insurgents;  the  garrison  at  AniLhuac 
then  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  Letters,  142-3.  The  nartic- 
uLur  letter  containing  this  account  is  dated  Colorado  River,  Texas,  Dec.  1, 
183S,  and  was  consequently  written  only  five  months  after  the  occurrences  it 
professes  to  describe. 

**In  an  official  letter  which  he  addressed  to  Bradbum,  July  4,  1832,  he 
requested  him  to  continue  in  command  at  Anihuac  until  the  resolution  of  the 
commandant  general  was  known.    At  the  same  time  he  counselled  Bradbum 


124  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

that  it  would  be  impossible  to  cope  successfully  with 
the  insurgents  Having  entered  Andhuac  July  Ist, 
he  assumed  command  on  the  following  day,  and  sur- 
rendered from  durance  Travis  and  his  companions, 
sending  them  to  Liberty  to  have  their  cases  decided 
by  the  judicial  authorities  at  that  place.  It  is  need- 
less to  add  that  they  were  immediately  released. 
Bradbum,  though  requested  by  Piedras  before  his 
departure  to  continue  in  command,  was  too  offended 
to  comply,  and  the  latter,  having  appointed  Lieuten- 
ant-colonel Cortiiia  to  succeed  him,  and  made  other 
dispositions,  returned  to  Nacogdoches.  He  had 
hardly  turned  his  back,  however,  before  the  garrison 
at  Andhuac  mutinied,  and  pronounced  in  favor  of 
Santa  Anna.  Bradbum,  at  the  instigation  of  the 
officers,  reassumed  command,  and  endeavored  to  keep 
the  troops  to  their  duty  at  the  post  by  recognizing 
their  pronunciamiento,  and  demanded  that  Cortina 
should  remain  their  chief.  But  it  was  of  no  use. 
The  troops  were  determined  to  abandon  the  place. 
On  the  13th  most  of  them,  with  their  officers,  marched 
for  the  south ;  and  at  nightfall  of  the  same  day  Brad- 
bum— who  says,  doubtless  with  truth,  that  after  his 
surrender  of  the  command  his  life  was  in  constant 
danger — slunk  out  of  Andhuac,  and  in  disguise  made 
his  way  to  Louisiana,  with  a  guide  as  his  sole  com- 
panion. On  his  journey  he  escaped  molestation  by 
saying  that  he  was  going  to  the  United  States  to  seek 
for  aid  to  drive  the  Mexicans  out  of  Texaa*^ 

The  opinion  current  in  the  south  with  regard  to  the 
revolt  in  Texas  was  that  the  colonists  were  attempting 
to  separate  from  Mexico  and  annex  the  country  to  the 

to  exercise  pmdenoe,  and  adopt  conciliatory  measures,  until  the  goyemment 
could  send  a  sufficient  force  to  reduce  the  colonists  to  implicit  obedience — 
'  obligar  £  loe  colonos  al  cumplimiento  de  las  leyes,  y  reducirlos  ila  mas  dega 
obediencia.'  FUiaola,  tU  8tip,,  222. 

"  Consult  the  letters  of  Piedras  and  Bradbum's  aooonnt  in  Id.,  i  218^30. 
Bradbum  went  from  New  Orleans  to  Matamoros  in  the  early  part  of  183S. 
He  entered  Texas  with  Santa  Anna  in  1836,  and  being  in  oommand  in  Vn 
rear  division,  escaped  death  or  capture  at  San  Jacinto. 


POUTICAL  ACnON.  120 

United  States.  Colonel  Jos^  Antonio  Mei(a  was, 
therefore,  sent  by  Montezuma,  the  comandante  at 
Tampico,  and  who  had  declared  in  favor  of  Santa 
Anna,  with  a  squadron  of  six  ships,  having  400  troops 
on  board,  to  punish  the  Texan  insurgents.  Touching 
at  Brazos  de  Santiago,  Mejla  entered  into  a  conven- 
tion with  Colonel  Guerra  Manzanares,  of  the  Busta- 
mante  party,  then  in  command  at  Matamoros,^  the 
object  of  which  was  to  enable  him  to  prosecute  his 
designs  against  the  Texans  without  interruption.  On 
June  14th  he  sailed  for  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos 
River,  taking  with  him  Stephen  F.  Austin,  who  was 
on  his  return  from  the  state  legislature,  and  came  to 
anchor  on  the  16th.  He  immediately  addressed  a 
letter  to  John  Austin,  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  conven- 
tion with  General  Guerra,  which,  he  said,  would  in- 
form him  of  the  motives  that  iiad  brought  him  to  that 
coast.  John  Austin's  reply,  however,  showed  matters 
in  a  different  light,  and  caused  Mejla  to  discard  his 

Sreconceptions.  The  alcalde  said  that  the  enemies  of 
*exas  constantly  attributed  to  the  colonists  a  dispo- 
sition to  separate  from  Mexico.  So  far  from  such  be- 
ing the  case,  thev  were  not  only  Mexicans  by  adoption, 
but  in  heart,  and  would  remain  so.  He  then  touched 
upon  the  causes  which  had  driven  them  to  take  up 
arms.**  Mejla  and  Stephen  F.  Austin  were  conducted 
to  Brazoria  by  a  deputation  of  citizens;  there  they 
were  received  by  the  committee  of  vigilance,  and  the 
resolutions  passed  at  Turtle  Bayou  on  June  13th  were 
presented  to  Mejla. 

In  order  to  impress  Mejla  with  a  right  conception 
of  the  sentiments  of  the  colonists,  the  ayuntamiento 
of  San  Felipe  de  Austin  instructed  the  subordinate 
officers  of  the  different  settlements  officially  to  con- 
vene the  citizens,  inform  themselves  of  their  political 

^  Tenn  had  engaged  MontenuDa  at  Tampioo  and  had  been  wonted.  His 
want  of  sncoeaa  preyed  on  his  mind,  and  he  committed  suicide-  at  Padilla, 
Jane  3«l  of  this  year,  by  falling  on  his  sword,  //we.  Mtx,^  v.  Ill,  this  series. 
Copy  of  the  convention  will  be  found  in  Filitola,  i  256-9. 

^IklwarxU'  Hid.  Tex,,  \H-5. 


126  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

views,  and  forward  reports  thereon  to  the  ayuntami- 
ento  without  delay.  This  investigation  made  it  evi- 
dent that  under  no  circumstances  would  jurisdiction 
by  military  power  be  allowed  to  take  the'  place  of  the 
civil  authority  guaranteed  by  the  constitution.  On 
July  27,  1832,  the  ayuntamientos  in  assembly  at 
Austin  embodied  the  sentiments  of  the  colonists  in 
a  series  of  resolutions.  After  calling  attention  to  the 
calumnies  against  Texas  circulated  by  her  enemies, 
and  attributing  the  late  outbreak  to  the  tyTaimical 
and  illegal  acts  of  Colonel  Bradbum,  the  ayunta- 
mientos as  a  body,  expressing  themselves  in  accord 
with  the  people  of  the  Brazos  district,  pledged  them- 
selves to  adhere  to  the  principles  of  the  republican 
party  headed  by  Santa  Anna,  with  no  other  object  in 
view  than  to  aid  in  sustaining  the  constitution,  and 
to  support  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  state  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas,  which  had  been  insulted  by  mili- 
tary encroachments  in  the  colonies  since  1830.  They 
moreover  declared  that  the  general  and  state  con- 
stitutions ought  to  be  religiously  observed,  and  de- 
nounced a  large  standing  army  as  a  burden  to  the 
people  and  a  continual  disturber  of  the  public  peace, 
by  affording  the  means  of  committing  despotic  acts. 
Copies  of  these  resolutions  were  ordered  to  be  pre- 
sented to  Colonel  Mejla  and  the  political  chief 
Ramon  Musquiz,  with  requests  that  they  would 
respectively  transmit  them  to  Santa  Anna  and  the 
governor  of  the  state.  "^ 

Satisfied  with  these  expressions  of  loyalty,  Mejla, 
after  visiting  San  Felipe  and  several  neighboring  set- 
tlements, sailed  from  the  Brazos  for  Gralveston  Bay. 
On  his  arrival  at  the  bar  he  met  two  or  three  small 
vessels  from  Andhuac,  having  on  board  a  detachment 
of  the  troops  that  had  been  stationed  there.  From 
Subardn,  the  officer  in  command,  he  heard  of  the  late 
pronunciamiento  in  favor  of  Santa  Anna  and  the  flight 
of  Bradbum ;  whereupon  he  turned  his  prows  toward 

^Copy  of  these  resolutioiifl  in  Id,,  188-90. 


REVOLUTION  GAINS  STRENGTH.  127 

Tampico,  without  troubling  himself  about  the  forces 
which  had  left  that  post  by  land" 

While  Mejfa  was  in  Texas  he  did  not  fail  to  advo- 
cate the  principles  of  the  revolutionaiy  party,  and 
invite  the  troops,  stationed  at  the  outlying  posts,  to 
support  the  plan  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  hasten  to  the  seat 
of  war.  Having  no  time  to  waste  in  Texas,  he  had 
hurried  his  own  departure,  but  the  seed  he  sowed  bore 
fruit.  The  revolutionary  infection  spread  rapidly. 
Of  the  garrison  at  San  Antonio,  the  greater  portion 
pronounced  and  marched  southward ;  the  detachments 
at  Tenoxtitlan  and  other  stations  did  the  same;  and 
by  the  beginning  of  August,  a  general  exodus  of  the 
Mexican  forces  in  Texas  was  taking  place.  Piedras 
at  Nacogdoches  alone  remained  true  to  his  party  prin- 
ciples and  his  post  But  he  was  not  to  be  left  unmo- 
lested. He  had  made  himself  obnoxious  to  the  mer- 
chants in  his  district,  by  monopolizing,  to  his  own 
interest,  the  more  lucrative  portion  of  the  trade  with 
New  Orleans,  and  his  officers  and  troops,  not  holding 
the  same  pronounced  opinions  as  himself,  were  restive. 

As  Fiedras'  opposition  to  Santa  Anna  was  well 
known,  it  was  determined  to  force  him  to  declare  for 
the  revolution,  or  dislodge  him.  Accordingly,  the  au- 
thorities at  Nacogdoches,  in  ia.ccord  with  those  at  Aes 
Bayou  and  other  places,  collected  about  300  men,  who, 
on  August  2d,  Piedras  having  refused  to  submit  to 
their  demands,  invaded  the  town.  James  W.  Bullock 
was  in  command.  When  the  colonists  had  advanced 
to  the  centre  of  the  town,  they  were  charged  by  the 
Mexican  cavalry,  which  delivered  its  fire  and  wheeled, 
receiving  a  volley  in  return.  Encamacion  Chirino, 
the  alcaide  of  the  town,  was  killed  by  the  Mexicans  in 
this  skirmish.  The  Texans  now  took  up  positions  on 
the  north  and  east  sides  of  the  stone  building  occupied 
by  the  Mexicans  to  the  number  of  350,  and  so  galled 
the  latter  with  their  rifles,  that  Piedras  evacuated  the 

^^FUisola,  ut  tup.,  L  231-0,  25(M>1,  265-«. 


128  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

place  during  the  night.  As  the  retreating  troops 
were  crossing  the  Anglena  stream,  they  were  fired 
upon  by  Colonel  James  Bowie  and  a  small  party  of 
Texans  who  had  succeeded  in  getting  in  their  front 
The  same  night  the  Mexicans  pronounced  in  favor  of 
the  plan  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  delivered  Piedras  up  to 
the  colonists.  Piedras  was  conveyed  to  Brazoria,  and 
thence  sent  to  New  Orleans,  whence  he  proceeded  to 
Tampico.  The  troops  were  allowed  to  pursue  their 
march  to  Matamoros.  According  to  Texan  accounts 
the  loss  sustained  by  the  Mexicans  was  forty-one  killed 
and  as  many  wounded,  that  of  the  colonists  being,  three 
killed  and  five  wounded.** 

By  the  end  of  August  not  a  Mexican  soldier  re- 
mained in  the  Texan  colonies,  the  only  force  left  in 
the  department  being  a  presidial  troop  of  about  seventy 
men  stationed  at  San  Antonio,  under  command  of 
Colonel  Antonio  Elozua.  This  hardly  suflSced  to 
hold  in  check  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  that  town. 
Thus  was  a  brief  period  of  freedom  from  oppression 
procured  by  the  settlers." 

^  Thifl  account  of  the  captare  of  Naooffdoches  is  taken  mainly  from  Yoakum, 
who  had  before  him  a  statement  of  Col  A.  Sterne,  who  was  in  the  engagement^ 
Col  Ballock's  official  report,  and  the  journal  of  Asa  M.  Edwards,  in  whose 
charge  Piedras  was  placed.  Hist.  Tex.,.L  297-9.  Filisola*s  aooonnt — ui  sup,, 
i.  260-74 — agrees  with  that  of  Yoakum  in  the  main  particulars.  He,  how- 
ever, asserts  that  the  Texans  were  repulsed  at  Nacogdoches,  and  resorted  to 
tamperimr  with  the  Mexican  soldiers,  which  induced  Piedras  to  evacuate  the 
place.  The  loss  of  the  Mexicans  he  places  at  one  captain,  Ortega'^'b^  najne, 
and  a  few  of  the  soldiers — '  algunos  Individuos  de  tropa; '  Kennedy  gives  the 
loss  of  the  Texans  at  three  kiUed  and  seven  wounded,  that  of  the  Mexicans 
18  killed  anl  22  wounded.   Tex.,  n.  14. 

^  Herewith  is  given  a  complete  list  of  authorities  for  the  foregoing  chapters. 
Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist,  Mij.,  85,  244-7,  314,  395-406;  Roa  Bdrcena,  Jfecuer- 
dos,  643-53;  Mix.,  Col.  Dec  Sob.  Cong.,  172;  Id.,  Col.  CoMtUudones,  i.  195- 
273;  Id.,  Col.  6rd.  y  Dec,  ii.  203;  iii.  46-7;  Id.,  Mem.  ReSac,  1S27;  /rf., 
Mern.  Guerra,  1830,  p.  3;  Id.,  Mem.  Ouerra,  1833,  p.  8;  Id.,  Mem.  JusUda, 
1831,  annex  8;  Texas,  Coll.  Docs,  no.  50,  in  Pinari,  Coll.;  MaillafrTs  HisL 
Texas,  54-60,  369-71;  Austm,  Esposic  al  PMieo,  4;  ffumbokU,  Suai  f^olii.^ 
ii.  155,  822;  Id.,  New  Spain,  ii.  247;  Mendibil,  Hestimen  Hist.,  45;  TorrmUe, 
Bevol.  Hiifp.'Amer.,  i.  235-9;  Oaz.  Imp.  Mex.,  i.  129-32,  268-70,  282-6,  293-^; 
Filisola,  Menu  Hist.  Ouerra  Tex.,  L  127-35,  204-16;  FooU*s  Texas,  i.  221-92; 
ii.  8-26;  Dvhlan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ii.  5;  Tomel,  Breve  Reseika  Higt., 
146-6,  171-3;  Id.,  Hist.  Mex.,  158;  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Pairia,  iL,  supL 
no.  4;  Id.,  Hist.  Iturbide,  160-1;  Id.,  Cuad.  Hist.,  viii.  177-8;  ArriUaofu 
Recap.,  1829,  73;  1834,  47-60;  Kennedy's  Texas,  i.  307,  361-4,  369-77;  ii74r- 
10,  444-68;  Arrangoiz,  Mi}.,  i.  126-8;  ii.  196;  Arwpc,  Idea  Gen.,  1--69;  /tL, 
Memorial;  Pike's  BhcpL  Travels,  341,  362-3;  WhUe*s  CoU.  Laws,  i  41d-n548; 


AUTHORITIES.  •  129 

Oae.  de  Mix.,  1811,  iL  d01-2»  319-21,  3S&-66,  740-2,  1199-1203;  1812,  ui. 
35-«;  1815,  vi  94-5;  1819,  z.  1229-30;  HosmI,  Mtx.  und  GuaL,  208^12; 
Ramsey's  Other  Side,  16-17;  La  Haekm,  Oct.  14,  1856;  Jay's  Mex.  War,  12- 
15;  Haya*  Life,  2;  Hemte  AmMcaine,  ii.  583-4;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Comere. 
Est.,  21;  LaremttuU^  Mex.  et  OttoL,  203,  230-3;  Dewees*  LeUers/ram  Texas^ 
55-72,  119-34;  HousHm's  Texas,  i.  206;  ChUa  de  ffae.  Rep,  Uex,,  iy.  80-1. 
306;  YL  207-8;  Lester's  HousUm,  45-7;  Lemr,  Ann,  hisL  unio.  pour  18£7» 
570-1;  Pena,  in  Mayer  M88»,  no.  19,  p.  22;  Id,,  Mex,  Azt,,  I  327;  Id,,  Hist, 
Mex,  War,  43-9;  Baker's  Texas,  24-34,  69-76;  MeClettan's  Repub,  m  Amer,^ 
104;  La  Paianea,  Apr.  23,  1827;  Mex,,  Coak,  and  Texas,  Ccionitaiion  Law; 
Ouerra,  Rev,  N.  Sep.,  L  964;  ii.  370-2;  dxw,  Tres  Sighs,  Yiii.  327-8;  Mexico 
in  1842,  156-9;  La  Mtnerva,  May  8,  1845;  liiies'  8,  Am,  and  Mex,,  L  261-3; 
Id,,  Register,  z.  402-4;  zzvii.  270,  334;  xzxL  157;  zzxiv.  334;  zzzvi  424; 
xxzrii  49,  87,  137,  168,  213,  277,  394;  zxzriH.  4,  291;  zzziz.  101;  MiUs' 
Hist,  Mex,,  177;  Holley's  Texas,  233^43,  316,  321-5;  Modem  Traveller,  Mex, 
and  Ouai.,  ii.  2^-9;  Seriandier,  Diario  Viaje,  54-9;  Semanario  PolU.,  ii.  36- 
42;  MofU's  Rept,  in  Thomstm's  Rec  of  Mex,,  174;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex,,  iv.  109, 
145-9,  169,  262-70;  HowUis  Hist,  U.  8.,  ii.  343;  Coak,  y  Tex.,  Leyes,  passim; 
OoHudes,  Coleedon  N,  Leon,  153,  228-30;  Tex.  Abn,,  1859,  30-40;  \m,  225; 
1861,  77-82;  1868,  48-9;  1872,  166-70;  Papeles  Varios,  olzvii.,  pt  10;  Cor, 
Fed,  Mex.,  Jan.  20,  Feb.  18,  Mch  4,  12,  16,  17,  18,  29,  Jnly  21,  Aug.  18, 
Noir.  23,  Dec.  8,  1827;  Feb.  18,  May  2,  Jnne  1,  1828;  OraUan's  dviUted 
America,  iL  285-6;  Blanehard  et  Damats,  San  Juan  de  UUa,  531;  Edhdt.  Re- 
xiew,  no.  147,  p.  256,  259;  PaHis's Narrative,  290-1;  Pinart's  M8S.,  no.  7;  Id,, 
CoL  Doe,,  MSS.,  i.,  no.'  248;  Id,,  Print,  na  214,  p.  2;  M  Veracrmano  Libre, 
June  14,  1828,  pp.  1-2;  Smith's  Remin,  Texas,  27;  Dice  Univ,  Hist,  Oeoa.,  ap. 
i.  84;  Thompsons  RecoH  Mex,,  174-7;  Pino,  Nuevo  Mexico,  passim;  Ataman, 
NoUe,  Biog.,  47-^;  Id,,  Mem,  d  las  Cdmaras,  29-30;  Id,,  Htst,  MSj.,  ii.  26-9, 
94-9,  165-89,  208,  245>6,  257-8,  ap.  34-5;  v.  236-9,  701-2;  Hutchison's 
Rendn.,  206-15;  C6rtes,  Actas  Ord.,  1814,  iL  266;  1812,  ziv.  177;  1813,  zviiL 
423;  1820,  zi.  29-31;  Almonte,  Not.  Est,  Tejas,  14;  Escalera  y  Llano,  Mix, 
hisL-deserkfL,  13;  EspMtu  PM,,  Noy.  24,  1828;  Jan.  22,  1829;  Museo  Mex., 
u.  106;  Young's  HisL  Mex,,  220;  Ward's  Mex,,  553,  588-9;  Nouv.  Atmales 
Voy.,  liz.  372-5;  Dion  CaivUlo,  Sermon,  143-6;  Domenech's  Miss,  Advent,,  20; 
Id.,  JoKmal  d'un  Miss.,  23;  Rivera,  HisL  Jalapa,  23-6,  81,  262-3,  342;  Foumel, 
Corn  d'oeU  sur  Texas,  0-12;  Zamaeois,  HisL  Mi},,  viL  passim;  ix.  222;  Visit 
to  Tesas,  214-17,  261-2;  BoleL  Oeog.  Estad,  Mex,,  ii.  20;  Hunt's  Address,  23-5; 
RodsweWs  Span,  and  Mex.  Law,  641-^;  ThralTs  HisL  Texas,  156-202,  482-5; 
Id.,  HisL  Methodism;  Zereeero,  Rev,  Mex,,  801-2,  367-74,  383-90;  AtUta,  1830, 
215-16,  225-8,  289;  WiUson's  Amer,  Hist,,  631-7;  BoleL  Soc  Mex,  Oeog,,  ii. 
^  20;  vii.  138;  iz.  267;  Id.,  2da  ^pooa,  i  291. 
Hist.  N.  Mix.  Btatbb,  Vol.  XL   9 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PROPOSED  SEPARATION  OP  TEXAS  FROM  COAHUILA. 

1832-1835. 

Argttmemtb  in  Payor  of  Sepasation — The  Texan  Convention— A 
Secessional  Constitution  —  Political  Ajteairs  in  tub  Mexican 
Capital — Santa  Anna's  Craftiness — ^Austin  Presents  a  Memorial 
TO  THE  Federal  Government— Its  Reception— Austin  Injudicious— 
His  Arrest  for  Treason— Dragoed  from  Court  to  Court— His 
Letter  to  the  Texans — Maiu^rd's  Book — Santa  Anna  IXictator 
— AFPAnm  in  Coauuila— Texas  Receives  Redress — Saltillo  versus 
MoMCLovA — Adjustment  of  Differences — Santa  Anna's  Decision 
ON  THE  Texan  Peiition — ^Almonte's  Report— Population  of  Texas 
— Fraudulent  Sales  of  Public  Lands — Separatists  and  Anti- 
separatists. 

In  their  first  general  attempt  at  resistance,  narrated 
in  the  previous  chapter,  the  Anglo-Americans  were 
favored  by  the  successful  progress  of  the  revolution  in 
Mexico.  Had  it  not  been  for  this,  their  triumph,  if 
indeed  they  had  gained  one,  would  have  been  of  ^a 
more  sanguinary  character.  As  it  was,  the  almost 
unanimous  defection  of  the  Mexican  troops  in  favor 
of  Santa  Anna  precluded  the  necessity  of  much  fight- 
ing, and  rendered  victory  easy.  On  the  appearance 
of  Mejia,  the  colonists  were  shrewd  enough  to  repre- 
sent their  late  action  as  the  practical  utterance  of 
political  principles  identical  with  those  expressed  in 
the  plan  of  Vera  Cruz;  and  that  commander,  appar- 
ently satisfied  as  to  their  loyalty,  left  the  field  to  them, 
being  too  anxious  to  return  to  the  seat  of  the  more 
important  struggle.  Thus  countenanced  by  a  power- 
ful faction,  relieved  from  the  possibility  of  any  imme- 
diate attempt  on  the  part  of  Bustamante's  government 

(190) 


8EPASATI0N  DISCUSSED.  181 

to  chastise  them,  and  hopefully  reliant  on  their  own 
physical  strength,  they  began  to  aim  at  the  acquire- 
ment of  an  independent  local  administration.^ 

The  reader  will  recollect  that,  on  the  formation  of 
the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  there  was  a  proviso 
in  the  decree,  to  the  effect  that  when  Texas  possessed 
the  necessary  elements  to  form  a  separate  state,  notice 
should  be  given  to  the  general  congress  for  its  resolu- 
tion on  the  matter.  This  was  virtually  an  admission 
that  the  union  of  the  two  provinces  was  only  provis- 
ional, and  that  the  erection  of  Texas  into  a  state  at 
some  future  date  was  contemplated.  The  Texans 
considered  that  the  time  had  arrived  when  the  fulfil- 
ment of  this  promise  might  be  expected.  This  aspi- 
ration  was  based  on  the  extraordinary  progress  made 
in  Texas,  on  the  fact  that  her  interests  were  entirely 
distinct  from  those  of  Coahuila,  and  were  generally 
sacrificed  or  lost  sight  of  by  the  state  legislature,  and 
that  beneficial  legislation  could  only  be  obtained  by 
disunion.  In  the  state  congress  her  representation 
was  greatly  in  the  minority,  and  though  the  legislature 
in  some  instances  showed  a  disposition  to  be  liberal, 
its  acts  had  little  regard  for  the  welfare  of  Texas 
whenever  the  interests  of  Coahuila  were  concerned. 
In  no  respect  was  the  want  of  community  of  interests 
more  evident  than  in  commercial  matters.  The  geo- 
graphical position  of  Coahuila  excluded  it  from  mari- 
time trade,  and  its  commerce  was  altogether  internal, 
whereas  Texas  possessed  great  natural  advantages  for 
the  development  of  an  extensive  commercial  business 
with  foreign  countries.  In  climate  and  industrial  pur- 
suits, also,  the  contrast  was  equally  marked,  and  the 
productions  were  dissimilar.  Pastoral  and  mining 
occupations  prevailed  in  Coahuila ;  Texas  was  essen- 
tially an  agricultural  country,  and  cotton,  sugar,  and 
cereals  were   being   cultivated   with   most   flattering 

^  At  a  public  dinner  raven  to  Mejia  one  of  the  toasts  was:  '  Coahuila  and 
Texas— they  are  dissimilar  in  soil,  climate,  and  productions;  therefore  they 
onght  to  be  dissolved.'  Edwanla  Hwt,  Ttx.,  187. 


132  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

prospects.  The  limit  of  the  production  of  these  coiii- 
niercial  staples  depended  only  on  the  future  prosperity 
of  the  colonies,  which  was  a  matter  of  serious  doubt 
under  the  existing  political  arrangement.  In  other 
respects,  too,  Texas  labored  under  grievous  disadvan- 
tages. The  remoteness  of  the  higher  judicial  courts 
practically  excluded  the  poorer  classes  from  appeal  in 
civil  cases,  and  gave  the  wealthy  opportunities  beyond 
the  reach  of  most  litigants;  while  in  criminal  cases, 
the  tedious  process  of  the  law,  and  consequent  long 
delays  in  pronouncing  and  executing  sentence,  tended 
to  defeat  the  ends  of  justice. 

On  the  28th  of  April,  1832,  a  state  law  was  enacted 
embodying  the  spirit  of  the  obnoxious  decree  of  April 
6,  1830.  The  lioeral  colonization  law  of  March  24, 
1825,  was  repealed;  Mexicans  alone  were  allowed  to 
become  empresarios  in  future,  and  to  Mexican  pur- 
chasers the  prices  of  lands  were  reduced;  natives  of 
the  United  States  were  excluded  from  becoming  set- 
tlers, while  at  the  same  time  the  rights  of  colonists 
were  extended.*  Existing  contracts,  however,  were 
recognized,  and  in  some  instances  the  time  for  fulfil- 
ment extended.  The  legislature,  also,  with  some 
show  of  Uberality,  passed  a  law  creating  new  munici- 
palities in  Texas,  and  allowing  the  people  to  elect 
their  own  mimicipal  oflScers. 

As  soon  as  the  colonists  saw  Texas  cleared  of  Mex- 
ican troops,  they  began  to  take  measures  to  address 
the  national  government  on  the  subject  of  their  aspi- 
rations. In  October  1832  a  preliminary  convention 
of  delegates  from  different  municipalities  was  held  at 
San  Felipe,  and  some  discussion  on  the  formation,  of 
a  state  constitution  took  place.  Owing  to  the  short- 
ness of  the  notice  given,  delegates  from  several  dis- 
tricts were  not  in  attendance,  and  the  convention, 
after  a  week's  deliberation,  adjourned.  Although, 
the  labors  of  this  assembly  concluded  with  no  satis- 
factory result,  the  convocation  of  it  had  neverthe- 

*Ooah.  y  Tex,  Leyes,  Dec.  no.  190. 


CONSnTUnOKAL  CONVENTION.  18S 

less  brought  the  question  seriously  before  the  public; 
and  when  a  second  convention  assembled  April  1, 
1833,  it  was  prepared  to  accomplish  the  work  as- 
signed to  it  The  number  and  names  of  the  dele- 
gates who  composed  this  memorable  convention  are 
not  known,  but  among  them  were  some  of  the  most 
distinguished  men  in  Texan  history.  Stephen  F. 
Austin,  Branch  T.  Archer,  David  G.  Burnett,  Sam 
Houston,  J.  B.  Miller,  and  William  H.  Wharton  may 
be  mentioned,  the  last  named  being  elected  to  preside. 
Two  important  committees  were  appointed,  the  one 
to  frame  a  constitution,  and  the  other  to  draw  up  a 
memorial  petitioning  the  general  government  to  grant 
the  separation  of  Texas  from  Coahuila.  Sam  Hous- 
ton was  appointed  chairman  of  the  first,  and  David  G. 
Burnett  of  the  second. 

The  constitution  draughted  was  thoroughly  republi- 
can in  form.'  It  provided  for  freedom  of  elections  and 
universal  suffrage,  secured  the  right  of  trial  by  jury, 
and  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  per- 
sonal security,  the  right  of  petition,  and  freedom  of 
the  press;  treason  against  the  state  was  to  consist 
only  in  levying  war  against  it  or  adhering  to  its  ene- 
mies; elections  were  to  be  held  by  ballot;  and  the 
advancement  of  education  was  left  in  the  solemn 
charge  of  the  legislature.  Generally  the  draught  was 
modelled  on  the  constitution  of  the  United  States, 
certain  modifications  being  introduced  so  as  to  adapt 
it  to  the  condition  of  the  Mexican  federation.  For 
instance,  silence  was  observed  on  the  subject  of  re- 
ligious Ubertv.  Much  discussion  occurred  on  the  sub- 
ject of  banking ;  finally,  a  clause  was  inserted  to  the 
effect  that  no  bank  or  banking  institution,  no  oflSce  of 
discount  or  deposit,  or  any  other  moneyed  corporation 
or  banking  establishment,  should  exist  under  that  con- 
stitution. 

The  memorial  to  the  general  government  was 
drawn  up  by  David  G.  Burnett,  and  ably  set  forth  the 

*  A  copy  of  it  will  be  fonnd  in  Sdwards*  Hist.  Tex,,  196-205. 


134  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

position  of  Texas.  The  disadvantages  it  was  laboring 
under,  which  I  have  already  mentioned,  and  the  dis- 
asters attendant  upon  its  union  with  Coahuila,  were 
forcibly  delineated,  and  the  authority  of  precedents  in 
the  formation  of  New  Leon,  Chihuahua,  and  Durango 
into  states  was  appealed  to  in  support  of  the  petition/ 
Stephen  F.  Austin,  William  H.  Wharton,  and  J.  B. 
Miller  were  appointed  delegates  to  proceed  to  the  city 
of  Mexico  and  present  the  memorial  to  the  supreme 
government.  Austin  was  the  only  one  of  these  com- 
missioners who  went  to  Mexico.  On  his  arrival  at 
the  capital  he  found  it  the  scene  of  virulent  party  fac- 
tion and  political  confusion. 

Affairs  in  Mexico  had  been  undergoing  the  custom- 
ary vicissitudes  and  revulsions.  No  more  stability 
of  principle  is  observable  in  Santa  Anna  than  in  Bus- 
tamante.  Both  used  the  constitution  of  1824  as  a 
clap-trap  to  introduce  themselves  to  power,  and  then 
both  cast  it  to  the  winds.  At  the  end  of  1832  these 
two  generals,  after  much  bloodshed,  came  to  terms, 
and  agreed  to  unite  in  support  of  the  said  constitution. 
Pedraza,  who  had  been  legally  elected  in  1828,  was 
reinstated  and  recognized  as  president  till  April  1, 
1833,  the  date  on  which  his  term  of  office  would  ex- 
pire. Early  in  that  year  the  elections  were  held,  and 
on '  March  30th  congress  declared  Santa  Anna  and 
Gomez  Farfas  duly  elected  president  and  vice-presi- 
dent respectively.  From  this  time  Santa  Anna's  course 
is  remarkable  for  subtle  intrigue  and  political  crafti- 
ness, used  for  the  promotion  of  his  ambitious  schemes. 
Never  appearing  himself  as  the  principal  actor,  or  in- 
stigated in  the  strife  between  federalists  and  central- 
ists, he  nevertheless  manipulated  the  puppet-strings 
of  both  parties  to  serve  his  own  purpose,  and  ever 
made  use  of  some  cat's-paw  to  secure  the  prize  he  aimed 
at,  namely,  dictatorial  power.     Gomez  Farias  was  the 

*  Copy  of  this  excellent  memorial  will  be  found  in  Toctkum,  i.  469-82; 
Tex,  Aim,,  1869,  40-50. 


MOVBMENTS  OF  SANTA  ANNA.  186 

known  champion  of  reform,  and  Santa  Anna,  absenting 
himself  from  the  capital,  left  it  to  him  to  introduce 
innovations  which  he  well  knew  would  cause  great 
agitation,  while  he  secretly  intrigued  with  the  bishops 
and  religious  orders.  The  reform  measures  attacked 
the  interests  of  the  two  powerful  elements  of  the 
church  and  army,  and  indications  of  the  approaching 
storm  were  soon  plainly  visible.  Santa  Anna  now 
assumed  his  oflBce  as  president — May  16,  1833 — but 
in  less  than  three  weeks  he  again  surrendered  it,  June 
3d,  to  Farias,  in  order  to  march  against  an  insurgent 
force  that  had  appeared  near  Tlalpam  under  Duran. 
Ignacio  Escalada  had  proclaimed.  May  26th,  in  favor 
of  the  ecclesiastical  and  military  fueros,  and  called 
upon  Santa  Anna  to  protect  them.  The  wily  presi- 
dent, hoping  that  in  his  absence  a  similar  demonstra- 
tion would  be  successfully  made  in  the  capital,  went 
through  the  farce  of  a  fictitious  capture  of  himself  by 
his  own  troops  under  the  command  of  Arista,  who  pro- 
ceeded to  proclaim  him  dictator.  But  an  attempt  at 
revolution  in  the  capital  on  June  7th  failed,  owing  to 
the  energy  of  Farias;  whereupon  this  versatile  in- 
triguer effected  a  pretended  escape  from  his  captors,  re- 
assumed  his  presidential  authority,  and  for  a  time  lent 
his  support  to  the  liberal  party  in  order  to  reestablish 
himself  in  the  confidence  of  the  supporters  of  the  con- 
stitution. Then  he  took  the  field  again,  and  finally 
the  revolutionary  army  surrendered  to  him  October 
8th,  at  Guanajuato,  and  Arista  and  Daran  with  other 
officers  were  sent  prisoners  to  Mexico.  As  the  only 
road,  however,  to  supreme  power  was  the  conserva- 
tive highway  occupied  by  the  military  and  ecclesias- 
tics^ Santa  Anna  now  changed  his  opinions,  and 
showed  himself  disposed  to  favor  a  reaction.  Having 
thus  artfully  again  put  progressionists  and  retrogres- 
sionists  against  each  other,  under  the  pretext  of  ill 
health  he  retired,  December  16,  1833,  to  his  hacienda 
of  Mauga  de  Clavo,  leaving  the  leaven  of  his  crafti- 
ness to  ferment.*     Such  is  an  outline  of  the  poUtical 

'Gmisiilt  ffiH.  Mex,,  v.  122-3S,  this  series. 


136  PROPOSED  SEPABAHON. 

events  which  were  taking  place  when  Austin  arrived, 
July  18,  1833,  at  the  capital 

The  Texan  commissioner  lost  no  time  in  presenting 
the  memorial  to  the  government,  laying  before  it  also 
other  matters  in  connection  with  his  mission,  such  as 
the  establishment  of  a  weekly  mail  between  Nacog- 
doches and  Monclova,  and  one  between  GroUad  and 
Matamoros,  the  modification  of  the  customs  tariff,^ 
and  the  payment  of  presidial  troopa  He  was  well 
received  by  Farias  and  the  ministers,  but  in  the  tur- 
moil of  contending  parties,  August  and  September 
passed  without  anything  being  done  with  respect  to 
Texan  affairs,  except  that  the  petition  was  referred  to 
a  committee  of  congress.  At  the  beginning  of  Octo- 
ber the  result  of  the  civil  war  then  raging  was  ex- 
tremely doubtful,  and  Austin  considered  it  his  duty 
to  represent  in  no  equivocal  language  the  true  position 
of  affairs  in  Texas,  and  the  strong  feelings  entertained 
by  the  colonists.  He  therefore,  on  October  1st, 
expressed  the  opinion  to  Farias,  that  if  some  remedy 
for  their  grievances  were  not  quickly  applied,  the 
Texans  would  take  the  matter  into  their  own  hands, 
and  tranquillity  would  be  rudely  disturbed.^  This  in- 
timation, though  respectfully  made,  was  regarded  as  a 
threat,  and  the  government  took  offence.  At  the 
same  time  Austin  addressed  a  letter,  dated  October 
2d,  to  the  ayuntamiento  of  San  Antonio  de  B^jar,  in 
which,  after  expressing  his  hopelessness  of  obtaining 
any  relief  in  the  partQyzed  state  of  public  affairs,  he 
recommended  that  municipality  to  lose  no  time  in  com- 

*The  petition  concerning  the  tariff  deserves  attention.  It  requested  the 
national  government  to  grant  for  three  years  the  privilege  of  introducinff  free 
of  duty  the  following  articles:  'providons,  iron  and  steel,  machinery,  farm- 
ing utensils,  tools  of  various  mechanic  arts,  hardware  and  hoUow-ware,  nails, 
wagons  and  carts,  cotton  bagffinff  and  bale  rope,  coarse  cotton  goods  ana 
dotning,  shoes  and  hats,  household  and  kitchen  furniture,  tobacco  for  chew- 
ing, in  small  quantities,  powder,  lead,  and  shot,  medicines,  books,  and  station- 
ery.' These  articles,  indispensable  to  the  prosperity  of  the  colonists,  were 
either  prohibited,  or  snbje<^  to  duties  so  hi^^  as  to  amount  to  a  prohibition. 
Edwards' Hist,  Tex.,  205-10. 

7  Austin's  corres.,  in  Edwards*  Hist,  Tex,,  211. 


GOVERNMENT  MEASURES.  197 

monicating  with  all  the  other  corporations  of  Texas, 
and  exlioiting  them  to  ooncur  in  the  organization  of  a 
local  government,  independent  of  Coahuila,  under  the 
provision  of  the  law  of  May  7,  1824,  even  if  the  gen- 
eral government  shotdd  refuse  its  consent^ 

On  the  surrender  of  Arista  at  Guanajuato,  however, 
and  the  termination  of  the  civil  war,  tiie  government 
had  more  leisure  to  attend  to  the  interests  of  Texas. 
Santa  Anna  convoked  a  special  meeting  of  the  min- 
isters November  5th,  to  consider  the  question  of  its 
separation  from  Coahuila.  Austin  was  present  at  the 
deliberation,  representing  the  interests  of  the  Texan& 
The  matter  was  frankly  and  fairly  discussed,  and 
though  the  government  decided  that  the  time  had  not 
yet  arrived  to  erect  Texas  into  an  independent  state, 
it  expressed  itself  disposed  to  favor  the  pretensions  of 
the  colonists,  and  promote  the  welfare  of  the  province 
with  that  ultimate  object.  Nor  were  these  idle  prom- 
ises. Several  dispositions  were  made  for  the  benefit 
of  Texas.  The  state  government  was  urged  to  adopt 
measures  of  reform  which  would  procure  for  the  colo- 
nists the  enjoyment  of  just  rights,  both  in  matters  civil 
and  criminal ;  suggestions  were  made  as  to  the  means 
which  ought  to  be  employed  for  the  more  convenient 
administration  of  justice,  and  even  the  establishment 
of  the  jury  system  was  strongly  recommended.  Fur- 
ther interference  did  not  belong  to  the  attributes  of 
the  general  government,  but  it  showed  its  friendly 
inclination  by  abrogating  the  1 1th  article  of  the  law 
of  April  6, 1830,  which  virtually  prohibited  the  coloni- 
zation of  Texas  by  Anglo- Americans,®  and  took  meas- 
ures to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  colonists  regarding 
other  matters  already  mentioned. 

*  Attain,  JSgpM,  AsufU,  TeJ.,  18-20.  Anstin  stotes  that  his  object  in  so 
doiiig  was  to  prevent  a  popnlar  outbreak,  '  qneriendo  Austin  con  esta  medida, 
de  para  prevencion,  eritar  las  fatales  y  fimestas  consecuencias  que  resultarian 
de  un  deaenireno  popular.'  Id,,  20.  Copy  of  Austin's  letter  of  Oct.  2,  1833, 
in  Id.,  31. 

*M.,  21-8.  The  decree  of  abrogation  was  issued  Nov.  25,  1833,  but  was 
not  to  take  c^ect  till  six  months  after  its  publication.  Dublan  and  Lozano, 
Lfg.  Mex.,  ii  637. 


138  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

Austin,  well  satisfied  with  the  results  attained,  and 
the  manifest  friendliness  of  the  supreme  powers,  deemed 
it  politic  not  to  molest  the  government  by  over-zeal- 
ously  urging  the  more  particular  object  of  his  mission. 
On  the  10th  of  December,  therefore,  he  left  the  capital, 
and  arrived  January  3, 1834,  at  Saltillo,  where,  having 
presented  himself  to  the  commandant  general,  he  was 
arrested  by  order  of  the  vice-president,  Farias.  The 
cause  of  this  was,  that  the  ayuntamiento  of  San  An- 
tonio, having  received  his  letter  of  October  2d,  dis- 
approved of  Austin's  recommendations,  and  sent  the 
communication  to  the  central  government.  Farias 
had  not  forgotten  Austin's  out-spoken  utterances  at 
the  time  when  this  letter  was  despatched,  and  deeply 
exasperated  at  the  discovery  of  the  commissioner's 
treasonable  designs,  as  he  regarded  them,  he  sent  an 
express  to  the  different  governors  of  the  states  through 
which  Austin  would  have  to  pass,  with  orders  to  ar- 
rest him. 

From  Saltillo  the  unfortunate  commissioner  was 
sent  back  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  he  was  incar- 
cerated February  13,  1834,  in  a  dungeon  of  the  old 
inquisition  building.  Here  he  was  kept  in  close  con- 
finement and  treated  with  much  rigor  for  three  months, 
not  being  allowed  to  communicate  with  anv  one,  or 
permitted  the  use  of  books  or  writing  materials.^®  His 
case  having  been  referred  to  the  military  tribunal, 
that  court  decided  that  it  had  no  jurisdiction  in  the 
matter,  and  on  June  12th  Austin  was  removed  to  a 
more  commodious  prison,  where  his  treatment  was  less 
rigorous.  His  case  was  next  successively  submitted 
to  a  civil  tribunal,  and  to  the  federal  district  judge, 
but  with  the  same  result.  Finally,  about  the  middle 
of  August,  it  was  carried  to  the  supreme  court  of 
Mexico  to  decide  what  tribunal  was  competent  to  try 
him.     Thus  after  eight  months'  imprisonment  Austin 

^*  He  attributes  this  seyerity  to  the  personal  animoeity  of  Farias,  which 
was  aroused  by  the  plain  lansuage  used  by  Austin  at  the  interview  he  had 
with  him  Oct.  1,  1833.  Austin  s  corres.,  in  Edvoards'  Hist,  Tex.,  211. 


AUSTIN'S  LETTERS.  199 

was  still  unable  to  learn  by  what  court  his  case  would 
be  investigated 

In  a  letter  dated  August  25,  1834,  Austin  states 
that  he  had  long  ago  requested  to  be  deUvered  to  the 
authorities  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  and 
that  Santa  Anna,  who  was  friendly  to  Texas  and  him- 
self, would  have  already  liberated  him,  had  it  not  been 
for  representations  forwarded  by  the  state  government. 
These  representations,  it  was  affirmed,  were  founded  on 
statements  hostile  to  him,  made  by  influential  Anglo- 
Americans  residing  in  Texaa  It  appears  that  Aus- 
tin's appointment  as  Texan  commissioner  to  Mexico 
had  met  with  some  opposition,  on  the  ground,  as  as- 
serted by  his  antagonists,  that  he  was  "too  mUd  and 
lukewarm  "  on  the  subject  of  separation,  and  would  not 
display  sufficient  independence  and  jfirmness  in  support- 
ing the  petition.  That  these  opponents  should  attack 
him,  after  the  course  that  had  been  followed  by  him, 
he  could  not  understand,  and  was  unwilling  to  believe. 
He  goes  on  to  state  that,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
evils  complained  of  by  Texas  had  been  remedied,  those 
who  had  previously  been  in  favor  of  separation  from 
Coahuila  were  now  opposed  to  it,  inasmuch  as  the  rea- 
sons which  made  separation  necessary  no  longer  existed. 
His  motto  had  always  been,  "Fidelity  to  Mexico, 
and  opposition  to  violent  men  or  measures."  Sum- 
ming up  the  contradictory  views  taken  of  his  conduct, 
he  says  that  at  one  time  he  was  abused  for  being  too 
Mexican,  and  at  another  was  vilified  for  yielding  to 
popular  opinion  and  firmly  and  fearlessly  representing 
it  Alluding  to  a  letter  addressed  by  him  January 
17,  1834,  from  Monterey  to  the  ayuntamiento  of  San 
Felipe  de  Austin,  in  which  he  earnestly  urged  sub- 
mission to  the  authorities  of  the  state  and  general 
governments,  and  that  a  public  act  of  gratitude  should 
be  expressed  for  the  remedies  obtained  for  many  evils 
which  threatened  Texas  with  ruin,  he  reiterates  the 
advice  then  given,  with  the  additional  recommendation 
to  discountenance  all  persons  "who  were  in  the  habit 


140  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

of  speaking  or  writing  in  violent  or  disrespectful  terms, 
or  in  language  of  contempt  or  defiance,  of  the  Mexican 
people  or  authorities."  Austin  next  urges  the  Texans 
to  keep  clear  of  all  political  quarrels  arising  in  the 
Mexican  republic,  and  begs  them  to  recognize  Santa 
Anna,  of  whose  friendly  intentions  he  again  makes 
mention,  until  he  should  be  constitutionaliy  deposed « 
by  the  legal  vote  of  the  people.  Texas,  he  concludes, 
**had  been  so  much  jeopardized  in  its  true  and  perma- 
nent interests  by  inflammatory  men — political  fanatics, 
political  adventurers,  would-be  great  men,  vain  talkers, 
and  visionary  fools — ^that  he  began  to  lose  confidence 
in  all  persons  except  those  who  sought  their  living  be- 
tween the  plough-handles."  He  advises  the  farmers 
to  adopt  the  motto  he  himself  had  always  followed : 
"The  balance  of  the  people,  mere  demagogues  and 

political  fanatics,  woula  disappear  before  sound  public 

•  •      » 11 
opinion. 

I  have  drawn  somewhat  fully  upon  the  contents  of 
this  letter,  for  the  reason  that  they  are  pregnant  with 
suggestions.  From  the  statements  made  by  Austin, 
it  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  Santa  Anna, 
under  the  mask  of  friendship  to  Texas  and  ostentatious 
consideration  for  the  commissioner,  was  practising  his 
usual  plan  of  covert  and  non-compromising  action. 
The  referring  of  Austin's  case  from  court  to  court  for 
trial,  the  charge  being  that  of  treason,  was  trans- 
parently a  trick  to  gain  time,  which,  supported  by  fair 
promises,  secured  temporary  quiet  in  Texas."  The 
dictator — for  such  Santa  Anna  was  at  this  time — 
could  wait,  with  his  customary  patience,  for  an  oppor- 
tunity to  deal  with  the  Texan  colonists  as  his  con- 
venience might  require.  That  Austin  was  shrewd 
enough  to  understand  Santa  Anna's  secret  views  is 
much  to  be  doubted.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that 
his  advice  to  the  Texans  was  given  in  all  sincerity,  ajid 

^^The  reader  is  referred  to  a  copy  of  this  letter  in  EdwanU*  HitL  TVsc, 
210-20. 

^^  Yoakum  considers  that  Austin  was  held  as  a  sort  of  hostage  for  the  good 
behavior  of  Texas.  Hist.  Tex,,  i.  324. 


ATTITUDE  TOWARD  MEXICO.  141 

with  perfect  confidence  in  Santa  Anna's  professions. 
It  is  true  that  the  tone  of  his  letter  displays  an  appre- 
hension of  foul  play  at  home,  and  a  natural  anxiousness 
to  obtain  his  release ;  but  to  charge  him,  as  Maillard 
does,^  with  having  written  what  he  did,  solely  with 
the  object  of  effecting  his  return  to  Texas,  would  be 
an  unwarrantable  condemnation.  Austin  had  too  sin- 
cerely at  heart  the  welfare  of  his  colonies  to  allow 
personal  inconvenience  to  have  weight  in  his  judg- 
ment when  the  question  to  be  decided  was  that  of 
peaceful  prosperity  or  danger  of  ruin.  He  believed 
that  he  was  perfectly  justified  in  offering  advice  the 
reverse  to  that  expressed  in  his  letter  to  the  munici* 
pality  of  Bdjar,  and  his  having  given  utterance  to  it 
previous  to  his  arrest  ^^  is  conclusive  evidence  that  his 

"Thia  writer  says:  '  Col  Aastia,  who  was  himself  the  most  crafty  of  the 
"political  fanatics,  political  adventurers,  would-be  great  men,  and  vain 
talkers,**  wrote  in  this  bland  style,  solely  to  escape  from  the  clutches  of  the 
Mexican  government,  and  not  with  a  view  to  restore  tnuu^uillity  to  Texas.' 
Hiii.  Rep.  Tex, ,  73.  It  would  be  hard  to  discover  a  more  prejudiced  and  jaun- 
diced author  than  '  N.  Doran  Maillard,  Esq.,  barrister  at  law,  of  Texas. '  Being 
in  delicate  health,  he  left  his  native  Kngland  for  Texas,  where  he  arrived  Jan. 
30,  1840,  and  after  a  residence  there  of  six  months— during  which  he  was  for  a 
time  editor  of  the  Rkknumd  Teleacope,  became  a  member  of  the  Texan  bar, 
studied  the  character  of  the  Texan  government  and  inhabitants,  and  spent 
mach  time  in  visiting  different  parts  of  the  country — he  deemed  himself  com- 
petent, from  his  personal  observations  and  some  mformation  gathered  from 
public  men  and  official  records,  to  furnish  the  British  public  with  an  unvar- 
nished account  of  what  Texas  and  the  Texans  really  were.  Accordingly,  on 
his  return  to  England  he  published  The  Hintory  qf  ike  Republic  qf  Texas,  from 
the  Discovery  qf  iJte  Country  to  the  present  Time;  and  tJie  Cause  qf  her  Sepa- 
ration  from  the  Republic  qf  Mexico,  London,  1842,  8vo,  pp.  612.  In  his 
preface  Maillard  states  that  his  object  was  to  present  the  true  origin  and  hia- 
tory  of  the  Texan  rebellion  against  Mexico,  to  warn  the  British  government 
against  the  ratification  of  a  treaty  with  a  people  whose  existence  as  a  nation 
was  owing  to  their  own  base  treason,  and  a  political  jugsle  of  Andrew  Jack- 
■on  when  president  of  the  U.  S.,  and  to  prevent  more  ofhis  own  countrymen 
irom  shanng  in  the  ruin  and  wretchedness  of  too  many  others  who  had 
already  emigrated  to  Texas.  If  a  virulent  exposure  of  all  the  shortcoming 
of  the  Texans,  a  malicious  suppression  of  evei^thing  that  he  might  have  said 
in  their  favor,  a  wilful  omission  of  any  mention  of  their  many  virtues,  and 
frequent  abusive  epithets  applied  to  them,  could  gain  for  Maillard  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  hopes,  he  must  have  been  eminently  successful.  His  antip- 
athies are  not  confined  to  the  Texans,  a  liberal  share  of  his  displeasure  being 
▼ented  upon  the  United  States.  In  keeping  with  his  unfair  treatment  of  the 
inbject  is  the  partiality  he  shows  to  the  Mexicans,  whom  he  labors  to  defend, 
and  whose  wrong-doings  he  hides.  In  a  work  written  under  the  influence  of 
snch  prejudices,  it  is  natural  that  carelessness  as  to  accuracy  and  conclusions 
Sparingly  false  should  be  found.  Maillard,  however,  does  not  hesitate  to 
arraieu  Kennedy  on  the  score  of  want  of  carefulness  as  to  facts,  and  dispar- 
aginny  speaks  of  his  excellent  work  as  '  two  well-puffed  volumes.* 

"Consult  Austin,  Espos.  Asunt.  TeJ.,  21. 


142  PBOPOSED  SEPARATION. 

change  of  opinions  was  due  to  change  of  circum- 
stances, and  not  to  personal  considerations.  In  other 
respects  Stephen  Austin's  letter  throws  light  upon 
the  social  and  political  condition  of  the  coloniea  We 
can  already  realize  the  influx  of  a  disturbing  element 
which  will  not  rest  till  the  annexation  of  Texas  to 
the  United  States  has  been  consummated.  We  can 
recognize  the  fact  that  a  large  portion  of  the  popula- 
tion would  be  satisfied  with  receiving  redress  from 
time  to  time  for  their  grievances,  and  was  content  to 
retain  possession  of  the  homes  they  had  made  for 
themselves,  and  peacefully  follow  their  pursuits,  as 
citizens  of  the  Mexican  republic ;  and  we  can  picture 
to  ourselves  the  work  of  political  agitators,  engender- 
ing a  spirit  of  antagonism  to  Mexico,  and  mark  the 
development  of  a  difference  of  opinions  which  before 
the  war  of  independence  divided  the  colonists  for  a 
time  into  two  parties. 

But  it  is  necessary  to  revert  to  the  political  events 
which  took  place  in  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas 
during  this  term  of  Austin's  imprisonment,  as  well  as 
relate  other  subsequent  occurrences  which  transpired 
before  his  release  and  return  to  Texas  in  September 
1835. 

While  Santa  Anna  was  pretending  to  be  recruiting 
his  health  at  Manga  de  Clavo,  the  reactionary  party 
under  his  secret  manoeuvring  and  encouragement 
daily  gained  strength.  He  was  frequently  invited  to 
become  its  leader,  with  the  promise  of  unlimited  power; 
and  considering  the  fruit  of  his  intrigues  at  last  ripe, 
he  returned  to  the  capital  and  relieved  Farias  of  the 
executive  power  April  12,  1834.  On  May  23d  fol- 
lowing the  plan  of  Cuemavaca  was  adopted,  which 
denounced  religious  reform,  proclaimed  the  fueros, 
declared  that  the  deputies  who  had  passed  the  late 
obnoxious  reform  laws  had  lost  the  public  confidence 
and  had  forfeited  their  positions,  called  upon  Santa 
Anna  to   uphold   the  constitutional  safeguards,  and 


AFFAIRS  m  MEXICO.  143 

assured  him  of  the  aid  of  the  military  force  at  Cuer- 
navaca.  Acting  on  the  strength  of  this  demonstra- 
tion, the  president  on  the  31st  dissolved  congress  by  a 
coup-d'^tat.  But  he  did  not  rest  here;  state  legisla- 
tures and  ayuntamientos  were  disbanded,  governors 
were  deposed,  and  adherents  to  the  plan  of  Cuemavaca 
placed^  in  the  vacant  positions.  Santa  Anna  was  now 
indeed  dictator,  and  having  played  the  despot  to  his 
heart's  content,  at  the  end  of  1834  convoked  a  congress 
which  met  January  1,  1835.  The  privileged  classes 
had  triumphed  as  he  had  expected ;  and  having  suc- 
ceeded in  converting  the  country  into  a  chaotic  field 
of  party  strife,  thinking  it  now  convenient  to  retire, 
tendered  his  resignation.  The  congress  refused  to 
accept  it,  but  granted  him  leave  of  absence;  where- 
upon he  withdrew  to  his  usual  retreat,  the  hacienda 
of  Magna  de  Clavo,  and  applied  himself  to  his  favorite 
diversons  of  cock-fighting  and  political  jugglery. ^"^ 

In  August  1832,  after  some  little  excitement  and 
trifling  disturbance,  the  inhabitants  and  military  of 
Saltillo  had  declared  in  favor  of  Santa  Anna's  plan  of 
that  year,  and  their  pronunciamiento  was  approved 
by  the  governor,  Jos^  Maria  de  Letona,  and  the  ayun- 
tamiento.^*  But  discord  soon  broke  out  in  Coahuila. 
In  March  1833  the  state  congress  removed  the  seat  of 
government  to  Monclova^^ — a  proceeding  which  gave 
great  oflfence  to  the  inhabitants  of  Saltillo,  who  were 
fiirther  exasperated  by  decrees  disbanding  the  civil 
force  of  the  latter  place  and  annulling  the  enactments 
of  April  and  May  1829,  and  April  1832,  which  pro- 
hibited foreigners  from  retailing  goods  within  the  terri- 
tory of  the  state.  Two  bitter  motions  were  developed ; 
the  people  of  Saltillo  revolted,  and  the  legislature  at 
Monclova,  in  default  of  a  governor,  formally  invested 
Francisco  Vidaurri  with  the  executive  power  by  de- 
cree of  January  8,  1834. 

^Hint.  Mex.,  V.  136-43,  this  series. 
"fooA.,  18S^,  Pinart  Col,  no.  248. 

"  A  decree  haid  been  passed  as  early  as  Sept.  25,  1828,  declaring  Monclova 
the  capital  of  the  state.  Cook,  y  Tex.  Lejes,  lx>7. 


144  •  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

Various  acts  beneficial  to  Texas  were  passed  by  this 
legislature.  The  municipalities  of  Matagorda  and  San 
Augustin  were  created,  Texas  was  divided  into  three 
departments,  the  new  one  of  Brazos  with  San  Felipe 
as  its  capital,  being  organized,  the  English  language 
was  permitted  to  be  used  in  public  afiTairs,  and  an  addi- 
tional representative  in  the  state  congress  allowed; 
the  privilege  of  purchasing  vacant  lands  was  granted 
to  foreigners,  laws  were  passed  for  the  protection  of 
the  persons  and  property  of  all  settlers,  whatever  might 
be  their  reUgion,  and  freedom  from  molestation  for 
political  and  religious  opinions  was  guaranteed,  pro- 
vided public  tranquillity  was  not  disturbed.^®  During 
the  same  session  a  decree  was  passed  in  April  providing 
for  a  supreme  court  for  Texas,  which  was  constituted 
into  one  judicial  circuit  divided  into  three  districts; 
the  much  desired  system  of  trial  by  jury  was  also  es- 
tablished by  this  law.^® 

These  liberal  measures  had  ffreat  eflTect  in  promot- 
ing temporary  quiet  in  Texas,  but  subsequent  events 
rendered  them  nugatory  to  prevent  the  revolt  of  the 
colonists.  On  the  last  day  of  April  the  legislature 
closed  its  sessions,  and  Coahuila  lapsed  into  a  miser- 
able state  of  confusion.  Intelligence  of  the  plan  of 
Cuemavaca  caused  increased  agitation,  and  an  extra 
session  was  convoked  for  August  11th.  In  July  Sal- 
tillo  pronounced  against  the  state  government,  formed 

"See  decreeB  of  March  1834.  Remedy,  iL  61,  note;  Fooibm,  L  319-20; 
Baker' 8  Tex,,  522. 

^'Thomas  Jefferson  Chambers  was  appointed  superior  judge  of  the  drcoit. 
Chambers  wu  a  native  of  Virginia,  a  lawyer  by  profession,  and  highly  talented. 
In  1826  he  went  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  for  three  years  he  studied  the 
language,  laws,  and  institutions  of  the  country,  making  himself  a  master  of 
them,  and  obtaining  his  lioense  to  practise  law  in  the  Mexican  courts.  He 
removed  to  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  in  1829,  and  was  appointed  Bar* 
veyor-general  of  Texas  b^  the  authorities  at  Saltillo.  Owinffto  ihe  oonfusioii 
incident  to  tiie  approachmg  revolution.  Chambers  was  Tmable  to  organise  the 
supreme  and  district  courts,  and  in  1836,  when  Texas  was  threatened  with 
invasion,  he  went  to  the  U.  S.  to  obtain  money  and  men  to  aid  in  the  war  of 
independence.  In  June  1837  he  reported  to  the  Texan  congress  that  he  had 
sent  1,915  men,  and  expended  $23,621  of  his  own  money,  besides  selling  bonds 
to  the  amount  of  $9,035.  His  statement  was  approved  by  the  ooDjgresB,  and 
the  auditor  directed  to  settle  with  him.  Chambers  was  murdered  in  his  own 
house  in  1865,  no  clew  ever  -being  obtained  as  to  the  perpetrator  of  the  cxime. 
ThraXra  Hist.  Tex,,  525-6. 


TWO  GOVERNMENTS.  146 

one  of  its  own,  and  appointed  Jos^  Maria  Goribar  as 
military  governor.  At  the  same  time  all  the  acts  of 
the  state  legislature  from  the  1st  of  January,  1833, 
were  declared  to  be  null  and  void.^  On  August  30th 
a  decree  was  passed  at  Monclova  by  the  permanent 
deputation,  and  such  members  of  the  congress  as  could 
be  assembled,  setting  forth  the  impossibility  of  unit- 
ing sufficient  deputies  to  hold  an  extra  session.  Juan 
Jos^  Elguezabal  was  appointed  governor  in  place  of 
Vidaurri,  who  was  unable  to  act  on  account  of  ill 
health,  and  the  movement  directed  against  the  laws 
of  ecclesiastical  reform  recognized  as  national,  or  in 
other  words,  the  plan  of  Cuernavaca  was  adopted,  and 
Santa  Anna  acknowledged  in  his  new  robes  of  state- 
craft supremacy.** 

The  period  designated  by  the  constitution  for  the 
elections  arrived,  and  they  were  held  under  the  dis- 
puted authority  of  the  two  rival  and  illegitimate  gov- 
ernments, aggravating  party  animosity,  and  involving 
the  state  in  anarchy.  Both  parties  prepared  for 
bloodshed ;  but  before  any  serious  collision  took  place 
a  compromise  was  effected  at  the  beginning  of 
November,  and  the  leaders  of  the  factions  agreed  to 
refer  the  question  of  their  differences  to  Santa  Anna. 
The  dictator  willinglv  accepted  the  position  of 
arbiter,  and  on  December  2d  announced  the  follow- 
ing decisions:  1.  The  seat  of  government  should 
remain  at  Monclova ;  2.  Elguezabal  was  to  continue 
to  act  as  governor  until  a  new  election;  3.  A  new 
election  for  governor,  vice-governor,  and  members  of 
the  legislature  was  to  be  ordered  for  the  entire  state.^ 

^Edwardt^  JTVU.  Tex.,  220;  ArriUaga,  Recap,,  1835,  192. 

^Bl  Tiempo,  14  Agosto,  and  18  Set.,  1834,  172,  309,  where  wiH  be  fonnd 
copy  of  decree.  This  proceeding  was  based  on  the  90th  article  of  the  state 
constitntion,  which  says:  'Si  las  circunstancias  6  los  negocios  que  han  moti- 
Wo  la  conTocacion  estraordinaria  del  congreso  fueren  teua  graves  y  urgentes, 
xnientraa  puede  verificarse  la  reunion,  la  diputacion  permanente  unida  con  el 
consejo  y  los  demas  diputados  que  se  hallen  en  la  capital,  tomar^  las  provi- 
dencias  del  memento  que  sean  necesarias,  y  dari  cuenta  de  eUas  al  congreso 
luego  gae  se  haya  reunido.'  Mex,  Col.  de  Coiutit.,  L  226^7.  Yoakum  con- 
nders  that  Vidaurri  was  deposed,  i.  323. 

"Copy  of  the  decree  in  Arrillaga,  Hecop.,  1835,  192-5. 
Hisr.  K.  Mbx.  Statks,  Vol.  n.   10 


Ii6  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

This  arrangement  proved  satisfactory  and  new  elec- 
tions were  held.  Agustin  Viesca  was  elected  governor, 
Ramon  Miisqniz  vice-governor,  and  the  requisite  num- 
ber of  deputies  chosen.®  But  the  legislature  did  not 
assemble  until  March  1,  1835,  instead  of  January  1st, 
and  Viesca  did  not  enter  office  before  April." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Austin's  case  was  sub- 
mitted in  August  1834  to  the  supreme  court  of  the 
nation.  That  tribunal,  however,  never  declared  any 
decision,  nor  was  Austin  ever  brought  to  trial.  This 
anomalous  course  of  proceeding,  favorable  certainly  to 
the  accused,  was  due  to  the  influence  of  Santa  Anna, 
who  deemed  it  politic  to  temporize  in  regard  to  settling 
definitely  Texan  affairs,  and  under  the  cloak  of  friend- 
ship secure  the  commissioner  s  pronounced  apprecia- 
tion of  his  good-will.  The  dictator  gained  his  point, 
whether  Austin  was  hoodwinked  or  not,**  but  his  con- 
cealed intentions  are  made  somewhat  apparent  by  the 
decision  he  arrived  at  in  October  1834. 

On  the  5th  of  that  month  he  convoked  a  meeting 
for  the  serious  discussion  of  the  Texan  question.  The 
council  was  composed  of  the  four  secretaries  of  state, 
three  confidential  generals,  three  representatives  to 
the  national  congress  from  Coahuila  and  Texas,  Lo- 
renzo de  Zavala,  and  Stephen  F.  Austin.  The  delib- 
eration lasted  three  hours,  Austin  seriously  urging  the 
separation  of  Texas  from  Coahuila,  and  its  formation 
into  an  independent  state,  which  was  as  strongly  op- 

^Id.,  i.  323,  326;  Edwards,  220, 231-2;  La  Ovondon,  1  and  11  Mayo,  1835, 
106-7, 137-8;  Pinart  Col.,  Print,  no.  386.  Filiaola  states  that  Viesca  had  been 
constitutionally  elected  Sept.  9,  1834,  and  that  this  election  was  ratified  by  the 


new  conmss  in  spite  ot  the  elections  ordered  by  banta  Anna,  and^  v  lesca  s 
ineligibility  under  the  convocation  issued  by  Elguezabal,  which  provided  that 
no  one  could  be  a  candidate  who  had  been,  as  Viesca  had,  a  deputy  to  the 
-al  congress  within  the  last  two  years.  iL  112-13. 

Elguezabal  resigned  March  12ui,  and  Jose  Maria  Cantd  was  appointed 
•rovLiionally  until  the  votes  polled  in  the  departments  of  Brazos  and 
les  were  known.  Pinart  CoL,  Print,  no.  374. 
party  circular  addressed  to  the  Texans  in  Novein1)er  1834  these 


governor  provLsionally  until  the  votes  polled  in  the  departments  of  Brazos  and 
ches  were  known.  Pinart  CoL,  Print,  no.  374. 

arty  circular  addressed  to  the  Texans  in  Novemb 
•:  *  We  assure  you  that  the  feelings  of  the  federal  go 

particularly  those  of  the  president,   are  of  tiie   most  favorable   character 


towards  Texas.     We  are  assured  of  this  fact  by  our  representative  (Colonel 
Austin)-'  Edwards,  227. 


THE  TEXAN  QUESTION.  147 

posed  by  the  state  representatives.  Santa  Anna 
finally  resolved :  1.  That  he  would  meditate  maturely 
the  decree  repealing  the  11th  article  of  the  law  of 
April  6,  1830,  and,  if  no  objections  were  presented, 
would  give  it  his  sanction ;  2.  That  a  corps,  composed 
of  cavalry,  infantry,  and  artillery,  four  thousand  stron{^, 
should  be  stationed  at  Bexar,  for  the  protection  of 
the  coast  and  frontier  of  the  country,  to  be  under  the 
command  of  Greneral  Mejla;  3.  That  proper  steps 
should  be  taken  to  have  regular  mails,  and  to  remove 
all  ol>8tacles  to  the  agricultural  and  other  industrit  s 
of  the  inhabitants,  "  who  are  viewed  with  the  great- 
est regard;"  4.  That  Texas  must  necessarily  remain 
united  with  Coahuila,  because  it  had  not  the  elements 
warranting  a  separation,  nor  would  it  be  convenient. 
And  though  it  might  be  allowed  to  form  a  territory, 
if  the  inhabitants  called  for  it,  yet  the  dismembering 
of  a  state  was  unknown  to  Mexican  laws,  and  he 
would  be  at  a  loss  how  to  proceed." 

These  decisions  make  it  evident  that  the  president's 
policy  was  to  occupy  Texas  with  such  a  military  force 
as  he  might  consider  sufficient  to  hold  the  colonists 
under  control,  and  compel  subjection  to  whatever 
change  he  might  choose  to  make  in  the  liberal  meas- 
ures temporarily  adopted.  No  reference  whatever 
was  made  to  the  petition  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff, 
and  the  offer  to  form  Texas  into  a  territory  was  a  sop 
containing  more  gall  than  honey.  Texas  as  a  terri- 
tory would  assuredly  be  more  subject  to  the  rule  of 
the  national  government  than  as  a  portion  of  an  in- 
tegral state.  Of  this  the  colonists  were  aware,  and 
they  were  opposed  to  a  change  which  would  leave 
their  interests  in  a  more  questionable  position.'^    With 

■•  Toahtm,  i.  326-6.  Victor  Blanco  to  the  Governor  of  Coahntla  and  TejrtfM, 
October  6,  1834,  is  quoted  by  thU  writer  as  hia  authority.  Tcjcas  Col.  Doi-.^ 
Pinart  Col.,  Print,  no.  48. 

^  Anatin  in  a  letter  dated  Mexico,  March  10,  18.15,  says:  '  The  territorial 
question  is  dead.  The  advocates  of  that  measure  are  now  strongly  in  fa>'or 
of  a  state  government;  and  that  subject  is  now  before  congress.  A  call  him 
been  made  upon  the  president  for  information  on  the  subject;  and  I  aia 
assured  the  president  will  make  his  communication  iu  a  few  days,  and  that 


148  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

regard  to  the  decision  that  Texas  did  not  possess  the 
elements  to  warrant  it^  formation  into  an  independent 
state,  it  is  undeniable  that  this  was  a  fact,  for  it  was 
wanting  in  the  most  important  requisite,  namely,  pop- 
ulation. The  eleventh  article  of  the  constitution  of 
1824  provides  that  the  states  shall  send  to  the 
national  congress  one  deputy  for  each  80,000  inhab- 
itants, and  for  any  fraction  of  that  number  exceeding 
40,000.^  How,  then,  could  the  Texans  claim  that 
they  were  properly  qualified  to  constitute  a  state 
when  their  population  did  not  amount  to  the  last- 
named  figures  ?  ^ 

it  will  be  decidedly  in  favor  of  Texas  and  the  state. '  This  was  regarded  as 
'agreeable  information.'    Edtoards,  241. 

^Mex.  Col  Coivitituc.,  i.  38.  It  is  true  that  this  clause  is  added:  'El 
estado  qae  no  tuviere  eatA  poblacion  nombrari  sin  eml>argo  un  diputado; '  but 
til  is  had  regard  only  to  existing  states.  It  was  plainly  intended  that  a  terri- 
tory or  province  elcv^ated,  in  the  future,  to  the  rank  of  state  should  have  at 
kast  80,000  inhabitants. 

'^In  the  Sjjring  of  1834  Col  Juan  Nepomuceno  Almonte  was  sent  by  the 
supreme  government  to  Texas  to  report  upon  its  condition.  He  returned  in 
tlie  beginning  of  November  of  tlie  same  year.  Almonte  places  the  civilized 
population  ofTexas  at  21,000,  estimated  as  follows:  the  department  of  Bejar, 
4,000;  that  of  Brazos,  8,000;  and  that  of  Nacogdoches,  9,000.  He  estimated 
the  number  of  Indians  at  15,300,  of  whom  10,800  were  hostile.  His  tabular 
form,  no.  4,  is  interesting,  as  supplying  a  list  of  the  municipalities  and  pueblos 
existing  at  that  date.  The  department  of  B^jar  contained  four  municipal 
towns,  namely,  San  Antonio,  Goliad,  San  Patricio,  and  Guadalupe  Victoria; 
that  of  Brazos  contained  five,  to  wit,  San  Felipe,  Columbia,  Matagorda,  Gon- 
zalez, Mina,  and  the  pueblos  Brazoria,  Velasco,  Bo\;var,  and  Harrisburg; 
and  that  of  Nacogdoches  four  municipalities,  Nacogdoches,  San  Augustine, 
Liberty,  and  Johnsburg,  with  the  pueblos  Anihuac,  Beville,  Teran,  and 
Tanalid.  In  January  1835  Almonte  published  his  report,  or  such  portion  of 
it  as  was  expedient,  under  the  title  of  Noticia  EsUuiistica  sobre  Tejas,  Mexico, 
1835,  16mo,  p.  96,  4  tables,  2  11.  The  total  amount  of  the  export  and  import 
trade  of  Texas  he  calculated  at  $1,400,000,  as  expressed  in  the  following  takblc: 

Imports.          Exports.  Totals. 

B.jar H0,000          $20,000  $60,000 

Brazos ,. 325,000          275,000  600.000 

Nacogdoches 205,000          205,000  470,000 

Approximate  value  of  contraband  trade  with  the  interior  through 

the  ports  of  Brazoria,  Matagorda,  and  Copauo 270,000 

$1,400,000 
Kounedy,  ii.  81,  classifies  this  report  as  'brief  and  superficial;*  but  he 
•  loos  justice  to  it  as  affording  'the  proudest  testimonial  to  the  fearless  and 
persevering  spirits  who  first  rendered  the  golden  glebe  of  Texas  tributary  to 
the  enjoyments  of  civilized  man.'  This  author  considered  that  Almonte's  es* 
ti  iiate  of  the  population  of  Texas  was  underrated,  and  that  the  numerical 
strength  of  the  Auglo-Texans  was  probably  30,000,  exclusive  of  2,000  negroes. 
hi,  19-80, 


LAND  FRAUDa  149 

While  the  colonists  were  thus  endeavoring  to  pro- 
cure a  separation  from  Coahuila,  the  state  legislature, 
anticipating  the  possibility  of  such  a  result,  seems  to 
have  resolved  to  make  what  profit  it  could  out  of  the 
waste  lands  of  Texas.  In  order  to  realize  quickly,  it 
showed  itself  alike  indifferent,  to  the  value  of  the  lands, 
the  prices  obtained  for  them,  and  to  whom  the  pur- 
chasers might  be.  Numerous  sales  of  immense  tracts 
were  made  to  New  York  and  Coahuilan  speculators 
at  extremely  low  figures,  the  purchasers  having  no 
other  view  than  to  resell  at  a  profit.  Naturally  the 
Texans  regarded  such  squandering  of  their  unoccupied 
domains — which,  in  fact,  constituted  the  future  capital 
of  Texas — as  an  ahenation  that  was  simply  robbery, 
and  redolent  of  legislative  corruption.  But  the  climax 
of  these  fraudulent  proceedings  was  the  sale,  in  Marcli 
1835,  of  400  square  leagues  for  the  insignificant  sum 
of  $30,000.**^  This  appropriation  of  the  waste  lands 
of  Texas  was  most  distasteful  to  the  supreme  govern- 
ment, which  had  in  contemplation  the  purchase  of  the 
frontier  lands  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  thereon 
]Mexican  colonies,  especially  of  a  military  character.'^ 
It  therefore  declared,  by  decree  of  April  25, 1835,  the 
sale  of  those  lands,  except  to  the  general  government, 
to  be  null.** 

When  the  result  of  Austin's  mission  became  known, 
early  in  1834,  the  desire  for  immediate  separation  from 

''That  is  at  the  rate  of  little  more  than  one  cent  and  a  half  per  acre.  This 
tract  of  land  was  an  appropriation  that  had  been  made  by  decreo,  March  2Gth 
of  the  previous  year,  to  provide  for  a  body  of  militia  to  prevent  Indian  depre- 
dations on  the  frontier.  The  militiamen  were  never  called  out,  and  the  lands 
fraudulently  sold  Consult  AWtciare^,  232;  ToolruTn,  i.  320-1 ;  Kennedy,  ii.  S:i-4; 
Coab.  y  Tex,  Leyes,  Dec.  no.  272;  La  OpoHchn,  1835,  242;  Car.  Atlant,,  May 
9,  1835,  9. 

»'  See  decree  of  Feb.  4,  1834,  in  Arnllaga  Beeoo.,  1834,  47-60. 

^Copy  of  the  decree,  as  well  as  that  of  the  leffislature  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas,  authorizing  the  sale,  will  be  found  in  ArriuagOf  Jiecop.,  1835,  Ho-G; 
Duhlan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.^  iii.  42-3;  Mercurio  del  pL  de  Mataviorw  /»w;>., 
in  Ttx,  Col.  Doe.^  Phtart  Col.,  Print,  no.  60;  Pinart  Coi,  Print,  no.  389.  Some 
writers  regard  these  land  frauds  and  land  jobbing  as  the  ground-work  of  all 
the  troubles  which  befell  tiiie  colonists,  and  were  made  the  lirat  excuse  for  re- 
volt See  Jays  Mex.  War,  17-18;  Quart.  Rev.,  Ixi  333^,  340-1;  MaillardM 
Bid.  Ton.,  77. 


150  PROPOSED  SEPARATIOK. 

Coahuila  was  generally  allayed,  but  the  anarchical 
prostration  into  which  Coahuila  fell  soon  strengthened 
the  separatists,  while  Austin  s  subsequent  letters  had 
a  softening  counter-effect.  Thus  there  were  among 
the  Anglo-Texans  two  political  parties,  one  of  which 
advocated  separation  at  all  hazards,  the  other  being 
favorably  disposed  to  maintain  the  union  under  a 
federal  system  of  govermnent.  When,  however,  the 
party  strife  in  Coahuila  left  the  state  absolutely  with- 
out a  government,  a  number  of  influential  Coahuilans 
met  in  council  with  the  inhabitants  of  B^jar,  October 
13th.  The  overthrow  of  the  federal  constitution  and 
the  distracted  state  of  Coahuila  were  discussed,  and  an 
address  issued  to  the  inhabitants  of  Texas,  exhorting 
them  to  deliberate  with  those  of  Bdjar  as  to  the  best 
means  of  rescuing  the  country  from  the  chaos  of  con- 
fusion which  overwhelmed  it.  The  majority  of  the 
Texans  were  still  ready  to  unite  with  the  Coahuilan 
constitutionalists  in  the  reconstruction  of  the  state 
government,  but  the  more  eager  separatists  thought 
the  time  propitious  to  call  upon  the  people  to  adopt 
an  independent  government.  Accordingly,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  political  chief  of  Brazos,  an  address  was 
issued,  October  20th,  urging  the  Texans  to  organize — 
not  without  a  hint  at  total  independence  as  the  ulti- 
mate object — to  avoid  the  ** threatened  labyrinth  of 
anarchy,  military  misrule,  and  final  ruin,"  and  leave 
**her  unnatural  sister"  to  "quietly  enjoy  the  blessings 
of  anarchy."  Let  the  separation  caused  by  the  "wil- 
ful and  unlawful "  acts  of  Coahuila  be  perpetual. 

The  grand  central  committee — which  had  been,  it 
appears,  established  by  the  convention  for  the  purpose 
of  guarding  the  people  of  Texas  from  danger — replied 
to  this  inflanunatory  appeal  by  issuing  a  counter-ad- 
dress early  in  November.  The  answer  sets  forth  that 
the  publication  of  the  political  chief  of  Brazos  was 
revolutionary  in  its  character,  by  proposing  "a  separa- 
tion in  a  manner  contrary  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of 
the  state  and  federal  constitutions,"  and  would  draw 


ADDRESSES.  151 

down  upon  Texas  the  wrath  of  "both  governments. 
Austin's  letter,  akeady  quoted,  had  not  been  without 
effect,  and  his  exhortations  to  peace  are  repeated  with 
a  recital  of  the  measures  that  had  been  adopted  by 
both  the  national  and  state  legislatures  for  the  especial 
benefit  of  Texas.  As  a  further  inducement  to  refrain 
from  disturbing  the  present  prosperity  and  content- 
ment of  the  mass  of  the  people,  Austin's  position  in 
Mexico  is  brought  forward,  and  his  constituents  are 
exhorted  not  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  their 
agent's  release  from  durance,  or  endanger  his  life  by 
creating  further  difficulties.  Referring  to  obnoxious 
laws,  "  when  have  the  people  of  Texas,"  it  is  asked, 
"called  upon  the  government  for  any  law  to  their  ad- 
vantage, or  for  the  repeal  of  any  law  by  which  they 
were  aggrieved,  but  what  their  requests  have  been 
complied  with  ? "  Tardily,  it  is  admitted,  but  the  great 
distance  from  the  capital,  the  state  of  war  in  the  coun- 
try, and  the  uncertain  communication  explain  the 
causes  of  this  delay.^  This  address  counteracted  the 
effect  of  the  inflammatory  appe&ls  of  the  separatists, 
and  the  differences  between  Saltillo  and  Monclova 
having  been  adjusted  soon  after,  the  agitation  sub- 
sided. Tranquillity  followed,  and  for  a  brief  period 
confidence  seemed  restored  in  Texas. 

**  Copies  of  these  addresses  in  Edwards,  220-31. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

EVENTS  LEABn^a  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 
1835. 

COAHUILA  AKD  TSXAS  PROTESTS — ^ThE  StATE  LEGISLATURE  I)lSBAin)EI>--G0V- 

SRNOR  V1E8CA  Arrested — ^Tenorio  Ejected  from  AsAhvac — Pouttcal 
FENciNa  —  Zavala  —  Agitators  from  the  United  States — Public 
Meetings— Arrest  of  Zavala  and  Settlers  Ordered- --Affair  of  the 

CORREO  AND  SaN  FeLIPE — COLUMBIANS  CaLL  FOR  A  GENERAL  Ck)NSULTA- 

TioN— Austin*s  Return— His  Speech  at  Brazoria— Preparations  foe 
War— General  Cos  Arrives  at  B^ar— A  Disputed  Cannon— The 
Affair  at  Gonzalez — War-like  Enthusiasm — A  Permanent  Council 
Established — ^Austin  Takes  the  Field— Capture  of  Goliad — ^Unitkd 
States  Sympathy— Land  Frauds— The  Consultation  Assembles— In 
Labors — Organization  of  a  Provisional  Government. 

When  it  became  evident  that  the  party  now  in 
power  intended  to  estabUsh  a  central  form  of  govern- 
ment, attempts  at  opposition  were  made  by  the  feder- 
alists in  several  of  the  states,  but  the  centralists 
trimnphed  on  each  occasion.  Coahuila  and  Texas 
and  Zacatecas  alone  resolved  to  adhere  to  the  consti- 
tution of  1824.  In  April  1835,  the  legislature  of  the 
former  state  addressed  an  energetic  protest  to  the  gen- 
eral congress  against  the  course  that  was  being  pur- 
sued by  it.  Citing  the  47th,  48th,  49th,  and  50th 
articles  of  the  federal  constitution,  which  clearly  define 
the  powers  of  the  general  congress,^  the  state  *' protests, 
in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  having  been  received 
into  the  confederation  by  virtue  of  the  fundamental 
compact,  and  on  the  principles  therein  established,  it 
does  not,  nor  ever  will,  acknowledge  the  acts  emanating 

^Mex.  Col  CofutUuL,  I  4&-53. 

(152) 


AFFAIBS  AT  SALTILLO.  153 

from  the  general  congress  which  are  not  in  strict  con- 
formity with  the  express  tenor  of  the  above-cited  arti- 
cles; nor  will  it  admit  other  reforms  of  the  constitution 
than  those  made  in  the  manner  therein  prescribed ;  on 
the  contrary,  it  will  view  as  an  attempt  against  its 
sovereignty  every  measure  in  opposition  to  these 
legal  dispositions.  '* 

Meanwhile,  Zacatecas  had  been  declared  to  be  in  a 
state  of  rebellion.  Her  attitude  was  sufficiently  de- 
fiant On  March  31st  a  decree  was  passed  by  the 
federal  congress,  ordering  the  states  to  reduce  their 
militia  to  the  ratio  of  one  militiaman  to  each  500  in- 
habitants and  disband  the  remainder.  The  national 
government  would  take  possession  of  the  surplus  arms, 
payhig  the  owners  indemnity  for  them.*  Such  a  law 
carried  into  effect  would  place  the  states  entirely  at 
the  mercy  of  the  government  Zacatecas  flatly  re- 
fused to  obey,  and  immediately  flew  to  arms.  It  was 
necessary  to  chastise  her,  and  in  April  Santa  Anna, 
at  the  head  of  between  3,000  and  4,000  men,  marched 
against  the  rebellious  state.  On  May  10th  a  sanguin- 
ary battle  was  fought  near  the  state  capital,  and  the 
Zacatecans  completely  crushed. 

At  this  time  General  Martin  Perfecto  de  Cos  was 
commandant  general  of  the  eastern  internal  provinces, 
and  received  orders  to  take  action  about  the  late 
fraudulent  land  sales.  Coahuila  was  again  a  house 
divided  against  itself  Saltillo,  in  February  or  early 
in  March,  had  resumed  the  old  quarrel  with  Monclova 
and  revolted,  petitioning  the  general  government  to 
declare  null  elections  which  had  not  been  conducted 
in  conformity  with  the  plan  of  Cuemavaca.*  The 
decree  of  March  14th  authorizing  the  sale  of  the 
lands  affording  a  pretext,  the  Saltiflo  deputies  retired 
from  the  legislature,  protesting  against  the  passage  of 
it    Governor  Cantii  called  out  the  militia,  and  pre- 

'^ Kennedy,  Tex.,  iL  85-7;  Foote,  Tex.,  ii.  57. 
*Copy  of  decree  in  Dvhlan  anil  Loznno,  Ley.  Mex.,  iii.  38. 
*('or.  Atlant.,  June  6,  1835,  4St.     It  woul.l  ai)[>ear  from  this  that  the  clec- 
taons  ordered  by  Santa  Anna  had  not  been  bgally  conducted. 


164  EVENTS  LEADINa  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

pared  to  enforce  obedience.  Cos,  being  appealed  to, 
supported  Saltillo,  and  declaring  that  city  provision- 
ally the  capital,  ordered  a  company  of  presidial  troops 
stationed  at  Saltillo  to  enforce  his  decision  and  dis- 
band the  militia  at  Monclova.  When  the  legislatm-e 
heard  of  this,  it  issued  a  decree,  April  7th,  authoriz- 
ing the  governor  to  oppose  the  entry  of  the  presidials 
into  the  city.  Matters  were  assuming  a  serious  as- 
pect, but  on  the  14th  Viesca  entered  office  as  gov- 
ernor, and  recognizing  the  gravity  of  the  situation — 
which  now  involved  a  contest  with  federal  troops — ^he 
induced  the  legislature  to  revoke  the  decree,  and  dis- 
banding the  militia,  allowed  the  company  from  Sal- 
tillo to  enter  Monclova.*^ 

The  action  of  the  legislature  had  roused  the  anger 
of  General  Cos,  and  he  issued  an  address  denouncing 
it  for  alienating  the  public  lands,  and  refiising  quar- 
ters to  government  troops ;  he  regarded  the  maintain- 
ing a  permanent  local  militia  as  an  indication  of  a 
meditated  insurrection,  and  threatened  to  put  down 
by  force  the  'revolutionists,'  as  he  called  them,  if 
they  did  not  speedily  reform  their  'criminal  acts.'^ 
Viesca's  action  precluded  the  necessity  of  carrying 
his  threat  into  execution.  The  legislature,  after  de- 
creeing that  the  seat  of  government  might  be  changed 
to  such  place  as  the  governor  might  select,  adjourned 
April  21st,  but  not  before  it  had  framed  the  above- 
mentioned  protest.  .  "  Thus  closed  forever,"  says  Yoa- 
kum, "on  the  21st  of  April,  1835,  the  legislature  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas."  ^ 

Viesca,  disregarding  the  threats  of  Greneral  Cos, 
with  the  object  of  reducing  Saltillo  to  obedience, 
again  called  out  the  militia,  but  was  immediately 
ordered  in  peremptory  terms  not  only  to  disband  them, 
but  to  disarm  them.  He  decided  to  move  the  seat  of 
government  to  Bdjar,  and  instead  of  obeying  orders, 

^Filiwla,  Mem,  Hvit.  Oner.  TeJ.,  ii.  111-13. 

*  Kennedy,  ii  89;  Tex.  Col  Doc,,  Pinart  CoL,  Print,  no.  64 

'  Hist.  Mex.,  L  335-6,  this  series. 


THE  GOVERNMENT  QUESTION.  156 

left  Monclova  May  25th,  with  the  archives,  escorted 
by  150  militiamen  and  about  twenty  Anglo-Texans. 
Having  proceeded  as  far  as  the  hacienda  de  Her- 
manas,  he  was  alarmed  at  hearing  that  orders  had 
been  sent  to  the  military  commander  at  the  presidio 
of  Rio  Grande  to  oppose  his  crossing  the  river ;  and 
thoroughly  disheartened,  he  returned  to  Monclova, 
disbanded  the  mihtia,  and  decided  to  await  events. 
But  his  fears  got  the  better  of  him,  and  in  company 
with  Colonel  Milam,  Doctor  John  Cameron,  and  some 
officers  of  the  state  government,  he  attempted  a  secret 
retreat  to  Texas.  The  party  was  captured  in  a  moun- 
tain pass  by  the  forces  under  Cos,  and  sent  prisoners 
to  Monterey.  Here  Milam  escaped.  Orders  having 
arrived  to  transfer  the  captives  to  the  dungeons  of 
San  Juan  de  Uliia,  they  were  fortunate  enough  to 
effect  their  escape  on  their  transit  to  Saltillo,  and 
eventually  reached  Texas.  The  state  authorities 
were  deposed  by  the  general  government,  and  all  the 
decrees  of  the  late  session  annulled.  Those  members 
of  the  legislature  who  remained  in  Coahuila  were 
arrested  and  banished.®  Jos^  Miguel  Falcon  was 
appointed  governor,  but  was  removed  August  8th, 
and  succeeded  by  Rafael  Eca  y  Muzquiz.® 

The  questions  which  the  Texans  had  to  decide, 
now  that  the  legislature  had  been  deposed,  was 
whether  to  submit  to  Santa  Anna  and  the  rule  of  a 
governor  appointed  by  him^  or  establish  a  govern- 
ment of  their  own.  Opinions  on  the  subject  were 
divided,  and  at  first  the  peace  party  dominated.  In 
different  municipalities  committees  of  vigilance  and 
safety  were  estabUshed,  and  meetings  held  to  dis- 
cuss the  position  of  affairs.  But  these  steps  were 
only  of  a  preliminary  character.  In  June  an  event 
occurred  which  compUcated  matters,  and  by  affording 

»Ft/Mofo,  ut  9up.,  ii.  115-17;  Kennedy,  ii.   89,  90;   Yoakum,  i.  .^36;  Roa 
Bdrcena,  Recuerdns,  12;  Tomel,  Tej.  y  Estad.  Umd.,  55;  Edwards,  23i>-3. 
»  Texxis,  Col  Doe.,  Pinart  Col,,  MS.,  no.  43. 


156  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

the  Mexican  government  just  ground  for  taking  de- 
cided measures,  hastened  the  approaching  crisis. 

Captain  Tenorio  with  twenty  Mexican  soldiers  had 
been  stationed  for  some  time  at  Andhuac  to  guard 
the  port  against  smuggling,  and  afford  protection  to 
the  collectors  of  the  customs.  He  had  often  been 
annoyed  and  harassed  bv  the  opposition  offered  by 
the  merchants  of  that  place  to  the  payment  of  the 
high  duties  upon  imports,  and  riotous  demonstrations 
had  lately  occurred.  To  such  an  extent  had  these 
disturbances  arrived,  that  on  June  1st  the  ayunta- 
miento  of  Liberty  issued  an  order  enjoining  observ- 
ance of  the  peace,  and  calling  upon  all  officers,  civil 
and  military,  to  aid  in  sustaining  the  revenue  officials 
at  Andhuac  and  Galveston.  But  this  order  had  no 
effect.  Shortly  afterward  William  B.  Travis  and 
about  fifty  armed  Texans  attacked  and  disarmed 
Tenorio  and  his  men,  who  being  driven  from  the 
town  retired  to  San  Felipe.  This  high-handed  pro- 
ceeding was  condemned  by  the  municipality  of  Lib- 
erty and  the  central  committee.^^ 

Cos  meantime  had  addressed  from  Matamoros  a 
conciliatory  circular,  dated  June  12th,  in  which  he 
maintained  that  the  government  in  its  views  with 
respect  to  Texas  was  guided  by  justice  and  paternal 
regard ;  but  at  the  same  time  a  courier  was  despatched 
to  the  commandant  at  Andhuac,  informing  him  that 
a  strong  force  would  shortly  be  sent  to  Texas.  The 
despatch  was  intercepted,"  and  its  contents  excited 
public  feeling  to  a  high  degree. 

On  June  2 2d  a  meeting  of  the  war  party  was  held 
at  San  Felipe.  The  news  of  Viesca's  capture  had 
lately  arrived,  and  it  was  proposed  to  effect  his  rescue 
and  expel  the  Mexicans  from  Bdjar.     This  bold  prop- 

^•EklwardA*  Hist.  Tex.,  235-^,  240;  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  PinaH  Col,  noe  16, 
21,  28,  and  42,  MS.  Edwards,  page  238,  states  that  Tenorio  and  his  men 
were  ordered  *  to  be  seen  in  San  Felipe  as  soon  as  God  would  let  them. '  They 
were  well  treated  at  San  Felipe  and  assisted  on  their  way  to  B^jar,  their  arms 
beinff  restored  to  them.    Yoakum,  337,  341 . 

"Tea;.  CoL  Doc.,  PinaH  Col.,  nos  37,  38,  44,  and  62,  MS.;  Edtoards^  240; 
Filisola,  Mem.  Hist,  Ouerra  T^.,  ii.  127. 


WAR  THREATENED.  157 

osition  not  meeting  with  the  favor  of  the  peace  party, 
another,  equally  audacious,  was  made.     Ramon  Mils- 
quiz,  the  ex-vice-govemor,  was  at  Bdjar,  and  expressed 
himself  ready  to  act  as  governor  if  the  colonists  would 
sustain  him.     It  was  proposed  to  take  possession  of 
that  town  and  install  Miisquiz,  who  was  to  appoint 
land  commissioners  to  extend   titles  to  the  settleis. 
Several  municipalities  supported   these  views,  while 
others  denounced  the  proceedings  of  the  meeting  as 
tending  to  plunge  the  people  into  a  hopeless  civil 
war.^^     When  this  revolutionary  step  became  known 
to  General  Cos,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  July  5th, 
declaring  that  the  inevitable  consequences  of  the  war, 
which  would  result  from  any  attempt  to  disturb  the 
public  peace  in  favor  of  the  state  authorities  lately 
deposed,  would  be  visited  upon  the  persons  and  prop- 
erty of  the  disturbers  of  tranquillity.^*     About  the 
same  time,  July  15th,  an  address  of  a  soothing  tenor 
appeared  from  Colonel  Ugartechea,  then  in  command 
at  Bejar  with  500  men.^*     Ugartechea  possessed  many 
good  qualities,  was  not  unpopular  among  the  Anglo- 
Texans,  and  would  have  averted  the  coming  storm. 
Referring  to  false  information  which  had  been  spread, 
to  the  effect  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  govern- 
ment to  send  troops  to  dispossess  the  colonists  of  their 
lands,  he  states  that  the  object  of  the  authors  of  the 
reports  was  no  other  than  "  to  prosper  by  means  of  a 
revolution ; "  and  he  assures  the  settlers  that  "  they 
have  nothing  to  fear  from  the  introduction  of  troops ; 
as  this  measure  would  have  no  other  object  than  that 
of  placing  them  as  detachments  at  the  ports,  to  pre- 
vent the  smuggling  trade  which  is  carried  on  with 
impunity  by  adventurers,  and  likewise  to  prevent  the 
incursions  of  the  Indians."" 

"  Toahtm,  i.  339-40;  Tex,  Col  Doc.,  noa  IS,  31,  MS.,  and  no.  47,  print. 

"/</.,  no.  17,  MS.;  Edwards,  245. 

"  He  had  been  sent  to  B^jar  with  this  force  by  Cos,  ostensibly  to  collect 
the  revenue,  but  ThraU,  page  200,  is  in  error  in  stating  that  he  arrived  in  July. 
See  Yoahim,  338. 

"Proclamation  bxEdtoards,  246-7. 


158  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  any  means  were  omitted 
by  the  war  party  to  fan  the  flame  of  rebellion.  The 
majority  of  the  settlers  were  still  peaceably  inclined, 
and  would  have  remained  so  but  for  the  excitement 
aroused  by  inflammatory  addresses  and  exaggerated 
representations,  hard  to  controvert,  of  the  dire  enmity 
of  the  government.  The  finger  of  warning  was  pointed 
to  the  spectre  of  despotism  and  oppression,  not  only 
by  their  own  countrymen,  but  by  prominent  Mexicans. 
Many  of  the  fugitive  authorities  from  Coahuila  were 
among  them;  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  late  governor  of  the 
state  of  Mexico,  had  fled  from  the  tyranny  of  Santa 
Anna  and  sought  an  asylum  in  Texas  ;^*  and  Viesca, 
just  before  his  fall,  had  addressed  the  Texans  in  such 
words  as  these :  "  Citizens  of  Texas,  arouse  yourselves, 
or  sleep  forever  I  Your  dearest  interests,  your  liberty, 
your  property — nay,  your  very  existence — depend 
upon  the  fickle  will  of  your  direst  enemies.  Your  de- 
struction is  resolved  upon,  and  nothing  but  that  firm- 
ness and  energy  peculiar  to  true  republicans  can  save 
you."^^  The  war  party  was  not  slow  to  take  advan- 
tage of  such  language  and  the  impression  it  made. 
Agitators  preached  about  liberty  and  patriotism,  op- 
pression and  ruin,  spreading  alarm  with  one  breath, 
and  rousing  the  spirit  of  resistance  with  the  next 
Now,  these  agitators   represented   outside  interests, 

^'Zavala  arrived  in  Texas  early  in  July.  He  was  bom  in  Merida,  Yucatan^ 
1781,  where  he  was  educated  and  practised  as  a  ph3rBician  till  1820,  when  he 
was  elected  deputy  to  the  Spanish  cdrtes.  On  his  return  he  was  first  made 
deputy,  and  then  senator,  in  the  Mexican  consress.  In  March  1827  he  was 
governor  of  the  state  of  Mexico,  which  office  he  held  till  the  revolution  of 
Jalapa  in  1830,  which  forced  him  to  leave  the  country.  In  1833  he  was  a^ain 
elected  to  congress,  and  also  governor  of  the  state  of  Mexico,  the  house  pass- 
ing a  unanimous  resolution  permitting  him  te  hold  both  positions.  2^vala 
was  appointed  minister  te  France  in  the  following  year,  but  resioned  his  posi- 
tion as  soon  as  he  perceived  the  direction  toward  centralism  which  the  party 
in  power  was  taking.  He  was  too  liberal  a  republican  and  too  honest  in  his 
principles  to  take  part  in  the  overthrow  of  the  federal  constitution.  He  served 
his  country  faithfully,  but  on  his  retirement  to  Texas  he  was  stigmatized  as 
a  traitor  and  vagabond.  Zavala  was  the  author  of  two  works,  Ensayo  Histo- 
rico  de  las  Bevoluciones  de  Mexico,  and  Viof/e  d  loa  Estados  Unidoa,  mention  of 
which  has  been  made  in  another  volume — HiaL  Mex.,  v.  88,  this  series.  Pre- 
fixed to  the  latt.er  work  will  l)e  found  his  biography,  written  by  Justo  Sierra 
of  Merida.     Zavala  died  at  Lynchburg,  Texas,  Nov.  15,  1836. 

"^Mwrrftf,  234. 


PARTY  MEASURES.  159 

those  of  land  speculators  in  the  north  of  the  United 
States,  and  those  of  the  slave-holders  in  the  south  ;^^ 
and  when  it  is  borne  in  inind  how  tenaciously  both 
classes  pursued  their  object,  and  what  powerful  allies 
they  had  in  their  work  of  wresting  Texas  from  Mex- 
ico— ^the  antipathy  of  race,  the  contempt  of  the  Anglo- 
American  for  the  Mexican,  and  the  jarring  relations 
between  the  two  races  in  the  social,  civic,  and  indus- 
trial phases  of  life — it  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  the 
firebrands  thrown  broadcast  by  their  agents  lighted 
the  blaze  of  rebellion.  And  so  it  was.  Before  long 
all  the  colonists  deeply  compromised  themselves ;  so 
far,  indeed,  that  the  only  alternative  was  war  or  an 
abject  submission  to  an  oiTended  power.  The  liberty- 
loving  Anglo-Texans  were  not  likely  to  choose  the 
latter. 

The  war  party  naturally  expected  that  any  insub- 
ordinate act  would  be  regarded  by  the  government  in 
the  light  of  a  general  expression  of  feeling ;  but  both 
the  peace  party  and  the  Mexican  commanders  rec- 
ognized the  fact  that  if  a  revolt  occurred  it  would 
be  more  the  result  of  operations  directed  from  the 
United  States  than  actual  inclination  on  the  part  of 
the  mass  of  the  colonists.^     Yet  the  loss  of  Texas, 

^^The  reader  is  referred  to  a  pamphlet  of  32  pages,  entitled,  The  Origin 
and  True  Catues  <(f  the  Texcta  Inturreciion,  Commenced  in  the  Year  1835 y  repub- 
Uahed  in  Phil,  in  1836  from  the  Phil.  National  Oazette.  The  author,  who 
writes  under  the  nom  de  plnme  of  Columbus,  states  that  the  easy  terms  on 
which  lands  were  obtained  in  Texas,  and  the  liberal  exemption  from  duties 
granted  to  the  colonists,  were  abused  and  made  avail  of  as  a  means  of  smug- 
^Ung.  Many  foreigners  took  up  lands  exclusively  for  the  purpose  of  supply- 
mg  the  natives  with  contraband  goods.  When  the  time  approached  for  those 
who  had  tiU^en  up  large  grants  to  fulfil  the  condition  of  colonizing  them  or 
giving  them  up,  great  efforts  were  made  to  throw  any  kind  of  population  into 
ihe  districts.  The  establishment  of  an  independent  government  for  Texas 
would  be  an  effectual  way  of  legalizing  all  grants,  and  strenuous  efforts  were 
made  to  obtain  it.  When  this  failed,  the  colonists,  feeling  themselves  too 
weak  to  compete  with  the  power  of  the  republic,  declared  for  the  constitution 
of  1824,  in  the  expectation  that  Coahuila  and  the  contiguous  states  wouhl 
unite  with  them.  The  writer  ffoes  on  at  some  length  to  show  that  a  number 
of  the  grievances  set  forth  in  the  Texan  declaration  of  independence  did  not 
exist,  but  his  main  object  is  to  prove  that  the  revolu  was  not  so  much  the 
deed  of  the  actual  settlers  as  of  the  land  speculators  and  slave-holders  in  tlio 
U.S. 

"Gren.  Cos,  in  a  letter  to  the  ^fe  politico  of  the  department  of  Nacog- 
doches, July  12th,  attributes  the  disturbances  in  Texas  to  the  acts  of  aliens 


160    EVENTS  LEADma  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAa 

already  foreshadowed,  was  feared  by  the  Mexican 
government,  and  in  its  anxiety  it  took  the  veir  steps 
to  alienate  the  peace  party  and  hasten  the  crisis. 

During  the  month  of  July  the  agitation  increased. 
The  inhabitants  could  no  longer  doubt  that  Santa 
Anna's  intention  was  to  estabhsh  a  military  yoke  in 
Texas,  and  numerous  meetings  were  held,  both  of  a 
conciliatory  and  contrary  spirit.  Committees  of  safety 
were  organized  in  all  the  municipaUties  during  this 
and  the  previous  month,  and  these  now  applied  them- 
selves with  ardor  to  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 
On  July  17th  representatives  from  the  jurisdictions 
of  Austin,  Columbia,  and  Mina  met  in  council  at  San 
Felipe  to  discuss  the  condition  of  affairs.^  The  in- 
clination of  this  convention  was  pacific ;  and  a  concili- 
atory letter,  denouncing  the  late  outrage  at  Andhuac, 
was  addressed  to  Ugartechea ;  but  at  the  same  time 
the  opinion  was  expressed  that,  if  troops  were  sent 
into  Texas  in  any  great  number,  a  union  of  all  parties 
would  be  the  consequence,  and  a  fierce  civil  war  fol- 
low. Very  different  were  the  meetings  held  on  the 
19th  at  Rio  Navidad  and  Guadalupe  Victoria,  at 
which  warlike  resolutions  were  passed,  and  Santa 
Anna's  arbitrary  acts  condemned.^^ 

Thus  at  this  time  the  balance  was  still  somewhat 
equally  poised ;  but  the  scale  soon  turned.  When  the 
Mexican  authorities  heard  of  Zavala's  arrival  in  Texas 
an  order  was  issued  for  his  arrest.^  But  it  was  not 
the  intention  of  the  authorities  to  stop  here:  they 

and  political  intrigants.  Tex.  CoL  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  36.  See  also  the  procla- 
mation of  Wylie  Martin,  the  political  chief  of  Brazos,  counselling  moderation 
and  peace.  Id.,  no.  35,  and  Arrillaya  Recpjp.,  1835,  574-6. 

*•  The  delegates  ^m  Columbia  were  John  A.  Wharton,  James  F.  Perry, 
Stirling  McNeil,  James  Knight,  and  Josiah  H.  Bell;  from  Austin:  A.  Somer- 
villc,  John  K.  Jones,  Wylie  Martin,  Jesse  Bartlett,  and  C.  B.  Stewart;  from 
Miua:  D.  C.  Barrett.  Wylie  Martin  was  chosen  president,  and  Stewart 
secretary.    Yoakum,  L  340. 

'^^  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  nos  10  and  17.  These  resolutions  were  sent  to  the 
political  chief  of  Brazos. 

'^'^  Cap.  Tenorio  presented  it  July  24th  to  Wylie  Martin,  political  chief  of 
Brazos,  who  refusea  to  comply  with  it,  on  the  ground  that  havinff  received  no 
order  from  the  government,  his  civil  capacity  did  not  admit  of  nis  doin^  aow 
Toakum,  I  344. 


COS*  PROCEEDINGS.  161 

wanted  also  to  lay  their  hands  on  the  ringleaders  of 
the  hostile  party,  and  on  those  who  had  taken  a  lead- 
ing part  in  the  affair  at  Andhuac.  On  July  31st 
Ugartechea  issued  a  circular  order  to  the  alcaldes  of 
the  municipalities  to  make  every  effort  to  secure  the 
persons  of  Johnson,  Williamson,  Travis,  Williams,  and 
Baker;  at  the  same  time  he  threatened  to  send  a  suffi- 
cient force  to  effect  their  capture  if  those  officers  failed 
to  execute  the  order.  Yet  fail  they  did;  and  a  report 
being  spread  of  the  departure  of  the  prescribed  persons 
for  the  United  States,  the  matter  rested.  When  this 
demand  for  the  arrest  of  prominent  colonists  became 
known,  a  far  more  bitter  feeling  was  developed  in  the 
peace  party,  and  the  war  party  was  strongly  reenforced. 
Events  were  occurring  at  Andhuac,  too,  which  aggra- 
vated the  spirit  of  war. 

When  Cos  became  aware  of  Tenorio's  ejection  from 
that  port,  he  sent  thither  in  July  the  schooner  Correo, 
Captain  Thompson,  to  protect  the  revenues.  Thomp- 
son was  somewhat  of  that  buccaneering  stamp  for 
which  Galveston  Bay  had  previously  been  famous,  and 
his  main  object  was  to  make  a  fortune/"^  Accordingly, 
he  proceeded  in  a  hi^h-handed  manner,  and  in  violation 
of  orders.  He  bullied  the  citizens  and  traders  at 
And-huac,  threatened  to  burn  the  town,  and  in  August 
captured  the  American  brig  Tremont,  engaged  in  the 
Texan  trade.  Such  action  intensely  exasperated  the 
settlers.  He  now  kept  a  sharp  look-out  for  the  San 
Felipe,^  Captain  Hurd,  expected  at  Brazoria  from 
New  Orleans.  On  September  1st  Hurd  arrived  off 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Brazos,  and  the  Correo  at  eij^ht 
o'clock  in  the  evenhig  came  up,  and  without  warning 

**  He  was  an  EngUshman  by  birth,  and  of  unprepossessing  appearance. 
Washington  Stiles,  in  the  trial  of  Thompson  at  New  Orleans  for  piracy,  swore 
that  Thompson  said  that  if  he  could  capture  two  American  vosmcLs,  the  Tre- 
mofU  and  the  San  Fehpe^  his  fortune  would  be  made,  and  he  would  stop. 
WttUhrop,  Report  qf  tfie  Trial  of  Thomas  M.  Thompson ^  3,  16.  Stiles  was  one 
of  the  crew  of  the  Trtmont. 

**  Yoakum,  i.  356,  states  that  this  vessel  was  purchased  and  armed  at  Now 
Orleans  expressly  to  capture  the  Correo — a  questionable  assertion. 
HiCT.  N.  Mex.  States,  Vol.  U.    U 


162  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

fired  into  the  San  Felipe.  An  engagement  followed, 
which  lasted  for  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  when 
Thompson  drew  off.  In  the  morning  the  San  Felipe, 
taken  m  tow  by  a  small  steamboat,  the  Laura,  went  in 
pursuit  of  the  Correo,  which  was  almost  becalmed 
about  six  miles  off.  The  Mexican  captain  surrendered 
without  further  fighting.  The  vessel  was  sent  to  New 
Orleans,  where  Thompson  was  tried  for  piracy.* 

At  the  convention  held  at  San  Felipe,  July  17th, 
Wharton  had  proposed  to  call  a  general  council  of  the 
people  of  Texas ;  but  the  motion  had  been  voted  down, 
inasmuch  as  such  a  step  could  not  fail  to  be  r^arded 
by  the  Mexican  government  in  a  rebellious  light.  On 
August  15th  a  great  meeting  was  held  at  the  town  of 
Columbia,  and  a  committee  of  fifteen  persons  appointed 
to  prepare  an  address  to  all  the  municipalities  of  Texas, 
urging  them  to  cooperate  in  the  call  for  a  consultation 
of  all  Texas.  The  address  was  drawn  up  and  sent  to 
every  Jurisdiction.  It  requested  that  each  one  would 
elect  five  delegates,  and  that  the  consultation  should 
convene  October  15th  at  the  town  of  Washington, 
situated  on  the  Brazos  River  some  miles  above  San 
FeUpe.     But  stirring  events  occurred  before  that  date. 

Early  in  September  Austin,  so  long  absent  from 
the  colonies,  returned  to  find  them,  as  he  describes  it, 
"  all  disorganized,  all  in  anarchy,  and  threatened  with 
immediate  hostilities. "  ^  He  had  been  released  through 
the  intervention  of  Santa  Anna,*^  who,  after  his  vic- 

'^Thifl  account  of  the  affiiir  between  the  San  Fetipe  and  the  Correo  is 
mainly  derived  from  Beport  qf  the  Trial  qf  Thomas  M.  ThompBonj  for  a  Pirati- 
col  Attack  upon  the  American  Schooner  San  Felipe,  By  John  Winthrop,  A.  M. , 
coonseller  at  law.  N.  Orleans,  1835.  Svo,  pp.  44.  The  jury  could  not  asree, 
and  Thompson  was  remanded  to  prison,  but  finally  released.  He  had  been 
in  the  Mexican  service  some  years.  Edwards,  pages  248-9,  states  that  Thomp- 
son was  sent  to  N.  0.  as  a  pirate,  because  he  coiud  show  no  document  to  sup- 
port the  official  character  he  had  assumed.  He  certainly  was  unable  to 
produce  his  commission  at  the  trial,  though  he  was  sustained  by  his  govern- 
ment. 

**See  his  speech  in  Footers  Tex.,  u,  60. 

^  After  bemg  liberated  from  prison  under  bonds,  amnesty  was  ffranted  him, 
and  he  was  allowed  to  return  to  Texas  through  the  friendship  of  Santa  Anna^ 


AUSTIN'S  SPEECH.  163 

toiy  over  the  Zacatecanos,  had  returned  to  Mexico, 
and  who  doubtless  believed  that  Austin  would  be  in- 
strumental in  restoring  order  in  Texas.  On  Septem- 
ber 8th  he  was  entertained  at  a  public  dinner  given 
in  his  honor  at  Brazoria,  where  a  great  concourse  of 
settlers  had  congregated  to  greet  him.  On  this  occa^ 
sion  he  delivered  a  speech  to  a  large  assembly ,^  ex- 
plaining his  conduct  while  in  Mexico,  and  discussing 
the  position  of  Texas.  He  recognized  the  critical 
state  of  affairs,  and  the  almost  inevitable  result. 
While  informing  his  hearers  that  the  federal  constitu- 
tion would  be  overthrown  and  a  central  government 
estabUshed,  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  relate  the 
friendly  messages  of  Santa  Anna,  his  wishes  for  the 
prosperity  of  Texas,  and  his  intention  to  use  his  in- 
fluence to  give  to  its  people  a  special  organization 
suited  to  their  education,  habits,  and  situation.  Aus- 
tin had  advised  the  president  not  to  send  troops  to 
Texas,  expressing  his  decided  opinion  that  war  would 
be  the  inevitable  consequence,  and  concluded  his  speech 
with  these  words :  "  The  crisis  is  such  as  to  bring  it 
home  to  the  judgment  of  every  man  that  something 
must  be  done,  and  that  without  delay.  The  question 
will  perhaps  be  asked,  What  are  we  to  do  ?  I  have 
already  indicated  my  opinion.  Let  all  personalities, 
or  divisions,  or  excitements,  or  passion,  or  violence,  be 
banished  from  among  us.  Let  there  be  a  general 
consultation  of  the  people  of  Texas  as  speedily  as 
possible,  to  be  convened  of  the  best,  and  most  calm, 
and  intelhgent,  and  firm  men  in  the  country,  and  let 
them  decide  what  representation  ought  to  be  made  to 
the  general  government,  and  what  ought  to  be  done 
in  the  future."  He  then  gave  this  toast :  "  The  con- 
stitutional rights  and  the  security  and  peace  of  Texas 

T<yrnel,  TeJ.  y  EgUid,  Unid,,  63.  Filisola,  ut  sup,,  ii.  140-1,  states  that  Aus- 
tm  embarked  at  Vera  Cruz,  proceeded  to  New  Orleans,  and  there  provided 
himself  yrith  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  with  which  he  returned  to  Texas  in 
September. 

^Foote  savB,  ii.  60,  more  than  a  thousand  Anglo-Americans  listened  to  him 
for  nearly  an  hour  with  unbroken  delight. 


164  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

— they  ought  to  be  maintained ;  and,  jeopardized  as 
they  now  are,  they  demand  a  general  consultation  of 
the  people."^  It  is  evident  that  Austin  regarded  the 
preservation  of  peace  as  hardly  possible,  and  anxiously 
though  he  hoped  for  it,  and  deeply  distressed  though 
he  was  at  the  critical  situation  of  his  colony,  he  would 
not  see  the  settlers'  rights  invaded  or  their  future 
welfare  imperilled  without  a  struggle.  The  effect  of 
his  discourse  was  beneficial.  The  high,  opinion  in 
wliich  he  was  held  caused  his  views  to  be  generally 
adopted,  and  henceforth  more  harmony  of  spirit  and 
unity  of  purpose  prevailed  among  the  colonists. 

Indeed,  at  this  time  war  was  no  longer  doubtful. 
In  the  latter  part  of  August  a  further  demand  had 
been  made  for  the  surrender  of  Zavala  and  the  pro- 
scribed settlers,*^  the  list  of  the  latter  being  greatly 
enlarged,^^  and  positive  information  had  been  received 
that  Cos,  with  a  large  reeforcement,  was  on  his  march 
to  Bdjar,  with  the  intention  of  breaking  up  the  foreign 
settlements  in  Texas.  Preparations  for  the  impend- 
ing struggle  were  at  once  commenced.  Austin,  who 
had  been  appointed  chairman  of  the  committee  of 
safety  of  the  jurisdiction  which  bore  his  name,  issued 
a  circular,^^  September  19th,  in  which  that  committee 
recommended  that  the  people  should  insist  on  their 
rights  under  the  federal  constitution  of  1824,  and  that 
every  district  should  send  members  to  the  general 
consultation,  with  full  powers  to  do  whatever  might 
be  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  country,  organize  its 

"  See  copy  of  speech  in  Foote,  ii.  60-65,  and  in  Kennedy ^  ii,  97-102. 

'•Letter  of  Ugartechea  to  Edward  Gritton,  dated  August  17th,  in  Tex^ 
Col.  Doc.,  no.  14. 

^^  Yoakum  supplies  a  copy  in  Spanish  of  Ugartechea*8  list.  The  names 
appearing  in  it  are  Johnson,  Williamson,  Travis,  Williams,  Baker,  John  H. 
Moore,  «J.  McCarvajal,  and  Juan  Zambrano,  besides  those  who  opened  the 
official  correspondence,  the  names  of  whom  are  not  given.  Biat.  Tex.,  i.  360. 
The  list  bears  the  date  of  Sept.  3,  1835. 

^'^  At  San  Felipe  there  was  a  printing-press  which  ^^reatly  facilitated  the 
rapid  and  extensive  circulation  of  addresses  to  the  colonists.  The  Texas  Tele- 
graphs  the  first  permanent  newspaper  in  Texas,  and  devoted  to  the  revolu- 
tionary cause,  as  it  was  considered,  began  to  be  published  weekly  at  San. 
Felipe;  the  editors  were  Gail  Borden  and  Mosely  Baker.  Foote,  ii.  66^-7; 
Thrall,  502.  Edwards  states  that  the  public  press  was  in  Brazoria,  the  only 
one  then  in  Texas.  HisL  Tex.,  249.     Baker  was  one  of  the  proscribed. 


\ 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR  166 

militia,  and  raise  volunteer  companies.  The  commit- 
tee concluded  by  stating  that  it  was  their  duty  to  say 
that  conciliatory  measures  with  Cos  and  the  military 
at  B^jar  were  hopeless.  "  War  is  our  only  resource. 
There  is  no  other  remedy.  We  must  defend  our 
rights,  ourselves,  and  our  country  by  force  of  arms." 

The  country  was  now  all  astir ;  committees  of  safety 
were  active ;  volunteers  hastened  to  enroll  themselves ; 
and  a  marked  enthusiasm  displayed  itself.  The  in- 
tention was  to  oppose  the  entrance  of  Cos  into  Texas  ; 
but  a  diversion  occurred  which  left  his  movements 
uninterrupted;  and  having  landed  at  Matagorda  with 
500  men,  he  proceeded  to  La  Bahia,  or  Grofiad,  where 
he  arrived  October  2d,  and  continuing  his  march  on 
the  5th,  reached  Bejar  on  the  9th." 

Cos  was  allowed  free  passage  to  B^jar,  owing  to  a 
demand  made  by  Ugartechea  for  a  cannon  which  had 
been  given  four  years  before  to  the  town  of  Gonzalez, 
on  the  east  bank  of  the  Guadalupe,  for  the  purpose  of 
defence  against  Indians.     The  alcalde  refused  to  com- 

,  and  the  inhabitants,  satisfied  that  the  demand  had 
n  made  only  to  get  a  pretext'  to  attack  the  place 
and  plunder  the  district,  made  application  to  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  at  Mina  for  assistance.  This  was  not 
only  immediately  responded  to,  but  the  communica- 
tion of  the  people  of  Gronzalez  was  also  sent  to  the 
committee  at  San  Felipe.^ 

As  soon  as  Ugartechea  received  the  refusal  to  de- 
liver up  the  cannon,  he  despatched  Lieutenant  Fran- 
cisco Castaneda,  with  about  100"  of  the  presidial 
troops,  to  take  possession  of  it.  Having  arrived  on 
the  west  bank  of  the  Guadalupe  Castaneda,  finding 
that  the  ferry-boat  and  every  means  of  crossing  had 
been  removed  to  the  other  side,  encamped  about  half 

'^FUMa,  lamtp.,  ii  144-^,  151,  156. 

*«  Consult  Austin's  letter  of  Sept.  29th,  in  Foote,  ii  69-70. 

'FilisoU,  IL  145,  says. SO.  Anglo-Texan  acoounts  exaggerate  the  nnmber 
of  the  Mexicans,  Macomb  placing  it  at  200.  Foote,  ii  98.  Kennedy,  ii.  107, 
giTes  the  same  nnmher.  Yoakum  is  more  impartial,  and  states  that  the  Mexi- 
can force  was  100  caralry.  L  361.    Thrall,  p.  207,  says  'with  about  150  men.' 


166  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

a  mile  froui  the  ferry.  This  was  on  September  29th. 
Meantinie  volunteers  from  the  Colorado  and  Brazos 
rivei^s  were  hastening  to  the  point  of  danger,  and  by 
October  Ist  nmnbered  168  men,  50  of  whom  were 
nioaiited.  Thev  now  decided  to  attack  the  enemy, 
who  had  moved  his  camp  about  six  miles  away;  and 
having  orgMnized,  John  H.  Moore  being  elected  colo- 
nel, and  J.  W.  E.  Wallace  lieutenant-colonel,  crossed 
the  Guadalupe  that  evening,  taking  with  them  the 
disputed  |>iece,  a  brass  six-pounder.  Having  formed 
line,  they  silently  commenced  their  march  about  eleven 
o'clock,  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  enemy 
next  day. 

Day  broke  with  a  dense  fog,  under  cover  of  which 
the  Texaiis  advanced  to  within  350  yards  of  the 
enemy.  The  Texan  scouts,  having  approached,  deliv- 
ered their  lire  and  fell  back,  pursued  by  a  small  body 
of  Mexicans,  Fire  was  now  opened  with  the  six- 
pounder,  whereupon  Castafieda  sounded  a  parley.  A 
confereiioe  took  place,  but  no  adjustment  was  arrived 
at.  The  Texans  would  not  deliver  up  the  piece,  nor 
would  Castefieda  surrender.  He  was  evidently  pro- 
crastinating in  the  expectation  of  reenforcements. 
When  the  leaders  retired  to  their  respective  lines,  the 
Texans  fired  their  gun,  which  was  loaded  with  ^rape, 
and  charged ;  upon  which  the  Mexicans  ignominiously 
fled,  and  hurried  at  full  speed  to  Bdjar,  the  Texans 
returning  to  Gonzalez.** 

In  this  trivial  engagement  the  Mexicans  lost  a  few- 
men,  while  the  Texans  had  not  a  single  man  killed ; 
but  insignificant  though  it  was  in  the  matter  of  blood- 
shed, it  was  to  the  Anglo-Texans  what  the  affair  at 
Lexington  was  to  the  American  colonists. 

"Coiittult  tliu  account  given  by  *an  old  soldier,'  who  was  personally  pres- 
ent ill  TVj.  Alnt.^  1861,  60-2;  Macomb's  account  in  Fooif,  ii.  98-102;  Kennedy^ 
iL  lUvj-9;  Yotihtm^  i.  361-4;  Filuiola,  ii.  145-6.  This  last  author  stigmatizes 
Cajittai^bda's  coDiluct.  He  says,  'regrisd  a  B^jar  tray  endo  cousigo  una  man- 
cha  fjue  l^baj*^  una  nueva  ofensa  &  las  armas  nacionales  que  vengar,  y  un 
crlmeti  que  peraij^ir  y  escarmentar. .  .en  vez  de  haber  vueito  con  el  caflon..* 
liiin  »tatea  that  Castafieda  had  only  25  men,  and  that  not  a  man  was  killed, 
on  either  fiidtj. '  BenUnis.  Tex.^  107-8. 


COMMITTEES  FORBIED.  167 

The  die  was  cast;  there  was  no  longer  room  for 
hesitation;  all  must  now  be  up  and  doing,  for  all 
would  be  held  to  account.  To  the  farthest  settlements 
news  of  the  affair  at  Gonzalez  was  speedily  borne, 
awakening  a  warlike  enthusiasm.  The  ayuntamiento 
of  Nacogdoches  had  already,  September  5th,  passed  a 
resolution  to  obey  no  orders  but  those  emanating  from 
the  legitimate  authorities  of  the  state ;  and  on  the  21st 
of  the  same  month  a  great  public  meeting  had  been 
held  on  the  road  between  the  Neches  and  Trinity 
rivers,  at  which  changes  in  the  Mexican  constitution 
had  been  vehemently  denounced.  Thus  the  people  of 
that  department  were  not  disposed  to  lag  behind  in 
the  coming  contest.  On  October  10th  the  committee 
of  safety  of  the  town  of  Nacogdoches  called  on  the 
ayuntamiento  to  adopt  at  once  an  active  course,*^  and 
private  individuals  displayed  their  earnestness  in  the 
cause  by  pecuniary  contributions.^  At  San  Augus- 
tine a  spirited  meeting  was  held  October  5th,  and  a 
company  of  volunteers  raised  then  and  there  to  march 
to  the  south-west.  Sam  Houston,  Thomas  Jefferson 
Rusk,**  and  the  proscribed  Johnson  were  present,  and 
hastened  without  loss  of  time  to  the  scene  of  action. 
Zavala  also  left  his  retreat  on  the  San  Jacinto  ^  and 


"  Ter.  Col  Doe.,  MS.,  no«  24,  39,  41. 

'^A.  McLaughlin  k  Bros  gave  the  committee  of  safety  |500,  Oct.  11th. 
/rf.,  MS.,  no.  26. 

^  Rusk  was  bom  Dec.  5,  1803,  in  South  Carolina,  his  father  being  an  emi- 
grant from  Ireland,  and  following  the  occupation  of  a  stone-mason.  Through 
tiie  interest  of  John  C.  Calhoun,  on  whose  land  the  family  lived,  youn^  Rusk 
was  placed  in  the  office  of  William  Grisham,  clerk  for  Pendleton  district, 
where  he  made  himself  familiar  with  the  law,  to  the  practice  of  which  he  was 
soon  a'lmitted.  He  afterward  removed  to  Clarksville,  Georgia,  where  he 
married  the  daughter  of  Gen.  Cleveland.  Here  he  obtained  a  lucrative  prac- 
tice, but  unfortunately  encaging  in  mining  speculations,  wad  swindled  out  of 
nearly  all  hi^  earnings.  The  agents  of  the  company  in  whose  stock  lie  had 
invested  absCoude<l,  and  he  pursued  some  of  'them  to  Texas.  He  overtook 
them  west  of  the  Sabine,  only  to  find  that  they  had  squanclered  and  ganil)le<l 
away  his  money.  This  was  in  1834.  Rusk  proceeded  to  Nacogdoclies,  where 
he  located  himself,  being  determined  to  make  Texas  his  home.  At  tin'  meet- 
ing mentione<l  in  the  text  he  delivered  an  elocjuent  address  to  the  people,  ap- 
pealing to  their  patriotism,  and  volunteeretl  to  be  one  of  a  company  to  march 
at  onc^  to  the  seat  of  war.    Tex.  Aim.,  1858,  105;  ThrnlCn  Jlut.  Tew.,  007. 

<»  Zavala  possessed  a  grant  of  land  in  Texas — consult  Austin's  map — 
and  had  taken  up  hia  residence  on  the  San  Jacinto  River. 


168  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

repaired  to  San  Felipe,  where  he  was  warmly  received 
by  Austin.*^ 

In  a  circular  addressed  by  Austin,  October  4th, 
to  the  committees  of  safety  of  Nacogdoches  and  San 
Augustine,  it  is  boldly  proclaimed  that  war  was  de- 
clared against  military  despotism,  and  that  one  com- 
mon purpose  animated  every  one  in  the  department 
of  Brazos ;  namely,  to  take  B^jar  and  drive  the  Mex- 
ican troops  from  Texas.  On  the  8th  a  general  appeal 
was  issued  by  him  and  distributed  broadcast  through 
the  land,  calling  for  volunteers,  and  appointing  Gron- 
zalez  as  the  present  headquarters  of  the  army  of  the 
people.*^  Nor  \^ere  these  appeals  slowly  responded 
to.  The  people  were  aroused,  and  in  a  few  days  such 
numbers  of  volunteers  flocked  to  Gonzalez  that  Ugar- 
techea,  who  after  Castaiieda's  disgrace  had  prepared 
to  march  against  the  rebels  with  500  men  of  all  arms, 
desisted  from  his  purpose.  There  were  more  men, 
indeed,  than  arms.  A  leader  was  required  for  the 
assembled  forces,  and  the  wishes  of  all  pointed  to 
Austin.  In  order,  therefore,  to  relieve  him  from  his 
position  at  San  Felipe,  a  permanent  council,  composed 
of  one  member  from  each  conmiittee,  was  appointed, 
R.  R.  Royall  being  elected  president.  Austin  now 
proceeded  to  Gonzalez,  where  he  was  made  com- 
mander-in-chief On  October  13th  the  army,  about 
350  strong,*^  commenced  its  march,  and  advancing 
tt>  the  San  Antonio  River,  took  up  a  temporary  posi- 
tion about  eight  miles  below  the  town.  Here  Austin 
waited  for  reenforcements. 

While  these  movements  were  being  made,  a  bold 

<^  Austin's  circular  of  Oct.  4,  1836,  in  FooU,  ii.  84. 

"/rf.,  ii.  84-90;  Ttx.  Col  Doe.,  Print,  no.  69. 

^  The  intention  had  been  to  march  again  at  B^jar  with  600  men,  bat  a 
detachment  under  captains  Benjamin  Fort  Smith  and  Allen  had  been  sent  to 
protect  Victoria  on  the  Guadalupe,  where  a  body  of  Mexicans  had  been  com- 
nutting  acts  of  violence,  i^oo^f,  ii.  108-11.  Austin  wrote  to  the  committee  of 
0af£}ty  at  San  Felipe,  Oct.  11th,  urging  it  to  press  on  volunteers,  begging  them 
^  to  hurry  on  by  forced  marches,  and  not  to  stay  for  cannon  or  for  anything  ' 
Id.,  ii  119. 


CAPTURE  OF  OOLIAD  IW 

design  to  capture  Groliad  was  successfully  carried  out 
by  Captain  George  Collingsworth.     With  about  forty 

Elanters  irom  the  neighborhood  of  Matagorda  and  the 
anks  of  the  Caney,  he  had  gone  in  pursuit  of  the 
Mexicans  marauding  at  Victoria,  and  determined  to 
attempt  the  capture  of  Groliad  The  company  arrived 
below  the  town  at  midnight  on  the  9th  of  October, 
and  sent  two  or  three  of  their  number  to  reconnoitre 
the  place.  While  these  scouts  were  thus  engaged 
Colonel  Milam  was  discovered  in  a  thicket  by  a 
party  who  had  got  separated  from  their  comrades. 
The  wayworn  man,  after  his  escape  from  prison  at 
Monterey,  had  made  his  way  alone  through  the 
country,  riding  night  and  day  to  reach  Texas.  He 
heartily  volunteered  to  assist  in  the  enterpri^. 
When  all  were  reunited,  their  number,  including 
Milam  and  one  or  two  others  who  had  joined  them, 
was  forty-eight.  Guided  by  settlers  acauainted  with 
the  town,  they  attacked  the  quarters  oi  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Sandoval.  The  sentinel  discharged  his  piece, 
and  was  instantly  struck  dead  with  a  rifle-ball.  The 
door  was  battered  in  with  axes,  and  Sandoval  taken 
prisoner.  The  garrison,  summoned  to  surrender,  laid 
down  its  arms  after  a  slight  resistance.  One  Mexican 
soldier  was  killed  and  three  wounded.  The  Texans 
had  one  man  slightly  wounded.  This  was  an  impor- 
tant capture,  $10,000,  two  pieces  of  artillery,  and  300 
stands  of  arms  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.** 

Prehminary  meetings  of  some  of  the  members  of 
the  consultation  had  been  held  at  San  Felipe  and 
Washington,  and  on  October  16th  thirty-two  members 
assembled  at  the  former  place.  As  this  number  did 
not  form  a  quorum,  the  consultation  was  adjourned 
till  November  1st,  and  a  letter  having  been  received 
from  Austin,  inviting  the  members  to  assist  person- 
ally in  the  capture  of  Bdjar,  a  large  portion  of  them 
repaired  to  the  army.     It  was,  however,  necessary  to 

*^Id,,  ii  112-18;  Kennedy,  iL  117;  Toakrnn,  i  968-9 


170 


EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 


organize  a  government,  as  well  as  provide  ways  and 
means  for  carrying  on  the  war ;  and  after  some  delib- 
eration they  returned  to  San  Felipe  to  take  their 
places  in  the  coming  consultation. 

There,  was  no  longer  any  want  of  unanimity  among 
the  colonists.  Even  the  jurisdiction  of  liberty,  op- 
posed though  it  was  to  a  rupture  with  Mexico,*^  and 
the  last  to  cast  peace  aside,  on  the  news  of  the  fall  of 
Goliad  joined  the  revolution  with  a  corresponding 
firmness,  and  sent  assistance  to  the  army.  Every- 
where the  committees  of  safety  were  tireless  in  their 
exertions  to  send  men  and  provisions  to  the  front,  and 
raise  subscriptions.  At  Nacogdoches  and  San  Au- 
gustine, the  committees,  aided  by  the  central  council, 
tQok  measures  to  conciliate  the  civilized  Indians,  who 
were  in  no  amiable  mood  on  account  of  the  neglect 
with  which  their  claims  had  been  treated.  A  depu- 
tation was  sent  to  confer  with  them,  and  arrangements 
made  that  they  should  have  a  representative  at  the 
consultation.  To  keep  the  wild  tribes  in  check, 
mounted  rangers  were  sent  to  the  confines  of  the 
districts  which  they  occupied.  Sam  Houston  was  ap- 
pointed to  command  the  eastern  volunteers.  As  re- 
ceivers of  contributions  and  public  moneys,  committees 
were  appointed  by  the  central  council;  J.  L.  Hood, 
Jacob  Garrett,  and  Peter  J.  Menard  composed  that 
for  the  jurisdictions  of  the  department  of  Nacogdo- 
ches, and  R.  R.  Royall  and  Gail  Borden  that  for  other 
jurisdictions.  Appeals,  too,  were  made  to  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  and  not  in  vain.  On  October 
7th  a  public  meeting  had  already  been  held  at  Natchi- 
toches, at  which  the  warmest  sympathy  was  expressed, 
and  a  resolution  enthusiastically  carried  to  support  the 
people  of  Texas.*®  This  friendly  disposition  was  dis- 
played elsewhere  in  the  United  States.  In  New  Or- 
leans two  companies  were  quickly  formed,  the  Grays, 

^  See  the  address  of  the  committee  of  safety  of  Oct  24,  1835,  in  Tex.  A  Im., 
1868,  3^-40.  The  document  is  signed  by  Edward  Tanner,  David  G.  Bumebt, 
William  Hardin,  Jesse  Devone,  B.  M.  Spinks,  and  Henry  W.  Farley. 

*«  Tex.  CoL  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  34. 


LAND  FRAUDS.  171 

one  of  which  left  October  17th  by  way  of  Natchito- 
ches, and  the  other  on  the  19th  by  the  gulf  route. 

It  was  not  until  November  3d  that  the  general 
consultation  assembled.  Hitherto  the  council,  com- 
posed of  one  member  from  each  committee,  had  acted 
and  been  recognized  as  a  temporary  kind  of  govern- 
ment. An  important  measure  taken  by  this  council 
was  one  touching  the  extension  of  land  titles.  Ugar- 
techea  had  addressed,  September  3d,  an  order  to 
the  political  chief  at  Nacogdoches  to  suspend  the 
functions  of  the  land  commissioner,  so  that  no  more 
titles  should  be  granted  till  the  receipt  of  instructions 
from  the  supreme  government.  The  committee  of 
safety,  however,  decided  that  Ugartechea  liad  no  con- 
trol over  the  civil  authorities,  and  his  order  was  disre- 
garded. Unfortunately,  this  action  afforded  opportu- 
nity for  the  perpetration  of  outrageous  land  frauds  by 
the  commissioner,  and  extensive  tracts  were  alienated 
by  titles  in  the  names  of  fictitious  persons  and  those 
who  had  left  the  country.     The   central  council,  to 

f)revent  further  robberies  of  this  nature,  ordered  all 
and-offices  to  be  closed,  and  prohibited  surveying.*^ 
The  labors  of  this  council,  during  its  brief  existence, 
were  extremely  arduous,  but  were  rendered  less  irk- 
some by  the  general  harmony  of  feeling  and  the  will- 
ing spirit  of  cooperation  everywhere  displayed.  On 
October  3d  the  central  system  of  government  was 
established  in  Mexico  by  decree.** 

When  the  consultation  met  at  San  Felipe  on  the 
day  above  mentioned,  fifty-five  members  were  present, 
whose  names  I  give  below.*®     Branch  T.  Archer  hav- 

«  Yoakum,  i,  359,  377. 

*^Jhihlan  and  Lozario,  Leg,  Mex.,  iii.  75-8. 

**  According  to  the  convocation,  a  meeting  had  taken  place  Nov.  1st,  but 
sufficient  memDera  were  not  present  to  form  a  quorum.  The  names  of  the 
delegates  are  the  following:  For  the  municipality  of  Austin:  Wyliu  Martin, 
R.  Jones,  Jesse  Bumam,  William  Menifee.  Nacog<loches:  Sam  Hoiistou, 
James  W.  Robinson,  William  Whitaker,  Daniel  Parker,  William  N.  Siller. 
Washington:  Philip  Coe,  E.  CoUard,  Jesse  (rrimes,  Asa  Mitclu-ll,  Asa  H<»xey. 
Hamsburg:  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  C.  C.  Dyer,  John  W.  Moore,  M.  \V.  8niith, 


172  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

ing  been  duly  elected  president,  and  P.  B.  Dexter 
secretary,  the  former  delivered  an  address,  in  which 
he  sketched  out  the  duties  to  be  performed  by  the 
consultation  and  the  measures  which  it  would  be  ad- 
visable to  adopt.  ^  The  first  matter  attended  to  was 
the  preparation  of  a  declaration,  or  bill  of  rights,  set-, 
ting  forth  the  causes  which  had  driven  the  Texans  to 
take  up  arms.  John  A.  Wharton  was  commissioned 
to  draught  the  bill,  and  a  committee  of  five — Harris, 
Barret,  Martin,  Bamell,  and  Wharton — was  ap- 
pointed to  draw  up  and  submit  a  plan  of  a  provisional 
government.  On  November  7th  Wharton  laid  his 
draught  of  the  declaration  before  the  consultation. 
It  caused  a  lengthy  discussion ;  a  large  number  of  the 
delegates  were  in  favor  of  a  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence, whereas  the  one  submitted  to  them  announced 
adherence  to  the  constitution  of  1824."  Policy,  how- 
ever, overruled;  none  doubted  that  independence 
would  be  the  ultimate  outcome,  and  the-  declaration 
was  adopted. 

The  ordinance  establishing  the  plan  and  powers  of 

David  B.  Macomb.  Liberty:  Oeorge  M.  Patrick,  William  P.  Harris,  Henry 
Millard,  J.  B.  Woods,  A.  B.  Hardin.  Gonzales:  W.  S.  Fisher,  J.  D.  Cle- 
ments, Groo.  W.  Davis,  James  Hodges,  William  W.  Arrington,  Benjamin 
Faqna.  Tenehaw:  Martin  Parmer.  Columbia:  Henry  Smith,  John  A.  Whar- 
ton, Edwin  Waller,  John  S.  D.  Byrom.  San  Augustine:  A.  Houston,  William 
N.  Sigler,  A.  E.  C.  Johnson,  A.  Morton,  A.  G.  Kellog.  Mina:  D.  C.  Barret, 
J.  S.  Lester,  R.  M.  Williamson.  Matagorda:  R.  R.  Royall,  Chas  Wilson. 
Bevil:  S.  H.  Everitt,  John  BevU,  Wvatt  Hanks.  Viesca:  Saml  T.  Allen,  A. 
G.  Perry,  J.  G.  W.  Pierson,  Alexander  Thompson,  Jas  W.  Parker.  Jefifer- 
son:  Claiborne  West.  Journais  c/the  Consuitation,  60. 

^Copy  of  Archer's  speech  will  be  found  in  Id.,  &-9,  and  Foote,  u.  144-7. 

^^  The  declaration  set  forth  that  the  federal  constitution  having  boen  over- 
thrown by  Santa  Anna,  the  social  compact  which  existed  between  Texas  and 
the  other  members  of  the  Mexican  confederacy  was  dissolved;  that  the  Texans 
had  taken  up  arms  in  defence  of  their  rights  and  libertiesy  which  were  threat- 
ened; that  tney  offered  their  assistance  to  such  states  as  would  take  up  arms 
against  military  despotism;  that  they  did  not  acknowledge  the  right  of  the 
present  Mexican  authorities  to  govern  in  Texas,  and  woula  not  cease  to  carry 
on  war  asainst  them  as  long  as  their  troops  remained  within  its  limits;  that 
during  we  disorganization  of  the  federal  system  they  withdrew  from  the 
union,  but  would  continue  faithful  to  the  Mexican  government  as  long  as  the 
nation  was  governed  by  the  constitution  of  1824;  Texas  would  be  responaible 
for  the  expenses  of  the  armies  in  the  field,  and  was  pledged  for  the  payment 
of  debts  contracted  by  her  agents;  she  would  reward  by  donations  of  land 
volunteers  who  offered  their  services  in  the  struggle,  and  would  receive  them 
as  citizens.  Journals  qf  the  Consult,,  18-19,  21-2.  Copy  of  the  declaration 
also  in  Hdley's  Tex,,  235-6,  and  Kennedy,  u.  488-9. 


PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT.  173 

the  provisional  government  was  passed  November 
13tli.  It  comprised  twenty-one  articles,  and  pro- 
vided for  the  creation  of  a  governor,  lieutenant- 
governor,  and  general  council,  to  be  elected  from  the 
consultation — one  member  from  each  municipality. 
The  governor  and  lieutenant-governor  were  ap- 
x)inted  by  the  consultation.  The  former  in  con- 
^  unction  with  the  council  was  authorized  to  contract 
cans  not  exceeding  $1,000,000,  hypothecating  the 
public  lands  if  necessary;  to  treat  with  the  Indian 
tribes  concerning  their  land  claims,  and  secure  their 
friendship ;  to  establish  a  postal  service,  and  exercise 
the  functions  of  a  high  court  of  admiralty.  They 
were  invested  with  the  power  to  create  and  fill  the 
necessary  offices  of  government,  and  organize  the 
regular  forces  according  to  emergencies.  A  provis- 
ional judiciary  was  to  be  constituted  in  each  juris- 
diction; all  land  commissioners,  empresarios,  and 
surveyors  were  to  be  ordered  to  cease  their  opera- 
tions during  hostilities,  and  all  grants  and  sales  of 
lands  in  Texas  fraudulently  made  by  the  state  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas  were  declared  null.  All  per- 
sons, widows  and  minors  excepted,  who  should  leave 
the  country  during  the  existing  crisis  would  forfeit 
their  lands.  An  army  ordinance  was  also  passed, 
providing  for  the  creation  of  a  regular  army  of  1,120 
men,  rank  and  file,  to  be  governed  by  the  rules,  regu- 
lations, and  discipline  observed  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States  during  time  of  war,  the  commander- 
in-chief,  with  the  rank  of  major-general,  being  ap- 
pointed by  the  consultation.^* 

Henry  Smith  was  appointed  governor,  and  James 
W.  Robinson  lieutenant-governor.  Sam  Houston  was 
elected  commander-in-chief,"  a  commission  of  three 
persons,  Austin,  Branch  T.  Archer,  and  WiUiam  H. 

^Journal,  mil  mp,,  43-9.  A  fiiU  copy  of  these  ordinances  will  be  found  in 
Kennedy,  ii.  489-97. 

^  Austin  had  previously  expressed  his  wish  to  resign  the  command,  as  his 
attention  had  never  been  directed  to  military  matters,  and  had  urged  Hous- 
ton to  assume  it.   Yoakum^  L  371-2. 


174  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS, 

Wharton,  was  appointed  to  proceed  to  the  United 
States  and  promote  the  interests  of  Texas  in  that 
country,  and  the  general  council  elected.  The  mem- 
bers of  this  council,  whose  duties  were  to  devise  ways 
and  means,  and  advise  and  assist  the  governor  in  the 
discharge  of  his  functions,  were :  A.  Houston,  Daniel 
Parker,  Jesse  Grimes,  A.  G.  Perry,  Claiborne  West, 
D.  C.  Barret,  Charles  Wilson,  Henry  Millard,  Mar- 
tin Parmer,  J.  A.  Padilla,  J.  D.  Clements,  Wylie 
Martin,  W.  P.  Harris,  John  A.  Wharton,  and  W. 
Hanks."  On  November  14th  the  consultation,  hav- 
ing completed  its  labors,  adjourned  to  meet  on  the 
1st  of  March  following.  It  never  reassembled,  how- 
ever, as  on  that  date  a  convention  was  held  of  dele- 
gates chosen  at  the  general  election  of  February  1836. 

**  JoamcUqfthe  Oen,  Council,  3. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

SIEGE  AND  CAPTUBE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  B&TAR. 

1836. 

Battle  or  Concxpcion— Thb  Qkabs  Figbt— Psotractkd  Snoi— Dibbatis- 
VAcnoN  or  thb  VoLUNmoKS— Buslsbon  Suocbkds  Avfens — Orders 
AND  CouNTSR-ORDXRs— Milam's  Gall— DncRimoN  or  San  Antonio — 
Ths  First  Assault— Steady  Advance  or  the  Texans— Death  or 
Milam — ^His  BiooRArHr— Ck>NrusiON  at  the  Aulmo — Cos  Surrenders 
—Terms  or  Capitulation —The  Voluntbebs  Ddrand— ArrAAt  at 
Lipantitlan— The  Tampioo  Tragedy— Diboord  in  the  Government — 
Financial  Matters— Houston's  Proclamation— Governor  Sbuth  and 
THE  Council— Grant's  Scheme — Descent  on  Matamorob  Meditated — 
Smtth  Suspended— The  Errscr  or  Diboord. 

Austin  having  reached  the  Salado  creek,  some 
skirmishing  took  place,  in  which  the  Texans  were  in- 
variably victorious.  On  October  27th  he  sent  for- 
ward Colonel  James  Bowie  ^  and  Captain  James  W. 
Fannin,  with  a  detachment  of  ninety-two  rank  and 
file,  to  reconnoitre  the  old  missions  above  Espada, 
and  select  a  suitable  position  for  the  army.  Having 
reached  the  mission  of  La  Purfsima  Concepcion,  about 
one  mile  and  a  half  from  San  Antonio,  Bowie  en- 

^  James  Bowie  was  a  natiye  of  Georgia.  His  brother  Beziii  was  the  inven- 
tor of  the  knife  which  bears  the  family  name.  While  Lafitte  occupied  Gal- 
veston, the  three  brothers,  James,  Roan  P.,  and  John,  engaged  in  bnyins 
African  nesroee  of  Lafitte*8  men,  conducting  them  through  the  swamps  m 
Louisiana  for  sale.  They  are  said  to  have  made  f65,(^  by  this  traffic. 
James  Bowie  was  connected  with  Lons^s  expedition  in  1819.  In  October 
1830  he  became  a  naturalised  dtisen  <tf  Saltillo,  and  soon  after  married  a 
daughter  of  Vioe-goyenior  Yeramendi,  of  San  Antonio  de  B^jar.  Nov.  2d, 
1831,  he  fouffht  a  remarkable  battle  with  Indiana  on  the  San  Sab&  River,  in 
wlndi,  with  nis  brother  Resin,  nine  other  Americans,  and  two  negroes,  he 
defeated  164  Tehuacanas  and  Caddoe,  the  Indians  losing  nearly  half  their  num- 
ber, while  the  Anglo-Tezaas  had  only  one  man  kiUra  and  three  wounded. 
When  hostilities  broke  ooL  he  attached  himself  to  the  Texan  cause.  ThralL 
502-5. 

(176) 


176  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BfiJAR. 

camped  in  a  bend  of  the  river  pointing  southward,  and 
when  morning  broke,  found  himself  almost  surrounded 
by  about  400  Mexicans.  Perceiving  that  tliere  was 
no  chance  of  escape,  he  withdrew  his  men  into  the 
river  bottom,  nearly  100  yards  wide,  and  protected 
by  a  bluff  from  six  to  ten  feet  high,  affording  an  ex- 
cellent position  for  defence,  since  the  men  could  fire 
from  a  natural  covert  without  being  much  exposed. 
The  position  was  further  strengthened  by  a  skirt  of 
timber  around  the  bend  and  below  the  bluff,  to  which 
retreat  could  be  made  if  necessary.  Bowie  divided 
the  command  into  two  parties,  which  respectively  oc- 
cupied the  upper  and  lower  arms  of  the  bend,  Fannin 
being  in  charge  of  the  latter.  Before  them  stretched 
an  open  plain. 

A  heavy  fog  for  some  time  prevented  the  opponents 
from  seeing  each  other,  but  when  it  rose,  the  Mexicans 
advanced  to  within  200  yards  of  Fannin's  right,  and 
poured  in  a  heavy  fire,  every  volley  being  marked  in 
the  yet  gloomy  light  by  a  blaze  all  along  their  line. 
It  was  ineffective,  however ;  while  the  •  rifles  of  the 
Texans,  more  deliberately  discharged,  and  with  deadly 
aim,  wrought  havoc.     In  order  to  avoid  striking  each 
other,  Bowie  now  wheeled  his  detachment  round  the 
bend  and  stationed  himself  on  Fannin's  left.     Pres- 
ently the  Mexicans  pushed  forward  a  brass  six-pounder 
to  within  about  eighty  yards,  and  opened  with  grape, 
at  the  same  time  sounding  the  charge.     The  attempt 
was  attended  with  disaster.     The  fire  of  the  Texans 
was  more  fatal  than  ever ;  each  man  after  discliarging 
his  rifle  dropped  out  of  sight  to  reload  while  another 
took  his  place.     Three  times  the  piece  was  cleared  of 
the  gunners,  and  three  times  the  charge  repulsed.      On 
the  last  occasion  the  Mexicans  fled  in  disorder,  leav- 
ing the  cannon  in  the  hands  of  the  victorious  Texans. 
It  had  only  been  fired  five  times.    According  to  Colonel 
Bowie,  the  Mexicans  lost  nearly  100  men,  of  whom  67 
were  killed     The  Texans  had  one  killed  and  no  one 


BATTLE  OF  CX)NCEPCION.  177 

wounded.'  About  an  hour  after  the  engagement  the 
main  body  of  the  army  came  up^  and  the  camp  was 
established  near  the  city. 

The  extraordinary  success  which  attended  this  en- 
gagement, called  the  battle  of  Concepcion,  induced  a 
general  desire  in  the  Texan  forces  to  assault  the  town 
at  once ;  but  Austin,  anxious  to  avoid  the  loss  of  valu- 
able lives,  deemed  the  enterprise  too  hazardous,  though 
his  army  now  numbered  over  1,000  men.  Moreover, 
he  was  entirely  without  siege  cannon,  his  artillery 
consisting  of  only  five  small  field-pieces*  He  there- 
fore held  a  council  of  war,  at  which  it  was  decided 
that  in  view  of  the  fortifications  of  San  Antonio,  it 
was  too  strong  to  storm  without  battering  guns.  At 
the  same  time  Austin  was  doubtful  of  being  able  to 
keep  the  army  together  long  enough  to  await  the 
arrival  of  such  aid.^ 

Cos  meanwhile,  little  anxious  to  risk  a  general  en- 
gagement, confined  himself  to  strengthening  his  posi- 
tion, by  barricading  the  streets,  erecting  batteries,  and 
adopting  other  means  of  defence.  Ugartechea,  more- 
over, was  despatched  with  100  presidials  to  bring  up 
from  Laredo  400  or  500  convict  soldiers.* 

The  operations  of  the  besieging  army  were  now 
very  tedious  to  brave  and  eager  volunteers  ready  to 
take  desperate  hazards,  and  many  began  to  leave  for 
homa     On  November  2d  Austin  broke   camp,  and 

Gssing  by  the  garita,*  took  up  a  position  on  the  east 
nk  of  the  river,  near  its  source,  on  the  north  side  of 
the  town,  a  constant  patrol  being  kept  up,  which  was 
very  efiective  in  cutting  oflf  supplies.  A  demand  for 
the  surrender  of  the  place  was  made  a  few  days  later 
and  promptly  refused;  whereupon  the  besiegers  ad- 
vanced nearer  to  the  town  and  occupied  an  eminence 

'Bowie's  aoooimt  in  Kennedy,  iL  121-^  and  Foote,  ii.  121-^.  Bewees,  who 
freqnently  exaffgeratee,  says:  '  Over  104  of  the  Mexicans  lay  stretched  in  death 
on  the  bloody  field.'  LeiUrs,  157. 

'Austin  to  Capt.  IMmit,  Nov.  2d,  in  FooU,  u.  125;  Id.,  to  committee  at  San 
Felipe  (origOf  i^Tex,  Col  Doc,  na  15;  Morphie,  Hist.  Tex,,  108. 

*Faiaoia,  ut  eup,,  ii  186. 

'  See  pbui  elsewhere  in  this  vdlame. 
Hut.  K.  Hsz.  States,  Vol.  XL    12 


178  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  B^AE. 

immediately  above  the  old  mill,  which  was  situated 
about  half  a  mile  from  the  enemy's  pickets.  Skir- 
mishes of  slight  importance  occasionally  took  place, 
and  attempts  were  made  to  draw  the  Mexicans  from 
their  fortifications ;  but  Cos,  though  straightened  for 
provisions,  pertinaciously  declined  an  engagement, 
and  waited  for  his  reenforcements.  He  had  at  this 
time  about  800  men. 

On  November  25th  Austin,  having  been  informed 
of  his  appointment  as  commissioner  to  the  United 
States,  resigned  his  command  and  returned  to  San 
Felipe,  where  he  arrived  on  the  29th.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Colonel  Edward  Burleson,  who  was  elected 
without  opposition  to  fill  his  place  on  the  field. 

On  the  following  day  a  severe  skirmish  took  place. 
It  has  been  called  the  'grass  fight,'  and  again  proved 
the  superiority  of  the  Texans  in  the  field.  The 
arrival  of  Ugartechea  was  now  daily  looked  for,  and 
it  was  expected  that  he  would  bring  with  him  a  large 
sum  of  money.  Scouts  were  accordingly  sent  out  to 
watch  for  his  approach.  On  the  26th  Cos  despatched 
a  body  of  100  men  on  the  old  presidio  road  to  cut 
grass  for  his  famished  horses.  On  their  return  with 
their  pack-mules  loaded  they  were  discovered  by  the 
scout  Deaf  Smith,®  who,  supposing  them  to  be  Ugarte- 
chea's  advance  guard  with  the  silver,  reported  them 
as  such  at  headquarters.  This  news  caused  great 
excitement  in  camp.  Bowie  with  100  mounted  men 
galloped  off  at  once,  and  the  rest  of  the  army  has- 
tened to  follow.  About  a  mile  from  the  town  Bowie 
intercepted  the  foragers,  who  took  up  a  position  in  a 
ravine.     Bowie   prepared    to   attack   them,  but    his 

*  Erasmus  Smith,  known  as  Deaf  Smith  on  account  of  his  defective  hear- 
ing, was  a  celebrated  guide  and  scout.  He  was  bom  in  New  York  April  19, 
1787,  visited  Texas  in  1817,  and  became  a  permanent  citizen  in  1821.  A  few 
years  later  he  married  a  Mexican  woman  of  San  Antonio,  by  whom  he  ha4l 
several  children.  His  coolness  in  danger  was  unsur|>assed,  and  during  the 
war  he  did  eminent  service  on  the  Texan  side.  Snuth  was  much  |;iven  to 
solitude,  was  remarkable  for  his  gravity,  and  seldom  spoke  except  m  mono- 
svUabic  answers  to  questions.  He  was  severely  wounded  in  the  shovdder  at 
the  storming  of  San  Antonio,  Dresently  to  be  narrated.  He  died  at  Richmond, 
Fort  Bend,  Nov.  90,  1837.  Thrall,  620-1;  Yoakum,  I  261-2. 


DISGUSTED  VOLUNTEERS.  179 

movements  having  been  observed  from  San  Antonio, 
a  strong  force  was  sent  out  in  aid  of  the  grass-cutters, 
which  compelled  him  to  change  his  front.  Almost 
simultaneously  the  main  body  of  the  Texans  came  up, 
and  a  running  fight  was  maintained  till  the  Mexicans 
reached  the  town.  Their  loss  was  about  fifty  killed 
and  some  wounded,  while  the  Texans  had  only  one 
wounded  and  one  missing.  The  mule-packs  which 
the  enemy  left  behind,  on  examination,  were  found 
to  be  filled,  not  with  silver  as  was  hoped,  but  grass, 
whence  the  name  given  to  the  engagement.^ 

But  these  occasional  conflicts  were  not  sufficient  to 
avert  the  impatience  which  the  general  inactivity  pro- 
voked, and  the  dissatisfied  volunteers  kept  returning 
to  their  homes.  For  more  than  a  month  they  had 
been  hanging  around  San  Antonio,  and  its  capture 
seemed  no  nearer  accomplishment  than  at  first.  By 
the  middle  of  November  the  besieging  force  was  re- 
duced to  less  than  600  men.  Fortunately  about  this 
time  the  tw^o  companies  of  New  Orleans  Grays  ar- 
rived, under  the  command  respectively  of  Captain 
Robert  C.  Morris  and  Captain  Breece ;  also  a  company 
from  Mississippi,  Captain  Peacock,  and  one  from  east- 
em  Texas,  Captain  English.  Yet  the  army  dwindled 
day  by  day,  so  that  even  with  these  reenforcements  it 
barely  numbered  800  men  at  the  end  of  the  month. 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  the  United  States  vol- 
unteers became  disgusted,  and  affairs  looked  serious 
when  200  of  them  declared  their  determination  to 
leave  B^jar  on  the  last  day  of  November  and  marcli 
against  Matamoros,  where  they  expected  to  be  joined 
by  from  5,000  to  8,000  men  from  the  United  States. 
Their  ultimate  intention,  they  said,  was  to  proceed 
into  the  interior  of  Mexico.     A  rumor  that  an  attack 

'/rf.,  iL  17-18;  Ttx.  Aim,,  1860,  37;  Taylor's  account,  in  Baker's  Tex.,  92; 
ThraU,  216;  Swisher's  Am,  Sketch  Book,  vi.,  no.  v.  378.  Mrs  Holley,  pp. 
340-1,  fdlowed  by  Kennedy,  ii.  133,  sives  a  different  account  of  this  fignt, 
Mnfoamg  it  with  an  afihir  which  took  place  on  the  8th,  occasioned  by  the 
death  of  one  House,  who  broke  his  neck  by  a  fall  from  his  horse.  A  part^ 
went  oat  to  bring  in  the  body,  and  was  attacked  by  a  superior  body  of  5f  exi- 
<aa  ca\iilry,  which  was  driven  off  with  some  small  loss. 


180  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BfiJAR. 

was  being  planned  prevented  them,  however,  fix)m 
carrying  out  their  purpose. 

On  December  3d  three  Texans,  Holmes,  Smith, 
and  Maverick,  appeared  in  camp.     They  had  been 
detained  by  Cos  in  San  Antonio  as  suspected  persons 
lifter   the   affair   at   Gonzalez,    and   having   escaped, 
brought  encouraging  information  relative  to  the  gar- 
rison and  defences  of  the  town.     It  was  decided  to 
assault  it  just  before  daybreak  on  the  following  morn- 
ing.     All  was  now  bustle  and  preparation;  but  dur- 
ing the  night  one  of  the  scouts,  Arnold  by  name,  was 
missed,  and  it  was  supposed  that  he  had  gone  over  to 
the  enemy  and  informed  him  of  the  meditated  attack. 
After  a  serious  deliberation  in  Burleson's  headquar- 
ters he  countermanded  the  order  for  assault.     The 
volunteers  were  now  furious  and  insubordinate ;  many 
companies  refused  to  turn  out  at  the  morning  parade ; 
and  when  Burleson,  later  in  the  day,  issued  orders  to 
raise  the  siege,  it  was  feared  by  some  that  blood  would 
be  shed.     At  this  juncture  Arnold  returned,  and  bet- 
ter still,  a  deserter,  a  lieutenant  in  the  Mexican  army, 
arriving  in  camp,  stated  that  the  garrison  was  in  con- 
fusion, that  the  enemy  had.  no  knowledge  of  the  in- 
tended attack,  and  that  the  strength  of  the  place  wai> 
greatly  exaggerated.     Enthusiasm  was  again  aroused, 
and  Colonel  Milam,  who  after  the  capture  of  Groliad 
had  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  Texan  army,  enlisting 
in  the  ranks,  urged  Burleson  to  seize  the  opportunity 
and  storm  the  place.     Burleson  assented,  and  author- 
ized Milam  to  proceed  with  the  enterprise.     Stepping 
in  front  of  the  commander's  tent,  the  intrepid  old  sol- 
Jior,  waving  his  hat,  cried  out,  "Who  will  go  with  me 
into  San  Antonio  ?"^    A  ringing  shout  was  the  reply ; 
volunteers  for  the  assault  fell  promptly  into  Une,  and 
Milam  was  elected  their  leader  on  the  spot.     The  men 
were  ordered  to  rendezvous  that  night  soon  after  dark 
at  the  old  mill. 

"The  worda  as  reported  by  Foote,  iL  165,  were:  'Who  will  join  old  Ben 
M  iLun  in  storming  the  Alamo  ? '  According  to  Yoakum,  iL  25,  who  doubtless 
-iuoted  from  the  State  OazeUe,  1849,  Sept.  1,  8  16,  they  were:  'Who  will  go 
with  old  Ben  Milam  into  San  Antonio? 


THE  BATTLE-FIELD. 


181 


San  Antonio  de  B^Jax — called  indiscriminately  San 
Antonio  and  B^jar — ^is  situated  on  the  San  Ajitonio 
River,  the  San  Pedro  Creek  lying  on  its  southern 


Sas  Aktonio  asj>  Environs. 


A.  Old  MUl. 

B.  House  of  Veramendi. 

C.  House  of  Oarza. 

D.  Main  Square,  or  Plaxa  de  la  Constttaoioii. 

E.  Military  Plaasa. 

P.  Powder-house,  or  Garita. 


G.  Redoubt 

H.  Qulnta. 

L   Priest's  House. 

J.   House  of  Antonio  Navarro. 

K.  Zambrano  Row. 

Ih  Mexican  Redoubt 


side.  To  the  north-east,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river,  was  the  fortified  mission  of  the  Alamo.  The 
ground  is  generally  level  in  the  neighborhood,  some- 


im  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  B&TAIL 

what  more  undulating  on  the  west,  and  a  number  of 
imgating  ditches  afforded  some  defence  to  the  town, 
the  principal  buildings  of  which  were  of  thick  stone 
\\  alls,  and  strong.  The  town  proper  is  of  oblong  form, 
1  lut  on  its  eastern  side  it  extends  into  a  curious  bend 
II f  the  river.  It  contains  two  squares,  one  the  old 
military  plaza,  and  the  other  the  plaza  de  la  Constitu- 
<.ion,  laid  off  in  1731.  These  are  separated  by  the 
church  and  other  buildings.  On  the  north  side  of 
these  squares  runs  the  mam  street.  The  accompany- 
ing plan  will  enable  the  reader  to  understand  the  rela- 
tive positions  and  operations  of  the  combatants. 

At  the  appointed  time  and  place  300  volunteers 
appeared  with  two  field-pieces,  a  twelve-pounder  and 
a  six-pounder,  and  provided  with  crow-bars  to  break 
tlirough  the  walls  of  the  houses.  Burleson  retained  the 
1  emainder  of  the  forces  as  a  reserve,  a  portion  of  them 
under  Colonel  Neill  being  despatched  at  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning  across  the  river,  with  a  piece  of  artillerjs 
to  create  a  diversion  by  a  feigned  attack  on  the  Alamo. 
The  plan  of  operations  meantime  was  arranged  by  the 
storming  party.  Two  divisions  were  formed,  one  un- 
der Milam,  assisted  by  Colonel  Nidland  Franks  of  the 
artillery,  and  Major  Morris®  of  the  Grays,  Maverick, 
{ 'Ook,  and  Arnold  serving  as  guides.  The  second 
L'oramand  was  led  by  Colonel  Frank  W.  Johnson,  as- 
sisted by  colonels  James  Grant  and  William  J.  Aus- 
tin, and  Adjutant  Bristow.  Deaf  Smith  and  John 
W,  Smith  acted  as  guides. ^^ 

A  little  before  dawn,  on  the  morning  of  December 
:>th,  the  storming  columns  moved  rapidly  but  silently 
iV)rward,  Milam  directing  his  course  to  Ac^quia  street, 
and  Johnson  to  that  of  Soledad,  both  of  which  led 
/lirectly  to  the  main  plaza,  where,  at  the  entrance  of 

^  Morris  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  major  on  liis  arrival  on  the  field. 

**  The  Ist  division  consisted  of  portions  of  the  companies  of  captains  York, 
Fatton,  JAeweUyjif  Crane,  English,  and  Landram,  with  the  two  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery and  15  artillerymen.  The  2d  division  was  drawn  from  the  companies 
*i^  Cook,  Swisher,  Edwards,  Alley,  Duncan,  Peacock,  Breece,  and  Kacido 
A  enavides.  Johnson's  report,  in  Tex,  Aim.,  1861,  52, 


THE  MEXICANS  SUBPBJSED.  183 

these  streets  into  it,  breastworks  had  been  erected  and 
batteries  planted  As  they  advance,  Neill  is  heard 
battering  at  the  Alamo.  The  Mexicans  are  taken  by 
surprise,  and  without  trouble  Milam  gains  possession 
of  Grarza's  house,  and  Johnson  that  of  Veramendi, 
each  about  100  yards  from  the  square.  A  sentinel 
having  fired  his  piece,  the  alarm  is  given,  and  a  tre- 
mendous cannonade  opened.  But  the  assailants  are 
already  under  cover,  and  it  produces  no  efifect  more 
serious  than  preventing  a  communication  between  the 
two  divisions.  The  twelve-pounder  was,  however, 
dismounted,  and  the  smaller  piece  was  of  little  or  no 
service  for  want  of  a  cover.  But  when  the  light  came, 
the  rifle  did  its  usual  deadly  work,  and  during  the  day 
the  enemy's  guns  within  range  were  several  times 
abandoned.  On  this  day  the  Texans  had  one  killed, 
and  two  colonels,  one  first  lieutenant,  and  twelve 
privates  wounded. 

All  through  the  night  the  volunteers,  though  a 
ceaseless  fire  was  kept  up  against  them,  labored  at 
strengthening  their  position,  by  opening  trenches  to 
secure  a  safe  communication.  Nor  had  the  besieged 
been  idle.  At  dawn  the  assailants  discovered  that 
the  roofs  of  the  houses  in  their  front  were  occupied 
by  sharp-shooters,  who  during  the  day  kept  up  a 
brisk  fire  of  small-arms.  The  6th  passed,  however, 
with  few  casualties,  only  five  men  being  wounded, 
while  a  detachment  of  Captain  Crane's  company, 
under  Lieutenant  William  McDonald,  gallantly  took 
possession  of  a  house  in  front  and  to  the  right  of 
Gki-rza's  dwelling,  thus  extending  the  line  toward  the 
military  plaza. 

At  daylight  on  the  7th  the  Mexicans  opened  a 
brisk  fire  of  small-arms  from  a  trench  which  they  had 
made  during  the  night  on  the  east  side  of  the  river, 
and  a  heavy  cannonade  from  a  battery  planted  on  the 
cross-street  leading  to  the  Alamo.  But  these  new 
positions  were  of  no  avail ;  by  eleven  o'clock  the  fire 
from  them   was   silenced.     About   mid-day   anoth' 


184  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAR. 

building,  situated  directly  in  front  of  the  first  division, 
was  captured  by  the  Texans.  This  feat  was  accom- 
plished by  Henry  Cams,  of  York's  company,  who 
effected  an  entrance  with  a  crow-bar,  under  a  heavj- 
fire.  The  company  followed  and  held  the  position 
Keeping  well  under  cover,  the  casualties  of  the 
Texans  were  extremely  few;  but  this  day  was  marked 
by  the  fall  of  one  whose  memory  will  ever  be  grate- 
lully  cherished.  Milam,  while  crossing  from  his  own 
position  to  the  Veramendi  house,  was  struck  by  a 
rifle-ball  in  the  head  and  instantly  killed.  He  fell  in 
the  gateway  of  the  building,  and  was  buried  by  his 
comrades  in  arms  within  a  few  feet  of  the  spot.  His 
remains  were  subsequently  removed  to  the  protestant 
burial  ground  at  San  Antonio,  where  they  still  rest 
His  loss  was  deeply  deplored." 

On  the  death  of  Milam  a  meeting  of  the  officers 
was  held,  and  the  chief  command  conferred  upon 
Johnson.  At  ten  o'clock  that  night  captains  Llewel- 
lyn, English,  Crane,  and  Landram,  with  their  com- 
panies, gained  possession  of  the  house  of  Antonio 
Navarro,  situated  close  to  the  square.  Connected 
with  it  was  a  row  of  buildings  known  as  the  Zambrano 
Row.     The  Mexicans  endeavored  to  expel  the  volun- 

^^  Kennedy,  n.  149;  Thrall,  592.  Benjamin  R.  Milam  was  a  native  of  Ken- 
tni^ky,  bom  of  humble  parents,  and  ha'ving  little  education.  He  distinguished 
himsolf  in  the  war  between  the  U.  S.  and  England  in  1812-15,  and  afterward 
engaged  in  trading  with  the  Indians  at  the  head  waters  of  the  Texan  rivers. 
iMitor  he  joined  Mina  in  his  disastrous  expedition  in  aid  of  the  revolutionary 
eaiijM;  in  Mexico,  and  being  one  of  those  who  escaped  death,  rendered  valuable 
6Dr^'ic«s.  When  Iturbide  proclaimed  himself  emperor,  Milam  was  aniouf  the 
first  t^>  join  the  party  that  opposed  him.  For  tnis  he  was  cast  into  Dnson, 
wbcst^  he  languished  till  Iturbide 's  dethronement,  when  he  was  released. 
For  his  services  in  the  republican  cause  he  received  in  1828  a  grant  of  eleven 
st^UEiru  leagues  of  land  in  Texas.  It  seems,  however,  that  he  located  it  by 
TTii intake  in  Arkansas,  and  applied  to  the  government  of  the  state  of  Coahuila 
aiLiI  Ttixas  for  and  obtained  an  empresario  ^ant.  He  was  in  Monclova  at  the 
tim«  i>f  Viesca's  deposal,  and  his  capture  m  company  with  him  has  already 
l>ei.^ii  tiarrated  in  the  text.  Milam  escaped  from  his  prison  at  Monterey  by 
^^rmiiig  the  confidence  of  his  jailer;  and  being  supplied  with  a  fleet  horse  and 
a  Uttlo  foo<l  by  a  friend,  he  travelled  alone  600  mues,  joximeying  by  night  and 
and  concealing  himself  by  day,  till  he  reached  the  vicinity  of  Uoliad  almoBt 
uxhfkuejted.  After  the  capture  of  that  place  he  enlisted  in  the  ranks.  Milam 
wa«  ftlx)ut  45  years  of  age  when  he  fell.  ffolley*8Tex.,244-S;  Tex,  Aim,,  1861, 
&4^;  Thrall,  590-2;  Niks*  8.  Avu  db  Mez.,  283-4;  Cordovans  Teaa.,  144-5; 
Ward'a  Mez,,  L  556. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  TEXANS  185 

teers  from  Navarro's  house  by  firing  through  loop- 
holes made  in  the  roof,  but  they  were  soon  dislodged ; 
the  Texan  rifles  were  pointed  at  the  same  loop-holes 
by  quicker  hands  than  theirs,  and  with  more  certain 
aim. 

The  morning  of  the  8th  was  cold  and  wet,  and  op- 
erations on  both  sides  flagged ;  but  at  9  o'clock,  the 
partition  wall  being  pierced,  an  attack  was  made  on 
the  Zambrano  Row.  As  wall  after  wall  was  broken 
through,  the  Mexicans  were  successively  driven  out 
of  their  several  rooms,  till  the  Texans  held  possession 
of  the  entire  row.  That  evening  certain  information 
was  received  that  Ugartechea  during  the  attack  had 
succeeded  in  entering  the  town  with  a  strong  reen- 
forcement,^*  but  the  news  did  not  daunt  the  stormers. 
The  companies  of  Swisher,  Alley,  Edwards,  and  Dun- 
can were  sent  to  reenforce  the  holders  of  Zambrano 
Row,  and  shortly  after  ten  o'clock,  under  cover  of  the 
darkness,  Cook  and  Patton,  with  a  company  of  the 
Grays  and  one  of  the  Brazoria  comj)anies,  by  a  quick 
rush  made  their  way  up  to  the  priest's  house.  Break- 
ing through  the  surrounding  wall  of  the  yard,  they 
soon  dislodged  the  Mexicans,  gained  possession  of  the 
house,  and  barricaded  and  loop-holed  it,  ready  for 
rifle  practice  in  the  morning.  But  the  capture  of  this 
strong  building,  situated  on  the  north  side  of  the 
main  square,  and  commanding  every  part  of  it,  was 
the  crowning  work. 

For  some  hours  after,  on  every  house  held  by  the 
Texans  and  all  along  the  line  of  their  intrenchments, 
a  furious  cannonade  was  kept  up,  while  the  fire-flashes 
from  volley  after  volley  of  small-arms  illumined  the 
darkness  and  the  smoke.  But  this  display  of  gunnery 
was  only  a  rase.     Cos,  during  the  night,  retired  to 

i>Thu  force  consisted  of  500  conyicts,  euarded  by  100  regulars.  Yoakum, 
ii.  31.  Filisola,  ii.  199,  particnlarues  it  tinus:  47  Morelos  infantry,  14  artil- 
leiymen,  150  presidial  cavidry,  and  400  substitates,  that  is,  convicts.  He 
states  that  a  large  convoy  of  provisions  was  expected  with  these  troops,  and 
that  when  they  arrived  witiiont  any,  the  discontent  was  general.  They  had 
better  have  not  oome  at  all  than  by  their  arrival  hasten  the  consumption  of 
tiie  little  food  that  was  left. 


186  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  B&JAIL 

the  Alamo  with  the  intention  of  making  a  general 
assault  upon  Burleson's  camp,  and  the  garrison  and 
guns  were  gradually  withdrawn  from  the  plaza,  with 
the  exception  of  one  piece  and  a  company  of  the 
Morelos  battalion.  But  desertion  began  to  manifest 
itself/^  and  insubordination  was  abroad.  Cries  of 
**  Treachery  I  treachery  I "  were  raised,  the  impression 
being  that  the  deserters  had  gone  over  to  the  enemy. 
The  scene  of  confusion  at  the  Alamo,  whither  half- 
starved  women  and  children  had  flocked  by  hundreds, 
is  indescribable.  There  was  a  perfect  panic;  it  was 
believed  that  the  soldiers  withdrawn  from  San  An- 
tonio had  been  utterly  routed.  Soldiers  and  citizens 
hustled  each  other  in  one  common  crowd,  while  many 
of  the  former  were  seen  making  hurried  preparations 
for  a  speedy  flight.  Cos  in  vam  attempted  to  allay 
the  commotion ;  his  voice  was  unheard  in  the  din,  and 
his  person  maltreated  in  the  darkness.^*  Nothing 
was  left  for  him  to  do  but  surrender.  Accordingly, 
Adjutant-inspector  Jos6  Juan  Sanchez  was  sent  at 
dawn  with  a  flag  of  truce. 

During  the  period  of  the  attack  on  San  Antonio, 
Burleson  had  kept  vigilant  watch  over  the  operations, 
ready  to  aid  with  reenforcements,  or  frustrate  anj- 
strategical  movement  of  the  enemy.  On  the  8th, 
about  fifty  men  from  the  Alamo  attempted  to  create 
a  diversion  by  approaching  the  camp  and  opening  fire 
upon  it ;  but  a  six-pounder  being  brought  to  bear  upon 
them,  they  were  soon  made  to  retire.  The  same  day 
captains  Cheshire,  Lewes,  and  Sutherland,  with  their 
companies,  were  sent  as  reenforcements  to  the  assail- 
ants.    When  advice  was  received  from  Johnson  that 

^'  CaptaioB  Juan  Galan  and  Manuel  Barragan  marched  off  with  their  com- 
panies to  the  Rio  Grande,  taking  with  them  18  of  the  company  of  La  Bahia; 
and  Juan  Jos^  £lguezabal,  inspector  of  Coahuila,  left  with  23  soldiers  of  the 
Ist  company  of  Tamaulipas;  in  all  175  mounted  men,  six  being  officers.  Id., 
ii.  201;  Tex,  Aim.,  1860,  41. 

^^*Lo8  intem^estivoa  gritos  de  traicion. .  .no  solo  apagaran  la  voz  del 
afiijido  general,  sino  que  confundido  entre  la  multitud  por  &b  oscuridad  de  la 
noche. .  .fu^  atropellado  y  maltratado  de  una  manera  brutaL'  FilisolOf  it  203. 


SUSBENDER.  187 

a  flag  of  truce  had  been  sent  in,  Burleson  proceeded 
to  the  town. 

After  a  long  discussion  regarding  the  terms  of  sur- 
render, the  commissioners  that  had  been  appointed  ^'' 
on  each  side  agreed  upon  a  treaty,  which  was  signed 
on  the  1 1th.  The  conditions  were  as  favorable  as  Cos 
could  possibly  have  expected.  He  and  his  officers 
were  allowed  to  retire  with  their  arms  and  personal 
effects,  under  parole  of  honor  not  to  oppose  the  rees- 
tablishment  of  the  constitution  of  1824;  the  convict 
soldiers  were  to  be  conveyed  by  General  Cos  with  100 
regular  infantry,  and  the  cavalry  beyond  the  Rio 
Grande ;  the  troops  might  follow  their  general,  remain 
in  Texas,  or  go  elsewhere  as  they  might  deem  proper, 
in  any  case,  however,  retaining  their  arms  and  effects ; 
public  property  and  war  material  were  to  be  delivered 
to  Greneral  Burleson;  General  Cos  was  to  depart 
within  six  days  after  the  signing  of  the  capitulation, 
and  was  to  be  provided  with  provisions  sufficient  for 
his  journey  as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande,  at  the  ordinary' 
price.  The  sick  and  wounded  were  permitted  to  re- 
main." 

On  December  14th  Cos,  with  1,105  men  and  a  four- 
pounder,  according  to  stipulation,  moved  from  the 
Alamo  to  the  mission  of  San  Josd,  and  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  continued  his  march  to  the  Rio  Grande. 
What  his  losses  were  has  never  been  ascertained;^' 
those  of  the  Texans,  according  to  Johnson's  report, 

^^  Those  appointed  by  Gen.  Cos  were  Jo84  Juan  Sanchez,  Ramon  MiiBquiz, 
and  Lieut  Francisco  Rada.  €ren.  Burleson  nominated  Col  Johnson,  Major 
Morns,  and  Capt.  Swisher.   Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  54-5. 

^Copy  of  capitulation  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  54r-5. 

*^  Thompson,  ii.  151,  considers  the  estimate  200  killed  and  390  wounded 
as  an  ezasgeration.  Yoakum,  ii.  31,  thinks  that  the  number  of  killed  did 
not  exceeal50.  Filisola  states  that  he  does  not  know  the  number,  but  gives 
that  of  the  men  who  left  with  Cos  as  more  than  800,  including  the  convictH. 
il  206.  Burleson  estimated  the  number  of  effective  men  at  the  time  of  the 
surrender  at  not  less  than  1,300,  1,105  of  whom  left  with  Cos.  If  these  nuiii- 
bera  are  correct,  it  would  only  leave  100  as  the  total  of  killed  and  wounded, 
for  Cos  had  only  about  800  men  before  the  arrival  of  Ugartechea  with  600  from 
laredo.  If  Filisola's  figures  are  correct,  and  Cos  left  with  no  more  than  be- 
tween 800  and  900  men,  the  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  would  be  between  300 
and  400. 


188  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  B&TAIL 

were  two  killed  and  twenty-six  wounded,  one  half  of 
them  severely.  Twenty-one  pieces  of  artillery,  500 
muskets,  with  ammunition  and  other  appurtenances, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors."  On  the  15th  Bur- 
leson returned  to  his  home,  leaving  Johnson  with  a 
sufficient  force  stationed  at  the  Alamo,  destined  ere- 
long to  become  the  scene  of  tragical  events.  The 
citizen  volunteers  of  the  army  dispersed 

With  the  departure  of  Cos  no  Mexican  soldier 
remained  in  Texas.  What  troops  were  stationed 
elsewhere  had  been  compelled  to  retire  during  the 
siege.  After  the  capture  of  Groliad,  Captain  !rhilip 
Dirait  was  placed  in  command  there,  and  reenforce- 
ments  having  been  sent  from  Bay  Prairie  and  the 
Nueces,  his  force  was  presently  raised  to  nearly  100 
men.  Dimit  thereupon  detailed,  November  4th  or 
5th,  about  forty  of  them,  under  Captain  Westover,  on 
an  expedition  against  the  town  of  Lipantitlan  on  the 
Nueces  River.  ^^  Lieutenant  Nicolas  Rodriguez  was 
in  command  of  the  place,  and  was  causing  much  an- 
noyance by  detaining  traders  and  travellers  on  their 
way  eastward.  While  Westover's  force  was  on  the 
march,  Rodriguez,  leaving  a  few  soldiers  at  Lipanti- 
tlan, proceeded,  according  to  orders  from  Cos,  against 
Goliad.  The  Texans,  avoiding  him,  crossed  the  river 
a  few  miles  below  San  Patricio,  and  advanced  to 
Lipantitlan,  which  surrendered  at  the  first  sum- 
mons.^    Rodriguez,  meantime,  aware  of  the   situa- 

^  The  above  account  of  the  capture  of  San  Antonio  ia  mainly  derived  from 
the  rej)ort8  of  Gen.  Burleson  and  Col  Johnson,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  50-1,  and 
Foote,  ii.  165-73,  and  the  authors  quoted.  CHher  authorities  that  have  been 
consulted  are:  NewelVs  Rev.  in  Tex.,  67-71;  Thompson's  Mex.,  176-7;  Dome- 
neck's  Miss.  Advent.,  21;  MaUlard's  Hist.  Tex.,  9^-5;  Young's  HisL  Mex., 
230;  Gregory's  HUt.  if«B.,  63-4;  Hoiley's  Tex.,  331^14;  Dewees' Letters,  157 S; 
CroekeU,  Life,  369^70;  NUes'  Reg.,  xlix.  313,  365,  396;  Id.,  8.  Am.  <fc  JTca;.,  L 
287-96;  Tex,  Aim.,  1860,  38-41;  Swisher,  Am.  Sketch  Book,  vi.,  no.  v.,  379-83; 
Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Pat.,  MS.,  x.  136  et  seq.;  Tomel,  TeJ.  y  Eatad.  dnid,^ 
63. 

^  Linn  was  one  of  the  party,  and  due  weight  has  been  given  to  his  aooount 
cm  pp.  119-23  of  his  Reminiscences,  as  also  to  those  ot  FiHaola,  ii  1S7-8; 
Yoa&Mi,  ii  19-20;  Kennedy,  ii.  132-3,  and  other  authorities. 

**  Two  foor-pounder  cannon,  eight  old  Spanish  muskets,  and  a  few  poands 


THE  TAMHOO  TRAOEDY.  189 

tion  of  affairs,  retraced  his  steps  and  took  up  a  posi- 
tion a  few  miles  to  the  north  of  the  Texans,  who 
having  remained  a  day  at  Lipantitlan  were  on  their 
return  to  Goliad.  Wliile  Westover  was  crossing  the 
Nueces  in  the  afternoon,  Rodriguez  advanced  against 
him.  Throwing  the  captured  cannon  into  the  river, 
the  Texans  prepared  for  action,  and  a  sharp  engage- 
ment of  half  an  hour  ensued,  from  which  the  Mexi- 
cans retired  with  a  loss  of  about  twenty  men  in  killed 
and  woimded.  The  Texans  had  only  one  man 
wounded.  The  captives  taken  at  Lipantitlan  had 
been  released  under  the  condition  that  they  would 
not  bear  arms  against  Texas.  Rodriguez  retired  to 
Matamoros. 

On  the  day  that  Cos  moved  his  troops  from  the 
Alamo,  a  terrible  tragedy  was  being  enacted  at  Tam- 
pico.  On  November  6th  a  schooner  named  the  Mary 
Jme  cleared  the  custom-house  at  New  Orleans  for 
Matagorda.  There  were  about  130  emigrants  on 
board,  most  of  whom,  confidently  believing  in  the  as- 
surances that  had  been  made  them,  expected  that  they 
were  bound  for  Texas.  They  were  deceived,  however, 
and  entrapped.  A  vile  scheme  had  been  got  up  by 
General  Mejia  to  make  a  descent  upon  Tanipico,  and 
induce  the  passengers,  inveigled  on  board  by  fair 
promises,  either  by  persuasion  or  compulsion  to  take 
part  in  the  enterprise.  He  sailed  in  the  same  vessel 
with  them,  but  it  was  not  until  the  sixth  day  out  that 
the  majority  of  them  was  aware  that  a  Mexican  gen- 
eral was  on  board,  and  that  Tampico  was  their  desti- 
nation. When  the  Mary  Jane  arrived  off  the  bar  of 
that  port,  the  whole  matter  was  explained,  and  about 
fifty  of  the  emigrants,  supposed  to  have  had  a  previous 
understanding  about  the  expedition,  joined  Mejla'.s 
standard.  The  rest  were  driven  below,  and  the  ves 
sel  presently  struck  on  the  bar  and  was  wrecked.     A 

of  ffnnpowder  ocmipofled  the  spofl.    The  fort  wae  a  simple  embankment  mis- 
enbly  oonfltractecL 


190  SIEQE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  B^JAR. 

landing  having  been  effected  at  great  risk,  the  fort  at 
the  north  of  the  harbor  surrendered  through  the 
treachery  of  the  officer  in  command.  On  Sunday 
the  15th  arms  were  put  in  the  hands  of  those  who  had 
previously  refused  to  serve,  and  an  attack  directed 
against  the  town.  Mejla  had  expected  that  the  Mex- 
icans would  rally  to  his  standard;  but  he  was  soon 
undeceived  by  the  unanimous  cries  of  "Viva  Santa 
Aima !  Death  to  foreigners ! "  which  greeted  him  in 
the  streets.  The  attack  on  the  plaza  was  a  wretched 
failure ;  but  Mejla  and  most  of  his  force  escaped  in 
a  small  merchant  vessel  to  the  Brazos.  Thirty-one 
unfortunate  victims,  however,  were  captured,  of  whom 
three  died  of  their  wounds  in  the  hospital;  the  re- 
maining twenty-eight  were  shot  December  14th.*^ 

While  the  events  above  narrated  were  taking  place, 
the  provisional  government  was  far  from  adequately 
active.  The  position  was  a  difficult  one,  but  alas! 
dissension  between  the  governor  and  the  council  pro- 
duced embarrassments  which  imperilled  the  probabili- 
ties of  success  for  the  Texan  cause.  Money  was  badly 
wanted.  Little  coin  had  the  colonists  at  this  period ; 
their  wealth  consisted  in  their  lands,  their  cattle,  and 
the  produce  of  their  toil — property  not  readily  convert- 
ible into  specie,  and  in  most  instances  only  sufficient 
to  supply  their  wants.  The  richer  settlers,  it  is  true, 
contributed  freely,  but  they  were  few  in  comparison 

*^ Fisher's  Memorials,  ]^emm,  Edtoards*  Hist,  Tex.,  260-9.  Among  the 
(locumenta  supplied  b*'  the  writer  is  the  last  petition  of  the  victims,  with 
a  list  of  their  names.  «jarge  sums  of  money  were  offered  for  the  liyes  of  the 
sufferers  by  sympathizers;  even  $5,000  for  any  individual,  and  $100,000  as  a 
ransom  for  all.  These  offers  were  sternly  refused.  Consult  FiUsoUi,  iL  1S8- 
92.  Mejfa  on  his  return  to  Texas  endeavored  to  interest  the  provisional  ^v- 
ernment  in  an  expedition  which  he  meditated  into  the  interior  of  Mexico. 
The  council,  contrary  to  Grov.  Smith's  advice,  were  disposed  to  help  him,  bat 
requested  lum  to  operate  with  the  forces  besieging  ^jar.  Mejfa  declined 
and  the  council  withdrew  its  aid,  whereupon  he  took  his  departure.  Mejia's 
account  of  the  expedition  against  Tampico  will  be  found  in  Fisher's  Memorials, 
praying  the  Texan  congress  for  relief  in  favor  of  those  who  took  part  in  the 
expiedition.  These  memorials,  which  furnish  a  large  number  of  documents  on 
the  subject,  were  printed  in  pamphlet  form  at  Houston  in  1840.  Fisher  was 
secretary  to  the  expedition. 


POLITICAL  AFFAIKS.  191 

witli  those  who  had  nothing  to  oflTer  but  their  services 
in  the  field.  These  latter  enthusiastically  responded 
to  the  call  for  volunteers,  but  a  long  campaign  would 
necessarily  disperse  them.  During  their  absence  their 
fields  and  workshops  were  abandoned,  and  their  fami- 
lies in  many  cases  reduced  to  distress.  Such  troops, 
however  brave  and  patriotic  they  might  be,  could  not 
be  depended  on  as  a  standing  army  in  a  protracted 
war.  Moreover,  they  had  to  be  provided  with  food 
and  clothing,  arms  and  munitions  of  war.  The  first 
necessity,  therefore,  was  money,  and  only  in  the 
United  States  could  the  government  hope  to  raise 
funds. 

Immediately  after  its  inauguration  the  council" 
proceeded  to  appoint  special  committees  to  attend  to 
the  immediate  work  required  to  be  done  in  connection 
with  the  diflerent  branches  of  government.  Accord- 
ingly, the  army  and  navy,  financial,  Indian,  and  state 
affairs,  were  assigned  to  respective  committees  for 
their  reports  thereon.®  The  first  symptoms  of  dis- 
agreement between  Grovernor  Smith  and  the  council 
occurred  November  24th,  occasioned  by  the  latter  hav- 
ing appointed  Thomas  F.  McKinney  special  agent  to 
negotiate  a  loan  of  $100,000.  The  governor  con- 
sidered that  this  appointment  was  an  interference 
Avith  the  duties  assigned  to  the  commissioners  already 
appointed,  and  who  were  about  to  proceed  to  the 
United  States.  He  therefore  vetoed  the  bill;  but 
it  was  passed  nevertheless  by  a  constitutional  majority 
in  the  coimcil. 

On  November  27th  the  financial  committee  pre- 
sented its  report.  The  domains  of  Texas  were  esti- 
mated at  250,000  square  miles,  10,000,000  acres  only 
of  which,  or  15,625  square  miles,  were  considered  as 
appropriated,  and  on  these  it  was  suggested  that  a 
tax  of  one  cent  per  acre  be  levied.     The  population 

.^The  members  of  the  coimcil  were  being  continually  changed,  and  some 
men  of  doubtful  capacity  and  integrity  were  installed  during  wese  changes. 
Ttx.  Aim,,  1860,  43. 

'^  Journal  qfOtn,  Caunal,  17-18. 


102  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BIJAR. 

was  calculated  at  50,000.  A  tax  of  one  dollar  per 
caput  on  slaves  was  also  recommended,  as  well  a^s  a 
duty  on  foreign  tonnage,  one  of  one  quarter  of  a  cent 
per  pound  on  the  exportation  of  cotton,  and  another 
of  from  15  to  30  per  centum  on  imports.*^  But  re- 
ceipts derived  from  such  sources  would  be  slow  in 
coming  in,  and  the  negotiation  of  a  loan  was  evidently 
the  only  means  of  speedy  relief  from  the  pressing 
wants  of  the  government. 

When  Austin  arrived  at  San  Felipe,  November 
29th,  he  found  that  his  instructions  had  not  even  yet 
been  prepared  by  the  council,  and  it  was  not  until 
December  6th  that  Governor  Smith  was  authorized 
to  give  them.  Shortly  after  that  date,  the  commis- 
sioners, Austin,  Wharton,  and  Archer,  left  for  the 
United  States,  accompanied  by  A.  Huston  and  John 
A.  Wharton,  appointed  by  General  Houston,  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  commissioners,  as  agents  to  procure 
arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions  at  New  Orleans. 

General  Houston,  as  commander-in-chief,  had  re- 
mained at  San  Felipe  to  aid  in  the  organization  of  the 
army.  Under  his  guidance  a  number  of  measures 
were  framed  and  passed  providing  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  regular  army  of  1,120  men,  of  local  militia 
companies,  and  a  corps  of  rangers.  On  December 
12th  he  issued  a  proclamation,^  appealing  to  the 
patriotism  of  the  people,  and  setting  oefore  them  the 
condition  of  affairs.  Santa  Annans  letters  had  been 
intercepted,  he  said,  and  his  plans  for  their  destruction 
were  known.  An  invading  army  of  10,000  men  hatl 
been  already  ordered  to  Texas  to  exterminate  the 
Anglo-Americans,  or  drive  them  from  the  land.  A 
force  of  5,000  volunteers  was  wanted  to  oppose  the 
invasion.  To  all  who  would  enlist  in  the  regular  army 
a  bounty  of  $24  and  800  acres  of  land  would  be  given ; 


^  Ghnge's  Ftac.  Hist.  Tex.,  32-3;  Journal  of  Hie  dmnaU  63  et  seq. 
>*Cc        -      -       

ii.  460-1 


"^Copy  of  which  will  be  found  in  Jliorp}u8,  Hust.  Tex.,  126-31,  ana  Yoakum^ 


GOVERNOR  AXD  COUKCIL.  198 

and  to  those  who  tendered  their  services  for  a  term 
of  two  years,  or  for  the  war,  as  soldiers  in  the  auxiliary 
volunteer  corps  which  it  was  the  design  of  the  govern- 
ment to  raise,  640  acres  would  be  given.  But  Hous- 
ton's eflforts  were  fettered  by  the  rupture  between  the 
governor  and  the  council,  and  the  unfriendly  spirit 
shown  by  the  latter  and  their  supporters  toward  him- 
self. He  bitterly  complained  I)ecember  17th  that 
more  than  a  month  had  elapsed  since  the  adjournment 
of  the  consultation,  and  yet  the  army  was  not  organ- 
ized. He  even  expressed  his  belief  that  the  chairman 
of  the  corresponding  committee  was  interposing  every 
obstacle  in  his  way.  Nor  did  the  evil  rest  here ;  its 
baneful  influence  aflfected  the  foreign  volunteers. 
Houston,  by  order  of  the  governor,  removed  his  head- 
quarters, December  25th,  to  Washington,  on  the 
Brazos ;  and  on  reporting  his  arrival,  mentions  that  he 
found  there  two  companies,  lately  from  Alabama  and 
Kentucky,  who  did  not  conceal  their  mortification  at 
the  dubious  position  in  which  they  found  themselves, 
and  showed  a  disposition  to  abandon  the  cause.* 

The  breach  between  the  governor  and  council  wid- 
ened daily.  Incessant  changes  in  the  latter  caused 
its  members  to  be  carelessly  indiflTerent  as  to  their 
duties  and  responsibilities,  and  their  action  was  guided 
more  by  the  spirit  of  opposition  than  by  that  of  pa- 
triotism. The  proceedings  of  this  provisional  govern- 
ment present  a  page  in  the  history  of  Texas  painful 
to  read.  At  a  time  when  her  vitality  depended  upon 
the  harmonious  working  of  all  her  members,  they  were 
at  variance.  Kecriminations,  ribald  abuse,  and  mutual 
reproaches  were  bandied  between  the  opponents,  and 
as  each  side  had  its  supporters,  two  strong  factions 
were  developed.  Grovemor  Smith  on  divers  occasions 
considered  it  necessary  to  exercise  the  veto;  but  it 
mattered  not,  his  vetoes  were  always  overruled. 
The  office  of  judge-advocate-general  was  created  by 
the   council,  and  D.   C.   Barret,  a  member  of  that 

^Honston  to  Got.  Smith,  in  Id,,  ii.  448-W,  i63>6. 
Hist.  K.  Mxx.  Statkb,  Vol.  XL    18 


394  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  B^AR. 

body,  was  elected  to  fill  the  position.  Edward  Grit- 
ton  was  at  the  same  time  appointed  collector  of  rev- 
enue at  the  port  of  C6pano.  Smith  refused  to  ratify 
the  appointments,  and  in  his  message  of  December 
17th,  gave  his  reasons.  Gritton's  past  record,  he  said, 
was  not  satisfactory;  he  had  been  the  secretary  of 
Almonte,  who  had  been  sent  by  Santa  Anna  to  report 
on  the  condition  of  Texas,  and  the  governor  regarded 
Gritton  as  a  spy.  Barret,  he  asserted,  had  forged 
an  attorney's  license  in  North  Carohna,  and  he  de- 
nounced him  as  a  passer  of  counterfeit  money,  and  for 
having  embezzled  funds  that  had  been  furnished  to 
him  and  Gritton  when  sent  a  few  months  before  on 
an  embassy  to  General  Cos.  The  council  neverthe- 
less sustained  their  member.^ 

A  plan  for  the  capture  of  Matamoros  brought  mat- 
ters to  a  climax.  The  scheme  originated  with  a  cer- 
tain Doctor  Grant,  a  man  of  wealth,  and  possessing 
large  estates  at  Parras  in  Coahuila.  Grant  had 
assisted  at  the  capture  of  San  Antonio,  had  fought 
bravely  there,  and  was  severely  wounded.  But  his  gal- 
lantry was  displayed  for  the  promotion  of  his  personal 
interests,  and  not  in  support  of  the  Texan  cause.  He 
was  an  active  federalist,  and  having  been  a  member  of 
the  dispersed  legislature  at  Monclova,  had  taken  refuse 
in  Texas.  His  object  now  was  to  restore  the  old 
order  of  things,  and  regain  possession  of  his  estates. 
It  was  he  who,  by  his  highly  colored  descriptions  of 
the  interior  of  Mexico,  had  excited  among  the  foreign 
volunteers  before  San  Antonio  a  desire  to  march 
against  Matamoros ;  and  after  the  fall  of  the  former 
place  the  ardent  victors,  elated  at  their  triumph, 
listened  still  more  eagerly  to  his  representations,  and 
were  ready  to  engage  in  any  adventurous  undertaking. 
Besides,  he  assured  them  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Matamoros  and  the  interior  were  opposed  to  Santa 

^  Yoaknm  in  narrating  this  quarrel  had  before  him  the  original  message, 
which  was  read  in  secret  session,  and  ordered  to  be  placed  on  file,  and  not 
entered  on  the  journals  of  the  house,  ii.  44-5. 


RESTLESSNESS  OF  THE  VOLUNTEEBa.  195 

Anna  and  the  central  system,  and  would  rally  round 
their  standard  on  their  approach.  Application  was, 
therefore,  made  to  the  government  for  its  approval  of 
the  scheme.  The  council  readily  granted  it ;  but  the 
governor  and  Houston  were  already  proceeding  in  the 
same  direction,  and  making  preparations  for  the  com- 
ing campaign. 

After  the  fall  of  San  Antonio,  the  foreign  volunteers 
there,  in  number  over  400,  showed  a  restlessness  at 
the  inaction  which  followed,  while  at  the  same  time 
others  kept  arriving  from  the  United  States;**  in 
order  to  retain  them,  it  was  necessary  to  engage  in 
some  enterprise.  Early  in  December  Captain  Dimit, 
in  command  at  Goliad,  had  warmly  urged  the  govern- 
ment to  make  a  descent  on  Matomoros,  and  it  was 
doubtless  in  consequence  of  his  representations  that 
Houston,  in  obedience  to  instructions  from  Governor 
Smith,  on  December  17th,  directed  James  Bowie,  then 
at  Goliad,  to  organize  an  expedition  against  that  place. 
If  the  reduction  of  Matamoros  was  not  practicable,  he 
was  to  secure  the  most  eligible  point  on  the  frontier 
and  hold  it.  Under  any  circumstances,  tlie  port  of 
C6pano  was  to  be  secured. **  At  the  same  time  Hous- 
ton issued  orders  that  volunteers  who  should  arrive 
at  the  Brazos  should  proceed  to  C6pano,  and  ordered 
several  detachments  to  repair  to  Goliad  and  Refugio, 
which  he  designated  as  places  of  rendezvous.  In- 
structions were  sent  to  the  agents  at  New  Orleans 
regarding  the  shipment  of  provisions  and  munitions  of 
war,  with  directions  to  store  them  at  Matagorda  and 
C6pano,  and  colonels  William  B.  Travis  and  J.  W. 
Fannin  were  stationed  at  San  Felipe  and  Velasco, 
respectively,  on  recruiting  service.  Thus  Governor 
Smith  and  the  commander-in-chief  had  already  formed 
their  plan  and  discountenanced  any  other. 

*0n  Dec  20th  there  were  about  400  men  at  B^jar,  70  at  Washington,  80 
at  Goliad,  and  200  at  Velasco,  750  in  all,  besides  several  companies  on  the 
march  to  different  places  of  rendesvoos.  Id.^  ii.  46.  These  numoers  doubtless 
include  the  few  citizen  volunteers  who  still  remained  in  service.  Consult 
R.  R.  Brown's  aoconnt»  in  Tex.  Ahn.,  1869,  134.  He  estimates  the  number  of 
U.  S.  volunteers  at  San  Antonio  at  about  460  men. 

^Houston  to  Bowie,  in  Id.,  454;  Morphis,  Hist.  Tex.,  133. 


19(1  SIEQE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  B&TAIL 

Colonel  Johnson  was  in  favor  of  the  plan  proposed 
by  Grant,  and  repaired  to  San  Felipe,  where  he 
readily  obtained  the  approval  of  the  government 
and  the  necessary  order  for  the  expedition.  Grant 
left  San  Antonio  de  B^jar  soon  after,  in  the  latter 
part  of  December,  with  about  400  volunteers,  leaving 
Colonel  James  C.  Neill  in  command  of  the  Alamo 
with  a  force  of  little  over  sixty  men.*^  Grant  appro- 
priated the  clothing,  ammunition,  and  provisions  in- 
tended for  the  garrison  as  its  winter  supplies. 

Colonel  Neill  at  once  informed  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  destitute  and  defenceless  condition  in 
which  San  Antonio  had  been  left.  Houston,  by 
despatch  of  January  6th,'^  transmitted  the  report  to 
the  governor,  who  on  the  perusal  of  it  lost  all  control 
of  his  temper.  On  January  9th  he  sent  in  to  the 
council  a  message  couched  in  most  intemperate  lan- 
guage. He  stigmatized  Grant's  expedition  as  preda- 
tory and  piratical,  and  charged  the  council  with 
conniving  at  it.  "  Instead  of  acting,"  he  said,  "  as 
becomes  the  counsellors  and  guardians  of  a  free  peo- 
ple, you  resolve  yourselves  into  low,  intriguing,  cau- 
cusing parties."  He  applied  the  terms  **  Judas," 
"scoundrels,"  "parricides,"  and  "wolves"  to  a  por- 
tion of  the  members;®^  and  having  heaped  all  the 
abuse  upon  them  that  his  power  of  language  was  capa- 
ble of,  he  declared  the  council  adjourned  till  March  1st, 

**B.  R.  Brown's  account  in  Tez.  Aim,,  1859,  134;  F.  W.  Johnsoii,  in 
Baker's  Tex.,  80-1. 

»» Copy  in  Yoakum,  ii.  457-8. 

''  Full  text  of  this  extraordinary  document  will  be  found  in  Journal  q/*  ike 
Oen.  Council f  290-3.  I  quote  the  following  extracts:  '  I  know  you  have  hon- 
est men  there,  and  of  sterling  worth  and  integrity;  but  you  have  Judas  in  the 
camp--corruption,  base  corrupttion,  has  crept  into  your  councils — men  who, 
if  possible,  would  deceive  their  God.*    'I  am  now  tired  of  watching  sconn- 

"cMsk; 


(Irels  abroad  and  scoundrels  at  home. '  *  Look  around  upon  your  flock;  your 
discernment  will  easily  detect  the  scoundrels.  The  complaint:  contractioii 
of  the  eyes;  the  gape  of  the  mouth;  the  vacant  stare;  tne  hung  head;  the 
resUess,  fidgety  £sposition;  the  sneaking,  sycophantic  look;  a  natural  mean- 
ness of  countenance;  an  unffuarded  shrug  of  the  shoulders;  a  sympathetic 


restless  uneasiness  to  adjourn,  dreading  to  face  the  storm  themselves  nave 
raised.'     *  Let  the  honest  and  ii 
out  of  the  fold.*     'They  are  p 
ready  bleeding  at  every  pore.  * 


raised.  *     *  Let  the  honest  and  indicant  part  of  your  council  drive  the  w^ol ves 
out  of  the  fold.*     'They  are  parricides,  piercing  their  devoted  country,  al> 


GOVERNOR  SBOTH  DENOUKCED.  197 

unless  it  immediately  "  made  the  necessary  acknowl- 
edgments to  the  world  of  its  error,  furnishing  ex- 
presses to  give  circulation  and  publicity  in  a  manner 
calculated  to  counteract  its  baleful  effects." 

The  council  considered  itself  grossly  insulted,  and 
was  proportionately  exasperated.  The  message  was 
referred  to  a  committee,  which  reported  on  it  January 
1 1th.  Smith  was  denounced  as  a  man  whose  language 
and  conduct  proved  *'his  early  habits  of  association  to 
have  been  vulgar  and  depraved."  His  charges  against 
the  council  were  indignantly  repelled,  ana  his  style 
and  language  condenmed  as  ''  low,  blackguardly,  and 
vindictive."  The  committee,  therefore,  advised  the 
return  of  the  paper,  and  that  resolutions  be  passed 
declaring  that  the  council  was  the  representative  of 
the  people ;  that  it  would  sustain  the  dignity  of  the 
government;  and  that  Governor  Henry  Smith  be 
suspended  from  the  exercise  of  his  functions.  The 
report,  having  been  read,  was  unanimously  adopted.** 
Lieutenant-governor  Robinson  was  called  to  fill  the 
office  of  acting  governor,  and  the  secretary  of  the 
executive  was  notified  that  he  would  be  held  responsi- 
ble for  all  records,  documents,  and  archives  of  his 
office.  A  proclamation  explaining  their  action  to  the 
people  of  Texas  was  also  issued. 

This  resolute  attitude  astonished  Smith,  and  he  made 
a  half-apologetic  attempt  at  reconciliation.  While 
still  requiring  the  council  to  acknowledge  its  error,  he 
says :  "  Believing  the  rules  of  christian  charity  require 
us  to  bear  and  forbear,  and  as  far  as  possible  to  over- 
look the  errors  and  foibles  of  each  other,  in  this  case  I 
may  not  have  exercised  towards  your  body  that  de- 
gree of  forbearance  which  was  probably  your  due ; " 
and  he  expresses  the  hope  that  the  "  two  branches  of 
government  would  again  harmonize,  to  the  promotion 

"/rf.,  294-6.  Copy  of  it  will  be  found  in  Deweea'  LeUera,  161-3.  The 
committee  was  oompoted  of  R.  R.  Royall,  chairman,  Alexander  Thomson, 
Clubome  West,  J.  D.  Clements,  and  John  McMullin.  One  of  the  charges  of 
Saiith  against  the  council  was  that  it  passed  '  resolutions  without  a  quorum, 
predicated  on  false  premises.  * 


198  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  D£  B&TAR. 

of  the  true  interests  of  the  country."  "  But  the  coun- 
cil wa£  not  in  a  mood  to  practise  christian  forbearance : 
it  refused  to  revoke  its  resolutions;  Robinson  became 
acting  governor;  while  Smith  resisted  all  efforts  to 
obtain  from  him  the  executive  records.  He  retained 
his  seal  of  oflSce  and  the  archives,  threatening,  when 
they  were  demanded  of  him,  to  defend  them  by  force, 
and  in  retaliation  called  for  certain  papers,  with  the 
menace  that  unless  his  demand  was  promptly  complied 
with,  he  would  order  the  arrest  of  the  members  of  the 
council  and  send  them  to  Bdjar  for  trial  by  court- 
martial.^  And  thus  this  miserable  contention  went 
on,  at  a  time  when  Santa  Anna  was  making  prepara- 
tions to  invade  Texas  with  an  overwhelming  force. 
The  two  parties  surfeited  the  public  with  explanations 
of  their  conduct,  and  caused  no  small  disgust  and 
lukewarmness.  One  conclusion  only  was  arrived  at, 
namely,  that  the  council  and  executive  having  been 
created  by  the  consultation,  neither  had  the  power  to 
suspend  the  functions  of  the  other.  From  January 
18th  the  council  never  had  a  quorum,  and  the  shadow 
of  its  existence  disappeared  shortly  after  the  meeting 
of  the  convention  on  March  1,  ISSG.** 

But  this  lamentable  discord  was  productive  of  con- 
fusion and  its  subsequent  evils.  A  lethargy  seemed 
to  settle  upon  the  Texans.  At  the  time  when  they 
ought  to  have  been  in  the  field  by  thousands,  citizen 
volunteers  were  wanting,  and  the  brunt  of  the  first 
onsets  was  borne  by  hundreds  of  brave  men  who  had 
left  their  homes  in  the  United  States  to  fight  for 
Texas,  and  whose  blood  was  poured  upon  her  soil.*' 
The  efforts  of  the  commander-in-chief  were  paralyzed. 
At    a   most   momentous   crisis   he   found    that    the 

^Journal,  tU  sup.,  308. 

>^A  full  account  of  these  quarrels  will  be  found  in  Id.,  296-309,  312-13» 
319-28,  338-9,  351-2. 

"•See  the  entries  in  the  Journal,  347-63. 

*^  *  Los  soldados  de  Travis  en  el  Alamo,  los  de  Fannin  en  el  Perdido,  lew 
riflerofl  del  Dr  Grant  y  el  mis  mo  Houston  y  sus  tropas  de  San  Jacinto  cx>ii 
pooas  es  cepciones  es  notorio  que  vinicro  de  Nueva  Orleans,  y  otroe  puntos  de 
la  republica  vecino.'  Santa  Anna  M(m\f.,  in  Pap,  Var,,  149,  no.  15,  p.  12. 


CIVIL  AND  MILITARY  OFFICERS.  199 

couDcil  had  appointed,  on  January  7th,  J.  W.  Fannin 
military  agent  to  raise  and  concentrate  all  volunteers 
who  were  willing  to  take  part  in  an  expedition  against 
Matanoioros,  empowering  him  at  the  same  time  to  call 
upon  all  public  agents  for  provisions  and  supplies  of 
all  kinds.  This  was  clearly  an  encroachment  upon 
the  commander-in-chiefs  prerogatives;  the  organic 
law  of  November  13th  declared  that  the  major-general 
should  be  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  called 
into  public  service  during  the  war."  Houston  had 
left  Washington  on  the  8th,  arrived  at  Groliad  on  the 
14th,  and  thence  proceeded  to  Refugio,  where  he  had 
an  interview,  on  the  21st,  with  Colonel  Johnson,  who 
had  just  arrived  from  San  Felipe,  empowered  by  the 
council  to  undertake  the  expedition  against  Mata- 
rnoros.  Johnson  informed  Houston  of  the  authority 
granted  him;  and  showed  him  the  resolutions  of  the 
council  suspending  Grovemor  Smith.  When  the  com- 
mander-in-chief became  aware  of  the  action  taken  by 
the  council,  he  recognized  its  intention  to  supersede 
him.  He  immediately  denounced  the  proposed  ex- 
pedition as  unwise  and  unauthorized,  in  a  speech 
addressed  to  the  volunteers  assembled  there ;  and  con- 
scious that  if  he  remained  with  the  army  every  mishap 
would  be  ascribed  to  him,  returned  to  Washington, 
having  been  elected  by  the  citizens  of  Refugio  their 
delegate  to  the  convention,  and  on  January  30th  re- 
ported matters  to  Smith.** 

Houston,  Forbes,  and  Cameron  had  been  appointed 
by  the  governor  and  council  as  commissioners  to 
treat  with  the  Indians.  When  Houston  returned 
he  received  a  furlough  from  Smith  till  March  1st, 
with  instructions  to  proceed  on  his  commission.  Ac- 
cordingly he  and  Forbes  went  to  Bowl's  village,  and 
entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  February  23, 

^  See  article  ii.  of  the  dedaration  defining  the  military  regnlations.  Ken- 
nedy, ii  496. 

*  Houbton  to  Gov.  Henry  Smith,  Jan.  30,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  ii.  460-70; 
A  ^  Browns  AeeoutU,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  134. 


lOO  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  B^AR. 

1836,  in  accordance  with  the  *  solemn  decree'  of  the 
consultation.**^ 

^  On  Nov.  13,  1835,  the  consiiltation  had  iuned  a  'solemn  decree,*  declar* 
mg  that  the  Cherokees  and  their  12  associate  tribes  had  derived  just  claims  to 
1au«H  And  defined  the  boundaries  to  be  the  San  Antonio  road  and  the  Neches 
<»ti  the  south,  and  the  Anffeline  and  Sabine  rivers  on  the  east.  It  guaranteed 
to  them  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  their  rights  to  their  lands.  All  sranti 
a^nrJ  I  creations  within  the  bounds  mentioned  were  declared  null;  and  &at  it 
y^na  the  sincere  desire  of  the  consultation  that  the  Indians  should  remain 
fritndu  of  the  Tezans  in  ^eace  and  war.  The  public  faith  was  pledged  for  the 
lUpport  of  these  declarations.  Journals  qf  the  Consult. ,  51-2.  The  treaty  was 
iiibfioquently  rejected  by  the  Texan  senate.  Tex,  Aim,,  1860,  45. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  ILAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

jANTARr-MARCB   1836. 

Afatht  of  thk  Texans— Santa  AirMA*a  Preparations  and  March — 
Description  of  the  Alamo — David  Crockett — The  Siege — Storm- 
ing OF  the  Alamo — The  Assault— Hand-to-hand  Contests — Death 
of  Bowie — A  Holocaust— Victory  Dearly  Bought— Declaration 
OF  Independence — ^Names  of  the  Subscribers — Labors  of  the  Con- 
vention—A Provisional  Government  Organized— The  Constitu- 
tion—Fannin's  Preparations  at  Goliad— Destruction  of  Grant's 
Party — Urrea's  Movements- Capture  of  San  Patricio — Fannin's 
Force — Kino's  Party  Shot— Assault  on  the  Mission  of  Refugio 
—Capture  of  Ward's  Command — HouarroN  at  Gonzalez — Movements 
OF  the  Mexican  Forces — Fannin  Retreats  toward  Victoria — 
A  Fatal  Delay— Battle  of  Encinal  del  Perdido — Surrender  of 
Fannin — A  Barbarous  Massacre — Number  of  the  Victims. 

The  meditated  descent  on  Matamoros,  by  its  diver- 
sion, was  the  cause  of  disaster  at  B^jar.  Recognizing 
that  no  adequate  force  could  be  sent  for  the  defence 
of  that  place,  Houston,  on  the  receipt  of  a  letter 
from  Colonel  Neill  informing  him  that  1,000  men 
were  on  the  march  against  it,  had  despatched  from 
Goliad  Colonel  Bowie  with  a  small  force,  on  January 
17th,  with  instructions  to  destroy  the  fortifications 
and  bring  off  the  cannon/  Neill,  however,  was  un- 
able to  remove  the  artillery  from  want  of  teams,  and 
therefore  did  not  demolish  the  defences.  When  ad- 
vised of  this,  and  of  the  fact  that  there  were  only 
about  80  men  in  the  place,  Governor  Smith  sent 
thither  Colonel  Travis  with  another  small  force,  and 

^  Hcmaton  to  Smith,  Jan.  17,  1836,  in  Toahnn,  il  458. 

(301) 


202  THE  iLAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

Neill  shortly  afterward  returned  home,  leaving  Travis 
in  command.  Travis  now  called  for  money,  provisions, 
clothing,  and  a  reenforcement  of  500  men — supplies 
beyond  the  power  of  the  commander-in-chief  to  fur- 
nish. The  recruiting  service  had  been  sadly  unsuc- 
cessful. Apathy  seemed  to  have  settled  on  the 
people;  and  in  painful  contrast  with  the  zeal  and  en- 
thusiasm displayed  in  the  previous  year  was  the 
disregard  now  shown  to  the  call  for  recruits.  The 
quarrel  between  the  governor  and  council,  disbelief  in 
the  reports  that  an  mvading  army  was  approaching, 
rumors  that  great  numbers  of  volunteers  were  con- 
stantly arriving  or  were  on  their  way  from  the  United 
States,  and  the  toils  of  the  late  campaign  and  the 
privations  undergone  by  the  families  of  those  who 
took  the  field,  combined  to  cause  this  fatal  indiffer- 
ence. In  regard  to  funds  the  government  was  almost 
destitute.  Although  the  commissioners  to  the  United 
States  negotiated,' January  8th,  a  conditional  loan  for 
$200,000  in  New  Orleans,  the  sum  of  $20,000  only 
was  immediately  realized,  and  it  was  applied  to  the 
purchase  of  army  supplies.  Another  loan  of  $50,000 
was  obtained,  January  18th,  and  devoted  to  the  same 
purpose.^  Thus  the  garrison  at  B^jar  was  left  to 
its  fate.® 

Meantime  active  preparations  had  been  made  by 
Santa  Anna  to  invade  Texas  with  an  overwhelming 
force.  Having  completely  suppressed  all  opposition 
in  Mexico,  he  proceeded  to  San  Luis  Potosf,  where 
he  arrived  at  the  beginning  of  December  1835,  and 

^  Austin  to  Houston,  Jan.  7,  1836,  and  to  D.  C.  Barret,  Jan.  17,  1836,  in 
Foote,  ii.  194-7;  Yoakum,  ii.  62.  The  remainder  of  the  first  loan  waa  never 
realized,  the  stockholders  objecting  to  modifications  made  by  the  executive 
government  in  the  original  agreement.  The  loan  was  negotiated  on  a  sale  of 
lands  with  the  condition  of  uie  exclusive  right  of  immediate  location.  This 
was  regarded  as  unfair  to  the  volunteers  in  the  field,  who  would  only  be  able 
to  locate  after  the  termination  of  the  war.  A  donation  of  32  leagues  of  land 
waa  offered  the  stockholders  if  they  would  relinquish  their  right  of  priority 
of  location,  but  they  unanimously  voted  against  the  modified  contract. 
BurnHCs  Message,  Oct.  4,  1836;  Oouge,  Fiscal  Hist.  Tex.,  60. 

^  Particulars  of  the  destitute  condition  of  the  garrison  are  given  in  Travis' 
letter  of  Feb.  14,  1836,  to  Gov.  Smith.     Original  in  Pinari's  Tex,  Col.,  no.  2. 


SANTA  ANNA'S  MOVEMENTS. 


203 


remained  for  some  time  making  his  final  arrangements. 
His  force  was  composed  of  three  brigades,  numbering 
over  6,000  men,  the  flower  of  the  Mexican  army. 
General  Filisola  was  appointed  second  in  command. 
The  first  brigade,  under  Greneral  Sesma,  was  imme- 
diately sent  in  advance  to  relieve  Cos,  then  besieged 


Samta  Anna's  Mabcu. 


in  Bdjar.  His  surrender,  however,  was  known  shortly 
afterward,  and  at  the  end  of  the  month  the  second  and 
third  brigades,  under  generals  Tolsa  and  Gaona,  and 
a  portion  of  the  artillery,  under  General  Ampudia, 
marched  for  Saltillo,  the  cavalry  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral Andrade  following  January  1,  1836.     On  the  2d 


204  THE  Alamo  and  goliad  massacres. 

Santa  Anna  left  for  the  same  place,  and  remained 
there  nearly  a  month  organizing  his  troops.  From 
Saltillo  General  Joa6  Urrea  was  despatched  to  Mata- 
moros  with  200  cavalry,  to  unite  with  forces  that  had 
been  concentrated  at  that  place.  On  the  25th  of  the 
same  month  Santa  Anna  held  a  review  of  his  army, 
at  which  his  force  was  found  to  be  about  5,000  men, 
exclusive  of  Sesma's  and  Urrea's  commands.*  In  the 
beginning  of  February  the  army  marched  for  Mon- 
clova,  from  which  place  Santa  Anna,  having  left  in- 
structions to  his  generals  relative  to  their  advance, 
proceeded  with  his  staff  and  fifty  horsemen  to  join 
Sesma,  who  was  at  the  town  of  Rio  Grande. 

The  distance  from  Monclova  to  Rio  Grande  is  eighty 
leagues,  through  a  desert  country  almost  destitute  of 
resources  for  either  man  or  beast ;  from  Rio  Grande  to 
Bdjar  it  is  nearly  100  leagues,  through  a  region  still 
more  desolate.  There,  little  water  could  be  found,  and 
no  produce  of  human  hands.  On  the  march  to  Texas 
half-rations  only  were  dealt  out  to  the  troops,  who 
were  reduced  to  the  extremes  of  hunger,  thirst,  and 
fatigue.  Sickness  and  exhaustion  struck  them  down ; 
the  gun-carriages  and  artillery  wagons  became  loaded 
with  helpless  soldiers  picked  up  on  the  way,  and  num- 
bers perished.*  Nevertheless,  through  storms  of  rain 
and  snow,  beaten  by  icy  blasts  or  scorched  by  a  fiery 
sun,  the  soldiers  accomplished  their  painful  march,  and 
on  February  23d  the  advance  brigade  which  left  Rio 
Grande  on  the  16th  took  possession  of  B^jar  without 
opposition,  Travis  having  retired  on  the  approach  of 
the  enemy  to  the  Alamo,  with  145  men.®     Santa  Anna 

*Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  2,  4^5;  Santa  Anna,  Man^f,,  8,  in  Pap.  Var,,  149, 
no.  15.  Arroniz,  Hist.  Mex.,  270,  states  that  Santa  Anna  organized  at  8.  Luis 
Potosl  an  army  of  8,000  men.  Bustamante  says  that  the  Mex.  army  in  Texas 
did  not  exceed  10,000  men.  Hitt,  Invas.,  i.  6-7. 

'^Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  7;  FUisola,  ut  sup.,  ii.  347-62.  The  animals  were 
attacked  with  the  diseases  known  as  the  mal  de  lengua  and  the  telele.  The 
former  was  an  inflammation  of  the  tongue,  caused  by  eating  dry  pasturage,  and 
want  of  water;  the  latter  was  a  fever  produced  by  heat,  and  drinking  stagnant 
water  heated  by  the  sun.  Id.,  352-3. 

'This  is  the  number  given  by  Travis  in  a  letter  dated  March  3d,  in  which 
he  says:  *  With  145  men  I  have  held  this  place  ten  days  against  a  force  vari- 


MISSION,  FORT,  AND  PRISON.  20S 

arrived  soon  afterward  with  his  staff,  and  immediately 
demanded  an  unconditional  surrender  of  the  place  and 
its  defenders.  His  summons  was  replied  to  by  a  can- 
non shot,  whereupon  he  hoisted  a  blood-red  flag  on 
the  church  in  token  of  no  quarter,  and  commenced  a 
bombardment  and  cannonade  from  two  howitzers  and 
two  long  nine-pounders.^ . 

The  Alamo,  though  built  for  a  mission,  was  a  strong 
enough  place  for  defence  except  against  siege  artillery. 
Its  surrounding  walls  were  of  masonry  from  two  and 
a  half  feet  to  one  vara  thick,  and  eight  feet  high. 
The  main  area,  or  square  of  the  mission,  was  154  yards 
long  by  54  wide,  though  it  was  not  a  perfect  parallel- 
ogram, being  somewhat  narrower  at  the  southern  than 
at  the  northern  extremity.  On  the  south-east  of  it 
was  the  old  church  with  walls  of  hewn  stone  four  feet 
thick,  and  Iwenty-two  and  a  half  feet  high.  It  had 
never  been  completed,  and  was  roofless,  but  was  made 
serviceable  as  a  magaziil^  and  for  soldiers'  quarters. 
From  the  north-eastern  comer  of  the  chapel  attached 
to  it,  a  wall  extended  northward  186  feet,  thence 
westward  at  right  angles  to  the  convent  enclosing  the 
yard  of  the  convent.  This  was  a  two-story  adobe 
building,  191  feet  long  and  18  feet  wide.  It  was 
divided  into  apartments,  and  was  used  as  an  ^rniory 
and  barracks.  The  prison  was  of  one  story,  H  5  by 
17  feet,  and  from  its  south-eastern  corner  a  diagonal 
ditch,  surmounted  by  a  strong  stockade,  with  an 
entrance  in  the  centre,  extended  to  the  south-west 
comer  of  the  i^hurch.  The  whole  area  of  the  difterent 
enclosures  was  between  two  and  three  acres,  and  a 
plentiful  supply  of  water  was  obtained  from  two  aque- 
ducts, one  touching  the  north-west  corner  of  the  main 

ooaly  estimated  from  1,600  to  6,000.'  R.  M.  Potter,  in  Ttx,  Aim,,  1868,  32; 
YoaJtum.  iL  79.  Caro,  ut  fmp.,  8,  gives  the  number  156  as  supplied  to  him 
by  the  citizens  of  B^iar.  Potter  indorses  these  figures.  Santa  Anna  grossly 
exaggerated  the  number  of  the  defenders,  reporting  them  as  over  600.  See  his 
report  of  March  6,  1896,  in  FiUfola,  Mem.  Tej.,  1849,  i.  16. 

^  Travis  to  fellow-dtiiena,  Feb.  24,  1836,  and  to  the  president  of  the  con- 
vention,  March  3,  1836,  in  FooU,  ii.  218-22;  Dewen'  Letters,  179-80,  184-7. 


206 


THE  Alamo  and  goliad  massacres. 


area,  and  the  other  running  close  to  the  eastern  wall 
of  the  church. 

Though  the  Alamo  had  neither  redoubt  nor  bastion 


Ground-plan  of  tub  Xlamo. 

A.  Entry  of  the  Mission.  D.  Church,  Chapel,  and  Vestry. 

B.  Carcel  or  Prison.  E.  WaUs,  88  inches  thick. 

C.  Convent  F.  Stockade 

G,  U,  I    Places  where  Travis,  Crockett,  and  Bowie,  respectively,  fell. 

to  command  the  lines  of  the  fort,  fourteen  guns  were 
mounted  at  different  points,  presenting  a  formidable 
obstacle  to  approach.  Of  these,  three  heavy  pieces 
had  been  planted  with  much  labor  upon  the  walls  of 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  ENEMY.  207 

the  church  by  General  Cob,  respectively  pointing 
north,  south,  and  east  Two  pieces  protected  the 
entrance  by  the  stockade;  two  more  defended  the 
gateway  and  prison;  on  terre-pleins  one  gun  was 
mounted  at  the  south-west  angle  of  the  main  square, 
two  on  the  western  wall,  one  on  the  north-west  angle, 
two  on  the  northern  wall,  and  a  single  piece  on  the 
north-east  angle.* 

Travis  seems  to  have  been  extremely  careless  about 
informing  himself  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy  by 
means  of  scouts.*  The  foe's  arrival  was  so  sudden 
and  unexpected  at  last  that  Travis  had  not  even  time 
to  throw  a  few  provisions  into  the  Alamo,  a  precau- 
tion which  it  is  a  matter  of  surprise  that  he  did  not 
take  on  receipt  of  the  first  intimation  of  Santa  Anna's 
approach.  In  his  letter  of  February  24th  he  wrote  : 
"When  the  enemy  appeared  in  sight,  we  had  not 
three  bushels  of  com.  We  have  since  found  in  de- 
serted houses  eighty  or  ninety  bushels,  and  got  into 
the  w^alls  twenty  or  thirty  head  of  beeves."  ^^  His 
supply  of  ammunition,  too,  was  small ;  but  under  all 
the  unequal  circumstances  with  which  he  was  beset, 
not  for  one  moment  did  he  or  his  heroic  band  think 
of  surrender.  The  men  who  cast  their  lot  with  him 
were  as  dauntless  as  ever  handled  warlike  weapon  in 
any  age.  Among  them  were  such  spirits  as  James 
Bowie,   his   second  in  command,    David    Crockett,^^ 

"This  description  of  the  Alamo  and  its  garniture  is  derived  from  FiUsola, 
u.  IS2-5;  Potter,  in  Tex.  Aim,,  1868,  33,  38;  Thrall,  23»-41;  Yoakum,  ii. 
75-6.  The  latter  derived  his  information  from  a  letter  of  G.  B.  Jameson, 
cated  Jan.  18,  1836,  and  containing  a  description  and  plan  of  the  place. 
\  oakum  is  astray  as  to  measurements. 

'  Potter  considers  that  the  neglect  of  scouting  indicates  a  great  lack  of 
snbordiiiation,  and  that  Travis  had  little  control  over  his  men,  who  were  will- 
ing to  die  by  him,  but  not  ready  to  obey  him.   Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  37. 

^^Foote,  ii.  219. 

"  Crockett  was  bom  in  Tennessee  Aug.  17,  1786,  his  father,  John  Crock- 
ett, being  of  Irish  descent.  In  education,  character,  bearing,  and  training  he 
was  a  thorough  frontier  man.  Tall,  powerful,  active,  and  accustomed  to  the 
use  of  the  rine  from  childhood,  he  was  a  mighty  hunter  and  a  fearless  soldier. 
I>uring  the  war  of  1812  he  fought  bravely  for  his  country.  His  hospitality, 
honesty,  and  humorous  sayings  ^ined  for  him  not  only  numerous  friends, 
but  wide-spread  popularity,  and  m  1823  he  was  elected  to  the  state  legisla- 


208  THE  Alamo  and  qoliad  massacres. 

whose  fearlessness  of  soul  was  equalled  only  by  his 
simple  integrity,  and  the  chivalrous  J.  B.  Bonham  of 
South  Carolina.  Victory  or  death  was  their  battle- 
cry  ;  so  they  hoisted  their  flag,^*  determined  to  die 
before  the  enemy  should  pull  it  down. 

On  the  24th  Travis  sent  an  appeal  to  his  fellow- 
citizens  for  assistance,  declaring  that  he  would  never 
surrender  or  retreat.  The  bombardment  was  vigor- 
ously maintained,  and  day  by  day,  as  Santa  Anna's 
forces  kept  arriving,  the  investment  of  the  place  was 
drawn  closer,  and  more  batteries  brought  to  bear  upon 
it.^*  Yet  strange  to  say,  up  to  March  3d,  though  200 
shells  at  least  fell  inside  the  works,  not  a  single  man 
was  injured.  The  cannonade,  too,  had  little  effect  on 
the  thin  walls,  as  the  enemy  had  no  siege  train,  but 
only  light  field-pieces.     Many  Mexicans,  however,  fell 

ture.  In  1827  he  became  a  candidate  as  member  of  oongreas  for  Tennessee. 
Possessed  of  a  deep  fund  of  original  hnmor,  of  generous  impulses  and  un- 
swerving integrity,  while  his  lively  phraseology  was  peculiarly  adapted  to 
captivate  the  voters  of  that  pioneer  state,  his  canvass  was  a  great  success, 
and  he  was  again  reelected  in  1829.  But  electioneering  and  legislation  were 
two  different  matters,  and  Crockett  did  not  find  it  so  easy  to  rise  and  impress 
the  house  with  his  convictions  as  to  deliver  stump-speeches,  seasoned  with 
jokes  and  amusing  stories,  to  audiences  of  backwoodsmen  and  cotton-growers. 
Nevertheless,  politics  had  their  fascination  for  him,  and  he  was  anxious  again 
to  be  returned.  But  his  opposition  to  President  Jackson  had  brought  down 
upon  him  the  anser  of  the  administration,  and  no  effort  was  spared  to  prevent 
his  reelection.  He  was  consequently  defeated,  and,  bitterly  disappointed, 
determined  to  seek  other  kiua  of  excitement  in  fighting  for  the  cause  of 
Texas.  Accordingly,  he  went  thither  at  the  beginning  of  1836.  Having 
arrived  at  Nacogdoches,  he  there  became  a  citizen,  and  took  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  any  future  republican  government;  he  refused  to  do  so,  however, 
until  the  word  '  republican  *  was  inserted  between  '  future '  and  '  government ' 
in  the  document.  That  being  done,  he  signed  the  instrument  and  proceeded 
to  B^jar,  where  he  arrived  a  few  weeks  before  the  siege  of  the  ^lamo. 
Crockett  was  twice  married,  having  two  sons  and  one  daughter  by  his  first 
wife.  Life  qf  Col  David  Crocketty  umrUten  by  Himself.  Comprising  his  Early 
Life. .  .To  which  is  added  an  account  qf  Col  CrocheU*$  glorious  Death  at  the 
A  lamo,  while  fighting  in  d^ence  qf  Texan  Independence,  By  the  Editor,  Phila- 
delphia, 1869,  12mo;  Kennedy,  ii.  189-93. 

''  The  tri-colored  Mexican  flag  with  two  stars,  designed  to  represent  Coa- 
huila  and  Texas.  This  is  mentioned  in  Almonte's  manuscript  journal  of  the 
campaign,  found  on  the  battle-field  of  San  Jacinto  by  Anson  Jones.  Kennedy^ 
ii.  180-1.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  independence  was  not  yet  declared, 
and  that  the  heroes  of  the  iiamo  fought  under  the  federal  flaff  of  1824. 

"  On  the  night  of  the  25th  two  batteries  were  erected  on  tne  other  side  of 
the  river  in  the  alameda  of  the  Xlamo.  Id.,  182-3.  Intrenched  encampments 
were  formed  in  B^jar,  400  yards  west;  in  La  VilUta,  300  yards  south;  at  the 
garita,  or  powder-house,  1,000  yards  south  by  east;  on  the  Algino  ditch,  800 
yards  north-east;  and  at  the  old  mill,  800  yards  north.  Travis'  Tetter  of  Marc^ 
3d,  in  FooU,  ii.  219-28. 


TU£  SIEUK  209 

before  the  rifles  of  the  besieged,  who,  economizing  their 
small  supply  of  ammunition,  only  fired  when  the  assail- 
ants came  well  within  range.  On  the  night  of  the 
25th  the  former  burned  some  houses  of  wood  and  straw 
in  the  vicinity,  which  had  furnished  a  cover  to  the 
enemy,  and  on  the  26th  sallied  out  for  wood  and  water 
without  loss,  firing  at  night  more  houses  near  a  bat- 
tery on  the  Alamo  ditch.  The  siege  continued,  and 
sun  after  sun  rose  and  set  upon  the  beleaguered  fort- 
ress. Occasional  skirmishing  occurred  by  day  and 
frequent  alarms  by  night,  harassing  the  garrison  by 
the  necessity  of  unremitted  watchfulness,  and  the 
ceaseless  expectation  of  assault.  Yet  the  investment 
was  not  so  complete  as  to  preclude  all  communication 
with  the  outside.  On  March  1st  thirty-two  gallant 
men  from  Gonzalez,  conducted  by  Captain  J.  W. 
Smith,  safely  effected  their  entrance  into  the  Alamo  at 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning ;  and  on  the  3d  J.  B. 
Bonham,  who  had  been  sent  to  Goliad  for  aid  before 
the  approach  of  the  enemy,  arrived  without  mishap.^* 
During  the  siege  the  defenders  were  actively  em- 
ployed in  strengthening  the  walls,  by  throwing  up 
earth  and  intrenching  on  the  inside. 

On  March  4th  picked  companies  of  Santa  Anna's 
3d  brigade  arrived  by  forced  marches,  and  the  Alamo 
was  surrounded  by  at  least  5,000  men.**  A  council 
of  war  was  now  held  by  Santa  Anna  on  the  ques- 
tion of  assaulting  the  place.  Almonte  says:  **Cos, 
Castrillon,  and  others  were  of  opinion  that  the  Alamo 
should  be  assaulted  after  the  arrival  of  two  twelve- 
pounders  expected   on  the    7th   instant.     The  presi- 

^*  lb.  Caro  erroneonBly  states  that  25  men  from  Gonzalez  entered  in  open 
daylight.    V&rdad.  Idea,  9. 

^^  These  figures  are  nearly  correct.  The  whole  of  Gaona's  brigade  had  not 
yet  come  np.  On  Feb.  29th  at  midnight  Gen.  Sesma  left  camp  with  the  cavalry 
of  Dolores  and  the  infantry  of  AUende  to  meet  Fannin,  who  was  supposed  to 
be  on  his  march  from  Goliad  with  200  men  to  the  relief  of  the  Xxamo.  Find- 
ing no  trace  of  the  enemy,  Sesma  returned  on  the  following  day.  Almonte's 
Diary,  m  Kennedy,  iL  183.  Fannin,  in  fact,  did  leave  Goliad  with  300  men 
and  4  guns,  Feb.  IBBth,  bavins  received  a  letter  from  Travis  on  the  25th;  but 
being  uiort  of  provisions,  ana  not  having  sufficient  teams,  he  held  a  council  of 
war,  at  whidii  it  was  decided  to  return  to  Goliad.  Fannin  to  Lieut,  Oov.  Eobin- 
mm,  Feb.  29,  1836;  Yoakum,  ii  78. 
Bin.  N.  Mbz.  States,  Vol.  U.    14 


!>10  TU£  iLAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

dent,  General  Ramirez  Sesma,  and  myself  were  of 
opinion  that  the  twelve-pounders  should  not  be  waited 
for,  but  the  assault  made.""  On  the  5th  Santa 
Anna  decided  to  act  according  to  his  own  opinion, 
formed  his  plan,  and  issued  his  orders  for  the  attack. 
The  storming  columns  were  four  in  number ;  the  first 
was  commanded  by  General  Cos,  who  had  dishonor- 
ably broken  his  parole ;  the  second  by  Colonel  Fran- 
cisco Duque,  with  General  Castrillon  as  his  successor; 
the  third  by  Colonel  Josd  Marfa  Romero,  with  Colo- 
nel Mariano  Salas;  the  fourth  by  Colonel  Juan  Mo- 
rales, with  Colonel  Jos^  Minon.  The  reserve  was  com- 
manded by  Santa  Anna,  and  placed  under  the  orders 
of  Colonel  Agustin  Amat.  Ail  the  columns  were  pro- 
vided with  ladders,  crow-bars,  and  axes.  The  attack- 
ing force  numbered  about  2,500  men,  while  the  cavalry 
were  ordered  to  be  stationed  at  suitable  points  so  as 
to  cut  off  all  possibility  of  escape.  ^^  The  sharp-shoot- 
ers were  withdrawn  from  their  positions  during  the 
night,  and  the  artillery  ceased  its  fire. 

At  four  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  the 
storming  columns  silently  took  up  their  positions, 
one  on  each  side  of  the  Alamo,  awaiting  the  signal 
of  the  bugle  to  assault.  Meantime  the  besieged  were 
on  the  alert,  and  had  made  preparations  to  receive 
their  assailants.^*  It  was  the  sabbath  day,  and  at 
the  first  glimmer  of  light  the  fatal  bugle-blast  broke 
the  silence  of  the  hour,  followed  by  the  tramp  of  the 
columns  as  they  rushed  to  the  assault.  They  were 
met  with  a  terrible  discharge  of  artillery  and  rifles, 
and  recoiled  at  the  slaughter  inflicted  upon  them. 
Colonel  Duque,  whose  column  was  directed  against 
the  northern  wall,  fell  grievously  wounded,  and  his 
men  were  thrown  into  utter  confusion.  Those  also 
directed  against  the  western  and  eastern  sides  came 

^^AbnorUe's  Diary,  ut  sup, 

"  Ck)py  of  the  general  order  in  Filisola,  Mem,  TeJ,,  1849,  1,  7-9. 

^^  Santa  Anna  claims  that  he  would  have  snipriBed  the  garriBon  but  for 
the  imprudent  shouta  raised  by  one  of  the  oolumuB  when  the  signal 
given.  ManHfiesto,  10,  In  Pop.  Var,,  182,  no.  8. 


SANGUINARY  OONFUCT,  211 

to  a  disorderly  halt.  But  the  oflScers  urged  them 
on,  and  driven  forward  by  those  behind,  these  two 
columns  gained  the  foot  of  the  walla.  Unable  to 
scale  them,  they  moved  by  the  right  and  left  to  the 
northern  side,  and  uniting  with  Duque*s  column, 
formed  one  dense  mass.  Again  the  ai'sault  was  made, 
and  again  repulsed.  The  carnage  was  horrible.  Rut 
what  could  the  feeble  garrison  avail  against  a  inu|,ti- 
tude,  when  1,000  men  would  barely  have  manned  the 
defences  ?  After  the  first  two  shots  the  artillery  was 
useless  against  a  foe  crowded  below  the  range  of  fire. 
Travis  fell  dead,  shot  through  the  brain,  while  work- 
ing the  gun  at  the  north-western  an^e;**  a  small 
breach,  too,  had  been  made  in  the  wall  by  the  can- 
nonade during  the  siege.  A  third  time,  animated  by 
the  example  and  courageous  l>earing  of  General  Juan 
Valentin  Amador,  the  stormers  returned  to  the  attack, 
scaling  the  parapet,  and  pouring  in  through  the  breach 
faster  than  rifles  could  be  loaded.  While  this  was 
occurring  on  the  northern  side,  the  column  under  colo- 
nels Morales  and  Mifion  had  under  similar  circum- 
stances gained  an  entrance  through  the  opening  in  the 
stockade  and  captured  the  gun.  The  outer  walls  had 
now  to  be  abandoned,  and  the  devoted  defenders  re- 
tired to  the  rooms  of  the  long  barracks  and  to  the 
church.  And  now  commenced  a  series  of  consecutive 
death-struggles.  There  was  no  connection  between 
the  apartments,  and  each  group  of  heroes  fought  and 
died  in  quick  succession.  For  a  short  time,  from  win- 
dows and  loop-holes,  their  rifles  crack  fast  and  vicious- 
ly, and  the  hissing  bullets  strike  down  the  foe.  But 
their  own  artillery  is  quickly  directed  against  them, 
and  cannon-balls  crash  through  door  and  wall,  while 
volleys  of  musketry  are  poured  in  at  every  opening. 

** '  On  the  north  battery  of  the  fortress  lay  the  lifeless  bodv  of  Col  Travis 
on  the  gun-carriage,  shot  only  in  the  forehead.'  Aoooant  of  Francisco  An- 
tonio Ruiz,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  80-1.  Ruiz  was  alcalde  of  San  Antonio  de 
B^jar,  and  was  on  the  ground  immediately  after  the  fall  of  the  Alamo.  The 
stories  that  Travis  committed  suicide,  and  that  he  as  weU  as  Crockett  was 
one  of  the  captives  put  to  death,  are  utterly  unworthy  of  credence.  Yoakum^ 
ii  81;  Gbu/d,  Ahmo,  CU.  Ouide,  21;  Tex.  State  Reg.,  1878,  30. 


212  THE  Alamo  and  goliab  massacres. 

Then  foDows  the  bayonet  charge,  and  fierce  resistance 
with  clubbed  rifles  and  sharp-pointed  knives.  In 
room  after  room  furious  hand-to-hand  contests  are 
fought  out  to  the  death,  till  all  those  gallant  men  are 
stretched  lifeless  on  the  ground. 

The  church  was  the  last  point  taken.  One  of  the 
guns  mounted  on  it  had  been  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  Mexicans  when  they  gained  the  large  square,  and 
did  great  execution,  but  after  a  few  discharges  all 
those  who  manned  it  fell  under  the  heavy  fire  of  the 
enemy.  Then  the  church  was  carried  by  a  coup-de- 
main,  the  defenders  within  it  fighting  till  the  last  man 
was  slain.  Crockett  fell  between  the  church  and  the 
long  two-story  barrack.  His  corpse  was  seen  by  the 
wife  of  Lieutenant  Dickenson^ — her  life  having  been 
spared  —  lying  mutilated  on  the  spot  indicated,"^ 
Bowie  had  been  injured  by  a  fall  from  a  platform,  and 
was  unable  to  move  from  his  bed.  He  was  lying  in 
an  upper  room  at  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  the 
long  barrack,  and  was  bayoneted  as  he  lay;  not,  how- 
ever, before  having  killed  several  of  the  enemy  with 
his  pistols.  Bonham  fell  while  working  a  cannon. 
In  less  than  an  hour  after  the  bugle  sounded,  all  was 
over.^  During  this  time  Santa  Anna  remained  at 
the  south  battery,  while  the  bands  of  the  whole  army 
played  the  air  of  the  murderous  degiiello.^  When  all 
danger  was  past  he  proceeded  to  the  Alamo.  Half  an 
hour  after,  five  captives  who  had  secreted  themselves 
were  dragged  from  their  hiding-places  and   brought 

*  Dickenson  commanded  a  gun  on  the  east  platform  of  the  church.  The 
story  that  he  endeavored  to  escape  with  his  child,  when  all  was  lost,  by  leap- 
ing from  a  window,  but  was  riddled  by  bullets  before  he  struck  the  ffround^ 
Potter,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  35,  37,  is  not  worthy  of  credence.  Mrs  Dickenson, 
later  Mrs  Hanning,  stated  to  Morphis  that  her  husband  rushed  into  her  room 
in  the  church,  exclaiming,  'All  is  lost!  If  they  spare  you,  save  my  child.* 
He  then  rushed  out  into  the  strife.  Morphis,  Hist.  Tex.,  176. 

'^  Mrs  Dickenson's  account  in  Id.,  177.  In  1876,  ^Irs  Dickenson,  tlien  66 
years  of  age,  visited  the  scene  of  this  tragedy,  and  pointed  out  the  spot  where 
the  last  man,  a  gunner  named  Walker,  fell.  Linn* 9  Heminis.,  141-4. 

**  The  writer  of  the  glowing  description  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo,  in  Put" 
nam*8  Monthly  Mag.,  iii.  179-80,  is  unfortunately  iucorrect  in  nearly  aJl  his 
details. 

^  Meaning  throat-cutting;  it  signified  no  quarter. 


THE  FUNERAL-PYRE.  213 

into  his  presence  bv  General  Castrillon,  Castrillon 
had  some  feeUngs  of  humanity,  and  hoped  that  their 
lives  would  be  spared ;  but  his  Excellency  was  of  a 
more  tigerish  nature.  Severely  reprimanding  him, 
he  angrily  turned  his  back,  whereupon  the  soldiers, 
though  already  drawn  up  in  line,  fell  upon  the  un- 
armed men  and  despatched  them.^  Of  all  those  who 
had  been  besieged  in  the  Alamo,  the  lives  of  six  were 
spared.  Mrs  JDickenson  and  Mrs  Albury  of  B^jar, 
with  their  two  children,  a  negro  servant-boy  of  Travis, 
and  a  Mexican  woman,  were  not  slain.  Mrs  Dicken- 
son was  supplied  with  a  horse  and  allowed  to  depart, 
the  bearer  of  a  proclamation  from  Santa  Anna.  The 
negro  was  placed  under  guard,  but  escaped.** 

The  right  of  burial  was  denied  the  fallen  Texans. 
Their  bodies  were  piled  in  layers,  with  wood  and  dry 
brush  between;  on  this  funeral-pyre  more  fuel  was 
heaped,  and  then  it  was  set  on  fire.  The  nimiber  of 
corpses  burned  in  this  holocaust  was  182.**    On  Febru- 

^  Caro  waa  an  e^e-tritness  to  this  atrocity,  and  can  be  relied  upon  as  to 
the  number  of  the  victims,  and  the  particulars  of  their  slaughter.  He  says: 
'  Todofl  presendamoe  este  horror  que  reprueba  la  humanidad,  pero  que  cs  una 
Terdad  evang^lica.'  Verdad.  Idea,  11.  Gen.  Houston,  in  a  letter  of  the 
11th,  erroneously  states  that  seven  men  were  thus  put  to  death.  Tex.  Aim,, 
1868.  36. 

^PoUfT,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  36;  Caro,  Verdad,  Idea,  11;  Mrs  Dickenson's 
acoofonts  in  Morphia,  ut  sup.,  176,  and  Linn,  144.  Mrs  Dickenson  was  fired 
at  and  wounded  while  passing  out  of  the  Alamo,  escorted  by  a  Mexican  officer. 
The  escaped  negro  was  met  by  her  lurking  in  the  bush  a  short  distance  be- 
yond the  Salado.  It  should  be  mentioned  that  a  Mexican,  named  Anselmo 
^Bogarra,  who  was  with  the  garrison  to  the  last,  escaped,  and  leaving  B^jar 
on  the  evening  after  the  fall  of  the  ^amo,  reported  the  event  to  Uen.  Houston, 
then  at  Gonzadez.  Linn,  141;  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  36.  In  1878  an  aged  Mexican, 
named  Brigido  Guerrero,  applied  to  the  county  court  of  B^jar  county  for  a 
pension  as  a  survivor  of  the  Xlamo.  His  story  was  that  he  was  one  of  the 
soldiers  under  Travis,  and  when  the  enemy  had  gained  the  enclosure,  entered 
the  room  occupied  h^  the  women,  who  concealed  him  under  some  bedding, 
where  he  remained  till  niffht,  when  he  made  his  escape.  His  veracity  was 
doubted  by  many  of  the  early  inhabitants,  but  he  offered  the  court  such  strong 
evidence  that  he  was  placed  on  the  pension  list.  Oould,  Alamo  City  Guide,  22. 

^Account  qf  Huh,  ut  sup.  *I  was  an  eye-witness,  for,  as  alcalde  of  San 
Antonio,  I  was  with  some  of  the  neighbors  collecting  the  dead  bodies  and 
placing  them  on  the  funeral-pyre.'  Mrs  Dickenson  also  states  that  the  num- 
oer  of  the  Texans  was  182.  Morphis,  176.  There  is  some  doubt  as  to  the 
exact  number  of  the  ganison  before  its  destruction.  Yoakum  and  Potter 
say  it  was  188,  though  the  latter  appears  to  be  in  doubt.  Caro,  ut  sup.,  states 
that  the  enemy  nunK)ered  183  at  the  time  of  the  assault.  It  is  not  improba- 
ble that  during  the  sieee  several  couriers  were  sent  out  by  Travis  and  cut  off 
hy  the  enemy.     Capt.  <k^hn  W.  Smith  was  the  bearer  of  his  letter  of  March  3d 


214  THE  iLAMO  AKD  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

ary  25,  1837,  the  ashes  and  a  few  remaining  bones  were 
collected  by  Colonel  Seguin  and  his  command,  were 
placed  in  a  coffin,  and  interred  with  military  honors 
near  the  spot  where  the  'heroes  of  the  Alamo 'fell. 
In  after  years  a  small  monument  was  made  from 
stones  taken  from  the  ruins  of  the  fortress,  and  placed 
in  the  entrance  to  the  state-house  at  Austin.  On  it 
are  inscribed  the  names  of  166  of  the  slain. 

What  the  loss  of  the  Mexicans  was  will  never  be 
accurately  known.  Santa  Anna,  to  magnify  the  glory 
of  his  dearly  bought  victory,  reports  it  as  70  killed 
and  about  300  wounded;*'  General  Andrade's  official 
returns  give  60  killed  and  251  wounded.®  But  these 
figures  are  utterly  unreliable.  Much  more  trustworthy 
are  those  supplied  by  Kamon  Martinez  Caro,  who  was 
Santa  Anna's  secretary.  He  states  that  over  300 
Mexicans  lay  dead  on  the  ground,  and  that  probably 
100  of  the  wounded  died.^  Alcalde  Ruiz,  who  super- 
intended the  burial  of  the  dead,  asserts  that  there 
was  not  room  sufficient  for  them  in  the  grave-yard, 
and  that  he  ordered  some  of  them  to  be  throw^n  into 
the  river,  which  was  done.  "  Santa  Anna  s  loss,"  he 
says, '  *  was  estimated  at  1,600  men. "  Anselmo  Bogarra, 
who  left  San  Antonio  on  the  evening  after  the  occur- 
to  the  president  of  the  convention.  Oould,  Alamo  City  Guide,  18.  Gould 
states  that  Travis  proposed  on  March  4th  to  surrender  on  condition  that  the 
lives  of  himself  and  comrades  should  be  saved,  and  that  Santa  Anna  replied: 
'You  must  surrender  at  discretion  without  any  guarantee,  even  of  life, 
which  traitors  do  not  deserve.'  p.  19.  This  is  in  accordance  with  B^isolas 
statement,  who,  however,  only  mentions  it  as  a  report.  '  Se  dijo  que  Travis 
Bamet. .  .por  medio  de  una  muger  hizo  propuestas  ai  general  en  gefe,  que  ren- 
diria  las  armas  yel  fuerte,'  etc.  Mem.  TeJ.,  1849,  i.  9. 

'''^  He  shows  sudi  contempt  for  the  truth  as  to  assert  that  more  than  600 
Texans  were  slain,  and  that  the  attacking  force  was  only  1,400  in  number. 
Copy  of  his  official  report  in  Id.,  i.  15-17.  His  equal  in  lying  is  Maillard, 
who  asserts  that  the  garrison  numbered  450  men.  Autt.  Rep.  Tex.,  101-3. 

^FiUaola,  utmp.,  12. 

^  Verdad  Idea,  10.  Speaking  of  Santa  Annans  report  that  over  600 
Texans  fell,  he  says:  'I  must  state  that  I  myself  drew  it  up,  putting  down 
the  number  ordered  by  his  Excellency, '  adding,  '  pero  ahora  se  habla  la  verdad, 
y  en  consequencia  no  fueron  mas  que  los  citados  ciento  ochenta  y  trea.' 
p.  11.  Doctor  Barnard,  who  afterward  tended  on  some  of  the  wounded, 
about  100,  mentions  that  he  saw  in  the  streets  200  or  300  more  who  were 
crippled,  and  that  citizens  informed  him  that  300  or  400  had  died  of  their 
wounds.  Linn*8  Rem.,  177.  The  Mexican  surgeons  informed  him  that  400 
men  had  been  brought  into  the  hospitals  on  the  morning  of  the  assault. 


INDEPENDENCE  URGED.  215 

reiice,  reported  to  General  Houston  "that  521  Mexicans 
were  killed  and  as  many  wounded.  Potter  considers 
that  this  number  probably  represented  the  total  cas- 
ualties. General  iBradbum  was  of  opinion  that  300 
men  were  lost  in  this  action  to  the  service,  including 
those  who  died  of  their  wounds  and  the  permanently 
disabled.  Whatever  the  loss  was,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  it  far  exceeded  in  number  the  defenders. 
While  these  events  were  occurring,  the  convention 
had  assembled  and  the  independence  of  Texas  was 
declared. 

Separation  from  Mexico  had  gradually  taken  a  firm 
hold  on  the  minds  of  all  The  question  had  even 
been  put  to  the  vote  at  the  consultation,  and  though 
lost  by  a  large  majority,**  the  necessity  of  the  step 
became  daily  more  apparent.  A  decided  move  in  the 
direction  of  independence  had  been  made  as  early  as 
December  20,  1835,  by  the  troops  and  citizens  at 
GU)liad,  headed  by  Captain  Dimit,  who  on  that  date 
attached  their  signatures  to  a  formal  declaration  of 
independence,  drawn  up  in  a  spirited  proclamation.^^ 
As  such  declaration  could  only  be  made  by  a  popular 
representation  of  the  people,  the  action  was  premature 
and  unwarranted,  but  it  aroused  general  attention. 
Moreover,  Austin  writing  from  Now  Orleans  in  Jan- 
uary 1836,  urged  that  the  independence  of  Texas 
should  be  proclaimed,*^  and  other  leaders  were  equally 
decided  on  the  matter.^ 

"•Ayes,  fifteen;  noes,  thirty -three.  Jour  tiala  of  tfie  Consult.,  18-19. 

'^  The  number  of  signers  is  91.  On  the  22(1  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
attend  to  the  printing  and  circulation  of  the  proclamation.  Full  text  will  be 
found  in  Tex,  Aim.,  1860,  76-9.  It  was  taken  from  the  State  Oaz.,  1852, 
which  copied  it  from  the  Texas  Bepvhlican,  published  at  Brazoria,  Jan.  13, 
1836,  and  said  to  have  been  ilie  only  copy  in  existence. 

^Ina  letter  to  Gen.  Houston,  dated  Jan.  7  th,  he  says:  'Were  I  in  the 
convention  I  would  urge  an  immediate  declaration  of  independence; '  iuid 
agaiiiy  in  one  of  Jan.  17th  to  D.  0.  Barret,  chairman  of  the  council,  he 
writes:  'The  whole  nation  of  all  parties  is  against  us;  they  have  left  us  but 
one  remedy — ^independence.  It  is  now  necessary  as  a  measure  of  self- 
defense.'  FooU,  u.  195-7. 

"Honston  said  that  he  felt  confident  that  but  one  course  was  left  for 
Texas  to  pursue,  and  that  was  an  unequivocal  declaration  of  independence. 
Letter  to  John  Forbes,  Jan.  7,  1836;   Yoakum,  ii.  55. 


216  THE  iLAMO  Al^D  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

Thus  the  delegates  to  the  convention  when  they 
assembled,  March  1st,  were  unanimous  in  their  opin- 
ion ;  nor  did  they  lose  time.  The  convention  having 
organized,  Richard  Ellis  being  chosen  president,  and 
H.  S.  Kimball  secretary,  on  the  2d  it  solemnly  de- 
clared poUtical  connection  with  the  Mexican  nation 
forever  ended,  and  that  the  people  of  Texas  consti- 
tuted a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  republic, 
fully  vested  with  all  the  rights  and  attributes  prop- 
erly belonging  to  independent  nations.  This  dec- 
laration of  independence  was  signed  by  fifty-eight 
delegates,  three  only  of  whom — namely,  Antonio 
Navarro,  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  and  Francisco  Ruiz — 
were  Mexicans.**  The  statement  of  grievances  was 
based  upon  the  changes  made  in  the  government  by 
Santa  Anna,  and  the  establishment  of  a  combined 
despotism  of  the  sword  and  priesthood,  in  the  place  of 
the  constitution  under  which  the  immigrants  had  set- 
tled in  Texas.  Particular  instances  of  tyranny  and 
of  failure  to  provide  for  the  welfare  of  Texas  are 
enumerated.  The  rejection  of  the  petition  for  a  sepa- 
rate state  government;  the  imprisonment  of  Austin; 
the  failure  to  establish  trial  by  jury  and  a  public  sys- 
tem of  education ;  arbitrary  acts  of  oppression  on  the 
part  of  military  conmiandants ;  the  dissolution  by 
force  of  arms  of  the  state  congress  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas,  thereby  depriving  the  people  of  the  right  of 

^  The  f oUowins  were  the  signers,  Stephen  W.  Blount;  R.  EUis;  O.  B. 
Stewart;  James  CoUinsworth;  Edwin  Waller;  A.  Brigham;  John  S.  D.  By- 
rom;  Francisco  Euis;  J.  Antonio  Navarro;  William  D.  Lacy;  William  Menifee; 
John  Fisher;  Matthew  Caldwell;  William  Motley;  Lorenzo  D.  Zavala;  Geckroe 
W.  Smyth;  Stephen  U.  Everett;  Elijah  Stepp;  aaibome  West;  William  B. 
Leates;  M.  B.  Menard;  A.  B.  Hardin;  John  W.  Bunton;  Thomas  J.  Gazley; 
R.  M.  Coleman;  Sterling  C.  Robertson;  Greoree  G.  Childress  (ChUders);  Bailey 
Hardiman;  Robert  Potter;  Charles  Taylor;  John  S.  Roberts;  Robert  Hamil- 
ton; Collin  McKinney;  A.  H.  Latimore;  James  Power;  Sam  Houston;  Ed- 
ward Conrad;  Martin  Palmer;  James  Gaines;  William  Clark,  Jr;  Sydney 
O.  Pennington;  Samnel  P.  Carson;  Thomas  J.  Rusk;  William  C.  Crawf<Mxi; 
John  Turner;  Benjamin  Briggs  Goodrich;  James  G.  Swisher;  Georse  W. 
Bamet;  Jesse  Grimes;  K  O.  Legrand;  David  Thomas;  S.  Roads  Fiaher; 
John  W.  Bower;  J.  B.  Woods;  Andrew  Briscoe;  Thomas  Bamett;  Jesse  B. 
Badgett;  H.  S.  Kimble,  secretary.  Tex.  Law  Hep.^  1838,  L  6-7.  Li  Niles* 
Reg-t  Ixiii.  195,  the  list  of  names  is  supplied  with  the  place  of  nativity  of  ea^ 
individual;  but  Samuel  A.  Maverick  and  J.  W.  Moore  appear  in  the  pUoes  of 
Thomas  Bamett  and  Samuel  P.  Carson. 


ARMY  ORGANIZATION.  217 

representation ;  piratical  attacks  on  Texan  commerce ; 
the  denial  of  religious  tolerance ;  invasion  of  the  coun- 
try for  the  purpose  of  driving  the  colonists  from  their 
homes ;  and  inciting  savages  to  massacre  inhabitants 
on  the  frontiers,  were  set  forth  as  the  prominent 
causes  of  separation.*^ 

The  invasion  of  Texas  by  Santa  Anna  necessitated 
immediate  attention  to  the  formation  of  an  army.  On 
the  4th  Houston  was  unanimously  reappointed  com- 
mander-in-chief, with  authority  over  all  regulars, 
volunteers,  and  militia  in  the  field,  the  point  of  his 
headquarters  being  left  to  his  own  discretioiL  All 
able-bodied  males  between  seventeen  and  fifty  years 
of  age  were  made  subject  to  military  service,  and  an 
official  was  appointed  for  each  municipality  to  form  a 
list  of  all  such  within  its  district.  Names  were  to  be 
drawn  by  lot  till  the  number  called  for  at  any  time 
was  filled,  and  the  men  so  drafted  were  to  serve  for  a 
term  not  exceeding  six  months.  In  order  to  retain 
and  attract  foreign  volunteers,  lands  to  an  increased 
extent  were  promised.  To  those  already  in  service, 
and  who  should  so  continue  till  the  end  of  the  war, 
1,280  acres  were  granted;  640  acres  for  six  months* 
service,  and  320  acres  for  three  months'  service.  All 
those  who  should  thereafter  volunteer  and  serve  dur- 
iii«j  the  war  would  receive  960  acres.*"  Moreover,  an 
appeal  for  sympathy  and  aid  was  sent  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States. 

Executive  ordinances  were  adopted  March  16th, 
jireliminary  to  the  establishment  of  the  constitution 
which  the  convention  had  been  diligently  occupied  in 
draughting.  These  provided  for  the  organization  of  a 
provisional  government,  with  plenary  powers  in  all 
matters  save  legislative  and  judicial  acts.     This  gov- 

"*  Copies  of  the  dedantion  will  be  found  in  /rf.,  1.  99-100;  Holley's  Tex,, 
296-^1;  Sen.  Doe.,  24th  oong.,  Ist  sea.,  vL,  no.  416,  pp.  3-18;  Tejr.,  Address  of 
W.  H.  Whartofh  49-63;  Tex.,  Laws  Rep.,  1838,  i.  3-7.  The  Mexican  gov- 
ernment in  a  manifesto  to  the  Mexicans,  July  following,  calling  upon  them  to 
unite  in  subjugating  Texas,  denied  her  riffht  to  separate,  and  charged  her 
people  with  black  ingratitude.  Mex.  Manif.  del  Cong.,  IS3Q,  sm.  4to,  pp.  20. 

^Ordinanceaqfthe  Cong.,  March  12  and  17,  1836. 


218  THE  XLAMO  AND  GOUAD  MASSACRES. 

eminent  was  to  consist  of  a  president,  vice-president, 
a  secretary  of  state,  and  one  for  each  of  the  depart- 
ments of  war,  the  navy,  and  the  treasury,  and  an 
attorney-general,  all  of  whom  were  to  be  elected  by 
the  convention.  It  was  authorized  to  negotiate  a 
loan  not  exceeding  $1,000,000,  and  appropriate  the 
funds  of  Texas  to  the  defence  of  the  country;  also 
to  issue  writs  of  election  for  members  of  congress, 
to  enter  into  negotiations  and  treaties  with  foreign 
powers,  and  to  appoint  commissioners  to  the  same.^ 
Forthwith  David  G.  Burnett  was  elected  president; 
Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  vice-president;  Samuel  P.  Carson, 
secretary  of  state;  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  Robert  Potter, 
and  Bailey  Hardiman,  secretaries  of  war,  the  navy, 
and  the  treasury,  respectively ;  and  David  Thomas, 
attorney-general  Having  taken  the  oath  of  office, 
the  members  of  the  government  at  once  entered  upon 
their  respective  duties.  On  the  17th  the  constitution 
was  adopted  and  signed  by  the  delegates.  The  con- 
vention then  adjourned  sine  die.  I  append  below  a 
synopsis  of  the  constitution,^  in  which  the  reader  will 

^  Ex^c.  Ord.,  in  Kennedy,  ii.  5Q2-4. 

'^Copies  of  the  constitation  will  be  found  in.  Id.,  iL  506-22;  Tex.,  Lcnet 
Rep.,  i.  &-25;  Tex.,  Repealed  and  Obtolete  Laws,  5-14.  It  divided  the  powers 
of  the  government  into  the  usual  three  departments  of  the  legislative,  execu- 
tive, and  judicial,  the  first  beinff  vested  m  a  congress  composed  of  a  senate 
and  house  of  representatives.  Tne  flowers  of  the  executive  and  congress  were 
defined  and  rules  laid  down  for  their  government.  The  judidal  power  was 
vested  in  one  supreme  court,  and  inferior  courts  established  by  congress  from 
time  to  time;  the  republic  wt^  to  be  divided  into  convenient  counties;  and 
congress  was  to  introduce  by  statute  the  common  law  of  England,  with  such 
mo£fications  as  circumstances  might  require.  In  criminal  cases  the  common 
law  was  to  be  the  rule  of  decision.  Slaves  for  life  were  to  remain  in  like  state 
of  servitude.  Congress  could  have  no  power  to  emancipate  slaves,  nor  oonld 
imy  slave-holder  manumit  his  slaves  without  the  consent  of  congress.  No 
free  African  could  reside  permanently  in  the  republic  without  similar  consent; 
the  importation  of  Africans  or  nesproes  into  the  republic,  excepting  from  the 
U.  S.,  was  prohibited,  and  declarea  to  be  piracy.  Head  rights  were  defined, 
to  each  head  of  a  family  who  had  not  received  his  portion  of  land  one  league 
and  a  labor  being  assigned,  and  to  every  single  man  of  17  years  and  apwards, 
one  third  of  a  lea«;ue;  additional  grants  were  to  be  made  in  favor  of  cSonists, 
married  and  single,  already  settled,  so  as  to  raise  the  quantity  of  land  received 
by  them  to  the  above  standards  respectively.  The  land  system  was  to  be 
suspended  till  those  serving  in  the  army  had  a  fair  and  equal  chance  with 
those  remaining  at  home  to  select  and  locate  their  lands,  ana  a  general  land- 
ofiloe  was  to  be  established.  The  constitution  was  made  subject  to  amend- 
ments proposed  by  congress,  which  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  for 
approval,    l^e  document  concludes  with  a  declafation  of  pditicaTand  civil 


EFFECT  OF  HOUSTON'S  SPEECH.  219 

not  fail  to  notice  the  stringent  regulations  laid  down 
for  the  firm  establishment  of  slavery  in  Texas — ^meas- 
ures strikingly  in  contrast  with  the  more  enlightened 
legislation  of  the  Mexican  goveniment  on  the  same 
question. 

Houston's  speech  at  Befugio,  mentioned  in  the  last 
chapter,  produced  such  an  impression  upon  the  vol- 
unteers that  most  of  them  abandoned  Grant  and 
Johnson,  whose  force  was  thereby  reduced  to  little 
over  sixty  men.®  Indeed,  to  persevere  in  a  descent 
on  Matamoros  would  have  been  madness,  as  it  was 
presently  known  that  considerable  forces  of  the 
enemy  were  concentrated  at  that  place.  It  was  now 
a  qu^ion  of  self-defence,  and  Colonel  Fannin,  who 
arrived  at  Goliad  soon  after  Houston's  departure, 
actively  engaged  himself  in  preparing  to  resist  the 
expected  invasion.  He  at  once  proceeded  to  organize 
the  troops,  who  were  almost  to  a  man  volunteers 
from  the  United  States,^  and  on  February  7th  an 
election  was  held  for  the  appointment  of  colonel  and 
lieutenant-<;olonel,  Fannin  and  Major  Ward  of  the 
Georgia  volunteers,  respectively,  being  almost  unan- 
imously elected.  The  erection  of  a  fortress  called 
Defiance  at  Goliad  was  commenced,  and  was  expected 
to  be  completed  by  March  3d.  Writing  on  the  1st  of 
that  month,  Fannin  says:  ''I  have  420  men  and  as 
many  spare  muskets,  but  no  men  to  back  them." 

rights.  Religious  tolerance,  freedom  of  speech  and  the  press,  and  personal 
rights  were  guaranteed.  In  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused  was  to  have 
the  right  to  be  heard.  No  titles  of  nobility  or  hereditary  privileges  could 
ever  m  granted.  The  right  of  trial  by  jury  was  to  remain  inviolate,  ami  the 
privilege  of  habeas  corpus  was  not  to  be  suspended  except  in  cases  of  rebellion 
or  invasion.  No  person  could  be  imprisoned  for  debt  in  consequence  of  in- 
ability to  pay;  tr^won  was  defined;  and  perpetuities  and  monopolies  were  not 
to  be  allowed. 

*i?.  B.  BrounCi  Account,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  134.  Brown  accompanied 
Grant  to  the  time  of  his  death,  and  I  consider  his  statements  reliable.  F.  W. 
Jofuuon,  in  BaJoer's  Tex.,  81. 

*  Fannin  bitterly  complains  in  his  letters  to  the  government  of  the  diain- 
clination  of  the  citizens  of  Texas  to  muster  in  the  ranks,  and  the  destitute 
condition  of  the  U.  S.  volunteers,  many  of  whom  were  naked  and  barefoot. 
Writing  on  Feb.  14th,  he  says  that  he  could  find  but  some  half-dozen  citizeua 
of  Texas  in  the  ranks.  FooU,  ii.  202,  207. 


220  THE  iLAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

Meanwhile  disaster  fell  upon  Grant  and  Johnson. 
These  leaders  proceeded  to  San  Patricio  with  a  force 
of  less  than  100  men,  where  they  received  informs- 
ation  from  Fannin,  then  at  Matagorda  Bs^  preparing 
for  the  expedition  against  Matamoros.  This  was  in 
January,  and  the  undertaking  had  not  yet  been 
abandoned.  At  Velasco  was  a  large  number  of  vol- 
unteers, and  Fannin  was  attending  to  their  trans- 
portation to  Refugio.  Being  instructed  by  him  to 
collect  as  many  horses  as  possible,  Johnson  and 
Grant  divided  their  command  mto  two  parties,  one  of 
which,  under  the  latter,  proceeded  toward  the  Rio 
Grande  in  quest  of  horses,  while  Johnson  remained  at 
San  Patricio  with  the  other.  When  about  sixty 
miles  from  San  Patricio,  Grant's  party  captured  Cap- 
tain Rodriguez  and  sixty-six  Mexican  soldiers,  who 
were  in  charge  of  300  or  400  horses  coUected  for  the 
forces  at  Matamoros.  The  prisoners  were  released 
from  confinement  under  parole ;  they  decamped,  how- 
ever, on  the  first  opportunity.  The  horses  were 
taken  to  San  Patricio.  Grant,  with  Johnson  in  com- 
pany, started  on  another  scouting  expedition  almost 
immediately ;  when  near  Sal  Colorado  the  conmiand 
divided,  Johnson  returning,  while  Grant  pushed  his 
way  to  the  Rio  Grande  in  pursuit  of  a  large  band  of 
horses  driven  by  fifty  Mexicans.  Having  taken  a 
considerable  number  of  the  animals  at  the  river, 
Grant  returned  on  his  way  back  to  San  Patricio,  and 
arrived  at  the  Agua  Dulce,  within  twenty  miles  of 
the  place,  unmolested.  Making  an  early  start  on  the 
morning  of  March  2d,  the  party  had  not  proceeded 
far  before  it  was  suddenly  surrounded  by  several 
hundred  Mexican  dragoons,  commanded  by  Urrea  in 
person,  that  issued  from  two  belts  of  timber  between 
which  Grant  was  passing.  Nearly  all  his  men  were 
shot  down  or  lanced.  Grant  and  Reuben  R.  Brown  in 
a  few  minutes  considering  themselves  the  only  sur- 
vivors. The  firing  stampeded  the  captured  horses, 
which  broke   the  line  of  the  dragoons,  and   Grant 


A  BACE  FOR  UFK  221 

and  Brown  following  in  their  wake,  endeavored  to 
escape.  The  race  for  life  was  continued  for  six  or 
seven  miles,  till  at  last,  overtaken  and  surrounded, 
the  pursued  men  dismounted,  determined  to  sell  their 
lives  as  dearly  as  possible.  Grant  fell  pierced  by- 
several  lances,  after  having  shot  dead  a  Mexican  who 
had  lanced  Brown  in  the  arm.  A  moment  after, 
the  latter  was  lassoed  and  dragged  to  the  ground. 
Brown  was  conveyed  to  San  Patricio,  then  in  pos- 
session of  the  Mexicans,  where  his  life  was  saved  by 
the  interposition  of  a  priest  and  a  Mexican  woman. 
Thence  he  was  sent  to  Matamoros,  where  again  he 
was  spared  through  similar  intercession.  On  both 
occasions  he  had  been  led  forth  for  execution.  He 
eventually  succeeded  in  escaping,  through  the  assist- 
ance of  outside  friends,  in  the  latter  part  of  December 
of  the  same  year,  and  arrived  at  Guadalupe  Victoria 
about  the  1st  of  January,  1837.*^ 

As  already  stated,  San  Patricio  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy  before  the  destruction  of  Grant 
and  his  party.  Urrea  had  arrived  at  Matamoros  on 
January  31st.  There  he  remained  till  February  18th, 
when,  having  already  passed  his  forces  over  the  river, 
lie  proceeded  on  his  march  to  meet  the  Texans,  of 
whose  intentions  against  Matamoros  he  was  well  in- 
formed. His  command  consisted  of  the  infantry 
battalion  of  Yucatan,  in  number  350  men,  about  the 
same  nimiber  of  dragoons  drawn  from  Cuantla,  Tam- 
pico,  Durango,  and  Guanajuato,  and  several  companies 
of  permanent  militia;  in  all  between  900  and  1,000 

^  This  aoooant  of  Grant's  raid  and  death  ia  taken  from  Brown's  narratiye 
in  Tex,  Aim.,  1859,  134-7.  and  that  of  F.  W.  Johnson  in  Baker's  Tex.,  80-2. 
Brown's  statement  regarding  Grant's  death  is  corroborated  by  Urrea,  who 
says  that  Grant  and  41  riflemen  remained  dead  on  the  field.  Diario,  Camp,  de 
Tej.,  10.  The  absurd  stor^r  told  by  Yoakum,  that  Grant  was  wounded,  and 
taken  prisoner  to  San  Patricio,  where,  after  ministering  to  the  wounded  of 
the  enemy  for  three  weeks,  he  was  tied  Mazeppa-like  to  the  back  of  a  wild 
mustang  and  mangled  to  death,  is  an  instance  of  the  most  confiding  credulity 
en  the  part  of  that  author.  Hisi.  Tex,,  ii.  84-5.  Brown  mentions  the  escape 
also  of  Flicido  Benavides,  a  Mexican,  and  Johnson  that  of  Plaude  and  Wil- 
Uam  Innlock.  Hieir  accounts  are  the  most  reliable  ones  of  this  event,  and 
bear  every  mark  of  trnthfulness. 


222  THE  Alamo  and  gollad  massacres. 

men,^  about  200  of  whom  were  left  at  Matamoros  to 
follow  later.  Though  ill  supplied  with  provisions,  he 
pushed  forward  toward  San  Patricio,  the  weather 
being  very  severe,  and  causing  much  suffering.**  At 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  27th,  he  arrived 
at  San  Patricio,  and  half  an  hour  afterward,  in  the 
midst  of  a  storm  of  rain,  assaulted  the  barracks,  which, 
after  an  obstinate  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  gar- 
rison, commanded  by  Pierce,  was  carried,  and  the 
defenders  to  the  number  of  forty  put  to  death  or  shot, 
afterward,  Johnson  with  three  companions,  Daniel  J. 
Toler,  John  H.  Love,  and  James  M.  Miller,  escaped. 
The  house  which  they  occupied  was  surrounded,  and 
they  were  ordered  to  make  a  light.  A  few  minutes 
afterward  firing  opened  in  front,  and  the  Mexicans  in 
the  rear  of  the  house  moved  away ;  whereupon  John- 
son and  the  others  escaped  by  the  back  door  and  made 
their  way  to  Refugio.  A  Frenchman,  who  had  se- 
creted himself,  was  granted  his  life.** 

After  the  destruction  of  Grant's  command,  Urrea 
returned  to  San  Patricio,  and  on  March  7th  he  was 
joined  by  the  troops  that  had  been  left  at  Matamoros. 
On  the  13th  he  marched  against  Goliad,  and  on  the 
following  day,  having  learned  that  the  mission  of 
Refugio  was  occupied  by  a  strong  detachment  of  Fan- 
nin's force,  turned  aside  to  attack  the  place.  Refugio 
was  distant  from  Goliad  between  twenty  and  thirty 
miles,  and  a  few  days  previously  Fannin  had  sent 
Captain  King  and  his  company**  thither  to  bring  off 

*^  These  figures  are  supplied  by  Potter,  who  was  in  Matamoros  at  the  time 
and  counted  the  troops.  Ter.  Aim.,  1868,  31-2.  Filisola,  ii.  402,  says  600 
men.  Urrea  states  that  his  force  was  320  infantry  and  230  dragoons,  thano. 
Camp,  de  Ttj.,  7. 

*^  On  the  nisht  of  the  25th  an  icy  wind  blew,  but  Urrea  kept  his  troops  on 
the  march,  anasix  of  the  Yucatan  soldiers  died  from  the  cold.  /</.,  8. 

^^JolinMUB  Account^  tiistq),  Urrea  states  that  16  of  tiie  defenders  were 
killed  and  24  made  prisoners.  His  own  loss  was  one  dragoon  killed,  and  four 
wounded!  Dtano,  Camp,  de  TeJ.,  9. 

^  Fannin*s  force  at  this  time  was  a1)out  500  men,  consisting  of  volunteers 
from  Georffia,  Alabama,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Mobile,  and  New  Orleans. 
It  was  divided  into  two  battalions,  the  Geoi^  and  the  La  Fayette.  The  first 
consisted  of  Ward's  and  Wad8Worth*s  company,  and  Capt.  Ticknor's  company 


ASSAULTS  ON  THE  MISSION.  223 

some  families  there  who  were  m  much  alarm  at  the 
appearance  of  Mexican  troops  in  the  vicinity.  King's 
force  numbered  in  all  only  twenty-eight  men,  and  at 
the  mission  he  was  confronted  by  a  strong  body  of 
the  enemy.  Whereupon  he  sought  protection  in  the 
church,  a  strong  stone  building,  and  sent  an  express 
to  Groliad  for  a  reenforcement.  Ward  was  accordmgly 
sent  with  120  men  to  his  assistance,  and  reached  the 
mission  on  the  day  before  Urrea's  assault  upon  it. 
It  appears  that  King  and  Ward  had  a  dispute  as  t<> 
who  should  command,  the  former  claiming  the  priority 
on  the  ground  of  his  having  been  sent  first,  and  that 
Ward  had  been  despatched  to  him  as  a  reenforcement. 
The  result  was,  that  King,  with  his  company  and 
eighteen  of  Ward's  men,  withdrew  early  on  the  14th,** 
and  took  up  a  position  in  a  wood,  where  he  was  cut  off, 
attacked,  and  himself  and  nearly  all  his  men  killed,  or 
captured  and  shot  during  that  and  the  following  day.*^ 
Meantime  three  fierce  assaults  were  made  upon  the 
mission,  but  were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter,  the 
besieged  reserving  their  fire  until  the  enemy  ap- 
proached within  close  range.**    These  repeated  attacks, 

of  Moatflomery,  Alahama,  about  250  strong.  The  second  battalion  consisted 
of  the  New  Orleans  Grays,  Cant.  Pettis;  the  Mustangs  of  Kentucky,  Capt. 
Dnval;  Mobile  Grays,  Capt.  McManeman;  Louisville  and  Huntsville,  Tennes- 
Bee,  Tolunteers,  Capt.  Bradford;  Capt.  King's  company;  and  the  Red  Rovers 
from  Alalia.tn«^  Capt.  Shackleford.  There  was  also  apart  of  Capt.  Morton's 
company,  and  a  regular  company  of  artillery,  Capt.  Westover.  ShaMtfonVs 
AccainU,  in  Fade,  ii.  228,  236,  244;  S.  T.  Broum's  Account,  in  Tex,  Aim,,  1860, 
34;  Telegraph  and  Texas  Jiegiater,  18S6,  in  Id.,  88-91. 

^This  IB  Brown's  statement  Id.,  86.  See  also  Baher*8  Tex.,  144;  Lmn'a 
Rem.,  199.  Another  version — also  by  a  participator  in  the  events — is  that 
King  was  sent  forward  to  reconnoitre,  preparatory  to  commencing  the  return 
march.  FooU,  ii  249. 

**  All  but  two,  who  made  their  o>Oi^  were  shot.  Hardavoay^B  Statement,  in 
Id.,  256.  According  to  Kennedy,  ii.  201-2,  the  captives  were  shot  by  order  of 
Urrea;  Thorn  saw  their  mangled  remains.  Col  Francisco  Garay  states  that 
in  the  attack  five  men  were  lulled  and  two  taken  prisoners,  and  that  on  the 
following  d%y  36  more  of  the  band  were  captured,  their  ammunition  having 
been  exhausted.  FtUttola,  ii.  412-13.  This  author  states  that  Urrea  caused 
about  30  prisoners  to  be  shot,  and  defends  his  action.  Id.,  ii.  418-19.  An- 
other statement— by  £.  N.  Hill,  an  eye-witness— in  to  the  effect  that  King's 
company  with  a  few  of  Ward*s  men  remained  at  the  mission  and  surrendered 
on  the  morning  after  Ward*s  departure.  They  were  all  shot  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  man,  on  the  road  to  B^jar,  about  a  mile  from  the  mission.  Tejr. 
Aim,,  1860,  72. 

^  The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans  was  severe,  but  is  greatly  exag- 
gerated by  Texan  accounts.    Bromrn  says  that  between  400  and  500  of  their 


224  THE  Alamo  and  gollad  massacres. 

however,  almost  exhausted  the  ammunition  of  the 
Americans,  and  Ward,  having  received  a  despatch 
from  Fannin  ordering  him  immediately  on  its  receipt 
to  return  to  Gk)liad  at  all  risks,  *®  effected  his  escape 
through  the  enemy's  lines  during  the  night,  and  di- 
rected his  course  to  Victoria.  In  his  retreat  Ward 
marched  through  woods  and  swamps  where  cavalry 
could  not  pursue  him.  On  the  19th  the  Americans 
crossed  the  San  Antonio  and  proceeded  toward  Vic- 
toria, where  they  expected  to  find  Fannin.  The  town, 
however,  was  already  in  possession  of  the  enemy,  and 
on  their  approach  they  were  attacked  by  a  force  of  500 
or  600  cavalrymen.  Firing  their  last  three  rounds  of 
ammunition,  they  retreated  into  the  Guadalupe  swamp, 
where  they  passed  the  night.  On  the  next  day, 
March  22d,  not  having  a  shot  left,  they  surrendered 
as  prisoners  of  war,^  against  the  advice  of  Ward,  who 
even  in  these  desperate  circumstances  would  have 
preferred  to  take  the  chance  of  escape  to  trusting  to 
the  faith  of  a  perfidious  foe.  But  the  vote  of  the 
companies  decided  the  question  by  a  large  majority, 
and  the  prisoners  were  marched  to  Goliad,  there  to 
increase  the  number  of  victims  soon  to  be  sacrificed 
by  order  of  the  inhuman  Santa  Anna.  Fannin  and 
his  command  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy ! 

Houston,  on  March  2d,  had  issued  a  proclamation 
announcing  the  declaration  of  independence,  and  call- 
ing on  the  citizens  of  Texas  to  rally,  as  war  was  raging 

dead  were  left  upon  the  field.  Tex,  Aim.,  1860,  85.  Another  eye-witness 
states  that '  the  acknowledged  Mexican  loss  was  400  killed  and  wounded;'  and 
a  third,  that  it  was  believed  to  be  not  less  than  200.  Foote^  i\,  252,  256.  Au- 
thorities on  the  other  side  go  into  the  opposite  extreme.  Urrea  gives  his  loss 
ajs  11  killed  and  27  wounded;  Filisola  indorses  this  statement,  remarking  that 
Garay's  assertion  that  there  were  13  killed  and  43  wounded  is  incorrect.  iL 
412,  414.  The  Texans  had  none  killed,  but  three  men  were  severely 
wounded. 

**  This  despatch  was  intercepted  by  Garay,  but  the  courier  was  allowed  to 
proceed  with  it  in  order  that  Ward  might  leave  his  position.  Id,^  vl  413-14; 
Tex.  Aim,,  1860,  85. 

^  Broipn*s  SkUementf  in  Id,,  85-6.  Urrea  asserts  that  Ward  soirendered 
at  discretion.  Diario,  19-20. 


EFFECT  OF  THE  ALAMO  SLAUGHTER.  225 

on  the  frontier."  Appointing  Gonzalez  as  the  point 
of  headquarters  of  the  army,  he  hastened  thither  and 
arrived  on  the  lltL  Includine  a  company  of  Ken- 
tucky volunteers,  nearly  400  soldiers  had  assembled, 
but  they  were,  without  organization,  and  inadequate  to 
oppose  the  enemy,  who  was  already  moving  into  the 
interior  of  the  country. 

News  of  the  slaughter  at  the  Alamo  reached  Gon- 
zalez on  tiie  day  of  Houston's  arrival,  and  orders  were 
sent  forthwith  to  Fannin,  instructing  him  to  fall  back 
to  Guadalupe  Victoria,  and  place  it  in  a  state  of  de- 
fence. ^^  On  the  12th  Mrs  Dickenson  reached  the 
place,  and  confirmed  the  mournful  tidings,  adding 
many  terrible  details  of  the  event.  The  inhabitants 
were  panic-stricken.  There  was  hardly  a  household 
in  the  town  that  had  not  to  mourn  the  loss  of  a  father, 
a  son,  a  brother,  or  other  relative.  Not  less  than 
twenty  widowed  mothers  bemoaned  their  husbands' 
deatha  The  families  of  the  citizens  who  had  fallen 
abandoned  themselves  to  grief  and  despair,  and  the 
inhabitants  began  to  flee.  The  panic  was  contagious, 
and  many  who  had  assembled  in  arms  returned  to  their 
homes  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  those  whom  they 
had  left  behind.^  With  no  force  capable  of  repelling 
the  enemy,  Houston  decided  to  retreat,  and  having 
thrown  his  artillery,  consisting  of  two  brass  24-pound- 
ers,  into  the  river,  began  his  march  just  before  mid- 
night of  the  12tlL  On  his  departure  the  town  was 
set  on  fire  and  reduced  to  ashes." 

Santa  Anna,  having  received  aespatches  from 
Urrea,  informing  him  of  the  capture  of  San  Patricio 
and  the  destruction  of  Grant's  party,"  regarded  the 

"  Copy  in  FooU,  ii  265-6. 

*»Copy  in  Yoakum,  ii  472. 

^Capi,  Sharpens  Statement;  Foote,  ii  268;  Thrall,  266;  ffousim's  Letter  to 
CoOhigwwth,  Mar.  15,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  ii  475-6. 

^  There  is  little  doubt  that  Houston  save  verbal  orders  to  bum  the  town, 
that  it  might  not  afford  shelter  to  the  Mexicans.  His  defenders  claim  that 
he  did  not  do  so,  but  the  evidence  tends  to  a  contrary  conclusion.  Consult 
8harpe9  Narrative,  in  Foote,  ii.  268. 

^He  received  the  despatches  on  the  3d  and  7th  of  March,  respectively. 
AhnofUe*s  Journal,  in  Kennedy,  ii.  184,  and  FiHwla,  Represent.,  8-9. 
Hist.  N.  Mix.  States,  Vol.  U.    15 


226  THE  Alamo  and  GOLIAD  MASaACRES. 

war  as  ended,  believing  that  no  further  opposition 
would  be  made  by  the  Texans.  He  accordingly  made 
his  dispositions  to  occupy  the  country  with  his  army. 
On  March  11th  generals  Sesma  and  Woll,  with  the 
battaUons  of  Aldama,  Matamoros,  and  Toluca,  and 
fifty  cavalrymen,  in  all  725  men,  supported  by  two 
pieces  of  artillery,  were  sent  to  take  possession  of  San 
Felipe,  and  thence  proceed  by  Harrisburg  to  An^huaa 
On  the  same  day  Colonel  Morales,  with  the  battalions 
of  San  Luis  and  Jimenez,  a  twelve  and  an  ei^ht 
pounder,  and  a  mortar,  marched  for  Groliad.  Owing 
to  information  received  from  Sesma  and  Urrea,  rela- 
tive to  the  forces  of  the  enemy,  on  the  16th  General 
Tolsa  was  despatched,  with  two  more  battalions  and 
forty  horse,  as  a reenforcement  to  Sesma;  and  Colonel 
Cayetano  Montoya,  also  with  two  battalions  and  a 
twelve-pounder,  to  aid  Urrea. 

Fannin  received  Houston's  despatch  on  the  morn- 
ing of  March  14th,^  and  at  once  made  preparations 
for  his  departure.  An  express  was  sent  to  Ward, 
ordering  his  immediate  return,  as  we  have  seen;  an- 
other was  despatched  to  Colonel  A.  C.  Horton  at 
Matagorda,  instructing  him  to  join  the  main  body 
as  soon  as  possible ;  and  a  third  to  Captain  Samuel 
A  White,  calUng  upon  him  to  hasten  up  carts  and 
wagons,  and  order  a  supply  of  ammunition  to  be  sent 
up  the  Colorado  for  the  army."  AH  these  letters 
were  intercepted;  nevertheless  Horton  arrived  at 
Goliad  on  the  16th  with  twenty-seven  mounted  men. 
The  guns  were  dismounted,  and  such  as  were  not 
transportable  were  buried.  And  now  occurred  a  fatal 
delay.  Fannin  waited  for  the  return  of  Ward  and 
King,  not  for  one  but  several  days.  Courier  after 
courier  was  sent  with  instructions,  but  stiU  no  news 

^ '  On  the  momiiig  after  Ward  left  Goliad. .  .Col  Faimin  received  Gen. 
Houston's  order  to  evacuate  Goliad  and  fall  back  on  Victoria.'  Shaekirfor^s 
Statement,  in  FooU,  ii.  229.  Shaokleford  errs,  however,  in  saying,  page  228, 
that  Ward  was  sent  to  King's  relief  on  the  night  of  the  14th.  Wa^  left 
Goliad  on  the  13th. 

"  Tranafatfone  in  Spanish,  in  Urrea,  Diario,  57-8. 


FANNIN'S  FATAL  MISTAKE.  227 

was  received  of  the  detachment.  The  message  all 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  On  the  16th  a 
fourth  messenger  was  despatched,  and  still  Fannin 
lingered,  so  great  was  his  anxiety  to  learn  the  fate  of 
Ward  and  King,  and  his  unwillingness  to  abandon 
them  in  their  dangerous  position.  His  yielding  to 
this  generous  impulse  was  a  fatal  mistake.  On  the 
17th  Morton  was  sent  to  reconnoitre  in  the  direction 
of  San  Antonio,  and  returned  to  report  that  a  large 
force  was  advancing  slowly  and  in  good  order  upon 
Goliad.  It  was  Morales  sent  by  Santa  Anna  from 
Bdjar.  Not  tiU  the  17th  did  Fannin  obtain  any  inti- 
mation that  Ward's  detachment  had  been  hopelessly 
cut  off,*®  and  on  the  18th  the  enemy  appeared  m  fore*, 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  near  the  old  mission, 
Horton,  oeing  sent  across  with  what  mounted  men  he 
could  collect,  made  a  furious  charge,  and  drove  the 
Mexicans  into  the  timber,  where  they  were  supported 
by  a  strong  body  of  infantry.  He  then  fell  back  in 
good  order.  The  same  day  Urrea  joined  his  forces 
with  those  of  Morales,  numbering  500  men.  His 
position  was  about  a  league  to  the  north  of  Goliad,  on 
the  Arroyo  de  la  Manahuilla.'®  At  last  Fannin  de- 
cided to  retreat,  and  began  so  doing  on  the  following 
morning.  Two  roads  led  from  Goliad  across  the  San 
Antonio  River,  the  lower  one  being  that  to  Victoria. 
ThiB  was  reconnoitred  by  Horton,  and  reported  clear 
of  the  foe.  The  march  began  very  early,  a  dense  fog 
concealing  the  movement.  At  the  foid  much  time 
was  lost  in  passing  over  the  artillery,  which  consisted  of 
nine  pieces;  nevertheless,  the  retreat  was  unobserved, 
and  the  Americans,  in  number  about  300  men,^  ad- 
vanced unmolested  to  within  about  five  miles  of  the 
Coleto  River,  the  banks  of  which  were  well  timbered. 

**  Captain  Fnueer  Yolnnteered  on  the  16th  to  ascertain  the  state  o  affairs. 
He  retomed  with  the  news  Lite  in  the  afternoon  of  the  17th.  Doctor  Bar- 
nard s  Account,  published  in  the  CMiad  Ouard,  1875,  and  transcribed  by  Liim 
in  his  Hemimscencest  148^2. 

*•  Urrta,  Diario,  13.     Urrea's  force  now  amounted  probably  to  1,200  men. 

**  Shackleford  in  Fooie,  u.  234,  sajrs  Fannin's  force  did  not  exceed  275 
effective  men.  This  number  did  not  mclude  Horton 's  cavalry.  Urrea  states 
that  he  took  about  400  prisoners — an  exaggeration.  Diario,  18. 


228 


THE  XLAMO  and  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 


Fannin,  though  a  brave  and  intrepid  officer,  was 
deficient  in  caution,  and  had  too  much  contempt  for 
the  Mexicans,  whom  he  could  not  believe  would  dare  to 
follow  and  attack  him.  Unfortunately,  his  low  appre- 
ciation of  the  foe  was  too  generally  shared  in  by  his 
men,  and  as  the  teams  were  weary  and  weak  for  want 
of  food,  he  halted  for  an  hour  to  refresh  them.     The 


Austin's  Map. 


march  was  then  continued  four  miles  farther,  the  road 
lying  through  an  oval  prairie  skirted  by  belts  of  tim- 
ber. In  front,  not  more  than  a  mile  and  a  half  distant, 
was  the  Coleto,  the  goal  of  safety,  with  its  sheltering 
woods,  and  on  right  and  left,  four  or  five  miles  away, 
was  the  forest.  And  now,  from  a  skirt  of  timber  two 
miles  distant  toward  the  west,  the  enemy's  cavalry 
emerged,  and  rapidly  took  up  a  position  on  the  front 
and  right,  while  from  the  same  quarter  his  infantry 


A  CRITICAL  SITUATION.  229 

presently  issued,  and  deliberately  deployed  on  the 
left  and  rear.  The  Americans  were  completely  sur- 
rounded. 

Urrea,  unconscious  of  the  enemy's  movements,  had 
leisurely  prepared  to  lay  siege  to  Fort  Defiance. 
When,  however,  he  discovered  that  it  had  been  evac- 
uated, he  hastened  to  repair  his  mistake,  and  went  in 
piu^uit  with  his  cavalry,  and  a  portion  of  the  infantry, 
mstructing  Colonel  Garay  to  occupy  the  fort,  and  then 
send  forward  the  artillery  and  the  remainder  of  the 
troops.  The  pursuit  began  at  eleven  o'clock,  and  bo- 
fore  two  in  the  afternoon  the  Americans  were  over- 
taken and  their  advance  intercepted. 

The  enemy  closed  around  so  quickly  that  Fannin 
had  to  abandon  the  attempt  to  reach  the  timber  in 
front,  and  make  immediate  disposition  for  battle.  He 
formed  his  men  into  a  hollow  rectangle,  the  artillery 
being  advantageously  placed.  Unfortunately,  in  try- 
ing to  reach  a  commanding  eminence,  the  ammunition 
wagon  broke  down,  and  they  were  compelled  to  take 
up  a  position  in  a  depression  in  the  prairie  six  or  seven 
feet  below  the  surrounding  plain.  The  companies 
which  composed  Fannin's  force  at  this  crisis  were  the 
Red  Rovers,  the  New  Orleans  Grays,  the  Mustangs  of 
Kentucky,  the  Mobile  Grays,  and  the  regular  artillery. 
Horton  had  been  sent  forward  with  his  cavalry  to 
examine  the  Coleto  crossing,  and  was  unable  to  rejoin 
the  main  body  when  the  engagement  began.®^ 

Some  time  was  occupied  in  preparing  for  the  battle. 
Though  Urrea  had  no  artillery,  he  decided  not  to  wait 
for  it,  but  attack  at  once.  The  Jimenez  battalion, 
and  some  companies  under  Colonel  Salas,  were  sent  in 
front.  Morales  was  placed  on  the  left  flank  of  the 
Americans,  and  the  grenadiers  and  San  Luis  compa- 
nies on   the  right.     A  strong   body  of  cavalry  was 

*^  Some  censure  was  cast  npon  Horton  for  not  making  an  attempt  to  cut 
through  the  enemy.  But  his  men  failed  him,  and  most  of  theiu  rode  otf  to 
Victoria,  leaving  him  no  choice  hut  to  follow.  Shacklefonl  does  him  justice, 
and  tfays  that  with  his  whole  force  he  could  never  have  cut  his  way  through 
such  an  immense  number  of  Mexican  cavalry.  Foote,  ii.  23G. 


230  THE  XLAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

stationed  in  the  rear.  The  Red  Rovers  and  New  Or- 
leans Grays  formed  the  front  line  of  the  Americans; 
Duval's  Mustangs  occupied  the  rear;  and  the  other 
companies  were  stationed  on  the  sides. 

The  attack  was  begun  about  three  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon by  a  simultaneous  assault  on  the  two  sides  of  the 
square,  which  was  somewhat  protected  by  a  barricade 
formed  of  the  baggage  and  wagons.  When  the  ad- 
vancing foe  had  come  within  easy  range,  the  Americans 
being  ordered  to  withhold  their  fire,  the  volunteers 
opened  upon  them  with  rifle  and  artillery,  causing 
great  havoc  in  their  ranks.  Nevertheless  the  Mexi- 
cans pressed  on  with  persistency,  and  attempted  to 
charge  with  the  bayonet.  But  the  Americans  had  an 
abundant  supply  of  weapons,  and  each  man  was  pro- 
vided with  two  or  three  rifles  or  muskets.  Before 
their  withering  volleys  the  charge  was  stopped,  and 
the  baffled  troops  were  ordered  to  lie  down  within 
range  and  only  rise  above  the  grass  to  fire.  Urrea 
now  attempted  a  charge  on  the  rear  with  his  cavalry, 
which  he  led  in  person.  But  men  and  horse  were 
swept  down  by  canister  and  rifle-bullet;  the  troop 
was  thrown  into  confusion,  halted,  and  retreated  in 
disorder.  The  artillery  was  now  directed  against  the 
infantry,  which  was  compelled  to  retire  beyond  range. 
After  this  the  cannons  were  of  little  service,  having 
become  too  hot  to  load,  there  being  no  water  with 
which  to  sponge  them  out. 

As  soon  as  U  rrea  could  restore  order  in  his  ranks, 
he  made  a  third  assault.  On  this  occasion  he  sought 
to  overwhelm  the  devoted  band  by  assailing  it  on  all 
sides  at  once.  His  officers  succeeded  in  urging  on 
their  dispirited  troops  to  within  fifty  or  sixty  yards  of 
the  Texan  lines,  and  again  the  bayonet  charge  and 
cavalry  onset  were  attempted,  only  to  be  repiused  as 
before.  An  eye-witness  thus  describes  the  discom- 
fiture :  "  The  scene  was  now  dreadful  to  behold ;  killed 
and  maimed  men  and  horses  were  strewn  over  the 
plain,  the  wounded  were  rending  the  air  with  their 


DESPERATE  FIGHTING.  231 

distressing  moans;  while  a  great  number  of  horses 
without  riders  were  rushing  to  and  fro  back  upon  the 
enemy's  lines,  increasing  the  confusion  among  them ; 
their  retreat  resembled  the  headlong  flight  of  a  herd 
of  buflFaloes,  rather  than  the  retreat  of  a  well-drilled 
regular  army."**  The  contest  lasted  till  sunset,  and  in 
the  dusk  of  the  evening  trained  Indian  sharp-shooters, 
concealed  by  the  tall  grass,  crept  to  within  e€isy  range 
of  the  Texans,  and  for  some  time  kept  up  a  well-directed 
and  telling  fire.  It  was  only  when  the  darkness  ren- 
dered the  flashes  of  their  fire-arms  visible  that  the 
Texans  could  reply  with  eflFect.**  Then  the  assailants 
were  withdrawn,  and  the  Mexican  general  disposed 
his  forces  around,  taking  every  precaution  to  prevent 
escape  during  the  night. 

In  this  action,  known  as  the  battle  of  the  Encinal 
del  Perdido,  and  also  of  the  Coleto,  the  Americans 
lost  seven  killed,  several  mortally  and  sixty  badly 
wounded,**  Fannin  being  among  the  latter,  having 
received  a  shot  in  the  thigh  early  in  the  fight.  As  in 
the  (»se  of  all  engagements  fought  with  Mexicans,  it 
is  impossible  to  arrive  at  any  accuracy  with  regard  to 
their  loss.  Mexican  generals  invariably  reported  their 
casualties  as  far  less  m  number  than  those  really  sus- 
tained, while  Texan  authorities  as  often  exaggerate  in 
the  other  direction.  On  this  occasion  Urrea  s  state- 
ment, that  in  the  several  severe  contests — for  he  de- 
scribes them  as  such — he  had  only  eleven  killed  and 
fifty- four  wounded,  cannot  be  believed;  nor  are  the 
assertions  even  of  some  American  participators  in  the 
engagement  worthy  of  more  credence.  They  do  not 
hesitate  to  state  that  many  hundreds,  one  eye-witness 
saying  600,  of  the  Mexicans  were  killed  and  wounded.*^ 

^^  Kennedy,  ii.  205-6. 

*^The  sluu^-shooten  caoBed  more  loss  to  the  Texans  thaji  they  had  sus- 
tained during  all  the  previous  fighting.  An  eye-witness  states  that  they 
wounded  fifty  and  killed  four  in  the  space  of  an  hour.  /</.,  ii.  206. 

•♦These  are  Shackleford's  numbers.  Foote^  ii.  234.  Urrea  says  27  were 
killed  and  97  wounded.  Diario,  18.  Barnard  writes:  *  We  had  7  men  killed 
and  60  wounded,  about  40  of  whom  were  disabled.'  Linn's  Rem.,  15S. 

**  Shackl^ord's  A ccount,  in  FooU,  ii.  235;  Kennedy,  ii.  207.  Doctor  Barnani, 
who  was  present  at  the  engagement^  shows  his  good  judgment  in  refraining 


232  THE  iLAMO  AND  QOUAD  MASSACREa 

Indeed,  if  Texan  statements  as  to  Urrea's  losses  are 
accepted,  that  general  would  have  lost  over  1,000  men 
since  he  left  Matamoros.  The  same  tendency  to  mis- 
represent the  numerical  strength  of  the  Mexican  army 
LS  observable  on  both  sides.  The  Texan  authorities 
quoted,  with  the  exception  of  Doctor  Barnard,^  swell 
the  numbers  to  1,900  and  2,000  men,  while  Urrea 
would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  he  fought  the  battle 
with  only  360  infantry  and  80  cavalry.® 

Both  sides  were  vigilant  all  through  the  night 
The  Texans  suffered  much  from  thirst,  but  labored  to 
strengthen  their  position  by  running,  as  best  they 
could,  a  shallow  ditch  around  it,  and  forming  a  barn- 
cade  with  the  carcasses  of  the  animals,  most  of  which 
had  been  killed  or  had  strayed  off  during  the  conflict. 
Urrea  8  troops  kept  wakefully  alert,  and  on  every  side, 
at  short  intervals  of  time,  the  bugle  signals  rung 
through  the  night  air  all  along  the  cordon  of  cavalry- 
men that  encircled  the  doomed  Americans. 

The  dismal  night  ended  at  last  and  day  dawned. 
It  was  Sunday,  March  20th ;  and  before  it  was  well 
light,  a  strong  reenforcement  was  seen  coming  up  to 
join  the  enemy.  The  position  of  the  Americans  was 
now  perilous  in  the  extreme.  They  numbeied  little 
more  than  200  effective  men,  and  these  were  worn  out 
by  the  incessant  toil  and  exertion  they  had  undergone 
since  the  previous  morning.     Moreover,  the  Mexicans 


from  exaggeration.  He  says:  'The  loes  of  the  enemy  I  could  ueyer  leani 
with  precision.  They  had  above  a  hundred  wounded  badly,  that  we  [the  sur- 
geons] were  afterwards  obliged  to  attend  to.     Fifteen  of  their  dead  were 


counted  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  our  intrenchment  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, besides  an  officer  who  died  shortly  after.  The  accounts  of  the  Mexicans 
themselves,  of  whom  I  subsequently  inquired,  varied  in  their  Btatements  of 
their  dead  from  forty  to  four  hundred.'  Linn*s  Bern.,  163. 

'^  This  writer  not  only  strives  to  be  impartial  in  his  statements,  but  shows 
ereat  correctness  in  his  estimates.  He  calculated  the  force  of  the  enemy  to 
be  1,300  on  the  morning  after  the  engagement.  He  judged  it  to  be  about  500 
strong  when  the  attack  began,  and  not  less  than  1,000  at  the  end  of  the  day, 
while  in  the  morning  a  reenforcement  of  300  or  400  men  arrived.  Id,,  157, 
160.  These  numbers  are  nearly  correct,  although  probably  still  too  hi^h. 
Assuming  that  Urrea  left  Matamoros  witii  1,000  men,  his  total  strength  with 
Morales'  contingent  would  be  1,500;  and  bearing  in  mind  that  he  had  left  de- 
tachments at  Sld.  Patricio,  Refugio,  and  Goliad,  besides  incurring  losses,  it 
is  not  likely  that  he  had  more  ihak  1,200  men  on  the  20th. 

^^L'iario,  14. 


SURRENDER.  233 

were  now  provided  with  two  pieces  of  artillery,  and 
presently  began  to  fire  grape  and  canister.  The  men 
were  still  confident  that  they  could  fight  their  way 
through  the  foe  to  the  timber,  but  in  that  case  the 
wounded  would  have  to  be  abandoned,  and  honor  and 
humanity  forbade  their  being  left  to  the  mercy  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  so  lately  shown  such  barbarity  by 
the  massacre  of  King's  party  and  the  defenders  of 
San  Patricio.  The  question  of  surrender  was  there- 
fore agitated,  and  submitted  to  the  companies  by  their 
respective  officers  after  they  had  consulted.  It  was 
generally  agreed  that  if  an  honorable  capitulation 
could  be  obtained,  they  would  lay  down  their  arms 
as  prisoners  of  war.  A  white  flag  was  accordingly 
hoisted,  and  Colonel  Salas,  Lieutenant-colonel  Holsin- 
ger,  and  Adjutant  Jos^  de  la  Luz  Gronzalez  were  sent 
by  Urrea  to  confer  with  Fannin,  who  met  them  mid- 
way between  the  hostile  lines.  The  result  was  that 
the  surrender  was  made.  It  has  been  denied  by 
Urrea  and  Holsinger  that  the  former  signed  any 
capitulation,  but  the  survivors  of  the  band  tell  but 
one  story,  namely,  that  every  one  understood  at  the 
time  that  articles  of  capitulation  were  signed.®^ 

On  the  same  day  such  of  the  Americans  as  were 
able  to  march  were  sent  to  Goliad,  the  wounded  arriv- 
ing at  the  same  place  on  the  2  2d.  The  prisoners  were 
confined  under  a  strong  guard  in  the  church,  which 
was  so  crowded  that  on  the  23d  all  except  the  Mexi- 
can wounded  were  removed,  the  well  ones  to  the 
fort,  and  the  wounded  to  barracks  on  the  west  wall. 
Meantime  Urrea  marched  to  Victoria,  and  on  the  2  2d 
captured  Ward  and  his  command,  as  already  nar- 
rated. He  also  made  dispositions  for  the  occupation 
of  C6pano ;  and  on  the  23d  Major  Miller,  with  eighty- 
two  volunteers  just  arrived  from  Nashville,  was  made 

•CoTSult  Hist,  Mex.,  v.  170-1,  this  series;  also  Holsinger *8  letter  to 
Wharton  of  June  3,  1836,  in  Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  73-^;  Urrea,  Diario,  17, 
23,68,  128-33;  DocUyr  Barnard's  Account,  ut  mp.,  1(51-3;  ^Sh'irkU'JonrH  Ar- 
awitf,  in  FoUe,  ii.  237-9;  Kennedy,  Tex,,  ii.  208-10;  Yoakum,  ii.  514^10; 
Santa  Aniui,  Man\f.,  49. 


234  THE  iLAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

prisoner  by  Colonel  Vara  at  that  place  on  landing. 
All  were  sent  to  Goliad,  Ward's  command  being 
brought  in  on  the  25th. 

On  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  the  supreme  govern- 
ment, in  view  of  the  notorious  preparations  carried  on 
in  the  south  of  the  United  States,  to  enlist  volunteers 
in  the  Texan  cause,  passed  a  law  December  30,  1835, 
to  the  effect  that  all  foreigners  landing  in  the  republic 
with  arms  in  their  hands  should  be  considered  pirates, 
and  punished  as  such.*^  When  Santa  Anna  was  in- 
formed of  the  capture  of  Fannin  and  his  command,  he 
determined  that  this  Draconian  measure  should  be  car- 
ried out  to  the  letter.  He  despatched  an  order  to  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Nicolas  de  la  Portilla,  the  commandant 
at  Goliad,  commanding  him  immediately  to  execute 
the  prisoners,  and  expressing  his  surprise  that  the  law 
had  not  alreadv  been  carried  into  effect.  The  despatch 
reached  Portilla's  hand  at  seven  o'clock  on  the  night 
of  the  26th.  The  Americans,  unconscious  of  their 
impending  fate,  were  cheerful  and  buoyant  with  the 
hope  of  soon  behig  sent  back  to  their  homes.  Shackle- 
ford  narrates  that  several  of  them  on  that  evening 
played  in  concert  on  their  flutes  the  air  of  "  Home, 
sweet  home." 

Portilla  passed  a  restless  night,  and  not  till  morning 
dawned  did  he  decide  to  carry  out  the  barbarous  but 
imperative  order.  The  whole  garrison  was  drawn  up 
imder  arms,  the  prisoners  were  aroused  from  their 
sleep,  formed  into  three  divisions,  and  marched  out  of 
the  town  in  different  directions.  Their  questionings 
were  satisfied  with  various  explanations;  the  victims 
in  one  band  were  told  that  they  were  going  to  C6pano 
to  be  sent  home;  of  another,  that  they  were  wanted 
to  slaughter  beeves ;  and  the  third,  that  room  in  the 
fort  was  required  for  the  reception  of  Santa  Anna. 
Four  doctors  and  about  a  dozen  others  were  not  called 
out.     It  was  Palm  Sunday.     Each  line  marched  in 

^Copy  in  Duhlan  and  LozanOf  iii  114-15.  All  foreigners  also  who  landed 
arms  and  ammunition  for  the  use  of  the  rebels  were  to  be  similarly  dealt  with. 


MOST  VILLANOUS  TREACHERY.  235 

double  file,  with  a  gaard  of  soldiers  on  either  side. 
Half  a  mile  from  the  fort  the  order  was  given  to  halt; 
the  file  of  soldiers  on  the  right  passed  through  the 
prisoners'  line,  and  in  a  moment  after,  the  whole  guard 
poured  in  a  volley  upon  them.  Nearly  all  fell ;  a  few 
survivors  only  escaped  into  the  long  grass  of  the 
prairie,  some  of  whom,  eluding  their  pursuers,  gained 
the  river.  The  first  division  to  sufler  was  that  which 
had  been  led  out  on  the  road  to  the  lower  ford,  but 
the  sound  of  distant  volleys  in  other  directions  soon 
after  told  those  at  Groliad  that  the  murderous  work 
was  being  consummated  elsewhere.  For  an  hour 
after  the  first  firing,  the  ring  of  intermittent  shots 
smote  on  the  ear,  producing  in  the  listener's  mind  a 
terrible  picture  of  the  flight  and  chase,  of  the  hunter 
following  his  unarmed  prey  through  the  tall  grass  and 
dark  weeds,  of  the  fiendish  eagerness  of  the  one  to 
kill  and  the  desperate  struggles  of  the  other  to  escape. 
Over  300  victims  were  put  to  death  in  this  cold- 
blooded butchery,  without  a  warning,  without  a  mo- 
ment in  which  to  prepare  for  death,  send  home  a 
farewell,  or  even  utter  a  prayer  1  Twenty-seven  only 
escaped.  MiUer's  company  was  not  included  in  the 
first  massacre.  The  wounded  were  dragged  from  the 
barracks  an  hour  later  and  shot.  Fannin  was  reserved 
till  the  last,  and  met  his  fate  with  a  soldier's  calmness 
and  bearing.  He  gave  his  watch  to  the  officer  in 
command  of  the  firing  platoon,  with  a  request  not  to 
be  shot  in  the  head,  and  to  be  decently  buried.  He 
was  shot  in  the  head,  nevertheless,  nor  was  he  in- 
terred, his  corpse  being  cast  among  the  bodies  of  the 
other  dead.  Ward  faced  his  death  with  stern  anger. 
When  commanded  to  kneel,  he  refused,  and  being  told 
that  by  so  doing  his  life  might  be  spared,  he  still  would 
not  bend  his  knee.  "You  have  killed  my  comrades  in 
cold  blood,"  he  indignantly  exclaimed;  "I  have  no 
wish  to  Uve."  A  few  moments  later  he  had  ceased  to 
breathe.^®     When  the  slaughter  was  ended,  the  dead 

''^  ThiB  description  of  the  maMacre  of  Fanniii's  oommand  has  been  derived 
from  the  moet  reliable  of  sources,  namely,  the  accounts  of  Shackleford  and 


236  THE  ALAMO  AKD  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

were  stripped  of  clothing,  and  the  naked  corpses  col- 
lected into  heaps;  then  brushwood  was  piled  upon 
them  and  set  on  fire.  Even  this  heathenish  disposal 
of  the  dead  was  badly  done,  and  days  afterward  man\' 
hands  and  feet  unscathed  by  the  flames  were  seen  by 
Shackleford,  whose  eldest  son  and  two  nephews  were 
among  the  victims. 

The  odium  of  this  horrible  deed  rightly  rests  on 
Santa  Anna.  The  officers  more  directly  concerned 
showed  some  feelings  of  humanity.  Their  chief  had 
none.  Urrea  reconmiended  the  prisoners  to  mercy, 
and  received  a  sharp  reprimand."^  Portilla  hesitated, 
and  afterward  expressed  his  horror  and  disgust  at 
having  been  compelled  bv  his  duty  as  an  officer  to 
execute  the  hatenil  task.^^    But  Santa  Anna's  order 

Barnard,  and  S.  T.  Brown,  the  last  being  one  of  the  Americana  who  escaped 
from  the  first  division  of  prisoners.  Shackleford  and  Barnard  at  the  time 
were  in  Colonel  Garay's  quarters  outside  the  fort,  were  in  part  spectators  ol 
of  the  cruel  scenes,  and  derived  further  particulars  from  eye-witnesses.  \he 
narratives  of  all  three  have  been  previously  referred  to.  With  regard  to  the 
number  of  those  put  to  death  in  this  massacre,  Mexican  and  Texan  authorities 
approximately  acree^  Captain  Kennymore,  one  of  the  survivors,  supplied  to 
the  Tez,  Aim,  of  1860,  pp.  82-91,  a  muster-roll  of  Fannin's  oommaniL  whidi 
he  looked  upon  as  correct,  and  also  Brown's  narrative.  Acoordinff  to  Kenny- 
more  s  table,  the  command  numbered  444  men,  of  whom  33  were  detained  for 
medical  and  other  services,  26  escaped,  and  385  killed  on  different  occasions, 
including  20  of  King's  company,  and  21  of  Horton's.  According  to  an  extract 
from  Portilla's  diary,  supplied  in  Urrta,  Diario,  61-2,  the  number  of  pnsoa- 
ers  amounted  to  445,  or  363  after  deducting  Miller's  company,  which,  not 
having  been  taken  in  arms  against  the  republic,  he  reserved  for  further  in- 
structions. Deducting  from  the  latter  figures  27,  the  number  of  those  who 
escaped,  according  to  Shackleford's  list  of  their  names,  Foote,  ii.  244,  and  16 
doctors  and  others  who  were  retained  in  Groliad,  it  would  appear  that  31ID 
were  put  to  death  on  the  morning  of  the  27th.  lliis  number  very  nearly  t:il- 
lies  with  Kennvmore's  figures.  For  if  41  of  Horton's  and  Kins's  commands 
be  taken  from  his  list  of  Killed,  there  remain  344,  showing  a  difference  of  £4 
men,  which  may  be  explained  by  the  deatlis  occasioned  by  the  battle  of  tlio 
Coleto,  and  the  loss  sustained  bv  Ward  at  Refugio,  and  during  his  retreat  to 
Victoria.  Brown,  who  was  with  Ward's  commanil,  says:  'At  the  time  of  the 
surrender  we  had  only  85  men,  the  others  having  left  us  on  the  route  from 
the  mission  to  Victoria.'  Tex,  Aim.,  1860,  86.  Yoakum,  ii.  100,  gives  the  num- 
ber of  killed  as  330,  but  he  only  puts  down  eight  as  the  numb^  of  surgeoos 
and  attendants  saved. 

^^ '  La  respueata  de  S.  £.  i  la  recomendacion  del  Sr  de  Urrea,  fu4  una 
reconvencion  bastante  fuerte,  manifestdndole  su  desagrado,  y  al  misma 
tiempo,  que  no  manchase  sus  triunfos  con  una  mala  entendida  compasion.' 
CarOf  Verdad.  Idea^  13.  Holainger,  in  hia  letter  to  Wharton,  intimates  that 
Urrea  did  not  iutercedo  for  the  prisoners'  lives,  at  any  rate  neglected  to  in- 
form Sauta  Anna  of  the  personal  promises  ma;lo  to  Fannin,  /rf.,  76-7.  But 
it  must  bo  remembered  tnat  Holainger  was  endeavoring  to  exculpate  Santa 
Anna,  who  was  then  a  prisoner  of  Houston's. 

'''See  his  diary  and  letter  to  Urrea  of  March  27,  1836,  in  Urrea,  Diario^ 
62-3;  Democrattc  Review^  iii.  144-5;  and  Yoakum,  ii.  519-20. 


SANTA  ANNA,  THE  FIEND.  .  237 

was  peremptory,  and  did  not  conceal  his  angry  im- 
patience; still  Portilla  saved  Miller's  company  from 
destruction.  Colonel  Garay  displayed  his  humanity  in 
a  still  more  practical  manner.  Assuming  a  dangerous 
responsibility,  he  withdrew  doctors  Shackleford,  Bar- 
nard, Field,  and  Hall,  with  some  others,  fromr  the  hos- 
pitals, and  sent  them  with  Miller's  company  to  his  own 
quarters,  where  he  had  two  other  men  already  concealed 
in  a  tent.  The  Sefiora  Alvarez  also  concealed  and 
saved  a  few  of  the  officers.^'  But  no  ray  of  mercy  or 
of  pity  illumined  the  dark  and  cruel  soul  of  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief.  He  was  the  incarnation  of  an  inhuman- 
ity at  once  revengeful  and  cowardly.  The  slaughter 
of  his  troops  at  the  Alamo  still  rankled  in  his  mind, 
and  he  would  not  have  spared  a  single  life.  Miller 
and  his  men  would  also  have  been  put  to  death  but 
for  the  representations  of  an  officer  who  presumed  to 
plead  for  them/* 

"See  Barnard's  and  Shackleford's  narrativefl,  in  Linn*8  Rem,,  168,  171-3, 
and  FooUj  ii.  244-^.  Barnard  says  the  name  of  Sefiora  Xlvarez  deserves  to 
be  reooirded  in  letters  of  gold.  Shackleford  speaks  of  her  as  an  angel  of 
mercy.  This  was  not  the  first  or  last  time  tlukt  she  showed  kindness  and 
bnmanity  to  her  country's  enemies. 

"  When  their  case  was  referred  to  Santa  Anna,  he  instructed  his  secretary, 
Garo,  to  draw  up  the  order  for  their  execution.  This  was  done;  but  Captain 
Savariego,  the  bearer  of  the  despatch  from  Goliad,  had  the  courage  to  address 
Santa  Anna  ou  the  subject  of  mercy,  and  received  a  sound  rating  for  his  pre- 
samption.  '  Pero  ap^nas  hubo  hablacio,  cuando  recibid  por  respuesta  tan  amar- 
saa  reprensiones,  que  8ali<5  confundido. '  Caro,  Verdad.  Idea^lo.  Santa  Anna, 
however,  withdrew  his  order  and  postponed  his  decision  till  he  had  investi- 
gated the  matter.  By  this  accidental  interposition  the  lives  of  the  company 
were  saved. 


CHAPTER  XL 

SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

1836-^1837. 

HouffroK*s  Retreat— HiB  Bioorafhy— Panic  ot  the  Sbttlibs— Sak  Fe- 
LiFB  Burned— Santa  Anna's  Plans  and  Advance — ^Hib  Imfetuous 
Movements — ^Removal  of  the  Government  to  Galtesiok — Harris- 
BURO  IN  Ashes— Discontent  or  Houston's  Army— Its  Advance  to 
the  San  Jacinto — Santa  Anna  Burns  New  Washington — He 
Marches  to  Engage  Houstton — ^Prkldonart  Skirmishing — Mkxicar 
Carelessness  in  an  Enemt's  Front- Discussion  on  Houston's  Tactics 
— Burning  of  Yince's  Bridge— Pbjeparations  for  Battle — San  Ja- 
cinto AND  Slaughter— Santa  Anna's  Flight  and  Capture— Nsqoita- 
TioNs  for  Life — Filisola's  Rktreat — ^The  Treaties — Santa  Anna's 
Dangerous  Position  and  Final  Release. 

News  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo  reached  Washington 
on  March  16th,  and  on  the  18th  the  government  moved 
its  seat  to  Harrisburg.  A  proclamation,  however, 
was  issued  by  the  president,  in  which  it  was  stated 
that  this  step  was  not  taken  through  apprehensiv^n 
that  the  enemy  was  near,  but  had  been  resolved  upon 
as  conducive  to  the  public  good  before  any  such  report 
was  in  circulation.* 

Meanwhile  Houston  pursued  his  retreat  to  the 
Colorado,  where  he  intended  to  make  a  stand,  having 
sent  his  aide-de-camp,  William  T.  Austin,  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Brazos  for  cannon  and  ammunition.  His  force 
at  this  time  was  about  400  men,  but  as  fresh  troops 
kept  joining  him,  the  army  soon  numbered  700.  But 
the  removal  of  the  government  to  Harrisburg,*  Hous- 

^  The  same  express  which  brought  intelligence  of  the  fall  of  the  Xlamo 
also  reported  that  Houston  was  in  rapid  retreat  from  Gonzalez.  TVsc  Aim., 
1860,  61. 

>  Houston,  in  a  despatch  to  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  the  secretary  of  war,  dated 

/2S8} 


SAMUEL  HOUSTON.  239 

ton's  necessary  retreat,  and  successive  reports  of  dis- 
asters raised  the  panic  in  the  country  to  the  highest 
pitcL  The  settlers  abandoned  their  homes,  fleeing  in 
all  directions  before  the  retreating  army,  or  accom- 
panying it  for  protection.  Thus,  many  brave  men 
were  absent  from  the  field,  engaged  in  conveying  their 
famihes  to  places  of  security.  On  March  14th,  the 
commander-in-chief  encamped  near  the  Navidad,  and 
on  the  l7th  reached  Bumham's  place  on  the  Colorado. 
Here  he  remained  two  days,  which  were  spent  in  put- 
ting the  families  which  had  cast  their  lot  with  the 
army  across  the  river.  The  troops  having  then  passed 
over,  he  proceeded  to  a  noted  point  on  the  left  bank, 
called  Beason  Crossing,  where  he  remained  till  the 
26th,  waiting  for  the  i^illery/ 

As  the  Texan  conmiander-in-chief  is  now  about  to 
enter  upon  a  career  during  which  his  action  has  been 
severely  criticised  by  his  enemies,  but  which  was  ulti- 
mately crowned  with  extraordinary  success,  and  won 
the  independence  of  Texas,  it  will  be  proper  to  place 
before  the  reader  some  account  of  his  parentage  and 
previous  life. 

Samuel  Houston  was  bom  on  March  2d,  1793,  at  a 
place  called  Timber  Ridge  Church,  in  Rockbridge 
county,  Virginia,  and  by  a  singular  coincidence  forty- 
three  years  after  the  independence  of  Texas  was 
declared,  on  his  natal  day.  Both  his  father  and 
mother  were  descended  from  ancestors  who  emigrated 
to  the  north  of  Ireland  from  the  Hisrhlands  of  Scot- 
land in  the  troublous  times  of  the  reformation  in  that 
country   during  the   sixteenth   century.     After   the 

March  29,  1836,  writes:  'Tour  removal  to  Harrisbarg  has  done  more  to  in- 
crease the  panic  in  the  country  than  anythincr  else  that  nas  occurred  in  Texas, 
except  the  fall  of  the  Alamo.     Copy  in  Yocueum,  ii.  485-6 

*0n  March  23d,  G.  W.  liockleyy  inspector-general  of  the  army,  wrote  by 
order  of  Houston  to  Secretary  Kusl^  *  We  have  now  upwrrd  of  700  men  .  .  . 
all  in  good  spirits  and  anxious  to  meet  the  foe.'  But  this  number  does  not 
represent  the  force  with  which  Houston  continued  his  retreat  from  the  Colo- 
rado, for  on  the  same  day  he  himself  writes  to  Rusk,  '  Men  are  flocking  to 
camp,  and  I  expect  in  a  day  or  two  to  receive  200  volunteers  and  regular.!.' 
'In  a  few  days  my  force  will  be  highly  respectable,'  Copies  in  /i.,  ii.  480-4. 


240  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

siege  of  Londondeny,  in  1690,  in  which  they  took 
part,  they  crossed  the  Atlantic  and  settled  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  two  families  seemingly  following  each  other 
in  their  migrations,  till,  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  we  find  them  established  in  Virginia.  Hous- 
ton's father  was  possessed  of  only  moderate  means, 
and  died  in  1807,  when  the  fixture  founder  of  the 
Texan  republic  was  thirteen  years  of  age ;  he  was  a 
man  of  powerful  frame,  undaunted  courage,  and  was 
swayed  by  a  strong  passion  for  military  life.  The 
mother  was  highly  gifted  with  intellectual  qualities, 
was  of  a  most  benevolent  disposition,  and  possessed 
of  a  fortitude  which  the  dangers  that  a  life  on  the 
frontiers  was  ever  exposed  to  could  not  shake.  Hous- 
ton inherited  the  qualities  of  both  his  parents. 

After  the  death  of  her  husband,  Mrs  Houston  with 
her  family  of  six  sons  and  three  daughters  crossed 
the  AUeghanies  and  settled  near  the  Tennessee  river, 
which  was  then  the  boundary  line  between  the  Cher- 
okee Indians  and  the  white  race.  Young  Houston 
thus  far  had  received  little  or  no  education,  having 
displayed  an  aversion  to  attending  school  during  such 
intervals  as  he  could  be  released  from  labor  on  the 
farm ;  and  now  he  was  more  than  ever  confined  to 
hard  work.  Nevertheless  he  attended  for  a  short 
time  an  academy  established  in  that  part  of  Tennessee, 
and  obtained  possession  of  several  books  which  greatly 
attracted  his  attention.  They  were  translations  of 
Latin  and  Greek  authors,  and  among  them  was 
Pope's  Iliad.  The  perusal  of  these  works  excited  in 
him  an  ardent  desire  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the 
original  languages,  and  when  his  application  to  be  in- 
structed in  them  was  refused  by  his  teacher,  he  in- 
dignantly left  the  institution.  At  home  his  elder 
brothers  exercised  a  kind  of  fraternal  tyranny  over 
him,  and  at  last  compelled  him  to  enter  a  merchant's 
store,  from  which  he  presently  disappeared.  Axter 
much  fruitless  search,  the  family  learned  at  last  that 
he  had  taken  up  his  abode  with  the  Cherokees.     No 


HOUSTON'S  BIOGRAPHY.  241 

persuasion  could  induce  the  scapegrace  to  abandon  his 
wild  life,  and  he  remained  with  the  Indians  till  he 
was  eighteen  years  of  age,  spending  his  time  in  chas- 
iug  wild  game  and  self-education  to  which  he  diligently 
applied  himself. 

Having  contracted  some  small  debt  in  purchase  of 
articles  for  his  Indian  friends,  he  considered  himself 
bound  to  make  an  effort  to  pay  it.     He  accordingly 
left  the  native  village  and  opened  a  school,  overcom- 
ing the  many  difficulties  which  opposed  him  at  the 
stari     When  his  debt  was  paid  he  returned  to  his 
former   teacher,  but  soon  coming  to  the  conclusion 
that  he  would  never  make  a  scholar,  entered  a  store 
in  Kingston,  Tennessee,  as  clerk.     In  1813  Houston, 
who  had  grown  into  a  powerful  man,  over  six  feet 
high,  enlisted  as  a  recruit  in  the  ranks  of  the  United 
States'  army,  and  was  presently  marched  off  to  the 
Creek    War.       In  the   hard-fought    battle    of  the 
Horse   Shoe   bend  of  the  Tallapoosa,  he    displayed 
rare  coun^e  and  fortitude.     Having  been  appointed 
ensign,  when  the  assault  was  made  on  the  Indian  for- 
tifications he  mounted  the  defences,  colors  in  hand, 
and  having  been  struck  by  a  barbed  arrow  in  the 
thigh,  compelled,  with  his  uplifted  sword  and  threats 
of  death,  a  soldier  to  pull  the  missile  out.     Though 
carried  to  the  rear,  he  presently  returned  to  the  fiffht, 
and   received   two  rifle  balls  in  the  right  shoulder 
which  completely  disabled  him.     His  recovery  from 
these  wounds  was  long  doubtfiil,  but  his  strong  con- 
stitution saved  him.     The  intrepidity  which  he  dis- 
played in  this  battle  won  for  him  the  lasting  regard 
of  Qeneral  Jackson,  and  he  was  made  lieutenant  for 
hisgaJlantry. 

When  peace  was  restored  Houston  was  appointed 
sub-agent  to  the  Cherokee  nation,  which  position  he 
held  till  about  1819,  when  he  was  removed  on  account 
of  a  controversy  in  which  he  became  involved  with 
Calhoun,  the  secretary  of  war.  He  then  went  to 
Nashville  and  studied  law,  obtaining  a  license  to  prac- 

HiBT.  Tex.,  Vol.  II.   16 


242  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

tise  afler  about  eight  months  of  assiduous  study;  was 
presently   elected   attorney-general  of  that  district; 
and  in  1821  was  chosen  major-general  of  the  militia. 
In  1823  he  was  elected  to  congress,  and  reelected  in 
1825.      While  member  of  congress  .Houston  fought 
a  duel  which  caused  much  excitement  in  the  United 
States  at  the  time.     In  1826  while  in  Nashville  he 
preferred  some  charges  against  the  postmaster  of  that 
town,  who  sent  him  a  challenge  by  the  hands  of  Col- 
onel John  T.  Smith,  a  notorious  duelist  from  Missouri 
Houston's  second,  Colonel  McGregor,  refused  to  re- 
ceive the  challenge  through  such  hands,  and  Smith 
retired.     The  postmaster's  communication  had   been 
offered  and  rejected  in  the  presence  of  a  large  number 
of  persons,  among  whom  was  Greneral  William  White, 
who  could  not  refrain  from  remarking  that  he  did  not 
think  proper  courtesy  had  been  extended  to  Smith. 
Houston  overheard  the  remark  and  expressed  himself 
ready  to  give  White,  if  he  had  any  grievances,  any 
satisfaction  he  might  demand.     The  result  was  a  chal- 
lenge from  White,  and  the  meeting  took  place  in  Simp- 
son county,  Kentucky,  September  23,  1826.     White 
was  dangerously  wounded,  being  shot  through  the  body 
just  above  the  hip.     He,  however,  recovered ;  Hous- 
ton was  untouched.* 

In  1827  Houston  was  elected  governor  of  Tennessee 
by  a  large  majority.  But  ere  long  a  domestic  ca- 
lamity charged  the  whole  tenor  of  his  future  life.     In 

^The  partdculars  o£  this  duel  are  derived  from  the  aoconnt  by  Col  Wil- 
lonshby  Williams,  of  Teimesaee,  ^bliahed  in  the  Louisville  Cottrier  Jommal, 
and  reproduced  in  the  San  Francisco  Post,  Apr.  17,  1878.     i^jor  Framan, 


lolloping  story.  At  the  house  where  Houston  was  Btayizig 
during  the  week  preceding  the  duel  were  a  ffame-cockand  a  j^ugnacions  little 
dog  named  'Andrew  Jackson,'  both  of  which  he  greatly  admired  ajid  petted. 
Earlv  in  the  momine  of  the  meeting  he  was  awakened  by  tiie  barking  of 
'Andrew  Jackson.'  Houston  arose  and  becan  to  mould  buUets  for  tho  occa- 
sion. As  the  first  bullet  fell  from  the  mould  he  was  ^preeted  by  the  crowing 
of  the  game-cock;  whereupon  he  marked  one  side  of  it  for  the  dog  and  the 
other  for  the  fowl,  detenmning  that  that  particular  ball  should  be  the  first 
to  be  fired  by  him  at  his  opponent.  The  bullet  was  used,  and  WTiite  f  eU. 
After  the  duel  Houston  assumed  a  game-cock  and  a  dog  as  a  ooat-of  arms. 
Id,,  62^-30. 


APPROACH  OF  THE  MEXICANS.  243 

January  1829,  he  espoused  a  daughter  of  a  wealthy 
and  mfluential  family  in   Tennessee.     For  a  reason, 
into  the  explanation  of  which  Houston  never  conde- 
scended to  enter,  the  husband  and  wife  shortly  after 
their  marriage    separated    forever.     There   is   little 
doubt,  however,  that  Houston  discovered  that  his  af- 
fection  was  not  reciprocated;  yet  with  true  magna- 
nimity, he  fully  exonerated  his  wife  from  all  blame  in 
the  matter,  regarding  it  as  a  misfortune  and  not  as  a 
fault  of  hers.     But  the  blow  struck  hard.     Houston 
sent  in  his  resignation  of  the  governorship  to  the  sec- 
retary of  state  by  Colonel  Williams,  and  in  disguise 
left  the  country,  a  self-exiled  man.     Ascending   the 
Arkansas  river  he  again  sought  a  home  among  the 
Cherokees,  who  by  this  time  were  in  an  eastern  por- 
tion of  what  is  now  Indian  territory.     He  was  kindly 
received,  and  in  October  1829,  was  admitted  to  all  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  that  nation.     In  1832  he  went 
to  Washington  to  remonstrate   against   frauds  prac- 
tised by  the  United  States'  Indian  agents,  which  re- 
sulted in  the  removal  of  five  of  them.     This  involved 
him  in  personal  quarrels,  and  a  rencounter  occurred  be- 
tween him  and  W .  R.  Stansbury,  a  representative  in 
the    house    from     Ohio.      Stansburv   was    severely 
beaten*     Houston  was  arrested,  tried  for  assault,  and 
fined  $500      The  sentence,  however,  was  not  enforced 
by  the  court,  and  President  Jackson   afterward   re- 
mitted  the   fine.     In   December   of  the   same   year 
Houston  went  to  Texas  and,  as  the  reader  is  aware, 
was  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  convention  which  as- 
sembled April  1st,  1833,  at  San  Felipe.     Such  was 
the  previous  career  of  the  man  whom  the  fates  now 
called  upon  to  guide  the  destiny  of  Texas.* 

Almost  simultaneously  with  Houston's  arrival  at 

^Leata's  HoutUm  and  hig  Hep.,  9-47;  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  119-25;  Conlom'a 
Tex.^  17S-9;  Houston,  life  of,  17-70;  Quarterly  Rev.,  v.  new  ser.,  317;  IK/- 
«m.  Rem.  ly  a  *' Mier  Priwner's"  Widow,  12;  ThraU,  555  et  Beq.;  Oakland 
Timesj  CaL,  Apr.  17,  1878;  Amer.  Cyclop,  ix.  tub  nom.;  The  CerUury,  Aug., 
1881;  Sahei^s  Tex.,  255-7. 


2ii  8Ain:A  AKKA'S  HUMUJATIOK. 

Beason  Crossmg,  generals  Bamirez  y  Se£ana  and  WoU, 
with  a  force  variously  estimated  at  fix>m  600  to  800,* 
reached  the  Colorado  and  took  up  a  position  in  a  bend 
of  the  river  about  two  miles  above  the  Texans.  On 
the  approach  of  the  Mexicans^  Captain  Cames  had 
been  sent  with  five  men  to  reconnoitre,  while  to  pre- 
vent Sesma  from  passing  across  the  river,  Colonel 
Sidney  Sherman  and  Captain  Patton  were  despatched 
with  150  men  to  Dewees  crossing/  Cames  fell  in 
with  twelve  of  the  enemy,  and  in  tiie  skirmish  which 
ensued,  killed  one  of  them  and  captured  another. 
Sherman's  detachment  was  presently  increased  to 
from  850  to  400  men.  For  six  days  the  opposing 
armies  remained  in  their  respective  positions  withhi 
striking  distance  without  either  side  making  any  hos- 
tile demonstration.'  Houston's  army  by  the  25th  bad 
received  such  accessions  that  it  was  over  1400  strong,* 
and  the  men  were  all  eager  to  engage  the  enemy. 
There  is  evidence  that  at  one  time  he  intended  to 
cross  the  river  and  give  Sesma  battle  ;^*  but  on  the 

•The  real  nomber  was  725.  FSUaoHa  Mem.  7V-»  i  20. 

T  Tex.  Alm.^  ISCO,  56.     Yoakum  calls  it  Bobertson's  orossmg.  iL  112. 

*  Sesma  was  ordered  by  Santa  Anna  not  to  attempt  to  crosBlbe  river,  im- 
less  the  enemy  retired.    IWsola,  Mem.  Guerra  T^.,  iL  441. 

*  It  is  impossible  to  find  out  the  exact  number  of  men  nnder  Houston  at 
this  time.  Ex-president  Anson  Jones  says  that  on  the  day  of  tho  retreat 
from  the  Colorado  their  number  was  oyer  1500— 'I  think  1570';  Col  Ben 
Fort  Smith,  1360;  Col  Amasa  Tomer  says,  1408^  besides  105  men  who 
joined  the  next  day.  Col  Tarlton  gives  the  nnmber  1800;  Calder  thought 
the  muster-roll  showed  1400;  Franklin  says  upward  of  1400  men;  Heard 
considered  the  numerical  force  to  be  from  1500  to  1600  men,  beoanse  tihe  issu- 
ing commissary  told  him  that  rations  for  1600  had  been  dnikwn.  Tex^  Abn,, 
l^,  136.  Foote  considers  that  at  least  1400  soldiers  were  present  on  the 
25th,  and  in  a  note  gives  his  authorities.  Tex.,  iL  274.  The  Mexican  gen- 
eral, Sesma,  placed  the  number  of  the  Tezans  at  1200.  See  his  despatcm  to 
Santa  Anna  of  March  25,  1836,  in  FUiaoia,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  41.  Houston  in 
his  speech  in  the  Senate  of  the  U.  S.,  Feb.  28,  1850,  states  that  his  efficient 
force  never  exceeded  700  troops  at  any  one  point.  ConrprtehneU  Gldbe^  1859, 
p.  1438.  Copy  of  same  speech  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  18-35.  This  assertion  is 
somewhat  contradictory  to  the  statement  in  his  letters  of  March  23;  1836. 

^  Foote-— ii.  278-9--0tates  that  he  is  oonvinoed  that  Qen.  Houston,  up  to 
the  25th  of  March,  contemplated  a  struggle  with  the  enemy  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Colorado,  and  from  a  mass  of  documents,  quotes  one  whidi  he 
considers  conclusive.  '  Capt.  Shape  says:  Qen.  Houston  told  me  to  tell 
the  people  not  to  run  any  farther . . .  there  would  be  no  more  retreating;  and 
that  the  next  news  they  would  hear  from  the  army  would  be  of  a  batue,  the 
result  of  which  no  one  could  doubts'  The  same  author  also  supplies  codt  of 
Army  Orders  of  March 21st»  in  which Hooston's  intention  is  evident.     ^Jui  a 


HOUSTON'S  INTENTIONS.  246 

25tli  news  was  bro^ht  by  Peter  Kerr  of  the  capture 
and  massacre  of  irannin's  command.  This  was  a 
death-blow  to  his  plans.  It  would  be  madness  to  as- 
sail under  these  circumstances,  allow  Urrea  to  gain 
his  rear,  and  let  himself  be  surrounded  by  over- 
whelming forces."  Accordingly  he  decided  on  a  fur. 
ther  retreat  to  the  Brasses,  and  on  the  evening  of  the 
26th  fell  back  five  miles  and  encamped  on  the  margin 
of  a  lake  in  the  prairie.  This  movement  increased 
the  prevailing  consternation,  and  caused  the  greatest 
dissatisfaction  to  both  the  officers  and  troops  of  his 
army.  The  fieiy  spirits  of  which  his  force  was  com- 
posed were  longing  to  strike  the  foe  which  had  dealt 
so  savagely  with  their  relatives,  comrades,  and  coun- 
trymen, and  in  their  rage  could  not  perceive  the  pru- 
dence practised  by  their  general.  It  is  true  that  he 
might  have  struck  Sesma  hard,  had  he  attacked  him; 
but  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  while  the  Mexican 
commander  had  two  pieces  of  artillery,*'  Houston  had 
none,  and  It  was  for  his  cannon  that  he  reasonably 
waited  so  long.  But  it  never  arrived,  and  he  did  not 
dream  of  such  a  blow  as  the  destruction  of  Fannin  and 
his  command,  who,  he  supposed,  were  safe  at  Victoria, 
as  would  have  been  the  case  had  Fannin  obeyed  his 
orders.  As  soon  as  General  Houston's  intention  be- 
came known,  Captain  Heard  and  a  number  of  other 
substantial  planters  on  the  banks  of  the  Colorado 
asked  for  and  obtained  furloughs  to  enable  them  to 
remove  their  families  to  places  of  security,  and  in  the 
subsequent  retreat,  as  elsewhere  intimated,  the  army 
was  soon  reduced  to  half  its  original  strength  by  the 
departure  of  men  bent  on  the  same  errand. 

Meanwhile  the  government  had  been  exerting  itself 

few  days/  he  aays,  'I  hope  to  have  force  snffinieTit  to  capture  the  enemy 
before  he  can  reach  the  Goadalnpe.' 

u  Moreover  if  he  fought  a  hattle,  he  had  no  means  of  transporting  his 
wounded.     Uotukm^a  Speech  ut  swp. 

^  '  Dob  piezas  de  &  6  con  sua  correspondientes  dotacionea  de  artilleros  y 
mumciones/    FiSaolaf  Mem.  Ty\,  i.  20. 


246  SAITTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION 

to  send  reSnforcemenis,  war  material,  and  supplies  to 
the  front.  Two  thirds  of  the  militia  had  been  called 
out,  and  measures  were  adopted  to  arrest  the  pmic 
and  flight  of  the  inhabitants  toward  the  Sabine.  Pres- 
ident Burnet,  on  March  18th,  issued  a  proclamation 
tending  to  allay  the  public  consternation,  exhorting 
the  people  not  to  abandon  their  homes,  thereby  de- 
priving their  country's  defenders  then  in  the  field  of 
additional  strength.  But  this  proved  ineffectual.  As 
soon  as  the  fate  of  Fannin's  command  was  known,  and 
that  Houston  was  in  retreat,  the  wild  huny  to  escape 
of  the  fleeing  people  rose  into  a  panic,  which  erelong 
reached  Trinity,  whose  inhabitants  fled.  Samuel  P. 
Carson,  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  writing  to  President 
Burnet,  says,  "Never  till  I  reached  Trinity  have  I 
desponded,  I  will  not  say  despaired."  "  It  was  as  if  a 
hurricane  of  terror  was  sweeping  over  the  land. 

Houston  retired  rapidly  toward  the  Brazos,  reach 
ing  San  Felipe  on  the  28th.  Here  the  dissatisfaction 
of  the  troops  displayed  itself  in  a  spirit  of  insubordina- 
tion. Objection  was  nused  to  marching  up  the  river, 
it  being  maintained  that  the  principal  settlements  were 
situated  below.  The  commander-in-chief  decided  to 
move  up,  whereupon  two  companies,  one  commanded 
by  Captain  Mosely  Baker,  and  the  other  by  Wylie 
Martin,  refused  to  come  into  line,"  and  he  was  fein  to 
order  Baker  to  remain  behind,  with  120  men,  to 
guard  the  crossing  at  San  Felipe,  and  to  grant  the  re- 
quest of  Martin's  company  to  go  down  to  the  crossing 
at  Fort  Bend,  or  Old  Fort  These  arrangements 
having  been  made,  on  the  29th  Houston  moved  up 
the  river  with  the  main  body,  now  reduced  to  520  ef- 
ficient men,  crossed  Mill  creek,  and  on  March  31st 
encamped  in  the  Brazos  bottom  opposite  Groce's  plan- 
tation.    Here  he  remained  till  April  13th,  detained 

"Letter  of  Apra  4th,  in  Toahum,  iL  119. 

^^Labadie^  in  Tex.  Aim,,  1869,  44.  HouBton  makes  mention  of  only  one 
company  as  matinoas.  HoueUm'a  Speech,  uieup,,  1435,  also  in  Tex,  Ainu,  I860, 
23. 


MEXICAK  ADVANCE.  247 

.by  the  high  waters  of  the  river  from  any  active  opera- 
tion. The  rains  were  unusually  heavy  this  season; 
the  Brazos  rose  to  a  height  not  known  for  years,  and 
his  camping  ground  was  at  one  time  converted  into  an 
island  by  the  floods.  Provided  with  no  tents,  and 
but  little  covering  of  any  kind,  the  suflferings  of  the 
soldiers  from  wet  and  exposure  were  severe,  and  sick- 
ness naturally  followed. 

In  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  Houston  left 
San  Felipe,  the  town  was  burnt  to  the  ground  by 
Baker.  This  severe  measure  was  adopted  on  account 
of  a  report  brought  in  by  his  scouts  that  they  had  seen 
the  Mexican  advance  guard  within  a  few  miles  of  the 

{)lace,  which  they  would  probably  reach  before  day- 
ight.  Unfortunately,  the  scouts  had  mistaken  a  drove 
of  cattle  for  a  squadron  of  cavalry,  and  the  untimely 
burning  of  San  Felipe  caused  the  destruction  of  an 
immense  quantity  of  goods  which  might  otherwise 
have  been  saved  * 

On  March  24th,  General  Tolsa  arrived  at  the  Colo- 
rado with  his  command,  raising  Sesma's  division  to 
1,400  men  of  all  arms,"  and  this  general,  on  the  re- 
treat of  Houston,  at  once  proceeded  to  pass  his  troops 
over  the  river  on  rafts.  The  Colorado  was  much 
swollen,  but  in  four  days  after  the  departure  of  the 
Texans,  he  succeeded  in  placing  a  considerable  portion 
of  them  on  the  other  side,  and  a  few  days  later  crossed 
over  with  the  remainder.  When  Santa  Anna  became 
aware  of  the  large  Texan  force  concentrated  on  the 
Colorado,  he  changed  his  intention  of  returning  to 
Mexico,  and  decided  to  take  the  field  in  person.  In- 
deed, he  changed  all  of  his  plans.  Gaona  was  ordered 
to  cross  the  Colorado  at  Bastrop,  and  march  to  San 
Felipe  as  a  support  on  Sesma's  left,  and  Urrea  was 

^  Fooitj  ii.  283.  This  author,  in  hiB  account  of  this  occmrence,  quotes 
'the  very  words  of  the  last  number  of  the  San  FeJ^pe  Telegraph,  the  accuracy 
of  which  there  is  no  reason  to  question.' 

^*  These  are  Sesma's  own  figures,  according  to  his  despatch  to  Santa  Anna 
dated  March  25,  1836,  in  FiiuiSlaj  Menu  Tej.,  i.  41. 


S4d  SANTA  AKKA'S  HUMILUTIOK. 

instructed  to  moye  from  Victoria  against  the  same 
place.  Colonel  Amat  was  sent  forward  to  Gk)nzalez 
with  600  men,  two  eight-pomider  and  two  four-pounder 
cannon,  and  a  seven-inch  mortar,  taking  with  him 
rations  for  one  month.  Having  made  these  arrange- 
ments, and  leaving  Greneral  Juan  Jos^  Andrade  in 
command  at  B^jar  with  most  of  the  cavaliy  and  some 
piquets  of  infantry,  the  Mexican  dictator  left,  March 
Slst,  with  his  staff  and  Greneral  Filisola.  On  April 
2d  he  reached  Gonzalez,  and  finding  the  waters  of  the 
Guadalupe  so  high  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  con- 
struct rafts  for  the  passage  across  of  Amat's  brigade, 
such  was  his  impatience  that  he  hurried  forward  with 
his  staff  and  an  escort  of  about  forty  dragoons,  leaving 
Filisola  to  direct  the  crossing  of  the  troops,  artillery, 
and  wagons.  On  the  5th  he  reached  the  Colorado, 
and  with  Sesma's  and  Tolsa's  commands  pushed  for- 
ward with  the  same  impetuous  haste  to  San  Felipe, 
where  he  arrived  April  7th." 

Santa  Anna  in  the  plenitude  of  his  self-confidence 
considered  that  he  had  an  ample  force  with  which  to 
crush  the  retreating  Texans  without  the  assistance  of 
Urrea's  division,  and  on  April  6th  countermanded  his 
instructions  to  that  general,  ordering  him  to  take  pos- 
session of  Matagorda,  and  carry  out  the  operations 
previously  assigned  to  him."  This  proved  to  be  a 
fatal  mistake.  Urrea  crossed  the  Colorado,  and  on 
April  13th  entered  Matagorda,  which  he  found  evac- 
uated. He  then  directed  his  march  to  Brazoria,  tak- 
ing possession  of  the  place  on  the  2  2d  without  oppo- 
sition, a  large  quantitv  of  goods  of  all  kinds  falling 
into  his  hands."  While  Urrea  was  thus  far  away  from 
the  future  field  of  action  Gaona  failed  to  arrive  at 
San  Felipe  at  the  time  expected.  In  fact  he  had  lost 
his  way  in  the  desert  region  lying  between  Bastrop 
and  San  Felipe,  which  place  he  did  not  reach  till 

^^FUkola,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  41-51;  Id.,  BepresetU.,  12-13;  Oaro,  VerdaeL  Idea, 
17-18;  Abiumtts  Journal,  in  National  Banner,  July  13^  1838. 
"  Copy  of  despatch  in  FilisolOy  Mem.  Tej.,  50-1. 
"/rf.,  Mem,  Ouerra  TeJ,,  iL  446-9;  Urrea  IHarn,  24-7- 


GROSSmO  THE  BIVI3L 


M9 


April  I7ili.**  These  two  circumstances,  combined 
with  the  impetuosity  and  presumptuous  self-reliance 
of  Santa  Anna  greatly  conduced  to  the  catastrophe 
which  ended  in  his  overthrow  and  capture. 


SKmoNAL  Map  or  1835. 

Meantime  Santa  Anna,  finding  Baker's  detachment 
opposed  to  him  on  the  opposite  side  of  tlie  river,  made 
no  attempt  to  cross,  but  on  the  9th  moved  down  the 

^Caro  Verdad.  Idea,  22;  Filisola,  Mem.  Ouerra  Tej.,  ii.  449-50. 


260  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMUJATION. 

Brazos  with  the  chosen  companies  and  reached  Old 
Fort"  on  the  11th.  Sesma  was  left  at  San  Felipe 
with  489  men,  being  instructed  to  place  himself  un- 
der Filisola's  orders  when  he  should  arrive."  The  last 
named  general  had  reached  the  Colorado  on  the  10th, 
and  moving  forward  arrived  at  the  ruins  of  San 
Felipe  on  the  14th,  and  at  Old  Fort  on  the  16th. 
From  the  latter  place  Santa  Anna  sent  iastructions, 
as  soon  as  he  arrived,  for  Sesma  and  FUisola  to  join  him 
there  as  speedily  as  possible.  Sesma  came  up  on  the 
13th,  and  on  the  following  day  the  commander-in-chief, 
without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  Filisola,  having  ob- 
tained possession  of  a  flat  boat  '*  and  two  canoes  suc- 
ceeded in  crossing  the  river  by  a  rose.  At  Old  Fort 
there  were  two  crossings,  the  upper  and  lower,  and  as 
Wylie  Martin's  force  was  not  sufficient  to  guard  both, 
he  was  kept  occupied  by  a  demonstration  at  the 
upper  ferry,  while  the  Mexicans  efiected  their  pas- 
sage across  at  the  lower  one.  Martin  thereupon  pro- 
ceeded up  the  river  and  joined  Houston  who  by  this 
time  was  also  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river.  Taking 
with  him  700  infantry  with  a  six-pounder  and  50 
cavalrymen,  Santa  Arma  hurried  off  to  Harrisburg, 
leaving  Sesma  with  the  remainder  of  the  division  at 
Old  Fort. 

The  cause  of  all  this  haste  was  the  receipt  of  news 
that  the  Texan  government  had  its  seat  at  Harris 
burg  and  the  Mexican  commander-in-chief  hoped,  by- 
a  forced  march,  to  capture  the  president  and  other 
members.  He  arrived  at  the  place  in  the  night  of 
the  15th,"  only  to  find  three  printers  in  it,  the  gov- 

^Also  called  Fort  Bend,  Thompson  Ferry,  and  Orozimbo— now  Bich- 
mond. 

^See  Sesma's  note  to  Filisola  of  Apr.  9,  1836,  in  IcL,  Mem.  T^,,  i.  64; 
IcL,  MffprtaenL,  13. 

^  Houston  states  in  the  speech  alreadv  quoted  that  he  had  ordered  every 
craft  on  the  river,  to  be  destroyed  but  by  a  ruse  the  enemy  obtained  the 
only  boat  that  was  in  that  part  of  the  country  where  a  command  was  sta- 
tioned.    They  came  and  spoke  English.     Consult  Yoakum,  ii.  121. 

'^  At  this  date  the  positions  of  the  Mexican  divisions  were  as  foUows: 
Urrea  was  at  Matagorda,  30  leagues  distant  from  Sesma,  and  40  from  Filisola; 
Gaona  was  lost  in  the  desert  between  Bastrop  and  San  Felipe;  Filisola  was 


TEXAN  MOVEMENTS.  251 

ernment  and  inhabitants  having  left  for  New  Wash- 
ington, whence  they  crossed  over  to  Andhuac,  and 
from  there  to  Galveston  island  in  the  steamer  Cayuga, 
the  government  making  the  latter  place  its  seat.' 

At  Harrisburg  Santa  Anna  learned  from  the  print- 
ers that  Houston  was  at  Groce  crossing  with  800 
men.  He  then  sent .  forward  the  cavalry  to  New 
Washington  under  Colonel  Almonte,  who  presently, 
from  information  there  received,  reported  that  Hous- 
ton was  marching  for  the  Trinity  by  way  of  Lynch's 
ferry.  Having  set  fire  to  Harrisburg,"  the  Mexican 
general  moved,  on  the  I7th,  to  New  Washington,  ar- 
riving there  on  the  18th,  having  previously  despatched 
a  courier  post  haste  to  Filisola  ordering  him  to  send 
General  Cos  with  500  picked  troops  to  join  him  by 
forced  marches."  And  here,  for  the  present,  we  will 
leave  him  to  foDow  the  movements  of  the  Texan  army. 

The  impatience  of  the  troops  at  the  Fabian  policy 
of  General  Houston  was  so  great  that  the  expression 
of  it  bordered  on  mutiny,  and  it  is  an  undeniable  fact 
that  while  they  were  in  camp  on  the  Brazos  several 
meetings  were  openly  held  at  which  the  question  was 
discussed  of  appointing  another  leader."  On  April 
4th,  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  the  secretary  of  war,  arrived 
at  the  camp,  and  it  appears  that  at  his  suggestion  an 
understanding  was  arrived  at  that  the  army  should 

16  leagues  distant  from  Sesma,  and  Santa  Anna  at  Harrisburg  20  leagues 
distant. 

**  Pres.  Burnet  was  nearly  captured  by  a  squadron  of  Mexican  cavalry 
on  the  morning  of  the  17th,  at  New  Wasnington,  escaping  to  the  steamer  in 
a  small  boat  only  a  few  minutes  before  the  enemy  reach^  the  shore.  Yoa- 
loan,  ii  136-7. 

''Santa  Anna  denies  this,  statinff  that  the  town  was  on  fire  before  he  en- 
tered it^  and  that  he  was  told  by  tne  printers  that  the  fire  was  accidental. 
Manyuito  17,  in  Pap,  Vcw,,  182,  no.  8;  also  in  Filiaola,  Mem.  Onerra  Tej-y  ii. 
4.38.  But  Colonel  redro  Delffado  in  his  diary  says  that  Santa  Anna  ordered 
him  to  set  fire  to  the  place,  id.,  Mem.  Tej.y  l  84. 

"  Cos  had  been  ordered  to  proceed  with  500  men  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Brazos  and  take  possession  of  Velasco.  Copy  of  despatches  in  /(/.,  i.  68-77. 
Santa  Anna's  countermanding  his  orders  so  repeatedly  caused  much  annoy- 
ance to  his  generals,  whose  suggestions  or  advice  he  would  not  listen  to. 

^Houst^  says,  'mutiny  and  sedition  were  rife  in  camp,'  Tex.  Aim., 
1860,35. 


SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 


march  to  Harrisburg,  the  seat  of  the  government,  and 
there  make  a  stand."  Two  six-pounders  having  ar- 
rived on  the  11th  from  Harrisburg,"  Houston  made 
preparations  to  cross  the  river.  On  his  arrival  at  the 
JBrazos,  a  spacious  steamboat,  the  Yellowstone^  hap- 
pened to  be  at  Groce's  landing,  loadinjg  with  cotton. 
This  vessel  he  embargoed,  and  placing  a  guard  on 


R0UT£8  UF  AbMIES. 


board  thus  secured  the  means  of  passing  the  river  at 
any  time  without  trouble.  Thus  at  length  the  opera- 
tions were  fairly  commenced,  and  indeed  had  they 
been  much  longer  delayed  it  is  impossible  to  foresee 
the  results  that  might  have  followed,  with  mutiny 
and  insubordination  openly  threatened  in  his  camp, 
for  many  of  his  followers  now  attributed  his  hesita- 
tion to  incompetence,  timidity,  or  indeed  to  any  cause 
except  the   right   one.     On  the    12th  he  began  to 

^Foote  says  that  Houston's  plan  was  to  retire  toihe  Sabine,  and  there 
get  up  an  army  of  5,000  Anclo-Ainericans.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  an- 
nounced to  him  by  Maj.  Wharton  and  others  that  the  soldiers  would  not 
leave  the  central  region  of  Texas  to  go  north  on  any  consideration  whatever. 
Foote,  ii.  292.  Houston  asserted  in  his  speech  before  the  U.  S.  senate  that 
he  was  resolved  never  to  pass  the  Trinity.   Tex.  Ainu,  1860,  33. 

**  These  two  small  guns  constituted  all  the  artillery  of  the  Texan's  army. 
They  were  presented  to  the  patriots  by  the  citizens  of  Cincinnati,  and  were 
afterward  christened  the  Twin  Sisters.  IiL^  23;  Foote,  ii.  295-6,  where  w'll 
be  found  copy  of  President  Burnet's  letter  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the 


KAPm  MOVEMENTS.  253 

pass  the  troops  across,  and  by  the  14th  the  whole  army 
was  placed  on  the  other  side.  The  next  day,  the 
companies  of  Moseley  Baker  and  Wylie  Martin  ar- 
rived. Both  oflBcers  were  in  a  sullen  hmnor,  and  the 
latter  proved  so  refractory  that  Houston  ordered  him 
to  DMirch  directly  to  the  Trinity  and  protect  the  women 
and  children  in  case  the  Indians  should  prove  turbu- 
lent." 

The  army  was  now  put  in  motion,  and  after  a  march 
of  extreme  difficulty  and  fatigue  over  the  boggy 
ground,"  arrived  at  Buflfedo  bayou,  opposite  Harris- 
burg,  on  the  18th,  and  there  encamped.  The  ever- 
active  scout,  Deaf  Smith,  and  other  spies  were  sent 
across  the  bayou,  and  in  the  evening  brought  in  two 
captives,  one  of  whom  proved  to  be  the  bearer  of  de- 
spatches from  Filisola  to  Santa  Anna,  and  others  from 
Mexico.  From  these  papers  Houston  learned  for  the 
first  time  that  the  Mexican  president  in  person  was  in 
command  of  the  advance  division  of  the  enemy. 

Houston  now  determined  to  cross  the  bayou,  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  19th,  after  having  addressed  a 
spirit-stirring  speech  to  the  troops,"  in  which  he  in- 
formed them  that  Santa  Anna  himself  was  before 
them,  moved  about  two  miles  lower  down  the  bayou, 
with  three  days'  rations,  leaving  in  the  rear  the  bag- 
gage  and  sick,'^  with  a  sufficient  guard.     The  passage 

"  TfX  Ahn,,  1860,  24.  Martin  died  at  Fort  Bend  county  in  1842.  At  the 
time  of  his  death  he  was  a  member  of  the  Texan  congress.  He  was  bom  in 
GeOTgia  in  1776.  ThralCs  Hist,  Tex,,  688. 

**  'The  prairies  were  qnagmired.  The  contents  of  the  wagons  had  to  be 
carried  across  the  bogs,  and  the  empty  wagons  had  to  be  assisted  in  aid  of 
the  horses.  No  less  than  eight  impediments  in  one  day  had  to  be  overcome 
in  that  way.'  HougUni'a  Speech,  in  T(v,  Ainu,  1860,  24. 

''Labadie,  who  acoomuanied  the  army,  writes  thus:  'He  said  [that  is, 
Honston]:  "The  army  will  cross,  and  we  will  meet  the  enemy.  Some  of  us 
may  be  killed  and  must  be  killed;  bnt  soldiers,  remember  the  Alamo!  the 
^lamo!  the  ^lamol"  Maj.  Somerville  remarked;  * 'After  such  a  speech,  but 
damned  few  will  be  taken  prisoners — ^that  I  know."  Col  Rusk  then  made  a 
moflt  eloquent  speech ...  in  the  midst  of  his  speech  he  stopped  suddenly,  say- 
ing: '^I  have  done,"  as  if  it  had  just  occurred  to  him  that  it  was  a  waste  of 
words  to  talk  to  men  who  had  been  so  long  impatient  for  the  very  conflict 
that  was  now  alxnit  to  take  pUce.'  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  49. 

**  Yoakum  makes  the  extraordinary  statement  that  200  or  300  sick  and 
non-effectives  were  left  behind,  ii  134.  Labadle,  who  surely  ought  to  know, 
aaysy  'Phelps  having  been  left  to  attend  to  some  ten  or  twelve  who  were  sick 


254  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILLATION. 

of  the  main  body  wa43  .effected  without  mishap^  but  not 
without  trouble,  as  the  only  means  of  crossing  consisted 
of  a  boat  in  bad  repair  and  a  raft  that  had  been  con- 
structed on  which  to  pass  over  the  cannon  and  ammu- 
nition-wagon. The  horses  were  made  to  swim  across, 
and  by  nightfall  the  whole  force  had  gained  the  other 
side.  The  army  then  moved  down  the  bayou  till  mid- 
night, when  the  men  were  so  utterly  exhausted — some 
even  falling  down  from  fatigue — ^that  a  halt  was  or- 
dered, and  the  weary  soldiers  threw  themselves  on  the 
wet  ground  and  bivouacked  without  supper,  exposed 
to  a  cold  north  wind  which  increased  their  discomfort. 
At  daylight  the  march  was  resumed,  and  the  indomi- 
table troops  pressed  forward  without  breakfast  toward 
the  junction  of  Buffalo  bayou  with  the  San  Jacinto. 
After  a  march  of  two  hours,  the  order  was  given  to 
halt  for  breakfast,  but  while  the  hungry  men  were 
preparing  it,  the  scouts  galloped  into  camp  and 
reported  that  the  enemy  was  moving  from  New 
Washington  toward  Lynch's  ferry.  The  march  was 
immediately  continued,  and  the  eager  soldiers  hurry- 
ing onward  halted,  about  ten  o'clock  on  the  morning 
of  the  20th,  within  half  a  mile  of  the  ferry,  in  a  fine 
belt  of  timber  on  the  elevated  bank.  At  the  ferry  a 
new  flat-boat,  loaded  with  provisions,  was  captured. 
It  had  been  sent  by  Santa  Anna  from  New  Washing- 
ton, and  the  supplies  were  intended  for  the  troops  with 
which  he  was  going,  as  he  thought,  to  take  possession 
of  Andhuac. 

From  New  Washington  Santa  Anna  sent  Captain 
Barragan  on  the  19th  with  a  detachment  of  dragoons 
to  reconnoitre  the  movements  of  Houston,  and  on  the 
20th  prepared  for  his  march  to  Lynch's  ferry,  by  burn- 
ing the  warehouse  on  the  wharf  and  setting  fire  to 
the  town.  When  everything  was  ready  for  the  march 
Captain  Barragan,  at  eight  o  clock  in  the  morning,  en- 

with  the  diarrhoea,  the  Bed  Land  company,  conBisting  of  some  40  miSEi,  also 
remaining  to  guard  the  camp.'  Teas,  Aim,,  1859,  49. 


A  WILD  GENERAL.  255 

tered  camp  at  full  speed  reporting  that  Houston  was 
close  on  the  rear  and  had  captured  some  of  the 
stragglers.  A  scene  of  confusion  ensued  which  de- 
fies adequate  description.  The  excitement  of  the 
Mexican  general  amounted  to  frenzy;  and  his  con- 
duct, utterly  lacking  in  that  calmness  and  dignity 
essential  to  a  successful  commander  on  occasions  of 
emergency,  had  a  terrifying  effect  upon  his  troopa 
The  exit  from  New  Washington  was  by  a  narrow 
lane,  a  mere  mule-track,  through  a  dense  wood,  and 
the  troops  and  pack  animals  were  already  filing  along 
it  toward  the  open  prairie  beyond.  Mountmg  his 
horse,  Santa  Anna  rushed  down  this  lane  crowded 
with  men  and  animals,  wildly  gesticulating  and  scream- 
ing out,  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  that  the  enemy  was 
at  hand.  The  disorder  was  terrible.  By  knocking 
down  and  riding  over  his  men  like  a  madman,  the 
commander  succeeded  in  forcing  his  way  through  to 
the  prairie,  where  in  spite  of  the  trepidation  he  had 
caused  and  his  contradictory  orders,  a  column  of  attack 
was  formed."  But  no  enemy  was  in  sight,  and  the 
army  in  some  proper  array  moved  forward  toward 
Lynch's  ferry.  About  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
Houston's  pickets  were  descried,  and  some  firing  took 
^ace  between  them  and  the  Mexican  skirmishers. 
When  Santa  Anna  arrived  on  the  ground  with  the 
main  body,  his  first  intention  was  to  attack  at  once, 
and  a  column  of  infantry  was  directed  against  the 
enemy ;  but  being  received  with  a  discharge  of  grape, 
while  the  Texans  kept  themselves  well  concealed  in 
the  wood,  it  was  withdrawn.  The  Mexican  general 
had  occupied  an  island  of  timber  on  a  small  elevation 
in  front  of  Houston's  right;  he  now  deployed  the 
Toluca  company  as  skirmishers,  with  the  ooject  of 
discovering  the  position  of  the  Texans,  and  opened 
fire  with  his  cannon.     This   demonstration  was  re- 

^Col  Del^ndo's  Diary,  in  FtUaoia,  Menu  TeJ.,  L  84-6.  Translation  of  the 
same  in  Tlte  BaUle  qf  San  Jadnto  viewed  from  both  an  American  ajul  Mexictin 
wtaauipohU.  Its  DetedU  and  Inddenis  as  offidaUy  reported  by  Major-General  tiam, 
Houtton.    Austin,  Texas,  1878;  aho  in  Linn'a  Beminis.,  225-16. 


256 


SANTA  AKNA'S  HUMILIATION. 


sponded  to  by  the  enemy's  artillery — Captain  TJrrizia 
being  severely  wounded — and  an  interchange  of  small 
arms  occasionally  took  place.  The  artillery  continued 
to  fire  for  some  time,  and  Colonel  Neill,  on  the  Texan 
side,  was  wounded  by  a  grape  shot.  Just  before  sun- 
set a  demonstration  was  made  by  the  Texan  cavalry, 
under  Colonel  Sherman,  against  the  Mexican  left, 
whereupon  Santa  Anna  ordered  his  own  cavalry  to 
face  the  enemy  without  gaining  ground.  The  Texans 
charged  upon  the  dragoons  and  came  to  close  quart- 
ers, but  were  compelled  to  retire,  before  much  harm 
was  done,"  by  the  advance  of  several  companies  of 


CbiV**^ 


Plan  ov  Battle-field. 

Mexican  infantry.  This  skirmish  closed  the  opera- 
tions of  the  day.  Meantime  Santa  Anna  had  selected 
his  ground  and  encamped  with  his  whole  force  along 
the  margin  of  San  Jacinto  bay,  his  right  flank  occu- 
pying the  extreme  point  of  a  skirt  of  timber.'^     The 

''The  Texans  had.  two  men  severely  wounded,  one  of  whom  died  a  few 
days  afterward.  Tex.  Ahi.,  1860,  64.  Santa  Anna  says  that  one  dragoon  on 
his  side  was  grievously  wounded.  Manyiegto,  Q4r-6. 

'^The  disposition  of  Santa  Anna's  force  was  as  follows:  three  chosen 
companies  guarded  the  wood  on  his  right;  the  Matamoros  battalion  of  regn- 
lars  occupied  the  centre;  and  on  his  left  was  planted  the  cannon,  protected 


A  SLEEPY  ABMT.  267 

two  armies  were  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  apart. 
At  daybreak  on  the  21sty  Santa  Anna  caused  a 
breastwork,  about  five  feet  high,  to  be  thrown  up  on 
his  left,  constructed  of  pack-saddles,  baggage,  sacks 
of  hard  bread,  etc.,  and  having  an  opening  in  the 
centre  in  which  was  placed  the  gun.  A  weak  barri- 
cade of  branches  extended  along  its  front  and  to  the 
right.  At  nine  o'clock,  a.  m..  General  Cos  arrived 
with  400  men  of  his  reenforcement,  and  as  they  had 
been  marching  all  night  they  were  ordered  to  stack 
their  arms,  divest  themselves  of  their  accoutrements, 
and  take  their  rest  in  the  adjoining  grove."  Santa 
Anna  seems  to  have  had  no  intention  of  fighting  that 
day,  though  in  his  representation  to  the  Mexican 
{government  he  would  have  it  appear  otherwise."  Be 
his  intention  what  it  might,  the  hours  dragged  on ; 
morning  was  succeeded  oy  afternoon,  and  evening 
approached.  Most  of  the  soldiers  were  sleeping; 
some  few  were  eating ;  while  others  were  scattered  in 
the  wood  procuring  boughs  wherewith  to  construct  a 
shelter  for  the  night.  The  cavalry-men  were  riding 
bare-back  to  and  fro  as  they  watered  their  horses,  and 
an  indifierent  watch  was  kept  by  the  drowsy  piquets. 
His  excellencv,  fatigued  with  his  morning  ride  and 
excitement,  slumbered  in  his  tent.  His  stafi*,  too, 
was  fast  asleep. 

While  the  doomed  army  was  thus  unsuspicious  of 
danger,  the  trap  was  bemg  set  by  the  enemy.  Hous- 
ton still  displayed  what  seemed  to  his  impatient  troops 

"by  the  cavalry  and  a  colnmn  of  picked  companies,  which  aUo  formed  his 
reserve.  Simia  Anna,  Mcmif.,  65,  in  Pap.  Var.,  182,  no.  8. 

"^  Santa  Anna,  in  his  account  of  the  campaign,  addressed  from  Manga 
de  Clavo,  March  11,  1837,  to  the  Mexican  minister  of  war,  states  that  Coh 
informed  him  that  he  had  marched  so  rapidly  that  the  men  had  neither  eaten 
nor  slept  for  24  hours.  He  also  states  that  only  400  men  arrived  with  Cos, 
because  100  men  had  been  left  with  some  baggage  at  a  bad  crossing  near 
Uarrislnug.  lb,  Delgado  says  about  600  men  arrived  in  camp.  FiUaoUi,  Mem. 
T(j.,  L  90.  Gaio  does  not  believe  100  men  were  left  behina.  Verdad.  Idea, 
38,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  Santa  Anna's  statement  is  correct  as  it  is  cor- 
roborated by  Filiaoia.  Mem,  Ouerra,  Tej.,  v.  473,  and  Mem,  Taj.,  i.  120. 

**See  the  dispositioiiB  made  by  him.  Id,,  65-^. 
Hist.  Mix.  Btatis.  Vol.  II.    17 


258  SANTA  ANNANS  HUMILIATIOX. 

an  unnecessary  delay  in  commencing  hostilities,  and 
about  noon  a  council  of  war  was  held,"  at  which  colo- 
nels Burleson  and  Sherman,  lieutenant-colonels  Mil- 
lard, Somerville,  and  Bennett,  Major  Wells,  and  B.usk, 
the  secretary  of  war,  were  present.  The  question  put 
to  the  council  was,  '*  Whether  they  should  attack  the 
enemy  in  his  position,  or  await  his  attack  in  theirs." 
The  two  last  named  officers  were  in  favor  of  attacking : 
the  four  seniors  and  Rusk  voted  in  favor  of  receiving 
the  attack,  since  they  deemed  their  situation  admirably 
adapted  for  defence,  whereas  to  charge  across  an  open 
prairie  with  raw  militia,  without  bayonets,  and  assault 
an  enemy  in  position  would  be  a  most  hazardous  ex- 
periment. The  council  was  then  dismissed,  no  opinion 
having  been  expressed  by  Houston. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  many  bitter  contro- 
versies arose  in  after  years  relative  to  Houston's  method 
of  conducting  this  campaign,  and  that  so  much  ani- 
mosity should  have  been  displayed  between  men  who, 
apart  from  their  unfriendly  feelings  toward  each  other, 
bore  a  noble  part  in  this  desperate  struggle  for  inde- 
pendence with  a  vastly  superior  power.  The  state- 
ments of  the  opposing  parties  are  so  utterly  at  variance 
and  so  thoroughly  contradictory  that  it  is  impossible 
to  arrive,  with  any  degree  of  certainty,  at  a  decision 
which  could  be  claimed  as  unquestionably  correct." 
I  shall  therefore  confine  myself  to  £he  narration  of 
facts,  without  entering  into  a  discussion  as  to  the  mer- 
its of  the  claims  set  up  by  either  party,  especially  as 
they  unhappily  merged  in  personal  enmity,  recrimina- 
tions, and  abuse.  1  cannot,  however,  refrain  from 
making  a  few  remarks  bearing  upon  the  difficult  posi- 

^  *  The  commander-in-chief  was  waited  on  by  several  of  the  officers,  sug- 
gesting a  council  of  war.'  Yoakum  ii.,  140;  Tex,  Aim,,  1860,  65;  Hoostoa,  in 
yrf.,  25-6. 

*^  One  of  the  most  grievous  charges  against  Houston  was  that  he  aUofwed 
tSherman  to  make  the  cavalry  charae  in  the  evening  of  the  20th  under  the 
promise  that  he  should  be  supporteaby  infantry,  which  support  was  not  given. 
Houston  maintained  that  Sherman  disobeyed  orders  in  engaging  with  the 
enemy,  as  he  had  been  strictly  enjoined  onlv  to  reconnoitre,  ana  by  no  means 
to  approach  within  ffunshot  of  the  enemy  s  line.  Id.,  25,  27,  64;  Id.^  1860, 
52-3;  Foote,  ii.  298-905.    See  Yoakum's  remarks  on  this  affiur,  iL  139-40. 


AT  VINCE*S  BRIDGE.  2iS9 

tion  in  which  the  commander-in-chief  stood  with 
regard  to  his  army.  After  his  departure  from  the 
Colorado,  Houston's  plan,  though  entailing  great  self- 
sacrifice  on  the  part  of  the  settlers,  seems  to  have  been 
the  only  one  on  which  he  could  securely  rely  for  ulti- 
mate success.  His  object  appears  to  have  been  to 
retreat  to  the  Redlands,  luring  the  foe  after  him  away 
fromi  supplies ;  then,  when  the  families  of  the  Texans 
had  been  placed  in  safety  be5''ond  the  Sabine,  ho 
doubted  not  that  he  would  be  able  to  raise  from  4,000 
to  5,000  men  burning  to  avenge  their  sufferings  and 
lossea  With  such  a  force,  he  could  have  annihilated 
the  Mexican  army.  But  Houston  was  a  man  who 
kept  his  own  counsel,  and  the  impetuous  and  angry 
men  under  him,  not  penetrating  his  designs,  and  little 
practised  in  subordination,  attributed  his  retreat  to 
fear  of  the  enemy,  and  were  not  slow  to  express  their 
opinion.  When  the  brave  but  unruly  nature  of  those 
with  whom  the  general  had  to  deal  is  taken  into  con- 
sideration, and  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  of  his  retreat  he  met  with  ever- 
increasing  opposition,  murmurings,  and  dissatisfaction, 
giving  place  to  contemptuous  language  uttered  within 
his  hearing,  and  mutinous  proceedings,  we  cannot  fail 
to  admire  the  nerve  and  courage  of  the  man  who,  in 
the  face  of  such  opposition,  persevered  in  the  plan 
which  he  deemed  most  conducive  to  the  success  of  his 
adopted  countr}^ 

Soon  after  the  council  was  dismissed,  Houston  de- 
spatched Deaf  Smith  with  some  others  to  destroy 
A^nce's  bridge,  about  eight  miles  off,"  the  accomplish- 

**  This  bridffe  was  built  over  a  creek  of  the  same  name  which  crossed  the 
road  to  Harrishurg,  the  only  way  by  land  to  the  Brazos.  By  its  destruction 
Hanta  Anna  was  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  his  forces.  The  demolition  of  this 
bridge  was  another  subject  of  controversy,  it  beinff  claimed  that  the  idea  of 
destroying  it  originated  in  Deaf  Smith,  who  made  the  proposition  to  Houston, 
whOe  the  latter  maintained  that  such  was  not  the  case.  It  is  a  matter  of 
no  material  importance.  The  bridge  was  destroyed,  and  by  Houston's  orders, 
whether  prompted  by  Smith  or  not.  But  tlie  ffeneral-in-chief  was  accuRe<l 
by  his  opponents  of  appropriating  to  himself  8^  the  glory  of  San  Jacinto, 
and  no  oiarge,  however  trivial,  waa  omitted  to  be  brought  to  bear  against 
him.     The  acooonts  also  of  the  destruction  of  the  bridge  are  various  and  con- 


260  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

merit  of  which  would  prevent  the  arrival  of  additional 
regnforcements  and  cut  off  all  means  of  escape  for  . 
Santa  Anna  in  case  of  his  defeat.  When  he  deemed 
suflScient  time  had  elapsed  for  the  destruction  of  the 
bridge,  Houston  caused  the  general  opinion  of  the 
captains  of  the  different  regiments  to  be  taken  on 
the  question  of  engaging  with  the  enemy  at  once,  or 
just  before  daybreak  on  the  22d.  The  votes  were 
greatly  in  favor  of  immediate  attack,  and  the  com- 
mander-in-chief thereupon  gave  the  order  to  parade 
and  prepare  for  action." 

Under  cover  of  the  islands  of  timber  In  front  the 
battle  array  was  formed  unseen  by  the  enemy.  Col- 
onel Burleson  with  the  1st  regiment  of  Texas  volun- 
teers occupied  the  centre ;  the  2d  regiment  of  volun- 
teers, under  Colonel  Sherman,  formed  the  left  wing; 
on  the  right  was  placed  the  artillery,  sustained  by 
four  companies  of  regular  infantry  under  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Henry  Millard.  The  line  was  completed  by 
the  cavalry  which  was  posted  on  the  extreme  right. 
There  was  no  noise,  but  along  the  ranks  a  low  whis- 
pering might  be  heard,  and  a  Keen  listener  might  have 
caught  the  word,  Alamo!  On  each  man's  counte- 
nance stem  determination  was  depicted  under  various 
expressions.     Some  were  pale ;  others  were  smiling  in 

tradictory.  Some  say  it  was  burned;  HooBton  asserts  that  it  was  cat  down; 
Labadie  states  that  Deaf  Smith  told  him  that  he  first  fired  it,  but  it  would 
not  bum;  he  then  cut  away  a  few  timbers  and  made  it  faU  into  the  bayou. 
There  is,  however,  conclusive  evidence  that  it  was  burned.  Santa  Anna, 
speaking  of  his  arrival  at  the  creek,  says,  '  cuyo  puente  en  contre  quemado/ 
MaidfiestOj  ut  su/p..,  67.  Houston  says  that  two  men — ^Deaf  Smith  and  his 
comrade,  Reeves — ^were  secretly  despatched  to  accomplish  the  work;  Foot* 
states  that  there  were  four  men,  Smith,  Games,  Lapham,  and  another; 
Aylsbury,  who  claimed  to  be  one  of  the  party,  asserts  that  seven  men,  in- 
cluding Smith  and  himself,  were  employed;  the  names  of  the  others  were 
Denmore  Rives — or  Reeves — John  Coker,  E.  R.  Rainwater,  John  Gamer, 
and  Moses  Lapham.  Id.,  ii.  141;  FooU,  ii.  305-6;  Tex,  Aim.,  1859,  63;  Id,, 
1860,  26,  65-6;  Id.,  1861,  55^,  65;  Baker's  Tex,,  98-101;  Thralts  HkL  Tex,, 
265. 

^Capt.  R.  J.  Calder,  referring  to  Gen.  Houston's  reluctance  to  fight, 
writes  thus:  '  I  think  he  wished,  in  case  of  failure  or  disaster,  an  apology,  to 
wit,  that  he  fought  against  his  own  judjnnent,  and  suffered  himself  to  be 
controlled  by  the  opimons  and  clamor  of  his  officers  and  men. '  Hie  same 
officer  did  not  believe  that  Houston  felt  a  positive  reluctance  to  fight.  Tex. 
Aim.,  1861,  66. 


THE  TEXAN  S  VICTORIOUS.  261 

anticipation  of  revenge ;  but  deep  in  the  eyes  of  all 
was  a  tigerish  glare  which  occasionally  flashed  out 
from  beneath  their  brows.  They  were  self-restrained, 
however,  and  only  waited  for  the  word.  It  was 
about  4  o  clock  in  the  afternoon  when  the  command 
was  given  to  advance  The  Texans  moved  silently 
forward  through  the  timber  in  double  file,  and  pushed 
rapidly  on  across  the  prairie  toward  the  foe.  When 
within  300  yards  of  the  enemy's  camp  the  Mexicans 
opened  fire,  and  the  pace  was  increased  to  double 
quick;  but  not  a  shot  was  fired  by  the  Texans  till 
they  were  within  point-blank  range.  Then,  with  a 
deafening  shout  of  Remember  the  Alamo  I  striking 
terror  into  the  hearts  of  their  foes,"  they  poured  in 
their  volley,  and  rushed  to  the  charge.  Sherman's 
raiment,  which  had  advanced  under  cover  of  the 
island  of  timber  on  the  Texan  left  front,  was  the  first 
to  break  into  the  Mexican  camp;  Burleson's  com- 
mand almost  immediately  afterward  pierced  the  cen- 
tre. The  cavalry  had  been  first  advanced  in  front  of 
the  enemy's  left  to  draw  off  attention,  and  the  Turin 
Sisters  had  been  run  rapidly  forward  to  within  200 
yards  of  the  breastwork  in  the  same  part  of  the  field, 
and  had  opened  fire  upon  it. 

No  more  complete  surprise  could  have  been  effected. 
The  conflict  even  at  the  breastwork  lasted  only  a  few 
moments.  In  the  short  hand-to-hand  contest  en- 
red  in,  the  Texans  clubbed  their  rifles,  and  the 
[exican  bayonet  proved  a  useless  weapon  against  the 
superior  strength  and  fierce  valor  of  their  antago- 
nists.**    In  less  than  twenty  minutes  after  the  Texans 

^ Writes  Capt.  Calder:  'I  am  by  no  means  certain  that  our  shot  was 
more  effective  m  creating  confusion  and  panic  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy 
than,  this  tremendous  yell,  preceded,  as  it  had  been,  by  almost  perfect  silence, 
and  a  steady  advance  under  their  fire. ' 

^  *  Our  riflemen  used  their  pieces  as  war-clubs  breaking  many  of  them 
off  at  the  breech/  Houakm'a  Official  RepoH  of  tht  BatHe  qf  San  Jacinto.  This 
report  was  filed  in  the  records  of  the  republic  of  Texas,  and  was  probably 
de.stroyed  by  the  fire  that  consumed  the  adjutant-general's  office  in  October, 
]  855.  A  correct  copy,  however,  was  fortunately  preserved,  for  in  the  same 
year  in  which  the  battle  was  fousht  the  document  was  published  in  pamph- 
let form  at  the  Bulled  office  in  New  Orleans.     The  publication  was  doubtless 


262  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

burst  into  the  camp,  carrying  terror  in  their  battle- 
front,  the  trained  soldiers  of  Mexico  were  in  head- 
long flight,  a  panic-fitricken  herd.  In  vain  the  brave 
Castrillon  endeavored  to  restore  order ;  he  could  not 
stay  the  tide  of  fleeing  men.  His  gallantry  cost  him 
his  life ;  while  slowly  retiring  he  was  struck  by  sev- 
oral  rifle  balls  and  fell/*  And  now  followed  the  pur- 
suit which  was  continued  to  the  site  of  Vince's  bridge. 
The  Texans  spared  not,  and  the  carnage  did  not  cease 
till  night  interfered."  At  a  small  creek,  not  wide 
but  deep,  in  the  rear  of  the  Mexican  right  and  be- 
hind the  timber  belt,  the  slaughter  was  terrible,  while 
numbers  of  the  fugitives  were  drowned  in  their  efforts 
to  cross  it.  At  the  close  of  day  Almonte,  who  by 
his  coolness  and  intrepidity  had  succeeded  in  keep- 
ing together  a  column  of  some  400  or  500  strong, 
and  was  retreating  beyond  the  morass  in  the  rear 
of  the  Mexican  camp,  formally  surrendered.  Santa 
Anna  and  Cos  escaped  for  the  time. 

In  this  engagement  the  aggregate  force  of  the 
Texans  was  783  men,  that  of  the  Mexicans,  accord- 
ing to  Houston's  report  of  killed,  wounded,  and  miss- 
ing was  double  that  number. "    The  figures  representing 

made  in  deference  to  the  request  of  General  Houston,  who  nrged  it  'as  an 
act  of  justice  to  the  individuals '  who  participated  in  the  engagement.  The 
ahove  information  was  supplied  by  V.  O.  King  of  the  department  of  Innir- 
ance.  Statistics,  and  History,  in  1S78,  in  which  year  a  copy  of  it  was  pul>- 
lished  at  Austin,  Texas.  LinrCs  Remhm. ,  223.  Besides  this  copy  which  bears 
the  title  of  Tht  BattUqf  San  JadrUo  Vwnoed  from  an  American  and  Mexioan 
Standpoint,  copies  are  supplied  in  Linnj  ut  sup.,  203-9;  Yoakum,  ii.  498-502; 
Kennedy,  ii.  222-7,  besides  other  authors. 

^Castrillon  was  a  European  Spaniard.  At  San  Jacinto  he  displayed 
singular  coolness  and  bravery.  Rusk  writes:  *Geiu  Castrillon  was 
standing  on  the  ammunition  boxes  behind  the  piece  exposed  from  head  to 
footb  He  used  every  effort  to  keep  his  men  to  zne  guni  when  he  found  that 
to  be  impossibley  he  folded  his  arms,  stood  and  looked  sullenly,  and  witfaont 
moving,  upon  our  troops . . .  He  was  about  fifty  yards  in  the  rear  of  his  re- 

atelyi —     »- 


treating  men  when  he  turned  round  deliberately  and  walked  slowly  otL  He 
had  proceeded  some  thirty  or  iorty  steps  when  he  was  shot  and  felL  I 
examined  him,  after  the  hiattle,  and  found  that  several  rifle  balls  had  passed 
directly  through  his  body.'  Fooie,  ii  309. 

*^See  Taylor's  description  of  the  merciless  slaughter  of  the  Mexicans 
during  the  pursuit,  in  Tex.  Aim,,  1868,  43-4. 

^  According  to  statements  of  Santa  Anna  and  his  officers  his  force  could 
barely  have  amounted  to  1,300  men.  Col  Belgado  says  that  his  excel- 
lency started  for  Harrisburg  from  the  Brazos  with  aliont  600  men.  fHnry,  ni 
«fp.,  31,  and  FiUdola,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  82,  where  tliis  author  remark  ;  tliat  tiiere 


RESULT  OF  THE  BATTLE.  263 

the  enemy's  loss  given  by  the  Texan  commander  are : 
630  killed,  208  wounded,  and  730  prisoners,  showing 
a  total  of  1568  men  accounted  for.**  A  large  quantity 
of  arms,  several  hundred  mules  and  horses,  all  the 
baggage  and  camp  equipage,  and  the  military  chest, 
containing  $12,000,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 
The  loss  of  the  Texans  was  6  killed  on  the  field  and 
25  wounded,  two  of  whom  died.**  Among  the 
wounded  was  Greneral  Houston,  who,  while  gallantry 
encouraging  his  men  to  the  attack,  received  a  shot  in 
the  ankle,  in  front  of  the  infantry,  and  when  within  a 
few  yards  of  the  enemy,  his  horse  also  being  shot  in 
two  or  three  places.  He  did  not,  however,  leave  the 
field  till  the  Mexicans  were  routed  and  in  full  flight. 

Meantime  Santa  Anna,  who  had  been  one  of  the 
first  to  flee,  made  every  effort  to  save  himself.  Mounted 
on  a  splendid  charger  supplied  him  in  the  confusion 
by  Colonel  Juan  Bringas,  he  fled  at  full  speed  toward 
Vince's  bridge,  hotly  pursued  by  the  Texan  cavalry. 
Finding  the  bridge  destroyed,  he  did  not  pause,  but 
plunged  down  the  steep  descent  into  the  water,  where 
his  horse  stuck  fast  in  the  mud.  Nevertheless,  fa- 
vored by  the  approaching  night,  he  managed  to  con- 
were  more  than  800,  a  statement  somewhat  contradictory  to  that  made  in 
hifl  BtsprtMrniackmy  13,  where  he  says  that  Santa  Anna,  m  his  impatience, 
marched  to  Harrisbnrg  with  a  little  over  700  men  and  a  six -pounder  cannon. 
Santa  Anna  himself  states  that  his  ori^pnal  force  consisted  of  700  infantry 
and.  50  calvary.  Mamfiegto,  OS.  Aasummg  the  largest  number,  over  800  men, 
these  added  to  the  600  men  brought  up  by  Cos  only  make  a  total  of  some- 
thing over  1900,  men. 

^Among  the  Mexican  slain  were  Gen.  Castrillon,  cols  Batres,  Peralta 
Trevifio^  Jos^  M.  Romero,  and  lieutenant-colonels  Manuel  Aguirre  and 
Lnelmo,  besides  5  captains  and  12  lieutenants.  HoustorCa  Rqporty  tUaitp.,  9; 
OarOf  Verdad,  Idea,  43.  Yoakum,  iL  146,  gives  the  names  of  Col  Mora  and 
Lient-col  Castillon.  Among  the  prisoners,  besides  Santa  Anna  and  Co», 
captured  later,  were  colonels  Almonte,  Bringas,  Cespedes,  Portilla,  and 

^The  names  of  the  killed  are:  William  Motley,  aid-de-camp  to  the  sec- 
retary of  war;  1st  Ueut  J.  C.  Hale,  2d  lieut  Lamb,  and  1st  sergt  Thouiaa 
P.  Fowl,  2d  regiment  Texas  volunteers;  privates  Lemuel  Blakely,  J.  Tom, 
B.  K.  Brigham,  and  A.  R.  Stevens  of  the  Ist  named  regiment.  01w>'n  J. 
Trask  of  the  cavalry,  wounded  on  the  2^h,  died  a  few  days  afterward. 
OfRinalTetamiaBattleqf' San  Jacinto,  11,  12,  and  in  Tex.  Ahn,,  1859,  160-1, 
in  both  of  which  authorities  will  be  found  a  nominal  list  of  all  the  men  en- 
gaged in  the  battle.  Yoakum,  ii.  146,  supplies  a  list  of  killed  differing  some- 
what from  the  above. 


264  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

ceal  himself,  crossed  the  creek  lateri  and  continued 
his  way  on  foot.  In  an  abandoned  house  he  found 
some  clothes,  and  doffing  his  uniform,  assumed  the 
garb  of  a  soldier.  Clad  in  a  blue  cotton  jacket  and 
linen  trowsers,  with  a  leather  cap  and  red  worsted 
slippers,"  he  sought  to  hide  his  identity,  and  crawled 
away  through  the  grass  and  mud  in  the  direction  of 
the  Brazos.  But  on  the  following  morning,  detach- 
ments of  horsemen  were  sent  out  to  scour  the  country, 
and  by  one  of  these  a  mud-bespattered  abject-looking 
creature  was  seen  standing  on  the  bank  of  a  ravine. 
The  object  was  brought  into  camp,  and  its  iden- 
tity recognized  by  the  ejaculations  of  the  other 
captives,  who  uttered  the  words,  Santa  Anna,  and  El 
presidente."  He  was  conducted  to  headquarters,  and 
the  Mexican  dictator,  and  the  director  of  the  massa- 
cres at  the  Alamo  and  Goliad  stood  in  the  presence 
of  his  victor,  who  motioned  him  to  a  seat. 

His  trepidation  was  great,  for  his  life,  he  knew,  was 
in  imminent  danger.  Yet  he  retained  his  presence  of 
mind,  and  having  swallowed  some  opium  that  was 
given  to  hmi  at  his  request,  somewhat  regained  his 
composure.  There  was  not  much  dignity  about  the 
man  as  he  sat  on  a  box,  with  bowed  head,  in  front  of 
Houston ;  he  was  ready  to  sell  his  country  if  only  he 
cQuld  get  back  to  his  hacienda  of  Manga  de  Cmvo, 
and  he  proposed  to  negotiate  for  his  Uberation.  In 
his  defence,  he  laid  his  late  murderous  proceedings  to 
the  charge  of  the  congress;  he  had  only  acted,  he 
said,  in  accordance  with  the  congressional  decree,  and 
did  not  consider  himself  responsible  for  the  weight  of 
pimishment  inflicted  on  those  who  were  classified 
therein  as  pirates.  In  reply  to  Santa  Anna's  propo- 
sition to  negotiate,  Houston  informed  him  that  he  had 
no  power  to  act  in  a  matter  of  that  nature,  and  that 

^^Ddgado'a  Diary,  ut  mp.,  38;  Sania  Anna,  Manff.,  67. 

^The  names  of  the  party  wluch  captured  Santa  Ajina  were  Joel  N.  Bob- 
inson,  Miles,  Sylvester,  Thompson,  ana  Vermilion.  There  was  another  man 
whose  name  is  forgotten.  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  166;  Id.,  1868,  49-^. 


FmSOLA'S  MOVEMENTS.  2ft5 

it  must  be  referred  to  the  civil  government.  The 
captive  was  no  R^ulus  ready  to  cUe  for  his  country, 
no  self-sacrificing  Morelos,  and  to  secure  his  personal 
safety  for  the  present,  he  eagerly  entered  into  an  ar- 
mistice, or  convention,  with  the  Texan  general,  by 
which  he  was  not  ashamed  to  i^ree  that  the  Mexican 
forces  should  retire  pending  negotiations  with  the 
government.  That  same  day  he  sent  despatches  to 
Filisola,  ordering  him  to  withdraw  to  Bdjar,  and  to 
instruct  Gaona  to  retire  to  the  same  place  and  Urrea 
with  his  division  to  Victoria.  Filisola  was  further- 
more instructed  to  cause  the  prisoners  at  Goliad  to  be 
set  at  liberty,  and  to  provide  that  no  damage  should 
be  done  to  the  property  of  the  inhabitants  during  the 
retreat."  On  the  24th  General  Cos  was  brought 
j)nsoner  into  camp,  having  been  captured  within  a 
short  distance  of  the  woods  on  the  bottom-lands  of 
the  Brazos.*' 

Filisola  received  news  of  the  disaster  about  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  2 2d.  He  had  already 
l>een  joined  by  Gaona,  and  a  large  portion  of  this  gen- 
eral's troops  had  been  put  across  the  Brazos,  prepara- 
tory to  marching  against  Nacogdoches ;  but  when  the 
fatal  tidmgs  arrived,  Filisola  immediately  gave  orders 
that  they  should  be  brought  back  to  the  right  bank 
of  the  river,  and  despatched  couriers  to  General  Ur- 
rea at  Brazoria  and  Lieutenant-colonel  Josd  Mariano 
de  Salas  at  Columbia,  ordering  them  to  join  him  at 
Old  Fort  with  all  their  forces  as  speedily  as  possible." 

^  Copy  of  these  despatches  in  his  Matdfietto,  87-8.  A  son  of  Lorenzo  de 
Zsl^aIbl  acted  as  interpreter  at  the  interview  between  Honston  and  Santa 
Anna.  Id,,  71. 

^  Santa  Anna,  in  his  despatch  to  Filisola,  called  the  agreement  he  nia<le 
with  Honston  an  *  anmstioe/  but  the  capture  of  Cos  on  the  24th,  Col  Romero 
on  the  25th,  and  Lient-col  Gonzalez  on  the  26th,  proves  that  Houston  had 
entered  into  no  snch  trace,  and  that  Santa  Anna  ordered  the  withdrawal  of 
his  troops  merely  through  fear  for  his  life,  and  obtained  no  conditions  bear- 
ing np^  the  operations  of  the  Texan  army.  See  Caro,  Verdad.  Idm^  44-5. 

»The  despatch  addressed  to  Urrea  bears  date  of  April  23,  1836,  3  p.  m., 
which  ia  a  clerical  error.  It  should  be  April  22,  183iS.  Urrea  points  out 
this  mistake,  and  states  that  he  received  the  despatch  between  9  and  10  a.  h. 


266  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

As  the  magnitude  of  the  catastrophe  was  impressed 
upon  his  mind  by  the  reports  brought  by  the  few  who 
escaped  from  San  Jacinto,  and  who  variously  esti- 
mated the  enemy's  strength  at  from  1,200  to  2,000 
men — ^numbers  which  he  did  not  consider  impossible 
if  the  Texans  had  concentrated — he  deemed  it  prudent 
to  retreat  at  once  to  a  better  military  position,  and  on 
the  23d  marched  with  his  whole  force  to  Mrs  Powell's 
place,  on  the  road  to  Victoria,  about  fifteen  miles  from 
Old  Fort.  On  the  following  day  he  was  joined  by 
Urrea,  and  on  the  25th  a  coimcil  of  war  was  held  by 
the  generals.  Considering  the  destitute  condition  of 
the  army,  both  with  regard  to  provisions  and  clothing 
— ^for  the  long  march  had  exhausted  the  supplies,  and 
the  clothing  of  the  soldiers  was  worn  out — it  was 
unanimously  decided  to  retreat  beyond  the  Colorado 
and  await  instructions  and  assistance  from  the  gov- 
ernment/* Pilisola's  whole  force  on  this  date  was 
2,573  men  of  all  arms,  according  to  the  tabular  state- 
ment in  his  representation  to  the  government  in  de- 
fence of  his  action." 

On  the  26th,  the  army  commenced  its  retreat,  and 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  Deaf  Smith  arrived  with 
Santa  Anna's  despatches,"  the  army  being  then  en- 
camped on  the  main  source  of  the  San  Bernardo, 
which  was  rendered  impassable  by  the  heavy  rains. 
The  generals  immediately  met  in  council,  and  though 

of  the  23<L  Diario,  Camo.  TeJ.,  28,  in  which  will  be  found  copy  of  tiie  de- 
spatches on  p.  64-5,  as  also  in  FUisola,  Menu  Tei,^  L  118-19. 

^  Urrea  states  that  he  was  opposed  to  this  decision,  but  had  to  submit  to 
the  seneral-in-chief.  Diario,  31.  Filisola  repudiates  this  assertion.  ReprtaaU.. , 
34-0.  Filisola  wished  to  resign  the  command  to  Sesma,  Tolsa,  or  Urrea, 
each  of  whom  declined  to  accent  it.  Particulars  in  Jd.^  Menu  TeJ,,  i.  176-209. 

^^Id.,  36.  There  were,  besides,  1505  men  stationed  in  detachments  at 
different  places,  1,001  of  whom  were  at  Bejar,  174  at  Goliad,  and  189  at 
Matasoraa. 

^Yoakum — ^ii.  163 — following  Filisola,  says  that  Smith  arrived  on  the 
28th.  But  Filisola  misdated  his  despatchto  Santa  Anna;  Urrea  dates  a  note, 
on  the  same  occasion^  April  27th,  and  corrects  a  mistake  made  by  Filisola  as 
to  the  day  on  which  the  army  encamped  on  the  San  Bernardo,  where  Smith 
overtook  the  army.  Diarhf  31-2;  Filisola^  BepreaenL,  45-6.  Moreover,  in  Id., 
Mem.  Tej.,  i  215--16,  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  Santa  Annans  despatches  ar- 
rived on  April  27th. 


THE  RETREAT.  267 

the  retreat  had  already  been  decided  upon,  it  was  re- 
solved that  it  would  be  good  policy  to  send  a  reply  to 
the  effect  that  the  army  was  retiring  in  obedience  to 
Santa  Anna  s  orders,  thereby  not  only  obtaining  for 
him  and  the  other  prisoners  considerate  treatment,  but 
a  safeguard  against  attack  during  the  retreat.  It  was 
also  decided  to  send  General  Woll  to  Houston's  camp, 
who,  under  the  pretence  of  informing  himself  of  the 
particulars  of  the  armistice,  was  to  take  careful  note 
of  the  number,  armament,  and  resources  of  the  enemy. 
Accordingly,  a  despatch  to  that  effect  was  written, 
and  Woll  left  for  the  San  Jacinto  on  the  following 
morning."  On  his  arrival  at  the  Texan  camp,  he  was 
allowed  firee  intercourse  with  the  prisoners,  but  was 
detained  as  a  prisoner  pending  the  negotiations,  and 
in  consideration  of  the  fact  that  the  enemy's  forces 
were  known  to  have  concentrated. 

The  army  continued  its  retrograde  movement ;  and 
seldom  has  a  retreat  been  conducted  under  greater 
hardships  and  difficulties.  All  the  streams  overflowed 
their  bcuiks  and  flooded  the  adjacent  lands,  while  the 
whole  country  was  converted  into  a  swamp.  The 
roads,  where  not  inundated,  were  knee-deep  in  mud. 
On  one  occasion  the  half-famished  soldiers  waded  a 
whole  day's  march  through  water,  after  standing  all 
night  in  water;**  and  when  this  was  passed,  floun- 
dered through  the  mire,  day  after  day,  in  pitiless  rain- 
storms. The  pack-mules  sank  up  to  the  belly  in  mud, 
and  the  ammunition  wagons  were  mired  above  the 
axles.  All  along  the  line  of  march  to  the  Colorado 
baggage,  wagons,  cannon,  and  animals  were  aban- 
doned. Filisola  describes  the  situation  as  horrible. 
The  men  were  half  naked,  their  arms  of  all  kinds  were 
ruined,  the  ammunition  was  spoiled,  and  the  horses 
and  mules  in  the  most  wretched  plight,  numbers  of 

^Fnll  particalara  and  copy  of  the  despatch  will  be  found  in  A/.,  i.  218-24; 
Urreoi,  Diana,  32-3. 

^ '  £1  ej^rcito  paso  la  noche  en  nna  la^nna  sin  teuer  donde  sentar  uii  pie 
qne  no  fnere  agaiS.'    FUiaola,  RepresenL^  ~ 


268  SANTA  ANNA'S  HinHLIATION. 

them  perishing.  Finding  it  impossible  to  retreat  to 
Bdjar,  on  the  28th  Urrea  was  sent  in  advance,  with- 
out incumbrances,  to  secure  the  Atascosito  crossing  of 
the  Colorado  on  the  road  to  Victoria,  and  construct 
rafts  for  the  passage  of  the  army.  He  arrived  there 
on  the  evening  of  the  29th  but  it  was  not  till  May 
9th  that  the  last  division  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ampudia  crossed  the  river.  Thenceforward  the  dif- 
ficulties of  the  march  were  somewhat  modified,  and 
on  May  13th  the  storm-beaten  troops,  exhausted 
with  fatigue  and  gaunt  with  hunger,  entered  Victoria." 

On  April  26th  the  Texan  government,  then  assem- 
bled at  Galveston,  addressed  an  order  to  Houston  in- 
structing him,  in  case  he  deemed  it  inexpedient  to 
risk  an  engagement  with  the  enemy  and  considered  a 
retreat  inevitable,  to  march  for  Galveston.  But  the 
great  victory  had  been  already  won,  and  on  the  27tli 
the  joyful  tidings  were  received  by  the  government,** 
together  with  a  request  from  Rusk  that  President 
Burnet  would  repair  to  the  camp  at  San  Jacinto. 
Accordingly  Burnet,  with  his  cabinet,  proceeded 
thither,  arriving  about  the  1st  of  May."  He  was 
made  acquainted  with  the  convention  entered  into 
by  Houston  and  Santa  Anna,  and  found  the  latter  in 
a  very  pliable  mood — quite  ready  to  purchase  his  life 
at  his  country's  expense.  His  position,  certainly,  was 
not  an  enviable  one.  The  army  was  clamorous  for 
his  execution  as  a  retaliatory  act  of  justice;  but 
though  some  turbulence  of  spirit  was  displayed,  no 
violence  was  resorted  to,  and  the  captive  was  treated 
by  Houston  with  all  proper  consideration.  That 
commander  knew  well  that  his  humbled  prisoner  was 
a  great  power  in  the  land  of  his  birth,  and  that  as 

*^  A  fall  acconnt  of  this  retreat  will  be  found  in  FiUwla^  Mem,  Tej\,  L, 
225-^;  Id,,  JiepreaenL,  46-66.     Consult  also  Urrea,  Diario,  34-6. 

^  Burnet  states  that  the  news  was  not  received  earlier  on.  aoooont  of  the 
inclemency  of  the  weather.     Tfx,  Aim.,  1861,  32. 

^'Caro  states  that  Burnet  arrived  April  27th,  Vrrdad.  Idea,  i8.  The 
date  in  the  tesEt  is  that  given  by  Burnet.     Tex.  Ahn.,  1861,  33. 


TERMS  OF  TREATY.  209 

long  as  his  life  was  spared,  peace  was  guaranteed  to 
Texas. 

The  preliminaries  to  a  treaty — ^the  sine  qui  non  of 
which  was  to  be  the  absolute  independence  of  Texas — 
were  discussed  in  the  camp  at  San  Jacinto.     Busk, 
the  secretary  of  war,  drew  up  a  protocol  which  served 
as  a  basis  of  the  treaties  subsequently  signed.     Gen. 
Houston's  wound  having  incapacitated  him  for  active 
service,  Rusk  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
army  with  the  rank  of  brigadier,  his  predecessor  pro- 
ceeding to  New  Orleans  on  the  schooner  Flora,  sail- 
ing from  Gralveston.     He  arrived  at  his  destination 
May   28th.     In  a  few  days  the  government,**  with 
San  Anna  and  most  of  the   Mexican   officers,   em- 
barked on   the  steamer    Yellowstone,^  and    went  to 
Gralveston,  whence,  for  want  of  accomodation,  they 
removed  to  Velasco.     Here  on  May  14,   1836,  two 
treaties — one   public    and    the    other    secret — were 
signed,  by  the  first  of  which  Santa  Anna  agreed  not 
to  take  up  arms  or  use  his  influence  to  cause  them  to 
be  taken  up  against  the  people  of  Texas  during  the 
present  war  of  independence ;  all  hostilities  on  land 
and  water  were  to  cease  ;  the  Mexican  troops  were  to 
evacuate  the  territory  of  Texas ;  no  property  was  to 
be  taken  by  the  retreating  army  without  indemnifica- 
tion, and  captured  private  property  was  to  be  restored ; 
the  Mexican  army  was  to  prosecute  its  march  without 
delay  ;  the  agreement  was  to  be  immediately  sent  to 

^  Some  changes  in  the  members  of  the  administration  took  place  at  this 
time.  Samuel  P.  Canon,  the  secretary  of  state,  had  retired  on  acconnt  of 
delicate  health,  and  was  succeeded  by  James  CoUinfirsworth,  and  Peter  W. 
Grayson  accepted  the  office  of  attorney-general,  which  had  become  vacant  by 
the  death  of  David  Thomas.  Col  M.  B.  Lamar  was  appointed  secretary  of 
war,  in  the  place  of  Rusk.  Burnet's  address  published  in  the  Teleffnrph  and 
Tejoas  Register,  Sept.  13,  1836;  extract  in  Tex,  Aim.,  1861,  33-4.  the  attor- 
ney-general,  Thomas,  had  been  wounded  in  the  leg  by  the  accidental  dis- 
chai*ge  of  a  pistol  on  board  the  Cayuga,  on  the  removal  of  the  government  to 
Galveston,  and  died  three  days  after.     Linn  a  Remkds,  261. 

^  After  Houston's  departure  from  the  Brazos,  the  YeUowskme  steamed 
down  the  river.  As  she  passed  the  Mexican  lines  at  Fort  Bard,  her  smoke- 
stack was  riddled  with  bullets,  and  attempts  were  made  to  capture  her  With 
laasoes.  Her  helmsmen  bemg  protected  by  cotton- bales,  she  ran  the  gaunt- 
let in  safety  and  went  to  Gb^etton.    /d,  26;  Orten^a  Joumal  Exped.  Mier, 


5S70  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

Generals  Filisola  and  Husk,  that  they  might  exchange 
engagements  to  comply  with  the  stipulations ;  pris- 
oners were  to  be  mutually  released  in  correspondmg 
numbers,  rank  and  file ;  the  excess  of  Mexican  cap- 
tives to  be  treated  with  humanity  ;  and  finally  Santa 
Anna  was  to  be  sent  to  Vera  Cruz  as  soon  as  it  should 
be  deemed  proper. 

In  the  secret  treaty  the  same  stipulations  were  re- 
iterated, and  in  the  third  article  Santa  Anna  solemnly 
pledged  himself  so  to  prepare  matters  in  the  cabinet 
of  Mexico  that  the  mission  that  would  be  sent  thither 
by  the  government  of  Texas,  should  be  well  received, 
and  that  by  means  of  negotiations  all  differences 
might  be  settled,  and  the  independence  that  had  been 
declared  by  the  convention  might  be  acknowledged. 
The  fourth  article  provided  that  a  treaty  of  comity, 
amity,  and  limits  should  be  established  between 
Mexico  and  Texas,  the  territoir  of  the  latter  not  to 
extend  beyond  the  Rio  Grande.  * 

Colonel  Benjamin  F.  Smith  and  Captain  Henry 
Teal  were  sent  as  commissioners  to  Filisola  with  the 
public  treaty  and  full  authority  to  ratify  it  on  the 
part  of  General  Rusk.  The  Mexican  army  had 
moved  from  Victoria  to  Goliad,  and  thence  continued 
its  retreat  toward  Matamoros.  The  Texan  commis- 
sioners overtook  Filisola  at  the  little  stream  called 
Mugerero,  between  Goliad  and  San  Patricio,  and  on 
its  bank  the  treaty  was  ratified.  May  26,  1836,  Gen. 
Tolsa  and  Colonel  Amat  acting  as  commissioners  on 
the  part  of  Filisola." 

These  treaties  were  not  made  without  opposition 
in  the  cabinet.     Robert  Potter,  secretary  of  the  navj', 

''The  secret  treaty  containinff  these  pledges  was  made  at  the  snggestion 
of  Santa  Anna,  who  representecT  that  it  would  be  prudent  that  the  stipala- 
tions  relating  to  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas  ana  her 
boundaries  should  not  be  promulgated  until  the  Mexican  president  should 
be  enabled  to  reinstate  himself  in  power  and  secure  its  final  ratification. 
Tex,  Aim.,  1861,  34.  Copies  of  the  treaties  wiU  be  found  in  Id,^  35-7; 
YoaJatm,  iL  626-8;  MazUarcTs  Tex.,  112-4;  NOes*  Meg.,  L  413-4;  Id.,  bxt. 
98;  Santa  Anna,  Biog.,  29-32;  FOuola,  JiepresenL,  68-70;  JBugiamante,  Mem. 
Higt.  Hex.,  MS.,  vi.  35-8.    Democratic  Review,  iiL  316->7. 

^  Copy  of  the  Mexican  ratification  in  FtUtoUi,  JiepreamL,  70-1. 


TEXAN  NAVY.  271 

and  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar,  secretary  of  war,  were 
strongly  opposed  to  entering  into  any  negotiations 
with  Santa  Anna,  who,  they  considered,  haa  forfeited 
his  life.  On  May  12th  Lamar  addressed  a  long  letter 
to  the  president  and  cabmet  in  which  he  expressed 
his  views  on  the  subject  of  the  disposition  of  the 
Mexican  president  and  the  other  prisoners  of  war. 
He  repudiated  the  idea  that  Santa  Anna,  if  released, 
would  ever  adhere  to  any  engagement  he  pledged 
himself  to  ;  indeed,  he  did  not  beneve  that  he  would 
have  the  power  to  do  so,  and  he  suggested  that  an 
exchange  of  prisoners  should  be  made,  according  to 
rank  and  number,  and  that  the  balance  of  Mexican 
captives  should  remain  in  custody  of  the  government 
till  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  But  in  the  case  of 
Santa  Anna,  he  urged  that  no  mercy  should  be  ex- 
tended to  him,  but  that  his  punishment  should  be 
read  from  the  code  of  Draco."  When  milder  meas- 
ures, however,  were  finally  adopted.  General  Lamar 
acquiesced  in  them,  and  was  one  of  the  most  zealous 
vindicators  of  his  colleagues  in  the  cabinet,  when 
they  were  shortly  afterwards  bitterly  assailed  by 
popular  clamor  on  the  subject  of  Santa  Anna's  re- 
lease. 

It  is  time  that  the  reader  should  be  made  ac- 
quainted with  some  particulars  in  connection  with  the 
Texan  navvand  its  operations.  Early  in  the  year,  forthe 

J)urpose  of  carrying  out  the  ordinance  for  the  estab- 
ishment  of  a  navy,  two  schooners,  the  Invincible  and 
Lihertyy^  were  purchased  and  equipped  by  McKinney 
and  Williams,  merchants  of  Quintana,  opposite 
Velasco.  Captain  J.  Brown  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  former  and  Captain   William  Brown   of  the 

«Copy  in  Foote,  it  321-32. 

**The  lAbertjf  waa  the  same  vessel  -vHiich  had  been  fitted  out  by  the  citi- 
zens of  Matagorda  and  retook  the  stranded  HannaJi  Elkaheth,  captured  by  the 
Mexican  war  vessel  Br<xoOy  in  Nov.  or  beffinning  of  Dec,  1835.  She  then 
safled  under  the  name  of  WUUam  Bobbins.  Ywihim,  ii.  39;  Tex,  Aim,,  1860, 
162;  Lhm's  HenMs.,  259. 


272  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

latter.  The  Invincible^  of  125  tons  burden,  carried 
eight  guns  and  was  a  fast  sailer ;  the  Liberty ^  of  sixty 
tons  burden,  had  four  guns,  was  of  stout  construction 
and  of  ordinary  speed.  Two  other  vessels,  the  Brutus^ 
Captain  Hurd,  about  130  tons  and  carrying  eight 
guns,  and  the  Independence^  Captain  Hawkins,  of 
nearly  the  same  size  and  metal,  were  purchased  about 
the  same  time.  These  vessels  were  of  great  service 
in  cutting  off  supplies  for  the  enemy.  Off  the  cocyst 
were  the  Mexican  war  vessels  Moniezuma  and  Bravo^ 
charged  with  the  importation  of  troops  and  supplies 
for  the  invading  army.  Early  in  Apnl  1836,  the  In- 
vmcible  fell  in  with  the  Montezuma  off  Brazos,  San- 
tiago, north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
after  an  engagement  of  two  hours  crippled  her  and 
drove  her  ashore.  The  Inviikfible  only  sustained  some 
injury  to  her  rigging,  which  was  soon  repaired. 
Standing  out  from  shore,  Captain  Brown  fell  in  with 
the  American  brig  Pockety  bound  from  New  Orleans 
to  Matamoros,  and  loaded  with  provisions  for  the 
Mexican  forces.  She  was  captured  and  brought  into 
Galveston  as  a  prize ;  her  freight  was  of  great  assist- 
ance to  the  victors  of  San  Jacinto  who,  with  the  large 
number  of  prisoners  on  their  hands,  were  reduced  to 
some  straits  for  provisions. 

General  Busk,  with  350  men,  had  proceeded  from 
San  Jacinto  in  the  direction  of  the  retreating  Mexi- 
cans, not  with  hostile  intention,  but  with  the  object 
of  observing  whether  the  terms  of  the  armistice  were 
strictly  carried  out.  Toward  the  close  of  May  he 
was  stationed  at  Victoria ;  and  when  the  army  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  the  treaties  which  had  been 
made,  and  that  under  its  provisions  Santa  Anna  would 
obtain  his  liberty,  great  indignation  prevailed.  The 
retreating  Mexicans  had  not  adhered  to  the  strict 
letter  of  the  public  treaty,  but  had  committed  several 
acts  of  violence,  and  it  was  confidently  believed  that 
preparations  were  being  made  for  the  re-invasion  of 


«?.' 


«»i^  ^ 


1 


w 


^  .. 


PI88ATISFAOIION  WITH  THE  GOVEBKMENT.  273 

Texas,  which  would  be  carried  into  effect  as  soon  as 
it  was  known  that  Santa  Anna  had  been  released. 
On  May  26th  a  letter  signed  by  nearly  all  the  officers 
of  the  Texan  army,  was  addressed  to  President  Bur- 
net>  in  which,  after  setting  forth  the  privations  of  the 
army  and  the  want  of  provisions,  charging  the  presi- 
dent with  neglect  in  this  matter,  expressing  the  ex- 
asperation of  the  troops  and  peremptorily  demanding 
to  be  immediately  furnished  with  a  sufficiency  of  sup- 
plies and  clothing,  they  insisted  that  Santa  Anna  *^  be 
safely  secured  and  placed  at  the  disposition  of  the 
coming  congress." '"  This  letter  was  received  in  the 
afternoon  of  June  4th* 

In  fulfilment  of  their  engagements,  the  Texan  au- 
thorities on  June  1st  placed  the  dictator  and  his  suite, 
consisting  of  Colonel  Almonte,  Colonel  Nuiiez,  and 
his  Secretaiy,  Kamon  Martinez  Caro,  on  board  the 
hviTicible  for  their  transportation  to  Vera  Crut, 
Vice-president  Zavala  and  Bailey  Hardiman,  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury,  had  been  appointed  commission- 
ers to  accompany  Santa  Anna  to  Mexico,  and  as 
some  time  was  spent  in  furnishing  them  with  instruc- 
tions and  in  preparing  for  their  voyage,  the  vessel 
had  not  yet  saded  on  the  3d.  On  June  1st  the 
steamer  Ocean  had  arrived  from  New  Orleans  with 
230  volunteers,"  many  of  them  of  the  roughest  and 
lowest  class  to  be  found  in  that  city.  Generals  Men- 
nican  Hunt,  Thomas  J.  Green,  and  Colonel  J.  Pinck- 
ney  Henderson  were  in  command.  The  feelings  of 
the  citizens  of  Velasco  with  regard  to  Santa  Anna's 
release,  were  those  of  intense  dissatisfaction,  but  no 
violent  demonstration  had  been  made.  When,  how- 
ever, the  New  Orleans  volunteers  landed  and  became 
informed  of  the  action  taken  by  the  government,  their 
exasperation  knew  no  bounds.     Public  meetings  were 

^  Toahtm,  ii  171^-3;  FooU^  ii  332-4.  Copy  of  the  letter  and  Bumet's 
reply  in  Tex,  AkiL,  1861,  39-42. 

^^Both  Santa  Anna  and  Caro  give  190  as  the  number.  Verdad^  Idea,  56, 
102;  SantccAnna^  Manif.,  75.  The  figorea  in  the  text  are  those  given  by  Gen. 
Onien.    Jamjud,  Eheped,  Mier,  484. 

Hist.  Hex.  Statks,  Vol.  n.    18 


274  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

held  and  inflammatoiy  speeches  made.  The  more 
violent  threatened  to  put  Burnet  to  death  as  a  traitor, 
and  tear  Santa  Anna  to  pieces.  In  the  popular  fur}' 
the  executive  was  charged  with  treason  and  venality. 
He  had  accepted  a  large  bribe,  it  was  said,  for  the 
release  of  the  Mexican  murderer.  The  clamor  was 
overwhelming,  and  it  was  seriously  proposed  at  a 
cabinet  council  to  make  a  simultaneous  surrender  of 
the.  government  to  the  people.  Burnet,  however, 
was  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  such  an  extreme 
measure,  and  consulted  General  Thomas  J.  Green, 
who,  while  pledging  his  honor  to  shield  the  president 
and  his  cabinet  from  violence,  expressed  his  opinion 
that  the  overwhelming  will  of  the  public  should  be 
obeyed,  and  Santa  Anna  remained  on  shore.  Ac- 
cordingly the  president  issued  an  order  to  Captain 
Brown  to  send  the  prisoners  ashore.  Santa  Amia 
emphatically  refused  to  obey,  and  Green,  Bailey  Har- 
diman,  Hunt  and  Henderson,  were  deputed  to  go  on 
board  the  Invincible  and  bring  him  off.  The  dictator 
gave  way  to  an  agony  of  terror,  and  it  was  necessary 
to  employ  the  threat  of  force,  to  induce  him  to  de- 
bark. In  the  afternoon  of  the  4th  the  captives  were 
landed,  to  ensure  their  better  security  from  violence, 
at  the  village  of  Quintana,  opposite  Velasco,  where 
Santa  Anna  regained  his  composure."  On  the  9th 
he  addressed  a  protest  to  the  government,  proclaim- 
ing against  the  infraction  of  the  treaty  on  the  part  of 
Texas,  and  appealing  to  the  judgment  of  civilized  na- 
tions. On  the  following  day  he  received  Burnet's  re- 
ply, in  which  the  Texan  president,  while  deprecating 
Santa  Anna's  assertions  of  his  ill-treatment  as  a  pris- 
oner, felt  compelled  to  make  the  humiliating  confes- 
sion that  the  government,  owing  to  "  the  umuence  of 
a  highly  excited  popular  indignation,"  had  been  con- 
straiixed  to  deviate  for  a  season  from  the  terms  of  the 
treaty."     Thus  the  treaty — ^inadmissible  under  repub- 

'f^Oreen's  Journal,  Exped.  Mkr,  484-7;  Scmla  Anna,  Manif.,  75,   98-100; 
Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  66-7,  12fr-9;  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  38-43. 
^'Copy  of  protest  and  Burnet's  answer  m  Fooie,  ii.  345-9. 


PROPOSED  COURT.HABTIAL.  275 

lican  roles  of  government — ^was  broken. 

With  the  object  of  dismissing  Santa  Anna  from 
Texan  soil,  I  shall  somewhat  anticipate  events.  He 
was  placed  in  the  custody  of  Captain  Patton,  sent 
from  Victoria  to  hold  and  guard  his  person,  by  whom 
he  was  removed  to  Velasco,  and  thence  on  June  11th 
to  the  neighborhood  of  Columbia,  where  on  the  27th 
he  was  shot  at  through  the  window  of  the  house  in 
which  he  was  confined,  by  a  drunken  "  American."  ^* 
Meantime  Stephen  Austin  returned  from  the  United 
States  and  on  July  1st  visited  the  "illustrious  cap- 
tive." By  his  advice  Santa  Anna  addressed  a  letter, 
dated  July  4th,  to  Andrew  Jackson,  president  of  the 
United  States,  in  which  he  honestly  stated  the  events 
in  connection  with  his  re-confinement,  and  appealed  to 
him  for  his  interposition,  on  the  grounds  of  humanity, 
expressing  the  wish  that,  by  means  of  political  nego- 
tiations, an  end  might  be  put  to  the  war  by  the  mutual 
recognition  by  the  United  States  and  Mexico  of  the 
independence  of  Texas.'*  While  at  Velasco,  a  young 
Spaniard  named  Bart6lome  Pag^s  concerted  a  plan 
to  effect  the  escape  of  Santa  Anna,  and  visited  him 
at  Columbia;  but  the  scheme  was  detected.'*  The 
effect  of  this  discovery  was  that  the  army  determined 
to  cause  Santa  Anna  to  be  conducted  to  headquarters 
and  tried  by  court-martial.  Matters  had  proceeded 
so  £ar  that  a  captain  with  his  command  was  sent  to 
Columbia  to  conduct  the  prisoners  to  Goliad,  where  it 
was  intended  that  the  execution  should  take  place  on 
the  spot  where  Fannin  had  been  put  to  death. 
Houston,  cured  of  his  wound,  had  meantime  returned, 

i«  '  £1  27  de  dicho  mes,  may  de  mafiana  se  presents  un  Americano  ^brio 
pregnntando  por  "el  general  Santa- Anna," . . .  repentinamente  se  aoerod  i, 
una  peqaefia  ventana  de  nnestra  habitacion,  y  . . .  deacargd  el  tiro  de  nna 
pistola  qne  llevaba  oculta.'    CarOf  ut  sup.^  58. 

^ '  ^tablemos  mtltnaa  relacionea  para  qne  esa  nacion ' — ^the  U.  S. — 'y  la 
mexicaiia  estrechen  la  baena  amistacC  y  pnedan  entrambaa  ocnparse  amiga- 
blemente,  en  dar  ser  y  eetabilidad  H  im  pueblo  que  desea  fiffurar  en  el  mundo 
politico,  y  que  con  la  proteccion  de  las  doe  naciones,  afcanzar^  su  objeto 
en  ^pocoB  afioe.'    Santa  Atmo,  Manif.,  102-.3. 

7<Por  Garo'fl  particulars  about  this  plot  see  his  Verdad.  Idea,  jyj-^. 
Santa  Anna  charges  Caro  with  having  betrayed  the  scheme.    Manif,,  76. 


276  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMIUATION. 

and  was  then  at  Aes  Bayou.  When  made  aware  of 
the  fact  he  protested  against  proceedings  alike  adverse, 
impolitic,  and  oppugnant  to  humanity.  The  argu- 
ments employed  were  too  sound  to  be  resisted.  Texas, 
by  Santa  Anna's  execution,  he  said,  would  lose  all 
the  advantage  she  had  gained  by  his  capture.  Her 
future  position  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  would 
be  gauged  by  her  ability  to  deal  humanely  with  a 
captive ;  by  so  doing  she  would  gain  respect ;  by  the 
other  course  of  action  she  would  become  classed  with 
savages.  PoUcy,  apart  from  other  considerations, 
ought  to  have  weight.  With  past  experiences  as  a 
guide,  the  army  could  not  fail  to  recognize  that  by 
taking  Santa  Anna's  life,  the  Texans  in  captivity 
would  be  placed  in  the  highest  degree  of  danger.  The 
attention  of  the  United  States  being  attracted  to 
Texas,  it  would  be  disrespectful  to  that  nation  if  ex- 
treme measures  were  adopted,  thereby  endangering 
the  safety  of  Americans  in  Mexico.  By  this  inter- 
ference on  the  part  of  Houston,  Santa  Ajina  was  not 
molested.  He  was,  however,  removed  to  Orazimbo 
and  confined  in  irons."  He  received  Andrew  Jack- 
son's reply,  dated  September  4,  1836,  in  which  the 
president  of  the  United  States,  while  disclaiming  the 
intention  of  that  government  to  interfere — ^inasmuch 
as  the  Mexican  government  had  notified  him  that  so 
long  as  he  was  a  prisoner,  no  act  would  be  regarded 
as  binding  by  the  Mexican  authorities, — ^he  expressed 
the  pleasure  it  would  give  him  to  offer  his  good  ser- 
vices, if  Mexico  would  signify  her  willingness  to  avail 
herself  of  them.  Houston,  having  been  elected  to 
the  presidency  of  the  Texan  republic,  released  Santa 
Anna  from  his  fetters,  and  being  convinced  that  a 
further  detention  of  the  prisoner  would  not  conduce 
to  the  interests  of  Texas,  sent  him  with  his  own  con- 
sent, accompanied  by  Almonte,  under  custody  of 
Gfeorge  W.  Hockley,  inspector  general  of  the  army, 

^He  states  that  he  and  Col  Almonte  were  kept  in  such   donace  for 
fifty-two  days. 


AUTHORITIES.  277 

to  Washington,  the  capital  of  the  United  States." 
Santa  Anna  arrived  there  January  17,  1837,  and  had 
several  interviews  with  President  Jackson,  who  re- 
ceived him  with  great  consideration.  On  July  26th 
he  left  that  city  and  embarked  at  Norfolk,  on  board 
the  Pioneer^  for  Vera  Cruz,  where  he  arrived  about 
the  23d  of  February.  Thence  he  retired  to  his  estate 
of  Manga  de  Clavo.  At  the  presidential  election  of 
Mexico,  March  1,  1837,  he  was  ignominiously  de- 
feated, Bustamante  being  chosen  by  a  large  majority," 
which  event  was  so  signal  a  mark  of  his  unpopularity, 
that  he  signified  his  design  of  retiring  to  private  life.** 

^In  the  New  Orleans  Standard,  it  was  stated  that  the  Texan  congress 
passed  a  resolution  providing  that  Santa  Anna  and  Almonte  should  not  be 
released  without  concurrence  of  the  Senate,  Houston  vetoed  the  resolution, 
and  congress  thereupon  passed  it  by  a  constitutional  majority  of  two-thirds. 
Houston  then  pronounced  the  r^olution  unconstitutional,  and  a  usurpation 
of  the  executive  authority  and  set  Santa  Anna  free,  in  defiance  of  the  con- 
gress.    I^ilei  Reg,,  11.  321;  OreerCa  Journal,  Exped.  Mier,  18. 

^Bastamante  had  fifty-seven  votes  out  of  sixty-eight  cast;  Santa  Anna 
had  only  two.     HkL  if  esc,  v.  17d-80,  this  series. 

''For  his  future  career  consult  vols.  v.  and  vL  HisL  Mex,  this  series. 

The  authorities  consulted  for  the  five  preceding  chapters  are  the  follow- 
ing FUieola,  Mem.  Ouerra  Tex,,  i.,  ii.,  passim;  Id,,  Hep,  Sup.  Oob  o, 
l-%2;  Footers  Texas,  ii.,  passim;  Yoakum s  Hist.  Tex.,  i,,  ii.,  passim; 
Abnonie,  NoL  Estad.  Tex,,  20-88;  WUsmCa  Amer.  Hist,,  637-€5;  Ioumjh 
HieL  Mesa.,  239-62;  ThraJUCB  Texas,  168-651,  passim;  NUm'  Register,  xxxix- 
liL,  indu.  See  indices  under  Tex.  and  Mex.,  Ixiii.  145,  194-5;  Kennedy's 
Tex.,  ii.,  passim;  Tex.  Almanac,  1858,  1859,  1860,  1861,  1868,  1869;  Tex.  Col. 
Doc,  MS.  and  Print,  Nos.  1,  2,  8  to  11,  inclu.;  13  to  15,  inclu.,  17,  18,  20  to 
51,  inclu.,  69  to  62,  inclu.,  64;  Morpfus,  Hist,  Tex.,  passim;  Arrangon,  Mej., 
iL  232-278;  Arrtmh,  Hist,  Mex.,  270-1;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1831,  430;  1832-33, 
105;  1833,  89,  132-7,  433;  1834,  47-50;  1835,  100-7,  145-6,  191-^,  574-6; 
1836,  passim;  Baker's  Hist.  Tex.,  35-101;  Newelts  Rev.  Tex.,  passim;  NUes 
8.  Am.  and  Mex,,  i  200-365,  passim;  Pap.  Var.,  65,  No.  17;  75,  No.  14;  99, 
No.  22;  111,  No.  2;  141,  No.  12;  143,  No.  19;  149,  No.  15;  152,  No.  13;  182, 
No.  8;  167,  No.  10;  213,  No.  2;  fTrnw,  Diario  Campa  .,  Tex,;  Caro,  Verdad, 
Jdea^  Democratic  Review,  iii  132-45,  305-20;  Dewees,  Letters  from  Tex.,  157- 
217;  Doc  aobrt  Mex,,  No.  vi.,  vii;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  iii  64-^;  vi.  660; 
Edhdnrgk  Rev.,  No.  147,  251,  et.  seq.;  U.  S.  H.  Jour.,  Cong.  24,  Sess.  1, 
1091,  1100-1;  Sen.  Doc,  Cong.  24,  Sess.  1,  vi..  No.  415;  H,  Bhc  Doc,  Mess. 
and  Doc,  Cong.  29,  Seas.  2,  No.  4,  9-18;  Tomel,  Tej,  y  Estad.  Umd.,  1-98; 
El  Tiermpo,  Aug.  14,  Sep.  18,  1834;  Thompson's  Reool,  Mex,,  70-5,  174-7; 
JSwiehe/s  Am.  Sketch  Book,  v.  No.  6;  vi  Nos.  1,  2,  3,  5  and  6;  Fournd,  Coup 
d'Oeil,  12-44;  State  Oaz.,  127--8,  130-41;  Santa  Anna,  Biog.  del  Oen.;  Id. 
Tex.  Camp,,  pp.  108;  Id.,  Vindteadon,  p.  8;  Id.  Apelacion  al  buen  criterio; 
Rockwell,  Span,  and  Mex.  Law,  623-7;  Roa  Br  rcena,  Recuerdos,  538-41, 
653-61;  Riverh,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii  263-4,  272-84,  313-14;  Quarterly  Rev.,  Ixi. 
33a-41;  Pmares  CoL,  Print  Nos.  248,  374,  386,  389,  450,  457;  La  Oposidon, 
Jan.  6,  Ap.  25,  28,  May  1,  6,  11,  June,  1835;  North  Am.  Rev.,  xliii.,  233-4, 
244-53;  Mex.  Sec  Eatad.,  1836,  38;  Id.,  1830-32,  Doc.  1;  Mex,  Mem. 
Mnskt.  JtuL,  1833,  8-9,  50-1;  Id.,  Reladones,  1^32,  Annex,  1,  5-6,  13-4; 
1833,  6-9;  1836,  37-8;  M,  Interior,  1838,  19;  Id.,  Ouerra,  1839,  5,  11;  Mex. 


278  SA17TA  AlOf  A'S  HUMHIATtOK. 

M<mi/Se8to  del  Cong.,  1896;  Pm.  Var.,  182;  Ka  i;  /d,  /f^/ormc,  Comta.  i>e»., 
1874,  10;  /d.,  Col  cfe  Ley.,  Ord.  1863,  v.  4;  Id.,  Leak.  Mg.,   1863,  89-90; 
Id.,  C6L  de  Ley.y  DecreL,  1840,  260-1,  768-9;  Maye?e  Mtx.  AtL,  L  920-21, 
329-30;  Maaiard^e  HUL  Tex.,  paflsim;  Lmn'e  HemmU.,  paadm;  Lartntmdtkr, 
Mex.  et  CfuaL,  231-9;  Hunt^e  Address,   1-29;  Oreffory*s   But.   Mex.,    63-«; 
Lestet^s  Houston,  4^-140;  Potion's  BisL  U.  S.,  68&-9;  McCabes'  Comp>  View, 
760-8;  JeiJahCs  Mex.  War,  36-7;  Jay's  Mex.   War,  16-8;  H<^s  T&l,  233- 
410,  passim;  Alamcm,  M^.,  y.  873-6;  OuerraatAns  Mex.  y  Sstad.  Unid,  16- 
20;  Gutierrez,  Carta  yOpku,  13;  IRsf.  Boe.   Cal,  I  211;  ^ttfeomanfe,  Foe  (2e 
laPalria,  v.  Sup.  No.  2;  x.  MS.   136;  ».  MS.  22-9;  /rf.,  Jfcm.  BisL  Mex., 
MS.,  ii.,  80-90,  tL  36-8;  /(i.,  JTm^  Invasion,  I  6-8,  43-4;  7c?.,  6>aMMte  Mex., 
ii  15-39;  i>om«nec^   iR^^L  du  Mex.,  ii  138-64;  /(i.,  Mis.  AdvetOwres,  20  et 
seq.;  Chanboa,  Irnxygnouion,  7-11;  Goulds  Alamo  City  Guide,  6-23,  31-2;  jIk;- 
im,  Ssjpos.  sAre  Tej.,  p.   32;  Andrade,  The.  Boac.  B6jar,   1-24;  Amigo  del 
Pveb.,  Oct  18,  1845;    U.  8.,  Bepub.   of,  67-8,  118-22,  218-26;   Varios  /w- 
presos,  2,  No.  vi.,paBsini;  VaUejo,  CoL  Doc  Mex.,  MS.,  L,  No.  73;  ra«yoi>oc, 
li.  151;  HowitCs  HisL  U.  8.,  ii  344-5;   WIMs  CoL  Laws,  I  614r-6,  623;  Bar- 
reko,   1-36;    Houston's  Message,   May  22,    1838,  p.   23;    VUUirAmor,   Biog. 
Santa  Arma,  14-6;  Pinart,   CoL;  Green's  repfy  to  Houston,  7-16,   62-6,  63-4; 
Houston's  Tex.,  i   214-64;  GObeH's  Abilene  Em.,   3d  Ail   Edit,  116;  Mex. 
Apwd.   Hist.   Guerra,   16-29;  B^pley's  War  Mex.,  i  33-6,  40-1;   Woodman's 
Chads  to  Tex.,  13-6,  67-701,  97-116;  Suarezy  Navarro,  HisL  Mg.,  247;  lash- 
er's Memor.,  3-87;  Texas  Repealed,  1-16;  Id.,  in  I84O,  219-20;  Id.,  Laws  Bep. 
Tex.,  L  3-7.  9-26;  Id.,  The    War  tn,  instigated  by  slaveholders,  etc,  1836, 
p.  66;  Id.,  Address  reL,  Gah.  Bay,  22;  Id.,  Address  of   Wharton,  47-63;  Id., 
Battle  8an  Jadnto,  Austin,    1878,  pp.  45;  Id.,  Insurrection;  Jones*  Bcpub.  </ 
Tex.,  129-160;  Hobbs'  Wild  Life  in  Far  West,  32-45;  Edvxaxls,  HisL  Tex.,  14- 
17;  Crockett,  LyTeqf,  369-70,  383^406;  C^xdlos,  Vind.  deMex.,  43-68;  Cdbal- 
lero,  HisL  Aim.,  13;  McCalCs  Letters  from  Front.,  296-9;  London,  Geog.  8or. 
Jour.,  adii  202;  Payne's  HisL  Europ.  CoL,  310-11;   Hutchinson,  Bern.,  205-8; 
WiUard's  Last  Leaves  Am.  Hist.,  21-33;  T^as  Lig.   Itulic  Usurp.,  7;  Cong. 
Debates,  1836-7,  xiii.  624-5;  8en.  Doc,  Com.  24,  Sesa.  2,  No.  84,  1-4;  Hay.<* 
Life,  1;  Napa  County  Beporter,  Ap.  14,  187?,   Ap.   5,  1878;  Cordova's  Tex., 
IC^  144-6;  Cor.  AtlanL,  May  9th,  June  6,  1835;  Baher^s  BepL,  Disposal  qf 
Santa  Anna,  Columbia,  1836,  p.  17;  Tex.  Misc.  Patnph.,   No.  16;  Ha^orff* 
Tex.  8tate  Beg.,  1878,  2&-30;  8anta  Maria,  Expos,  y  Protest.,  No.  iii.  13;  Mom- 
sin,  in  Blanchard's,  8.  Juan  de  UUua,  631-2;  Crane's  Hist.  Washington,  Tex., 
15-8,  21-d;  Bosa,  Bnsayo,  31;  The  United  Service,  Aug.  1886,  168  et  seq.;  San 
Jos6  Argus,  Ap.  14,    1877;  San  BafouH  Jour.,   Dec.  18,    1879;  StocJdon  Iwl^- 
pendent,  Ap.  21,  1877;  Mariposa  Gaz.,  Ap.  7,  1877;  Falconer's  Discov.  Mt&isa., 
63;  McCkUan's  BepiMioanism   in  Amer.,    105;   Dunbar's  Amer.  Pioneer,    15; 
Mexicanische  ZustUnde  aus  den  Jahren,   1830-2,  i   77;  MUhlenegfordt,    zersurh 
evnuget.,  ii  608;    Gratton's  Civil  Amer.,  ii.  291;  Perez,  Die  Geog.   Estad.,  i. 
267-72;  Amerioan  Aim.,  1837,  277;  Bobert's  Descrip.   Tex.,  17-21;   Winthvp, 
Beport  qfihe  trial  of  Thomas  M.  Thompson,  etc.,   New  Orleans,  1836,  p  .  44; 
Mex.  Pamph.,  ii.  No.  9;  ^roo,  HisL  Cong.,  i  107-8;  Peterson's  MtBL  Heroes, 
ii  24;  Bowhand,  Begions  NouveUes,  27;  Putman's  Month.   Mag.,  iii   178-80; 
BevitA.  Espa  .,  May  26,  1836;  Shea's  CaOu^  Mis.,  87. 


CHAPTEK  XII. 

THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

FnjBoi^  SirnEBaKDKD—VAiN  Thrbats— The  Tkxak  Natt— Commission- 
KBS  TO  THE  Ukiisd  Statbs— Mobvit's  Bxfobt— ^ensbal  Gaimbs 
Cbobsis  thb  Sabivb— Gobostoa's  PBOTBan>— Hb  Demanub  his 
Passports — Passiyb  Chabacteb  ot  thb  Wabt-Rbtubn  of  Austin— 
Thk  ELBcnoNs — PoLiTiOAL  Pabtibs — ^HousTTON  Chosen  Pbbsident — 
Mkvfing  or  THE  Fibst  Congress — Houston's  Inaugural  Address — 
His  Cabinet— Legislative  Aots  of  Congress— Thb  National  Seal 
AND    Flag — ^Dbath  and  Biography  of  Austin — Condition  of  the 

RBPITBLIG— BEGfOGNinON      OF      HEB    InDEFENDENGB    BT     THE     UnITRD 

States — Reopening  of  Congress — The  Slave  Question — Passage  of 
THE  Land  Law — Its  Provisions — Brighter  Prospeci's — Indian  War- 
fare— Financial  Operations — Lamar  Elected  President. 

On  the  15th  of  May,  1836,  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment received  a  despatch  from  Filisola  conveying  the 
news  of  the  disaster  in  Texas.  On  the  same  date 
Tomel,  the  secretary  of  war,  sent  two  official  commu- 
nications to  that  general,  in  the  first  of  which  he  in- 
stracted  him  to  address  the  Texan  commander-in-chief 
with  the  object  of  procurmg  Santa  Anna's  release,  or 
at  least  the  consideration  due  to  his  high  dignity. 
Filisola  was  also  directed  to  make  every  effort  to  save 
the  remainder  of  the  army  by  concentrating  it  at  a 
point  convenient  for  the  receipt  of  supplies.  The  pre- 
servation of  B^jar  was  absolutely  necessary.  With 
regard  to  the  prisoners  he  was  authorized  to  propose 
an  exchange,  and  for  that  purpose  to  preserve  the 
Uves  of  Texan  prisoners  then  in  his  power,  and  also 
of  such  as  might  be  taken  in  future.  The  so-called 
armistice  agreed  to  by  Houston  and  Santa  Anna  was 

(279^ 


280  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

the  subject  of  the  second  despatch.  Filisola's  action  in 
observing  it  was  approved  by  the  government;  at  the 
time  he  was  reminded  that  Santa  Anna  being  a  pris- 
oner had  not  been  a  free  agent  In  the  matter.  The 
government,  therefore,  wished  Filisola  to  act  with  the 
greatest  prudence,  and  while  endeavoring  not  to  com- 
promise in  any  way  the  life  of  the  illustrious  captive, 
he  was  to  avoid  pledging  the  honor  of  the  nation. 
Under  no  circumstances  was  the  recognition  of  the 
independence  of  Texas  to  be  taken  into  consideration, 
as  the  nation  would  never  agree  to  it.* 

When  Filisola  received  these  despatches,  May  28th, 
Bejar  had  already  been  evacuated,  AndrBule  having 
demolished  the  fortifications  of  the  Alamo  and  joined 
him  at  Victoria ;  the  public  treaty  with  Santa  Anna 
had  been  ratified  by  him ;  and  the  whole  Mexican  army 
had  abeady  crossed  the  Nueces.  On  the  19th  of  May, 
the  government  having  recovered  from  the  first  effects 
of  the  'blow,  Tomel  addressed  another  despatch  to 
Filisola  in  which  he  urged  upon  him  the  obligation  of 
endeavoring  to  preserve  the  conquests  already  ac- 
quired, instructed  him  to  discontinue  his  retreat, 
secure  all  sustainable  points,  and  await  reenforce- 
ments,  as  the  government  was  already  occupied  in 
organizing  a  division  of  4,000  men,  which  would  em- 
bark at  Vera  Cruz  for  Matamoros.*  But  these  in- 
structions arrived  too  late;  Urrea  was  already  at 
Matamoros,'  and  Filisola  was  approaching  that  city. 
The  change  of  the  government's  intentions  placed  the 
commander-in-chief  in  a  dilemma.  He  assembled 
the  generals  in  council  and  laid  before  them  the  new 
orders  he  had  received,  expressing  his  readiness  to 
countermarch  if  they  considered  the  movement  prac- 
ticable.    It  was  unanimously  agreed  thati  in  view  of 

^Copy  of  the  despatohes  in I^lMa,  RepreeenL,  66-8. 

'  Copy  of  this  despatch  and  Filisola's  reply  in  Id,,  76-7  and  62-6. 

■He  had  been  sent  in  advance  from  Victoria^  which  place  he  left  May 
14,  reaching  Matamoras  May  28th.  Before  his  departure  from  Victoria  he 
had  in  vain  nrged  Filisola  not  to  retreat  farther.  Dkario,  36.  Henoef orfli 
there  was  discord  between  the  two  generals. 


BESULT  OF  BCEXICAN  INVASION.  9B1 

the  deplorable  condition  of  the  troops  and  the  want 
of  resources,  such  a  movement  was  impossible.  Fill- 
sola,  therefore,  continued  his  retreat,  and  June  12th 
received  from  the  Mexican  government  a  despatch 
instructing  him  to  resign  the  command  to  Gleneral 
Urrea,  and  assigning  Monterey,  Leona  Vicario,  or 
Matamoros  as  his  place  of  residence  according  to  his 
choice.  Filisola  immediately  halted  the  troops  then 
on  the  march,  drew  them  up  in  line  and,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  Urrea,  resigned  the  command  to  Greneral 
Andrade  ad  interim.*  On  the  following  day  he  started 
for  Leona  Vicario,  and  Andrade,  in  spite  of  orders 
from  Urrea  to  return  to  Goliad  continued  to  march  to 
Matamoros.  On  June  14th  he  received  a  despateh 
from  Urrea,  commanding  him  to  halt  the  army  imme- 
diately on  its  receipt,  place  General  Gaona  in  com- 
mand, and  report  in  person  at  Matamoros.  But  the 
salvation  of  the  troops  depended  on  their  reaching 
their  destination.  Not  a  day  passed  but  some  of 
them  perished  on  the  way,  and  Andrade,  in  defiance 
of  orders,  pushed  forward  reaching  Matamoros,  June 
18th.  Thus  ended  Santa  Anna's  invasion.  Not  a 
Mexican  soldier  remained  on  Texan  soil,  and  of  the 
imposing  array  with  which  the  would-be  oppressor 
of  the  Anglo-Texans  entered  the  country,  barely 
4,000  troops,  in  most  wretehed  plight,  re-crossed  the 
Rio  Grande. 

Meantime  the  treaty  dropped  through.  A  few 
prisoners  appear  to  have  been  released  on  the  part  of 
the  Mexicans;  and  it  is  curious  to  observe  that  while 
the  Texans  even  detained  Woll,^  and  do  not  seem  to 
have  released  any  of  their  captives,  captains  Games 

*Faiaola,  Menu  T^\,  I  390-41;  Id,,  Mem,  Guerra  Tej.y  ii.  505-9.  It 
appears  that  Urrea  as  early  as  May  11,  1836,  had  despatched  a  communica- 
tion from  Victoria  to  the  government  reflecting  npon  Filisola's  course  of 
action.  This  despatch  induced  the  government  to  remove  Filisobt  from  the 
command,  and  the  answer  to  it  bears  the  same  date.  May  31,  1836,  as  that 
addressed  to  Filisola  informing  him  of  his  removal  Mem,  TeJ,,  L  343-51; 
UrrWj  Diarh,  108-111. 

^  He  rejoined  the  Mezioan  army  cm  the  day  on  which  Filisola  surrendered 
the  oommuid.    FObokit  Mem.  TeJ.,  i.  34iO. 


282  THE  REFDELIG  OF  TEXAS. 

and  Teal  were  sent  as  commissioners  to  Matamoros, 
to  inform  themselves  respecting  the  restoration  of 
slaves  and  property  belonging  to  Texans.  In  re- 
prisal for  the  treatment  extended  to  Woll  on  their 
arrival  early  in  Jmie,  they  were  confined  in  prison, 
whence,  however,  they  soon  escaped  through  the  aid 
of  outside  friends,  but  not  before  they  had  created  a 
false  alarm  in  Texas  by  reporting  that  the  Mexicans 
were  making  vigorous  preparations  for  a  second  and 
early  invasion.*  The  fact  is,  the  Mexican  government 
would  fain  have  continued  hostilities,  and  on  May 
21st  an  act  was  published  setting  forth  that  it  was 
the  intention  of  the  government  to  prosecute  the  war 
with  vigor,  and  declaring  that  all  treaties  and  stipu- 
lations made  by  Santa  Anna  while  in  captivity  would 
be  regarded  as  null/  But  the  political  condition  of 
the  country  prevented  any  serious  demonstration. 
Centralism  was  in  peril ;  the  states  were  beginning  to 
proclaim  in  favor  of  federalism ;  and  in  the  confusion 
of  affairs,  the  threatened  invasion  of  Texas  was  im- 
practicable. The  4000  troops  were  never  sent  from 
Vera  Cruz,  and  the  ill-conditioned  soldiers  at 
Matamoros,  under  Urrea,  constituted  all  the  force 
arrayed  against  the  revolted  province.  Nevertheless 
the  Texans  made  preparations  to  resist  invasion  ajid 
before  long  over  2000  men,  mostly  volunteers  from 
the  United  States,*  were  in  the  field,  and  minor  hos- 
tilities were  carried  on. 

Mayor  Isaac  Burton  with  twenty  mounted  rangers, 
while  scouring  the  coast,  received  news  of  the  arrival  of 
a  suspicious  looking  craft  in  the  bay  of  C6pano.  On 
the  3d  of  June  he  ambushed  his  men  near  the  beach, 
seized  the  crew  of  a  boat  sent  ashore,  and  manning  it 
with  sixteen  of  his  rangers,  captured  the  vessel,  which 

•Urrea,  Diario,  44r^,  100^1;  Tex.  Ahn,,  1860,  74-«;  Id,,  1861,  45. 

^  Copy  of  act  and  of  others  relative  to  the  action  taken  by  the  govern- 
ment in  ArrUlaga,  Becop.,  £n.~  Jim.,  1836^  430-7. 

^Ekirl^r  in  June,  Pres.  Burnet  made  a  contract  with  Gen.  Mennioan 
Hunt,  to  introduce  from  the  U.  S.,  a  diyinon  of  4,000  men.  Hunt's  success 
was  but  partial     Tex,  Aim,,  1861,  44. 


MOVEMENTS  OF 

proved  to  be  the  WaU^hmany  loaded  with  provisions 
for  the  Mexican  army.  The  vessel  was  ordered  to 
Velaaoo,  but  was  detuned  by  contrary  winds.  On 
the  17th,  the  CoTrumche  and  Fanny  BuUer  anchored 
off  the  bar.  The  captions  were  decoyed  on  board  the 
Waichmany  and  their  vessels  being  captured,  were 
found  to  be  similarly  freighted.  All  three  were  sent 
to  Velasco  and  condemned.  Their  cargoes,  worth 
$25,000,  were  of  great  service  to  the  Texan  army.* 
Henceforth  Burton  and  hie  rangers  became  known  as 
the  'Horse-marines.* 

Nor  was  the  Texan  navy  inactive.  The  Tnvinctbley 
after  bemg  taken  by  a  United  States  man-of*war,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  on  the  charge  of  piracy, 
and  acquitted  by  the  judicial  courts,  made  a  cruise  on 
the  Mexican  coast,  visiting  Matamoros,  Tampico, 
Vera  Cruz,  and  Tabasco.  Returning  to  Velasco,  she 
was  sent  in  September  to  New  York  for  repairs.  In 
March,  1837,  this  vessel  returned  to  Galveston,  and 
some  time  afterward  captured  the  Mexican  schooner 

On  August  25th  of  the  same  year,  the  Invincible, 
in  company  with  the  BmiuSy  arrived  at  GkJveston  bar 
with  a  Mexican  schooner  in  tow.  The  Brutus  crossed 
in  safety  with  the  prize,  but  the  InvincfibUj  unable  to 
get  in,  was  attacked  on  the  following  day  by  two 
armed  brigs  of  the  enemy.  In  going  out  to  her  aid, 
the  Brutus  ran  aground,  and  the  InvvmiblCy  being  over- 
powered, in  endeavoring  to  escape  struck  on  the 
breakers  near  the  southeast  channel.  The  crew  gained 
the  land,  but  the  vessel  went  to  pieces  during  the 
night.  The  schooner  Liberty  had  been  sent  to  New 
Orleans,  and  was  there  sold  to  defray  her  expenses. 

•Tekffroflh,  Aug.  2,  1896;  Toahmn,  il  180-1;  Morfitin  his  report  to  the 
U.  S.  ffovemment  plaoei  the  value  of  these  TeaaelB*  invoices  at  about  |20, 192. 
Bsec  Doe.,  ooog.  ^  seas.  2,  No.  35,  p.  29. 

K»  Called  by  Yoaknmr—ii.  213— ^fispa,  aad  thus  copied  by  Swante  Palm 
in  Baher^s  Tex.,  78.  link  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  164,  gives  Obiapo  as  the  name  of 
the  ▼essei;  but  it  is  probable  that  as  b  and  v  are  fre<iuently  used  for  each 
otii0r  in  Spanish  Amerioa,  the  I  in  Toakum  is  a  misprint  for  b,  and  that  the 
riffixt  name  of  the  schooner  was  Avi&pa,  the  Wasp, 


284  THE  REPUBUO  OF  TEXAS. 

The  Iridependencej  m  April  1837,  fell  in  with  two 
Mexican  brigs-of-war,  the  Vencedor  del  Alamo  aad 
the  Idbertador,  and  being  overpowered,  was  taken  into 
Brazos  Santiago,  whence  the  captives  were  removed 
to  Matamoros.  Thus  the  Brutus  was  the  last  re- 
maining vessel  of  the  old  navy,  and  she  was  lost  in 
Galveston  harbor  during  the  severe  equinoctial  gale 
of  1837,  which,  besides  destroying  shipping  to  the 
number  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  vessels,  flooded  nearly 
the  whole  city.  In  April  of  this  year,  the  Champion 
and  Julius  Caesar^  freighted  with  provisions  for  the 
Texan  army,  were  captured  by  the  enemy." 

In  the  United  States,  the  interest  felt  for  Texas 
was  great,  and  much  material  aid  was  furnished  to  the 
strugglf  ng  republic.  PubUc  discourses  were  delivered 
at  dSerent  places  by  the  commissioners,  Austin, 
Wharton,  and  Archer,  who  succeeded  in  enlisting  the 
sympathy  of  the  people.  Appeals  were  made  for 
moral  support,  and  the  object  of  the  Texans  declared 
to  be  independence  as  a  new  republic  or  annexation  to 
the  United  States."  After  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto, 
the  desire  for  annexation  became  widely  spread  ;  and 
on  May  30th,  President  Burnet,  in  view  of  the  gen- 
eral wish,  appointed  James  Collingsworth  and  Peter 
W.  Grayson  as  commissioners  to  Washington  to  ask 
for  the  friendly  mediation  of  that  government  in  pro- 
curing from  Mexico  the  recognition  of  the  indepen- 
dence of  Texas,  to  endeavor  to  obtain  a  like  recognition 
from  the  United  States,  and  to  state  that  it  was  the 
opinion  of  the  Texan  government  that  the  annexation 
of  the  new  republic  to  the  American  union  would  be 
most  acceptable  to  the  people  o\  the  former.  When 
the  commissioners  reached  Washington,  congress  had 

^ /d,  I860,  163-6,  where  will  be  foimd  a  list  of  offioen  who  seirod  in  the 
Texan  navy  from  1836  to  1837  inolnaiTe.  Toabm%  vl  212-13,  21d-17;  Ai2er « 

^'  See  Austin's  address  to  the  people  of  Louisville,  Kentacky,  March  7, 
1836,  in  ffoUey's  Tex.,  252-80;  and  his  letter  to  Houston  of  June  16,  1896,  in 
Yoahm,  ii.  177;  also  Wharton's  address  in  N.  Tork^  Apr.  26,  1896»  in  Tex. 
Miac.  PaimpfUi  no-  1^ 


THE  QUESTION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  286 

adjourned,  but  there  was  amon^  its  members  a  general 
feeling  in  favor  of  the  recognition  of  the  independence 
of  Texas."  Nothing  was  immediately  accomplished 
beyond  the  formal  presentation  of  the  matter  to  the 
authorities  at  Washington;  but  President  Jackson 
sent  Henry  M.  Morfit  as  a  commissioner  to  Texas,  to 
inform  himself,  and  report  on  the  military,  political, 
and  civil  condition  of  the  people.  The  date  of  Mor- 
fit s  first  despatch  is  August  13,  1836,  that  of  his  last, 
September  14th  of  the  same  year.  His  report  is 
pretty  full.  He  assigns  a  population  to  Texas  of 
nearly  58,500  souls."  He  expresses  surprise  that 
Texas  has  carried  on  a  successful  war  so  long  with  so 
little  embarassment  to  her  own  citizens  or  treasury, 
and  estimated  that  the  probable  total  amount  of  her 
outstanding  debts  did  not  exceed  $1,250,000." 

The  deep  interest  taken  by  the  United  States  in 
the  success  of  Texas  was  naturally  displeasing  to  the 
Mexican  government.  During  the  period  from 
March  9  to  October  15,  1836,  the  Mexican  minister, 
Grorostiza,  maintained  a  correspondence  with  the  de- 
partment of  state  relative  to  the  ambiguous  neutrality 
observed  by  the  United  States  during  the  Texan 
revolution.     In  his  letters  he  complains  of  measures 

"The  two  hotues,  actiM  separately,  passed  resolutions  'that  the  inde- 
pendence of  Texas  onsht  to  oe  acknowledged  by  the  U.  S.  whenever  satisfac- 
toiy  information  should  be  received  that  it  had  in  successful  operation  a  civil 
govenunent,  capable  of  performing  the  duties  and  fulfiUinff  the  obligations  of 
an  independent  newer.'  Eixec,  Doc.,  cong.  24,  sess.  2,  no.  35,  1,  where  will  be 
found  copy  of  Morfit's  despatches. 

1' Anglo- Americans,  about  30,000;  Mexicans,  3,470;  Indians,  including 
8,000  northern  Indians  from  the  United  States,  about  20,000;  and  5,000  ne- 
groes.  Id.,  12-13.  Yoakum's  figures,  ii.  197,  derived  from  tlie  same  source 
and  copied  by  Thrall,  HitL  Tex.,  286,  are  incorrect.  But  Morfit  himself  is 
somewhat  contradictory. 

»*Thn»  exhibited  in  Morfit's  report  of  Sept.  4,  1836,  ut  sup.: 
Treasory  orders  already  issued  and  debts  under  consideration  of  the 

auditor's  office .^309,280 

Estunate  of  supplies  exdosive  of  the  amount  audited 250,000 

LouiB 100,000 

Amount  due  navy,  exclusive  of  the  amount  audited 60,000 

Amount  due  army,  exclusive  of  the  amount  audited 412,000 

Amount  of  civil  ccmtuigent  ezpensee,  exclusive  of  amount  aucUted. .  118,720 

11,250,000 


286  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

in  progress  for  recognizing  the  independence  of  Texas^ 
of  the  entrance  of  armed  bands  from  the  United 
States  into  that  country,  especially  of  the  occupation 
of  Mexican  territory,  by  United  States  forces,  and 
enumerates  several  instances  of  violation  of  the  neu- 
trality laws. 

The  particulars  connected  with  the  occupation 
of  Texan  territory  by  United  States  troops  are 
as  follow:  It  was  well  understood  that  the  Ind- 
ians in  the  eastern  and  northern  regions  of  Texas 
were  assuming  a  hostile  attitude,  having  been  visited 
by  Mexican  agents,  who  strove  to  persuade  them  to 
take  up  arms.  On  January  23,  1836,  General  Ed- 
mund Gaines  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
United  States  troops  on  the  western  firontier  of 
Louisiana.  His  instructions  were  that,  in  view  of  the 
war  between  Mexico  and  Texas,  strict  neutrality  was 
to  be  observed,  and  none  of  the  contending  parties 
were  to  be  allowed  to  cross  into  territory  of  the 
United  States.  Hostile  incursions  of  Indians,  how- 
ever, directed  either  against  the  Mexican  or  Anglo- 
American  states  were  to  be  prevented  by  force. 
Gaines  replied  March  29th;  and  after  referring  to 
scenes  of  barbarism  in  Texas  added  that,  in  case  he 
noticed  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  Mexicans  to 
menace  the  frontier,  he  should  deem  it  his  duty  to 
cross  the  boundary  and  meet  the  marauders.  Under 
date  of  April  25th  the  secretary  of  war,  while  averring 
that  it  was  no  wish  of  the  president  to  acquire  any 
portion  of  Mexican  territory,  nevertheless  approved 
of  Gaines'  suggestion;  but,  in  no  case,  was  he  to 
advance  further  than  Nacogdoches.  Gaines  on  April 
8th  had  called  upon  the  governors  of  Louisiana,  Mis- 
sissippi, Alabama,  and  Tennessee  for  reenforcements, 
but  recalled  his  requisition  soon  after,  believing  fix)m 
later  information  that  the  troops  would  not  be 
wanted.  On  the  14th  of  the  same  month,  informa- 
tion was  received  by  him  from  General  Mason,  com- 
mandant ftt  Nacogdoches,  to  the  effect  that  a  large 


MEXICO  ALARMED.  287 

number  of  Mexicans  and  Indians  were  concentrated 
with  hostile  intentions  about  sixty  miles  from  that 
town.  It  appears  that  Irvin,  the  alcalde  of  Nacog- 
doches, made  this  statement  to  Mason  on  April  12th 
— a  statement  which  was  found  to  be  greatly  exag- 
gerated. Gaines  consequently  ordered  up  the 
squadron  of  United  States  dragoons  and  six  com- 
panies of  infantry  from  Fort  Gibson  to  Fort  Towson, 
on  Red  River,  went  in  person  with  fourteen  com- 
panies, namely,  the  sixth  regiment  and  four  companies 
of  the  third  United  States  infantry,  to  the  Sabine 
River,  and  there  encamped.  Owing  to  the  victory  of 
San  Jacinto,  and  the  retreat  of  the  Mexicans,  the 
Indians,  whatever  might  have  been  their  original  in- 
tentions, now  showed  a  disposition  favorable  to  the 
white  men,  and  there  does  not  seem  much  reason  for 
Graines'  remaining  on  the  bank  of  the  Sabine.  Never- 
theless, in  their  excited  state,  it  was  not  unlikely  that 
the  Indians  would  commit  depredations,  and  on  May 
19th  a  large  body  of  them  appeared  before  Fort 
Parker,  on  the  head  waters  of  the  Navasota.  There 
were  only  six  men  and  some  women  and  children  in 
the  place.  Attempts  at  conciliation  were  made  in 
vain;  several  of  the  men  were  killed,  the  fort  was 
plundered,  and  some  of  the  women  and  children  were 
carried  into  captivity.**  On  June  28th  Gaines  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Rusk,  then  at  Victoria,  stating 
that  the  Mexicans,  7,000  strong,  were  advancing  from 
Matamoros,  their  motto  being,  "Extermination  as  far 
as  the  Sabine,  or  death."  These  circumstances  com- 
bined, induced  Gaines  to  consider  the  frontier  again 
in  danger.  Accordingly  on  the  day  on  which  he  re- 
ceived Rusk  s  letter,  he  repeated  his  requisition — ^which 
this  time  was  disapproved  by  the  president — and  sent 
a  detachment  of  regular  troops  under  Colonel  Whistler, 
to  take  post  near  Nacogdoches,  instructing  him  July 
1 1th  to  occupy  that  town  and  fortify  it  with  a  small 
breast-work  and  block-houses. 

^  Full  aoooont  of  this  massacre  in  ShiekTs  FaU  of  Parher'a  Fori,  MS., 
fols.  18. 


288  THE  REPUBLIG  OF  TEXAS. 

When  Gorostiza  became  aware  that  an  actoal  vio- 
lation of  Mexican  territory  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  had  occurred,  he  reiterated  his  representations; 
and  not  satisfied  with  the  assurances  of  the  govern- 
ment at  Washington,  that  the  measures  adopted  were 
of  a  temporary  and  purely  defensive  character,  by 
letter  of  October  15th  he  declared  that  he  considered 
his  mission  at  an  end,  and  asked  for  his  passports, 
which  were  sent  to  him  on  the  20th  of  the  same 
month,  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  countries 
being  thus  broken  off.  Gaines  was  relieved  of  his 
command  by  Brigadier  General  Arbuckle,  who  was 
instructed,  under  date  of  October  10th,  to  report  on 
the  condition  of  aflfairs.  Nevertheless  similar  direc- 
tions to  those  sent  to  Gaines  were  given  to  Arbuckle, 
to  whose  discretion  the  retaining  possession  of  Nac(^- 
doches  was  in  a  great  measure  left.  He  was  informed 
by  the  secretary  of  war  that  it  was  not  in  the  power 
of  the  department,  with  its  limited  information,  to 
give  any  positive  order  in  regard  to  the  fiirther  occu- 
pation of  the  post,  but  he  was  instructed  to  withdraw 
the  troops  stationed  there,  unless  he  had  in  his  pos- 
session information  satisfying  him  that  the  main- 
tenance of  it  was  essential  to  the  protection  of  the 
United  States  frontiers,  and  to  the  due  execution  of 
treaty  stipulations." 

Viewed  in  an  impartial  light,  the  action  of  the 
United  States  government  cannot  be  regarded  as 

^^Bouae  Hep.,  cong.  24,  boss.  1,  No.  256,  1-61;  Pub,  Doc.,  1835-6,  VoL  tI; 
Cang,  Debates,  1836-6,  xii.  3611  -48;  Tex.  Corree,,  in  Pap.  Var.,  iii.  No.  1; 
Exec,  Doc.,  cong.  24,  seas.  2,  No.  2,  1-101,  105;  Cong.  Ddates,  1837,  adv.  170- 
249;^.  -Sfc.  Doc,,  cong.  26,  sess.  2,  VoL  iv.  No.  190, 1-120;  Mex.  Carres,  sobrr^l 
Pdso  del  SaUna,  122;  NiUs' Reg.,  L  162,  207-9,  364h^,  377,  384r-6,  402;  Id., 
U.  21,  33,  87-8,  97,  113,  129,  194,  369,  378,  386,  409-12;  Morpfus,  333,  353-4; 
Jay's  Mex,  War,  23-30.  llie  government  at  Washio^n  considered  that 
they  were  authorized  to  send  troops  into  Mexican  territory  bv  the  33d  ar- 
ticle of  the  treaty  between  the  two  nations,  which  required  both  the  con- 
tracting parties  to  prevent  by  force  all  hostilities  and  incnraioDB  on  the  pari 
of  the  Indian  nations  living  within  their  respective  boundaries,  so  that  the 
United  States  will  not  su&r  their  Indians  to  attack  the  citizens  of  the 
Mexican  states,  nor  will  the  Mexican  states  suffer  their  Indiana  to  attack 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  As  the  Indians  west  of  the  supposed 
boundary  were  assuthing  a  warlike  attitude,  and  Mexico  had  no  troops  on 
the  ground  to  keep  them  fuiet,  the  U.  S.  considered  themselves  justified  in 
aiiwimiTig  an  advanced  position  temporarily  in  their  own  defence. 


ATTITUDE  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES.  J>89 

other  than  subterfuge,  and  unfair  to  a  neighbor  from 
which  it  desired  to  steal  territory.  While  making  the 
strongest  assurances  that  neutrality  should  be  ob- 
served, and  issuing  orders  to  that  effect,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  the  Tatter  were  easily  evaded,  and  the 
former  counterbalanced  by  the  moral  support  secretly 
extended  to  Texas.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be 
observed  that  the  Mexican  government  in  its  future 
conduct  in  regard  to  the  revolted  province  showed 
neither  prudence  nor  foresight,  and  rendered  the  war, 
on  her  part,  with  Texas  a  tarce.  Mexican  patriotism 
was  excited,  and  the  Texan  war  used  as  a  pretext  for 
levying  contributions;  henceforth  it  assumed  a  pas- 
sive character,  and  became  a  rallying  cry  of  political 
parties  as  a  means  of  their  advancement.  Says  a 
Mexican  historian  of  repute,  "With  the  failure  of 
Santa  Anna's  expedition  against  Texas,  and  consider- 
ing the  intentions  of  the  United  States,  the  Mexican 
government  ought  to  have  rid  itself  of  that  province 
by  a  convention  with  the  United  States,  as  did  Spain 
in  the  case  of  Florida  in  1818,  endeavoring  thereby 
to  form  a  nation  between  Mexico  and  the  United 
States,  which  in  time  would  counterbalance  the  pre- 
ponderance of  the  north;  but  the  government  and  its 
enemies  made  the  reconquest  of  Texas  an  object  of 
charlatanism,  and  a  party  weapon,  both  sides  urgmg 
the  continuation  of  the  war  as  necessary  for  the  vin- 
dication of  the  national  honor,  though  they  had 
neither  the  will  nor  the  power  to  carry  it  on." 

By  July  the  Texan  army  had  increased  to  2,300 
strong,  and  Greneral  Rusk  experienced  much  difficulty 
in  preventing  confusion.  Houston  was  at  this  time 
at  Nacogdoches,  and  according  to  Yoakum  addressed 
several  communications  during  that  month  to  Gaines, 
which  may  have  had  some  influence  on  his  decision 
to  occupy  Nacogdoches.  About  the  first  of  the  month 
the  government  appointed  Colonel  Mirabeau  Lamar 

^Bivera,  HitL  JcUapa,  iii  290-1. 

Hist.  Mbx.  Btatxs,  Vol.  II.   19 


290  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS, 

major-general  of  the  army,  who  on  his  arrival  at 
head-quarters  on  the  14th  found  so  strong  a  feeling 
expressed  against  the  right  of  the  cabinet  to  super- 
sede General  Houston  that  he  was  constrained  to  put 
to  the  vote  of  the  troops  the  question,  whether  the 
army  were  willing  to  receive  him  as  commander-m- 
chief.  This  being  done,  only  179  votes  were  found 
to  be  in  his  favor.  Nevertheless  Lamar  began  to  act 
as  commander-in-chief,  which  caused  such  dissatisfac- 
tion that  many  of  the  men  began  to  leave  the  camp. 
Whereupon  Lamar  called  a  meeting  of  the  officers, 
the  discussion  at  which  resulted  in  his  retiring." 

As  the  Mexicans  were  unable  to  carry  out  their 
meditated  re-invasion,  and  the  rumors  of  such  having 
proved  deceptive,  it  was  proposed  on  the  part  of  the 
Texan  leaders  to  make  a  descent  upon  Matamoros, 
and  with  that  object  detachments  were  sent  to  Bejar 
and  San  Patricio  on  the  river  Nueces.  Two  mounted 
companies  were  despatched  to  the  former  place,  while 
500  men,  also  mounted,  were  stationed  at  San  Patri- 
cio, under  Brigadier-General  Felix  Houston,  who  had 
lately  arrived  from  the  United  States  with  a  consid- 
erable force.  Owing,  however,  to  the  want  of  means 
to  cooperate  by  sea,  the  project  was  abandoned. 

Early  in  July  the  commissioners,  Austin,  Archer, 
and  Wharton  returned,  having  accomplbhed  much  in 
arousing  sympathy  in  the  United  States  for  Texas. 
On  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  tranquOlity  for  the 
time  assured  by  the  political  confusion  in  Mexico, 
President  Bumet  issued  a  proclamation  for  the  elec- 
tions of  president,  vice-president,  and  senators  and 
representatives  in  congress.  The  first  Monday  in 
September  was  appointed  election  day,  and  the  sena- 
tors and  representatives  were  to  assemble  at  Colum- 
bia on  the  first  Monday  in  October  following.'*     The 

^*  Lamar  argued  that  Houston  had  forfeited  his  position  as  oommander- 
in-chief,  by  leaving  Texas  without  a  furlough.  See  Oen.  Felix  Huston  • 
account  of  this  affair  in  Yoahim,  ii.  183-8;  Tex.  Ahn.,  1861,  46. 

^Copy  of  proclamation  m  Id,,  1861|  48-9.    It  provided  that  in  the  pre- 


KLBCriON.  291 

managers  of  the  elections  were  to  ask  each  voter 
whether  he  was  willing  to  clothe  his  senators  and 
representatives  with  conventional  power  to  revise  and 
amend  the  constitution;  also  whether  he  was  in  &vor 
of  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  as  it  stood,  or  of 
its  rejection,  or  revision  and  amendment  by  the  con- 
gress. Moreover  as  it  was  important  for  the  inter- 
ests of  the  country  that  the  people  should  determine 
whether  they  were  in  favor  of  annexing  Texas  to  the 
United  States,  the  managers  were  required  to  put 
the  question  direct  to  each  voter,  and  make  a  return 
of  the  number  of  votes  for  and  against  it. 

Three  candidates  were  nominated  for  the  presidency, 
Stephen  F.  Austin,  Sam.  Houston,  and  the  late  gov- 
emor  Henry  Smith.  Houston  at  first  was  unwilling 
to  accept  his  nomination,  but  was  induced  to  do  so  on 
the  consideration  that  there  being  two  political  parties 
in  Texas,  known  as  the  Austin  and  Wharton  parties 
— the  ostensible  head  of  the  latter  being  Governor 
Smith — he  became  impressed  with  the  belief  that  were 
either  Smith  or  Austin  elected,  the  opposition  to  the 
administration  would  be  such  as  to  be  most  detrimen- 
tal to  the  interests  of  the  young  republic.  The  situ- 
ation required  the  united  efforts  of  all,  and  as  he  was 
identified  with  neither  party,  he  was  of  the  opinion 
that  in  case  of  his  election  he  would  be  able  to  har- 

cinctof  Anatin  there  shcmld  be  elected  one  representative  to  congress;  in 
Brazoria,  two;  Bejar,  two;  Colorado,  one;  Sabine,  one;  Gonzalez,  one;  Jeff- 
erson, one;  Goliad,  one;  Matagorda,  one;  Mina,  two;  Nacogdoches,  two; 
Ked  River,  three;  Victoria,  one;  San  Augustine,  two;  Shelby,  two;  Refugio, 
nne;  San  Patricio,  one;  Washington,  two;  Milan,  one;  and  Jackson,  one. 
From  the  senatorial  district  of  Bejar,  there  should  1)e  elected  one  senator; 
from  San  Patricio,  Refugio  and  Goliad,  one;  from  Brazoria,  Que;  from  Mina 
and  Gonzalez  one;  from  Nacoffdoches,  one:  from  Red  River,  one;  from 
4Shelby  and  Sabine,  one;  from  Matagorda,  Jackson  and  Victoria,  one;  from 
Austin  and  Coloiudo,  one;  from  San  Augustine,  one;  from  Milan,  one;  from 
Jasper  and  Jefferson,  one;  from  Liberty  and  Harrisburg,  one;  and  from 
Washinffton,  one.  In  consideration  that  a  lar^e  number  of  persons  were 
serving  m  the  army,  and  might  thereby  lose  their  right  of  sufferage,  it  was 
ordained  that  all  such  persons  entitled  to  vote  might  do  so  by  holding  an 
election,  and  sending  the  returns  to  the  managers  of  the  election  at  the 
capital  of  the  precinct  of  which  they  were  citizens;  the  name  of  each  voter 
being  taken  down  in  writing  and  forwarded  with  the  returns.  The  same 
role  applied  to  penons  abwnt  from  precincts  that  had  been  temporarily 


292  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAa 

monize  the  two  factions,  and  organize  a  government 
that  would  triumph  over  all  difficulties/^  Houston's 
popularity  at  this  date  is  evidenced  by  the  result  of 
the  polls.  He  was  elected  president  by  a  large 
majority,  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar  being  chosen  vice- 
president."  The  constitution  was  adopted  almost 
unanimously,  as  also  the  proposition  of  annexation. 

On  October  3d,  the  first  Texan  congress  met  at  Co- 
lumbia, and  on  the  following  day  President  Burnet 
delivered  his  message.  It  is  a  somewhat  lengthy  doc- 
ument, but  represents  too  truthfully  the  events  con- 
nected with  his  administration  and  the  condition  of 
the  country.  He  describes  the  state  of  the  army  and 
navy,  and  calls  attention  to  the  defectiveness  of  the 
mUitary  organization  and  the  want  of  more  war  ves- 
sels. The  judicial  department,  he  stated,  was  in  a 
very  imperfect  state,  and  the  land  question  was  one 
which  would  require  serious  consideration.  He  trusted 
that  the  titles  of  the  early  settlers  would  not  be  en- 
croached upon,  and  that  the  present  congress  and  all 
succeeding  ones  would  promptly  and  decisively  put 
the  seal  of  their  reprobation  upon  all  sinister  and 
unrighteous  speculations  in  the  public  domain.  He 
concluded  by  urging  the  members  to  banish  from  their 
council  all  party  spirit  and  political  intrigue.** 

After  using  his  best  endeavors  to  conciliate  the 
Indians,  Houston  left  Nacogdoches  for  Columbia, 
where  he  arrived  on  October  9th.  By  a  provision  of 
the  adopted  constitution,  he  could  not  enter  upon  the 
duties  of  his  office  before  the  second  Monday  in  De- 
cember next  succeeding  his  election,**  but  both  Presi- 
dent Burnet  and  Vice-president  Zavala  were  equally 
willing  to  retire  from  office,  and  on  the  22d  of  Odiober 

^  See  his  letter  to  Ony  M.  Bryan  of  Not.  15,  1852,  quoted  in  Toaimn,  ii. 
193-4. 

^  Houston  received  4,374  votes.  Smith  743,  and  Austin  587,  the  total  mun- 
ber  of  votes  cast  being  5,704.  Lamar  had  a  majority  of  2,699.  ITmUTs  Jfml. 
Tex.,  287. 

**  Copy  of  Bnmet's  message  will  be  found  in  JSfUea*  Reg,,  VL  189^91. 

*  Art  vi,  MO.  2.,  of  the  coostitntion,  in  Laurn  qftU  RepMic  qf  Tems,  vol 
i  16. 


HOUSTON  AND  LAMAR.  293 

sent  in  their  resignations.  The  congress  considered 
that  there  was  no  radical  obstruction  to  the  premature 
installation  of  the  new  president,  and  on  the  same  day 
Houston  was  inducted  into  office. 

In  his  inaugural  address,  Houston  referred  to  the 
relations  of  the  coordinate  departments  of  the  govern- 
ment as  peculiarly  delicate  and  important,  maintaining 
that  if  he  failed  to  obtain  the  cooperation  and  support 
of  the  congress,  wreck  and  ruin  would  be  inevitable. 
If,  therefore,  he  failed  in  the  attainment  of  the  great 
objects  in  view,  it  would  be  the  duty  of  the  house  to 
correct  his  errors  and  sustain  him  by  its  superior  wis- 
dom. The  administration,  he  said,  was  fraught  with 
perplexities,  but  zeal  and  a  spirit  of  patrotism  would 
surmount  all  difficulties.  He  recommended  that  the 
friendship  of  the  Indians  should  be  obtained  by  treaties 
of  peace  and  a  strict  maintenance  of  good  faith  with 
them ;  and  urged  abstinence  from  all  acts  of  aggression, 
the  establishment  of  commerce  with  the  different 
tribes,  even-handed  justice  to  be  ever  maintained  with 
them.  He  contrasted  the  barbarous  mode  of  warfare 
practised  by  the  enemy  with  the  humanity  and  for- 
bearance displayed  by  the  Texans  in  the  hour  of  vic- 
tory. The  moral  effect  of  such  conduct  had  done  more 
toward  the  liberation  of  Texas  than  the  defeat  of  the 
army  of  veterans.  Her  cause  had  received  the  warm- 
est sympathy  and  manly  aid  of  friends  in  the  land  of 
their  origin.  Lastly,  he  dwelt  upon  the  question  of 
annexation  witli  the  United  States,  a  consummation 
unanimously  wished  for  the  Texan  people,  who  were 
cheered  by  the  hope  that  they  would  be  welcomed 
into  the  great  family  of  freemen."  General  Lamar, 
in  his  two-fold  capacity  as  vice-president  of  the  re- 
public and  president  of  the  senate,  also  delivered 
addresses  in  which,  breathing  a  spirit  of  patriot- 
ism, he  deprecated  party  antagonism  and  contro- 
versy. 

^  Copy  of  the  address  in  Pea»t*B  Hia.  View  Tex.,  in  Niies*  South  Amer.  attd 
Mex.,  L  367-60. 


294  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

Congress  having  authorized  the  president  to  appoint 
his  cabinet,  his  selection  proves  his  anxiety  to  weld 
together  in  harmony  the  two  opposing  factions  by  an 
impartial  appointment  to  office  of  the  separate  leaders. 
Stephen  F.  Austin  was  made  secretary  of  state,  Henry 
Smith,  secretary  of  the  treasury,  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  of 
war,"  S.  Rhodes  Fisher,  of  the  navy,  Robert  Burr, 
postmaster-general,  and  J.  Pinkney  Henderson,  attor- 
ney-general. On  November  16th,  congress  passed  an 
act  empowering  the  president  to  appoint  a  minister  to 
the  United  States  to  negotiate  with  that  government 
for  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas,  and 
her  annexation  to  that  republic.  Houston  accordingly 
appointed  William  H.  Wharton  to  the  position." 

Another  of  the  first  acts  of  the  congress,  dated 
November  18th,  authorized  the  president  to  issue 
bonds  of  the  republic  in  sums  of  $1,000  each,  to  an 
amount  not  exceeding  $5,000,000.  These  bonds  were 
to  bear  interest  not  exceeding  ten  per  centum,  and 
be  made  redeemable  in  thirty  years  from  the  day  of  date. 
Two  commissioners  were  to  be  appointed  to  negotiate 
them  in  the  United  States  or  Europe,  the  conmiis- 
sioners  being  authorized  to  sell  bonds  to  the  amount 
of  $2,000,000,  redeemable  in  not  less  than  five  years. 
Holders  should  have  the  privilege  of  purchasing 
public  lands  of  the  republic  at  the  lowest  government 
price  payable  in  bonds.  In  regard  to  voltmteers  from 
the  United  States  the  congress  displayed  great  liber- 
ality, extending  by  a  joint  resolution  on  the  23d  the 
same  pay  and  bounties  in  lands  to  those  who  entered 


^The  oommand  of  the  army  was  given  to  General  Felix  Houston. 

3T  Ttinn,  page  273,  narrates  that  Wharton  was  not  pleased  with  the  ap- 
pointment, and  remarked  that  the  president  was  sending  him  into  honorable 
exile  to  get  him  out  of  some  one  else's  way.  Houston  did  not  hear  of  tbij 
till  some  months  after,  when  three  commissioners  were  to  be  named  by  him 
whose  duties  were  the  purchase  of  a  navy.  John  A.  Wharton,  brother  of 
William  Wharton,  was  one  of  the  candidates,  and  to  the  surprise  of  many, 
was  not  appointed.  Meeting  the  latter  after  his  return  from  the  U.  S.,  the 
president  could  not  refrain  troiQ  deliverinff  a  home-thrust.  'I  did  not  a})- 
point  John  A.  Wharton,'  he  said,  'one  of  the  three  naval  commissioners  be> 
cause  I  did  not  wish  to  drive  any  more  of  the  Wharton  family  into  exile.' 


CONGRESSIONAL' MEASUBES.  296 

the  service  after  July  1st  as  to  those  who  had  entered 
it  prior  to  that  date." 

The  duties  of  the  congress  were  not  light,  and  dur- 
ing its  first  session,  which  lasted  to  the  close  of  De- 
cember, numerous  laws  were  passed  for  the  organization 
of  the  government  and  promotion  of  the  public  weal. 
Provisions  were  made  for  tlie  increase  of  the  navy  by 
the  purchase  of  a  24-gun  sloop  of  war,  two  armed 
steam  vessels,  and  two  11 -gun  scliooners;  rules  and 
articles  were  established  for  the  government  of  the 
navy  and  army,  the  latter  of  which  the  president  was 
authorized  to  reorganize ;  and  measures  were  adopted 
for  the  protection  of  the  frontier,  and  for  the  national 
defence  by  the  organization  of -militia.  The  judiciary, 
moreover,  was  fully  organized,  a  supreme  court,  courts 
of  justice,  and  inferior  coUrts  being  established,  and 
their  powers  and  jurisdictions  defined.'*  Enactments 
were  also  passed  for  the  raising  of  a  revenue  by  im- 
port duties;  establishing  the  salaries  of  the  president 
and  government  oflicers;**  for  the  creation  of  a  gen- 
eral post-office ;  and  for  the  establishment  of  a  general 
land-office." 

A  national  seal  and  standard  for  'the  republic  were 
adopted  December  lOth.  The  former  consisted  of  a 
single  star  with  the  letters  Republic  of  Texas  circular 
on  the  seal,  which  was  also  circular.  The  national 
flag  was  to  have  an  azure  ground  with  a  large  golden 
etar  central,  and  to  be  dominated  the  national  stan- 


*The  president  vetoed  this  act,  but  it  was  passed  by  a  constitational 
maiority  in  both  houses.  Tex.  Laws,  i.  34. 

>*  President  Burnet  had  created  a  district  Judge  for  the  district  of  Brazos, 
oaoferriiijZ  the  appointment  on  Benjamin  O.  Franklin,  M'ho  was  the  lirst 
judge  in  Texas  invested  with  common  law  and  maritime  jurisdiction.  Nileji* 
Seg,,  li  190. 

**  The  salary  of  the  president  was  fixed  at  $10,000  a  year,  of  the  vice- 
president  $3,000;  that  of  each  member  of  the  cabinet  at  $3,500;  of  tlie 
attorney-general  $3,000;  of  the  postmaster-general  $2,000,  and  other  civil 
officers  in  proportion.  Congressmen  received  each  $5  a  day,  and  were 
aUowed  a  mileage  of  $5  for  every  25  miles,  going  and  coming.  Tea-..  Lair-^,  i. 
69-70. 

''Tliisact  was  vetoed  by  the  president,  but  passed  by  a  constitutional 
majoritjr  in  both  honsee  Dea  22,  1836.  llie  a1)ove  synopsis  of  the  labors 
of  the  first  congress  is  derived  from  Id.,  i.  27-227. 


29e  THE  BEPXTBUC  OF  TEXA& 

dard  of  Tezaa.  The  flag  for  the  naval  service  was  to 
be  the  same  as  that  adopted  by  President  Burnet  at 
Harrisburg,  April  9,  1836,  its  conformation  being 
union  blue,  star  central,  with  thirteen  stripes  pro- 
longed, alternate  red  and  white." 

Congress,  however,  did  not  display  the  highest 
wisdom  in  all  its  legislative  acts.  On  December  16th 
a  bill  was  passed  to  incorporate  the ,  Texas  Railroad, 
Navigation,  and  Banking  Company,  with  a  capital 
stock  of  $5,000,000,  and  the  privilege  of  increasing  it, 
when  the  welfare  of  the  company  should  require  it, 
to  $10,000,000.     The  enactment  granted  to  the  com- 

Smy  the  right  of  connecting  the  waters  of  the  Rio 
rande  and  the  Sabine  by  means  of  internal  naviga- 
tion and  railroads,  with  the  privilege  also  of  con- 
structing branch  canals  ana  railroads  in  eveiy 
direction.  As  soon  as  the  bank  went  into  operation, 
which   it  could  not  do  untU  a  specie  capital   of  $1,- 

*^0n  Jan.  25,  1839,  &n  act  was  passed  adopting  as  the  national  arms  a 
white  star  of  five  points  on  an  azure  ground,  encircled  by  an  oliv^e  and  live 
oak  branches.  The  national  flag  was  to  consist  of  a  blue  perpendicular  stripe 
of  the  width  of  one  third  of  the  whole  flag  with  a  white  star  in  the  oentre, 
and  two  horizontal  stripes,  the  upper  white  and  the  lower  red.  The  origin 
of  the  lone  star  flag  is  somewhat  obscujre.  It  is  claimed  by  the  Savaui^ 
Georgian  that  it  was  first  unfurled  within  the  present  limits  of  Louisiana  in 
1810,  by  a  gallant  band  of  Americans,  who  fell  suddenly  upon  tiie  fort  at 
Baton  Kouge,  drove  out  the  Spaniards,  %nd  raised  the  lone  star  flag  in  place 
of  the  banner  of  old  Spain.  Tex,  Abn.,  186],  75.    The  date  of  its  first  ap- 


pearance in  Texas  ia  also  in  dispute.    Guy  M.  Bryan  in  a  speech  before  the 

lexanv< 

I  can  find  any  account  of  was  made  at  Harrisbuiv 

company  of  Capt.  Andrew  Kobinson  in  1835.    The  lone  star  was  white,  lire 


veterans  delivered  May  14,  1873,  says:  'The  first  lone  star  flag  that 
I  can  find  any  account  of  was  made  at  Harrisbuiv  and  presented  to  the 


pointed,  and  set  in  ground  of  red.'  Buyer's  Tcx,^  195.  Lewis  Washington, 
an  assistant  in  the  office  of  the  OfdvesU>n  Newn^  in  1854,  states  that  it  was  of 
plain  white  silk,  bearing^an  azure  star  of  five  points  on  either  side.     On  one 

udoj -     -     - 


side  was  the  inscription  Liberty  or  Death!  and  on  the  other  the  Latin  mottc- 
Ubi  Libertas  habitat,  ibi  nostra  patri  est.  This  flag  was  unfurled  at  Vel&sco 
Jan.  8,  1836.  Gen.  McLeod  of  Galveston  asserted  that  it  was  the  work  of 
Miss  Troutman  of  Enoxville,  Georgia.  A  correspondent  of  the  Cen/m/ 
Texan  denies  the  claim  of  Georgia,  and  insists  that  the  first  lone  star  flag 
unfurled  in  Texas  was  the  one  raised  in  Harrisburg  in  1835.  Tex.  Ahn.,  1861, 
75-7.  Thrall  makes  the  curious  statement  that  the  lone  star  emblem  wu  a 
fortunate  accident  Gov.  Smith,  for  want  of  a  seal,  used  one  of  liie  large 
brass  buttons  of  his  coat,  which  bore  the  impress  of  a  five-pointed  star. 
The  Mexican  government  in  a  circular  of  Jan.  28,  1836,  describes  the  Texan 
rebel  flag  as  consisting  of  stripes  like  that  of  the  U.  S.,  but  instead  of  the 
blue  square  containing  the  stars,  the  Texan  flag  had  a  white  square  with  a 
cross  and  the  number  1824.  ArriUaga,  Ktcop.,  En.— Jun,,  1836,  234.  The 
*flag  of  independence,' says  one,  first  hoisted  at  Goliad,  bore  a  blood-red 
sword  grasped  by  a  hand.   Tcv,  Aim.,  1861,  76. 


BOUNDARY.  297 

000,000  was  paid  in,  a  bonus  of  $25,000  was  to  be 
paid  into  the  Texan  treasury;  but  in  the  event  of 
said  sum  not  being  paid  withm  eighteen  months  after 
the  passage  of  the  act,  the  charter,  which  was  to  con- 
tinue in  force  for  forty-nine  years,  was  to  be  forfeited." 
This  act  was  regarded  by  many  with  great  disfavor 
and  denounced  by  Anson  Jones  as  corrupt,  and 
tending  to  render  the  public  lands  worthless  if  the 
scheme  had  been  practicable.**  The  necessary  capital 
of  $5,000,000  was  subscribed  by  eight  individuals  and 
firms,  but  the  payment  of  $1,000,000  in  specie  before 
the  bank  could  commence  operations,  was  a  stumbling- 
block  which  fortunately  overthrew  the  project.** 

With  regard  to  the  territorial  extent  of  the  infant 
republic,  congress  was  not  backward  in  defining 
the  boundaries.  By  an  act  of  December  19th  it  was 
declared  that  the  civil  and  political  jurisdiction  of 
Texas  extended  from  the  mouth  of  the  Sabine  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  thence  up  the  principal 
stream  of  the  latter  river  to  its  source ;  thence  due 
north  to  the  forty-second  degree  of  north  latitude, 
thence  along  the  boundary  line  as  defined  in  the  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  Spain  to  the  be- 
ginning. The  president  was  authorized  and  required 
to  open  negotiations  with  the  government  of  the 
United  States  to  ascertain  the  boundary  line  as 
agreed  upon  in  said  treaty.  These  boundaries  in- 
cluded the  greater  and  best  portion  of  New  Mexico, 
to  which  Texas  had  not  the  shadow  of  a  right.  But 
it  is  more  easy  to  make  a  claim  than  substantiate  it, 
as  Texas  foimd  to  her  cost  at  a  later  date,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  ill-conducted  expedition  to  Santa  Fd. 

»  Ttx.  Laws,  L  128-32. 

^  He  writes :  '  The  company  would  have  been  the  great  f  endal  landlord 
of  the  whole,  and  held  them  by  a  feudal  tenure. '  He  attacked  the  scheme 
sererely  in  an  article  si^ed  Franklin,  published  in  a  Matagorda  paper.  His 
opposition  gained  for  him  many  lasting  enemies.  Repuh.  TVx.,  18-19. 

'^Ckrage  states  that  even  as  it  was,  some  people  made  money  out  of  the 
scheme.  T^one  of  the  subscribers  paid  any^mg.  One  of  them  sold  his  in- 
terest to  a  sneculator  of  New  Ywk  for  $30,000.  Another  disposed  of  his 
interest  for  tnree  leagues  of  lan4  which  he  subsequently  sold  for  $2.50  per 


896  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

After  two  months  of  assiduous  labor,  during  which 
the  members  of  both  houses  appear  to  have  been 
guided  by  a  spirit  of  patriotism  and  singleness  of 
purpose,''congress  closed  its  session,  and  adjourned  till 
the  first  Monday  in  May,  1837,  when  it  was  to  meet 
at  the  newly  founded  town  of  Houston,  on  Buffido 
Bayou,  which  by  act  of  December  15th  was  declared 
to  be  the  seat  of  the  government  till  1840.** 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year  Texas  was  bereaved, 
not  only  of  one  of  its  most  prominent  patriots,  but  of 
its  father  and  founder  as  a  great  state.  On  November 
15th  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  whose  health  had  been  for 
some  time-  past  failing,  died  at  his  residence  on  the 
San  Jacinto,  near  Lynchburg,  fifty-five  years  of  age. 
The  biography  of  this  true  friend  of  Texas,  previous 
to  his  exile  from  his  native  country,  has  already  been 
given.  His  arrival  in  Texas  was  hailed  with  joy; 
and  the  appreciation  in  which  his  worth  and  love  of 
liberty  were  held,  is  shown  by  the  important  ap- 
pointments which  were  conferred  upon  him  by  men 
of  a  difierent  race.  His  name  will  ever  be  cher- 
ished among    Texans  as    a   champion   of    freedom. 

Within  little  more  than  a  month  after  the  loss  of 
this  patriot,  Stephen  Fuller  Austin  breathed  his  last  at 
Columbia.  He  had  contracted  a  cold,  which  was  suc- 
ceeded by  an  attack  of  pneumonia,  and  died  December 
27th,  at  the  comparatively  early  age  of  forty-three 
years — ^father  and  son  being  thus  victims  of  the  same 
disease.  His  remains,  followed  by  the  president  and 
his  cabinet,  both  houses  of  congress,  officers  of  the 
government,  and  a  large  concourse  of  citizens,  were 
placed  on  board  the  Yellowstcme,  and  conveyed  to 
Peach  Point,  Brazoria  county,  where  they  were  in- 
terred with  fimeral  honors.  His  place  in  the  cabinet 
was  filled  by  R.  A.  Irwin. 

Stephen  jFuller  Austin  was  bom  November  3,  1793 

''Adboii  Jonea  denounoes  the  location  of  Houston  as  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment, as  being  an  nnbloidmig  speculation  by  membon  of  the  legis- 
lature. JRepub.  Tex,,  18-19. 


BIOGRAPHY  OF  AUSTIN.  299 

at  Austinville,  Wythe  county,  Virginia,  In  1804,  he 
was  sent  to  Colchester  academy,  in  Connecticut,  and 
having  remained  there  one  year,  he  removed  to  an 
academy  at  New  London.  At  the  age  of  fifteen,  he 
became  a  student  of  Transylvania  University,  Een- 
tucky,  where  he  completed  his  education.  When 
twenty  years  of  age,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
territorial  legislature  of  Missouri,  and  was  regularhr 
reelected  till  1819,  in  which  year  he  went  to  Little 
Rock,  Arkansas,  where  he  was  made  circuit  judge  of 
that  territory.  Thence  he  moved  to  New  Orleans, 
in  order  to  cooperate  with  his  father  in  the  projected 
colonization  scheme.  On  the  death  of  Moses  Austin, 
his  son,  in  obedience  to  his  wishes,  determined  to  carry 
out  the  enterprise.  His  efforts,  trials,  and  final  suc- 
cess in  that  undertaking  are  already  before  the  reader. 
Stephen  Austin  was  eminently  adapted  as  a  leader 
of  settlers  in  an  unknown  country.  Nurtured  in  his 
childhood  in  the  wilds  of  a  frontier  state,  he  imbibed 
a  familiarity  with  the  wilderness  and  a  fearlessness  of 
its  dangers  which  never  deserted  him,  while  the  liberal 
education  which  he  received  well  fitted  him  to  occupy 
the  position  of  ruler,  diplomatist,  or  commissioner. 
As  a  commander  of  an  army,  he  himself  admits  his 
want  of  competency,  and  with  eager  willingness  he 
resided  his  military  appointment  on  the  occasion  of 
his  being  chosen  commissioner  to  the  United  States. 
With  regard  to  his  character,  I  cannot  do  better  than 
transcribe  his  own  words,  which,  however,  make  no 
mention  of  his  noble  qualities,  but  reveal  only  his 
weaknesses.  Writing  to  Edwards,  the  Fredonian 
leader,  in  1825,  he  says:  "Mv  temper  is  naturally 
hasty  and  impetuous;  the  welfere  of  the  settlement 
required  that  I  should  control  it  effectually,  for  one 
in  my  situation,  falling  suddenly  into  a  fit  of  passion, 
might  do  hurt  to  the  interests  of  hundreds.  My  dis- 
position is  by  nature,  also,  open,  unsuspecting,  confid- 
ing, and  accommodating  almost  to  a  fault.  I  have 
been,  therefore,  subject  in  a  peculiar  manner  to  impo- 


90O  THE  RBFUBLIO  OF  TEXAS. 

sition.  Experience  has  enlightened  me  as  to  this 
latter  deficiency,  I  fear,  almost  too  late,  for  I  am  ap- 
prehensive of  having  fallen  somewhat  into  the  opposite 
extreme."  " 

It  was  true  as  he  says,  that  under  the  most  trying 
circumstances,  and  assailed  by  enemies,  he  exercised  a 
strong  control  over  his  impulses,  fearftd  of  inflicting 
injury  on  others.  He  made  self-assertion  subordinate 
to  the  public  weal.  But  other  traits  of  his  character 
remain  to  be  added.  His  sense  of  equity  and  his  con- 
stancy, his  perseverance  and  fortitude,  his  intelligence, 
prudence,  and  sagacity,  and  lastly,  his  endurance 
under  persecution,  benevolent  forgiveness  of  injuries, 
and  far-reaching  philanthropy  mark  him  as  no  common 
person,  and  place  him  on  the  pedestal  of  great  men. 
He  was  never  married.  During  the  first  years  of  his 
residence  in  Texas,  his  home  was  the  house  of  S.  Cas- 
tleman,  on  the  Colorado.  Later,  when  his  brother- 
in-law,  James  F.  Perry,  removed  to  the  colony,  he 
lived,  when  in  Texas,  with  his  sister,  at  Peach  Point 
plantation,  in  Brazoria  county.  Besides  this  sister, 
he  had  a  younger  brother,  named  James  Brown  Aus- 
tin, who  was  well  known  in  Texas." 

It  cannot  be  said  that  at  the  opening  of  the  new 
year  the  situation  of  the  young  republic  was  flattering. 
It  is  true  that  she  was  temporarily  relieved  from  in- 

^  Copy  of  an  extract  from  this  letter,  which  well  describes  hia  difficult 
position  with  re^d  to  decisions  abont  land  grants,  and  is  marked  by  candor 
and  the  frank  admission  on  the  part  of  the  writer  that  he  had  committed 
errors,  will  be  found  in  Foote,  i.  300-5. 

»  Tex,  Aim.,  1859,  153-60.  From  this  article  I  quote  the  foUowmg  ex- 
tract: '  Sometimes  the  voice  of  detraction  and  obloquy  was  heard.  Somit- 
times  curses  were  heaped  upon  him  b^  men  whom  he  had  served  with 
conscientious  fidelity.  But  these  are  thmgs  which  come  to  most  men  who 
act  a  principal  part  m  what  is  transpiring  around  them,  and  in  Austin's  case 
these  things  were  more  than  counterbalanced.  The  great  body  of  his  colo- 
nists loved  him,  and  he  knew  it.  They  had  tried  him,  and  had  found  him 
to  be  true  to  them  and  to  their  interests. '  ThraU,  HuL  Tex. ,  4S0-97;  Kemteiy, 
ii.  270-2;  Bakct^s  Tex.,  253-4;  Yoakum,  ii.  202-^.  Linn,  in  his  Rermm.,  362, 
says  of  Austin:  '  He  made  many  personal  sacrifices  of  his  own  comfort  and 
property  in  the  interest  of  his  colonists,  and  was  in  return  repaid  by  ingiati- 
tude  bv  too  many  of  them.  He  had  the  patience  of  Franklin,  and  was  a  man 
of  solid  rather  than  of  brilliant  parts.' 


€X)NDinON  OF  THE  COMMONWEALTH  901 

vasion;  but  the  enemy  still  threatened,  and  there  wa« 
no  certamty  that  a  powerful  army  would  not  before 
long  be  put  m  motion  against  her.  Although  in  an 
agricultural  point  of  view,  she  had  somewhat  recov- 
ered from  the  wide-spread  desolation  to  which  she  had 
been  the  victim,  much  land  still  remained  abandoned, 
and  the  people  were  universally  unpoverished.  The 
army,  which  it  was  still  necessary  to  keep  on  foot  to 
the  number  of  nearly  1,000  men,"  was  reduced  to  a 
destitute  condition  for  want  of  food  and  clothing.  The 
government  was  overwhelmed  with  claims;  the  treas- 
ury was  empty,  and  no  immediate  prospects  of  pecu- 
niary relief  could  be  expected. 

But  the  year  was  not  destined  to  pass  without 
Texas  meeting  with  some  outside  encouragement. 
The  recognition  of  her  independence  had  been  the 
subject  of  much  discussion  in  the  congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  many  memorials  from  different 
parts  of  that  nation  were  addressed  to  the  government 
in  behalf  of  it.  In  the  north,  however,  considerable 
opposition  was  brought  to  bear  by  the  anti-slavery 
party,  which,  foreseeing  annexation  as  the  ultimate 
resmt,  was  strongly  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  a 
measure  that  woma  create  additional  slave  territory. 
Apart  from  the  question  of  slavery,  there  were  others 
of  a  commercial  nature  which  also  had  weight.  In 
case  Texas  maintained  her  independence,  she  would 
be  able  to  open  a  market  for  English  manufactures, 
which  would  prove  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the 
United  States.  Again,  if  she  were  admitted  into  the 
union,  the  anti-tariff  party  would  gain  preponderance 
over  that  which  sought  to  procure  a  monopoly  for 
American  goods  by  protective  duties.  On  December 
22,  1836,  a  message  of  President  Jackson,  on  the 
subject  of  the  recognition  of  Texas  was  laid  before 
congress.     At  its  conclusion   he  makes  use  of  these 

"Toakom  states  that  at  the  close  of  1836  the  Texan  army  consisted  of 
about  700  men  enlisted  for  the  period  of  the  war,  and  80  who  had  still  six 
jDantbs  to  serve.  Ekt,  Tex,,  ii  206. 


902  THE  BEPUBUC  OF  TEXAS. 

words:  "Pruaence,  therefore,  seems  to  dictate  that 
we  should  still  stand  aloof,  and  maintain  our  present 
attitude,  if  not  until  Mexico  Itself  or  one  of  the  great 
foreign  powers  shall  recognize  the  independence  of 
the  new  government,  at  least  until  the  lapse  of  time 
or  the  course  of  events  shall  have  proved,  beyond  cavil 
or  dispute,  the  ability  of  the  people  of  that  country  to 
maintain  their  separate  sovereignty,  and  to  uphold 
the  government  constituted  by  them."  ** 

But  it  was  well  known  that  Jackson  was  in  favor 
of  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas.  On 
January  11,  1837,  Walker,  senator  from  Mississippi, 
submitted  a  resolution  to  the  senate  to  the  effect  that 
the  independence  of  Texas  should  be  acknowledged, 
urging  as  a  reason  that  the  threatened  invasion  of 
that  country  had  proved  abortive,  that  the  army  of 
General  Bravo  "  had  been  reduced  by  desertion  and 
other  causes  to  a  very  small  number,  that  Bravo  had 
consequently  resigned,  and  the  invasion  in  all  proba- 
bility would  be  abandoned.  After  several  efforts  on 
the  part  of  Walker — ^who  expressed  himself  convinced 
that  the  president  would  cheerfully  unite  with  con- 
gress in  recognizing  the  independence  of  Texas — ^to 
bring  his  resolution  to  the  vote,  on  March  1,  1837,  it 
was  called  up,  and  after  some  discussion,  passed  by  a 
vote  of  twenty-three  to  nineteen."  On  the  following 
day  a  motion  was  made  to  reconsider  the  vote,  but 
was  lost  by  a  vote  of  twenty-four  to  twenty-four.** 
The  negotiations,  however,  for  the  annexation  of 
Texas  were  not  listened  to  by  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment. 

Shortly  after  the  passage  of  this  resolution  the 
Texan  minister  in  Washington  was  duly  recognised, 
and  Alcee  Labranche  appointed  by  Jackson  as  charge 

^H,  Ex,  Doc.,  cong.  24,  seas.  2.,  No.  36,  p.  4. 

*^  Bravo  had  been  appointed  to  the  conunand  in  the  place  of  Urrea,  who 
was  removed  on  account  of  his  leaning  toward  federalism. 

"  Not  as  Yoakum  states, — ii.  207 — ^twenty-three  to  twenty-two. 

"OMiflr.  De6a6fi«,  1836,  1837,  xiu.  360,  627,797.986,  1010-13,  1018.  It 
must  be  remarked  that  on  March  lst»  when  the  resohition  was  paswed.  «x 
members  of  the  senate  were  absent. 


PRESIDENTS  MESSAGE.  908 

d'affaires  to  the  new  republic,  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives having  made  an  appropriation  for  a  diplo- 
matic agent  to  that  government. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  on  April  17, 
1837,  the  Ivjdepmdence  was  taken  by  two  Mexican 
brigs-of-war.  On  the  vessel  was  William  H.  Wharton 
who  was  on  his  return  from  the  United  States.  He 
was  conveyed  to  Matamoros  with  the  other  captives, 
and  confined  in  prison.  His  brother.  Colonel  John 
H.  Wharton,  having  obtained  permission  and  a  flag, 
proceeded  thither  with  thirty  Mexican  prisoners,  in 
the  hope  of  effecting  his  release,  but  on  his  arrival  he 
was  seized  and  thrown  into  a  dungeon.  William 
Wharton  in  the  meantime,  by  the  aid  of  Captain 
Thompson  of  the  Mexican  navy,  escaped  and  reached 
home.  His  brother,  after  an  imprisonment  of  six 
days,  also  succeeded  in  escaping  and  returned  to 
Texas.  Thompson,  who  had  agreed  to  desert  the 
enemy's  service,  had  previously  left  Matamoros,  his 
departure  being  hastened  by  information  given  against 
him  to  the  authorities. 

On  May  1, 1837,  congress  reassembled  at  the  town 
of  Hoaston,  and  on  the  5th  the  president  read  his  mes- 
sage. Referring  to  the  recognition  of  their  independ- 
ence by  the  United  States,  he  said:  **We  now  occupy 
the  proud  attitude  of  a  sovereign  and  independent  re- 
public,'' and  toward  the  close  of  his  address,  remarked 
that  Texas,  confident  of  her  power  to  sustain  the 
rights  for  which  she  had  contended,  was  not  willing 
to  invoke  the  mediation  of  other  powers.  With  re- 
gard to  the  financial  position  of  tlie  government,  it 
could  hardly  have  assumed  a  much  worse  state.  On 
account  of  the  unfavorable  condition  of  the  money 
market  in  the  United  States,  no  portion  of  the 
$5,000,000  loan  had  been  realized,  and  the  land  scrip** 

^  In  order  to  raise  means  to  meet  the  most  pressing  wants  until  some 
portion  of  the  $5,000,000  loan  could  be  realizea,  the  president  had  been 
anthomed  by  acts  of  December  10,  1836,  to  borrow  $20,000,  and  to  sell  lan<l 
scrip  to  the  amount  of  500,000  acres,  at  a  price  not  less  than  50  cents  per 


304  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

had  produced  nothing,  owing  to  the  questionable  ac- 
tion of  the  £^ents  at  New  Orleans,  who  would  render 
no  account  of  their  transactions  to  the  executive,  and 
dishonored  drafts  drawn  upon  them  by  the  latter. 
Speaking  of  the  land-bill,  of  December  22,  1836, 
which  had  been  vetoed  by  the  president,  but  passed 
by  a  constitutional  majority — Houston  stated  that  his 
views  on  that  question  had  undergone  no  change.  He 
considered  that  the  bill  was  not  adapted  to  the  situa- 
tion,** inasmuch  as  no  provision  was  made  for  section- 
izing  the  public  domain;  and  he  recommended  that 
some  plan  should  be  devised  that  would  ascertain  aU 
the  located  lands  of  the  country,  by  which  method 
the  vacant  lands  would  be  readily  indicated.  Unless 
some  such  precaution  were  adopted  endless  litigation 
would  be  the  consequence.  On  the  subject  of  the 
botmdary  question  with  the  United  States,  he  believed 
that  all  trifling  difficulties  that  had  previously  existed 
would  be  obviated  by  reference  to  the  treaty  of  1819 
between  Spain  and  that  nation.  In  connection  with 
this  question  he  called  attention  to  a  treaty  recently 
made  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  with 
the  Caddo  Indians  on  the  north-eastern  frontier,  by 
which  the  latter  ceded  certain  lands  to  the  former. 
The  Caddo  Ihdians,  he  said,  were  the  principal  ^- 
gressors  on  the  Texan  frontiers,  and  showed  a  dispo- 
sition to  amalgamate  with  the  wild  tribes  undoubtedly 
within  the  unquestionable  boimdary  of  Texas.  Uivent 
remonstrances  had  been  made  to  the  government  of 
the  United  States  by  the  Texan  representatives  at 
Washington  on  the  subject  of  the  condition  and  dis- 
position of  these  Indians.  The  army  of  Texas  had 
never  been  in  a  more  favorable  condition,  and  its  im- 
provement since  the  last  session  of  congress  was  con- 
spicuous.    It  had  been  successfully  reorganized,  and 

acre.  'Una  Bcrip  was  issaed  to- Toby  and  Bros,  of  New  Orleans  and  David 
White  of  Mobile,  who  were  appointed  agents  for  the  government.  TVr. 
L(no8,  i  76-7;  Oouge^ui  sup,,  62,  64. 

^The  oonstitntion  provided  that  'the  whole  territory  of  tiie  repvUio 
shoold  be  sectionized,  in  a  manner  hereafter  to  be  prescribed  by  law.'  Ckn- 
eral  provisions  sec.  10.  Tex,  Laws,  i.  21. 


SLAVEEY.  305 

a  system  of  discipline  and  subordination  established. 
By  the  reduction  of  the  number  of  supernumerary 
officers,  its  expenses  had  been  dimiaished  to  $229,032 
por  annum.**  A  similar  favorable  report  could  not  be 
made  with  regard  to  the  navy,  the  insufficiency  of 
which  requirea  the  serious  consideration  of  congress, 
A  confidential  officer  had  been  despatched  to  the 
United  States  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  such 
vessels  as  would  enable  Texas  to  Iceep  command  of 
the  gulf.  The  weak  condition  of  the  navy  had  not 
been  without  injurious  result  upon  commerce,  which 
had  suffered  to  some  extent.  President  Houston 
next  makes  remarlcs  upon  the  African  slave  trade,  and 
in  conformity  with  the  constitution "  denounced  it  as 
an  unholy  and  cruel  traffic.  It  being  Icnown  that 
thousands  of  Africans  had  lately  been  imported  into 
the  island  of  Cuba  with  the  design  of  introducing  a 
portion  of  them  into  Texas,  the  ministers  of  the  re- 
public had  made  the  matter  a  subject  of  representa- 

^On  December- 15,  1836,  an  act  was  passed  appropriating  $700,000  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  army  for  the  years  1836  and  1837;  $150,000  those 
of  the  navy;  and  $150,000,  those  of  the  executive  and  civil  departments  of 
the  government — ^in  all  $1,000,000.  In  case  there  should  be  no  moneys  in 
the  treasury  when  these  demands  were  made  upon  it,  according  to  law,  the 
secretary  was  authorized  to  issue  scrip  to  persons  lawfully  entitled  to  the 
same.  Id.,  i.  85-6. 

*^  In  the  general  provisions  of  the  constitution,  sec.  9,  the  importation  or 
admission  of  Africans  or  negroes  into  the  republic,  excepting  from  the  U.  S.  of 
America,  was  forever  prohibited,  and  declared  to  be  piracy.  Ihe  phrase- 
ology 'excepting  from  the  U.  S.*  may  seem  at  first  sight  smgular.  But  it 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  most  of  the  settlers  in  Texas  came  from  the 
slave-holding  states  of  the  northern  union;  that  those  states  were  the  stanch 
allies  of  Texas,  and  by  immigration  from  them  she  expected  to  increase  her 
population,  strength,  and  prosperity.  Unless  future  settlers  were  allowed 
to  bring  their  slaves  it  was  well  known  that  they  would  be  very  few  in 
number.  Moreover,  the  scarcity  of  labor  and  the  abundance  of  rich  land 
made  the  tolerance  of  slave  labor  an  important  item  in  the  future  progress 
of  the  country.  Thus,  though  Texas  properly  denounced  the  traffic  in 
African  slaves,  her  vital  interests  required  that  she  should  not  refuse  to  ad- 
mit  a  system  legalized  in  the  states  from  which  most  of  her  immigrants 
can^  by  allowing  them  to  brine  their  property  with  them,  and  employ  it 
profitably  alike  to  themselves  ana  the  repablic.  But  her  law  on  the  sub- 
ject was  stringent.  By  act  of  Dec.  21,  1836,  all  persons  convicted  of  intro- 
ducing African  slaves,  with  the  above  exception,  were  to  suffer  death,  with- 
out benefit  of  clergy;  the  same  penalty  was  to  be  inflicted  upon  persons  who 
should  introduce  any  slave  or  slaves  from  the  U.  S.,  except  such  as  liad  been 
previcmaly  introduced  and  held  in  slavery  in  that  republic,  in  conformity 
with  the  laws  of  that  government. 

Hist.  Max.  Btatis,  Vol.  IL   201 


S06  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

tion  to  the  government  at  Washington,  to  enable  it 
to  devise  means  of  preventing  the  landing  of  slaves 
in  Texas,  which  the  insufficiency  of  her  own  navy 
precluded  her  from  doing.  This  last  consideration 
should  be  a  sufficient  reason  to  redeem  the  republic 
from  the  suspicion  of  connivance,  and  induce  both 
England  and  the  United  States  to  employ  such  a 
portion  of  their  force  in  the  gulf  as  would  arrest  the 
traffic.  England,  he  believed,  would  not  regard  the 
prosperity  of  Texas  with  unkind  feelings.  A  corres- 
pondence with  the  Mexican  consul  at  New  Orleans 
had  been  opened,  containing  propositions  for  the  ex- 
change of  prisoners.  No  official  response  had  been 
received  from  that  government,  but  nevertheless 
Houston  was  of  opinion  that  all  the  prisoners  should 
be  released  and  allowed  to  leave  the  shores  of  Texas 
as  soon  as  they  could  do  so." 

The  most  important  question  which  occupied  con- 
gress during  1837  was  that  of  the  land  bill.  During 
the  two  sessions  held  this  year,"  the  matter  was 
brought  up  again  and  again,  and  several  acts  amend- 
ing the  original  one  were  passed.  One  difficulty  arose 
from  the  requirement,  by  the  provision  of  the  consti- 
tution, that  the  public  domain  should  be  sectionized, 
instead  of  being  laid  off  in  leagues  and  labors  after  the 
Spanish  land  system.  The  older  settlers  were  opposed 
to  this  new  plan,  and,  as  seen,  it  was  not  adopted-  It 
was  no  easy  matter  to  solve  this  problem  of  the  dis- 
posal of  the  public  lands.  There  were  many  knotty 
points  involved  in  it.  On  the  closing  of  the  land- 
offices  in  November  1836,  hundreds  of  land  titles, 
many  of  them  corruptly  issued  bv  the  legislature  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas,  or  fraudulently  obtained  by  land 
speculators,  were  lying  incomplete  in  the  commission- 

••The  Mexican  prisoners  were  first  placed  under  gnard  on  Galvestcai 
Island  where  their  privations  were  very  severe.  On  Anguiit  10,  1836,  they 
were  removed  to  Anihnac,  and  thence  to  Liberty.  On  April  25,  1837,  they 
were  finally  released.  DelgcMs  Diary;  Lmris  Beminia.,  24o. 

^*The  president  called  a  special  session  of  congress  in  Sept.  25th,  whidi 
merged  iato  the  regular  aessioxu 


LAND  MATTERa  a07 

ers'  offices.  The  grants  to  empresarios  and  titles  de- 
pending thereon  had  to  be  considered.  To  distinguish 
legitimate  claims  and  guard  against  fraud  was  a  most 
difficult  matter;  and  to  frame  a  bill  that  would  defeat 
the  ingenuity  of  land-stealers  without  violating  the 
rights  of  citizens  of  Texas,  justly  acquired  under  the 
legislations  of  Mexico,  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  and 
even  of  Texas  herself,  was  almost  an  impossibility. 
Again,  land  bounties  had  been  granted  to  the  volun- 
teers who  had  so  valiantly  stepped  forward  to  aid 
Texas  in  her  direst  need,  and  land  scrip  had  been  sold 
in  the  United  States.  To  protect  the  soldier  and 
colonist  in  the  priority  of  choice  of  location  against 
unprincipled  speculators,  who  supported  their  prior 
claims  by  perjury,**  was  no  easy  matter.  Head-rights 
of  individuals  were  purchased  by  numbers  of  persons 
who  never  intended  to  make  Texas  their  home ;  names 
of  natives — ^to  whom  exceptional  privileges  as  to  ex- 
tent of  grants  were  extended — ^were  used  to  substan- 
tiate claims,  and  in  fault  of  this  recourse,  fictitiouB 
names  were  supplied,  and  head-rights  under  them  ob- 
tained. No  legislature  has  ever  had  the  task  of  un- 
ravelling a  more  complicated  entanglement  of  just 
with  unjust  claims,  or  has  been  called  upon  to  devise 
a  law  that  could  discriminate  between  rights  almost 
equipoised  in  the  scale  of  justice.  When  the  decree 
of  November  1835  was  passed,  many  old  settlers  and 
many  soldiers  entitled  to  the  land  bounty  were  in  the 
field,  and  continued  in  service  long  afterward.  By 
opening  the  land-office  and  recommencing  the  distri- 
bution of  grants,  these  men,  in  their  absence,  would 
be  deprived  of  their  just  right  to  prior  choice  of  Icx^Sr- 
tion.  This  was  one  of  Houston's  reasons  for  opposing 
the  passage  of  the  land  law  of  December  22,  1836. 
The  law  was  to  have  gone  into  eflFect  June  1,  1837, 

^  Speakinff  of  the  land  law  of  1838 — of  which  mention  will  be  made  in  tho 
text — ADsonJones,  who  voted  in  favor  of  it,  says:  *  The  greatest  fault,  after 
all,  that  can  be  found  with  this  bill  is  that  it  did  not  stop  perjury;  for  aside 
from  perjury,  which  no  law  can  stop,  few  evils  have  grown  nut  of  it.  The 
law  itself  poosesses  every  posaible  Meguard  againat  fraud.'  Bepub.  Tex^,  20. 


908  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

but  the  opposition  to  it  caused  it  to  be  suspended  till 
October  Ist  of  that  year;  and  on  September  30th,  in 
consideration  of  the  president's  statement  that  prepa- 
rations were  being  made  to  run  the  boundary  line 
between  Texas  and  the  United  States,  which  would 
doubtless  increase  the  limits  of  the  former's  civil  and 
political  jurisdiction,  a  joint  resolution  was  adopted  to 
suspend  the  operation  of  the  land-office  until  tibe  fur- 
ther action  of  congress.     Finally,  on  December  14th, 
the  several  acts  being  amended,  were  reduced  to  one 
act,  and  a  general  land  law  adopted."     Under  this 
law,  a  commissioner  of  the  general  land-office,  with  a 
salary  of  $3,000  a  year,  was  to  be  appointed  by  the 
president,    with    the    advice    and     consent    of    the 
senate.     For  each  county  a  surveyor  was  to  be  ap- 
pointed, and  a  board  of  commissioners,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  investigate  claims  for  head-rights,  and  grant 
certificates   upon   proof  of  right   being   established. 
Persons  advancing  claims  undfer  the  old  colonization 
laws  were  required  to  take  oath  that  they  were  resi- 
dent in  Texas  at  the  time  of  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, that  they  had  not  left  the  country  during 
the  campaign  of  the  spring  of  1836,  and  prove  by  two 
or  more  creditable  witnesses  that  they  were  actually 
citizens  of  Texas  at  the  date  of  the  declaration  of  in- 
dependence.    In  this  provision,  widows  and  orphans 
were  excepted.     Conflicting  claims  were  to  be  tried 
before  the  nearest  justice  of  the  peace  and  six  disin- 
terested jurors.     Empresario  contracts  having  ceased 
at  the  date  of  the  independence,  all  vacant  lands  in- 
cluded in  such  grants  were  declared  the  property  of 
the   republic.       Surveyors'   field-notes,    with   county 
commissioners'   certificates,  were   to  be   sent  to  the 
commissioner  of  the  general  land-office,  who,  on  their 
being  found  to  be  correct,  and  the  locations  therein 
described  situated  on  vacant  lands,  was  authorized  to 
issue  patents  signed  by  the  president  and  countersigned 

"  This  law  was  also  vetoed  by  the  president,  but  was  speedily  paaaed  in 
both  houses  by  a  constitutional  majority. 


GENERAL  CONDITION  AND  PBOSPECTa  S09 

by  himself.  Each  county  was  declared  to  constitute 
a  section,  and  each  surveyor  was  required  to  make  out 
a  map  of  his  respective  county,  on  which  the  plots  of 
deeded  lands  were  to  be  fairly  shown.  Lastly,  audited 
claims  against  the  government  were  made  receivable 
in  payment  of  public  dues  on  lands  for  a  quantity  not 
exceeding  two  leagues  and  two  labors  for  any  one  in- 
dividual. 

The  land  office  was  to  be  opened  for  old  settlers  and 
soldiers  on  the  first  Thursday  in  February,  1838,  and 
for  other  claimants  six  months  later.  Though  the 
law  was  defective,  and  under  it  many  fraudulent 
claims  were  passed  through  the  formalities  necessary 
to  secure  titles,  it  was  the  best  that  could  be  secured 
at  that  time,  without  conflicting  with  rights  acquired 
under  former  legislations.  Early  in  1838  a  large 
number  of  claims  were  presented  and  decided  upon, 
old  Spanish  grants  being  generally  sustained,  owing 
to  the  conflicting  interests  in  the  Texan  legislature, 
which  had  the  power  to  set  aside  grants  only  on  the 
ground  of  non-performance  of  conditions. 

Among  the  acts  of  congress  in  1837,  mention  must 
be  made  of  one  which  was  passed  June  12th,  pro- 
viding for  the  sale  of  Galveston  and  other  islands 
belonging  to  the  republic,  in  lots  of  from  ten  to  forty 
acres.  Anson  Jones  denounced  this  action;  but  it 
must  be  observed  that,  while  affording  some  relief  to 
the  government  in  its  financial  straits,  it  gave  a  great 
impulse  to  the  growth  of  the  new  town  of  Galveston, 
which  soon  became  the  most  important  seaport  of 
Texas. 

During  the  last  session  of  the  congress  in  this  year, 
much  attention  was  paid  to  incorporating  towns,  to 
defining  the  boundaries  of  old  counties  and  creating 
new  ones."     Having  remained  in  session   from  Sep- 

^The  towna  of  Shelbyville,  Brazoria,  Richmond,  San  Felipe  de  Austin, 
Lagrange*  San  Antonio,  Victoria,  Gonzalez,  Matagorda,  Mma,  Hoiinton, 
Washington,  Crockett,  Refugio,  Columbia,  Clarkaville,  Lexington,  Milam, 
Goliad,  San  Patricio,  and  Jonesborough,  were  all  incorporated  during  this 
seasioQ.     The  new  counties  of   Montgomery,  Fayette,  Fannin,  Kobertitony 


310  THE  KEPUBUC  OF  TEXAS. 

tember  25th  to  the  end  of  December,  it  adjcmrTOdtill 

May,  1838. 

The  prospects  of  the  republic  now  held  out  prom- 
ises of  permanency  and  success.  The  crops  of  1837 
had  been  miexpectedly  good ;  immigrants  were  flock- 
ing into  the  country,  whereby  the  imports  were 
increased,  and  the  revenue  from  tariflF  dues  propor- 
tionately augmented ;  lands  were  rising  in  price ;  and 
commerce  was  assuming  a  prosperous  condition. 
From  Mexico,  Texas  had  nothing  to  fear  for  the 
present,  as  that  nation  was  embroiled  with  France, 
whose  navy  blockaded  her  ports  in  April,  1838,  to 
enforce  the  payment  of  certain  claims  against  her, 
made  by  the  French  government  Relieved  from  the 
presence  of  the  enemy  in  the  gulf,  trade  was  not  only 
safely  carried  on  with  New  Orleans,  but  was  extended 
to  eastern  cities  of  the  United  States,  while  the 
western  frontier  enjoyed  rest  from  war. 

Though  military  operations  during  these  two  years 
may  be  said  to  have  ceased,  considerable  trouble  was 
caused  by  Indians  in  the  frontier  portions  of  the 
republic.  In  search  of  the  best  lands,  locaters 
pushed  forward  into  regions  regarded  by  the  Indians 
as  their  hunting  grounds,  and  the  latter,  instigated  by 
Mexican  agents,  opposed  these  encroachments,  not 
unreasonably  believing  their  assertions  that  the  white 
people  would  deprive  them  of  their  lands.  A  number 
of  murders  were  committed  by  the  savaores,  and  a 
special  corps  was  organized  to  suppress  their  depreda- 
tions.    Several   conflicts   of  minor  importance  were 

and  Fort  Bend  were  created.  Tex.  Laws,  ii.  12-122  paasim.  The  origmal 
counties,  according  to  a  list  supplied  by  Thrall,  Hist*  Tex.  287,  were: 
Austin,  Brazoria,  Bejar,  Sabine,  Gonzalez,  Goliad,  Harrisbnrg,  Jasper, 
Jefferson,  Liberty,  Matagorda,  Mina,  Nacogdoches,  Red  River,  Victoria, 
San  Augustine,  Shelby,  Refugio,  San  Patricio,  Washington,  Mil&m,  Jackson, 
and  Colorado.  It  should  be  remarked  that  some  of  the  towns  above  men- 
tioned had  been  incorporated  in  the  previous  session  by  act  of  June  5th, 
which  declared  Nacogdoches,  San  Augustine,  Texana,  Washington,  Brasona, 
Columbia,  Velasco,  Kichmond,  Matagorda,  Columbus  in  Ccuorado  county. 
Independence  in  Washington  county,  Houston,  Bejar,  Nashville,  SarahviUe, 
An^huac,  Bevilport,  and  Harrisburg,  were  all  declai^d  incorporated  towns, 
AS  was  aLso  lib^ty  two  days  later. 


INDIAN  DIFFICULTIE&  311 

engaged  in,  which  did  not  always  result  in  victory  for 
the  Texans.  The  fight  most  disastrous  to  the  white 
men  took  place  in  Navarro  county,  in  the  fall  of  1838. 
Captain  William  M.  Love,  with  a  party  of  twenty- 
four  men,  while  engaged  in  a  land-locating  expedition, 
met  a  large  number  of  Indians,  who  declared  their 
intention  to  kill  them  if  they  did  not  desist  from  their 
survey.  Love,  with  another  man,  at  this  juncture, 
returned  for  a  compass  to  supply  the  place  of  one 
which  had  got  out  of  order,  leaving  urgent  injunctions 
to  his  comrades  to  desist  from  their  work  and  join  the 
Indians  in  buffalo  hunting  until  their  return.  Love's 
advice  was  neglected ;  the  Indians,  true  to  their  word, 
attacked  the  Texans  and  killed  seventeen  of  them. 
The  Indians  lost  three  times  that  number.  This  en- 
gagement became  known  as  the  fight  of  Battle  Creek." 
On  October  25th  of  the  same  year,  Colonel  Neil  en- 
gaged in  a  fierce  battle  at  Jos^  Maria  village,  later 
Fort  Graham,  with  the  Comanches,  General  Busk 
having  a  few  days  previously,  at  the  head  of  200 
men,  fought  with  a  combined  force  of  Indians  and 
Mexican  marauders  at  the  Kickapoo  town,  near  Fort 
Houston,  on  the  Trinity.  In  both  these  conflicts  the 
savages  were  defeated. 

According  to  the  report  of  the  commissioner-general 
of  the  land-office,  10,890  certificates  had  been  issued 
by  the  different  county  boards  up  to  November  1, 
1838,  representing  26,242,199  acres,  while  the  secre- 
tary of  war  reported  that  up  to  October  15th,  2,990,000 
acres  had  been  distributed  to  soldiers  as  land  boun- 
ties.**    The  issues  of  land  scrip  amounted  to  2, 1 93,000 

^  Anaooonnt  of  it  isffiven  in  Tex.  AhtUj  1868,  62-3.  Further  particulars 
'W'ith  regard  to  Indian  affairs,  will  be  found  in  Niles*  Reg.  liii.,  index,  p.  vii., 
Id.,  iv.  19,  65,  69,  98, 178,  198,  216>  Howstoti's  MeM.  ImL  Aff.,  Nov.  19.  1838; 
Pinart'9  Tex.  CoL  Doc,  Nob.  19,  66,  MS.  Filiix^  Mem.  Ouerra  Tex.,  ii.  131-6; 
Te3L  Mine.  Pamph.,  No«.  11,  13. 

M  Owing  to  defect  in  the  laws  relating  bounty  lands,  many  instances 
had  occnrred  of  a  soldier  claiming  twice  the  amount  it  was  intended  that  he 
should  receive.  Enlisting  for  a  definite  period,  he  obtained  his  discliarge 
and  received  his  land;  then  reenlisting,  he  claimed  the  same  amount  again. 
Report  of  Sec.  of  War,  in  Tex,  Misc  Pamph.,  no.  7,  p.  13-14,  28;  Oouffe, 
JTuc  HUL  Tex.,  82-3. 


312  ,        THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAa 

acres,  of  which  scrip  to  the  amount  of  870,000  acres 
had  been  returned  by  the  agents,  and  a  portion  repre- 
senting 60,800  acres  had  been  fiinded. 

In  a  financial  point  of  view,  the  outlook  was  bad. 
The  public  debt  had  been  increased,  and  the  credit  of 
the  republic  was  well-nigh  exhausted.  On  June  7, 
1837,  an  act  was  passed  for  funding  the  debt,  by  the 
provisions  of  which  the  government  stock  thereby 
created  should  bear  an  interest  of  ten  per  centum  a 
year,  and  be  redeemable  at  the  discretion  of  the  gov- 
ernment at  any  time  after  September  1,  1842.  Two 
days  later,  another  act  authorized  the  president  to 
issue  promissory  notes  to  the  amount  of  $500,000, 
which  were  made  receivable  in  payment  of  dues  to 
the  government.  From  the  report  of  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury,  November  3,  1838,  it  appears  that 
the  funded  debt  amounted  to  $427,200,  consisting  of 
military  scrip  in  the  sum  of  $396,800  and  land  scrip 
of  $30,400.  With  regard  to  promissory  notes,  a  bill 
was  passed  through  both  houses  early  in  May  author- 
izing the  issue  to  be  increased  to  $1,000,000.  This 
act  the  president  vetoed,  and  in  his  message  on  the 
subject  urged  as  his  main  reason  the  depreciation 
which  such  notes  had  already  suffered  in  the  money 
market."  Another  bill  was  then  introduced,  author- 
izing the  president  to  reissue  the  promissory  notes  as 
they  returned  into  the  treasury,  and  leaving  the  que^ 
tion  of  increasing  the  issue  to  $1,000,000  to  his  discre- 
tion. After  some  discussion  the  bill  was  passed.  May 
18th,  and  approved  by  Houston.  The  amount  of 
promissory  notes  in  circulation  at  the  end  of  Novem- 
ber 1838,  according  to  a  communication  from  the  sec- 
retary of  the  treasury  to  the  senate,  was  $739,739.** 
As  the  unpaid  audited  claims  amounted  to  over 
$775,000,  it  appears  that  the  indebtedness  of  the  re- 

^  *  When  the  first  issne  reached  New  Orleans  last  antanm*  it  was  passed 
at  a  slight  discount,  but  as  t!ie  Quantity  increased  in  that  market,  the  depre- 
ciation increased,  until  the  value  of  the  paper  was  reduced  to  forty  cents  on 
the  dollar.'  Hou^tjyns  MeMfv/e^  May  12,  18ti8,  in  Tex.  Mhr.  Pam^u^  no.  1(X 

^The  communication  bears  tlie  date  of  Nov.  29,  1838;  copy  in  /<!,  na  9l 


TIKANaAL  AFFAIRS.  313 

public  at  the  close  of  1838  was  nearly  $1,942,000." 
Notwithstanding  this  debt  and  the  diminution  of  in- 
come by  making  the  promissory  notes  receivable  in 
payment  of  public  dues,  the  prospects  of  relief  were 
not  wanting.  A  deep  interest  was  taken  in  Texan 
securities  by  persons  in  the  United  States;  from  im- 
port duties,  up  to  September  1838,  the  net  receipts 
had  amoimted  to  $278,134,  and  this  source  of  revenue 
was  expected  proportionately  to  increase  with  the  rap- 
idly increasing  population  and  commerce.  Gouge,  in 
his  Fiscal  History  of  Texas,  sneers  at  the  financial  op- 
erations of  the  new  government;  but  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  by  what  other  methods  it  could  have  main- 
tained itself  during  this  period  of  poverty  and  neces- 
sity. 

By  a  provision  of  the  constitution,  the  term  of  office 
of  the  first  president  was  limited  to  two  years,  without 
his  being  eligible  to  reelection;  succeeding  presidents 
were  to  hold  their  office  for  three  years.  Houston's 
term  consequently  expired  on  the  second  Monday  in 
December  1838.  The  elections  were  held  on  Septem- 
ber 3d,  the  candidates  beinff  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar, 
Peter  W.  Grayson,  James  Collingsworth,  and  Robert 
Wilson.  Before  the  election,  Grayson  and  Collings- 
worth put  an  end  to  their  lives,  the  former  at  Bean  s 
station  in  Tennessee,  and  the  latter  by  throwing  him- 
self fipom  a  steamer  into  Galveston  Bay."  Mirabeau 
B.  Lamar  was  chosen  president  almost  unanimously," 
and  David  G.  Burnet,  vice-president. 

*^The  exact  amount  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Sept.  30,  1838,  was 
$1,886,425.  8ec.  of  Treamry' a  Report^  Nov.  3,  1838;  Yoakum,  ii.  249.  Consult 
QrmQe^  utsup.,  115. 

**  The  canvass  was  a  very  bitter  one,  and  the  Texan  newspapers  abounded 
in  recriminations  and  abuse  in  the  political  discussion.  Yoahim,  ii.  245,  lir>0; 
TkraU^  300,  528,  546.  John  A.  Wharton,  member  of  congress  from  Brazoria, 
also  died  this  year. 

^The  Yotes  cast  were:  for  Lamar,  6,995;  for  Wilson,  252.  Id,,  300. 


CHAPTER  XIIL 

LAMAK'S  ADMINISTBATIOK. 

183S-1841. 

Presidents'  Views  on  Annexation— His  Message  to  Conobbss— Obkhh 
OF  THE  Texan  Rangers — Financial  MATTERa— Hamilton's  Mission  to 
Europe — His  Failure  to  Effect  a  Loan — ^Indian  Warfare— Thi 
Nacogdoches  Revolt — Mexican  Intrigues — ^The  Mission  and  Death 
of  Florbs— Expulsion  of  the  Cherokees— Fight  at  San  Antonio— A» 
Indian  Raid— Massacre  of  the  Coicanchbb— The  Federal  Campaiok— 
Battle  of  Alcantro — Refublio  of  the  Rio  Grande  PaocLAnfED— 
Treacherous  Allies — Battle  of  Saltillo — ^The  Santa  Fe  Expedition— 
Its  Object  and  Disastrous  Result — ^The  New  Capital — REOOoNrrio!? 
BY  France  and  England — Relations  with  Mexico — English  Mbdl4- 
tion  Rejected — Houston   Re-elected  PBSsiDENT-^oNDTnoN  of  tee 

REPUBLia 

President  Lamar  delivered  his  inaugural  address  to 
congress  on  the  9th  of  December.  The  most  note- 
worthy portion  of  it  is  that  in  which  he  expressed 
his  views  in  regard  to  annexation  to  the  United 
States.  On  that  subject  he  said:  '*I  have  never 
been  able  myself  to  perceive  the  policy  of  the 
desired  connection,  or  discover  in  it  any  advantage 
either  civil,  poUtical,  or  commercial,  which  could  pos- 
sibly result  to  Texas.  But  on  the  contrary,  a  long 
train  of  consequences  of  the  most  appalling  character 
and  magnitude  have  never  failed  to  present  themselves 
whenever  I  have  entertained  the  subject,  and  forced 
upon  my  mind  the  unwelcome  conviction  that  the 
step  once  taken  would  produce  a  lasting  regret."  He 
then  eimmerates  the  rights  which  Texas  would  have 
to  give  up  with  the  surrender  of  her  independence, 
and  draws  a  bright  picture  of  her  possibilities  as  a 
sovereign  nation,  remarking  that  he  could  not 
•'tegard  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  American 

(814) 


PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  315 

union  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  grave  of  all  her 
hopes  of  happiness  and  greatness."^ 

On  December  21st  he  submitted  his  message  to  the 
two  houses.  It  is  a  lengthy  document  and  sets  forth 
unreservedly  the  president's  future  line  of  policy.  He 
advocated  the  speedy  adoption  of  measures  to  provide 
for  a  system  of  public  education,  and  urged  congress 
to  promote  a  general  diffusion  of  knowledge  and  in- 
dustry by  the  appropriation  of  lands  for  educational 
purposes  and  the  establishment  of  a  university.  The 
municipal  code,  which  embraced  a  portion  of  two 
systems  discordant  in  their  provisions  required 
reforms. 

With  regard  to  the  frontier  question,  he  said,  that  the 
outlying  settlers  were  continually  exposed  to  predatory 
a  agression  on  the  part  of  Mexican  banditti  and  the 
barbarous  warfare  waged  by  hostile  Indians;  that 
moderation  extended  to  the  natives  had  been  followed 
by  the  perpetration  of  atrocious  cruelties;  a  merciful 
policy  had  only  acted  as  an  incentive  to  savage  tribes 
to  persevere  in  their  barbarities,  and  it  was  time  that 
an  exterminating  war  was  opened  against  them, 
which  would  **  admit  of  no  compromise,  and  have  no 
termination  except  in  their  total  extinction,  or  total 
expulsion/'  He  did  not  consider  that  the  government 
was  under  any  moral  obligation  to  carry  out  the  con- 
ditions of  the  "solemn  decree"  passed  rJ'ovember  13, 
1835,  by  the  consultation,'  and  the  treaty  made  con- 
sequent upon  it  in  February,  1836,  inasmuch  as  the 
Indians  had  repeatedly  violated  its  provisions. 
Friendly  tribes  should  be  allowed  to  occupy  suitable 
portions  of  land.  For  the  protection  of  the  frontiers, 
he  proposed  the  establishment  of  a  line  of  military 
posts,  and  as  a  general  protection  of  the  country 
ai^ainst  possible  invasion  by  Mexico,  the  organization 
of  a  militia,  and  the  encouragement  of  volunteer  asso- 
ciations. 

^  LamoTf  Inaug.  Address^  in  Tex.  Muc  Pafnjph,^  no.  12, 
'  See  note  40,  chap,  ix,  this  volnme. 


316  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Lamar  discussed  at  length  the  subject  of  finance. 
Though  opposed  to  levying  burdensome  taxes  on  a 
people  still  struggling  to  repair  the  desolation  caused 
by  the  war,  or  laboring  under  the  embarrassments 
incident  to  new  settlements,  the  exigency  of  the  times, 
nevertheless,  urgently  required  that  the  land  tax 
should  not  be  abated.  Lands,  however,  ought  to  be 
more  equally  and  uniformly  assessed.  While  admitting 
the  same  necessity  for  continuing  the  tariff  laws,  under 
the  existing  straitened  circumstances  of  the  govern- 
ment, he  expressed  his  decided  bias  for  free  trade. 
"I  look  forward,"  he  says,  ^*to  a  period,  I  hope  near 
at  hand,  when  we  shall  be  able,  and  will  find  it  to  be 
our  interest,  to  invite  the  commerce  of  the  world  to 
our  free  and  open  ports."  "The  radical  policy  of 
Texas  Is  anti-tariff,  because  its  commercial  commodities 
are  of  raw  material  which  fears  no  impost  rivalry,  and 
paying  no  contributions  to  manufactories."  The  im- 
mediate adoption  of  free  trade  would,  however, 
exhibit  a  recklessness  and  imprudence,  which  would 
not  fail  to  affect  the  credit  of  Texas  abroad. 

He  then  proposed  the  establishment  of  a  national 
bank  to  be  "the  exclusive  property,  and  under  the 
exclusive  control  of  the  republic,"  branches  of  which 
were  to  be  established  at  every  convenient  point. 
Such  a  bank,  he  maintained,  would  be  supported  by 
the  triple  security  of  the  hvpothecation  of  a  com- 
petent portion  of  the  public  domain,  the  guarantee  of 
the  plighted  faith  of  the  nation,  and  an  adequate 
deposit  of  specie  in  its  vaults.*  With  regard  to 
the  deposit  of  specie  he  remarks:  "It  is  evident, 
that  a  bank  so  constituted,  the  exclusive  property  of 
a  stable  and  popular  government,  and  combining  the 
three  guarantees,  of  land,  specie,  and  the  public  faith, 
would  not  require  to  retain  in  its  vaults  as  large  a 
proportion  of  dormant  capital  as  is  acknowledged  to 

•  He  does  not,  however,  state  where  the  specie  was  to  come  from.  See 
the  remarks  of  Gouge  on  this  iUusory  scheme,  which,  if  carried  out,  would 
have  entailed  untold  evils  on  the  people  of  Texas.  FUic,  HittL  Tex.,  87-92. 


MILTTABY  AND  FINANCE  317 

be  indispensable  to  the  safe  conduct  of  a  private  insti- 
tution.* 

In  order  to  follow  consecutively  the  financial  policy 
which  ruled  during  the  administration  of  Lamar,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  furnish  the  reader  with  the  most 
important  particulars  down  to  the  end  of  his  term. 
On  December  21,  1838,  it  was  enacted  that  a  regi- 
ment of  840  mounted  men,  rank  and  file,  should  be 
raised  for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers,  their  term 
of  service  to  be  three  years;  and  that  $300,000  in 
promissory  notes  of  the  government  should  be  appro- 
priated for  that  purpose.  On  the  29th  it  was  pro- 
vided that  this  force  should  be  increased  by  another 
regiment  consisting  of  472  mounted  volunteers,  rank 
and  file,  for  which  an  appropriation  was  made  of 
$75,000.  These  volunteers  were  called  to  serve  for 
six  months,  and  to  these  corps  is  ascribed  the  origin 
of  the  famous  Texan  Rangers  who,  drawn  to  a  great 
extent  from  the  frontier  settlers,  formed  a  bulwark 
to  the  interior  settlements  as  very  successful  Indian 
fighters.*  On  January  26,  1839, 112  additional  rang- 
ers were  ordered  to  be  raised,  a  sum  of  $1,000,000 
having  been  appropriated  two  days  previously  for  the 
protection  of  the  frontier  and  general  military  pur- 
poses. 

As  a  Texan  navy  no  longer  existed,  on  January 
10th  a  contract  made  by  agents  of  the  republic 
with  General  James  Hamilton  for  the  purchase  of 
the  steam-ship  Zavala  for  the  sum  of  $120,000  was 
sanctioned  by  act  of  congress;  and  on  the  26th 
$250,000,  in  promissory  notes  of  the  government, 
were  appropriated  for  the  payment  of  the  price  of  an 
aighteen-gun  ship,  two  war  brigs  of  twelve  guns  each, 
and  three  schooners  of  six  guns  each. 

*  Which  is  eqaivalent  to  saying  that  the  establishment  could  be  main- 
tained by  paper  money  of  the  public  credit  without  anxiety  about  the 
amoant  of  metallic  deposits.  A  bill  to  incorporate  the  Bank  of  the  Republic 
of  Texas  was  read  a  second  time,  January  21,  1839,  and  then  laid  on  the 
table. 

*  Jfony,  ITdrty  yean  of  Army  L{fe,  63;  Hay'a  lAft,  7-11,  17,  33. 


818  LAMAR'S  ADIUNISTBAHOH. 

A  supplementary  act  was  passed,  January,  22d, 
bearing  upon  the  $5,000,000  loan  authorized  to  be 
raised  by  act  of  May  16,  1838.  By  provisions  of 
the  first  mentioned  enactment  the  pledges  of  security 
were  strengthened.  The  president  was  authorized  to 
affix  the  seal  of  the  republic  to  bonds  or  certificates 
of  stock  issued,  and  when  the  government  should 
deem  it  expedient  to  sell  the  public  lands,  $300,000 
of  the  proceeds  were  to  be  annually  set  apart,  and  a 
sinking  fund  formed  for  the  redemption  of  the  loan. 
On  the  same  day  the  president  was  authorized  to 
issue  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $1,000,000,  at  eight  per 
centum  per  annum. 

The  United  States  had  lately  passed  through  a 
crisis  in  banking  speculations.  All  reliable  banks 
were  extremely  cautious  at  this  time,  and  Texan 
securities  were  not  regarded  by  their  mani^ers  as 
worth  investing  in.  It  was,  therefore,  necessary  to 
look  to  some  other  country  for  relief.  Accordingly, 
General  James  Hamilton,  of  South  Carolina,  who 
had  shown  himself  a  warm  friend  of  Texas,  was 
offered  the  appointment  as  conmiissioner  to  Europe 
to  procure  the  loan.  He  accepted  the  position  and 
his  mission  being  known  m  the  United  States  a  loan 
was  obtained  of  $280,000,  dependent  on  his  eventual 
success.  But  of  this  amount  little  more  than  $62,000 
was  received  in  the  treasury,  the  balance  being  in- 
vested in  arms  and  supplies  for  the  forces  now  en- 
gaged in  opposing  the  serious  inroads  of  the  Indians. 
Hamilton  went  Ixi  London  and  Paris,  but  while  his 
negotiations  were  being  conducted  with  every  probar 
bility  of  success — having  reported,  February  4,  1840, 
that  he  had  "concluded  a  contract  with  the  bank  of 
Messrs  J.  Lafitte  &  Company  for  the  Texan  loan" — 
a  quarrel  occurred  between  M.  D.  Saligny,  and  the 
French  minister  to  Texas,*  and  an  hotel-keeper  in 

'It  is  necessaiT  to  state  that  France  recognized  the  independence  of 
Texas,  and  signed,  Sept.  25,  1839,  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  independence, 
FoumeU  21;  Barley,  Tex.,  6;  Kennedy,  ii.  345-8.  Consult  2^9*  Beg.^liy. 
321;  IviL  1,  06,  120,  132,  160,  256;  also  M,  Ldx.  404-6,  r^arding  cones- 


PUBLIC  IKDEBTEDNESa  319 

which  the  Texan  minister  of  state  became  involved. 
Saligny  was  the  brother-in-law  of  the  French  minis- 
ter of  finance,  and  as  the  protection  of  French  gov- 
ernment had  been  procured  for  the  negotiation  of  the 
loan  in  France,  the  representations  of  Saligny  were 
sufiicient  to  upset  previous  arrangements.  Owing  to 
this  ridiculous  personal  auarrer  Hamilton  failed.  He 
was  equally  unsuccessful  in  England. 

Meantime  treasury  notes  had  been  issued  and  re- 
issued as  fast  as  they  came  In  in  payment  of  import 
dues.  The  credit  of  Texas  now  became  exhausted. 
Bad  as  was  her  financial  condition  at  the  beginning 
of  Lamar's  presidency,  when  the  end  of  his  term 
arrived  it  was  infinitely  worse.  Grouge  states  that  as 
far  as  it  can  be  ascertained,  the  public  debt  increased, 
during  his  three  years  of  service,  from  $1,887,526  to 
$7,300,000,  and  the  securities,  which  at  the  time  of 
his  entry  into  office  were  at  from  sixty-five  cents  to 
eighty-five  cents  per  dollar,  were  not  worth  more  than 
fifteen  to  twenty  cents.' 

Though  Lamar's  administration,  in  a  financial  point 
of  view,  cannot  be  looked  upon  as  a  success,  consider- 
ation must  be  allowed  for  his  position.  The  greatest 
diflBculty  which  he  had  to  contend  with  at  home  was 
the  hostile  and  aggressive  attitude  of  the  Indians  on 

pondenoe  between  the  U.  S.  minister  at  Paris  and  the  French  minister  of 
foreign  affikirs  regarding  Texas.  A  protest  was  entered  by  Mexico  affainst 
the  above  recognition.  Mex.  Menu  Ouerra,  1840,  46-9;  Mex.  Mem.  Relac 
Exter.,  1«40,  mlHario  del  Oob.  Mex.,  May  20,  1840,  in  Mex.  Mem,  Min.  Rel, 
L  Doc.  12. 

vSee  Oougey  vtsvp.,  106-11. 

^CkmaultMennican  Hunted  Address,  Nov.  30, 1848,  4-6,  in  which  he  remarks 
in  a  foot-note  that  *  the  large  appropriations  and  issues  of  treasury  notes 
under  Lamar's  administration  were  made  in  anticipation  of  the  $5,000,000 
of  bonds  which  were  authorized  by  one  law,  and  the  $1,000,000  of  bonds 
authorized  by  another.  Gonge's  statement  with  regard  to  Texan  securities 
is  at  variance  with  Pres.  Houston's  assertion  that  promissory  notes  had  de- 
preciated to  forty  cents  on  the  dollar.  This  assertion  was  made  in  his  mes- 
sagre  of  May  12;  18S8.  It  is  not  easilv  to  be  understood  how  the  ffovemment 
scrip,  after  an  increase  of  issue,  could  ever  have  doubled  its  value.  From 
the  first  issue  of  the  treasuiy  notes  the  credit  of  Texas  declined.  Finding 
her  paper  obligations  had  no  effect  in  raiding  it,  and  during  the  period  of 
her  republican  existence,  the  financial  operations  of  her  government  were 
never  vacoeasfoL 


320  LAMAR'S  ABMIKISTRATIOK. 

the  frontier.  New-comers  were  very  careless  about 
making  encroachments,  and  frontier-men  were  fearless 
of  risks.  Provided  that  they  could  obtain  rich  land, 
they  were  prepared  to  take  the  chance  of  holding  it 

Xlnst  the  savages.     A  great  immigration  into  Texas, 
r  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  and  Santa  Anna's  sab- 
sequent  pledges,  had  taken  place;  speculators  invested 
in  the  government  scrip,  and  settlers  flocked  into  the 
country  in  such  numbers  that  their  influence  overpow- 
ered that  of  the  pioneers.     The  new-comers,  in  their 
greediness  to  grasp  the  best  lands,  pushed  forward 
into  domains  occupied  not  only  by  friendly  Indians, 
but  by  hostile  tribes.     The  speculator  with  his  sur- 
veyor penetrated   into  districts  which  hitherto  had 
been  admitted  to  be  the  hunting-grounds  of  the  native 
race.    It  is  not  diflScult  to  draw  the  conclusion.   Though 
Texas  was  relieved  from  fear  of  invasion  by  her  na- 
tional foe,  her  borders  became  subject  to  ceaseless  ir- 
ruptions made  by  Indians.     It  is  beyond  the  scope  of 
this  work  to  enter  into  details  of  this  frontier  warfare, 
or  describe  the  many  atrocities  committed,  the  hard- 
contested  struggles,  and  the  numerous  exhibitions  of 
personal  courage  on  both  sides.     Many  a  household 
was  made  desolate,  women  and  children  being  carried 
into  captivity  worse  than  death.     Many  a  time  the 
rangers  fought  and  beat  thrice  their  number,  and 
many  a  deed  of  individual  heroism  remains  unrecorded. 
The  narration,  however,  of  the  main  events  cannot 
be  omitted.     During  the  latter  part  of  1838,  a  revolt 
occurred,  which  has  been  called  the  Nacogdoches  re- 
bellion.    In  August  of  that  year  the  Mexican  settlers 
assembled  in  considerable  numbers  on  the  banks  of 
the  Angelina,  and  being  joined  by  300  Indians,  by 
the  10th  their  force  amounted  to  600  men,  under  the 
leadership  of  Nathaniel  Norris,  Vicente  C6rdova,  and 
others.     President  Houston,  who  was  then  at  Nacog- 
doches, received  a  communication  from  these  leaders, 
disclaiming  allegiance  to  Texas ;  the  malecontents  then 
directed  their  march  to  the   Cherokee  nation.     A 


INDIAN  WARS  AND  REVOLUTION.  321 

requisition  for  men  having  been  made,  General  Kusk 
was  sent  forward  with  the  main  body  toward  the 
headquarters  of  Bowles,  the  Cherokee  chief,  while 
Major  Augustin,  with  a  detachment  of  150  men,  fol- 
lowed the  trail  of  the  malecontents.  Kusk  presently- 
discovered  that  the  Mexican  leaders  had  gone  to  the 
head-waters  of  the  Trinity  river,  his  followers  had 
dispersed,  and  many  of  them  returned  to  their  homes 
without  any  blood  being  shed.*  The  object  of  this 
curious  attempt  at  revolution  has  never  been  fully 
explained,  but  the  leaders  soon  recognized  the  hope- 
lessness of  it. 

C6rdova  had  been  in  correspondence  with  the  enemy 
at  Matamoros,  and  appears  to  have  held  a  commission 
from  Filisola  **  to  raise  the  Indians  as  auxiliaries  to 
the  Mexican  army.  Early  in  1839,  Filisola  was  suc- 
ceeded by  General  Canalizo,  who,  on  February  27th, 
issued  instructions  to  the  captains  and  chiefs  of  the 
friendly  nations,  inciting  them  to  wage  incessant  war 
against  Texas,  and  laying  down  a  plan  of  campaign 
for  their  guidance.  Mexico,  he  said,  being  engaged 
in  war  with  France,  could  not  at  present  resume  oper- 
ations against  the  revolted  province,  but  the  friendly 
tribes  had  it  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
taking  advantage  of  fortunate  circumstances.  They 
were,  however,  cautioned  not  to  advance  too  near  the 
frontier  of  the  United  States,  but  should  occupy  the 
line  of  San  Antonio  de  Bdjar,  about  the  Guadalupe, 
and  from  the  heads  of  the  San  Marcos  to  their  mouths. 
This  position  would  have  the  advantage  of  keeping 
the  enemy  in  front,  and  a  friendly  nation  in  the  rear, 
besides  cutting  off  the  enemy's  commerce  with  the  in- 
terior of  Mexico,  and  furnishing  abundant  spoil.  They 
were  "not  to  cease  to  harass  the  enemy  for  a  single 
day;  to  bum  their  habitations;  to  lay  waste  their 
fields,  and  to  prevent  them  assembling  in  great  num- 

'  Hotutoa  issned  a  proclamation,  Aug.  8thy  requiring  them  to  return  to 
their  homes,  under  penalty  of  being  declared  enemies  of  the  republic.  Jied* 
lander,  Sept.  1838,  in  Yoakum,  U.  245-6. 

^  Filisola  had  been  reinstated  in  his  command  on  the  Kio  Grande 

Hist.  Hbx.  arATis,  Vol.  II.    21 


822  LAJVIARS  ADMINISTRATION. 

bers,  by  rapid  and  well-concerted  efforts."  In  case 
they  should  succeed  in  uniting  in  a  considerable  num- 
ber, they  were  to  be  harassed  day  and  night,  and  oper- 
ations to  be  directed  with  the  greatest  vigor  against 
distant  points." 

Such  was  Canalizo's  plan  to  launch  against  Texas  a 
thunderbolt  of  desolation.  Manuel  Flores  was  ap- 
pointed commissioner  to  the  Indians,  and  provided 
with  letters  of  a  like  tenor  to  the  principal  chiefs  and 
C6rdova,  who  was  instructed  to  concert  with  him  in 
conducting  the  proposed  operations.  Happily  for 
Texas,  an  event  occurred  which  warned  her  of  her 
danger,  and  prevented  the  dire  plot  from  being  carried 
into  effect.  Flores  started  on  his  mission,  and  on 
May  14th  passed  between  Bexar  and  Seguin  with  a 
party  consisting  of  twenty-five  Mexicans  and  Indians. 
Having  committed  several  murders,  they  were  pur- 
sued by  Lieutenant  James  O.  Rice,  with  seventeen 
men,  and  were  overtaken  about  fifteen  miles  from 
Austin.  In  the  engagement  which  followed,  Flores 
and  two  of  his  marauders  were  killed,  the  rest  being 
put  to  flight.  By  this  fortunate  result,  Canalizo's 
correspondence  and  instructions  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  victors,  and  the  whole  plot  was  revealed  to  the 
Texan  government.  A  considerable  quantity  of  am- 
munition and  over  100  mules  and  horses  were  also 
captured." 

Lamar's  Indian  policy,  as  the  reader  is  aware, 
was  tlie  very  reverse  of  tiiat  of  tlie  previous  ad- 
ministration. But  conciliatory  measures  were  no 
longer  possible ;  pioneers  would  push  forward  into 
lands  occupied  by  native  tribes,  and  the  Indians 
would  take  their  revenge.  Texas  was  no  exception  to 
the  rule  that  wherever  the  aboriginal  American  and 
the  European  came  in  contact,  the  former  had  to  give 

"Copy  of  these  iiLstnictiona  will  be  found  in  U,  S.  Sen.  Doc,  oong.  32, 
sess.  2,  no.  14,  31-2. 

*^  Some  of  the  intercepted  letters  were  addressed  to  the  chiefs  of  the  Cad- 
does  and  Seminoles,  and  to  Big  Mush  and  Bowles  of  the  Cherokees.  /(/.,  ^t 
35;  Yoakum,  iL  257-00. 


CHER0KEE8.  :«3 

way  The  lands  occupied  for  many  years  by  the 
Cherokees  became  subject  to  similar  invasion.  Their 
title  had  never  been  disputed.  They  had  been  recog- 
nized by  the  Mexican  authorities,  had  never  intruded 
on  the  whites,  and  in  a  great  measure  had  become  an 
agricultural  tribe.  But  their  territory  "in  point  of 
richness  of  soil,  and  the  beauty  of  situation,  water, 
and  productions  would  vie  with  the  best  portions  of 
Texas."  " 

Their  lands  were  consequently  encroached  on,  and 
the  usual  retaliatory  murders  followed.  When,  how- 
ever, the  papers  of  which  Manuel  Flores  was  bearer 
to  the  chiefs  of  the  Cherokees  came  into  the  posses- 
sion of  the  government,  it  was  determined  to  remove 
the  tribe.  Colonel  Burleson,  from  the  Colorado, 
Colonel  Landrum,  with  his  regiment  from  eastern 
Texas,  and  General  Rusk,  with  the  Nacogdoches 
regiment,  were  ordered  to  mvade  the  territory,  and 
accordingly  took  up  positions  near  the  Cherokee  vil- 
lage about  the  middle  of  July.  The  whole  force, 
about  500  men,  was  placed  under  the  command  of 
General  Douglass.  Negotiations  for  the  peaceable 
removal  of  the  tribe  to  Arkansas  whence  they 
had  migrated,  having  failed,  on  July  15th  Douglass 
advanced  against  the  Indian  camp,  on  arriving  at 
which  he  found  that  the  Indians  had  retreated  higher 
up  the  river.  Being  pursued  the  Clierokees  took  up 
a  jx)sition  in  a  ravine  from  which  they  were  driven  at 
night- fall,  with  the  loss  of  eighteen  killed,  the  Texans 
having  three  killed  and  five  wounded.  On  tlie  follow- 
ing day  the  pursuit  was  continued,  and  the  Indians 
were  overtaken  in  the  afternoon,  having  strongly 
posted  themselves  in  a  ravhie  protected  in  the  rear  by 
a  dense  thicket.  A  well  contested  engagement  of  an 
hour  and  a  half  ensued,  but  the  Cherokees,  after  los- 
ing about  100  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  were  dis- 
lodged from  their  position  and  put  to  flight,  taking 

"Thus  writes  Gen.  Dottglass  in  hia  reports  referred  to  in  the  secretary  r»f 
war's  report,  Nov.  1839;  Yoakum,  ii.  270. 


824  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

refuge  in  the  thickets  and  swamps  of  the  Neches 
bottom.  Among  their  dead  was  the  famous  chief 
Bowles.  The  Texan  loss  was  five  killed  and  twenty- 
seven  wounded.  About  800  Indians  were  engaged  in 
these  two  contests."  Thus  were  the  Cherokees 
driven  from  their  homes  and  cultivated  fields ;  more- 
over, the  crops  of  other  civilized  Indians  were  de- 
stroyed, under  the  natural  belief  that  they  were  being 
raised  in  order  to  cooperate  with  the  Mexicans.**  But 
the  expelled  owners  did  not  all  leave  the  country; 
Cherokees  were  encountered  on  the  western  bank  of 
the  Colorado ;  and  depredations  on  the  frontier  con- 
tinued. The  nativb  tribes  were  deeply  exasperated 
against  the  Texans. 

The  most  hostile  and  troublesome  Indians  were  the 
Comanches,  and  their  depredations  exceeded  those  of 
all  other  tribes.  In  February,  1840,  they  showed  a 
disposition  to  make  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  on  March 
19th  twelve  of  their  principal  chiefs  met  the  Texan 
commissioners  in  council  at  Bejar,  where  General  H. 
D.  McLeod  was  in  command.  It  was  known  that 
the  Comanches  had  thirteen  white  captives  in  their 
power,  and  the  release  of  these  was  demanded.  The 
Indians  produced  only  one,  a  little  girl.  After  a  brief 
discussion,  in  which  the  Indians  displayed  a  defiant 
demeanor,  an  order  was  sent  to  Captain  Howard,  to 
bring  his  company  into  the  council-room,  and  as  soon 
as  the  men  had  taken  their  position,  the  chiefs  were 
informed  that  they  would  be  detained  as  prisoners 
until  the  captives  were  surrendered.  A  terrible  con- 
flict ensued.  The  twelve  chiefs,  who  were  fully 
armed,  were  killed  in  the  council-room,  while  the 
warriors  in  the  yard  outside  maintained  a  desperate 
fight.  All  were  finally  slain,  either  there  or  in  the 
pursuit.     Thirty-two  Indians  were  killed  and  twenty- 

"/(/.,  ii.  267;  Kennedy,  ii.  341-4. 

i*Oen.  Douglass  says:  The  Cherokees,  Delawares,  Shawnees,  Caddocs, 
Kickapoos,  Biloxies,  Creeks,  Ouchies,  Muskogees,  and  some  Seminolea,  had 
cleared  and  planted  extensive  fields  of  com,  beans,  peas,  etc.,  pn  ' 
evidently  for  an  efficient  co-operation  with  the  Mexicans  in  a  ' 
country.  Sec.  (/  War*a  Beport,  \ov.  1839. 


COMANCHES.  826 

seven    women   and    children   made    prisoners.     The 
Texans  had  seven  killed  and  eight  woimded," 

Maddened  by  the  loss  of  so  many  of  their  chiefs, 
and  what  they  deemed  an  infamous  act  of  treachery, 
the  Comanches  returned  to  their  homes  to  prepare  for 
revenge.  On  August  4th,  a  body  of  them,  600  strong, 
suddenly  appeared  at  Victoria,  surrounding  the  town 
before  their  presence  was  known.  Their  attack  was, 
however,  repulsed,  and  they  then  turned  their  at- 
tention to  driving  off  the  horses  and  stock,  and  mur- 
dering all  those  who  fell  into  their  power.  A  second 
attack  on  Victoria  also  failed,  and  on  the  8th  they 
crossed  the  Guadalupe  and  sacked  and  burned  Linn- 
ville,  most  of  the  inhabitants  escaping  on  a  lighter  in 
the  bay.  Having  thoroughly  raided  the  neightx)rhood 
of  Victoria  and  Linnville,  and  killed  twenty-one 
persons,  the  Comanches  retired  toward  their  homes, 
with  a  large  number  of  horses  and  an  immense  quan- 
tity of  booty.  Meantime  their  trail,  as  they  had 
passed  down  the  Guadalupe,  had  been  discovered,  and 
a  force,  quickly  raised  at  Gonzalez,  was  in  hot  pursuit. 
On  the  9th,  the  Texans — ^who  had  proceeded  to 
Victoria — came  up  with  the  Indians,  and  a  slight 
skirmish  took  place.  But  the  Comanches  declined  a 
general  engagement  and  continued  their  retreat.  The 
news  of  their  inroad,  however,  had  spread  through 
the  settlements,  and  a  large  number  of  volunteers  was 
posted  at  Plum  Creek,"  to  intercept  them  on  their 
return.  General  Felix  Houston  in  command.  On  the 
1 2th  the  approach  of  the  Comanches  was  reported  by 
the  scouts  and  preparations  were  made  to  recieve 
them.  In  the  conflict  which  followed  the  Indians 
were  completely  routed,  and  scattering,  were  pursued 
for  fifteen  miles,  up  to  the  San  Antonio  road,  leaving 
from  fifty  to  eighty  dead  on  the  line  of  their  flight. 
Several  hundred  horses  and  mules  with  packs  and 

"From  Gen.  McLeod's  official  report,  Bakers  Tex,,  154-5. 
^^  Plnm  Greek,  a  tributary  of  the  San  Marcos,  was  some  distance  beyond 
^he  aetibxnuLt  of  Gonzales. 


326  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

baggage  were  recovered  by  the  victors." 

The  Texan  government  now  determmed  du-e  revenge 
on  the  Comanches.  On  October  5th  Colonel  John 
H.  Moore,  with  ninety  Texans  and  twehe  Lipan 
Indians,  were  sent  up  the  Colorado  in  pursuit  of 
those  who  escaped  at  Plum  Creek.  Pursuing  a 
devious  course  for  many  days  in  search  of  the  trial, 
he  at  last  found  it  on  the  Red  Fork  of  the  Colorado, 
and  on  October  23d  his  Lipan  spies  discovered  the 
Comanche  village.  At  daybreak  on  the  following 
morning  the  Texans  made  their  attack.  The  Indians, 
unprepared  to  fight,  fled  to  the  river  on  their  approach, 
a  murderous  fire  being  opened  upon  them.  Many 
were  shot  or  drowned  in  the  stream,  while  those  who 
succeeded  in  crossing  it  met  their  death  at  the  hands 
of  a  detachment  that  had  been  sent  across  under 
Lieutenant  Owen.  Lamar's  system  of  extermination 
was  well  carried  out.  Men,  women,  and  children 
alike  were  put  to  death.  The  work  of  annihilation 
in  the  village  lasted  half  an  hour,  and  the  pursuit  was 
continued  about  four  miles.  Having  killed  128  of 
both  sexes,  the  Texans,  who  had  only  two  wounded, 
spared  the  lives  of  thirty-four  captives.  When  the 
massacre  was  ended  the  village  was  burned  to  the 
ground,  and  Moore,  having  collected  500  horses,  re- 
turned to  Austin,  where  he  arrived  November  7th, 
one  of  his  men  having  died  on  the  road." 

Although  the  revolutionary  movements  of  the  fed- 
eralists were  one  of  the  causes  which  secured  for 
Texas  so  long  an  interval  of  peace,  she  was  not  left 
entirely  out  of  the  influences  of  them,  extending  as 
they  did  to  the  states  bordering  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
General  Canalizo's  force  at  Matamoros  at  the  end  of 
this  year  did  not  exceed  1,500  men,**  and  they  were 

^^Lmris  Rernvms.,  298-9,  338-44;  Yoakum,  ii  29e-304.  These  writers  nrt 
not  in  accord  as  to  tlie  exact  date  of  the  attack  on  Victoria.  linn  was 
present  at  Victoria  in  that  town  on  the  occasion,  and  I  consider  his  account 
in  all  respects  reliable. 

»»  Moore's  report,  Nov.  7,  1840.   Toahwi,  ii.  304-^. 

^  'En  Matamoros  solamente  se  encontrahan  1,500  hombres  almando  del 
general  OanaUzo.  *  JRivera,  HM.  Jalapa^  iii.  429. 


BATTLE  OF  ALCANTKC).  IVll 

principally  occupied  in  holding  the  federaUsts  in  check. 
In  the  spring  of  1839  General  Anaya,  who  was 
looked  upon  as  the  chief  of  the  federaUst  party,  visited 
Texas  in  person,  and  made  certain  propositions  to  the 
government  on  condition  that  permission  were  granted 
him  to  convey  arms  for  the  federalists  through  the 
territory  and  raise  troops  therein."  Both  requests 
were  refused ;  but  there  is  Httle  doubt  of  the  anxious- 
ness  on  the  part  of  the  northern  federalists  to  enter 
into  a  coalition  with  Texas,  from  the  fact  that  they 
deputed  Francisco  Vidaurri,  governor  of  Coahuila, 
to  make  overtures  of  alliance  between  Texas  and  the 
states  of  Nuevo  Leon,  Tamaulipas,  Coahuila,  Chihua- 
hua, New  Mexico,  Durango,  and  the  Californias, 
and  separate  from  the  rest  of  the  Mexican  states.'' 
Though  these  overtures  were  not  accepted  by  the 
Texan  government,"  many  people  in  Texas  were  in 
favor  of  the  formation  of  such  a  republic. 

Some  time  later  General  Antonio  Canales,  Colonels 
Jos^  Maria  Gonzalez,  and  Antonio  Zapata,  who  were 
engaged  in  revolutionizing  the  northern  towns,  estab- 
lished themselves  for  safety  at  the  town  of  Lipantitlan 
on  the  Nueces  river,  with  a  number  of  followers. 
There  Canales  issued  a  proclamation  inviting  the 
Texans  to  join  him.  Having  united  a  number  of 
Mexicans,  and  about  180  Texans  under  Colonels  Reu- 
ben Ross  and  S.  W.  Jordan,  on  September  30,  1839, 
with  a  force  of  600  men,  he  crossed  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  marched  against  Guerrero,  then  occupied  by  Gen- 
eral Pavon  with  500  regulars  and  four  pieces  of  artil- 
lery.    Pavon,  however,   retreated  toward  Mier  and 

^/rf.,  iii.  427-8.  The  reco^ition  of  the  independence  of  Texas  was 
doubtless  promised  by  Anaya  in  case  centralism  was  overthrown.  The 
periodical,  Jja  Ensena,  publisned  in  the  Mexican  capital,  urged  it,  and  a  large 
number  of  Mexicans,  recognizing  that  reconquest  was  impossible,  was  in  favor 
of  the  same. 

*» Taken  from  the  Houston  Telegraph,  in  Niles*  Reg.,  Ivii.  19. 

^  Perhaps  there  was  some  truth  in  Rivera's  remark  that  the  Texans  had 
no  wish  to  mix  themselves  up  in  the  domestic  quarrels  of  Mexico,  but  while 
strengthening  themselves  leave  her  to  grow  weaker.  ITiat.  Jalapa,  iii.  428. 
He  neverthetess  states  that  the  Texans  wished  to  form  a  North-Mexican 
republic. 


328  LAMAB'S  ABMINISTEATION. 

Oanales  occupied  the  town  October  1st.  On  the  Sd 
Pavon,  who  had  taken  up  a  position  about  twelve 
miles  southwest  of  Mier,  offered  battle.  In  the  en- 
gagement which  ensued,  nothing  could  restiahi  the 
impetuosity  of  the  Texans  who,  in  defiance  of  the 
orders  of  Boss  and  Jordan  rushed  within  point-blank 
range  of  the  enemy,  and  opened  fire,  while  their  Mex- 
ican allies  coolly  looked  on.  Whereupon  Ross  and 
Jordan  gave  the  order  to  charge.  In  twenty  minutes 
the  Texans  had  carried  everything  before  them,  and 
the  centralists  were  in  full  flight.  The  victory  cost 
them  fourteen  in  killed  and  wounded,  while  the 
enemy's  loss  was  about  150  in  all.  This  engagement 
is  known  as  the  battle  of  Alcantro.  Pavon,  owing 
to  the  confusion  and  incapacity  of  Canales,  made  good 
his  retreat  to  a  stone  rancho  five  miles  distant ;  but  on 
the  following  morning,  being  without  water  or  pro- 
visions, surrendered  to  the  Texans.  The  artillen' 
and  350  prisoners  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  federalists. 

The  advantages  of  this  achievement  were  en- 
tirely lost  by  Canales,  who  after  remaining  inactive 
at  Mier  for  forty  days  marched  against  Matamoros, 
his  force  having  increased  to  over  1,000  men.  On 
December  12th  he  laid  siege  to  the  place  which 
was  defended  by  1,500  men  and  18  pieces  of  artil- 
lery. Of  course  be  effected  nothing,  and  on  the 
16th  declared  his  intention  of  raising  the  siege.  This 
decision  disgusted  both  the  federalists  and  Texans,  the 
latter  of  whom  offered  to  lead  as  a  forlorn  hope  in 
storming  the  place.  The  proposal  was  rejected  and 
Ross  with  fifty  Texans  returned  to  their  homes. 

Canales  then  directed  his  course  to  Monterey  where 
Greneral  Arista  commanded.  On  December  23d,  hear- 
ing that  the  centralist  general  had  received  a  large 
reenforcement,  he  entrenched  himself  within  six  miles 
of  the  city,  and  in  the  morning  was  confronted  bv 
Arista  with  an  army  of  about  2,000  men.  A  few 
insignificant  skirmishes  took  place,  but  Arista  seems 
not  to  have  been  anxious  to  draw  on  an  engagement 


REPUBLIC  OF  THE  RIO  GRANDE.  329 

while  the  Texans  were  in  the  opposing  ranks.  He 
succeeded,  however,  in  detaching  by  intrigue  most  of 
Canales'  troops.  Compelled  to  retreat,  he  recrossed 
the  Rio  Grande  with  the  Texans  and  a  few  faithful 
Mexicans,  January  7,  1840,  when  forty-five  of  the 
former  returned  to  their  homes. 

The  force  of  Canales  was  now  very  small,  yet  he 
issued  a  proclamation  calling  a  convention  of  dele- 
gates to  organize  the  republic  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
This  was  done,  January  18th,  Jesus  Cdrdenas  beintr 
chosen  president  and  Canales  commander-in-chief. 
Having  received  some  addition  to  his  force  Canales 
proceeded  to  Guerrero,  where  he  remained  till  Febru- 
ary 18th,  and  then  went  to  the  old  presidio  of  Rio 
Grande.  Here  Jordan,  with  sixty  Texans,  displeased 
at  his  refusal  to  march  to  the  Nueces  for  reiinforce- 
ments,  left  him,  and  returned  to  Texas.  After  this 
Canales  advanced  to  Morales  where  he  sustained, 
March  15th,  a  severe  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Arista 
and  barely  escaped  into  Texas. 

After  these  disasters  and  his  repeated  exhibitions 
of  bad  generalship,  it  is  astonishing  that  he  should 
have  met  with  any  more  encouragement  in  Texas. 
Nevertheless,  having  fixed  his  headquarters  at  San 
Patricio,  and  raised  the  banner  of  the  Republic  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  by  June  he  was  again  joined  by 
Jordan  with  110  volunteers,  by  Colonel  William  S. 
Fisher  with  200,  and  Colonel  John  N.  Seguin  with 
100.  These,  with  300  Mexicans,  raised  his  force  to 
710  men.  He  now  set  out  on  a  third  expedition, 
Jordan  with  his  command  and  150  Mexicans  under 
Colonels  Lopez  and  Molano  being  sent  in  advance  of 
the  main  army.  What  his  object  was  in  thus  divid- 
ing his  force,  and  especially  the  Texans,  is  inexplicable. 
I  can  only  suppose  that  he  was  influenced  by  Lopez 
and  Molano,  whose  treachery  became  evident  by  sub- 
sequent events. 

Jordan^  unconscious  of  any  design  to  destroy  him, 
successively  occupied  Laredo,   Guerrero,   Mier,   and 


830  LAMAK'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Camargo.  Induced  by  the  representations  of  Lopez 
and  Molano  he  then  pushed  rapidly  forward  into  the 
interior,  leaving  Camargo  June  26th.  Tula,  Morallo, 
and  Linares  wore  in  turn  occupied,  and  on  August 
l7th  the  federalists  entered  Victoria,  the  capital  of 
Tamaulipas,  where  they  were  received  with  demon- 
strations of  joy.  Here  a  new  state  government  was 
established  and  some  time  was  spent  in  recruiting. 
Reports  having  arrived  that  Arista  was  approaching 
with  a  strong  force,  Lopez  and  Molano  decided  to 
retreat  to  the  mountains,  a  movement  so  strongly 
opposed  by  the  Texans,  that  the  army  was  halted 
three  miles  from  Victoria  and  took  up  a  position  in 
which  it  remained  for  a  week  without  the  enemy  ap- 
pearing. It  then  proceeded  to  Jaumare,  a  mining 
town  in  Sierra  Madre,  and  a  counsel  of  war  having 
been  held,  it  was  decided  to  march  against  Saltillo. 
The  route  was  miknown  to  the  Texans,  and  Lopez 
and  Molano  were  really  conducting  them  toward  San 
Luis  Potosi.  Fortunately  all  the  Mexicans  were  not 
so  treacherous,  and  Jordan  was  secretly  informed  by 
Captain  Pena  of  the  direction  in  which  they  were 
marching,  whereupon  the  Texans  insisted  upon  their 
course  being  altered.  In  twelve  days  they  arrived  at 
the  hacienda  del  Potosi,  one  day's  march  from  Saltillo, 
where  Jordan  received  an  express  from  a  friend  at 
Victoria  informing  him  that  he  was  betrayed,  and 
that  the  Mexican  leaders  for  a  sum  of  money  had  en- 
gaged to  place  the  Texans  in  such  a  position  that  they 
would  be  overwhelmed  by  the  enemy.  They  now 
prepared  for  the  worst,  and  on  October  23d  set  out 
for  Saltillo.  Three  miles  south  of  the  city  the  enemy 
was  discovered  entrenched  on  a  hill ;  whereupon  the 
federalists  took  up  a  position  on  an  eminence  sepa- 
rated from  it  by  a  raxdne. 

The  centralist  army  was  1,000  strong,  with  two 
nine-pounders;  that  of  the  federalists,  335  strong, 
consisting  of  110  Texans,  150  mounted  rancheros,  and 
75   infantrv.     At  one  o'clock   in  the   afternoon  the 


FEDERALISTS  AND  CENTRALISTS.  331 

centralists  under  generals  Vasquez  and  Montoya  pre- 
pared to  attack.  The  Texans,  convinced  of  the  in- 
tended treachery  of  their  allies,  at  once  moved  rapidly 
along  the  ravine  and  took  possession  of  an  old  haci- 
enda within  150  yards  of  the  enemy's  entrenchments. 
The  infantry  being  ordered  to  occupy  a  stone  house 
on  their  left,  unhesitatingly  marched  over  to  the 
enemy.  And  now  the  centralists  opened  fire  with 
their  artillery  upon  the  position  of  the  Texans.  At 
the  first  shot,  Lopez  rode  over  to  them  with  the  ran- 
cheros  imder  his  command,  taking  with  him  the  am- 
munition of  the  federals.  The  situation  of  the  Texans 
was  desperate.  Yet,  deserted  as  they  were,  and  with 
no  more  ammunition  than  that  which  they  had  on 
their  peraons,  they  determined  to  fight  to  the  death. 
For  some  time  the  enemy's  guns  played  upon  them, 
but,  crouching  low  behind  the  old  walls,  they  suffered 
no  harm.  At  four  o'clock  the  centralists  advanced  to 
the  assault.  Hitherto  the  Texans  had  not  fired  a  shot 
— ^they  had  no  powder  to  waste  in  long  range  practice. 
When,  however,  the  assailants  had  advanced  to  within 
thirty  yards  of  the  walls,  they  rose,  and  with  a  shout 
of  defiance  poured  into  them  a  dreadful  volley,  every 
bullet  striking  its  human  mark.  But  the  enemy 
fought  well.  The  inhabitants  of  Saltillo,  informed 
that  the  triumph  of  the  centralists  was  certain,  had 
sallied  forth,  men,  women,  and  children,  to  witness 
the  combat,  'and  column  after  column,  encouraged  by 
their  cheers,  advanced  to  the  attack,  only  to  be  suc- 
cessfully repulsed  by  the  withering  fire  of  the  Texans. 
At  length  the  centralist  ranks  became  disordered  and 
demoralized.  A  panic  followed,  and  the  soldiers  fled 
to  Saltillo,  with  thousands  of  frantic  spectators,  in  the 
utmost  confusion.  They  left  408  men  dead  on  the 
field — few  were  the  wounded  on  that  day — their  two 
guns,  and  a  great  quantity  of  small  arms  and  ammu- 
nition. The  Texans  had  five  killed  and  seven  wounded. 
Jordan,  after  this  victory  and  experience  in  Mexican 
good  faith,  wisely  took  up  his  retreat  to  Texas.     On 


832  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

his  route,  he  encountered  a  body  of  the  enemy's  cav- 
alry, 400  strong,  which  charged  him  on  an  open  plaia 
But  the  rifle  soon  put  them  to  flight,  and  he  and  his 
heroic  band  reached  the  Rio  Grande  without  mishap. 
Meantime,  Canales  had  effected  nothing.  After  the 
departure  of  Jordan,  he  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  and 
marched  against  the  small  town  of  San  Marino,  in 
eastern  Tamaulipas.  Finding  that  a  centralist  force 
was  near  that  place,  he  retreated  to  Camargo,  where 
having  remained  for  some  months  in  comparative  in- 
activity, he  finally  entered  into  a  capitulation  with 
Arista,  in  November,  by  which  he  submitted  to  the 
government  and  surrendered  up  his  arms  and  ammu- 
nition. He  stipulated,  however,  for  the  lives  and  lib- 
erty of  his  Texan  auxiliaries." 

Thus  ended  the  attempt  to  establish  the  Republic 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  a  scheme  which,  wholly  ignored 
by  the  Texan  government,  may  be  regarded  as  a 
chimerical  aspiration  of  the  northern  federalists.  It 
nevertheless  decoyed  into  their  ranks  a  number  of 
adventurous  Texans,  and  was  undoubtedly  of  service 
in  keeping  the  Mexican  forces  occupied,  thereby  pre- 
venting invasion. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  Texas  claimed 
the  Rio  Grande  to  its  main  source  as  her  boundary 
line.  The  claim  was  a  thoroughly  arbitrary  one,  nor 
had  any  attempt  been  made  by  the  government  to 
establish  jurisdiction  over  that  portion  of  New  Mexico 
lying  within  the  limits  defined  by  the  act  of  December 
19,  1836.  But  in  1841  an  expedition  to  Santa  Fe 
was  projected,  which,  it  was  hoped,  would  lead  to  the 
acquirement  of  that  territory.  Congress  not  having 
made  an  appropriation  for  the  regular  army,  it  was 
disbanded,  and  many  adventurous  men,  thus  thrown 
on  their  own  resources,  were  very  anxious  to  take 

"Pra«'«  Notes  of  the  Federal  Campaign  qf  1839-40,  closely  followed  by 
Yoakum,  ii.  274-9,  288-97;  Bustamante,  Manif.,  in  Pap,  Var.,  185,  na  f; 
Bweroy  Hist.  Jahpuy  iii.  440,  441-2,  465-6;  Thrall,  307-10;  A12»'  JReg.,  lix. 
525-6. 


EXPEDITION  TO  SANTA  Ft.  S33 

part  in  such  an  enterprise.  The  project  was  recom- 
mended by  the  secretary  of  war,  who  proposed  the 
opening  of  a  military  road  from  Austhi  to  Santa  F^^ 
and  it  was  regarded  with  especial  favor  by  Lamar. 
An  extensive  trade  had  been  carried  on  for  many  years 
between  the  latter  place  and  the  United  States  through 
St  Louis,  and  it  was  expected  that  it  would  be  di- 
verted and  take  a  direction  through  Texas  if  that  as- 
sumed portion  of  her  territory  could  be  conciliated 
and  united  by  the  bonds  of  commercial  interests.  The 
scheme  was' an  ill-digested  one.  Between  the  settled 
districts  of  the  two  sections  extended  a  region  600 
miles  in  width,  uninhabited  except  by  roaming  hordes 
of  savages ;  the  population  of  Santa  Fe  was  entirely 
Mexican,  under  Mexican  rule,  and  the  governor,  whose 
power  was  autocratic,  would  not  be  likely  to  sanction 
any  change  that  would  affect  his  petty  sovereignty. 

In  the  spring  of  1841,  active  preparations  wore 
made  for  the  expedition,  which  was  organized  on  a 
military  basis.  The  friends  of  the  movement  intro- 
duced a  bill  into  congress  which,  if  passed,  would  have 
authorized  it  and  provided  a  portion  of  the  necessary 
outfit.  The  bill,  however,  was  rejected  in  both  houses. 
The  responsibility  of  the  undertaking,  which  thus 
wanted  the  sanction  of  law,  rests  therefore  upon  La- 
mar," who  officially  supported  it,  and  addressed  a 
proclamation  to  the  authorities  at  Santa  F<5  setting 
forth  the  object  of  the  expedition.  If  they  were  will- 
ing, he  said,  to  submit  to  the  laws  of  the  Texan  re- 
public, and  acknowledge  her  jurisdiction,  arrangements 
would  be  made  to  extend  the  laws  over  that  territory ; 
but  in  case  the  people  were  averse  to  changing  their 
allegiance,  then  he  wished  to  establish  friendly  com- 
mercial relations  with  New  Mexico.  The  instructions 
given  to  the  commander  of  the  expedition  prohibited 
him  from  attempting  the  subjugation  of  the  country 
if  the  people  were  unwilling  to  submit.     The  military 

^  Lamar  had  obtained  permission  from  congress  to  absent  himself,  and 
the  government  was  being  administered  by  Burnet  at  this  time. 


334  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

organization  of  the  expedition  was  only  for  the  purpose, 
of  self-protection  against  the  savages. 

On  June  20th,    1841,  the  expedition  started  from 
Brushy  creek,  about  twenty  miles  from  Austin.    It 
consisted  of  five  companies  of  mounted  infantry,  and 
an    artillery   coinpany,    which    had    one    brass  six- 
pounder,  in  all  270  soldiers.     They  were  accompanied 
by  about  fifty  other  persons — ^traders,  teamsters,  and 
adventurers.     William  G.   Cooke,  R.    F.    Brenham, 
and  J.  A.  Navarro,  were  appointed  as  commissioners, 
and  charged  by  the  president  with   the  execution  oi 
his   instructions.     The  expedition  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Hugh  McLeod. 
From  the  first   start   difficulties   were   encountered. 
The  wagons  were  overloaded,  and  much  delay  occurred 
therefrom;  the  guides  were    ill-acquainted  with  the 
route,  and  finally  lost  their  way  in  the  Washita  moun- 
tains.    The  distance  to  Santa  Fe  had  been  greatly 
under-estimated,  and  having  started  too  late  in  the 
season,   both  grass  and  water  were   sadly   wanting. 
After    great   sufferings   and  losses,    exposed    to  at- 
tacks by  Indians,  who  cut  off*  all  stragglers,  the  expe- 
dition  arrived  August   11th,  at  a  point  which  was 
supposed  to  be  about  seventy-five  or  eighty  miles  from 
San  Miguel.     Here   three  of  the  party,    Howland, 
Baker,  and  Rosenbury  were  sent  in  advance  to  that 
place  to  procure  provisions  and  consult  with  the  inhab- 
itants as  to  the  probable  reception  of  the  expedition. 

The  main  body,  slowly  continued  its  march,  men 
and  animals  craunt  and  feeble  with  hunc^er.  A  few 
days  after  the  departure  of  Howland,  Lieutenant 
Hull  and  four  men,  being  in  advance,  were  killed  by 
Indians,  and  their  bodies  mutilated.  The  31st  of 
August,  after  a  consultation,  it  was  decided  to  divide 
the  command,  and  send  in  advance  those  best  able  to 
travel.  Accordingly  ninety -nine  men  were  detached 
and,  under  Captain  Lewis,  left  the  main  body  for  Saa 
Miguel.^* 

^^ Kendall,  tho  historian  of  the  expedition  says:     'However  impolitic  it^ 


IGNOMINIOUS  FAILURE.  335 

The  final  disaster  now  approached:  Rowland, 
Baker,  and  Rosenbury  had  made  their  way  to  San 
Miguel,  where,  as  soon  as  their  mission  was  known, 
they  were  arrested  and  sent  to  Santa  Fd.  General 
Manuel  Armijo,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  was  the 
last  man  in  the  world  to  allow  his  authority  to  be  in- 
terfered with.  He  was  a  tyrant,  and  hated  by  the 
Greater  portion  of  the  people ;  if  the  Texans  reached 
ianta  ¥6  and  the  inhabitants  became  aware  of 
Lamar's  invitation,  he  knew  well  that  they  would  turn 
against  him,  and  he  determined  to  crush  the  invaders 
before  they  reached  the  capital.  Proclaiming  to  the 
people  that  the  Texans  were  approaching  to  kill  and 
destroy,  he  marched  out  of  Santa  F(5  with  a  strong 
force  to  attack  them.  Meantime  Captain  Lewis  and 
his  command  had  reached  the  Rio  GbJlinas  where  they 
found  settlements  and  flocks  of  sheep,  which  supplied 
them  with  abundance  of  food.  Prom  this  place  Lewis, 
with  four  others,  one  of  whom  was  Kendall,  were  sent 
forward  September  14th  to  San  Miguel,  with  a  letter 
to  the  alcalde,  informing  him  that  a  trading  party  was 
approaching,  and  taking  with  them  a  number  of  copies 
in  Spanish  of  Lamar's  proclamation.  Before  reaching 
their  destination,  however,  they  were  made  prisoners 
and  sent  to  Santa  P^.  Meeting  Armijo  on  the  wa}^ 
they  were  brought  back  by  him  to  San  Miguel,  where 
they  witnessed  the  execution  of  Howland  and  Baker. 
These  imfortunate  men  with  their  companion,  had 
effected  their  escape,  but  were  recaptured  after  a  des- 
perate resistance,  Rosenbury  being  slain  on  the  spot. 
Events  now  followed  quickly.  Lewis  proved  a 
traitor,  and  by  his  representations  the  advance  troops, 
then  under  Colonel  Cooke,  one  of  the  commissioners, 
were  induced  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  surrender  to 
Salazar,  who  had  almost  surrounded  them  with  600 
men.     This  was  on  the  17th.     On  the  following  day, 

may  be  considered  to  divide  a  command,  in  this  instance  such  a  course 
coald  not  be  avoided.  We  were  comi)letely  lost,  and  without  power  of 
moving  forward;  oar  provisions,  which  had  for  weeks  been  scanty,  were  now 
almost  entirely  exhausted.'  Tex.  Santa  /V  Erped.,  i.  21 1. 


336  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Armijo  came  up  with  the  rest  of  his  forces.  By  hk 
orders  the  prisoners  were  tied  together  in  companies 
of  four,  six  or  eight,  according  to  the  different  lengths 
of  the  lariats  with  which  they  were  bound,  and  sent 
forthwith  to  Mexico.  He  then  marched  against  the 
main  body  under  McLeod,  which  had  painfully  ad- 
vanced to  Laguna  Colorado,  about  thirty-five 
miles  from  Rio  Gallinas.  Most  of  the  horses  had 
perished ;  many  of  the  men,  in  desperation  induced 
by  famine  and  exhaustion,  had  thrown  away  their 
arms,  and  few  of  them  had  strength  enough  to  fight. 
Upon  assurances  being  given  that  they  should  receive 
good  treatment,  the  Texans  surrendered ;  which  was 
no  sooner  done  than  they  were  plundered,  bound  to- 
gether in  batches,  and  marched  off  to  San  Miguel, 
where  the  last  of  them  arrived  October  12th.  From 
that  place  they  were  sent  on  the  same  long  journey 
on  which  their  companions-in-arms  were  toiling  in 
advance  of  them. 

Such  was  the  miserable  end  of  this  foolishness/' 
from  which  so  much  had  been  expected.  The  miseries 
of  the  captives  during  their  march  were  almost  insup- 
portable. On  their  arrival  at  the  Mexican  capital, 
they  were  thrown  into  noisome  dungeons,  some  in 
Mexico,  and  others  in  Puebla  and  Perote.  Fortunate 
were  those  who  could  prove  themselves  citizens  of  the 
United  States  or  subjects  of  European  nations;  the 
representatives  of  their  respective  countries  strenuously 
interested  themselves  in  their  behalf,  and  obtained 
their  release"  in  the  spring  of  1842.  On  the  13th 
of  June,  119  prisoners  were  released  by  the  clemency 
of  Santa  Anna,  who  had  again  risen  to  the  supreme 
power,  on  the  celebration  of  his  birthday.*'     But  the 

^'Gen.  Jackson  in  a  letter  to  Houston,  of  May  25,  1W2,  writes:  'The 
wild-goose  campaign  to  Santa  Fe  was  an  ill-judged  affair;  and  their  sur- 
render without  the  fire  of  a  gun  has  lessened  the  prowess  of  the  Tezans  in 
the  minds  of  the  Mexicans.'  loakunij  ii.  S29. 

'"See  DvbJan  and  LomjtOj  Leg.  Mex,,  iv.  154,  198. 

^KendaXCs  Narrative  of  the  Texan  Santa  F4  Ekx^iti(m,  New  York,  1844, 
2  vol.,  pp.  405,  406;  Yoakum,  ii.  321-31,  336,  341-3;  Thompson's  ReeoL  Met., 
52-3,  77-9,  92-3, 155,  279-81;  Derecho,  Intern.  Mex,,  pte  3  a  237;  ^iMtowiofrfe, 


SEAT  OF  QOVERNMEKT.  3S7 

unfortunate  commissioner,  Navarro,  having  incurred 
the  special  hatred  of  the  tyrant,  was  incarcerated  first 
in  the  capital  and  afterward  in  a  dungeon  in  San  Juan 
de  Uliia,  where  he  languished  for  fourteen  months, 
finally  escaping  from  Vera  Cruz  in  January,  1845." 

It  soon  became  evident  that  the  situation  of  Hous- 
ton was  not  such  as  to  entitle  it  to  become  the  per- 
manent seat  of  the  government.  On  January  14,1839, 
an  act  was  passed  by  congress  appointing  five  commis- 
sioners to  select  a  site  tor  the  future  capital.  The 
commissioners  were  Albert  C.  Horton,  Lewis  P.  Cook, 
Isaac  W.  Burton,  William  Menifee,  and  J.  Campbell, 
who  made  choice  of  the  location  where  Austin  now 
stands.  Although  at  that  date  the  new  town,  which 
was  immediately  laid  out,  was  situated  on  the  extreme 
frontier  of  the  settlements,  the  commissioners  showed 
their  wisdom  in  the  selection.  They  aimed  at  estab- 
lishing a  permanent  capital,  which  would  occupy  a 
central  position  when  Texas  had  become  a  thickly 
populated  country;  and  though  the  government  and 
congress  would  be  withm  stnking  distance  of  hostile 
Indians,"  Austin  as  their  seat  would  draw  westward 

IfvA,  Santa  Arma,  MS.,  iii.  ^9;  Id.,  Diario  Mex,,  MS.,  xliv.  81,  169;  xlv.  71; 
U.  S.  H.  JEc  Doc.,  27  cong.,  2  seas.,  voL  v.,  Boc.  266. 

**  Joee  Antonio  Navarro  was  bom  in  San  Antonio  de  Be  jar,  Feb.  27, 
1795,  his  father  being  a  native  of  Corsica,  and  an  officer  in  the  Spanish 
army.  He  was  a  stanch  federalist  and  a  foe  to  military  depotism.  In 
lS3i-35  Navarro  was  land  commissioner  for  Be  jar  district;  a  member  of  the 
convention  in  1836,  and  a  member  of  congress  in  1838-39.  He  was  con- 
demned by  Santa  Anna  to  imprisonmant  for  life,  though  during  his  captivity 
he  was  several  times  offered  pardon,  liberty,  and  high-office,  if  he  would 
abjure  forever  Texas,  his  coimtry.  Tliese  propositions  were  rejected  with 
soom.  In  Dec.  1844,  just  before  the  fall  of  Santa  Anna,  he  was  removed  from 
San  Juan  de  Ulda  and  allowed  to  remain  a  prisoner  at  large  in  Vera  Cruz, 
whence  he  escaped  Jan.  2d,  arriving  at  Galveston,  Feb.  3,  1845,  after  an 
absence  of  more  than  three  years  and  a  halt  On  his  return  he  was  elected 
delegate  to  the  convention  held  that  year,  to  decide  upon  the  question  of 
annexation,  and  was  afterward  senator  from  Be  jar  district  in  the  state 
congress.  He  died  in  his  native  city  in  1870.  Cordova*s  Tex.,  145-53: 
TkraU,5m. 

'^  Nor  did  the  Indians  fail  to  strike.  I  copy  the  following  from  the  memo- 
ramda  of  Anson  Jones  for  the  year  1840:  *  Austin,  March  13th.  Woke  up  at 
night  with  the  alarm  of  Indians.  The  suburbs  of  the  town  were  plundered 
of  all  the  horses,  and  Ward  and  Hedley  killed  and  scalped;  heara  the  cries 
of  the  latter  while  under  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  April  6th.  Constant 
alarms  of  Indians  and  Mexicans.     Our  wise  government  has  resolved  upon 

Hist.  Hex.  Btatbs,  Vol.  II.   '22. 


388  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATIOK. 

settlers,  who  would  populate  that  portion  of  the  ooan- 
try,  and  serve  as  a  protection  to  an  ever-extending 
frontier  of  civilization.  In  August,  the  town-lots  of 
the  new  capital  were  sold,  buildings  were  soon  erected, 
the  offices  of  the  government  were  transferred  thitiier, 
and  in  November  congress  assembled  in  a  hall  sur- 
rounded by  the  wilderness." 

During  the  administration  of  Lamar,  the  relationfi 
of  Texas  with  European  powers  wore  as  favorable  an 
aspect  as  could  possibly  be  expected.     While  Houston 
was  president.  General  J.  P.  Henderson  had  been  sent 
as  commissioner  to  London  and  Paris  to  obtain  an 
acknowledgment  of  her  independence.     The  British 
government  was  kindly  disposed  toward  the  new  re- 
public, inasmuch   as   it    was    plainly    foreseen  that 
Texas,  being  chiefly  an  agricultural  country,  her  people 
would  become  large  consumers  of  foreign  manufactures, 
while  her  capacity  for  the  production  of  raw  material, 
especially  cotton,  England's  great  demand,  was  im- 
mense.    Moreover,  the  known  tendency  of  the  Texans 
to  free-trade  principles  was  another  inducement  for 
that  great  power  to  hold  out  the  hand  of  friendship 
to  an  infant  nation  that  would  grow  robust  in  time. 
Great  Britain  desired  to  find  in  Texas  a  market  for 
her  merchandise,  "without  having  to  climb  over  the 
United  States  tariff.""     Henderson  therefore  experi- 
enced no  difficulty  in  making  a  commercial  treaty  in 
1838  with  the  British  government,  under  the  reserva- 
tion, however,  that  until  that  power  formally  recog- 
nized Texas,  it  would  consider  her  as  a  part  of  Mexico. 
In  November  of  the  same  year,  a  similar  treaty  wsu^ 
made  with  France,  but  without  the  reservation;  and 

fortifications  at  Austin.    June  12th.     Stood  guard  over  the  town  all  night' 
Itep.  Tex.,  38. 

"Austin  did  not  retain  her  eminence  as  the  capital  of  Texas  without  & 
struggle.  In  1872,  however,  that  city  was  proclaimed  by  popular  vote  the 
permanent  capital  of  the  state,  Austin  reoeiyug  63»297  votes,  Houston  35,  ISS, 
and  Waco  12,776.  TkraO,  20Q. 

»  These  are  Lord  Aberdeen's  words  to  Ashbel  Smith,  the!7e 
to  England  and  France  in  1842.  Smiih,  BemU$.  Jkc.  B^,  3& 


TREATIRB.  839 

in  September  1839,  the  treaty  was  ratified,  and  the 
independence  of  Texas  acknowledged  by  the  French 
government.  Owing  to  the  ridiculous  affair  before 
mentioned,*^  diplomatic  intercourse  was  soon  afterward 
suspended  between  the  two  nations  until  1842,  when 
friendly  relations  were  resumed. 

When  General  Hamilton  arrived  in  London  as  the 
Texan  representative,  he  negotiated  a  convention  with 
the  British  government,  in  which  it  was  stipulated 
that  Texas  should  assume  £1,000,000  of  the  debt  due 
by  Mexico  to  English  holders  of  her  bonds.  This 
convention,  as  well  as  the  commercial  treaty,  as  finally 
agreed  upon,  was  signed  in  Loudon  November  13, 
1840;  both  were  ratified  by  Texas  in  February  1841. 
The  treaty,  however,  met  with  much  opposition  by 
the  British  and  Foreign  Anti-slavery  Society,  which 
urgently  remonstrated  against  its  being  ratified  by 
the  English  government.  Ashbel  Smith,  the  Texan 
minister  to  London,  arrived  in  that  city  April  1842, 
bearing  the  ratified  copies  of  both  agreements,  which, 
after  some  delay,  were  exchanged  with  Lord  Aber- 
deen in  face  of  opposition,  a  treaty  granting  the  recip- 
rocal right  of  search  for  the  suppression  of  the  African 
slave  trade  having  been  first  exchanged."  The  inde- 
pendence of  Texas  was  thus  recognized  by  two  of  the 
greatest  powers  of  Europe.  It  remains  to  be  added 
that  Holland  and  Belgium  recognized  her  independence^ 


**The  particnlara  are  as  follows:  The  hones  of  M.  Saligny,  the  French 
iCTresentative  in  Texas,  were  fed  on  com.  The  pigs  l)eIonging  to  Mr  Bullock, 
a  notel-keqper,  intruded  into  the  stables  to  pick  up  the  corn  which  the  horses 
let  fall  to  the  ground.  One  of  ^M.  de  Saligny's  servants  killed  some  of  the 
Trigg.  Bullock  whipped  the  senrant.  This  enraged  M.  de  Saligny,  and  BuU 
lock  was  arrested  for  assault,  and  bound  over  to  answer  at  the  next  term  of 
the  district  court.  Affronted  soon  afterward  by  Bullock,  Salignv  demanded 
hJB  immediate  punishment,  and  a  warm  correspondence  between  him  and  the 
Texan  sea  of  state  followed.  Not  obtaining  the  satisfaction  he  wished,  the 
exasperated  Frenchman  demanded  his  passports  and  .left  his  post.  Oouoe's 
FtBC  MuL  Tex.,  110-11;  SfmOCs  Remind,  Tex,  Hep.^  32.'  Saligny  returned  to 
Texas  in  18^  Id.,  34» 

»Id,,  33,  38;  McdUard's  HiaL  Bep,  Tex,,  180-92,  411-29;  Nilea'  Beg,,  Ix. 
33,  177;  bdi.  337,  384;  Kemedy,  iL  353-4;  Bioera,  HinL  Jalapa,  iii.  615-16; 
BuMamamie^  CfabmOe  Jf«&,  iL  7-14;  Id.,  MS.,  iL  158-70,  183-i;  Bivero,  Mac 


940  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

in  1840,  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  the  former  country 
being  signed  at  The  Hague  September  18th  of  that 
year." 

While  Texas  was  thus  successful  in  obtaining  the 
acknowledgment  of  her  independence  by  foreign  na- 
tions, all  her  eflTorts  to  secure  the  same  from  Mexico 
failed.     In  1839,  the  Texan  government,  entertaining 
some  expectation  that  Mexico  would  be  inclined  to 
listen  to  proposals  for  peace,  sent  Bernard  E.  Bee,  as 
diplomatic  agent  to  that  government.     Bee  arrived 
at  Vera  Cruz  in  May,  where  he  remained  for  ten 
days,  pending  the  decision  of  the  government,  with 
regard  to  the   question  of  his  reception.     He  was 
courteously  treated  by  General  Victoria,  governor  of 
Vera  Cruz  during  his  stay  in  that  city.     The  Mexican 
authorities  finally  decided  not  to  receive  him,  and  he 
embarked  on  the  French  frigate,  La  Gloere,  bound  for 
Habana."     Texas,  however,  had  a  secret  agent  in  the 
Mexican  capital  who,  in  1840,  under  the  auspices  of 
Packenham,  the  English  minister  in  that  city,  suc- 
ceeded in  submitting  to  the  government  the  basis  of 
a  treaty  of  peace,     l^ackenham,  moreover,  offered  to 
act  as  mediator.     The  treaty  and  the  offer  were  alike 
rejected  by  Mexico.     In  1841  the  British  government, 
without  waiting  for  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  the 
mediation  convention,  officially  instructed  Packenham 
to  bring  before  the  Mexican  authorities  the  proffer  of 
Great  Britain,  to  mediate   between  that  power  and 
Texas,  and  Mr  Burnley,  provided  with  a  letter  of  in- 
troduction to  him  from  Lord  Palmerston,  proceeded 
to  Mexico  as  negotiator  on  the  part  of  Texas."     But 

"^The  Mexican  minister  of  foreign  relations  fonnd  fault  with  Holland  for 
not  having  previously  advised  the  Mexican  government  of  her  intentioiL 
Mex.f  Menu  Min.  BeL,  i.  doc.  13;  Diario  del  Gob.  Mex.,  Jan.  24,  1841,  p.  2. 

^  Bee's  letters  in  Niles'  Reg,,  Ivi.  242,  259,  273-4.  Victoria  waa  inatnicte<l 
to  say  to  Bee,  that  he  might  represent  to  him  the  object  of  his  mission  in 
writing,  not  in  any  public  character,  but  as  a  commissioner  of  tiie  revolted 
colonists  of  Texas.  If  the  object  was  to  ask  the  recognition  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  Texas,  Bee  waa  to  be  immediately  required  to  reembark. 
Jiivtra,  HisL  Jalapa,  418-19;  Bustamante,  GaUnete  Mex,,  ii.  7-8. 

^  James  Webb  was  also  sent  from  Texas  as  commissioner,  to  open  and 
conduct  the  negotiations.  He  was  not  received,  and  immediately  returned. 
Yoahan,  ii  318. 


PRESIDENTIAL  ELECnOK.  341 

Mexico  paid  no  more  heed  to  the  British  nation  than 
she  had  done  to  her  diplomatic  a^ent.  She  unhesi- 
tatingly declined  any  such  mediation,  refused  to  en- 
tertain the  question  of  peace,  unless  Texas  resigned 
her  claim  to  independent  sovereignty,  and  prepared 
for  war." 

In  September  1841,  the  presidential  election  was 
held,  by  which  General  Houston  was  a  second  time 
chosen  president,  receiving  7,915  votes  against  3,616 
cast  for  David  G.  Burnet,  Edward  Burleson  was 
elected  vice-president  with  6,161  votes,  his  compet- 
itor, Mennican  Hunt,  having  received  4,336. 

When  congress  met  in  November,  Lamar  opened 
his  message  with  congratulations  upon  the  prosperity 
of  the  country.  The  relations  with  Mexico  were  such 
that  he  advised  hostilities,  and  stated  that  he  had 
made  arrangements  to  send  the  Texan  navy  to  coop- 
erate with  the  government  of  Yucatan,  which  had 
lately  declared  her  independence  of  Mexico.  He  was 
opposed  to  a  military  invasion  of  the  enemy's  coimtry, 
but  advised  the  establishment  of  military  posts  west 
of  the  Nueces,  for  the  protection  of  that  portion  of 
Texas.  He  recommended  congress  to  take  into  con- 
sideration the  traffic  conducted  by  the  people  of  the 
western  frontier — a  trade  of  which  he  highly  approved; 
and  spoke  in  glowing  terms  of  the  probable  results  of 
the  Santa  F6  expedition.  In  his  sanguine  hopes,  he 
Already  saw  the  rich  resources  of  the  commerce  of 
New  Mexico  pouring  wealth  into  the  coffers  of 
Texas  I 

But  Lamar,  distinguished  though  he  was  for  his 
courage,  unquestioned  integrity,  and  pure  patriotism, 
utterly  failed  as  a  ruler;  and  when  he  retired  from 
the  presidency,  the  republic  was  in  a  dilapidated  con- 
dition. The  public  debt  had  been  increased  nearly 
four-fold,  and  the  public  credit  had  fallen  to  zero ;  by 

'•Oorostka,  Dkktmen,  1840,  mPop.  Far.,  212,  no.  8;  Rivera,  HiaL  Jaiapa, 
iii.  440;  BustamanU,  Oabinete  Mex.,  ii.  11-12;  Id.,  MS.,  iv.  17;  Niks'  Beq., 
lix.  195,  257;  Tmmg*8  HisL  Mex.,  305;  Otero,  Ohras,  MS.,  i.  313-7;  ii.  1^; 
Tex.  CoL  Doc,  no.  6,  in  Pmart'a  CoL  SnMe  Bemhtis.,  Tex,  Bep.,  38. 


342  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

his  savagism  as  displayed  in  the  extermhiatioa  creed, 
the  Indians  had  been  driven  to  the  highest  degree  of 
exasperation ;  the  balance  of  trade  was  heavily  on  the 
debit  side;^*  and  his  last  pet  scheme,  the  Santa  F^ 
expedition,  ended  in  a  climax  of  disaster. 

During  Lamar's  administration,  the  question  of  an- 
nexation to  the  United  States  lay  in  aoeyance.  As 
the  reader  is  aware,  he  was  violently  opposed  to  such 
a  union,  and  in  Texas  the  subject,  though  sometimes 
alluded  to,  was  apparently  dropped.  In  the  United 
States,  however,  it  was  not  only  discussed  by  the 
press,  but  was  brought  from  time  to  time  before 
congress.  The  application  for  admission  into  the  Union 
had  been  peremptorily  refused.  On  August  4,  1837, 
Mennican  Hunt,  the  Texan  envoy  to  Washington, 
addressed  a  letter  to  Forsyth,  the  American  secretary 
of  state,  making  a  proposition  for  annexation.  For- 
syth replied  on  the  25th,  rejecting  the  overture  in 
decided  terms,  and  the  subject  was  dismissed  without 
reserving  it  for  further  consideration.  The  govern- 
ment at  \Vashington  justly  maintained  that  so  long  as 
Texas  was  at  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  United  States 
at  peace  with  her,  annexation  would  constitute  a 
breach  of  treaty  with  Mexico,  not  only  dishonorable, 
but  also  certain  to  involve  the  United  States  in  war 
with  that  nation." 

The   labors  of  office  and    the    animadversions  to 
which  he  was  exposed,  induced  Lamar  to  apply  to 

^The  foUowing  table  of  imports  and  ezportB  is  obtained  from  Oimge$ 
Fiac  BisL  Tex.,  84, 128: 


Year  ending  Sept.  90,  1838 $1,740,376.87        $183,3i23.0» 

Year  ending  Sept.  1,  1839 1,606,897.67  274,61&0» 

Year  ending  Sept.  1,  1840 1,378^568.98  22a401.» 

$4,625,843.62        $678,24124 
Showing  a  balance  of  trade  for  these  three  years  against  the  repnbUc  of 
$3,947,600. 

^Copy  of  oorrespondence  in  ffun^s  Addras,  21-43;  U.  8.  H.  JB&  I>k.. 
26  ooag.,  1  sesB.,  Doc.  40;  and  Cong,  DebaU»,  1837,  xiv.,  app.  117-22.  For 
further  discussions  on  the  subject  in  the  U.  S.  congress,  see  H,  Esc  Doc., 
voL  iv.,  26  oong.,  2  sess..  Doc.  196;  £7.  8.  8€n,  Doe,,  26  cons.,  2  sees..  Doc 
50;  Congress  Globe,  1837-8,  p.  12,  25,  app.  555;  Id,,  18^9,  p.  18;  I<L, 
1839-40,  p.  274,  281,  541. 


BURNET,  ACTING  GOVERNOR.  343 

congress  for  permissioD  to  absent  himself;  and  his 
request  being  granted,  during  the  last  year  of  his 
term,  the  government  was  administered  by  Vice* 
President  Burnet." 

«  ThraU,  317.  From  Deo.  15,  1840  to  Feb.  8,  1841,  the*  acts  of  congreos 
are  approved  by  David  G.  Bamet»  after  which  date  no  signatores  are  at- 
tached to  the  acts  passed  in  the  copy  of  Ute  LauM  qf  the  lU^ubHc  of  Texcu  in 
my  posooosion,  <mly  the  word  'approved,'  with  the  date,  being  osed. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBUO. 

1841-1846. 

Houston's  Sboond  Admikiotbation— Reduction  of  Expenses— Yasqciz 
Takes  Bkjah— Ck)RRESPONDENOB  with  Santa  Anna— QpEBAnoNs  of 
Tira  Navy—The  Auchive  Wabt— Rkoulatobs  and  Modkratob3- 
Enoland's  Neutrality--Woll's  Inroad^Dawson's  Defeat— Someb- 
ville's  Dubious  Conduct— Battle  of  Miebt— Mexican  Gunx— The 
Charge  on  the  Guabd — ^A  Grdcvous  Mistake— The  Death-lottery 
.^The  Pbisonebs  at  Perote— Sniyelt's  Expedition— RoBi590!r'9 
DiPLOMAOT— The  Armistice— Rivalry  of  the  United  States  and  Eng- 
land— Anson  Jones  Elected  President- Houston's  Farewell  Mes- 
sage—His   Difficult    Position— Annexation— The    State  Coxsn- 


President  Houston  sent  in  his  message  to  congress 
December  13,  1841.  He  did  not  conceal  the  fiwrt 
that  his  administration  would  be  guided  by  a  policy 
diametrically  opposite  to  that  of  his  predecessor.  He 
deprecated  the  interference  on  the  part  of  Texas  in 
the  revolutionary  movements  in  Mexico,  and  recom- 
mended that  kindness  should  be  extended  to  that 
people,  and  an  armed  neutrality  maintained.  As  all 
overtures  for  peace  had  been  rejected  by  the  Mexican 
government,  no  further  eflfort  would  be  made  in  that 
direction.  On  the  subject  of  relations  with  the  Ind- 
ians, he  declared  his  policy  would  be  diflferent  from 
that  lately  pursued.  He  urged  the  establishment  of 
trading-posts  on  the  frontier,  each  protected  by  a 
garrison  of  twenty-five  men,  and  recommended  tiiat 
treaties  should  be  made  with  the  savages.  This  sys- 
tem, he  believed,  would  conciliate  them,  and  could  be 
carried  out  at  an  expense  of  less  than  one  quarter  of 
the  appropriations  that  had  been  made  in  the  attempt 

(844) 


PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  345 

to  exterminate  them.*  With  regard  to  the  deplorable 
financial  condition  of  the  republic,  he  remarked  that 
there  was  not  a  dollar  in  the  treasury;  the  nation  was 
"not  only  without  money,  but  without  credit,  and  for 
want  of  punctuality,  without  character/*  The  amount 
of  liabilities  had  not  been  ascertained,  but  he  advised 
a  total  suspension  of  the  redemption  of  the  national 
debt  until  such  time  as  the  government  could  redeem 
in  good  faith  those  liabilities  which  it  ought  to  redeem. 
To  sustain  the  government,  the  president  recommended 
the  reduction  of  taxes  by  one  half,  and  that  all  taxes 
and  customs  should  be  paid  in  specie  or  paper  at  par 
value.  He  then  expressed  himself  in  favor  of  a  new 
issue  of  exchequer  buls  to  the  amount  of  $350,000,  for 
the  redemption  of  which  he  proposed  that  1,000,000 
acres  of  the  Cherokee  country  should  be  reserved.  He 
also  suggested  raising  a  loan  of  $300,000  on  the  public 
domain. 

Acting  upon  the  president's  suggestion,  congress, 
on  January  19,  1842,  authorized  him  to  issue  exche- 
quer bills  to  the  amount  of  $200,000,  the  law  further 
providing  that  only  gold,  silver,  and  such  bills  should 
be  received  in  payment  of  duties  and  taxes,  and  that 
when  the  bills  returned  to  the  treasury,  they  should 
be  cancelled.  But  this  paper  soon  suffered  the  same 
fate  as  the  treasury  notes,  or  red-backs  as  they  were 
called  from  the  color  of  the  paper.  The  same  act 
declared  that  the  treasury  notes  were  no  longer  re- 
ceivable in  payment  of  public  dues,  and  no  one  could 
assert  that  congress  would  not  adopt  a  similar  meas- 
ure with  regard  to  the  new  issue.  The  consequence 
was  that  the  bills  sank  rapidly  to  thirty-three  cents, 
and  before  the  end  of  the  year  to  twenty-five  cents.' 

As  long  as  Texas  had  been  able  to  borrow,  she  bor- 

^  See  note  6,  this  chapter. 

'A  special  aeflsion  of  con^preas  was  convened  June  27,  1S42,  and  on  July 
23d  an  act  was  passed  requiring  the  collectors  of  revenue  to  receive  exchequer 
bills  only  at  the  cnirent  rate  at  which  they  were  sold  in  the  market.  Tex.^ 
Laws  Rep,  J  1S42,  4.  This  measure,  however,  did  not  cause  them  to  rise  much 
in  value.     Consult  ChMa  F%9C  HisL  Toe,  116-19. 


846  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBUC. 

rowed,  and  as  long  as  her  paper  was  of  any  value  at 
all,  she  issued  it  and  lived  on  the  proceeds,  no  matter 
how  ruinous  the  rate.  But  at  the  close  of  Lamar's 
administration,  the  treasury  notes  had  sunk  to  fifteen 
and  twenty  cents  in  the  dollar,'  and  though  economy 
was  regarded  with  no  high  favor  by  the  Texans,  it 
became  evident  that  retrenchment  was  the  only  re- 
course left.  Under  the  first  administration  of  Hous- 
ton, the  salaries  of  the  president  and  all  members  of 
the  government  had  been  fixed  exorbitantly  high, 
while  a  great  number  of  superfluous  offices  had  been 
created.  To  do  away  with  this  extravagance — ^ridic- 
ulous in  a  nation  whose  Anglo-Saxon  population  did 
not  amount  to  100,000* — congress  passed  a  law  De- 
cember 11, 1841,  abolishing  many  offices,  and  reducing 
salaries  to  less  than  one  half.^  This  was  striking  at 
the  root  of  the  evil,  and  produced  effect.  The  system 
of  economy,  moreover,  was  practised  in  all  branches, 
as  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that,  according  to  the  best 
accounts  to  be  gathered,  the  payments  made  by  the 
treasurer  during  Lamar's  administration  amounted  to 
$4,855,215,  whue  during  the  three  years  of  Houston's 
second  term,  they  only  amounted  to  $493,175,  and 
$17,907  disbursed  on  account  of  mail  service  and  tax 


*The  passage  of  the  Exchequer  Bill  act  deprived  them  of  what  little  raiuc 
they  had.  They  rapidly  fell  to  ten,  five,  four,  and  two  cents  in  the  dollar, 
till  finally  no  price  at  all  could  be  obtained  for  them  in  many  parts  of  Texas. 

*  Kennedy,  ii.  390,  who  published  his  work  in  1841,  whUe  admitting  the 
difficulty  of  forming  a  close  estimate,  fixed  the  average  of  the  Anglo-Ameri- 
can population  at  200,000.  Foumel  gives  480,000  as  the  total  population  in 
1840.  Both  of  these  estimates  are  far  beyond  the  mark.  Ciiu>  tfOeU,  41. 
MaiUard,  who,  as  Adibel  Smith  says,  '  published  a  voluminous  libel  of  SCO 
or  600  pages  on  Texas,  its  climate,  its  producticms,  and  its  people,'  i^evn.  Tex. 
Bep.,  38,  places  the  number  of  the  Anglo-Americans  at  about  54,088;  that  of 
the  Indians  at  80,000;  and  of  the  negroes  at  10,000  to  12,000;  in  aU,  1^068. 
Hist.  Rep,  Tex.,  202-4.  Thrall,  page  316,  says  the  whole  popolatioa  was 
less  than  50,000  at  this  time.  In  1m7  the  first  csobus  was  tak^  showing  a 
total  of  135,775,  exclusive  of  Indians.  Of  that  number,  100,506  were  whites, 
35,267  slaves,  and  ten  free  negroes. 

^The  president's  salary  was  reduced  to  15,000  per  annum;  vice-presidsnt, 
to  $1,000;  members  of  the  cabinet,  to  $1,600;  attVgen.^  to $1,000;  com.  goi. 
land-office,  to  $1,200;  treasurer,  comptroller,  ana  auditor,  to  $1,000.  The 
chief  justice  was  to  receive  $1,750  instead  of  $5^000  as  hentofore;  and  so  on 
in  proportion.  Tex,  Laws  Rep.,  6  cong.,  13*14.  CSonsolt  act  of  Dec  9,  1836, 
/i.,  i  6^70,  and  chap,  xii.,  this  volume. 


ANNEXATION.  847 

coflecting/  It  is  true  that  the  limit  of  credit  had 
been  reached,  and  that  Houston  could  not  obtain  the 
money  to  spend  which  his  predecessor  had  commanded ; 
but  it  is  equally  true  that  Lamar  carried  his  paper- 
money  principle  to  the  height  of  extravagance,  and 
rode  his  horse  to  death. 

One  of  the  arguments  used  by  the  advocates  of 
annexation  was  the  failure  of  Mexico  to  attempt  to  re- 
conquer Texas.  For  six  yeitrs,  they  said  no  hostile 
army  had  invaded  the  territory,  and  the  war  might 
be  considered  as  virtually  ended,  though  no  formal 
recognition  had  been  made  by  Mexico,  her  inactivity 
displayed  an  indifference  which  had  all  the  appearance 
of  a  tacit  acknowledgment  that  she  considered  re- 
conquest  impossible.  In  order,  therefore,  to  main- 
tain her  claim,  it  became  necessaiy  to  make  some 
military  demonstration,  and  at  the  close  of  1841  prep- 
arations were  made  to  invade  Texas.  On  January  9, 
1842,  General  Arista  issued  a  proclamation  from  his 
headquarters  at  Monterey,  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Texas,  in  which  he  stated  that  the  Mexican  nation 

*Oottge,  tU  9Hp,,  126-7.  Toakam,  ii.  340-1,  supplies  a  comparative  state- 
■leiit  of  the  salaries  paid  the  officers  employed  at  the  seat  of  government  in 
ibe  years  1840-2,  made  oat  b^  James  B.  Shaw,  comptroller,  Dec.  16,  1842. 
As  the  figures  show  an  astonishiiig  retrenchment,  I  reproduce  them: 

1840 1174,200 

1841 173,606 

1842 82,800 

The  Hune  comptroller  exhibited  a  statement  dated  March  20,  1854,  showing 
tiie  expenses  incurred  by  the  republic  in  protecting  her  frontier  against  the 
Indians  during  the  years  1837-44  inclusive.  Toalnim,  ii.  282,  compiled  the 
fiAkfwmg  table  from  it: 

|g(  Houston's  first  term  )  •.^O.OOO 

$190,000 

1839  ^  (  $1,430,000 

1840  Y  Lamar's  term  i     1,027,319 

1841  I  \         95,000 


)  (  $1,430,0 

y  Lamar's  term                         -[     1,027,3 

j  I         95.C 

$2,66t^a 

1  (    $20,C 

V  Houston's  second  term                  <      66,S 

j  I      17,1 


$104,092 


8i8  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

would  never  consent  to  the  separation  of  the  territoiy, 
and  that  it  was  only  owing  to  the  civil  wars  in 
Mexico,  that  revolutionary  men  had  compelled  them 
to  constitute  themselves  as  an  independent  nation. 
He  solemnly  declared  that  Mexico  was  determined  to 
recover  her  rights  through  the  only  means  left  her, 
namely,  persuasion  or  war.  After  stating  that  hos- 
tilities would  only  be  directed  against  those  who  sus- 
tained and  fought  to  maintain  the  Texan  nationality, 
he  called  upon  the  people  to  reflect  and  consider  their 
own  interests,  and  to  return  to  their  allegiance/ 

On  March  5th,  General  Rafael  Vasquez  appeared 
before  San  Antonio  de  Bejar,  at  the  head  of  500  men,* 
The  Texan  force  stationed  there  was  too  small  to  cope 
with  the  enemy,  and  evacuated  the  town  when  the  sur- 
render of  it  was  demanded.  Having  taken  possession 
of  the  place,  hoisted  the  Mexican  nag,  and  declared 
the  Mexican  laws  to  be  In  force,  Vasquez  on  the  7th 
departed.'  About  the  same  time  small  forces  of 
Mexicans  occupied  Refugio  and  Groliad,  but  likewise 
soon  retired. 

This  inroad,  which  was  intended  as  nothing  more 
than  a  mere  demonstration  by  Mexico  in  support  of 
her  rights,  thoroughly  roused  the  Texans.  Un  the 
10th  of  March,  Houston  issued  a  proclamation  calling 
upon  all  citizens  subject  to  military  duty,  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  to  repair  to  the  scene  of  ac- 
tion in  the  event  of  a  formidable  invasion ;  and  on 
the  21st  of  the  same  month  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
Santa  Anna,  which  was  extensively  circulated  m 
Europe  and  the  United  States,  and  even  published 
in  Spanish  in  Yucatan,  whence  copies  found  their 
way   into  Mexico/*     Houston  was  instigated  to  ad- 

'  Tranfilation  of  proclamation  in  NHjta^  Beg.,  Ixii.  67. 

^  Yoakum  says  about  700  men, — ^ij  349, — but  Arista  reporting  to  the 
comandante  ffeneral  at  Chihuahua,  gives  the  number  in  ^he  text.  Veto  dt 
Son,,  April  15,  1842,  i.,  no.  9,  p.  34. 

^BuBtamante,  HigL  Scania  Atma,  49-^;  Id.,  Dkuio  Mex.,  MS.,  109,  127; 
El  Sigh,  xix.,  March  30,  1842;  Diarh,  Gob,  Mex,,  Maich  19,  1S42;  Toai^ 
ii.  349-50. 

^  Besides  beins  published  in  pamphlet  form  it  is  reproduced  in  M,  ii- 
644-n58;  Houston,  Life  qf,  211-24;  and  elsawhero. 


MEXICO  INBIGNANT.  349 

dress  the  Mexican  president  bv  the  perusal  of  certain 
correspondence  which  had  lately  passed  between 
Santa  Anna,  and  Bernard  E.  Bee  and  General  Ham- 
ilton, and  to  which  his  notice  had  been  called.  These 
agents  of  Texas  had  written  to  Santa  Anna  on  their 
own  responsibility.  Bee's  main  object  was  to  pro- 
cure good  treatment  of  the  Santa  F6  prisoners ;  but 
he  urged  that  that  expedition  afforded  an  opportunity 
of  again  discussing  the  question  of  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  Texas,  and  somewhat  imprudently  asserted  that 
Mexico  would  never  be  able  to  conquer  Texas  except 
in  defiance  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  law  of  na- 
tions. All  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, he  said,  would  march  upon  Texas  as  soon  as 
they  heard  that  she  was  invaded.  Hamilton's  com- 
munication contained  a  proposal  that  a  treaty  of  peace 
and  limitation  should  be  entered  into,  on  the  basis  of 
an  indemnification  of  $5,000,000  being  paid  to  Mexico, 
and  $200,000  to  the  secret  agents  of  the  Mexican 
government.  Santa  Anna  was  professedly  very  in- 
dignant at  these  letters,  especially  that  of  Hamilton." 
In  no  measured  terms  he  expressed  his  profound  dis- 
gust that  a  proposition  should  be  made  to  him  for 
"the  sale  of  Texas  and  the  acquisition  of  infamy."  It 
was  a  miscalculation,  he  said,  and  an  audacity ;  and 
the  offer  of  $200,000  for  the  secret  agents  of  the 
Mexican  government  was  "  an  insult  and  infamy  un- 
worthy of  a  gentleman."  Having  thus  given  vent  to 
his  virtuous  indignation,  Santa  Anna  asserted  that 
Mexico  would  not  vary  her  hostile  attitude  until  she 
had  planted  her  eagle  standard  on  the  banks  of  the 
Sabine.  Santa  Anna  had  but  lately  emerged  from 
his  retreat,  and  again  won  his  way  to  the  chief 
magistracy  of  the  nation.  Hamilton's  proposal  af- 
forded him  a  convenient  weapon  with  which  to 
destroy  the  bad  impression  caused  by  his  previous 
conduct  with  regard  to  Texas,  and  deaden  his  coun- 
trymen's remembrance  of  his  readiness  to  barter  that 

^Copy  of  the  correspondenoe  will  be  found  in  I^iles*  Beg.,  Ixii.  48-51. 


MO  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBUC. 

province  for  his  life.  Nor  did  he  fail  to  make  use  of 
it.  Though  Hamilton's  letter  was  marked  coafideD- 
tial,  he  caused  it  to  be  published,  together  with  hifl 
reply,  February  18,  1842. 

Houston,  in  his  letter  above  alluded  to,  says:  **You 
appear  to  have  seized  upon  the  flimsy  pretext  of  con- 
fidential communications,  unknown  to  the  officers  of 
this  government,  and  uiJknown  to  the  world  until  di- 
vulged by  you  for  the  purpose  of  manufacturing  popu- 
larity at  home."  He  recapitulates  the  circumstances 
mider  which  the  Anglo- Americans  were  invited  to 
settle  in  Texas,  and  the  causes  which  had  led  them  to 
assert  their  freedom.  Having  contrasted  the  enormi- 
ties of  Santa  Anna  with  the  clemency  experienced  by 
him  at  the  hands  of  the  Texan  authorities,  and  caDing 
attention  to  the  desire  for  peace  which  Texas  had 
shown,  he  adds:  "You  continue  aggression;  you  will 
not  accord  us  peace.  We  will  have  it" ;  and  concludes 
with  a  piece  of  counter  bombast:  "  Ere  the  banner  of 
Mexico  shall  triumphantly  float  on  the  banks  of  the 
Sabine,  the  Texan  standard  of  the  shigle  star,  borne 
by  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  shall  display  its  bright  folds 
in  liberty's  triumph  on  the  isthmus  of  Darien." 

On  March  26th,  the  president  issued  a  proclama- 
tion declaring  all  the  Mexican  ports  on  the  eastern 
coast  from  Tabasco,  including  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Grande  and  the  BrasK>s  Santiago,  to  be  in  a  state  of 
blockade.  And  here  it  is  necessary  to  give  some  ac- 
count of  the  condition  of  the  Texan  navy  and  its  op- 
erations. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  first  congress 
authorized  "  the  purchase  of  a  certain  number  of  war 
vessels.  A  contract  was  made,  November  1838,  with 
Frederick  Dawson  of  Baltimore,  who,  in  the  months 
of  June,  August,  and  October  1839,  delivered  to  the 
Texan  government   the   schooners  San  Jacinto,  San 

>'Noy.  18,  1836;  does  not  seem  to  have  been  acted  upon,  am  another  om 
was  passed  Kov.  i,  1837,  providing  for  the  purchase  of  a  500-ton  ship  mooni- 
ing  18  gnns,  two  SOO-ton  brics,  12  gnns  each,  and  three  130-toii  eohoooen,  ^ 
gons  each.  Tex,  Laws  Rep,,  iL  lS-14. 


THE  NAVY.  351 

^Tifemio,  and  Scm  Benmrd,  each  mounting  5  guns ;  the 
sloop-of-war  Austin^  20  guns,  and  the  brigs  Colorado 
and  Dolphin.  Greneral  Hamilton  also  purchased  for 
the  government,  in  March  of  the  same  year,  the 
steamship  Zavala,  mounting  8  guns."  In  Jime  1840, 
this  naval  force,  with  the  exception  of  the  CohradOy 
was  sent  to  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  which  state,  and 
that  of  Tabasco,  had  revolted  against  the  central  gov- 
ernment. The  Texan  authorities  were  therefore  de- 
sirous of  ascertaining  the  feelings  of  these  states  toward 
Texas.  After  their  visit  to  Yucatan,  the  vessels  were 
ordered  to  cruise  about  the  eastern  coast  of  Mexico 
and  annoy  her  commerce.  As  the  Mexican  navy  had 
been  destroyed  by  the  French,  the  Texans  at  this 
time  were  masters  on  the  sea,  and  Houston  was  justi- 
fied in  proclaiming  the  blockade.  In  May  1841,  Yu- 
catan proclaimed  her  independence,  and  in  September 
sent  Colonel  Martin  Francisco  Peraza  as  envoy  to 
Texas  to  arrange  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance 
against  Mexico.  Arrangements  were  soon  concluded, 
Texas  engaging  to  furnish  a  naval  squadron  for  the 
protection  of  the  coast  and  commerce  of  Yucatan, 
while  the  latter  agreed  to  pay  its  expenses  in  part 
during  the  time  it  operated  against  the  common 
enemy.'*  In  the  autumn  of  that  year,  the  greater 
portion  of  the  Texan  navy  sailed  to  Yucatan.  The 
vessels  returned  in  May  1842,  and  were  ordered  to 
New  Orleans  and  Mobile  to  undergo  repairs,  prepara- 
tory to  enforcing  the  blockade.  While  in  the  Missis- 
sippi, a  mutiny  occurred  on  board  the  San  AntoniOy 
and  several  of  the  ringleaders  were  hanged  at  the 
yard-arm.  In  August  of  the  same  year,  that  vessel 
was  sent  to  Yucatan  to  collect  dues  from  the  govern- 
ment of  that  seceded  state,  but  was  never  heard  of 
afterward.     It  is  believed  that  she  foundered  at  sea 


^Xhe  cost  of  this  navy  was  nearly  $800,000,  which  were  paid  in  govern- 
snt  bonds.  RepoH  of  Sec  o/the  Navy,  Nov.  8,  1839;   Yoakum,  ii.  272. 
^*Rwera,  HiaL  Jalapa,  iii  440-1,  514-15;  Baqueiro,  Ensayo   Yuc,  42-6; 
FiK.  Manifieato,  16-37;  NOes'  Beg,,  Ui  66,  131,  196. 


352  END  OP  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

and  all  hands  perished.  After  the  president  had  is- 
sued his  proclamation  of  blockade,  he  sent  instructions 
to  Commodore  Moore  to  sail  to  Galveston  for  orders. 
Moore  failed  to  report,  and  Houston  sent  a  message 
to  congress,  which  having  been  discussed  in  secret 
session,  an  act  was  secretly  passed,  January  16,  1843, 
authorizing  the  sale  of  the  navy.  Moore,  however, 
refused  to  deliver  the  vessels  up  to  the  commissioners 
sent  to  receive  them,  and  went  with  the  Austin  and 
Wharton — originally  named  the  Dolphin — on  a  cruise 
off  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  with  the  consent  of  the  com- 
missioner. Colonel  Morgan,  who  accompanied  him. 
The  president  thereupon  issued,  March  23d,  a  proc- 
lamation declaring  Moore  suspended,  and  his  future 
actions  piratical.  The  naval  officers  of  all  friendly 
governments  were  requested  to  seize  him  and  the  two 
vessels,  and  bring  them  with  their  crews  into  the  port 
of  Gal  ^eston.  This  proclamation  created  a  great  sen- 
sation in  Texas,  and  the  press  passed  numerous  com- 
ments on  it,  most  of  which  were  unfavorable  to 
Houston  and  violent  in  language."  The  fact  is,  that 
the  popular  sympathies  were  with  the  suspended 
commodore,  who  had  assumed  responsibilities  witli 
regard  to  the  expenses  of  the  navy  incurred  at  New 
Orleans.  Moore  pledged  himself  not  to  leave  that 
port  until  he  could  pay  for  provisions  and  repairs. 
When  the  Texan  government  failed  to  furnish  him 
with  funds,  he  considered  that  in  honor  he  was  bound 
not  to  leave  until  the  debts  were  paid,  and  consi- 
quently  disregarded  repeated  orders  from  his  govern- 
ment to  proceed  to  Galveston.  On  the  arrival  of  the 
commissioners,  James  Morgan  and  William  Bryan, 
the  former  was  so  impressed  with  Moore's  explanation 
that  when  the  government  of  Yucatan  offered  pecu- 
niary aid  on  the  understanding  that  Moore  should 
repair  to  the  port  of  Campeachy,  and  afford  relief  to 
the  revolutionists,  who  were  then  besieged  by  a  Mex- 
ican army,  he  not  only  consented  that  the  commodore 

I'^See  Niles'  Beg.,  Ixiv.  229-31. 


THE  ARCHIVE  WAR.  353 

should  sail  thither  before  going  to  Galveston,  but  also 
accompanied  him.  The  operations  of  the  Texan  navy 
before  Campeachy  were  crowned  with  success,  the 
enemy's  land  batteries  being  destroyed,  and  his  war- 
vessels  damaged,  and  driven  from  that  water.  Moore 
then  sailed  to  Galveston,  whose  people  presently  be- 
came greatly  exasperated  when  it  leaked  out  that 
congress  had  passed  an  act  for  the  sale  of  the  navy. 
Popular  feeling  was  so  strong  that  the  sale  was  not 
attempted,  and  the  act  was  repealed  February  5, 1844, 
and  authority  given  to  the  secretary  of  war  and  marine 
to  lay  the  vessels  up  in  ordinary."  When  the  annex- 
ation was  effected  in  the  following  year,  the  remaining 
vessels,  four  in  number,  were  transferred  to  the  navy 
of  the  United  States,  and  in  March  1857,  an  appro- 
priation was  made  for  the  pay  granted  the  surviving 
oflScers  for  five  years  from  the  time  of  annexation, 
provided  that  all  claim  to  any  position  in  the  United 
States  navy  was  relinquished." 

When  Vasquez  occupied  San  Antonio,  much  alarm 
was  felt  for  the  safety  of  Austin  and  the  government 
archives,  especially  the  records  of  the  general  land- 
office.  The  president,  to  the  indignation  of  the  in- 
habitants of  that  city,  removed  his  cabinet  to  Houston, 
where  congress  held  the  special  session  convened  June 
27,  1842.  But  the  exasperation  of  the  people  of  Aus- 
tin was  so  great  that  they  determined  to  hold  pos- 
session of  the  archives.  A  vigilance  committee  was 
formed,  the  records  were  encased  in  boxes,  and  a  guard 
placed  over  them.  A  force,  moreover,  was  organized 
at  Bastrop  to  patrol  the  roads,  and  prevent  the  pas- 
sage of  any  wagons  containing  government  archives. 

'•The  navy  at  that  time  consisted  of  the  Austin,  the  WharUm^  Arthtr — 
formerly  the  Colorado — and  the  San  Bernard,  the  other  vessels  having  been 
wrecked.  Tex,  Law  Rep.,  8  cong.,  116;  NUes'  Reg,  Ixiv.,  1,  18,  51,  97,  117, 
131,  146,  ieO-1,  192,  20^-10,  229-31,  256,  260-1,  293,  320,  336,  339,  354,  384, 
404;  Jfez.  Menu,  Owrra  y  Mar,,  1844,  15-16,  98;  Robmaon's  Mex,,  259-61; 
ThrcUl,  339-40. 

»  Qmff.  Olobe,  1856>7,  app.  427;  U.  S.  Sen,  Miac,  oong.  35,  seas.  1,  ii  doo.. 
132. 

Hist.  Mix.  Statks,  Vol.  II.  28. 


354  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

On  December  10,  1842,  Houston  gave  instructions  to 
Captain  Thomas  I.  Smith  to  raise  a  company  secretly, 
and  bring  the  most  necessary  books  and  documents  to 
Washington,  where  congress  was  to  convene  in  regu- 
lar session  that  month.  Smith,  having  avoided  the 
patrols  by  taking  a  circuitous  route,  entered  Austin 
in  the  night  of  December  30th,  and  succeeded  in  load- 
ing three  wagons  with  archive  matter.  This  step  on 
the  part  of  the  president  was  a  surprise  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Austin,  and  Smith  hastened  back,  after  hav- 
ing been  fired  upon  without  effect  by  Captain  Mark 
B.  Lewis,  who  having  rallied  a  volunteer  company, 
and  procured  a  cannon  from  the  arsenal,  fired  it  at 
the  intruders.  Having  reached  Kinney's  fort,  on 
Brushy  creek,  Smith  encamped,  but  on  the  following 
morning  discovered  that  Lewis,  with  his  cannon 
pointed,  had  taken  a  position  in  front.  After  some 
parley.  Smith  agreed  to  take  back  the  wagons  to  Aus- 
tin. This  affair  has  been  called  the  Archive  War. 
No  further  attempt  was  made  to  remove  the  records; 
the  people  of  Austin  retained  possession  of  them  till 
1845,  when,  on  the  occasion  of  the  annexation  con- 
vention being  summoned  to  meet  in  July,  they  deliv- 
ered them  over  to  the  administration  of  Anson  Jones, 
on  condition  that  the  convention  should  assemble  at 
Austin." 

During  the  second  administration  of  Houston,  Texas 
was  greatly  agitated  by  what  has  been  called  the  war 
of  the  Regulators  and  Moderators.  The  first  out- 
break occurred  in  1842.  The  reader  will  not  fail  to 
remember  that  in  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century  the  "neutral  ground"  became  the  asylum  of 
adventurers  and  desperate  men,  who  can  only  be  classi- 
fied as  marauders  and  fugitives  from  j  ustice.  Although, 
in  the  course  of  events,  these  land  buccaneers  had  been 
suppressed  with  regard  to  their  banditti  organization," 

»/(i.,  322-6;  Morpfds,  Hist.  Tcjc.,  436-7. 
^See  pages  16  and  20  of  this  volume. 


REGULATOBS  AND  MODERATORS  365 

their  social  element  still  prevailed  on  the  northeastern 
border.  As  immigrants  flocked  into  Texas,  ill-feeling 
was  developed,  which  culminated  in  hostilities.  The 
county  of  Shelby  was  the  main  scene  of  action.  The 
land  commissioners  in  that  county  found  a  profitable 
business  in  issuing  forged  "head-right"  certificates, 
and  it  became  a  focus  for  such  illegal  operations  in  the 
surrounding  districts.  The  holders  of  such  certificates 
were  not  men  inclined  to  give  up  land  which  they  had 
settled  upon.  In  1842,  one,  Charles  W.  Jackson,  a 
fugitive  from  justice,  arrived  in  Shelby  county  from 
Louisiana,  and  ofifered  himself  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Texan  congress.  Being  defeated,  he  undertook  to 
expose  the  land  frauds,  declaring  that  his  defeat  was 
owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  party  connected  with 
them.  Having  notified  the  general  land-office  of  the 
illegal  proceedings  which  had  taken  place,  Jackson 
received  an  intimation  from  Joseph  Goodbread  that, 
if  he  did  not  desist  from  interfering,  his  life  would  be 
taken.  Whereupon  the  former,  while  presenting  his 
reply,  shot  the  latter  dead  in  the  town  of  Shelby villc. 
Great  excitement  followed ;  Jackson  was  called  to  trial ; 
the  court  was  thronged  by  armed  men,  and  the  judge 
failed  to  appear.  The  fugitive  from  Louisiana  now 
organized  his  party,  and  formed  a  society  which  as- 
sumed the  name  of  Regulators.  The  operations  of 
this  society  were  somewhat  arbitrary,  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  many  honest  men  lost  their  lands,  and  the 
prospective  fruit  of  their  industry.  Opposition  there- 
fore appeared.  A  society  which  styled  itself  the 
Moderators  was  organized,  and  a  kind  of  vendetta 
warfare  was  carried  on  for  three  years.  Matters 
finally  assmned  so  serious  an  aspect  that  the  two  fac- 
tions drew  up  in  battle-front  against  each  other.  The 
executive  now  interfered.  The  country  was  threat- 
ened  with  civil  war,  and  Houston  ordered  General 
Smith  to  raise  a  militia  force,  and  put  a  stop  to  this 
internecine  struggle.  With  about  500  men.  Smith 
marched  to  the  scene  of  action,  finding  the  opposing 


366  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

forces  in  front  of  each  other.  By  the  exercise  of 
prudence  and  good  judgment,  he  induced  the  belliger- 
ents to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  submit  to  the  laws 
of  the  republic;**  but  for  some  years  afterward,  the 
spirit  developed  by  this  clash  of  interests  found  ex- 
pression in  many  a  homicide. 

In  August,  1842,  the  British  government  declared 
its  intention  to  remain  neutral  during  the  struggle  of 
Texas  for  independence,  and  prohibited  English  sea- 
men from  serving  in  the  cause  of  Mexico.  In  April 
of  the  same  year,  Ashbel  Smith,  minister  to  England 
and  France,  discovered  that  two  heavily  armed  war- 
ships were  being  constructed  in  England  for  the  Mexi- 
can government,  the  Guadcdupe  and  the  Montezuma. 
On  representations,  forcibly  expressed  by  the  Texan 
representative,  these  vessels  were  forbidden  to  leave 
port  in  an  armed  condition,  or  carrying  ammunition  of 
war.  British  officers,  captains  Cleveland  and  Charle- 
wood  of  the  English  navy,  had  been  appointed  to 
command  them,  and  the  vessels  were  principally 
manned  by  British  seamen.  With  some  tardiness  the 
British  government  yielded  to  the  energetic  remon- 
strances of  Ashbel  Smith,"  caused  the  vessels  to  dis- 
charge their  recruits  and  armament,  and  notified  the 
above-mentioned  captains  that  if  they  took  part  in 
operations  against  Texas  their  names  would  be  stricken 
from  the  rolls  of  her  Majesty's  service.  The  Mdiie- 
ziiTML  and  Guadalupe  sailed  to  the  Mexican  coast,  and 
were  roughly  handled  by  Commodore  Moore  off  the 
shore  of  x  ucatan. 


T  particulars  of  this  war  of  the  Regulators  and  Modeiaton  irill 
Yoakum,  ii.  437-40,  where  notice  wiU  be  found  of  Moorman  kill- 


"•Further 
be  found  in 

ing  Bradley  at  the  church  door  of  San  Augustine  at  the  close  of  divine  ser- 
vice, in  the  summer  of  1844.  During  the  hostilities  at  this  time,  about  50 
persons  were  killed  or  wounded.  Moorman  was  killed  by  Bums  two  or  three 
years  afterward  as  he  was  crossing  the  Sabine.  Id.,  DtfewsoT  FnUg.  Nae,,  Oct 
23,  1844,  3;  Todd's  Sketch,  MS. 

'^By  act  69,  George  lU.,  discretionary  powers  were  conferred  on  the 
privy  council  relative  to  British  naval  officers  entering  tiie  service  of  a  for- 
eign pbwer.  For  general  particulars  consult  SmUh,  Bern,  Tex,  Sep,,  34-5, 
39-40;  ffanaard's  Pari  Bedrd,  Ixv.  964-5. 


AFFAIRS  WITH  MEXICO.  367 

President  Houston,  in  his  message  to  congress  in 
June  1842,  did  not  take  the  responsibility  of  advis- 
ing an  invasion  of  Mexico.  Though  he  did  not  be- 
lieve that  any  formidable  mvasion  would  ever  be 
accomplished  by  Mexico,  he  felt  convinced  that  every 
impediment  would  be  interposed  to  the  j)eace  and 
prosperity  of  the  frontiers,  and  urged  congress  to 
adopt  measures  for  their  protection.  Congress,  how- 
ever, passed  a  bill  authorizing  an  offensive  war  against 
Mexico.  As  the  carrying  out  of  such  a  measure 
would  require  at  least  5,000  troops,  and  it  was  im- 
possible to  devise  means  for  the  payment  of  so  large 
a  body,  the  president  vetoed  the  bill, — a  proceeding 
which  brought  out  strong  feeUng  against  him.  Early 
in  July  General  Davis  on  the  Nueces  was  attacked 
by  Canales  with  700  men,  500  of  whom  were  cavalry. 
The  former,  however,  repulsed  the  enemy,  though  he 
had  only  192  volunteers.  Two  months  later  General 
WoU  took  possession  of  San  Antonio,  September 
11th,  after  some  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Anglo- 
Texan  citizens.  After  some  parley  the  Texans,  fifty- 
two  in  number,  surrendered  on  condition  that  they 
should  be  treated  with  all  the  consideration  of  prison- 
ers of  war.  WolVs  force  was  nearly  1,000  men, 
twelve  of  whom  were  killed  and  twenty-nine  wounded. 
The  Texans  sustained  no  casualties  whatever.^' 

When  it  became  known  in  Gonzalez  that  Bdjar  was 
again  occupied  by  the  Mexicans,  a  force  of  about  220 
men,  under  Colonel  Mathew  Caldwell  assembled  in 
the  Salado  bottom,  about  six  miles  east  of  the  town. 
A  good  position  was  taken  up  in  a  thick  wood,  and 
Captain  John  C.  Hayes  sent  forward  with  his  mounted 
company  to  draw  out  the  enemy.  The  ruse  was  suc- 
cessful,   a   strong    body   of  cavalry   advanced   upon 

°  Oretiis  Journal^  29-30.  WoU  in  hia  report  says,  that  his  loss  was  one 
killed  and  20  wounded,  that  of  the  Texans  12  killed,  3  wounded,  and  52 
priaonem.  Expedic  hecha  en  T^jas,  15,  35;  also  20-1,  where  a  list  of  the  names 
of  the  prisoners  will  be  found,  and  among  tliem  those  of  the  district  judge, 
of  lawyers,  physicians,  surgeons,  and  other  civilians.  According  to  WoU  a 
number  of  combatants  escaped. 


358  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

Hayes  who  retreated  toward  the  main  body.  Woll 
presently  came  up  with  the  remainder  of  his  forces 
and  maintained  a  fight  for  about  an  hour,  losing  many 
men  in  killed  and  wounded..  Meantime  a  company  of 
53  Texans,  from  Fayette  coimty  under  command  of 
Nicolas  Dawson,  hastened  to  the  assistance  of  Cald- 
well, and  being  perceived  by  the  enemy  on  their 
approach,  were  presently  surrounded.  The  enemy, 
however,  kept  well  out  of  range,  and  bringing  up 
a  light  field-piece  poured  showers  of  grape  upon  the 
exposed  Texans.  In  a  short  time  two  thirds  of  them 
had  fallen,  and  nearly  all  of  their  horses  were  killed. 
Dawson  now  hoisted  a  white  flag,  but  several  of  his 
men  continued  to  fire  and  were  put  to  death.  By  the 
exertions  of  the  Mexican  officers  the  lives  of  fifteen 
were  spared;  five  of  these  prisoners  were  wounded 

Two  men  only  made  their  escape.  After  this  af&ir, 
which  took  place  September  18th,  Woll  returned  to 
San  Antonio  having  lost,  according  to  his  own  state- 
ment, 29  killed  and  58  wounded.*'  He  took  with  him 
67  prisoners  who,  as  usual,  were  sent  on  foot  to  the 
city  of  Mexico.  On  the  20th  he  departed  for  the  Rio 
Grande,  while  Caldwell,  whose  force  was  now  over 
500  men,  followed  close  upon  his  heels,  and  on  one 
occasion  engaged  in  a  skirmish  with  his  rear  guard. 
For  some  reason  that  is  not  clear  the  Texans  failed  to 
attack,"  and  after  a  pursuit  of  thirty  or  forty  mUes 
returned. 

When  the  news  of  this  second  invasion  became 
known  the  demon  of  war  was  aroused,  Houston  hav- 
ing issued  a  proclamation,  September  16th,  calling  for 

''Among  tlie  kiUed  was  Vicente  Cdrdova,  the  Mexican  agent  at 
Nacogdova. 

^*  General  Thomaa  Green  says:  *  Much  has  been  said  against  CaldweU  and 
others  for  not  so  doing,  and  the  blame  has  been  charged  upon  several;  *  bat 
be  regarded  it  a  mischance  in  war  rather  than  the  want  of  bravery. 
Journal^  35.  Besides  the  authorities  on  Woll's  campai^  abready  quoted. 
Bee  Pap,  Var.,  162,  no.  4;  Joseph  C.  Robinson's  account  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1868, 
45-8;  Iai  Minerva,  May  16,  1845,  3;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  539-41;  Bu^a- 
wanUj  JliM.  S.  Anna,  8^-4;  Diario  del  Oob,,  June  1,  1842,  and  Feb.  8  and  9, 
1843,  in  Id.\  Diario  Mex,,  MS.,  xlv.  53,  xlvi.  77,  87;  mks'  Beg.,  briii  177-8. 
338;  Dovnenech,  HisL  Mex.,  u.  177-8;  Yoahum,  ii.  363-6. 


RESULT  OF  INVASION.  360 

volunteers  to  cross  the  Rio  Grande,  and  assigning 
Bdjar  as  the  place  of  rendezvous,  a  considerable 
number  of  troops  was  soon  in  motion  toward  that 
place.  Greneral  Somerville  had  been  sent  by  Hous- 
ton, from  Matagorda,  to  take  command,  an  appoint- 
ment which  did  not  meet  with  the  favor  of  the  militia 
men  drafbed,  who  wished  to  be  led  by  General  Burle- 
son. On  arriving  at  Columbus,  on  the  Colorado. 
Somerville  found  between  200  and  300  men  collected. 
When  he  learned  that  Burleson  had  been  sent  for, 
and  was  expected  to  arrive  presently,  he  forthwith  dis- 
banded the  men  and  returned  to  Matagorda.  Never- 
theless, on  October  13th,  a  special  order  was  issued 
to  General  Somerville,  instructing  him  to  organize 
and  drill  such  volunteers  as  would  be  obedient  to 
orders,  and  to  establish  his  camp  some  distance  from 
Bejar.  On  his  arrival  there,  he  found  about  1,200 
miUtia  men  and  volunteers  encamped  in  the  vicinitv  at 
six  or  eight  different  points,  at  distances  varying  from 
one  to  ten  miles.  Much  discontent  soon  manifested 
itself,  owing  to  want  of  provisions,  ammunition,  and 
clothing,  and  disorder  was  occasioned  by  the  insubor- 
dinate tendencies  of  some  persons  and  the  aspirations 
of  others  to  the  chief  command.  SomervUle's  indif- 
ference, moreover,  and  want  of  interest  in  the  cam- 
paign,  caused  much  murmuring,  and  gave  encourage- 
ment  to  these  ambitious  malecontents.  The  result  was 
that  a  large  number  of  the  volunteers  returned  home. 
On  November  18th,  however,  Somerville,  with  750 
men,  conunenced  his  march  to  the  Rio  Grande  and 
reached  Laredo  on  the  Texan  side  of  the  river,  De- 
cember 8th. 

That  Somerville  had  no  control  over  his  troops  is 
apparent.  But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
men  under  him  were  bent  on  invading  Mexico,  a 
movement  contrary  both  to  the  executive's  secret 
w^ishes  who  saw  reasons  to  change  his  previous  views,''* 

*  Somerville*8  instractions  were:  *  When  the  force  shall  have  assembled, 
if  their  strength  and  condition  will  warrant  a  movement  upon  the  enemy,  it 
is    desirable  that  it  should  l>e  executed  with  promptness  and   efficiency/ 


aeo  B3n)  of  the  texan  republic. 

and  to  the  inclinations  of  Somerville.  On  the  day 
after  entering  Laredo,  which  was  evacuated  on  the 
approach  of  the  Texans,  Somerville  moved  down  the 
river  instead  of  crossing  as  was  expected  by  the 
troops.  This  movement  was  regarded  as  an  indica- 
tion on  his  part  to  return  home.  About  300  men 
marched  to  Loredo  and  plundered  the  town ;  but  the 
spoils,  for  the  most  part,  were  restored  to  the  owners. 
On  the  10th  a  council  of  war  was  held,  the  general 
addressed  the  troops  with  regard  to  the  question  of 
crossing  the  Rio  Grande  or  returning  home,  stating 
his  readiness  to  lead  them  if  it  was  still  their  desire  to 
pursue  the  enemy.  About  200  voted  to  return,  and 
were  permitted  to  do  so. 

The  Texan  force  was  still  some  550  strong,  but 
Somerville's  generalship  disgusted  the  men.  He 
caused  them  to  march  through  thick  chaparral  down 
the  left  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  arriving  opposite 
Guerrero,  December  14th,  crossed  the  river  on  that, 
and  the  following  day,  and  made  a  requisition  on  the 
town.  This  was  very  indifferently  complied  with, 
and  Somerville,  instead  of  enforcing  it,  recrossed  the 
river,  the  passage  being  greatly  facilitated  by  the  use 
of  six  large  flat-boats  found  near  Guerrero.  This 
retrograde  movement  increased  the  contempt  for  the 
general,  now  openly  expressed.  On  December  19th 
he  issued  an  order  of  march,  to  the  effect  that  the 
army  would  proceed  to  Gonzalez,  and  there  be  dis- 
banded; whereupon  captains  Cameron,  Eastland. 
Reese,  Pierson,  Ryan,  and  Buster,  supported  by  their 
companies,  refused  obedience,  declaring  it  their  in- 
tention to  march  down  the  river  and  accomphsli 
something  that  would  redeem  the  expedition  ironi 
contempt.  Somerville,  with  about  200  men,  mostly 
drafted  militia,  returned  to  Bdjar,  leaving  300  vol- 

M.  C.  Hamiltm,  Sec.  qf  War,  to  A.  SomerviUe,  Oct.  13,  1842;  Yoakmn,  ii. 
367-8.  Green  asserts  that  the  president  never  intended  to  punish  the 
enemy,  and  therefore,  maintainea  Somerville  in  command,  knowing  that  ii 
Burleson  was  appointed  according  to  the  wish  of  the  army,  an  invasion  of 
Mexico  would  follow.  Journal,  40. 


ARMY  MOVEMENTS.  961 

iinteers  to  operate  against  Mexico  as  they  pleased.'* 
On  the  departure  of  Somerville,  Colonel  William  S. 
Fisher  waa  elected  commander,  and  it  being  decided 
to  descend  the  river  to  Mier,  a  portion  of  the  force 
was  embarked  with  baggage  and  provisions,  on  board 
the  flat-boats,  which  were  placed  under  the  direction 
of  Greneral  Green."  The  flotilla  and  land  force  pro- 
ceeded in  company  until  December  21st,  when  the 
troops  encamped  together  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  about  seven  miles  above  Mier.  On  the  fol- 
lowing morning,  a  council  of  war  being  held,  it  was 
decided  to  march  into  the  city,  and  make  a  requisition 
on  it  for  supplies.  A  suflScient  number  of  men  having 
been  detailed  for  a  camp-guard,  Fisher,  with  the  main 
body,  crossed  over,  entered  the  town,  and  made  the 
requisition,  the  alcalde  promising  to  deliver  the  stores 
demanded  on  the  next  day  at  the  river.  Fisher  then 
returned  to  camp,  taking  with  him  the  alcalde  as 
security.  On  the  23d  the  army  was  moved  down 
stream  to  a  point  opposite  the  town,  where  the  sup- 
plies were  to  be  sent.  Nothing  transpired  till  the 
25th.  The  requisition  had  not  been  filled,  nor  had 
Any  intelligence  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  been 
brought  in  by  the  scouts.  But  on  that  day  a  Mexican 
was  captured,  who  gave  the  information  that  General 
Ampudia,  and  the  former  federal  leader.  Colonel 
Canales  had   entered  the  town  with  700  men,  pre- 

«/<iL,  41-69;  SUxpp's  Pruoners  of  Perote,  22-30.  Both  this  author  and 
Oen.  Thomas  J.  Greeu  accompanied  the  expedition,  and  were  fellow-pris- 
onezB  at  Perote.  They  publiBhed  their  narratives  from  journals  kept  by 
themselves.  Alexander  somerville  was  a  native  of  Maryland,  and  migrated 
to  Texas  in  1833,  where  he  followed  his  business  as  a  merchant  at  San  Felipe. 
In  1835  he  participated  in  the  operations  around  San  Antonio,  and  on  the  re- 
organization of  the  army,  early  in  1836,  was  made  lieutenant-colonel.  After 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  in  which  he  took  part,  he  l>ecame  senator  in  the 
Texan  congress  in  1836-7.  After  his  return  from  the  ill-conducted  expe- 
ditiotn  to  the  Rio  Grande,  he  was  made  collector  of  customs  at  Saluria. 
Somerville  was  accidentally  drowned  in  1854.  Yoakum,  ii.  368;  Thrall,  G22. 
Both  of  these  authors  writ©  'Somervell.' 

^  The  authior  of  the  Journal  qf  the  Texan  McpediUon  acfairuA  Mier,  ....  New 
York,  1845,  8vo.  pp.  487.  Green  was  an  opponent  of  Houston's,  and  in  his 
Repiy  to  the  SpeetJi  ^ General  ^am  Hmu^ton  in  me  Senate  of  the  Unitcil  SttiteA,  Aug. 
1,  1^4,  makes  use  of  a  style  of  vituperation  which  could  only  have  l)eeu  en 
joyed  by  Houston's  bitterest  enemies. 


END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 


vented  the  performance  of  the  alcalde  s  promise,  and 
taken  up  a  position  on  the  river  two  miles  below. 
The  Texans  decided  to  cross  the  river  and  engage 
the  Mexicans,  Captain  Baker  with  his  spy  company 
being  sent  in  advance.  Ampudia,  however,  on  the 
approach  of  the  army  retreated  into  the  town. 

The  Texans  now  marched  in  the  direction  of  the 
city,  and  at  7  o'clock  in  the  evening,  took  up  a  posi- 


RouTEs  OF  Armies. 

tion  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Alcantro,**  a  small  stream 
flowing  into  the  Rio  Grande,  after  describing  a  semi- 
circle round  the  northern  portion  of  the  town.  The 
night  set  in  very  dark.  At  the  lower  ford  the  Mexi- 
can cavalry  was  stationed,  and  a  constant  fire  was 
kept  upon  them  by  Baker's  company,  distracting  at- 
tention while  Green  succeeded  in  discovering  a  cross- 
ing some  little  distance  above.  Having  crossed  with 
some  difficulty — ^the  bluif  being  about  forty  feet  above 
the  water's  edge,  and  very  steep — ^the  Texans  having 
fired  into  a  picket,  advanced  into  a  street  leading  to 
the  principal  square  and  protected  by  a  cannon.  From 
this  thoroughfare  they  turned  to  the  right  and  took 
possession  of  some   stone  houses,  where  they  main- 

^  Called  by  Ampadia,  in  his  report,   the  Alajao.  Diario  del  Ocb.  Jfez.» 
Jan.  19,1843. 


HARD  FIGHTING.  363 

tained  themselves  till  morning.  Thus  lodged,  the 
Texans  ceased  their  fire,  husbanding  their  ammunition 
for  the  coming  conflict.  The  Mexicans  kept  up  a 
continuous  but  useless  fire  for  the  rest  of  the  night. 

When  morning  dawned  the  artillery  of  the  enemy- 
was  soon  silenced  by  the  rifles  of  the  Texans,  and  the 
Mexicans  had  recourse  to  the  house-tops,  from  which 
they  poured  down  volleys  of  musketry  at  the  win- 
dows and  loopholes  of  the  buildings  occupied  by  the 
Texans.  But  while  the  fire  of  the  former  had  little 
effect,  that  of  the  unerring  Texan  marksmen  was 
deadly.  Several  times  the  enemy  charged  the  in- 
vaders, but  was  repulsed  with  slaughter.  Thus  the 
contest  was  carried  on  till  noon. 

Captain  Berry  on  the  previous  eveninghad  fiJlen 
down  a  precipice  and  broken  his  thigh.  He  was  re- 
moved to  a  hut  some  little  distance  from  the  place  of 
his  accident,  and  Doctor  Sinnickson  and  a  guard  of 
seven  men  were  detailed  to  attend  upon  him.  About 
this  time  the  men  with  Berry  attacked  and  routed  a 
troop  of  the  enemy's  cavalry,  and  were  presently  sur- 
rounded by  a  strong  body  of  horsemen.  In  attempting 
to  fight  their  way  through,  two  Texans  only  suc- 
ceeded in  joining  their  comrades  engaged  in  the  town ; 
three  were  made  prisoners,  and  three  killed;  while 
Captain  Berry  was  killed  in  his  bed.  Captain  Cam- 
eron had  lost  three  men  killed  and  seven  wounded, 
and  some  little  confusion  for  the  first  time  showed 
itself  in  the  Texan  command.  It  was  soon,  however, 
suppressed;  and  the  men  were  well  prepared  to  resist 
another  charge  momentarily  expected,  when  a  flag  of 
truce  arrived  from  the  enemy's  line  borne  by  Sinnick- 
son,— one  of  the  captives  just  taken  by  the  Mexican 
cavalry, — ^who  was  unaware  of  the  heavy  losses  sus- 
tained by  the  Mexicans,  and  the  shattered  condition  of 
the  force. 

Yes,  the  Mexican  commander  had  recourse  to  the 
old  ruse  of  the  white  flag ;  and  again  the  Texans  were 
hoodwinked   by    their   crafty    and    treacherous   foe. 


364  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  RBPUBUC. 

Sinnickson  '*  was  directed  to  state  to  Fisher  that  the 
Mexican  regular  force  in  the  city  was  1700  strong, 
and  that  a  reenforcement  of  800  more  troops  was 
hourly  expected  from  Monterey.  Ampudia,  there- 
fore, in  the  cause  of  humanity,  oflTered  the  Texans  an 
honorable  surrender,  promising  them  that  they  should 
be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  and  should  not  be  sent 
to  Mexico.  An  hour  was  allowed  them  to  choose 
between  capitulation  and  death.  Much  discussion 
followed  the  arrival  of  the  flag."  Most  of  the  men 
were  not  disposed  to  become  dupes,  and  wished  to 
hold  their  position  till  night  and  then  retreat;  but 
still  there  were  many,  who  in  view  of  the  supposed 
superior  numbers  of  the  enemy,  the  diminished  supply 
of  their  own  ammunition,  and  the  apparent  hopelessness 
of  retreat,  were  willing  to  surrender.  Among  the 
latter  was  Fisher,  who  believed  that  a  retreat  would 
involve  the  loss  of  two-thirds  of  the  force.  Ad- 
dressing the  troops,  he  recommended  them  to  accept 
the  terms  ofiered.  One  half  of  the  force  thereupon 
marched  into  the  square  and  delivered  up  their  arms, 
followed  by  the  rest,  furious  with  indignation. 

In  this  engagement  the  aggregate  force  of  the 
Texans  was  261  men,  42  having  been  left  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  as  camp-^uard.  These  latter 
returned  home  in  safetv.  The  loss  of  the  invaders 
was  16  killed  or  mortally  wounded,  17  severely,  and 
several  slightly  wounded."  The  number  of  Mexicans 
engaged  was  over  2,000;"  what  their  loss  was  can 

*Siniiick8on*8  part  has  been  severely  condemned.  See  Stapp,  Prisontn 
qfPeroie,  101-2. 

^  Ampudia  states  in  his  official  report,  that  the  Texans  sent  in  the  flu  of 
tnice,  and  that  he  dictated  his  terms  to  them.  Diario  del  Oob.  Mex. ,  Jan. 
19,  1843.  The  fact  is  he  was  preparing  to  retreat  in  case  the  white  flag  wasi 
not  received. 

'^list  of  those  en|;aged  at  Mier,  who  were  killed  and  mortally 
wounded  will  be  found  m  Chreej^,  tUsup.,  437-43.  In  Ampudia's  oflicial  re- 
port, as  above  quoted,  a  list  of  the  prisoners,  248  in  number,  and  their  avo- 
cations in  Texas  will  also  be  found.  The  Mexican  general  states  tiiat  the 
Texans  had  38  killed,  and  66  wounded. 

^  The  army  was  composed  of  the  battalion  of  zapadores;  a  company  of 
regular  artillery;  several  companies  of  the  7th  infanhy;  several  companies 
of  the  Yucatan  infantry;  the  3d  cavalry  regiment,  and  some  companies  of 
citizen  defenders— 'de&nsores.' 


ESCAPE  OF  PRISONERS.  365 

only  be  conjectured;  but  it  was  probably  about  600 
in  killed  and  wounded." 

After  their  surrender  the  Texans  were  closely  con- 
fined in  crowded  and  filthy  apartments  till  December 
31st,  when  Ampudia,  leavmg  behind  the  more  seri- 
ously wounded  of  the  Texans,  took  up  his  march  to 
Matamoros,  where  he  arrived  with  his  footsore  pris- 
oners to  the  number  of  235,  January  9,  1843.  The 
unfortunate  captives,  who  already  realized  the  mis- 
take that  had  been  made  in  relying  upon  Mexican 
veracity,  were  started  on  the  14th,  under  a  strong 
cavalry  guard,  on  their  journey  to  Mexico.  Their 
hardships  and  privations  on  the  road  were  similar  to 
those  suffered  by  the  Santa  Fd  prisoners,  but  at  the 
large  towns,  especially  at  Monterey,  they  received 
kind  treatment.  Moreover  Colonel  Barragan,  an 
accomplished  and  humane  officer,  took  command  of 
their  escort  at  this  city.  But  the  deception  that  had 
been  practised  upon  them  added  gall  to  the  bitterness 
of  captivity,  and  they  determined  to  strike  for  free- 
dom. Preparations  were  made  to  charge  the  guard 
at  the  hacienda  of  Rinconada,  but  the  plan  was  frus- 
trated by  the  vigilance  of  the  commanding  officer, 
who  suspected  the  plot.  Having  passed  Saltillo  and 
reached  the  hacienda  del  Salado,  forty  leagues  be- 
yond, on  the  evening  of  the  10th,  it  was  determined 
no  longer  to  defer  making  the  attempt  to  escape. 
The  prisoners  having  matured  their  plans.  Captain 
Cameron  was  appointed  to  give  the  signal  next 
morning. 

Between  daylight  and  sunrise  their  breakfast  was 

**  Green,  page  108,  says  between  700  and  800  killed  and  wounded.  Stapp, 
ttf  sup.,  37,  oonndered  that  upward  of  600  were  slain,  and  that  the  number 
of  wounded  waa  unknown.  But  he  places  the  Mexican  armv  at  the  high 
number  of  over  3,200.  Ampudia  reported  his  loss  to  be  33  killed  and  65 
wounded;  and  that  22,000  musket  cartridges  had  been  expended  in  the  battle, 
bolides  900  double-shotted  ones,  and  a  quantity  of  artillery  ammunition. 
These  figures  do  not  aoree  with  Green's  statement  on  page  109.  He  says, 
according  to  the  officitu  report  to  the  war  department,  900  cannon  cartridges, 
43,000  muaket  cartridges,  and  300  rockets  were  expended.  Mexican  ac- 
counts of  the  Mier  expedition  will  be  found  in  El  Sigto  XIX.,  Jan.  11,  1843; 
Bustamante,  HitL  Santa  Anm,  110-12;  Bivera,  HisL  Jalapa,  iii.  571-2. 


ft66  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

dealt  out  to  the  captives,  who  were  confined  in  a  large 
corral  surrounded  by  high  walls.  The  cavalry  were 
picketed  outside,  and  the  infantry  occupied  a  quad- 
rangular stone  court  and  the  buildings  connected  with 
it.  A  large  doorway  opened  from  the  court  into  the 
corraL  Cameron  carelessly  lounged  up  to  the  doorway, 
the  eyes  of  all  his  fellow-prisoners  intensely  fixed 
upon  him.  Suddenly,  shouting  out  the  signal  ciy,  he 
seized  one  of  the  sentinels  and  disarmed  him.  S. 
H.  Walker  dealt  similarly  with  the  other.  The 
Texans  rushed  like  unleashed  hounds  into  the  court. 
and  seizing  the  muskets  stacked  against  the  walls 
drove  out  the  infantry  after  a  few  shots.  But  while 
arming  themselves  a  company  of  infantry  and  some 
cavaliymen  rallied  outside,  and  prepared  to  receive 
them.  There  could  be  no  hesitation  now.  Doctor 
Brenham  and  Patrick  Lyons"  leading  the  way,  the 
Texans  rushed  through  the  gateway.  Brenham  and 
Lyons  immediately  fell,  and  several  others  were 
wounded.  But  the  Mexicans  had  too  much  dread  of 
Texans  with  firearms  in  their  hands,  and  fled  after  a 
feeble  resistance.  The  loss  of  the  victors  was  five 
killed  and  five  wounded;"  that  of  the  Mexicans 
probably  not  many  more.  By  this  bold  charge,  so 
suddenly  and  successfully  executed,  the  Texans  ob- 
tained possession  of  160  muskets  and  carbines,  a 
dozen  swords  and  pistols,  three  mule  loads  of  ammu- 
nition, and  nearly  100  mules  and  horses. 

To  the  number  of  193,**  the  fugitives,  at  10  o'clock 
A.  M.,  started  for  home.  Leaving  Saltillo  on  their 
right,  they  struck  the  road  to  Monclova,  about  thirty- 
five  miles  north  of  the  former  place.     Thus  far,  all 

^  'Both  released  Saata  F^  prisoners.'  Stapp,  ta  mm.,  58.    Brenham  was 

one  of  the  foremost  to  coimsel  a  charge  upon  the  guard.  Id.,  56. 

**  The  names  of  the  killed  were:  Brenhan^  Lyons,  I^ce,  Capt.  Fit^exald, 
and  John  Ha^erty;  of  the  wounded  Captain  Baker,  and  privates  Hancock, 
Harvey,  Sansbury,  and  Trahem.  Id,,  59. 

3«The  wounded  were  left  behind  with  about  20  others,  who  refused  to  ac- 
company them.  Stapp,  69.  Col  Fisher  and  Gen.  Green,  with  some  othere. 
had  oeen  started  in  advance  that  morning  before  tiie  ohaige  was  made,  aziii 
£ould  not  take  part  in  it. 


RECAPTURE  AND  DECIMATION.  367 

had  gone  well;  but  on  February  14th,  Cameron,  who 
had  been  chosen  commander,  was  induced  by  the  ob- 
stinacy of  the  more  timid  of  the  party  to  abandon  the 
road  and  take  refuge  in  the  mountains.  This  was 
contrary  to  the  urgent  advice  of  a  European  friend, 
who  had  met  them  on  the  way,  and  assured  them 
that  if  they  kept  on  the  road  to  Mon(*lova,  no  detach- 
ment could  immediately  be  sent  in  pursuit  large  enough 
to  recapture  them.  The  step  taken  was  fatal;  they 
entered  a  barren  and  waterless  mountain  region.  Hag- 
gard with  hunger,  crazy  with  thirst,  having  killed 
some  of  their  animals  for  food,  and  abandoned  the 
rest,  they  wandered  on  till  the  18th,  when  the  main 
body,  scattered  and  exhausted,  surrendered,  without 
show  of  resistance,  to  a  body  of  cavalrymen.  Cameron, 
with  about  fifty  of  the  stronger  men,  had  preceded 
the  rest,  and  been  already  recaptured.  During  the 
following  days,  stragglers  were  continually  brought 
in,  till  the  number  of  prisoners  retaken  amounted  to 
182."  On  March  25th,  the  forlorn  captives,  heavily 
fettered,  reentered  the  hacienda  del  Salado,  the  scene 
of  their  former  desperate  achievement.  Here  they 
were  presently  informed  that  orders  had  been  received 
from  Santa  Anna  to  decimate  them.  No  time  was 
lost.  The  same  evening  159  white  beans  and  17  black 
ones"  were  placed  in  an  earthem  crock,  and  the  pris- 
oners made  to  draw  one  consecutively,  a  black  bean 
signifying  death.  Cameron  was  made  to  draw  first, 
but  escaped  the  fate  it  was  hoped  would  fall  upon  him. 
Three  fourths  of  the  beans  were  drawn  before  the  urn 
yielded  up  the  last  fatal  lot;  then  the  irons  were  struck 
off  the  victims,  and  at  sunset  they  were  led  forth  to 
die.  Seated  upon  a  log  near  the  eastern  wall,  they  were 
blindfolded,  and  fired  upon  till  they  ceased  to  breathe." 

"  According  to  Green,  165-8.  The  same  author  states  that  5  men  died  in 
the  mountains;  5  were  left  there,  and  were  supposed  to  have  perished;  and 
4  effected  their  escape  to  Texas.  Id.,  444,  446.  There  is  therefore  a  discrep- 
ancy of  three  between  the  original  number  193  and  the  latter  figures  given  by 
thifl  writer. 

s>  Representing  176priBanen,  the  sick  having  been  left  on  the  road.  Stapp 
says  the  nnmber  was  174. 

'•Their  names  were:    John  S.  Cash,  James  D.  Cocke,  Major  Rol>ert  Dun- 


368 


END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 


The  survivors  were  marched  to  the  city  of  Mexico, 
several  dying  on  the  way.  At  Huehuetoca,  about  six 
leagues  from  the  capital,  Captain  Cameron,  who  had 
escaped  the  death-lottery  of  March  25th,  was  exe- 
cuted, April  25th,  by  order  of  Santa  Anna.  The  re- 
mainder of  the  prisoners  were  put  to  work  at  road- 
making.  In  September,  the  greater  portion  of  them 
were  sent  to  the  fortress  of  Perote,  where  they  found 


Fortress  of  Perotb. 

most  of  the  B^jar  prisoners.  General  Green,  Colonel 
Fisher,  and  some  others  had  been  sent  direct  to  this 
stronghold,  and  on  July  2d,  Green  and  seven  other 
captives  effected  their  escape,  having  tunnelled  through 
the  foundations  of  the  fortress.  Through  the  inter- 
ham.  Captain  William  M.  Estland,  Edward  K  Este,  Robert  Harris,  TbomM 
L.  Jones,  Patrick  Mahan,  James  Ogden,  Charles  M.  Roberts,  William  Rowan, 
James  L.  Shepherd,  J.  M.  N.  Thompson,  James  N.  Torrey,  James  Tumboll 
Henry  Whaling,  M.  C.  Wing.  Shepherd  being  struck  in  the  face  at  the  first 
fire,  the  ball  mflicting  only  a  baa  flesh-wound,  fell  forward  and  feigned 
death.  When  night  came  on,  he  crawled  away  to  the  mountains,  but  com- 
pelled by  hunger,  after  wanderinff  for  several  weeks,  surrendered  himself, 
was  taken  to  Saltillo,  recognized,  and  shot  in  the  public  square.  M,  74; 
Thrall,  291. 


PELEASE  OF  PRISONERS.  3fi0 

cession  of  General  Waddy  Thompson,  the  last  of  the 
Bejar  prisoners,  to  the  number  of  thirty-eight,  were 
released  m  March  1844.** 

On  the  subject  of  the  release  of  the  Mier  prisoners, 
much  correspondence  was  carried  on  between  the  gov- 
ernments of  Texas  and  those  of  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  through  their  representatives.  The 
expedition  under  Fisher  was  conducted  without  the 
sanction  of  the  Texan  government,  and  in  direct  de- 
fiance of  General  Somerville's  order  to  march  home. 
By  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  it  was  re- 
garded as  a  marauding  incursion,  and  those  powers 
remonstrated  with  Texas,  when  it  sought  their  inter- 
position in  behalf  of  the  prisoners.  The  defence  of 
the  Texan  government,  however,  was  based  on  reason- 
able grounds.  Admitting,  said  the  executive,  that 
they  went  without  orders,  and  were  thereby  placed 
beyond  the  protection  of  the  rules  of  war,  yet  the 
Mexican  officers,  by  proposing  terms  of  capitulation 
to  the  men,  relieved  them  from  the  responsibihty 
which  they  had  incurred." 

*  Thompson,  ReooL  Hex.,  77-9.  Particnlars  as  to  the  fiktes  of  the  67 
Bejar  prisoners  are  supplied  by  Green,  pp.  447-^. 

Number  of  those  who  escaped  July  2,  1843 5 

Released  by  Santa-Robinson,  his  commissioner 1 

Released  through  the  intercession  of  U.  S.  minister 3 

Released  through  the  intercession  of  Gen.  Jackson 1 

Kaied  at  Salado 2 

Died  in  priison  in  Mexico 8 

Escaped  from  Mexico. 3 

Released  from  Perote 38 

Number  of  prisoners  of  whom  there  is  no  knowledge,  but  who  are  presumed 
to  have  perished 6 

Total 67 

^On  this  subject*  see  Yoakum,  ii.  305-^.  The  opposition  papers  of  the 
time  charged  the  president  with  endeavoring  to  prejudice  Santa  Anna  against 
tiie  piriaoners  by  admitting  that  the  movement  across  the  Rio  Grande  had 
been  made  on  tiieir  own  responsibility.  On  Jan.  10,  1846,  Gen.  Green  pub- 
lished an  address  to  the  people  of  Texas  in  which  he  holds  Houston  respon- 
sible for  the  decimation  of  the  Mier  prisoners  March  25,  1843,  on  the  ground 
that  he  begged  the  mercy  of  the  Mexican  government  for  them,  '  though  they 
had  entered  Mexico  contrary  to  law  and  authority.'  Copy  will  l>e  found  in 
Green's  Replffy  nt  sup,,  29-36  et  seq.  Green,  in  his  Journal  of  Vie  Texan  Expe- 
dition fugoduvA  Mier,  expressed  himself  very,  bitterly  against  Houston,  and 
brought  forward  charges  against  him  which  the  latter  considered  so  serious 
that  ne  denounced  them,  Aug.  1,  1854,  as  calumnies  before  the  U.  S.  senate, 
of  which  he  was  then  member  from  Texas.  Houston  dealt  equally  severely 
Hist.  Msx.  Btatxs,  Vol.  II.   24 


370         BND  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIO. 

Meantime  the  captives  were  kept  in  confinement, 
and  most  of  them  made  to  do  servile  labor.  From 
time  to  time  a  few  escaped;  eleven  were  released 
through  the  intercession  of  the  United  States  and 
British  ministers,  and  no  small  number  of  them  died 
under  their  privations.  Finally  the  remainder,  107 
in  number,  were  liberated  by  Santa  Anna,  September 
16,  1844,  in  commemoration  of  Mexico's  national 
day." 

Both  the  Santa  F^  and  Mier  expeditions  prove 
that  Texas  was  in  no  condition  to  carry  on  an  offen- 
sive war  against  Mexico. 

with  Green,  and  considered  that  his  book  should  reoeiTe  the  attestion  of  the 
chairman  of  the  committee  of  the  library  of  ccm^rees,  and  be  condemned. 
Houston's  speech  elicited  a  reply  from  Green,  who  m  scathing  terms  assailed 
his  opponent  Cong,  Ohhe,  18M,  app.  1214-18;  Id.,  1855,  742;  Oreen'ii  Reply 
to  Houston,  Feb.  15,  1855,  p.  67. 

*^D^en8or  Integ,  Nac.,  Sept.  25,  Oct  5,  1844;  the  names  of  the  released 
prisoners  being  given.  Three  of  them  were  released  from  the  Santiago 
prison  in  the  camtal,  and  the  remaining  104  from  Perote.  Rkeerck,  HkL 
JaJapa,  iii.  633.  Prom  Green's  Jonmal  1  gather  the  following  particnlars 
relative  to  the  Mier  prisoners. 

Number  Texans  who  fought  at  Biier 261 

Number  of  killed  in  battle 10 

Number  of  men  who  died  of  wonnds 6 

Number  of  men  who  escaped  from  Mier 2    18 

Number  of  prisoners 243 

KiUed  at  Salado,  Feb.  11,  1843 5 

Texans  shot  at  Salado,  March  25,  1843 17 

Captain  Camero.  shot  Apr.  25,  1843 1 

Texans  who  died  in  the  mountains ft 

Texans  left  in  the  mountains 6 

Texans  who  escaped  from  the  mountains • 4 

Texans  left  wounded  at  Mier  and  who  escaped 8 

Texans  who  died  in  Mexico  (1843) 85 

Released  through  intercession  of  U.  S.  min 7 

Released  through  interceesion  of  H.  K  M^'siniii 4 

Released  by  Santa  Anna  voluntarily 8 

Escaped  from  the  city  of  Mexico • 9 

Escaped  from  Perote,  July  2,  1843 8 

Escaped  from  Perote,  March25,  1844 9  115 

Number  of  captives  remaining 128 

Released  in  September  1844 107 

21 
Orlando  Phelps  was  released  by  Santa  Anna  on  the  avrival  of  the  prisooers 
at  the  capitai~!7%o»mis(m'«  ReeoOec  Meat.,  75-6-^and  W.  P.  Stapp— author 
of  The  Prisoners  qf  Perote,  Phikkdelphia,  1845,  p.  164— was  liberated  May 
16,  1844,  and  five  other  captives  a  few  weeks  nrevious  to  the  final  release. 
Qreen,  477.  Ihus  14  prisoners  are  unaccountea  for,  it  being  presumable  that 
they  mB,y  be  added  to  Green*s  list  of  those  who  died  of  sicfcriftHS  and  priva- 
tions during  their  incarceration. 


ANOTHER  ILL-FATED  AFFAIR.  971 

One  more  unsuccessful  expedition  has  to  be  re- 
corded.    In  1842  information  was  received  in  Texas 
that  a  richly  laden  Mexican  caravan  would  start  on 
its  return  to  Santa  ¥6  from  Missouri  in  the  spring  of 
1843.     On  application  to  the  government,  Colonel 
Jacob  Snively  was  authorized  to  organize  a  force  for 
the  purpose  of  intercepting  it,  as  it  crossed  territory 
claimed  by  Texas,  south  of  the  Arkansas  river,  and 
through  which  the  Santa  F^  trail  ran.     At  the  end 
of  May,  Snively,  with  about  180  men,  reached  the 
Arkansas  and  encamped  on  the  right  bank,  25  miles 
below  the  point  where  the  caravan  route  crossed  the 
river.     Here  they  learned,  through  their  scouts,  that 
a  Mexican  force  of  500  or  600  men  was  in  the  neigh- 
borhood waiting  to  escort  the  caravan  when  it  arrived. 
On  June  l7th  the  Texans  received  news  of  its  ap- 
proachy  and  moreover,  that  it  was  guarded  by  200 
IJ.  S,    dragoons  under  Captain   Philip  St   George 
Cooke.     On  the  20th  they  fell  in  with  a  large  ad- 
vance party  of  the  Mexican  force;  an  encounter  en- 
sued, seventeen  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  and  eighty 
taken  prisoners,  the  Texans  obtaining  a  good  supply 
of  provisions  and  horses.     After  this  feat,  dissension 
divided  the  command  into  two  parties,  one  of  which, 
about  seventy  in  number,  abandoned  the  enterprise 
and  elected  Captain  Chandler  as  their  leader  to  con- 
duct them  home.     Snively's  camp  was  discovered  by 
Cooke,  June  30th,  who  thereupon  sent  for  the  Texan 
leader  and  informed  him  that   he  was  on  United 
States  territory.     Snively  protested ;    Cooke  refused 
to  listen  to  any  explanation,  crossed  the  river  with  his 
dragoons,  and  compelled  the  Texans  to  give  up  their 
arms.     Snively's  party  numbered  only  107  men,  and 
Cooke  had  brought  two  pieces  of  artillery  to  bear  upon 
thenu     The  United  States'  officer  allowed  them  to 
retain  ten  muskets  for  self-protection!     They  were 
600    miles  away  from  home,  with  Mexicans  on  one 
side  and  hostile  Indians  on  the  other.     Fortunately 
Chandler's  party  was  still  not  far  off  and  had  escaped 


m  SND  OF  THE  TBXAK  REPUBLIC. 

the  observation  of  Cooke,  who  offered  to  escort  to 
Independence,  Missouri,  as  many  of  Snively's  men  as 
might  choose  to  go  thither.  About  50  Texans  ac- 
cepted the  invitation;  the  rest  united  with  Chandlers 
command.  Some  attempt  was  still  made  to  go  after 
the  caravan,  but  the  adventurers,  fearing  they  would 
be  overpowered,  abandoned  the  project,  and  turned 
their  steps  homeward.  After  two  encounters  with 
Indians,  in  which  four  of  their  number  were  killed, 
the  Texans  reached  Bird's  Fort,  on  the  Trinity, 
August  6th,  and  there  disbanded.** 

One  of  the  B^'ar  prisoners  confined  in  the  fortress 
of  Perote  was  J.  W.  Robinson,  lieutenant-governor 
of  Texas  in  1835.  Probably  with  no  other  intention 
than  that  of  gaining  his  liberty,  he  addressed,  Janu- 
ary 9,  1843,  a  letter  to  Santa  Anna,  then  in  retire- 
ment at  Manga  de  Clavo,  stating  that  he  believed,  if 
a  personal  interview  were  granted  him,  that  he 
could  furnish  Santa  Anna  with  important  information, 
and  lay  before  him  a  plan  for  the  reunion  of  Texas 
with  Mexico,  the  details  of  which  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  explain  by  letter.  He  proceeded  to  state  that 
the  Texans  were  anxious  for  peace,  but  its  establish- 
ment could  not  be  effected  without  first  entering  into 
an  armistice;  that  if  this  were  done  great  benefits 
would  result  to  Mexico.  The  Texan  people,  he  said, 
discontented  with  the  administration  of  Houston, 
would  become  disposed  to  a  reunion,  and  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  assure  his  excellency  that  Texas  would 
agree  to  reunion  under  the  following  nine  conditions: 
that  there  should  be  an  amnesty  ror  the  past;  that 

«*Toakiim,  iL  39^-405;  Thrall,  332-0.  Both  these  anihora  oonsnlted 
various  manuscripts,  written  bv  persons  who  accompanied  the  expedition, 
among  which  may  be  mentioned,  a.  A,  MiUer*8  Journal,  and  the  acconnt  by 
Colonel  Hugh  F.  Young,  of  San  Antonio.  The  U.  S.  afterward  recognized 
that  the  Texans  were  not  on  U.  S.  soil,  and  finaUy  paid  $18.50  for  ea<£  fire- 
arm taken.  When  Gen.  Houston  was  Senator  in  the  congress  at  Washing- 
ton he  declared  that  the  expedition  was  unauthorized,  but  Yoakum  quotes 
from  the  letter  of  instructions  from  the  sec.  of  war,  and  Young — aooording 
to  ThraU-'StateB  that  he  saw  one  signed  Sam  Houston. 


INTERPOSITION  INVOKED.  373 

Texas  should  recognize  the  sovereignty  of  Mexico; 
that  Texas  should  have  a  separate  government ;  should 
defend  herself  against  hostile  Indians,  and  assist 
Mexico  in  reducing  them  to  obedience ;  should  send 
representatives  to  the  Mexican  congress ;  would  pay 
her  contingent  of  Mexico's  national  debt ;  contribute 
her  quota  toward  the  expenses  of  the  general  govern- 
ment;  in  cases  of  litigation  Texas  should  have  the 
right  of  appeal  to  the  supreme  court  of  Mexico ;  and 
that  Mexicans  who  had  taken  part  in  the  Texan  revo- 
lution ehould  not  lose  their  lights. 

This  precious  communication  was  sent  by  Santa 
Anna  to  Josd  Maria  Tornel,  the  minister  of  war,  re- 
questing him  to  lay  it  before  the  substitute  president, 
Nicolds  Bravo;  if  that  functuary  gave  his  approval, 
Santa  Anna  would  grant  Robinson  an  interview. 
Bravo  did  approve,  and  the  government  authorized 
the  retired  dictator  to  negotiate  with  Robinson  as  he 
might  think  proper.  The  result  was  that  the  Bdjar 
prisoner  was  released,  appointed  commissioner  by 
Santa  Anna,  and  despatched,  without  loss  of  time, 
with  instructions  to  propose,  on  the  part  of  Mexico, 
the  reincorporation  of  Texas,  on  the  basis  appended  in 
the  note  below." 

Of  course  the  proposition  was  not  entertained  for  a 
moment;  in  fact  it  was  scoflfed  at  by  the  people.  But 
all  the  world  might  laugh  while  Robinson  had  the 
satisfaction  of  having  gained  his  Hberty. 

In  the  meantime  the  Texan  government  had  applied 

^Mexico,  desiroiui  of  tenninating  the  war,  offered  to  grant  an  unre- 
stricted amnesty  to  all  whom  it  might  concern;  the  secnritv  of  person  and 
property  would  be  guaranteed;  the  inhabitants  of  Texas  should  lay  down 
their  aims,  and  acknowledge  the  sovereignty,  laws,  rules,  and  orders  of 
Mexico,  without  the  slightest  modification;  this  fundamental  basis  being 
a^imitted,  Texas  might  appoint  her  functionaries  and  authorities,  military 
and  poUtical,  in  accordance  with  the  constitution;  Mexican  troops  siionld  iidt 
>>e  sent  into  Texas  while  Texas  should  provide  for  her  own  security  on  tlie 
frontiers;  with  regard  to  the  legislative  power,  laws  considered  proper  for 
the  good  government  of  Texas,  might  be  proposed  to  the  general  congress 
for  approval;  and  lastly  Texas  should  conform  in  all  other  matters  to  regu- 
lations that  might  be  established  for  the  other  de])artnients  of  the  repiiMic. 
El  SitjloXIXj  July  12, 1843,  in  which  the  whole  official  corrcdpoudouce  on  this 
matter  is  published. 


374  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

to  the  three  powers,  the  United  States,  Great  Britain, 
and  France,  invoking  their  joint  interposition,  to  Dut 
an  end  to  the  war.** 

The  British  government,  however,  while  signifying 
its  readiness  to  mediate  alone,  declined  to  act  jointly 
with  the  United  States,  believing  that  the  relations 
between  the  latter  power  and  Mexico,  were  such  as 
would  not  tend  to  advance  the  object  aimed  at  by  the 
proposed  representation.  But  Great  Britain,  none 
the  less,  proflfered  her  good  services  to  Mexico  singly.** 
That  a  more  narrow  than  usual  self-interest  guided 
England's  policy  with  regard  to  Texas  cannot  be 
denied.  She  would  gladly  have  seen  the  young  nation's 
independent  sovereignty  acknowledged  by  Mexico, 
and  lastingly  maintained;  and  was  correspondingly 
unwilling  to  witness  the  aggrandizement  of  the  United 
States  by  the  annexation  of  Texas.  When,  therefore, 
the  annexation  question  was  again  agitated  in  the 
cabinet  at  Washington  early  in  1843,"  Percy  Doyle, 
the  British  representative  at  Mexico,  mediated  so  suc- 
cessfully that  Santa  Anna,  secretly  disposed  to  treat, 
agreed  to  an  armistice.  Doyle  was  authorized  to  in- 
form President  Houston,  through  Charles  Elliot, 
British  chargd  d'aifairs  to  Texas,  that  he  would  give 
immediate  orders  for  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  and 
would  be  ready  to  receive  commissioners  from  Texas, 
to  treat  on  the  terms  of  peace  proposed  by  him. 
Doyle's  courier  was  taken  by  the  British  sloop-of-war 
Sylla,  to  Galveston,  arriving  there  June  9th.  Houston 
accepted  the  proposal,  and  on  the  15th  of  the  same 
month  issued  a  proclamation,  ordering  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  pending  negotiations  for  peace  between  the 
two  countries." 

«^Copy  of  Houston's  address  to  the  Great  PoweiB,  dated  Oct  136,  1^ 
is  supplied  in  Lester's  Houston  and  his  Bep,,  16S-7. 

*^SmUh'8  Jiem.  Tex.  Rep.,  44. 

*''  Tyler  and  his  cabinet  were  favorable  to  aimexatioii.  On  Feb.  10,  1843, 
Van  Zandt,  the  Texan  charg^  d'affairs  at  Washington,  was  informed  bv  his 
government  that  he  was  authorized  to  intimate  to  the  U.  S.  gov't,  if  the 
matter  were  brought  up,  that  in  case  any  advance  were  made  on  its  part, 
Texas  would  renew  the  proposal  for  annexation.   Yoakum,  407 

*«  Copy  ia  Ailoi'  Hey,,  Ixiv.,  307i 


COMMISSIONERS  APPOINTED.  376 

Negotiations  were  conducted  slowly.  Texas  was  in 
no  haste  in  the  matter.  The  longer  the  interval  of 
peace,  the  better  would  it  be  for  her  hiterests  in  every 
point  of  view.  Communications  were  interchanged 
through  the  medium  of  the  British  representatives  in 
the  two  countries,  relative  to  various  matters  prelim- 
inary to  the  appointment  of  commissioners,  such  as 
the  question  of  the  reciprocal  release  of  prisoners — ^the 
Mexican  government  complaining  that  all  the  pris- 
oners captured  at  San  Jacinto  had  not  been  Uberated — 
the  recalling  of  the  forces  under  Snively,  and  the 
killing  of  Mexicans  lately  on  the  south-western 
border.  All  these  matters  were  successively  settled 
by  Houston,  who  stated  that  all  San  Jacinto  prisoners 
had  been  set  at  liberty  in  1837,  that  Snively  had  been 
recalled,  and  that  the  Mexicans  killed  on  the  borders 
were  banditti,  who  assumed  either  nationality  as 
suited  their  marauding  purposes. 

On  September  26th,  George  W.  Hockley  and 
Samuel  M.  Williams  were  appointed  the  commissioners 
on  the  part  of  Texas,  to  meet  those  of  General  WoU, 
who  had  been  authorized  by  Santa  Anna  to  treat 
with  Texas  concerning  the  terms  of  the  armistice. 
The  appointees  of  Woll  were  Seflores  Landeras  and 
Jaunequi.  The  instructions  given  to  Hockley  and  Wil- 
liams indicate  the  desire  of  the  Texan  government  to  gain 
time.  They  were  to  endeavor  to  establish  a  general 
armistice  pending  negotiations  for  a  permanent  peace, 
and  for  such  further  period  as  thev  could  agree  upon, 
requiring  due  notice  to  be  given  by  either  party  dis- 
posed to  resume  hostilities,  through  the  minister  of 
Great  Britain,  near  the  corrbsponding  government, 
six  months  previous  to  any  act  of  hostility.  They 
were  also  to  i^ee  that  Texas  should  appoint  com- 
missioners, clothed  with  fiill  powers,  to  meet  at  the 
capital  of  Mexico,  to  negotiate  for  the  adjustment  of 
difficulties  and  the  establishment  of  a  permanent 
peace. 

The  United  States  and  Great  Britain  were  watch- 


376  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBUO. 

ing  each  other's  action  as  bearing  upon  the  future  of 
the  young  repubUc,  with  jealous  eyes;  and  now  the 
government  of  the  former  nation  showed  its  intention 
no  longer  to  look  quietly  on.  President  Tyler  s  views 
with  regard  to  annexation  were  no  secret,  nor  was  it 
a  matter  of  doubt  that  the  question  would  be  brought 
before  the  house  when  congress  met  in  December 
1843.  The  Mexican  government,  accordingly,  in 
August  of  that  year,  declared  that  the  passage  of  any 
act  by  the  congress  at  Washington  to  incorporate 
Texas  with  the  United  States  would  be  considered 
equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war."  Tyler,  in  his 
message  to  congress  December  5,  1843,  regarded  this 
threat  on  the  part  of  Mexico  as  extraordinary,  and 
after  remarking  that  since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto 
the  war  had  consisted  for  the  most  part  of  predatory 
incursions,  stated  that  the  United  States  had  an  im- 
mediate interest  in  seeing  that  an  end  be  put  to  the 
state  of  hostilities  existing  between  Mexico  and  Texas; 
that  such  a  system  of  warfare,  by  weakening  both 
powers,  rendered  them  subjects  of  interference  on  the 
part  of  more  powerful  nations ;  that  the  United  States 
could  not  be  expected  to  permit  such  interference  to 
their  own  disadvantage,  and  that  the  government  was 
bound,  by  every  consideration  of  interest  and  sym- 
pathy, to  see  that  Texas  should  be  left  free  to  act, 
unawed  by  force,  and  unrestrained  by  the  policy  of 
other  countries. 

The  language  is  plain,  and  the  intention  evident 
Mexico  was  not  to  wage  war  with  Texas,  nor  were 
European  powers  to  interfere  by  mediation  in  the  ad- 
justment of  the  diflSculties  between  the  two  nations, 
or  endeavor  to  establish  peace  between  them.  While 
the  preliminary  negotiations  for  the  armistice  were 
going  on,  England  invited  France  to  join  her  in  the 
mediation,  and  these  powers  did  not  fail  to  comment 
severely  upon  the  ill-advised  remarks   of  President 

*^Bocanegra  to  Waddy  Tfiomp8(m,  in  U".  S,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  28  cong.,  1  sc^ , 
no.  2,  26-7.    See  correspondence  on  the  subject  in  Id,,  27-^,  35,  ^9,  41 -3, 


ANNEXATION  AND  SLAVERY.  377 

Tyler,  made  at  a  time  when  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
had  actually  occurred,  and  without  considering  in  any 
degree  what  might  be  the  wishes  of  the  people  of 
Texas  or  the  decision  of  her  government  on  matters 
touching  her  own  welfare.  But  the  United  States 
were  greatly  agitated  by  the  idea  that  a  blow  was  be- 
ing aimed  by  England,  through  Texas,  at  one  of  their 
own  institutions.  It  was  believed  by  the  entire  mass 
of  the  southern  people,  and  a  large  portion  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  northern  states,  that  a  plan  was  being 
formed  in  Great  Britain  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
south-**  Opposed  as  were  the  people  of  the  north  to 
slavery,  they  were  not  going  to  tolerate  the  interfer- 
ence of  a  foreign  power  in  the  settlement  of  the 
nation's  domestic  concerns.  Texas  was,  therefore,  no 
longer  to  be  regarded  unfavorably  by  them,  as  had 
hitherto  been  the  case,  and  a  tolerably  strong  party, 
friendly  to  annexation,  sprung  up  among  them.  As 
for  Mexico,  when  she  became  aware  of  the  steps 
which  were  being  taken  in  the  United  States  and 
Texas  to  procure  the  incorporation  of  the  latter,  her 
indication  knew  no  bounds. 

Meantime  the  peace  commissioners  met  at  Salinas" 

^  It  was  consideTed  in  the  U.  S.  that  the  leading  motive  of  England  in 
takiiif  snch  an  active  interest  in  the  affairs  of  Texas  was  her  design  to  effect 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  that  country.  Yoakum  takes  this  view,  and  goes 
BO  far  as  to  state  that  '  Mr  Doyle,  the  British  charge  d'affaires,  had  been  in- 
structed to  proj^ose  to  Mexico  a  settlement  of  her  difficulties  with  Texas,  based 
upon  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  latter. '  This  is  untrue ;  and  Ashbel  Smith, 
l>xan  minister  in  London  at  the  time,  takes  the  trouble  to  correct  this  '  grave 
error '  as  he  calls  it.  *  Mr  Doyle,*  says  he,  *  was  not  so  instructed;  he  was  not 
instructed  at  all  on  these  matters.  Rem,  Tex.  Rqp.f  58.  Ihe  fact  of  the 
matter  is  that  it  was  the  Bricish  and  Foreign  Anti-slavery  Society  in  London, 
and  not  the  English  cabinet  that  caused  the  hubbub,  and  produced  the  exas- 
peration in  the  U.  S.  asainst  Great  Britain.  It  was  the  meddlesome  mem- 
bers of  this  society  that  hastened  the  annexation;  and  the  same  author 
expresses  his  belief  that  the  British  government  had  no  sympatliy  with  or 
respect  for  theuL  Consult,  on  this  subject^  Id,,  49-58.  Anson  Jones  says — 
Menu,  I8o0,  p.  52,  in  TJiraU,  347 — *  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery,  about 
-which  so  much  alarm  existed  in  1844-5,  was  never  so  much  as  mentioned  or 
alluded  to  by  the  British  minister  to  the  government  of  Texas,  exc('])t  to 
di.sclaim,  in  the  most  emphatic  terms,  any  intention  on  the  part  of  Entjlaiid 
ever  to  interfere  with  it  here.*  See  also  Niles  Rexf.,  Ixiv.  404.  On  the  diplo- 
matic negotiations  with  Great  Britain  see  Smith,  lU  mp.,  50-64. 

*»  Not,  as  Yoakum  has  it,  Sabinas,  ii.  421 :  Thrall,  p.  337,  seems  to  have 
copied  this  error.  See  Rivera,  Hist,  Jalapa,  m.  624. 


878  END  OF  THE  TEXAK  REPUBUa 

on  the  west  side  of  the  Rio  Grande.  After  some 
difficulties  the  proceedings  were  hastened  hy  the  agi- 
tation which  prevailed,  owing  to  the  news  from  the 
United  States,  and  on  February  15,  1844,  the  armis- 
tice was  signed,  the  arrangements  being  made  that 
hostilities  should  cease  penmng  negotiations  for  peace, 
the  duration  of  which  was  not  to  be  extended  beyond 
May  1st,  unless  peace  was  probable.  Houston  refased 
to  ratify  it,  as  it  referred  to  Texas  as  a  department  of 
Mexico,  and  on  June  16th,  Woll  instructed  by  Santa 
Anna,  sent  in  a  manifesto  to  Houston  announcing 
that  Mexico  had  resumed  hostilities."  But  during 
the  short  remaining  existence  of  the  Texan  republic 
her  foe  confined  her  hostile  intentions  to  menaces  and 
preparations  for  war. 

At  the  election  held  September  2,  1844,  Anson 
Jones  was  chosen  president,  and  Kenneth  L.  Ander- 
son, vice-president.  No  more  important  election  had 
yet  been  held  in  the  republic,  inasmuch  as  it  repre- 
sented at  that  date  the  feelings  of  the  people  on  the 
great  question  of  incorporation  into  the  United  States. 
Edward  Burleson  was  Jones'  competitor  and  an  an- 
nexationist. The  total  nuniber  of  votes  cast  was 
12,752,  of  which  Jones  polled  7,037,  and  Burleson 
5,661,  the  remaining  54  votes  bemg  scattering." 
Jones  was  supposed  to  be  an  anti-annexationist. 

The  ninth  congress  having  met  and  organized, 
December  3d,  President  Houston  delivered  his  fare- 
well message.     He  represented  the  foreign  and  do- 

^  Assigninff  as  the  reason,  the  failure  of  the  commisaioiLers  toDroceedto 
Mexico,  accoming  to  the  4th  art.  of  the  armistice,  to  regulate  differences. 
Copy  in  Niles*  Reg.,  Levi.  382.  Relative  to  this  armistice  and  English  rela- 
tions with  Texas  the  reader  can  consult,  /rf.,  Ixiv.  307,  404;  Ixv.  34,  178, 
212;  Ixvi.  96-8,  113,  280,  382;  Ixvii.  113-14;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jaiapa,  iii  600-1, 
623-7;  Bustamantey  Hist,  8.  Anna,  112-16;  De  Bow*8  Encyc.,  1844^  2d  ed. 
265-9. 

^  The  number  of  counties  was  36,  which  sent  up  61  delegates  to  the  con- 
vention of  1845,  35  of  whom  were  anti-annexationists,  and  26  annexationists 
In  Niles*  Reg.,  Ixviii.  249,  will  be  foimd  a  tabular  form,  giving  the  nama 
of  the  counties,  the  number  of  votes  cast  in  each,  and  the  number  of 
delegates  sent  by  each.  Only  five  counties,  namely,  Harris,  Harrisciii, 
Nacogdoches,  Red  River,  and  Washington  sent  three  delegates;  Mont- 
gomery sent  four;  eighteen  counties  sent  one  delegate,  and  thirteen  sent  twa 


AKSOK  JOKES,  PRESIDENT.  879 

mestic  relations  of  the  republic  to  be  in  a  prosperous 
condition.  Treaties  of  amitjTy  navigation,  and  com- 
merce had  been  exchanged  with  several  of  the  Grerman 
states.  The  most  important  part  of  the  message 
refers  to  the  subjects  of  the  proceeding  pages  of  this 
chapter.  "The  governments  of  Great  Britain  and 
France,"  he  says,  "still  maintain  towards  us  those 
sentiments  of  friendship  and  good  feeling  which  have 
ever  marked  their  intercourse  with  us,  and  which  it 
should  continue  to  be  our  studious  care,  by  every 
proper  manifestation  on  our  part,  to  strengthen  and 
reciprocate.  There  is  no  ground  to  suspect  that  the 
late  i^tation  of  international  questions  between  this 
republic,  and  that  of  the  United  States,  has  in  any 
degree  abated  their  desire  for  our  continued  pros- 
perity and  independence,  or  caused  them  to  relax  their 
good  offices  to  bring  about  the  speedy  and  honorable 
adjustment  of  our  difficulties  with  Mexico.  That 
thev  should  evince  anxiety  for  our  separate  existence, 
and  permanent  independence  as  a  nation  is  not  only 
natural,  but  entirely  commendable."  And  he  adds, 
that  they  were  too  well  acquainted  with  the  history 
of  the  Texan  republic's  origin,  to  suppose  that  she 
would  surrender  one  jot  of  liberty  and  right  of  self- 
government.  "They  will  not  ask  it,  they  do  not  ex- 
pect it,  we  would  not  yield  it"**  Such  were  the 
words  of  the  president  some  ten  months  before  the 
popular  vote  proclaimed  almost  unanimously  in  favor 
of  annexation.  But  Houston  had  some  reason  for 
expressing  himself  thus.  On  June  8th  the  United 
States  senate,  after  continuing  in  secret  session  till 
9  o'clock  p.  M.,  discussing  the  treaty  of  annexation, 
which  had  been  brought  before  it  by  a  joint  resolution 
of  the  house,  rejected  its  ratification  by  a  vote  of  35 
to  16."  Politically,  Texas  was  not  in  an  enviable 
position  at  this  time.  She  was,  unwittingly,  the 
shuttlecock  of  stronger  powers.     Influenced  by  agi- 

^ Niks'  Reg.,  bcvii  272. 

*^Ccng,  Olobej  28  ocmg.,  1  seas.,  xiii.; pt  1,  p.  692. 


380  SND  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBUO. 

tators  from  the  United  States,  which  used  England 
as  their  bugbear,  her  people  rapidly  changed  their 
feelings  against  annexation.  Rather  than  occupy  the 
position  of  a  minor  nation,  she  consented  to  throw 
down  the  sceptre  of  individual  sovereignty  under  the 
shield  of  her  powerful  sister,  while  saving  her  own 
dignity  by  waiting  to  be  invited  to  do  so. 

On  retiring  from  office,  Houston  was  surrounded  by 
stanch  friends  and  bitter  enemies,  who  were  not  choice 
in  the  language  they  made  use  of  in  denouncing  each 
other's  policy.  But  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  record 
the  many  unseemly  recriminations,  the  numerous 
personal  Insults,  which  at  this  time  and  later,**  were 
bandied  to  and  fro  between  the  parties,'^  or  to  con- 
stitute myself  a  judge.  But  an  unbiased  observer 
cannot  ignore  facts.  Houston,  bv  the  close  of  his 
second  administration,  had  again,  by  a  pacific  policy, 
brought  the  Indians  to  terms  of  peace;"  by  his  sug- 
gestions the  expenses  of  the  government  were  so  re- 

MOonsnlt*  OrufCs  Journal^  JSIier  Exped.,  passiiiL  Hofoatan's  Speech,  Aug. 
1,  1854,  in  6W  Globe,  1854,  append.  1214-18.  leL,  1855,  742.  Ormn's  Rqtlg  to 
Houston,  Feb.  15,  1855,  p.  67. 

^^  On  the  question  of  annexation.  Branch  T.  Archer — ^formerly  a  member 
of  Lamar'a  cabinet — came  out  with  a  letter  in  which  he  conaidered  that  he 
proved  that  Houston  and  Jones  '  pledged  themselves  to  the  Brittsh  govern- 
ment that  the^  were  opposed  to  annexation.'  IiL,  IxviiL  374.  How  utterly 
at  variance  with  this  assertion  are  Anson  Jones'  remarks !  In  hU  Memor- 
anda for  1850,  under  date  of  Feb.  1st,  we  read:  'The  annexation  of  Texas 
is  an  event*  the  resulting  consequences  of  which  are  too  vast  to  be  yet  rea- 
lized or  calculated.  Of  this  measure  I  was  the  architect.  I  saved  it  saUse- 
quently  from  the  destructive  violence  of  some  potent  enemies,  as  weU  as  of 
its  best  friends  in  the  United  States  and  Texas,  who,  like  the  boys  in  chase 
of  the  butterfly,  would  have  crushed  it  in  their  imprudent  and  impatient 
grasp.  I'he  exciting  and  balancing  of  the  constantly  acting  and  re-acting 
rival  influences  of  England,  France,  Mexico,  and  the  United  States,  and 
conveying  them  all  to  the  one  point^  with  the  view,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
eflecting  my  object,  was  a  labor,  in  which  for  five  years  I  did  not  give  sleep 
to  my  eyes  or  slumljer  to  my  eyelids,  and  in  which  I  was  finally  successfoL* 
Jif-p.  Tex,,  44-5.  The  course  adopted  by  Jones  gave  mortal  ofTenoe  to 
Houston. 

^  A  treaty  of  perpetual  amity  was  concluded  Sept.  28,  1843,  with  ten 
tribes,  viz:  the  Tiwaheones,  Keachies,  Wacoes,  Caddoes,  Anadalikoea,  Ircmies, 
Cherokees,  Boloxies,  Delawares,  and  Chickasaws.  JfUes*  Reg,,  Ixv.  195,  The 
celebrated  Texan  ranger.  Col  John  C.  Hays,  says:  'Before  the  annexation 
of  Texas  the  Indians  in  that  part  of  the  country  were  pretty  well  whipped 
out,  an4  they  retreated  far  back  into  the  interior  with  their  families,  and 
mostly  ceased  their  depredations  upon  the  whites.'  Hays*  L{fe  <md  AdtioL,, 
MS.,  11.    The  Comancnes  are,  doubtless,  referred  to  by  the  ooloiieL 


GSAR/LCTER  07  HOUSTOX.  881 

duced  that  the  revenne  was  adequate  to  meet  them ; 
and  both  in  an  agricultural  and  commercial  point  of 
view  Texas  thrived  under  his  non-hostile  policy. 

Houston  was  a  singular  man.  Gifted  with  no  ordi- 
nary abilities  and  weU  educated,  he  was  fully  capable 
of  guiding  the  helm  of  govenmient.  His  great  fail- 
ings were  vanity  and  its  companion — jealousy.  More- 
over, he  clothea  himself  in  a  robe  of  mystery,  thereby 
causing  offence.  The  student  of  history  cannot  fail 
to  be  impressed  with  his  achievements  in  the  cause  of 
Texas.  Mistakes  he  made,  but  they  were  more  in 
the  direction  of  giving  offence  to  opponents  than 
measures  detrimental  to  the  solidity  and  vitality  of 
his  adopted  country,  whose  interests  he  had  ever  at 
heart.  Houston  had  hard  men  to  deal  with — ^fiery 
spirits,  all  ambitious  of  fame.  During  the  struggle 
for  independence,  the  most  enterprising  and  the  boldest 
men  flocked  into  Texas  from  the  United  States — men 
prominentalike  by  theirphysical  and  mental  capabilities. 
Texas  offered  a  field  on  wmch  they  might  win  renown. 
Thus  it  was  that  high  position  in  the  army  was  ever 
a  contested  prize,  and  each  aspiring  officer  sought  to 
be  the  leader.  With  such  aspirants,  it  is  not  to  be 
wondered  that  every  move  and  every  act  of  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief  were  taken  notice  of  and  criticised  un- 
favorably by  those  who  thought  they  could  do  better. 
His  Fabian  policy  in  his  famous  retreat  from  Gonzalez 
caused  much  murmuring  and  ill-will  among  his  impa- 
tient followers.  But  his  principle  was  sound  in  the 
highest  degree.  To  lure  the  enemy  to  the  banks  of 
the  Sabine,  far  from  his  base  of  supplies  and  source 
of  recruits,  and  give  him  battle  on  a  broader  land, 
where  the  Texans  could  confidently  expect  military 
aid  from  the  United  States,  was  matchless  strategy. 
This  engagement  with  the  foe  at  San  Jacinto  was 
doubtless  brought  about,  to  some  extent,  by  pressure. 
But,  if  Houston  had  not  had  a  clear  perception  of 
every  probability  of  victory,  he  never  would  have 
fought  that  battle.     His  moral  courage  was  para- 


382  END  OP  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

mount  to  insubordinate  dictation.  His  troubles,  also, 
with  regards  to  immigrants  were  not  light.  Every 
incomer  was  determined  and  ready  to  sustain  his 
claim  to  the  land  on  whict  he  settled,  whether  hold- 
ing a  forged  or  legal  certificate  of  **  head-right.'  The 
fact  that  Houston  maintained  himself  at  the  head  of 
such  a  community  proves  his  ability  and  worth. 

In  his  inaugural  address  President  Jones  stated 
that  his  object  would  be  the  maintenance  of  public 
credit;  the  reduction  of  the  expenses  of  government; 
the  abolishment  of  paper  issues;  the  revision  of  the 
tariff  law;  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  public 
schools ;  the  attainment  of  speedy  peace  with  Mexico, 
and  friendly  and  just  relations  with  the  Indians  on 
the  frontier;  the  introduction  of  the  penitentiary  sys- 
tem ;  and  the  encouragement  of  internal  improvement 
Not  a  word  was  said  on  the  subject  of  annexation. 

Jones'  administration  was  destined  to  be  short.  On 
February  28,  1845,  a  joint  resolution  of  the  two 
houses  in  favor  of  the  incorporation  of  Texas  into  the 
union  was  passed  in  the  United  States'  congress.  On 
March  1st  President  Polk  signed  the  document,  and 
to  Texas  was  left  the  decision  of  accepting  or  not  the 
invitation.  President  Jones  on  May  5th  issued  a 
proclamation  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  a  gen- 
eral convention  to  consider  the  proposition  passed  by 
the  United  States'  congress.  On  July  4th  the  con- 
vention met  at  Austin,  and  appointed  a  committee  to 
which  the  question  was  referred  to  be  reported  upon. 
The  committee  drew  up  an  ordinance  in  the  form  of  a 
joint  resolution  in  favor  of  annexation,  recommending 
its  adoption  by  both  houses  of  congress.  Only  one 
member  voted  against  the  ordinance,**   which   was 

^  Kichard  Bache,  a  grandson  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  representatiTe  for 
Galveston.  ThraU^  350.  Copy  of  the  joint  resolution  of  the  U.  S.  congress 
Btibmitted  to  Texas  will  be  found  in  U,  8.  Charters  and  ConetiL^  ii.  17&I-5. 
By  the  terms  of  it  all  public  edifices,  fortifications,  barracks,  ports,  and 
harbors,  navy  and  navy-yards,  docks,  magazines,  arms,  and  armanent  were 
to  be  ceded  to  the  U.  S.,  while  Texas  was  to  retain  possession  of  aU  her 
public  lands. 


00N8TITUTI0X  AND  ADMISSION.  883 

submitted,  together  with  a  new  constitution,**  framed 
and  adopted  by  the  convention,  to  the  decision  of  the 
people.  On  October  13th  both  the  ordinance  and  the 
constitution  were  ratified  by  an  almost  unanimous 
vote.  President  Polk,  December  29,  1845,  approved 
the  joint  resolution  of  the  United  States  congress 
that  Texas  should  be  admitted  into  the  union,"  and 
on  February  19,  1846,  President  Jones  surrendered 
the  executive  authority  to  the  newly  elected  governor, 
J.  Pinckney  Henderson.**  The  lone  star  of  Texas 
sank  below  the  horizon  to  rise  again  amidst  a  constel- 
lation of  imapproachable  splendor. 

*  According  to  this  state  constitation,  the  legislatnre  was  to  meet 
bieimially;  aenators  were  to  be  chosen  for  four  years,  one-half  biennially; 
ministers  of  the  gospel  were  not  elegible  to  the  legislatnre;  bills  for  raising 
revenue  were  to  originate  in  the  house  of  representatives;  the  governor  s 
veto  to  an^  bill  could  be  nullified  by  a  subsequent  two-thirds'  vote  of  both 
houses  in  its  favor;  after  1850  a  census  of  the  free  white-  population  was  to 
be  taken  every  eight  years  for  the  apportionment  of  representation.  The 
judiciary  was  to  consist  of  one  supreme  court,  district  courts,  and  inferior 
courts;  the  judges  of  the  supreme  and  district  courts  were  appointed  by  the 
governor,  with  consent  of  two  thirds  of  the  senate,  and  hold  office  for  six 
years;  the  supreme  court  had  appellate  jurisdiction  only,  and  in  criminal 
cases,  and  in  appesls  from  interlocutory  judgments,  it  was  regulated  by 
the  legislature.  The  district  courts  had  original  jurisdiction  in  ul  criminal 
cases,  and  if  the  punishment  was  not  specifiodly  determined  by  law,  the  jury 
were  to  determine  it.  County  courts  for  probate  business  were  established 
and  held  in  each  county.  The  sovemor  was  chosen  by  plurality  of  votes 
for  two  years,  and  was  onljr  elegible  for  four  years  out  of  six;  he  could  hold 
no  other  office,  civil  or  mihtary  One-tenth  of  the  annual  revenue  by  taxa- 
tion was  to  be  appropriated  to  free  public  schools.  No  corporation  with 
banking  privileges  was  to  be  chartered.  The  aggregate  of  state  debt  con- 
tracted in  future  was  not  to  exceed  $100,000.  family  homesteads,  not  ex- 
ceedins  200  acres,  and  in  value  $2,000,  were  exempted  from  forced  sale. 
Amendments  to  this  constitution,  after  having  been  a^eed  to  by  two-thirds 
of  each  house,  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  people;  if  then  approved  by  a 
majority  of  the  voters,  and  subsequently  by  two  thirds  of  each  houae  of  the 
next  legislature,  they  became  valid  parts  of  the  constitution.  Fisher  and 
CkMs  Amer.  Statia.  An,,  1854,  394-5. 

^  U.  S.  H.  Miac..,  vol.  19,  doc  45,  pt  4,  122-4. 

^  For  fuller  particulars  on  the  subject  of  the  Texan  annexation  see  Hist. 
Mex.,  V.  322-38,  this  series;  Nika'  Heg.,  Ixxii.  222-3,  267-8,  287;  Ixxiii.  11, 
31,  47,  147,  235-9,  280-2,  398-411;  Ixxiv.  105-6;  CT.  S.,  Jiepuh.  qf,  62;  Oalla- 
UrCs  Peace  wUh  Mex,,  7-9;  OterOj  Comun.  Negoc,  Dip.,  in  Pup.  Var.,  87,  no.  14. 
William  Kennedy,  Texas:  The  Rine,  PropresSf  and  Prospects  qfthe  HepuftUc 
qf  Texas,  London,  1841,  8vo,  2  vols.,  pp.  lii,  378,  and  vi.  548;  2  maps.  Ihe 
author  of  this  valuable  work  served  in  1838,  under  Lord  Durham,  Governor- 
General  of  Canada,  as  assistant  commissioner  for  enquiring  into  the  munici- 
pal institutions  of  Lower  Canada.  Lord  Durham's  abrupt  resignation  having 
brought  the  commission  to  a  permature  close,  Kennedy  took  the  opportunity 
of  visitins  a  large  portion  of  the  U.  8.,  and  extended  his  journey  to  Icxas. 
During  his  residence  there  drcomstances  were  so  favorabb  to  his  acquiring 


384  END  OP  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

information  on  the  political  condition  of  the  country,  as  to  indnoe  him  to 
undertake  the  task  of  publishing  the  result  of  his  enquiries  and  observationa. 
His  work  contains  a  comprehensive  history  of  all  important  events  in  Texas, 
from  1690  to  1840,  and  suj^plies  a  vast  amount  of  information  on  every 
snbject  included  in  the  *rise,  prosress,  and  prospects'  of  a  new  country. 
Kennedy  was  a  keen  observer;  and  better  still,  his  observations  were  con- 
ducted without  prejudice,  and  are  correct;  his  reflections  were  deeply 
thoughtful,  and,  though  evidently  regarding  with  favor  the  Anglo-American 
colonists,  and  vindicating  them  in  tneir  action  with  reeard  to  Mexico,  his 
conclusions  are  just.  His  style  is  particularly  graceful,  felicitous,  and  at- 
tractive, rising  frequently  to  eloquence;  and  the  different  topics  and  subjects 
of  his  work  are  well  and  carefuUv  combined.  Two  good  maps  accompany 
it,  one  of  which,  facing  p.  336,  vol.  1.,  indicates  the  grants  of  land  conceded 
under  the  empresario  system  of  Mexico.  Another  edition  was  published  in 
N.  Y.  in  1844 

H.  Yoakum — History  of  Texas  from  Us  first  settlement  m  1685,  to  its  Anuem- 
Ukm  to  Hue  UTuted  States  in  I846.  New  York,  1856,  8vo,  2  vols.,  pp.  482,  57& 
Illust.  and  maps.  This  is  a  work  which  may  be  considered  as  one  of  the 
1)est,  if  not  the  best,  history  of  Texas.  No  other  production  of  the  kind  in 
English  supplies  a  more  complete  account  of  Texan  events,  the  author  hav- 
ing had  the  advantage  of  preceding  works  of  importance,  such  as  those  of 
Kennedy,  Foote,  and  other  writers.  His  account  of  the  early  missionary 
labors  and  the  founding,  system,  and  decline  of  the  missions  is  good,  though 
brief;  as  also  the  information  which  he  gives  about  the  Indian  tribes  and 
their  wars  against  the  whites.  Yoakum  certainly  made  many  mistakes, 
and  has  been  f requentlv  corrected  by  sabaequent  writers ;  he  was  an  in- 
timate friend  of  General  Houston,  and  displays  his  admiration  of  him  in  his 
work;  but  this  does  not  warrant  Richardson,  in  saying  that  Yoakum's 
partiality  was  carried  to  an  extreme  of  adulation,  and  habitually  ignored 
the  sanctity  of  truth.  The  same  writer  considered  that  there  was  no  doubt 
that  Yoakum  received  his  data  and  voluminous  documents  from  Houston,  in 
spite  of  the  latter*s  assertion  that  the  work  was  one  witii  which  the  com- 
mander-in-chief had  no  connection.  This  may  be  true  to  some  extent,  but 
when  he  goes  on  to  say,  '  we  entertain  no  doubt  that  there  are,  in  tliat  book, 
letters,  despatches,  and  documents,  which  were  concocted  for  the  book,  and 
long  posterior  to  the  events  they  refer  to,' — Tex,  Aim,,  1860,  36 — ^such  a 
remanL  is  not  only  reckless,  as  Kichardson  does  not  produce  a  shadow  of 
proof,  but  bears  the  mark  of  enmity  and  malice.  Yoakum  supplies  a  larffs 
number  of  documents  in  his  appendices,  among  which  mention  most  be  made 
of  the  copy  of  an  old  record  m  the  archives  of  B^jar,  bearing  the  date  of 
1744,  ana  which  contains  much  information  on  the  early  history  of  Texas; 
and  of  a  memoir  written  by  CoL  EUis  P.  Bean,  about  the  year  1816,  in 
which  an  account  of  Nolan's  inroad  is  given,  and  of  Bean's  subsequent 
romantic  career  in  Mexico,  first  as  a  prisoner,  and  afterward  as  a  soldier 
fighting  in  the  cause  of  the  independence. 

Henry  Stuart  Foote — Texas  and  the  Texans.  or  Advance  qfthe  Angio-Ameri- 
cans  to  the  South' West,  etc.,  etc  Philadelphia,  1841,  12mo,  2  vols.,  pp.  viiL 
314,  and  v.  403.  This  author  opens  his  work  witii  a  review  of  the  leading 
events  in  Mexico,  from  the  conquest  by  Cortes  to  the  termination  of  the 
war  of  independence.  He  then  enters  upon  Texan  matters,  and  describes 
the  numerous  expeditions  into  Texas  from  the  U.  S.  Of  the  Fredonian  war 
he  gives  a  very  full  account,  preceded  bv  a  sketch  of  the  progress  of  Austin's 
colony.  The  second  volume  is  devoted  to  the  Texan  war  oi  independence, 
and  the  causes  which  led  to  its  outbreak.  In  a  postscript  some  informa- 
tion is  given  concerning  the  claims  of  the  U.  S.  to  lexas,  at  different  periods 
after  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  the  efforts  to  confirm  a  title  to  tibe  ter- 
ritory. Foote  had  at  his  disposal  much  valuable  material,  and  supplies 
copies  of  a  number  of  important  documents.  He  had  been  invited  while  in 
Texas,  he  informs  us  in  his  preface,  '  to  imdertake  a  History  of  the  War  of 
Texan  Independence,  by  more  than  twenty  of  the  most  conspicuous  acton  in 


BIBLIOGRAPHY.  385 

that  war.'  This  may  explain  his  strong  one-sidedness,  but  is  no  excuse  for 
his  frequently  indulging  in  contemptuous  and  undignified  expressions  when 
^peaking  of  the  Mexicans.  His  work,  however,  is  a  valuable  contribution  to 
Texan  history. 

Mary  Amtin  HoUey^  Texas,  Lexington,  Ky.,  1836.  12mo.,  pp.  viii.  410; 
Map.  This  authoress  published  a  few  years  previously,  Texas^  Uhaervntions, 
Hintorica^  Gtoanmhical,  and  Descriptive^  in  a  Series  qf  Letlers  written  during  a 
Visit  to  Austins  Colony,  teitfi  a  View  to  a  Permanent  Settlement  in  tJiat  Conntrtff 
in  the  Autumn  of  183L  Baltimore,  1833,  12  mo.,  pp.  167.  Tlie  work  under 
consideration  is  an  enlargement  of  the  former  issue,  and  contains  a  very 
correct  description  of  the  physical  features  of  Texas,  I>e8ide8  a  large  amount 
of  historical  matter,  which  is  supported  by  copies  of  important  documents. 
Mrs  Holley  concludes  her  narrative  with  a  brief  recital  of  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto,  furnishing  a  list  of  the  killed  and  wounded  on  the  Texan  side,  as 
also  Houston's  Army  Orders  of  May  5,  1836.  Attached'  is  /m  appendix 
containing  'The  Constitution  of  the  Mexican  United  States,'  and  'Constitu- 
tion of  the  Republic  of  Texas,'  with  a  list  of  the  siffners  of  the  'Declara- 
tion of  Rights.  In  The  Quarterly  Beview,  vol.  Ixi.  p.  332,  a  slighting  remark 
is  made,  charging  the  authoress  with  ^ving  the  most  favorable  prospect  of  the 
new  country  for  the  purpose  of  inducmg  the  immigration  of  settlers  from  the 
U.  S. — ^the  writer  of  the  article  sarcastically  printing  her  name  'Austin  '  in 
italics.  But  the  whole  tone  of  his  article  ia  stamped  with  a  lack  of  appreciat- 
ing what  a  struggle  for  free  principles  against  despotism  really  is.  With 
regard  to  Mrs  HoEy's  style  I  ^uote  the  following pajssage  from  Tlie  Nort/LAmer- 
ican  Review,  voL  xlui.,  na  xcu.  p.  257.  '  Mrs  Holley  has  given  an  agreeable 
account  of  her  visit,  in  her  own  femininely  graceful  style,  yet  by  no  means 
destitute  of  expression  and  force;  and  her  statements,  as  to  the  natural 
features  of  the  country,  are,  in  substance,  correct.'  This  remark  refers  to 
her  earlier  work. 

W.  B,  Dewees — Letters/rom  an  Early  Settler  qf  Texas.     Com^pUed  by  Cara 
CardeSe,     Louisville,  Ky.,  1852,  12mo.  pp.  viii.  312.     There  is  mtemal  evi- 
dence tliat  his  work  is  not  what  it  purports  to  be.     The  compiler  states  in 
her  preface  that  she  '  chanced  to  find,  among  the  papers  of  a  worthy  friend, 
a  lari^  pile  of  letters  from  Texas,  some  of  thein  bearing  an  early  date  in 
the  history  of  that  country.'    Interested  in  the  perusal  of  them  she  professes 
to  have  obtained  leave  from  Dewees  to  publish  them,  and  remarks,  '  I  give 
them  as  they  are,  from  the  pen  of  the  author,  lest  by  revising  and  correct- 
ing, some  gem  should  be  lost  or  beauty  marred.'    The  first  letter  is  dated 
'Long  Prairie,  Ark.,  March  1,  18^19,'  and  the  last  'Columbus,  Texas,  Feb. 
3,  1852,'  being  in  answer  to  the  compiler's  request  that  Dewees  would  write 
her  '  concerning  the  prosperity  of  your  country,  from  the  date  of  your  last 
letter  (January,  1850)  up  to  the  present  time; '  that  is,  Jan.  15,  1852.     Now 
without   discussing  the  many  extraordinary  historical  mistakes  scattered 
through  the  volume,  attention  is  called  to  that  in  the  third  letter  dated  June 
10,  1821.     The  writer  says,  on  pp.  20-22,  '  Nacogdoches  is  an  old  Spanish 
town,  situated  on  the  San  Antonio  and  Louisiana  road,  about  sixty  miles 
west  of  the  Sabine  river,  in  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas; '  and  again: 
'During  my  stay  in  Nacogdoches,   I  learned  that  Mr  Moses  Austin,  of 
Missouri,  had  received  permission  from  the  Mexican  government  to  estab- 
lish a  colony  in  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.'    Here  is  a  glaring  anach- 
ronism that  could  not  have  been  perpetrated  by  Dewees;  the  state  of  Coa- 
huila and  Texas  was  not  formed  till  May  7,  1824 — see  index  this  volume. 
That  at   least  some  of  these  letters  are  spurious  there  is  incontrovertible 
evidence.     In  the  19th  letter,   dated  Columbus,  Texas,  May  15,  1836,  the 
writer  has  not  scrupled  to  copy  almost  verbatim  from  Mrs  Hollei/'s  Texas, 
pp.    364-5.     1  quote  a  few  passages.     Dewees  writes  'Colonel  'Gravis,  on 
-ndbose  head  a  price  was  set,  when  wounded  and  dying  was  attacked  by  a 
Mexican  officer  who  seemed  intent  on  striking  the  body  qf  the  dead; '  Mrs  Holley 
has,   *  'who,  in  imitation  of  the  western  savage  seemed  desirous  of  striking  the 
Aor/y  of  the  dead,  the  other  portion  of  the  passage  being  identical.     Dewees. 
Hist.  Mex.  States,  Vol.  II.    25. 


386  END  OP  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

has,  'Travis  met  and  plunged  his  sword  in  the  breast  of  the  aavage 
Mexican,  and  they  fell,  the  victor  with  the  victim,  to  rise  no  more.*  Mrs 
Holley  writes,  'Travis  met  and  plunged  his  sword  in  the  breast  of  the 
advancing  enemy,  and  fell,  the  victor  with  the  victim,  to  rise  no  more.' 
Again  the  following  passage  is  almost  word  for  word,  the  same  as  the  corres- 
ponding one  in  Mrs  HoUey's  work.  '  Imme4liately  after  the  fall  of  the 
jElamo,  Gen.  Santa  Anna  sent  Mrs  Dickenson  and  Col  Travis*  servant  to 
Gen.  Houston's  camp,  accompanied  by  a  Mexican,  with  a  flag,  who  bore  a 
note  from  Santa  Anna  offering  the  Texans  peace  and  a  general  amnesty  if 
they  would  lay  down  their  arms  and  submit  to  his  government.  Gen. 
Houston's  reply  was  "True,  sir,  you  have  succeeded  in  killing  some  of  our 
brave  men,  but  the  Texans  are  not  yet  whipped.**  *  Now  Mrs  Holley  pub- 
lished in  her  work,  which  was  issued  in  Xexington,  Kentucky,  in  183<), 
Army  Orders  of  Gen.  Houston,  dated  May  5,  18^,  and  it  was  impossible 
that  Dewees  could  have  had  the  work  before  him  at  the  time  when  his  letter 
is  pretended  to  have  been  written.  The  conclusion  that  the  letters  were 
written  long  after  the  dates  assigned  to  them  is  indisputable.  With  regarl 
to  their  matter,  they  contain  numerous  accounts  of  fights  with  Indians,  and 
of  the  distressed  condition  of  the  early  settlers.  In  historical  matters  they 
are  marked  by  inaccuracies  and  exoneration. 

Aruon  Joneg — Memoranda  and  Offidal  Corrtgpondence  relating  to  ike  RepMc 
q/*  Texas;  Us  History  and  Annexatioiu  IncbuUng  a  brief  Autdfiogranhjf  of  the 
Author,  New  York,  1859,  8vo,  pp.  648.  The  author  of  this  work  went  to 
Texas  in  1833,  and  fought  asainst  the  Mexicans  as  a  soldier  in  tiie  ranks. 
After  the  independence  of  Texas,  he  was  successivelv  representative,  sena- 
tor, secretary  of  state,  minister,  and  president.  His  book  consequently  con- 
tains a  vast  amount  of  information;  as  he  gives  in  it  not  only  his  privaU* 
memoirs,  but  all  his  official  correspondence,  especially  during  1S41  to  1844. 
It  is  divided  in  'Private  Memoirs,'  'Memoranda,*  in  the  form  of  a  journal 
and  'Letters,  etc./  among  which  appear  extracts  from  a  number  of  Texan 
and  U.  S.  newspapers.  The  work  contains  extensive  information  on  all 
political  affairs  in  Texas,  from  the  time  of  his  arrival,  to  within  a  few  weeki 
of  his  death,  Jan.  7,  1858.  Especially  valuable  are  his  remarks  on  the  cam- 
paign of  1836,  the  annexation  question,  and  the  schemes  of  England.  During 
Jones'  presidency  Gen.  Houston  l)ecame  estranged  from  him  and,  according 
to  his  own  statement,  page  520,  assumed  a  hostile  attitude  toward  him. 
both  politically  and  personally.  Doctor  Jones  was  subject  to  paroxysms  ot 
sloom,  and  in  a  fit  of  despondency  took  his  own  life  on  the  above  mentione^l 
date. 

An  elaborate  volume  by  Homer  S.  Thrall, — A  Pictorial  History  qfTer*u, 
from  tfte  Earliest  Fwite  qf  European  Advettturers,  to  A.  />.,  1879,  efc.,  efc.,  St 
Louis,  Mo.  8vo,  pp.  xix.  and  861,  map, — supplies  extensive  information  re- 
garding Texas,  the  author  having  had  access  to  many  official  documents, 
and  the  opportunity  of  perusing  a  large  number  of  histories,  pamphlets,  and 
addresses  bearing  upon  his  subject.  He  has,  therefore,  been  able  to  place 
before  his  reader,  in  a  condensed  form,  a  vast  accumulation  of  historical 
events,  and  in  all  main  features,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  he  is  generallr 
correct.  Toward  the  close  of  the  period  which  Thrall's  work  covers,  he  is 
scanty  and  very  delicate  about  expressing  any  views  of  political  matters. 
The  works  comprises  all  matters  connected  with  the  history  of  the  state. 
Lists  of  the  executives  and  the  personnel  of  the  different  departments  wUl 
be  found  in  the  notes,  and  brief  descriptions,  in  alpha1)etical  order,  of  the 
counties  are  supplied,  as  also  accounts  of  charitable  and  educational  insti* 
tutions  and  churches.  Information  is  given  on  agricultural  industries,  rail- 
ways and  commerce,  population  and  the  growing  wealth  of  the  state. 
Perhaps  the  most  valuable  and  interesting  portion  of  tiie  book  is  that 
devoted  to  biographical  notices  of  prominent  Texans,  of  whom  he  famishes  a 
list  of  over  200,  their  names  arranged  alphabetically.  The  work  is  so  com- 
prehensive in  details,  and  methodical  in  construction,  that  it  may  be  regudsd 
as  a  miniature  cyclopedia  rather  than  a  history  of  Texas. 


FULLER  REFERENCE.  387 

The  f  dlowing  is  a  list  of  the  principal  authorities  consulted  in  the  preced- 
ing chapters:  U.  S.  government  documents,  notably  Conn,  Debates;  Id,  Globe; 
Sfn.  Doc.;  Sen.  MiaceL  Doc.;  Sen.  Rep.;  U.  Ex.  Does;  H.  Miacel  Does;  II. 
Com.  Hep.;  H.  Jour.;  Charters  and  ConatihUions ;  Sen.  Jour.;  to  the  respective 
indices  of  which  the  reader  is  referred  for  Texas  affairs;  Hulea  and  ArUdes 
for  Govt  ArmkSy  Houston,  1839,  20  pp.;  Texas  Repealed,  passim;  Texas  Stoic 
Gaz.,  iv.  app.;  Laws  of  Rep.  of  Texas,  for  the  years  1838-45;  Texas,  Message 
\.y  Hon  ■         """"  -■      .       .*  ,^       «.  .    ^     .    .    . 


ofPres.,  Houston,  1838,  32  pp.;  Laying  Cornerstone  New  Stale  Capital,  Aus- 


tin, 1885,  43  pp.;  Tex.  Almanacs,  for  the  years  1858-61,  1867-9,  see  indices; 

FUisoia,  Mem.  Mist.  Gfuer.  Tex.,  vols  i.  and  ii.;  Kennedy* s  Tex.,  vols  L  and  ii.; 

Bakers  Tex.,  passim;  Cordova's  Tex.,  3-6,  102-53;  Jay's  Mex.  War,  20-106; 

Hooey's  Tex.,  passim;  Houston's  letter  to  Santa  Ana;  Id.,  L\fe  of,  211-24;  Id., 

Message,  May  12th,  Houston,  1838,  9  pp.;  Id.,  Mess.  Relative  to  Ind.  Affah-x, 

Houston,  1838,  13  pp.;  Foote's  Tex.,  passim;  Mex.  Manifest  del  Cong.  Gen., 

Mex.,  1836,  20  pp.;  Id.,  Ret.  Exter.,  1838,  12-14,  18;  Id,,  Mem.  Hoc,  1838, 

7;  Id.,  CoL  Leyes,  1829-30;  ThraU's  Tex.,  18-701;  Rivera,  Jaktpa,  iii.,  passim; 

Youngs  Hist,  of  Mex.,  262-606;  Gray's  Outline  Hist.,  1-16;  Linn's  Reminis , 

65,  225^12;  U.  S.  Repub.,  58-268;  BumeU's  Address  to  the  Sen,,  Houston, 

1838,  8  pp. ;  Lester's  Houston  and  fas  Repub,,  45-201;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg, 

Mfx.,  in.  141-88;  iv.  154,  198;  v.  17;  Roberts'  Descript.  Tex.,  i.-iv.;  WiUsons 

Amer.  HisL,  665-72;  Gwin*s  Memoirs,  MS.,  2-4,  249-^6;  Potter's  Texas  RevoL, 

27  pp.;  Tex.  CoO,  Docs,  nos  3-7,  19,   53-8,  65;  Hansard's  Pari  Rec.,  Ixv. 

964-5;  Ixxiv.  1227,  1330;  Id.,  Pari  Deb,,  xxxvii   191-202;  Hay's  Life,  MS., 

3,  7,   11-33;  Niles'  Register,  ooverine  the  period,  see  indices;  Federackm  y 

Texas,  39  pp.;  Dewees'  Letters  from  Tex.,  223-98,  304-8;  Patton's  HisL  U.  S., 

686-91;  JJoinenech,  HUt.  du  Mex.,  177-8,  187-96;  Id.,  Jour.  Missianaire,  10, 

25,  325-442;  Falconer's  Disrov.  Miss.,  34-52;  Hist.  Doc  Cal,  i  72;  iL  21,  36; 

Fr^s  Life  of  Taylor,  71-86;  GaUalin's  Peace  with  Mex.,  7-9,   15-23;  Green's 

Journal,  passim;  Id.,  Reply  to  Houston,  29-66;  Id.,  Speech  in  (I.  S.  Sen.,  3-67; 

GraUon's  Civ.  Amer.,  ii.  261-5,  278-311;  Hootons  St  Louis  Isle,  Lond.,  1847, 

204  pp.;  Jenkins'  Mex.  War,  passim;  Id.,  Life  of  Polk,  120-33,  236-45;  Peirce'n 

Rough  Sketch,  MS.,  93-8;  Id.,  Jour.,  MS.,  100-9;    Varios  Impresos,  2,  no.  vi. 

1-96;  Giddings'  Speeches,  97-118;  SmitiiS  Reminis.   Tex.,  Galv.,  1876,  82  pp.; 

Barbey,  Tex.;  Bentons  Deb.  in  Cong.,  xii.  650-2,  805;  xiu.  802;  xx.  67.V4; 

Id.,  Thirty  Years'  View,  ii.  581-624,  665-76;  Bustamante^  Diario  Mex.,  MS., 

xliv.  81,  109,  127,  169;  xlv.  53,  71,  168;  xlvL  31,  77,  87;  Id.,  Gabinete  Mex., 

Ma,  L  5,  23-4,  45;  ii.  7-14,  168-70, 183-5;  iv.  17;  Id.,  Menu  Hist.  Mex.,  MS., 

ii.  46-50,  61-2.  71-6,  90-3,  166-7;  Id.,  Hist.  Santa  Anna,  5-6,  42-50,  110-16, 

301;  CebaUos,  Kinrf.  dc  if ea:.,  43-50,  73-7;  Channimf's  Letter  to  Clay;  Complaint 

of  Mex.;  Bonnell's  Destrip,   Tex,,  117-50;  KendalCa  Narr,  of  Tex.,  Santa  /V 

Exped.,  ii.  11-406;  Kennedy's  Sveech  in  U.  S.  Sen.,;  Blanchanl's  S.  Juan,  522 

6,  543-72;  Almonte,  Notic.  Estddist.   Tex.,  5-10,  51,  68-70.  76-7;  Adams,  Dhi- 

rurso  del  Ex-presidente,  Mex.,  1836,  22  i)p.;  Rep.  Mex.  Border  Comnms.,  245 

et  seq.;  Tornel,  Tejas  Estad.  Umd.,  1-98;  Nilcs' S.  Amer.  and  Mex.,  i.  250-69, 

356-69,  372;  Ramsey's  Otfier  Side,  21^;  Cranes   W(v<h.   Co.   T(x.,  25-9,  33; 

Tex.,  Didamende  Comis  Uiwlas,  24  pp.;  Texan,  Ilittory  of,  or  Emiq.  Guide  to, 

N.  Y.,  1844.  275  pp.;  Foumel,  Coup  d'Oeil,  20-1,  38,  41,  53-6;  TejfM,  Exped. 

hrcha  en,  1-56;  la..  Com.  Agreq.  Estitd.  Unid.,  3-30;  Porters  Rev.  Mex.   War, 

9  35;  Mex.  Comunic  Agreg.   Tex,  7-30;  Maiv^field's  Mex.   War,  9-19,  22-4; 

Amer.  State  Papers,  vl  412-27;  ArrilVvja,  Recap.,  1836,  234,  331-3;  1837,  40, 

86-7,  268-9,  398,  596-7;  1838,   187,  212-13;  Austin  Director!/,   1877-8,   1  33; 

7'trx.    in  IS40,  23-8,  61-7,  209-22,  248-56;  Marn/s  Army  Life,  63,  356-90; 

Texeu  Com.  from  Sec.  of  the  Treas.,  Houston,  18;^,  16  pp.;  Goodrich's  HisL  N. 

and  8.  Amer.,  268-70,  810-61;  Dickenson's  Speeches,  i.  127-59;  I^renaudirre. 

M*rx.  yGuat.,  239-40;  Lamar's  Letter  on  Annex,  of  Tex.;  Id.,  Inauq.  Addrfsn, 

Houston,  1838,  11  pp.;  Rivero,  Mex.  en  JS42,  118,  223;  GwrraeiUre  Mrx.  tfUw 

E<fhd.  Umd.,  17,  21-2;  Yuc  Manifest  Gdt.  Prav.,  16-37;  Peeler  and  M^uvajs 

Mercer  Colony  Case;  McCabe's  Comprehenmve    View,  761-2;  ThonqisoiiH  Rend. 

Mex.,  passim;  Olmsted's  Journey,  472-4;  Sumner' m  Oratiom,  ii.  107-16;  Rohin- 

^atis  Jlex,,  25i>-61;  Ripley's   War  if  ex.,  i.  58;  2't'xan  litvoUuiou;  MarGrnjors 


388  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

progress  cf  Amer.t  iL  1036,  1256;  Baqudro,  Enfayo  Yuc.,  1^42-5;  -Bormro, 
Jtesumenj  36  pp. ;  HutddaorCe  Reminis,^  198-208;  War  m  Texas,  64  pp.;  iJejon, 
Crecencio  Justijioachn,  1-36;  Hunt^s  Address  to  People  of  Tex.,  21-43;  Id,  Puh- 
Uc  Lands  and  Debt  of  Tex.,  16  lap.;  PoZocwieyes,  1844r-6, 115-17;  Oten,0bm, 
MS.,  1.  313-17;  ii.  1-4;  Tex.,  UlL  Comunic.,  Mex.,  1846,  22  pp.;  DemocroUc 
Reo.,  1839-45;  Paip,  Var,,  75,  no.  14,  85,  no.  15,  106,  no.  7,  111,  no.  1,143, 
no.  19,  149,  no.  12;  Mayer  s  Mex,  War,  54-66,  74r-5;  /<£.,  Mex.  as  It  W(uad 
Is,  312;  Rouhan,  Regions  NouveUes,  27;  Lond.  Oeog.  Soc.  Jour.,  xiii  20244; 
Fislters  Memorials,  3-87;  De  Bow's  Stat.  View,  32-168;  Edinburgh  Rev.,  no. 
147,  p.  266,  no.  157,  p.  180-2;  North  Amer.  Rev.,  xliiL  251-7;  HutU'«  Merd. 
Mag.,  iL  264-5;  iv.  564;  xvi.  486,  557;  xviii.  504;  Amer.  Rev.,  75-81;  Gwgt* 
Fiscal  Hist.  Tex.,  54-102,  292-318;  Gould's  Alamo  City  €hdde,  23-7;  Pviwmi 
Monthly  Mag.,  iii.  183-94;  iv.  639-44;  Hobb's  Wild  Life  in  Far  Wed,  18-32; 
Reid's  Tramp,  42-5,  52;  Payne's  Hist  European  Colonies,  310-11;  llardnmi 
Frontier  Life,  197-248;  MuUer,  Reisen  en  Mex.,  iiL  315-17  In  connection 
with  the  preceding,  a  large  number  of  newspaper  authorities  have  been  ei- 
amined. 


-^"*^ 


Seal  of  Texas. 


CHAPTER  XV 

TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

1846-1869. 

SodAL   Ck>NDrnoN   of   thb   Texans — ^Population— Posttiok    of   Male- 

FAOrOBS — SlMPLIGITT  OF  HOUSEHOLDS — ^ThB  LrrEBATE  ELEMENT — GoV* 
KBNOB  HeNDEBSON's  INAUGURATION — ^TeXANS'  DoINOS  IN  THE  MEXICAN 

Wab— Wood's  Administration — ^Dispute  about  the  Possession  of 
Santa  Fi— Governor  Beli^— The  Texan  Pebt— Pearoe's  Bill— The 
Santa  Fi  and  Public  I>ebt  Questions — Scaling  the  Debt — Pease's 
Administration — Pbosperttt — Indian  Depredations — Native  Colo- 
nies— ^Prospects  of  Success— Vicious  Indian  Settlers — Angry 
Frontier-men — A  Barbarous  Massacre — ^Removal  of  the  Indian 
Colonists— Final  Adjustment  of  the  Public  Debt— Financial 
Matters — Hostility  to  Mexicans — The  Cart  War — Political  Par- 
ties— Biography  of  Rusk — Administration  of  Runnels — The 
Slavery  Agitation — Houston   Elected  Governor. 

Texas  now  entered  upon  a  new  phase  of  existence. 
She  had  presented  to  the  world  the  extraordinary 
spectacle  of  a  nation  voluntarily  surrendering  its  na- 
tionality, of  a  sovereiga  people  laying  down  their 
sceptre  of  autonomy,  tint  her  gain  was  not  small. 
No  longer  had  she  to  support  an  army  and  navy,  or 
bear  the  expenses  of  a  diplomatic  corps  and  postal 
service.  With  regard  to  her  internal  condition  it  had 
greatly  improved.  Agricultural  productions  had  in- 
creased, and  by  1845  the  exports  nearly  equalled  the 
imports.*     Having  arrived  at  a  distinctive  period  of 

^For  the  year  endins  July  31,  1844,  the  imports  amounted  to  |686,503, 
and  the  exports  to  $6j5,119,  showing  a  balance  of  trade  against  the  re- 
public of  |71,384«  In  1839  the  corresponding  balance  was  fl,232,379,  or 
more  ihajo.  17  times  as  much.  Oouge,  in  his  Ftactd  Hist.,  128,  supplies  these 
figoreSy  and  points  out  the  effect  of  excessive  issues  of  paper  currency  in  en- 
couraging imports  and  discouraging  exports.  Though  there  is  some  truth  in 
his  remark,  he  fails  to  take  notice  of  the  fact  that  the  production  of  raw 
material  in  Texas  was  rapidly  increasing,  and  would  naturally  affect  the 
halaooeof  trade. 

4889) 


'^..'  J       ^  r 


K 


390^*''*'  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

Texan  history,  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  take  a 
retrospective  glance  at  the  social  condition  of  those 
extraordinary  men  who  wrested  from  a  powerful 
nation  this  fair  portion  of  her  territory. 

It  is  impossible  to  arrive  at  any  certain  estimate  sus 
to  the  number  of  the  Anglo-Texan  population  before 
the  year  1847,  when  the  first  census  was  taken,  show- 
mg  the  number  of  that  race  to  be  100,508.'  A  cal- 
culation based  upon  the  number  of  votes  cast  in  Sep- 
tember, 1844,  at  the  presidential  election,  gives  the 
figures  51,008  ;'  but  when  it  is  considered  how  widely 
the  population  was  dispersed,  and  the  consequent 
probability  that  no  small  number  of  the  countiy 
voters  would  be  unable  to  appear  at  the  polls,  these 
figures  may  be  regarded  as  too  low.  The  Mexican 
element  at  this  time  numbered  about  4,000  souk 
These,  with  the  exception  of  the  Mexicans  resident  at 
Bdjar,  Goliad,  and  Nacogdoches,  were  scattered 
among  the  settlements.  Some  few  European  immi- 
grants, for  the  most  part  English,  Irish,  and  Germans, 
were  also  to  be  found.*  San  Patricio,  which  was  es- 
sentially an  Irish  colony,  contained  quite  a  number  of 
that  race.  EngUsh  settlers,  also,  shortly  before  the 
annexation,  were  constantly  arriving,  some  of  whom 
engaged  in  raising  sheep,  bringing  with  them  flocka 
of  the  best  bred  wool-producers  in  Great  Britain. 

When  it  is  borne  in  mind  from  how  many  states  of  the 
northern  union  the  early  settlers  of  Texas  proceeded, 
that  descendants  of  the  pilgrim  fathers,  and  Hollanders 
from  the  north,  of  the  old  Virginia  cavaliers,  and 
of  the  ancient  Huguenots  who  settled  in  South  Caro- 
lina, that  hunters  from  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  and 
illiterate  frontier  farmers  all  flocked  to  this  land  of 
promise,  it  will  be  recognized  how  motley  was  the 

'Ooninilt  note  4,  chapter  ziv. 

'The  number  of  votes  was  12,752,  and  each  voter  is  estimated  to  ncprt- 
sent  four  persons,  including  himself. 

*  In  1845  a  German  colony  wai  founded  by  Prince  de  Solma,  on  the  Goad- 
#^lnpe  river.  At  first  these  settlers  suffered  much  from  sickness^  but  their 
county  capital,  New  Braunfels  is  now  a  thriving  place.  Lmn's  Renu^  348. 


EJ^EMEl^TS  OF  SOCEEnnr.  801 

community  at  this  time.  But  on  their  arrival, 
previous  rivalries  and  jealousies,  arising  from  dif- 
ferent origins  and  local  interests,  to  a  great  extent 
disappeared.  They  had  met  in  a  new  land  under  a 
common  name,  and  were  ready  to  aid  each  other 
and  live  in  friendship,  but  as  vet  no  national 
character  distinguished  the  people  of  Texas.  Neither 
in  manners,  customs,  nor  dress,  did  they  display  uni- 
formity; and  each  new-comer,  finding  no  general 
model,  retained  the  habits  he  had  brought  with  him. 
In  their  intercourse  with  each  other  and  with  strang- 
ers, they  exhibited  a  freedom,  and  a  want  of  the  tinsel 
of  poUteness — so  often  the  cloak  of  iusincerity — ^which 
might  not  always  have  pleased  the  transient  traveller; 
but  if  he  possessed  ordinary  common  sense,  he  soon 
discovered  the  virtues  of  frankness,  truthfulness,  and 
hospitality  in  the  Texan  settler. 

With  regard  to  the  criminal  element,  the  murderers 
and  fugitives  from  justice  of  which  the  people  were 
said  to  be  largely  composed,  I  fail  to  find  these  hasty 
assertions  verified.  Either  the  Texans  were  intention- 
ally maligned,  or  else  they  were  introduced  to  the 
world  by  writers  who  had  no  personal  knowledge  of 
them.  That  numbers  of  malefactors  found  their  way 
into  Texas  cannot  be  denied;  but  they  were  in  so 
small  a  minority  that  they  possessed  no  influence ;  and 
it  may  justly  be  said  that  in  respect  to  this  social 
detriment,  Texas  suffered  no  more  than  the  settle- 
ments in  all  the  frontier  states  of  the  union.*  Over 
the  class  of  people  which  is  the  subject  of  these  re- 
marks a  vigilant  watch  was  kept  by  the  community, 
and   an  immigrant  guilty  of  crime,  who  had  made 

^  Unbiaaaed  travellers  rectwnized  this.  Ccmsiilt  Parhet^s  Trip  to  the  West 
and  ^ec,  16^70;  Ttxas,  A  Viatto,  hdr^the  Journal  of  a  Traveler,  214^16; 
TexaSf  A  History  of,  or  the  Mruffranis*  Ouide^  230.  These  works,  published  re- 
spectively in  1835,  1834,  and  1844,  contain  much  excellent  information,  and 
are  evidently  reliable.  Jake  Johnson,  a  native  Texan,  and  son  of  an  old 
pioneer  who  in  early  days  was  a  stock-raiser  and  farmer  in  Gonzalez  county, 
writing  in  1886,  says,  'The  reason  Texas  has  such  a  bad  name  is  that 
when  Ibe  lawless  of  other  portions  of  the  country  commit  depredations,  they 
come  to  Texas,  and  thus  give  the  state  a  bad  name.'  Ra/ce  Horses  in  Tex,^ 
MS.,  1. 


?92  TEXAS  AS  A  STATK 

Texas  his  place  of  refiige,  was  generally  careful  not  to 
repeat  the  offence  which  had  caused  his  expatriation. 
To  suppose  that  no  murders,  or  no  violence  occurred 
in  Texas,  would  be  to  imagine  a  millennium.  Many 
abominable  crimes  were  perpetrated;  but  they  were 
not  in  greater  proportion  than  every  newly  settled 
country  in  the  United  States  has  been  subject  to; 
while  at  the  same  time  theft  and  burglary  were  car- 
ried on  to  a  much  less  extent.  In  manners  and 
morals  the  conduct  of  the  A»glo-Texans  would  bear 
comparison  with  those  of  any  new  country. 

In  most  of  the  towns  could  be  found  a  billiard 
room,  and  in  the  suburbs  a  race-course.  The  amuse- 
ments derived  from  these  sources  were  greatly  in 
vogue  among  the  Texans.  Though  the  legislature 
attempted  to  suppress  gambUng,*  this  vice  was  greatly 
practised  in  private.  With  regard  to  the  use  of  in- 
toxicating liquors  the  Texans  could  not  be  chaj^ed 
with  too  strict  temperance. 

In  the  older  settlements  some  comfortable  frame- 
houses  could  be  seen  at  this  date,  and  occasionally  a 
few  of  brick.  In  these  might  be  found  good  imported 
furniture  and  articles  of  luxury,  such  as  pianos,  sofas, 
and  bureaus.  But  the  dwellings  of  most  of  the  set- 
tlers, especially  in  the  country,  were  of  logs,  with 
furniture  of  the  simplest  kind,  generally  made  on  the 
spot  out  of  materials  at  hand.  A  few  boards  with 
supports  roughly  put  together,  constituted  the  house- 
hold table,  and  chair  frame-works  were  covered  with 
raw  hides.  The  female  part  of  the  community  per- 
formed nearly  all  the  household  duties;  and  refined 
as  were  the  wives  of  many  immigrants,  they  were  not 
exempt  from  severe  toil  unless  they  held  slaves. 

Food  was  of  the  simplest  kind,  except  In  the  towns 
and  the  better  class  of  country  establishments.  Com- 
meal  bread,  meat,  and  sweet  or  Irish  potatoes  consti- 

*  On  May  26,  1837,  an  act  was  passed  making  all  games  of  chance,  played 
by  persons  holding  banks  for  the  purpose  of  invitinff  betters  thereto,  penal 
offences.  LauM  B^mb.  Tex,,  i.  228-9.  This  law  had  tne  offset  of  suppressing 
gambling  in  public  only. 


HENDERSON,  FIRST  GOVERNOR  393 

tuted  the  principal  viands  In  the  outlying  districts. 
The  com  was  frequently  left  standing  in  the  field,  and 
gathered  only  as  it  became  wanted.  The  chief  ex- 
ports were  cotton,  sugar,  live-stock,  and  peltries. 
Indeed,  the  agricultural  productions  as  yet  were  very 
few,  and  confined  to  those  of  the  first  necessity. 

A  large  portion  of  the  settlers  at  this  time  was 
composed  of  illiterate  men,  drawn  from  the  class  of 
induLstrious  husbandmen  whose  tastes  and  avocations 
precluded  the  acquirement  of  an  education.  But, 
nevertheless,  among  the  early  immigrants  into  Texas 
were  many  highly  cultured  persons.  The  various 
professions  were  represented  by  numerous  indi- 
viduals who  displayed  great  intelligence  and  skill  in 
their  particular  callings ;  many  were  gifted  with  con- 
versational powers  and  versed  in  literature  and  science. 
During  the  last  years  of  the  republic,  gradua^tes  from 
half  the  colleges  in  the  United  States  could  be  found 
in  Texas." 

On  the  16th  of  February,  1846,  the  inauguration 
of  J.  Pinckney  Henderson,*  the  first  governor  of  the 

'*  Pafker — writing,  however,  a  decade  before  the  annexation — says:  *  It 
used  to  amuse  me,  when  we  rode  up  to  a  house  at  night  and  called  for  a 
meal,  to  hear  the  women  sing  out  to  a  boy,  "  Run  to  the  field  and  bring  two 
or  three  ears  of  com,  I  want  to  make  some  bread  for  the  gentlemen's  supper. ' " 
Uiswp,^  130-1. 

»  Texas,  A  Hisl.  of,  230-1. 

*  Henderson  was  bom  in  Lincoln  county,  N.  C,  March  31,  1809.  For 
several  years  he  studied  at  the  university  of  Chapel  Hill,  and  having  adopted 
the  profession  of  law  was  admitted  to  practise  in  N.  C.  at  tiie  early  age  of 
nineteen.  His  intense  application  while  preparing  for  his  profession  injured 
his  constitution.  He  want  to  Texas  in  1836,  and  in  1837  was  appointed 
minister  &om  the  republic  of  Texas  to  England  and  France,  where  ne  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  a  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas.  He  married 
Frances  Cox,  in  London,  in  October,  1839.  On  his  return  to  Texas  in  1840 
he  practised  his  profession  till  1844,  when  he  was  appointed  minister  pleni- 
potentiary to  act  in  concert  with  Colonel  Van  Zaadt,  tlie  charge  d'  affairs  of 
Texas  to  the  United  States,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  annexation.  The  treaty 
was,  however,  rejected  by  the  U.  S.  senate.  In  the  war  with  Mexico,  Hen- 
derson signalized  himself,  especially  at  the  capture  of  Monterey,  and  was 
one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  by  Taylor  to  treat  with  Ampudia  for 
the  surrender  of  that  place.  On  his  return  to  Texas  he  declined  a  renomi- 
nation  as  candidate  for  the  govemship,  and  resumed  the  practise  of  his  pro- 
fession. He  died  in  June,  1858,  at  the  federal  capital,  having  proceeded 
thither  to  fill  the  vacancy  in  the  U.  R.  senate  occasioned  ]»y  the  death  of 
Senator  Rusk.  Tex.  Aim,,  1868,  55-8;  Thrall,  551;  Confj.  Olof^,  1858,  899; 
Tex.  State  Oaz.,  iv.  app.,  161-6. 


^ 


394  TEXAS  AS  A  STATK 

new  state  took  place.  By  the  constitution  which  had 
been  drawn  up  by  the  convention  and  ratified  by  pop- 
ular vote  the  year  before/*  the  governor's  term  of 
office  was  fixed  at  two  years,  the  power  of  veto  being 
granted  him.  He  also  had  the  privilege  of  nominat- 
ing the  justices  of  the  supreme  court,  and  the  judges 
of  the  eight  judicial  districts  which  were  formed  by 
the  legislature.  His  nominations  were  to  be  con- 
firmed by  a  vote  of  two  thirds  of  the  senate,  and  the 
appointees  were  to  hold  office  for  six  years. 

When  the  joint  resolutions  of  the  United  States 
congress,  in  favor  of  annexation,  were  officially  pab- 
lished,  March  7,  1845,  General  Almonte,  the  Mexi- 
can minister  at  Washington,  denounced  the  proceeding 
in  a  vehement  protest,  and  demanded  his  passports. 
As  there  could  now  be  no  doubt  of  war  with  Mexico 
— a  result  which  the  United  States  was  really  playing 
for — ^General  Taylor,  who,  pending  negotiations,  had 
been  stationed  on  the  Sabine  with  a  strong  force  of 
United  States  troops,  was  ordered  to  establish  his 
headquarters  at  Corpus  Christi,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Nueces.  This  significant  movement  was  effected  at 
the  end  of  June.  The  Mexicans  were,  however, 
making  vigorous  preparations  for  war,  and  were  mass- 
ing troops  at  Matamoros,  evidently  the  first  point  to 
be  attacked  if  the  enemy  invaded  Mexican  territory. 

As  the  events  of  the  Mexican  war  are  fiilly  nar- 
rated in  another  volume,"  I  shall  not,  of  course,  enter 
into  particulars  here;  yet  it  would  be  an  injustice  to 
the  Texan  volunteers,  who  bore  a  noble  part  in  that 
struggle,  that  in  the  history  of  their  country,  no 
mention  of  their  achievements  should  be  made. 

As  soon  as  hostilities  seemed  inevitable,  the  Texan 
legislature  passed  a  bill  authorizing  Governor  Hen- 
derson to  take  command  of  the  Texans  who  might  be 
mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.     On. 

*It  was  apporoTed  by  the  people  on  the  seoond  Monday  in  OeL  1846. 
^Sist,  Jfeac,  v.  346-518,  this  series. 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 


%I5 


May  2,  1846,  a  requisition  for  two  regiments  of  in- 
fantry and  two  of  cavalry  was  made  on  Texas.  On 
May  8th  and  9th,  the  battles  of  Palo  Alto  and  Re- 
saca  de  la  Palma  were  fought,  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  many  Texans  took  part  in  them,"  and  it  is  prob- 
able that  Henderson  did  not  join  Taylor  with  his 
command  until  the  army  had  reached  Camai^o.  The 
limited  means  of  transportation,  and  uncertainty  with 
regard  to  supplies,  induced  Taylor,  while  on  his  march 


MA^ 


ClT7  OF  MOHTEKET. 

£^ainst  Monterey,  to  leave  a  large  number  of  volun- 
teers on  garrison  duty  in  towns  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
Thus,  the  1st  and  2d  regiments  only  of  the  Texan 
division  accompanied  the  army  on  that  memorable 
campaign.  In  the  attack  upon  Monterey,  the  1st 
regiment  mounted  volunteers  under  Colonel  John  C. 
Hays,  the  celebrated  ranger,  was  detached  and  sent 
with  Greneral  Worth  to  make  a  demonstration  on  the 
western  side  of  the  town,  while  Taylor  assaulted  on 
the  east. 

i'Ca]yt  Samnel  H.  Walker,  of  the  Texan  Rangers,  however,  performed 
eminent  service  as  a  sooat.  He  was  afterward  kuled  at  Huamantla,  while 
serving  in  Gen.  Lane's  command. 


996  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

The  city,  which  was  strongly  fortified  and  garris- 
oned, was  assailed  by  Taylor  September  21st.  The 
attack  lasted  three  days,  on  the  last  of  which  Hender- 
son led  in  person  the  2d  regiment  of  Texans,  who, 
dismounting,  acted  as  infantry.  Being  cut  off  from 
his  men  by  a  murderous  fire,  he  narrowly  escaped 
death. 

Meanwhile  Worth,  making  a  detour,  had  gained 
the  other  side  of  the  town.  On  the  21st,  he  engaged 
a  body  of  Mexicans  1,500  strong,  and  it  was  mainly 
owing  to  the  strategy  of  Hays,  and  the  deadly  fire  of 
the  Texan  Rangers,  who  were  in  advance,  that  a 
furious  cavalry  charge  was  repulsed  and  a  victorj- 
gained. 

On  the  western  side  of  Monterey  lie  two  fortified 
heights,  one  on  each  side  of  the  river  on  which  the 
town  is  situated.  These  strongholds,  known  by  the 
names  of  La  Federacion  and  Cerro  del  Obispado, 
commanded  the  approach  to  the  place.  That  after- 
noon a  force  of  300  men,  half  of  them  Texans,  stormed 
and  occupied  La  Federacion  on  the  south  side ;  and 
before  daylight  on  the  following  morning  200  Texans 
led  by  Hays  and  Walker,  with  three  companies  of  the 
artillery  battalion  and  three  companies  of  the  8th  in- 
fantry, scaled  in  two  columns,  under  cover  of  a  mist, 
the  almost  perpendicular  height  of  El  Obispado,  and 
well  nigh  reached  the  summit  before  the  alanu  was 
given.  Then  a  volley  was  poured  down  upon  them. 
But  the  work  was  soon  carried,  and  as  fresh  troops 
arrived  in  support,  the  strong^ fort  of  El  Obispado  was 
assaulted  and  taken.  The  Texans,  however,  had  tn 
mourn  the  death  of  Captain  Gillispie,  whose  loss  was 
deeply  lamented. 

The  investment  of  the  city  on  the  west  side  was 
complete ;  and  during  the  next  two  days  the  Ameri- 
cans so  successfully  pushed  their  way  into  the  city — 
the  Texans  bearing  a  prominent  part  in  the  struggle 
— that  on  the  24th  Ampudia  capitulated,  Greneral 
Henderson  being  appointed  by  Taylor  one  of  the  com- 


.  TEXAN  HEROES.  397 

missioners  tx)  treat  about  the  terms  of  surrender. 

All  through  the  war  the  Texans  distinguished 
themselves.  Hays'  regiment,  of  which  the  old  rangers 
formed  the  nucleus,  and  among  whom  were  such 
spirits  as  Benjamin  McCulloch,  Major  Mike  Chevahe, 
Samuel  A.  Walker,  McMuUen,  Kit  Acklin,  J.  B. 
McGowan,  and  others,  after  serving  in  Taylor  s  cam- 
paign on  the  Rio  Grande,  was  transferred  to  Scott's 
command.  The  efficiency  of  these  mounted  troopers 
was  marked  wherever  the  army  marched.  Serving 
equally  as  well  on  foot  as  on  horseback,  they  would 
storm  a  height  or  charge  the  enemy's  cavalry  with 
the  same  indifference,  intrepidity,  and  success.  On 
the  road  they  were  the  terror  of  the  guerrilla  bands, 
and  in  the  towns  objects  of  dread  to  antagonists,  and 
of  awe  to  non-combatants.  Their  uncouth,  wild,  and 
fierce  appearance,  their  strange  garb,  and  their  repu- 
tation for  contempt  of  every  form  of  danger,  gained 
for  them  in  Mexico  the  belief  that  they  were  more 
than  human — ^that  they  were  beings  intermediate  be- 
tween man  and  devil.  In  the  city  of  Mexico,  some 
of  these  brave,  single-hearted,  and  patriotic  men  fell 
beneath  the  knives  of  assassins,  and  the  smouldered 
remains  of  many  others  lie  buried  in  Mexican  soil  all 
the  way  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  capital." 

While  Governor  Henderson  was  absent  in  command 
of  the  Texan  volunteers,  his  place  was  filled  by  Lieu- 
tenant-governor Horton.  On  December  21,  1847, 
George  T.  Wood**  was  inaugurated  as  the  second 
governor  of  the  state,  and  John  A.  Greer  as  lieuten- 
ant-governor. During  Wood's  administration,  a  con- 
troversy arose  between  Texas  and  the  United  States 
which  could  not  fail  to  make  the  former  reflect  some- 
what seriously  upon  the  surrender  of  her  separate 

w  Hays'  Life,  MS.,  3»-«0;  Tex.  Akn.,  1868,  58-9;  TftraU,  358-9;  Morj^iy, 
4.50-1. 

»*Wood  was  a  native  of  Oeorgia;  came  to  Texas  in  1836,  and  in  1846 
raised  a  regiment  for  the  Mexican  war,  in  which  he  served  with  distinction. 
He  died  in  Panola  connty  in  1856.  TfiraO,  635. 


898  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

nationality.  When  war  was  formally  declared  be- 
tween Mexico  and  the  United  States,  Greneral  Kearney 
took  possession  of  Santa  F6  in  the  name  of  the  latter 
power;  and  when,  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo, 
February  22,  1848,  New  Mexico  was  ceded  to  the 
United  States,  Colonel  Munroe  was  placed  in  com- 
mand there.  As  the  reader  is  aware,  Texas  laid 
claim  to  all  that  portion  of  New  Mexico  lying  east  of 
the  Rio  Grande;  and  in  1848  the  state  legislature 
passed  an  act  extending  her  jurisdiction  over  it,  and 
Judge  Beard  was  sent  to  hold  the  district  court. 
Colonel  Munroe  ignored  the  Texan  judge,  and  ordered 
the  election  of  a  territorial  delegate  to  the  United 
States  congress.  The  controversy  assumed  a  serious 
phase.  Governor  Wood  threatened  force,  a  menaa? 
which  the  cabinet  at  Washington  met  by  notifying 
the  bellicose  governor  that  if  the  Texans  attempted 
to  take  forcible  possession  of  New  Mexico  they  would 
be  treated  as  intrudera  This  question,  which  not 
only  deeply  concerned  Texas  but  threatened  a  serious 
breach  between  the  northern  and  southern  states 
owing  to  the  sympathy  of  the  latter  with  Texas,  was 
finally  combined  with  that  regarding  the  settlement  of 
the  public  debt. 

At  the  election  of  1849,  P.  Hansborough  Bell" 
was  chosen  governor,  and  John  A.  Greer  reelected 
Ueutenant-govemor.  Grovemor  Bell  was  inaugurated 
in  December  of  the  same  year,  and  on  the  expiration 
of  his  term,  was  reelected.  His  administration  was 
marked  by  the  settlement  of  the  two  absorbing  ques- 
tions of  the  boundary  line  and  the  public  debt. 

On  the  incorporation  of  Texas  into  the  union,  the 
United  States'  government,  of  course,  acquired  the 
revenue  derived  from  the  customs.  These  receipts, 
however,   had  been  pledged  by  the  late  republic  as 

*^  Was  a  native  of  Virginia;  landed  at  Velasoo  in  March  1836^  and  fought 
aa  a  private  at  San  Jacinto.  In  1845  he  became  a  captain  of  rangers,  ioA 
durinff  the  Mexican  war  was  colonel  of  volunteers.  He  served  two  tcmis  in 
the  XT.  S.  congress,  and  then  settled  in  N.  G.  According  to  Thrall,  501,  he 
was  still  alive  iu  1879. 


INDEBTEDNESS  AND  BOUNDAKY.  3M 

security  for  the  payment  of  a  certain  portion  of  her 
debt;  and  when  they  were  passed  over  to  the  federal 
government,  the  bond-holders  clamorously  maintained 
that  the  United  States  had  become  responsible  for  the 
liabilities  of  Texas,"  and  pressed  for  a  speedy  settle- 
ment. This  matter,  as  well  as  the  boundary  question, 
was  discussed  at  great  length  in  both  houses,  and  on 
January  29,  1850,  Henry  Clay  introduced  among 
other  "  compromise  resolutions,"  one  designed  to  solve 
the  perplexing  questions  of  dispute  with  Texas." 

Meantime  the  excitement  with  regard  to  the 
question  of  ownership  of  that  part  of  New  Mexico 
lying  east  of  the  Rio  Grande  increased  both  in  Texas 
and  the  United  States.  To  show  her  serious  deter- 
mination not  to  yield  her  claim,  a  joint  resolution 
was  passed,  February  11,  1850,  by  the  legislature 
of  the  new  state,  not  only  asserting  her  right 
to  the  disputed  ground,  but  declaring  her  intention  to 
maintain  the  integrity  of  the  territory."  The  several 
resolutions  of  Clay's  bill  were  slowly  discussed,  and 
on  August  5,  1850,  James  A.  Pearce,  senator  from 
Maryland,  introduced  a  bill  making  definite  proposi- 
tions to  the  state  of  Texas  relative  to  her  boundary 
and  the  payment  of  her  public  debt.     They  were  to 

^That  poitioii  of  the  debt,  however,  for  which  the  revenae  from  castoms 
was  specially  pledged,  only  amounted  to  $868,000,  ostensible  value,  or  $611,- 
784.50  par  value.  Hunea  Merck,  Mag.,  xxiv.  111. 

^^  *  Resolved,  that  it  be  proposed  to  the  state  of  Texas,  that  the  U.  S. 
will  provide  for  the  payment  of  all  that  portion  of  the  legitimate  and  bona 
fide  publio  debt  of  that  state  contracted  prior  to  its  annexation  to  the  U.  S., 
and  tor  which  the  duties  on  foreign  imports  were  pledged  by  the  said  state 

to  its  creditors,  not  exceeding  the  sum  of  $ ,  in  consideration  of  the 

said  duties  so  pledged  havin^lxten  no  longer  applicable  to  that  object,  after 
the  caid  annexation,  but  havmg  thenceforward  become  payable  to  the  U.  S., 
and  upon  condition,  also,  that  the  said  state  of  Texas  shall,  by  some  solemn 
and  authentic  act  of  her  legislature,  or  of  a  convention,  relinquish  to  the 
U.  S.  any  claim  which  it  has  to  any  part  of  New  Mexico.,*  BentwCs  Abridg. 
Debales,  Ckmg.,  xvi.  388,  391. 

^  *  Keaohred  by  the  leffislatnre  of  the  state  of  Texas,  that  aU  that  terri- 
tory which  lies  east  of  the  Bio  Grande,  and  a  Une  running  north  from 
the  source  of  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  forty-second  degree  of  north 
latitude,  and  south  of  the  forty-second  degree  of  north  latitude  and  west  and 
south  of  the  line  designated  in  the  treaty  between  the  U.  S.  and  the  )ate 
republic  of  Texas,  of  riffht  belong  to  the  state  of  Texas,  is  included  witliin 
her  riehtfnl  civil  and  poUtical  jurisdiction,  and  the  state  of  Texas  will  main- 
tain the  integrity  of  her  territory.'  Tex.,  Oeneral  Lawn,  iii.,  pt  1,  207-8. 


400  TEXAS  AS  A  STATK. 

this  effect :  Texas  was  to  agree  that  her  boundary  on 
the  north  should  commence  at  the  point  at  which  the 
meridian  of  one  hundred  degrees  west  from  Green- 
wich is  intersected  by  the  parallel  of  thirty-six  de- 
grees and  thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  and  should 
run  from  that  point  due  west  to  the  meridian  of  103^ 
west  from  Greenwich;  thence  the  boundary  line 
should  run  due  south  to  the  328  of  north  latitude, 
thence  on  the  said  parallel  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
thence  with  the  channel  of  that  river  to  the  gulf  of 
Mexico.  Texas  was  to  cede  to  the  United  States  all 
her  claim  to  territory  outside  of  these  limits,  and  to 
relinquish  all  claim  on  the  United  States  for  liability 
for  her  debts,  or  compensation  for  the  surrender  of 
her  ships,  forts,  custom-houses,  custom-house  revenue, 
public  Duildings,  etc.  The  United  States,  in  consid- 
eration of  the  establishment  of  said  boundary,  and 
relinquishment  of  claims,  would  pay  to  Texas  $10,- 
000,000,"  in  stock  bearing  five  per  centum,  and  re- 
deemable at  the  end  of  fourteen  years.  No  more 
than  $5,000,000  of  said  stock  was  to  be  issued  until 
the  creditors  of  the  state  of  Texas  had  filed  at  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States  releases  of  all  claims  ^ 
against  the  United  States  on  account  of  Texan  bonds.** 
This  bill  passed  the  senate,  August  7th,  by  a  vote  of 
thirty  yeas  and  twenty  navs,  and  on  September  4th 
following,  passed  the  house  by  a  vote  of  108  against  97. 
The  president  having  signed  the  bill,  which  was 
called  the  Boundary  Act,  it  was  forwarded  to  Gov- 
ernor Bell,  who  forthwith  called  an  extra  session 
of  the  legislature.  The  propositions  met  with 
violent  opposition.  Bell  in  his  message  advised  the 
occupancy  of  Santa  Fd  with  a  military  force,  suggest- 
ing, however,  that  the  vacant  lands  of  that  district 
might  be  sold  to  the  United  States  provided  that 
Texas  retained  jurisdiction  over  it.     Apart  fix)m  the 

^Benton  had  proposed,  Jan.  16th,  that  $15,000,000  should  be  paid  Texas 
for  similar  considerations.  Cong,  Olobet  xxii.,  pt  2,  1262. 

^  Copy  of  the  bill  will  be  found  in  Benttm*8  Ahridg.  Debates^  Coma,,  icri 
590. 


TKXAS  CLAIMS.  401 

nnwillingness  to  yield  territory  on  a  general  principle, 
there  was  one  feature  in  the  bill  especially  repulsive 
to  the  Texans,  and  that  was  the  retaining  half  of  the 
$10,000,000  in  the  United  States'  treasury  until  the 
creditors  of  Texas  were  paid.  This  self-protective 
condition  imposed  by  the  United  States  was  regarded 
as  a  reflection  on  Texas,  since  it  seemed  to  insinuate 
that  she  would  not  be  disposed  to  meet  her  liabilities 
promptly  if  she  obtained  possession  of  the  whole 
amount.  Then  again,  agreement  to  the  propositions 
was  required  to  be  given  on  or  before  December  1, 
1850,  a  proviso  which,  taken  with  the  general  tone  of 
the  document,  and  the  unconditional  assent  expected, 
was  regarded  as  a  symptom  of  domination  to  which  a 
sovereign  state  ought  not  to  be  subject.  The  ques- 
tion having  been  discussed  with  much  warmth  and  at 
great  length,  the  propositions  of  the  United  States 
were  finally  accepted,  November  25th,  and  a  law 
passed  to  that  effect."  By  this  act  Texas  waved  her 
fictitious  claim  to  about  98,380  square  miles  of  the 
territory  of  New  Mexico." 

^  After  reciting  the  provisioxiB  of  Pearce's  bill,  it  is  declared  in  the  act^ 
'  1st.  That  the  state  of  Texas  hereby  agrees  to  and  accepts  said  propositions; 
and  it  is  hereby  declared  that  the  state  shall  be  bound  by  the  terms  thereof, 
according  to  their  true  import  and  meaning;  2d.  That  the  governor  of  this 
state  be,  and  he  is  hereby  requested  to  cause  a  copy  of  this  act,  authenti* 
cated  under  the  seal  of  the  state,  to  be  furnished  to  the  president  of  the  U. 
S.,  by  mail,  as  early  as  practicable.'  Oouge,  Fiae,  HisL  Tex,,  179. 

^The  claim  of  Texas  to  Santa  F^  and  district  was  as  unwarrantable  as 
the  earlier  claim  of  the  IT.  S.  that  the  Kio  Grande  was  the  boundary  line  of 
Mexico.  Tet  Texans  and  Texan  writers  still  regard  it  as  a  legitimate  one. 
Thrall,  page  367,  says:  '  It  will  be  seen  that  Texas  sold  98,380  square  miles, 
equal  .to  56,249,640  acres.  Had  Mr  Clay's  bill  passed,  we  should  have  lost 
much  more.'  It  is  not  easy  to  perceive  how  Texas  could  lose  what  she 
never  had.  On  the  boundary  question  consult  Nile^\Jieg,,  lii.  241;  Uii.  180, 
306;  Uv.  180^;  Iv.  118,  304;  IviL  1,  66,  280;  IviiL  99,  2^,  274;  Ixxv.  156-7; 
(7.  S.  H.  Ex,  Doc,  cong.  25,  sess.  1,  doc  42;  Mex,  Treaties,  i  no.  6;  Cong.  Globe, 
183S-9,  98-9,  10^10,  219;  U.  8.  Bepub.  qf,  269;  Mayer's  Mex.  Azt.,  C  334-6; 
GaOoOhCa  Peace  wUh Mex.,  15-25;  HurU*B Merck.  Mag  ,  xix.  328;  Rut^s  Speech, 
1850;  M€MSon'8 Speech,  May  27,1850;  McLean  8 Speech,  June  5, 1850;  GraUoihCiv, 
Amer.,iL  26^70;  ThraU,  361-7.  It  may  be  argued  that  the  U.S.  seemed  to  recoff- 
nize  to  some  extent  the  claim  of  Texas  to  the  eastern  half  of  New  Mexico.  Sudi 
was  not  tl^  case;  the  speakers  in  the  debates  on  the  boundary  bill  generally 
disclaimed  all  right  of  Texas  to  the  territory  of  Santa  Fe.  Moore  of  Pennsyl- 
vania expressed  the  general  opinion  when  he  said  that  not  one  dollar  would 
he  vote  as  a  remuneration  for  the  territory  which  Texas  claimed;  but  that 
that  state  having  been  annexed  to  the  U.  S.,  which  took  all  her  means  of 
reveane,  they  were  responsible  for  her  debts.  Gauge,  vt  sup,,  177-^. 
Hist.  Hxz.  Statbs,  Vol.  II.   26 


402  TEXAS  AS  A  STATK 

This  matter  having  been  settled,  the  $5,000,000 
was  paid  into  the  state  treasury  in  February,  1852. 
The  amount  of  the  indebtedness  of  the  late  republic 
had  been  determined  previously  by  the  state.  Ac- 
cording to  the  report  of  the  auditor  and  comptroller, 
dated  November  12,  1851,  the  ostensible  indebted- 
ness of  Texas  was  $12,436,991,  including  interesi 
But  the  state,  in  view  of  the  low  price  at  which  a 
large  portion  of  the  bonds  issued  by  the  republican 

government  had  been  sold,  did  not  consider  itself 
ound  to  pay  their  full  face  value.  It  is  here  neces- 
sary to  take  a  retrospective  glance  at  the  action  taken 
by  the  state  government  in  this  matter. 

The  first  legislature  met  at  Austin,  February  16, 
1846,  and  gave  its  attention  to  the  subject  of  the 
public  debt.  A  select  committee  was  appointed,  and 
sent  in  its  report  March  1,  1846.  This  committee 
stated  that  there  was  no  other  means  of  paying  the 
public  creditors  than  by  the  sale  of  the  public  lands, 
and  recommended  that  these  be  sold  to  the  United 
States'  government.  So  much  with  regard  to  the 
question  of  means  at  that  date;  respecting  the  amount 
to  be  paid,  however,  the  committee  were  of  opinion 
that  Texas  should  only  be  bound  to  return  to  her 
creditors  what,  according  to  just  average,  they  had 
paid  for  her  securities,  with  interest  at  the  rate  stip- 
ulated in  the  bond.  On  March  24th  a  committee 
of  the  state  senate  made  a  report  in  favor  of  selling 
the  public  lands  to  the  federal  government,  but  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  there  should  be  a  legislative 
classification  of  all  debts  against  the  extinct  republic 
of  Texas,  and  that  each  creditor  should  be  awarded 
relief  and  payment  according  to  the  merits  of  his 
case."  The  committee  accordingly  sent  in  the  draft 
of  an  act  to  classify  the  liabiUties  of  the  republic  of 

** '  For  your  committee  cannot  consent  that  tlie  partiee  who  have  ad- 
vanced casn  and  important  service  to  Texas  shaU  be  maced  on  equal  focfting 
with  those  who  hold  the  liabilities  of  the  republic  of  Texas,  for  whidi  they 
have  paid  not  more  than  twenty  cents  on  the  dollar,  and  for  which  Tcxa< 
received  perhaps  a  less  amount,  as  it  is  notoriously  and  universally  admitted 


AUDITOBS  REPORT.  409 

Texas  and  of  another  entitled  an  act  for  the  dis- 
charge of  the  public  debt  of  the  republic  of  Texas, 
in  which  the  scaling  principle  was  to  operate. 

The  stand  taken  oy  the  first  legislature  that  a  dis- 
tinction should  be  made  between  the  original  and  final 
holders  of  Texan  bonds  was  maintained  by  the  second 
legislature,  which  assembled  at  Austin  in  December 
1847,  On  March  20,  1848,  an  act  to  provide  for 
ascertaining  the  debt  of  the  late  republic  of  Texas 
was  approved."  This  cict  required  the  auditor  and 
comptroller  of  the  state  to  reduce  all  claims  to  the 
actual  par  value  which  was  realized  by  the  republic. 
Accordingly  on  December  27,  1849,  the  auditor  and 
comptroller  sent  in  their  report  with  the  scale  of  re- 
ductions as  estimated  by  them,  and  a  more  thorough 
one  November  12,  1851.'*  According  to  their  show- 
ing the  claims  filed  of  all  descriptions,  including  in- 
terest up  to  the  latter  date  amounted  to  $9,647,253, 
which  amount  was  scaled  down  to  $4,807,764.  The 
claims  not  filed,  including  interest,  amounted  to 
$2,789,738,  and  were  scaled  down  to  $2,019,514. 
Thus  the  total  debt  with  interest,  including  filed  and 
unfiled  claims,  was  $12,436,991,  which  amount  was 
scaled  down  to  $6,827,278."    In  January,  1852,  the 

that  a  great  portion  of  the  liabilities  now  in  circnlation  were  issned  and 
paid  oat  at  about  sixteen  cents  on  the  dollar.'  Extract  from  committee's 
report  in  Gmiget  ut  sup,,  153. 

'*A  supplementary  act  was  passed  Feb.  8,  1850,  extending  to  the  first 
Monday  in  Sej^tember,  1851,  the  time  within  which  creditors  were  required 
to  present  their  claims  against  the  late  republic.  Tex,  Oen.  Laws,  iiL  pt  i, 

^  John  M.  Swisher  was  auditor  and  James  B.  Shaw  comptroller.  The 
latter  was  appointed  comptroller,  under  the  republic,  in  1840,  and  continued 
to  hold  that  office  till  Kov.  1,  1858.  Shaw  weis  a  native  of  Ireland,  emi- 
grated to  Texas  in  1837»  and  served  as  a  private  in  the  army.  His  Imowl- 
edge  of  the  financial  a&kirs  of  the  republic  wsw  of  great  service  in  the  ad- 
justment of  the  public  debt  OordowCa  Tex,,  102;  Tex,  CoL  Doc,,  no.  i,  3, 
pp.  48,  62. 

''The  claims  were  divided  into  three  classes:  1st  class  consisted  of 
audited  or  ascertained  claims,  |8,587,132;  2d  class,  of  claims  sufficiently 
authenticated  to  admit  them  to  audit  under  the  laws  of  the  late  republic, 
$962,445;  3d  class,  claims  not  sufficiently  authenticated  to  authorize  their 
being  audited,  $97,675.  The  following  table  will  be  found  useful  as  showing 
the  different  issues  of  bonds  by  the  republican  government,  and  the  scale  on 
which  their  face  values  were  reduced: 


40i 


TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 


legislature  passed  a  law  by  which  the  state  recognized 
and  adopted  the  rate  of  payment  and  classification 
assigned  to  each  class  of  debt  by  the  auditor  and 
comptroller  in  their  last  report.  The  bill  was  sent  to 
Governor  Bell  on  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  and 
on  the  29th  he  returned  it  on  the  ground  that  he 
considered  that  there  existed  cases  of  individual  hard- 
ship to  which  an  apphcation  of  the  general  basis 
would  not  render  justice.  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of 
the  governor  s  veto  the  bill  was  passed  in  the  senate 
by  a  vote  of  29  to  5,  and  in  the  house  by  a  vote  of 
47  to  12.  Thus  the  state  finally  decided  the  amount 
of  her  indebtedness  by  repudiating  to  the  extent  of 
one  half  the  Habilities  which  she  had  engaged  to  meet 
according  to  the  face  of  her  bonds. 

At  the   September  election   in  1853,  Elisha  M. 
Pease "  was  chosen  governor,  and  David  C.  Dickson 


Ten  per  oent.  bonds  under  act  of  Jnne  7,  1837 
Ten  per  cent,  bonds  nnder  act  of  Jnne  7, 1837) 

for  relief  of  Swartont | 

Ten  per  cent,  funded  debt,  nnder  act  of  Feb.  r 

6,  1840 f 

Eight  per  cent,  funded  debt,  nnder  act  of  Feb. 

6,  1840 

Eight  per  cent,  treasury  bonds,  nnder  act  of 

Feb.  5,  1840 

Ten  per  cent  treasury  notes,  nnder  act  June) 

9,  1837 

Ten  per  cent,  treasury  notes,  second  issue. 
Treasury  notes,  without  interest,  under  act) 

of  Jan.  19,  1839 f 

Ten  per  cent,  bonds,  for  loan  of  U.  S.  Bank.  . 
Ten  per  cent,  bonds,  for  purchase  of  Steamer) 

Zavala i 

Ten  per  cent.  lx)nds,  for  purchase  of  naval  > 
vessels,  contract  with  F.  Dawson f 


OSTBNSIBLB 
VALUB 


632,526 
7,970 

754,000 


PAB  TALCS 


766,800 

41,630 

331,371 

1,828,192 

457,380 

195,907 

280,000 


70ct8. 
1.00 

.30 

.30 

.20 

1.00 
.50 
.25 
.8745 
.50 

.50 


442,768 
7,970 


7,2W 
153,360 

41,690 
163,685 
457,048 
400,000 

97,953 

140,000 


Tlie  above  figures  represent  values  without  interest.     A  copy  of  the  report 
will  be  founa  in  Oowje^  304-11. 

"  A  native  of  Connecticut,  bom  in  1812,  and  a  lawyer  by  professioiL  In 
1835  he  went  to  Texas,  and  W9r-  appointed  secretary  of  the  ezecntive  council 
at  8an  Felipe.  During  1836-7  he  neld  several  positions  nnder  the  govern- 
ment. Resigning  the  comptroUership  of  public  accounts  in  the  latter  year, 
he  began  to  practise  his  profession  in  Brazoria  county.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  house  of  representatives  of  tiie  1st  and  2d  legislatures,  and  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  senate  of  the  third  legislature.     At  the  end  of  his  second  admin- 


GOVERNOR  PEASE.  405 

lieutenant-governor."  Pease  was  reelected  in  1855, 
thus  holding  oflSce  for  four  consecutive  years.  In  his 
first  message  to  congress,  he  recommended  that  meas- 
ures should  be  adopted  to  provide  adequately  and 
permanently  for  the  support  of  public  schools,"  and 
for  the  establishment  of  a  state  imiversity.  He  also 
advised  the  establishment  of  asylums  for  lunatics,  or- 
phans, and  for  the  education  of  deaf-mutes  and  the 
blind. 

The  period  of  Pease's  administration  was  one  of 
great  prosperity.  After  the  annexation,  emigrants 
from  the  United  States  flocked  into  the  country,  and 
the  war  with  Mexico  having  decided  forever  the  posi- 
tion of  Texas,  and  secured  the  prospect  of  uninter- 
rupted peace,  every  branch  of  industry  thrived;  wealth 
and  population  rapidly  increased,  and  progress  in  com- 
merce and  internal  development  was  marked  in  an 
unprecedented  degree 

The  only  interference  to  this  steady  advance  was 
occasioned  by  Indian  depredations  on  the  frontiers. 
Though  the  main  body  of  each  border  tribe  professed 
friendship,  the  outlying  settlements  sustained  consid- 
erable damage,  especially  on  the  western  frontier. 
These  depredations  were  committed  for  the  most  part 
by  the  Comanches,  who,  while  showing  no  disposition 
to  attack  the  Texan  settlements  directly,  made  fre- 
quent inroads  into  Mexico,  and  on  their  journeys  to 
and  from  that  country  could  not  desist  from  foraging 
in  Texan  territory,  and  pillaging   settlements.      On 

istraiion,  he  took  up  his  residence  at  Anstin,  and  in  1867  was  appointed 

fovemor  by  Gen.  Sheridan  on  the  removal  of  Gov.  Throckmorton.  In  1874, 
e  was  appointed  collector  of  customs  for  Galveston,  which  office  he  did  not 
accept,  m  1879  he  was  reappointed  to  the  same  position,  and  took  charge 
of  the  custom-house  Feb.  Ist  of  that  year.  Thrall,  598;  Cordova's  Tex.,  101-2. 
*The  total  number  of  votes  cast  was  36,152,  of  which  Pease  received 
13,091,  W.  B.  Ochiltree  9,178,  George  T.  Wood  5,983,  Lemuel  D.  Evans 
4,077,  T.  J.  Chambers,  2,449,  J.  W.  Daney  315,  and  459  were  scattered. 
Gov.  Bell  havinff  been  elected  to  the  U.  S.  congress,  the  executive  cliair  was 
filled  by  J.  P.  Henderson  for  a  short  time  at  Uie  close  of  his  term.  Thrall^ 
368. 

2»By  the  constitntion,  ratified  by  the  people  Oct.  13,  1845,  one  tenth  of 
the  annual  revenue  by  taxation  was  to  be  appropriated  for  the  maintenance 
of  public  schools. 


406  TKXA8  AS  A  STATK 

several  occasions,  white  men  were  killed  and  captives 
taken.  The  military  being  unable  to  afford  protection 
all  the  roads  leading  fix)m  B^jar  to  the  Kio  Grande 
were  unsafe.  On  the  northern  frontier,  the  Texan 
Indians  were  all  friendly,  but  that  portion  of  the  state 
was  exposed  to  hostile  incursions  made  by  Indians 
from  the  Choctaw  and  Chickasaw  United  States'  re- 
serve, north  of  Red  River.  The  Kickapoos  were  es- 
pecially troublesome,  and  from  time  to  time  crossed 
into  Texas  and  committed  depredations.  In  the 
spring  of  1854  a  band  of  this  tribe  killed  the  special 
agent,  Stein,  and  a  Mr  Lepperman  of  Ohio,  near  Fort 
Belknap.  The  special  Indian  agent  at  San  Antonio 
de  Bdjar  invoked  the  action  of  the  commissioner  for 
Indian  affairs  at  Washington,  touching  this  condition 
of  affairs." 

Owing  to  the  advance  of  the  white  race,  and  the 
diminution  of  the  buffalo  and  other  game  from  which 
the  native  tribes  mainly  derived  their  subsistence,  the 
Texan  Indians  were  in  danger  of  being  reduced  to  a 
state  of  destitution.  This  condition  applied  to  all 
Indians  of  the  plains,  and  was  regarded  as  the  mam 
cause  of  the  outrages  committed  by  roving  bwids 
within  the  borders  of  Texas. 

As  a  remedy  for  this  evil,  a  system  of  colonization 
was  applied,  means  being  frunished  by  the  United 
States  government  to  aid  and  instruct  Indian  settlers 
in  the  cultivation  of  land.  In  pursuance  of  this  policy 
in  the  spring  of  1855  two  Indian  colonies  were  es- 
tablished in  Texas,  on  reservations  granted  by  the 
state  in  Young  county,**  one  of  which,  consisting  of 
eight  leagues  of  land,  was  located  on  the  Brazos 
river,  below  the  junction  of  Clear  Pork  and  Main 
Brazos,  about  fifteen  miles  fix)m  Fort  Belknap.    This 

*^  Robert  S.  Keigbbon,  the  agent,  coiiBidered  that  the  Kickapoos  vere 
not  under  the  charge  of  tiie  Choctaw  agent,  bat  existed  as  renegades,  and 
were  under  no  control.  Ind.  Aff.  Rave,  1864,  158-66;  Id.,  1855,  lO-ll,  185-8. 

*i  Twelve  leagues  of  land,  or  55,728  acres,  were  set  apart  for  this  pnrpose 
by  act  of  the  legislature,  to  be  reserved  to  the  U.  S.  for  the  benefit  of  iho 
Texan  Indians  exclusively.  Tex.  Aim,,  1859,  130;  Id,  1858,  92. 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  407 

reservation  was  called  the  Brazos  i^ency.  The  other 
settlement  was  located  on  Clear  Fork,  about  forty- 
five  miles  above  its  confluence  with  the  main  river. 
It  comprised  four  leagues  of  land.  The  first  colony 
was  composed  of  Anadahkos,  Caddoes,  Tahwaccorroes, 
Wacoes,  and  Tonkahwas,  numbering  in  all  794  souls. 
On  the  reservation  on  Clear  Fork,  277  northern 
Comanches  were  settled.  The  reports  of  the  agents 
at  these  reservations  held  out  every  prospect  of 
success.  The  Indians  of  the  Brazos  settlement,  in 
good  behavior,  morality,  and  industry,  surpassed  the 
most  sanguine  expectations.  They  voluntarily  ab- 
stained from  the  use  of  ardent  spirits,  and  drunken- 
ness was  unknown  among  them.  By  the  end  of 
August  public  buildings  had  been  erected — store- 
rooms, houses  for  agents  and  employes,  and  a  black- 
smith's shop.  Two  tanners  with  assistant  laborers 
were  employed  to  instruct  the  Indians,  and  295  acres 
of  land  had  been  ploughed  and  planted  with  com.  On 
tht  reservation  on  Clear  Fork  farming  operations  had 
not  been  commenced,  owing  to  the  season  being  too 
far  advanced  when  the  Comanches  were  located 
thereon,  but  from  the  disposition  evinced  by  them, 
the  agents  looked  confidently  forward  to  the  success 
of  the  settlement*' 

Nor  were  these  expectations  without  realization. 
Within  three  years'  these  settlements  attained  a 
high  degree  of  prosperity,  especially  that  of  the  Brazos 
agency.  The  Indians  tilled  their  land,  tended  and 
garnered  their  crops,  and  possessed  stocks  of  cattle, 
horses,  and  h(^s.  They  erected  comfortable  dwell- 
ings, had  school-houses,**  and  were  steadily  pro- 
's Reports  of  affents,  B.  S.  Neighbors  and  G.  W.  Hill  in  Id.,  1855,  177-95. 
*"  The  Comanclies  did  not  make  the  same  progress  as  the  Indians  on  the 
Bracos  reserve,  owing  to  their  not  having  had  the  same  experience  in  the 
manners  of  the  white  race.  They  were  not  more  mdolent  than  the  other 
tribes, — ^bnt  whereas  the  latter  had  Ions  lived  near  the  white  settlers,  the 
Comanches  had  hitherto  been  outside  of  ^  friendly  intercoorse.  Tex,  Aim., 
1859,  130. 

^According  to  the  reports  of  the  teachers,  Aug.  18^  1858,  the  school  in 
the  Gomanche  settlement  was  attended  by  37  students^  25  male  and  12 
female.    On  Septi  7>  18^  the  teacher  of  the  school  at  the  Brazoa  agency,  re- 


406  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

gressing  in  civilization,  peaceably  pursuing  their  agri- 
cultural occupations.  Moreover,  they  afforded  no 
little  protection  to  the  frontier,  from  fifty  to  one 
hundred  warriors  being  employed  in  ranging  service. 
In  the  spring  of  1858  this  band  went  out  with  the 
Texan  rangers,  on  an  expedition  against  the  Coman- 
ches,  and  fought  gallantry,  thereby  winning  the 
praises  of  their  Anglo-American  neighbors.  Had 
they  been  allowed,  and  a  proper  forbearance  been  ex- 
tended to  them,  they  would  have  developed  into 
thriving  and  self-supporting  communities."  But  they 
were  doomed  to  be  driven  from  the  homes  they  had 
made  for  themselves,  deprived  of  the  lands  they  had 
put  under  cultivation,  and  removed,  in  almost  a  desti- 
tute condition,  beyond  the  borders  of  Texas.  The 
aggressive  nature  of  Anglo-American  settlers  would 
not  let  them  rest  in  peaceful  possession  of  their  snaall 
domains ;  and  a  persistent  hostility  to  these  Indians 
and  their  agents  soon  exhibited  itself. 

In  1858  the  number  of  these  natives  thus  reclaimed 
from  barbaric  life  was  1,483.  Among  this  number  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  there  were  many,  particularly 
in  the  Comanche  reservation,  who  were  addicted  to 
horse-stealing,  and  who  associating  with  wUd  bands 
of  thcjir  tribe,  or  with  the  Kickapoos  beyond  Eed 
river,  took  part  in  predatory  incursions,  and  after- 
ward, by  circuitous  routes,  reentered  the  reservations. 
There  was,  moreover,  a  set  of  villainous  white  men, 
scattered  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Xansas,  who  made 
robbery  their  pastime,  and  horse-stealing  their  busi- 
ness. These  wretches  leagued  themselves  with  the 
worthless  Indians,  instigating  them  to  commit  depre- 
dations from  which  they  reaped  a  profit.     Positive 

ported  the  nttmber  of  his  scholars  at  60,  47  of  whom  were  boys  and  13  siris. 

U,  8.  Ind.  Aff.  Re-pi.,  1858,  178-9,  183. 

^The  U.  S.  gov't  expended  on  account  of  these  Indian  8ettlementB» 
For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,   1856,  $101,430;  1857,  $89,658.50; 

1858,  $91,707.50;  1859,  l«l,655.25;  total,  $344,451.25. 

The  estimate  for  tlie  year  ending  June  30,  1860,  was  $62,186.50;  U,, 

1855-1858  inclu.,  where  full  information  on  the  progress  of  these  oolooiea 

will  be  found. 


MASSACRE  OF  NATIVES.  409 

proof  was  adduced  that  Indians  from  the  reserves 
during  this  year  killed  cattle  and  hogs  belonging  to 
citizens,  and  the  stroi^est  circumstantial  evidence 
seemed  to  show  that  the  practice  of  horse-stealing 
had  been  extensively  carried  on  by  these  vicious 
members.**  But  the  large  majority  of  the  community 
were  faithful  to  the  white  inhabitants.  Nevertheless, 
the  crimes  of  the  few  were  visited  on  all.  In  the 
counties  adjoining  the  reserves  the  unreasonable 
opinion  was  expressed  by  a  portion  of  the  settlers 
that  all  depredations  were  committed  by  the  Indian 
colonists.  In  fact  it  was  determined  to  get  rid  of 
them  by  some  means,  and  an  oiganized  conspiracy 
against  the  Indian  policy  of  the  general  government 
seems  to  have  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of  break- 
ing up  the  Texan  reservations. 

The  Indians  had  been  in  the  habit  of  making  hunt- 
ing excursions  outside  their  reservations  under  permits 
issued  by  the  agents.  But  designing  men  so  preju- 
diced the  public  mind  against  the  reserve  Indians,  by 
attributing  to  them  the  depredations  of  the  unsettled 
Comanches  and  other  native  tribes,  that  under  threats 
of  extermination  they  had  been  compelled  to  confine 
themselves  during  1858  strictly  to  the  reservations. 
In  the  autumn  of  that  year,  however,  several  hunting 
parties  ventured  beyond  the  limits.  And  now  was 
planned  and  perpetrated  as  cold-blooded  and  brutal  a 
massacre  as  ever  disgraced  a  civilized  people.  In  a 
bend  of  the  Brazos,  just  above  the  mouth  of  Keochi 
creek,  a  party  of  Indians,  men,  women,  and  children, 
encamped.  Here  they  remained  for  several  weeks, 
engaged  in  hunting,  conducting  themselves  peaceably, 
and  offering  no  molestation  to  the  white  settlers,  who 
visited  their  camp  on  several  occasions.  On  Decem- 
ber 21st,  between  forty  and  fifty  men,  mostly  of  Erath 
county,  assembled  in  conclave  on  Bosque  river  to  con- 
sult upon  a  general  extermination   policy.     A  com- 

•*  Report  of  Peace  Commissioners  to  the  governor,  June  27,   1859.  /r/., 
1859,  297-303. 


410  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

mittee  was  appointed,  which  proceeded  to  organize  a 
company,  the  command  of  which  was  given  to  Peter 
Garlana."  Then  the  order  was  issued  to  kill  any 
Indians  fomid  south  of  Cedar  creek.  The  company 
proceeded  to  the  Indian  camp  on  the  Brazos,  which 
contained  eight  men,  eight  women,  and  eleven  chil- 
dren. Having  stealthily  approached,  at  early  mom 
of  December  27th,  whUe  their  victims  were  sound 
asleep,  they  poured  mto  them  a  volley  of  buckshot 
and  rifle-bails.  Seven  were  killed  outright,  of  whom 
three  were  women;  three  men,  two  women,  and  three 
children  were  severely  wounded,  and  nearly  all  the 
rest  more  or  less  injured.  One  warrior,  after  being 
struck  by  a  bullet,  seized  his  gun,  and  rushing  outside 
of  his  tent,  shot  Samuel  Stephens  dead,  to  faU  himself 
almost  at  the  same  moment,  struck  through  the  brain. 
The  wounded  succeeded  in  escaping  to  the  reservation. 
On  their  return,  as  the  murderers  passed  through 
Golconda,  in  Palo  Pinto  county,  they  told  the  citizens 
of  that  town  that  "they  had  opened  the  ball,  and  the 
people  there  should  dance  to  the  music." 

This  atrocity  naturally  caused  great  excitement 
The  exasperated  Indians  threatened  vengeance  on  the 
perpetrators;  a  proclamation  issued  by  the  governor, 
denouncing  the  act,  and  warning  all  persons  against 
joining  organizations  for  hostilities  against  the  friendly 
Indians,  was  without  eflfect.  The  press  publishdi 
biased  accounts  and  inflammatory  articles  on  the 
subject,  and  meetings  of  citizens  were  held  at  various 
frontier  towns,  resolutions  being  passed  that  the  Ind- 
ians must  be  removed.'*     In  the  surrounding  counties 

"The  names  of  the  others,  doomed  to  immortal  infamy,  yrere  Daniel 
Tliomton,  J.  Hightower,  E.  Fireash,  T.  Wilie,  W.  E.  Motheral,  W.  W,  Mc- 
Neal,  Robert  Duval,  J.  P.  Harris,  W.  Fitzgerald,  A.  L.  Braw,  R.  Dnpny, 
W.  J.  F.  Lowder,  W.  Wood,  J.  Barnes,  H.  Highsaw,  J.  R.  WaUer,  George 
Harden,  Samuel  Stephens,  and  one  Dalton. 

^  An  idea  of  the  spirit  that  prevailed  at  these  meetings  may  be  formed 
from  a  resolution  passed  by  the  citizens  of  Weatherford,  June  24,  1859.  After 
stating  that  the^  '  believed '  that  certain  outrages  had  been  perpetrated  by 
the  reserve  Indians,  they  pledged  themselves  to  act  in  concert  with  sister 
counties  in  any  action  necessary  for  the  removal  of  them,  '  whether  the  s&me 
be  over  Jordan  or  Red  River.* 


CRUELTY  TO  INDIAKS  411 

bands  of  armed  citizens  were  organized,  and  scouted 
round  the  reservations.  Tame  Indians  found  outside 
the  limits  would  not,  it  was  declared,  be  known  from 
wild  ones,  but  would  be  killed.  The  removal  was 
peremptorily  demanded,  under  threats  of  extermina- 
tion. In  vain  the  i^ents  endeavored  to  avert  the 
blow;  their  action  caused  offence  to  the  citizens  of 
the  frontier,  who,  on  April  25,  1859,  boldly  demanded 
their  immediate  resignation.  All  they  could  do  was 
to  postpone  the  exodus  for  a  time,  aided  by  the  pres- 
ence of  a  detachment  of  the  United  States  troops. 
On  May  23d,  Captain  Baylor,  the  ex-agent,  at  the 
head  of  250  armed  men,  marched  upon  the  Brazos 
reservation  with  the  avowed  intention  of  attacking 
the  Indians.  Captain  Plummer,  1st  infantry,  warned 
him  to  leave  the  reservation,  and  he  departed  the 
same  day.  A  skirmish  occurred  with  the  Indians, 
and  several  on  both  sides  were  killed  and  wounded." 
That  the  Indians  could  not  remain  in  Texas  was  no 
longer  a  matter  of  doubt;  and  on  the  representations 
of  the  agents,  and  the  pressing  instance  of  the  state 
authorities,  the  department  at  Washington,  in  order 
to  avoid  bloodshed,  issued  an  order  to  break  up  the 
reservations  as  soon  as  the  standing  crops  could  be 
harvested  But  this  did  not  satisfy  the  frontier  men ; 
they  peremptorily  demanded  the  immediate  removal 
of  the  Indians,  and  at  the  urgent  request  of  the  super- 
vising i^ent,  R.  S.  Neighbors,  permission  was  given 
him  to  conduct  them  at  once  beyond  Red  river.  The 
evil  passions  of  the  white  people,  however,  were  thor- 
oughly aroused.  One  hundred  men  of  the  state 
troops  had  been  sent  by  the  governor  to  the  Brazop 
reservation  to  preserve  order,  but  these  even  displayed 
an  attitude  hostile  to  the  Indians,  while  the  bands  of 
armed  citizens  threatened  to  attack  them  on  their 
march.  It  became  necessary  to  call  in  the  aid  of  the 
United  States  army,  and  on  July  30th  and  August 
Ist,  the  unhappy  exiles  from  both  reservations,  under 

*•  U,  3.  Sen.  Ec  Doc,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  ii.  372-3. 


412  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE 

strong  escorts  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  and  accompan- 
ied by  the  agents,  left  their  homes  for  the  new  loca- 
tion which  had  been  assigned  to  them  on  Washita 
river.  On  August  8th,  they  crossed  Red  river,  and 
on  the  16th  arrived  at  their  destination.  The  number 
of  Indians  thus  removed  by  the  pressure  of  a  popular 
outbreak,  fomented  to  a  great  extent  by  the  unreason- 
able clamor  raised  by  unprincipled  men,  was  1,415,  of 
whom  380  were  Comanches.**  Owing  to  the  unre- 
mitted persecution  on  the  part  of  their  white  foes,  the 
exiles  were  compelled  to  leave  their  cattle  behind,  it 
being  impossible  even  to  collect  them.  As  a  climax 
to  this  practical  illustration  of  Lamar's  principle  of 
expulsion  or  extermination,  Superintendent  Neighbors, 
having  returned  to  Texas  in  September,  was  waylaid 
on  the  14th  near  Fort  Belknap  by  a  man  unknown 
to  him,  and  shot.  He  died  in  twenty  minutes  after 
being  fired  upon,  and  it  was  believed  that  the  crime 
was  .perpetrated  on  account  of  the  free  opinion  ex- 
pressed by  Neighbors  relative  to  the  killing  of  a  resene 
Indian  some  time  previously." 

During  the  administration  of  Governor  Pease  a 
final  adjustment  of  financial  questions  between  the 
state  and  the  federal  government  was  arrived  at,  and 
a  settlement  made  with  the  creditors  of  the  old  re- 
public. The  bond-holders  had  not  been  satisfied  with 
the  terms  offered  them  under  the  state  law  of  Janu- 
ary, 1852,  and  little  or  nothing  was  done  toward  the 
liquidation  of  their  claims  before  1855.  Matters  be- 
came still  more  complicated  by  an  additional  claim 
raised  by  Texas  against  the  federal  government.     By 

*•  According  to  the  census  roUs,  there  were,  in  the  May  preceding,  1,492 
flouls  on  the  two  reservations,  viz.:  258  Tonkahuas,  204  Tahwaccaros,  171 
Wacos,  244  Caddoes,  235  Anahdahkoes,  and  380  Comanches.  U.  8.  Ind.  Aftiin 
Rept,  1859,  267. 

*^  The  official  correspondence  and  full  particulars  relative  to  the  removal 
of  the  Texan  Indians  wiU  be  found  in  A/.,  1859,  5-6,  220-334,  and  U.  S.  Mem, 
and  Doc.^  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  pt  i.  588-702.  In  June  1860,  a  law  was  pa89C<l 
appropriating  $45,650  for  the  expenses  of  recolonizing  these  Indiana  during 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1861.  C(mg,  Globe,  1859-60,  app.  486. 


FINANCEa  413 

the  terms  of  an  old  treaty  the  United  States  were 
under  the  obligation  to  prevent  Indians  making  pre- 
datory incursions  into  Mexican  territory."  On  the 
strength  of  this  treaty  it  was  claimed  that  the  United 
States  was  responsible  for  the  expenses  incurred  dur- 
ing the  days  of  the  republic  in  protecting  the  frontier 
against  inroads  by  savages  from  United  States'  terri- 
tory. It  was  argued  that  Texas  at  the  time  this 
treaty  was  made  was  a  part  of  Mexico,  and  that 
although  she  separated  ftx^m  that  country  soon  after- 
ward by  revolution,  that  fact  did  not  obliterate  the 
obligations  of  the  treaty.  In  July  1854  Thomas  J. 
Rui^,  senator  from  Texas,  brought  this  view  of  the 
case  before  the  senate,  maintaining  that  as  more  than 
one  half  of  debt  of  Texas  had  been  expended  in  pro- 
tection i^ainst  Indians,  the  United  States  ought  to 
provide  a  sum  sufficient  to  pay  oflF  the  debt  in  full. 
After  quoting  extracts  from  diplomatic  correspondence 
in  support  of  the  views  taken  by  Texas,  he  intro- 
duced a  statement  made  out  by  James  B.  Shaw, 
comptroller,  showing  that  the  late  republic  had  ex- 
pended from  December  5,  1836,  to  February  1,  1845, 
the  sum  of  $3,815,011  exclusive  of  interest,  in  pro- 
tecting the  frx)ntier  from  incursions  of  Indians  be- 
longing to  the  United  States. 

Meantime  the  creditors  of  Texas  had  appealed  to 
the  United  States  for  payment  of  their  claims,  alleg- 
ing that  the  general  and  not  the  state  government 
was  liable.  Under  these  circumstances  the  United 
States'  government  intervened.  The  scale  of  reduc- 
tion adopted  by  the  state  law  was  cast  aside,  and  a 
bill  passed  by  congress  was  approved  February  28, 
1855,  by  which  it  was  provided  that  $2,750,000 
should  be  added  to  the  $5,000,000  lying  in  the  treas- 
ury pertaining  to  Texas,  and  that  the  whole  sum  of 
$7,750,000  should  be  apportioned  pro  rata  among  the 
creditors;   any   portion   of  the   debt  that  had  been 

^Thirty-third  article  of  the  treaty  with  Mexico  of  April  5,  1831.  Cong. 
GlAey  xxviii.,  pt  ilL,  p.  1808-9. 


414  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

already  paid  by  the  state  of  Texas  should  be  refunded 
to  her;  no  payment  would  be  made  until  the  claimant 
filed  a  receipt  in  full  releasing  forever  the  United 
States  from  all  claim  against  them.  The  act  was 
not  to  take  efiect  until  it  had  been  assented  to  by  the 
legislature  of  the  state  of  Texas,  and  until  the  same 
legislature  passed  an  act  abandoning  all  claims  and 
demands  against  the  United  States,  growing  out  of 
Indian  depredations  or  otherwise.** 

Bv  this  pro  rata  system  of  payment  each  creditor 
would  realize  seventy-eight  cents  on  the  doDar." 
Three  classes  of  bonds,  as  scaled  bv  the  state's  law, 
would  have  yielded  more  than  this,*  and  the  holders 
were  consequently  dissatisfied.*'  By  the  people  of 
Texas  the  bill  was  received  with  great  disfttvor,  and 
when  called  upon  by  proclamation  of  the  governor 
to  vote  upon  it,  out  of  45,000  voters  19,573  refused 
to  cast  their  votes;  13,818  voted  against  accepting  the 
bill,  and  11,609  voted  for  it.*^  It  was,  however, 
finally  passed  by  the  state  legislature,  and  the  credi- 
tors, who  were  secured  by  a  pledge  of  the  import 
duties  of  the  extinct  republic,  on  filing  their  receipts 
in  the  treasury  department  of  the  United  States  re- 
ceived their  pro  rata  payments.  The  sum  of  $299,602 
was  refunded  to  the  state  in  consideration  of  Texas' 
having  already  paid  that  portion  of  the  debt. 

^  Copy  of  the  act  will  be  fonnd  in  HwU*a  Merdu  Mag.^  zxzii.  486. 

**Tex.  Journal  Sen.,  1857,  140. 

^  Namely,  10  per  cent  bonds,  June  7,  1837  (Swartoat),  allowed  at  face 
par,  10  per  cent  bonds  for  loan  from  U.  S.  Bank,  scaled  at  $.8745;  and  10 
per  cent  treasury  notes,  June  7,  1837,  allowed  at  face  par.  In  Id,^  xxxiiL 
89,  a  tabular  form  is  supplied  exhibiting  the  rate  of  adjustment  estabhshed 
by  Texas  and  the  rate  proposed  in  the  above  act  of  the  United  Slates  o(m- 

fress.  It  should  be  remarked  that  the  state  leffislatnre  passed  an  act 
ebruary  11,  1850,  declaring  that  all  liabilities  of  tiie  late  repaUie  should 
'  cease  to  draw  interest  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  July,  1850l  Qimge,  itf 
mep.y  168.     Interest,  therefore,  was  only  calculated  to  that  date. 

^Governor  Pease  in  his  message  to  congress,  Noy.  2,  1857,  reoommflnded 
that  the  state  should,  out  of  the  sum  refunded  to  Texas  by  the  U.  S.,  pay 
these  creditors  the  difference  between  the  amounts  which  they  received  under 
the  above  act  of  congress,  and  those  at  which  their  dainui  were  rated  and 
classified  by  the  state  law,  in  all  $123,217.  The  committee  appointed  to 
consider  the  question  reported  unfavorably  to  the  propoeitioii.  JSw^s  Merdi 
Mag.,  xxxviil  468;  Tex.  J(mmal8m.,  1857,  17-18,  l^-ij. 
«  ThrdO,  371. 


REVENUE.  415 

The  reader,  doubtless,  will  wish  to  learn  how  the 
$5,000,000  in  United  States'  bonds  paid  into  the  state 
treasury  were  employed.  In  order  to  dismiss  this 
subject,  once  for  all,  it  will  be  better  to  give  a  succint 
account  of  the  financial  condition  of  the  government 
up  to  the  time  of  the  final  exhaustion  of  those  funds 
in  1861. 

From  1852  to  1858  nine  tenths  of  the  taxes  col- 
lected were  remitted  to  the  several  counties  to  enable 
them  to  build  court-houses  and  jails;  the  remaining 
tenth  being  set  apart  by  the  constitution  for  the  sup- 
port of  schools  was  paid  into  the  treasuiy.  The 
rapid  progress  that  was  being  made  in  Texas  during 
this  period  will  be  perceived  by  a  comparison  of  the 
amount  of  taxes  collected  in  the  two  consecutive 
years  1856  and  1857.  In  the  first  named  year  the 
valuation  of  the  property  assessed  was  $161,804,025, 
which  produced  $242,964  in  taxes;  the  poll  tax 
yielded  $22,413;  and  those  on  occupations  and  sales 
of  merchandise  $28,993,  making  a  total  of  $294,370. 
The  net  proceeds  received,  after  deducting  the  ten 
per  centum  for  the  school  fund  and  the  expenses  of 
assessing  and  collecting,  amounted  to  $229,289.  The 
corresponding  figures  for  1857  were:  assessments  of 
property,  $183,594,205;  taxes  on  the  same  $276,663; 
poll  tax  $24,463;  other  taxes  $26,940.  The  net 
yield  after  making  the  same  deductions  was  $255,044, 
showing  an  excess  of  more  than  $25,000  net,  over  the 
proceeds  of  the  previous  year.  Had  the  incomes 
not  been  relinquished  to  the  counties,  they  would 
have  about  covered  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
government.*'  As  it  was  the  expenses  had  to  be 
paid,  during  the  period  from  1852  to  1858  inclusive, 
out  of  the  $5,000,000  United  States  bonds. 

As  the  bonds  bore  an  interest  of  five  per  centum, 
the  state  received  up  to  January  1861,  interest  to 

<•  Comptroller's  report  for  1866  and  1857  in  Cbnfotw*  TVx.,  336-7.  Com- 
paz^  governor's  message  in  Tex.  Journal  SetL^  1857,  14>16;  TlaraM^  2llb^  where 
win  be  found  an  eztnust  from  Pease's  message  of  Koy.  1855. 


416  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

the  amount  of  $1,625,441,  making  the  total  receipts 
of  principal  and  interest,  $6,625,441,  which  sum  is 
thus  accounted  for.  By  act  of  February  16,  1852, 
$36,000  were  transferred  to  the  school  fund  to  reim- 
burse it  for  state  bonds  destroyed.  By  act  of  Jan- 
uary 31,  1854,  $2,000,000  were  donated  to  the  same 
fund,'*  and  at  subsequent  dates  interest  and  premium 
on  the  bonds  were  paid  to  the  amount  of  $653,619. 
Again  by  act  of  February  11,  1856,  $100,000  were 
transferred  to  the  university  fund,  and  interest  paid 
on  the  same  up  to  January  1861,  amounting  to  $9,- 
472.  Besides  these  sums,  $1,425,296  were  disbursed 
in  payment  of  certain  debts  of  the  late  republic — for 
it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  state  had  other 
liabilities  than  those  assumed  by  the  United  States, 
which  only  became  responsible  for  claims  that  were 
secured  by  a  pledge  of  the  impost  and  tonnage  duties 
of  the  late  republic.  The  remaining  $2,401,054,  to- 
gether with  the  premium  derived  from  the  sale  of  the 
bonds,  were  used  for  the  general  expenses  of  the  gov- 
ernment from  1852  to  1861  inclusive,  appropriations 
being  made  for  the  establishment  of  an  insane  asylum, 
and  institutions  for  the  education  of  the  blind,  and  tiie 
deaf  and  dumb.  In  1858  and  1859  the  receipts  from 
taxation  were  not  sufficient  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
the  t^tate  government,  and  United  States  bonds  were 
expended  to  the  amount  of  $443,000.  The  remainder 
of  the  bonds  were  used  in  1860  and  1861,  besides 
$100,000,  transferred  from  the  university  ftmd.** 

The  general  feeling  toward  the  Mexican  population 
was  one  of  intense  animosity  in  those  counties  where 
they  were  more  thickly  congregated  The  inhabi- 
tants of  that  race  were  most^  of  the  lower  orders, 
and  were  charged  with  associating  with  the  slaves, 

^*By  a  law  of  1856  the  ten  per  centum  of  taxee  set  apart  for  school  pur- 
poses was  blended  with  the  $2,000,000,  and  one  general  school  fnnd  formed. 

"•Comptroller  Clement  K  Johns'  report  of  Sept.  1,  1869,  No.  3  in  TVx. 
Col  Doc.,  No.  1;  Governor's  Message  oi  June  10,  1879,  app.,  18-19.  Treas- 
urer's report  of  Aug.  31,  1860,  in  Tex,  Abn.,  1861,  2i8-9:  Tex.  Rqpi  Cm^ 
troUnr,  Aug.  31,  1876,  6-7. 


ANIMOSITY  TOWARD  MEXICANS.  417 

and  frequently  stealing  horses  and  carrying  off  negro 
girls  to  Mexico.  In  the  autumn  of  1856  a  dangerous 
negro  conspiracy  was  discovered  in  Colorado  county, 
which  contemplated  a  simultaneous  insurrection,  and 
the  massacre  of  the  white  population,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  their  young  women,  who  were  to  be  made 
captivea  The  slaves  had  formed  an  organized  plan, 
adopted  secret  signs  and  passwords,  and  provided 
themselves  with  bowie-knives  and  some  fire-arms. 
Their  intention  was,  after  having  accomplished  the 
first  part  of  their  plot,  and  obtained  possession  of  the 
horses  and  arms  of  their  intended  victims,  to  fight 
their  way  into  Mexico,  or  the  "free  state,"  as  they 
called  that  country.  On  the  detection  of  the  con- 
spiracy more  than  200  negroes  were  severely  pun- 
ished with  the  lash — ^two  being  whipped  to  death — 
and  three  prominent  ring-leaders  hanged  on  September 
5th.  It  was  maintained  that  every  Mexican  in  the 
county  was  implicated  in  this  intended  uprising,  and 
they  were  ordered  to  leave  and  never  return,  under 
penalty  of  death.  In  Matagorda  county,  also,  a 
popular  meeting  was  held,  and  every  Mexican  ordered 
to  leave." 

In  1857  much  trouble  was  caused  by  the  perpetra- 
tion  of  numerous  acts  of  violence  by  Texan  wagoners 
on  Mexican  cartmen.  In  the  transportation  of  goods 
from  the  sea-ports  to  San  Antonio,  the  freight  rates 
charged  by  the  latter  were  so  low  as  practically  to 
drive  the  Texan  teamsters  from  the  field  of  compe- 
tition. As  the  Mexicans  were  thoroughly  trust- 
worthy, and  generally  made  better  time  than  their 
rivals,  the  merchants  naturally  employed  them  in 
preference  to  paying  higher  rates  to  carriers  of  their 
own  race.  This  gave  umbrage  to  the  Texan  drivers, 
who  proceeded  to  form  secret  organizations  for  the 
purpose  of  ousting  their  competitors  from  the  road. 
A  system  of  the  most  outrageous  persecution  followed. 

^^  Extracts  from  the  OahesUm  New8,  and  True  Issue,  in  OlrnsUd's  Jmmmfy 
Hist.  Msz.  States,  Vol.  n.  27. 


418  TEZAfl  AS  A  STATK 

Bands  of  masked  men  way-laid  the  Mexican  wagon- 
trains,  destroyed  the  wheels,  drove  off  the  oxen,  mur- 
dered  cartmen,  and  often  pillaged  the  freight,  cany- 
ing  off  valuable  cargoes.  This  practice  was  carried 
on  to  such  an  extent  that  General  Twiggs,  the  United 
States'  commander  at  San  Antonio,  was  compelled  to 
protect  with  a  military  escort  trains  transporting 
government  supplies.  About  the  end  of  July,  a  train 
was  attacked  by  night  and  three  Mexicans  wounded; 
in  September  following  the  cartmen  of  another  train 
were  fired  upon  by  masked  men,  one  man  being  killed 
and  three  wounded;  and  again  on  November  2l8t 
two  more  were  killed. 

In  October  the  Mexican  minister  at  Washington 
addressed  the  United  States  government  on  the 
matter,  stating  that  he  had  been  assured  that  the 
number  of  men  thus  murdered  was  no  less  than 
seventy-five,  and  that  the  persecution  directed  against 
Mexicans  had  compelled  many  to  aoandon  their 
homes  in  San  Antonio  and  elsewhere,  and  seek  refuge 
on  Mexican  territory  in  a  state  of  destitution.  On 
November  1 1th  and  30th,  Governor  Pease  addressed 
special  messages  to  the  legislature  on  the  subject,  in 
which  after  making  particular  mention  of  the  three 
cases  above  mentioned,  and  denouncing  such  acts  of 
violence,  he  remarked  that  it  was  evident  that  there 
was  no  security  for  the  lives  of  citizens  of  Mexican 
origin  engaged  in  the  business  of  transportation, 
unless  they  were  escorted  by  a  military  force.  As 
the  counties  in  which  these  deeds  were  perpetrated, 
took  no  trouble  to  put  a  stop  to  them,  he  invited  the 
legislature  to  consider  whether  their  citizens  should 
not  be  compelled  to  pay  a  heavy  penalty,  which  would 
arouse  them  to  the  necessity  of  preserving  the  public 
peace. 

The  senate  referred  the  matter  to  the  committee  on 
state  affairs,  which  on  December  1st  reported  the 
necessity  of  a  bill  to  establish  a  penalty,  and  provide 
for  the  punishment  of  those  who  unlawfully  combined 


THE  CART  WAR.  419 

to  prevent  people  from  engaging  in  lawful  employ- 
ments,  and  that  such  a  bill  was  being  prepared  by  the 
committee.  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  any 
further  action  was  taken.  Meantime  the  governor 
had  called  into  service  a  volunteer  company,  which 
proceeding  was  approved  by  the  legislature.  This 
force  proved  inadequate  to  suppress  the  lawlessness, 
and  other  means  were  brought  to  bear  upon  the  male- 
factors. When  the  road  was  abandoned  by  the 
Mexican  cartmen,  and  booty  became  scarce,  they 
began  to  commit  depredations  on  the  property  of  citi- 
zens. However  indifferent  the  people  had  been  to 
outrages  perpetrated  on  Mexicans,  they  now  energeti- 
cally took  the  matter  in  hand.  Lynch  law  was  vig- 
orously applied,  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Goliad 
the  pf^sing  traveller  would  see  many  a  corpse  sus- 
pended from  the  boughs  of  the  black  oaks.  The  dia- 
bolical organization  was  thus  speedily  broken  up,  and 
this  system  of  murder  and  robbery — ^which  was 
dignified  by  the  name  of  the  Cart  War — ^was  brought 
to  an  end.*' 

Political  parties,  strictly  so  called,  were  first  organ- 
ized in  Texas  during  Pease  s  administration.  The 
party  factions  opposed  to  each  other  in  the  days  of 
the  republic  were  of  a  personal  rather  than  of  a  politi- 
cal nature.  Being  in  reality  the  offspring  of  the  ri- 
valry between  prominent  men,  they  did  not  originate 
from  differences  in  political  opinions,  but  merely  sup- 
ported their  respective  leaders  in  their  candidateship 
for  oflBce,  without  being  materially  influenced  by  prin- 
ciples of  policy.  When,  however,  Texas  was  annexed 
to  the  union,  under  the  auspices  of  the  democratic 
party,  she  soon  became  involved  in  the  political  antag- 
onism which  prevailed  in  the  United  States.  Her 
constitution  was  framed  on  the  principles  of  democra(j;j^, 
and  during  the  first  years  of  her  existence  as  a  state, 

»/«£.,  1857,  82,  96,  145-«,  154-5,  158-60,  171-2,  186;  i/ex.  If^ormeConM. 
PcMq.,  1873,  73-4;  Linn'ft  Remrm.,  352-4;  Thrcdl,  372. 


420  .    TEXAS  AS  A  STATR 

candidates  for  office  were  elected  on  personal  consid- 
erations.    When  the  disruption  of  the  great  national 
whig  party  occurred  in  1854,  the  abolitionists  of  the 
north  gained  thereby  large  reenforcements,  which  were 
supplemented  by  defections  from  the  democratic  ranks 
of  members  who  thought  they  had  cause  to  be  dis- 
pleased with  President  Pierce's  administration.    At 
this  time  what  was  called  the  "native  party"  whose 
principles  were  opposed  to  naturalized  foreigners  hold- 
ing office,  was  ih  a  moribund  condition;  but  it  was 
now  resuscitated,  and  undergoing  a  kind  of  metempsy- 
chosis, developed  into  the  know-nothing  party.     By 
this  later  organization,  the  creed  of  the  old  native 
party  was  enlarged,  and  made  to  include  proscription 
of  Koman  catholic  citizens,  while   the  opposition  to 
naturalized  aliens  was  intensified.      The  know-noth- 
ings cast  over  their  proceedings  a  cloak  of  mystery. 
They  constituted,  in  fact,  a  secret  political  society; 
applied  tests  of  a  religious  character,  and  endeavored 
to   pit  the  different  races  against  each  other.    All 
these  'principles  were  contrary  to  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States.      In   Texas,  the   know-nothings 
for  a  short  time  acquired  considerable  influence.    Nu- 
merous lodges  were  organized,  and   in  1855   L.  D. 
Evans  was  returned  by  the  party  to  congress  from 
the  eastern  district     On  the  reelection  of  Pease  the 
same  year,  he  was  opposed  by  their  candidate,  Dick- 
son, who  obtained  no  less  than  17,968  votes,  being 
between  4,000  and  5,000  more  than  had  ever  before 
been  cast  for  governor.     However,  on  their  failure  to 
elect  their  candidate,  the  career  of  the  know-nothings 
in  Texas  was  brought  to  a  close.     The  unconstitution- 
ality of  their  doctrines,  and  the  violence  to  civil  and 
religious  liberty  entailed  in  their  intolerant  principles 
were  denounced  by  their  more  enlightened  opponents;" 

c53  Prominent  among  their  opponents  was  Anson  Jones,  vho  states  that  he 
'MTote  upM'ards  of  fifty  articles  for  the  Ranger,  and  other  Texan  newspapers, 
in  opposition  to  know-nothingism,  and  the  various  isms  associated  with  it. 
omitting  no  opportunity  to  strike  at  the  hydra  which  offered.'  LtUen^  rft. 
520-42.     Consult  also,  ThraU,  376-7;  Linna  Jieminis.,  354-^5. 


RUSK  AND  HAMILTON.  421 

the  democratic  party  called  upon  the  people  in  the 
name  of  liberty  and  the  constitution  to  discountenance 
the  secret  organization,  and  their  influence  rapidly 
waned. 

In  1857,  Texas  was  called  upon  to  mourn  the  loss 
of  two  men  conspicuous  for  their  services  during  the 
revolutionarv  struggle — Thomas  J.  Rusk  and  James 
Hamilton  of  South  Carolina. 

Thomas  Jefferson  Rusk,  whose  earlier  biography 
has  been  already  given,**  migrated  to  Texas  in  1834, 
and  having  distinguished  himself  in  the  war  of  inde- 
pendence, subsequently  held  the  command  of  various 
expeditions  against  hostile  Indians.  In  1839,  he  was 
appointed  chief  justice  of  the  republic,  but  soon  re- 
signed that  position,  retired  to  Nacogdoches,  and 
resumed  his  practice  as  a  lawyer.  In  1845,  he  was 
chosen  president  of  the  annexation  convention,  and  on 
the  incorporation  of  Texas  into  the  union  was  elected 
at  the  first  session  of  the  state  legislature  to  the 
United  States  senate.  This  position  he  held  till  the 
time  of  his  death  in  1857.  In  1856,  Rusk  lost  his 
wife,  while  he  was  in  Washington  engaged  in  his  sen- 
atorial duties.  This  bereavement  deeply  affected  him, 
and  on  his  return  to  his  home  he  was  prostrated  by  a 
serious  illness,  his  recovery  from  which  was  slow. 
Enervated  in  mind  and  body,  and  afflicted  by  a  tumor 
on  his  neck  which  probably  affected  the  brain,  he  took 
his  own  life  at  Nacogdoches,  July  30,  1857. 

Rusk  was  a  man  of  rare  qualities,  and  took  a  prom- 
inent part  in  the  United  States  senate.  He  was  a 
statesman  of  a  high  order,  energetic,  and  possessed  of 
a  mind  of  great  clearness  and  strength.  Of  remark- 
ably sound  judgment,  supported  by  wide  experience, 
he  had  an  accurate  and  extensive  Knowledge  of  man- 
kind. And  his  wisdom  and  talents  were  equalled  by 
his  virtues — courage,  honesty,  and  truth  being  his 
marked  characteristics.  Insensible  to  adulation,  he 
never  stooped  to   flattery.     In   his  intercourse  with 

^  See  note  39,  chap.  viiL,  thU  voL 


422  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

men,  he  did  not  affect  dignified  importance,  but  was 
accessible  to  all;  and  it  was  a  habit  of  his  to  converse 
with  men  in  the  humblest  stations  in  hfe  as  freely  as 
with  those  in  the  highest,  while  his  sympathy  for  the 
unfortunate  or  oppressed,  and  his  love  of  justice  and 
candor  won  for  him  the  respect  and  affections  of 
every  class.  Uninfluenced  by  selfish  motives  and  by 
personal  ambition,  he  labored  in  the  senate  for  the  ag- 
grandizement of  the  nation  at  large,  and  the  promotion 
of  its  general  welfare.  In  just  recognition  of  his  loss, 
and  as  a  mark  of  respect,  the  United  States  congress 
wore  the  usual  badge  of  mourning  for  thirty  days." 

General  James  Hamilton  was  a  native  of  South 
Carolina,  of  which  state  he  was  governor.  In  the 
struggle  of  Texas  for  independence  he  boldly  advo- 
cated her  cause,  and  gave  both  his  services  and  means 
in  her  support.  As  member  of  the  senate  of  South 
Carolina  he  powerfully  upheld  the  purity  of  the  revo- 
lutionists' motives,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  new  republic.  He  secured  the  treaty  with 
Great  Britain,  and  negotiated  one  with  the  kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands.  In  recognition  of  his  services 
he  was  vested  with  the  rights  of  Texan  citizenship 
by  a  special  act  of  congress.  While  engaged,  how- 
ever, in  his  service  as  diplomatic  agent  of  Texas  in 
Europe  he  became  involved  in  embarrassments  which 
eventually  ruined  him.  In  1857  Hamilton  sailed 
from  New  Orleans  for  Galveston  in  the  steamship 
Opelonsds,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  indemnification  for 
his  losses  and  of  retrieving  his  fortune  in  the  country 
for  which  he  had  done  so  much.  The  vessel  was 
wrecked  on  her  passage  bv  a  collision  with  the 
steamer  Galveston,  and  Hamilton  was  one  of  the  vic- 
tims of  the  disaster.  The  state  congress  went  into 
mourning  out  of  respect  to  his  memory." 

'"^Cano.  Globe,  1857-8,  pt  i.,  331-«;  Tex,  Aim.,  1858,  105-9;  CbttfowV  Tcr., 
165-7;  Tkrally  607-11;  Gov  Pease's  message  of  Nov.  2,  1857,  in  Tex.,  /«tr- 
ffa/i^en,,  1857,  38. 

»/rf.,  121-2;  ThraO,  549;  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  82-3. 


GOVERNOR  RUNNELS.  423 

On  December  21,  1857,  Hardin  R.  Runnels*' — ^the 
successful  democratic  candidate — was  inaugurated 
governor,  having  defeated  his  competitor,  Sam 
Houston,  by  a  poll  of  32,552  votes  against  23,628 
cast  in  favor  of  the  latter. 

When  Runnels  entered  office,  symptoms  had  already 
made  their  appearance  that  the  time  was  rapidly  ap- 
proaching of  the.  great  national  disruption,  which  a 
few  years  later  tore  asunder  the  United  States,  and 
deluged  the  country  in  blood.  On  the  admission  of 
Missouri  into  the  union  as  a  slave  state,  Henry  Clay 
introduced  into  the  United  States  senate,  in  1820,  a 
compromise  measure  which  provided  that  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery  should  be  thereafter  excluded  from  all 
territory  lying  north  of  latitude  36°  30',  that  line  be- 
ing the  southern  boundary  of  Missouri.  The  adop- 
tion of  this  bill,  known  as  the  Missouri  compromise, 
gave  rise  in  time  to  bitter  controversies  between  the 
free  and  slave  states,  the  latter  regarding  it  as  an  en- 
croachment on  the  part  of  the  federal  government  on 
the  constitutional  right  of  future  sovereign  states  to 
arrange  their  own  domestic  affairs. 

In  1850  the  same  statesman  submitted  to  the  sen- 
ate other  compromise  resolutions  designed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  arranging  amicably  the  controversies  between 
the  firee  and  slave  states  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 
These  resolutions  declared  that  congress  in  establish- 
ing territorial  governments  should  impose  no  restric- 
tions on  the  people  of  such  territories  with  respect  to 
slavery.  A  very  memorable  discussion  followed, 
which  resulted  in  the  passage  of  bills  admitting  Cali- 
fornia into  the  union  as  a  free  state,  and  in  the  orga- 
nization of  the  territories  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico 
without  restriction  as  to  slavery.  The  fugitive  slave 
law  was  enacted  at  the  same  time.  Again  in  1854, 
on  the  establishment  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  as  ter- 

&7  Rfiiinelfl  migrated  to  Texas  in  1841  from  Mississippi,  and  engaged  in 
cotton  planting  on  Red  river.  He  represented  Bowie  county  in  the  legisla- 
ture for  eight  years.  Dnring  1853-5  he  was  speaker  in  the  house.  He  died 
at  his  home  in  Bowie  county  in  1873.   ThrfiU,  (JOT. 


424  TEXAS  AS  A  STATK 

Titories,  Senator  Douglas,  from  lUinois,  introduced 
into  the  bill  brought  before  congress  on  that  occasion, 
an  amendment  which  virtually  repealed  the  Missouri 
compromise.  The  principles  of  non-intervention  by 
congress  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  state 
and  territories  had  clearly  been  recognized  by  the  legis- 
lation of  1850.  Supported  by  the  compromise  acts 
of  that  year  Senator  Douglas  maintained  that  con- 
gress had  no  right  to  legislate  in  the  matter  of  slav- 
ery, and  that  the  people  of  any  state  or  territoir 
should  be  allowed  to  decide  for  themselves  questions 
of  their  domestic  institutions.**  Both  Kansas  and 
Nebraska  would  have  been  free  territories  under  the 
Missouri  compromise,  but  the  bill  was  passed  with 
the  amendment,  May  25,  1854. 

Nevertheless  it  met  with  great  opposition.  Reso- 
lutions were  passed  by  the  legislatures  of  various 
states  denouncing  it;  memorials  from  abolitionist 
societies  were  addressed  to  congress ;  and  clergymen 
petitioned  for  its  repeal  Moreover,  it  was  soon  ap- 
parent that  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  Kansas 
from  the  south  would  meet  with  violent  opposition  on 
the  part  of  the  people  of  that  territory.  Intense 
sectional  agitation  prevailed;  and  it  was  regarded  as 
a  foregone  conclusion  that  Kansas  would  be  admitted 
into  the  union  only  as  a  free  state,  unless  some  action 
were  taken  by  the  combined  south. 

Governor  Runnels  addressed  a  message,  Januair 
20,  1858,  to  the  legislature  calling  attention  to  the 
aspect  of  aflfairs  in  Kansas,  and  clearly  advocating 
the  doctrine  of  secession.  On  the  8th  of  the  same 
month  a  democratic  state  convention  had  been  held 
at  Austin,  at  which  it  was  resolved  that  there 
were  grounds  for  the  serious  apprehension  that  the 
doctrine  of  non-intervention  was  in  danger  of  being 
repudiated  by  the  United  States  congress;  and  a  re- 
quest was  made  to  the  state  legislature  to  provide 
for  the  appointment  of  delegates  to  a  convention  of 

^Cang,  Globe,  xxviu.  pt  i.,  175,  221-2,  239-40,  275. 


PRECAUTIONARY  MEASURES.  426 

the  Bouthem  states  on  the  occasion  of  one  being  as- 
sembled. But  bolder  resolutions  than  these  were 
offered.  T.  J.  Chambers  proposed  that  it  should  be 
resolved  that  any  action  on  the  part  of  the  congress 
of  the  United  States  tending  to  embarrass,  delay  and 
defeat  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  member  of  the 
union,  under  any  pretext  referable  to  the  question 
of  slavery,  would  be  a  usurpation  of  power  and  a 
violation  of  the  compact  of  the  union;  that  in  case 
of  such  an  event,  the  representatives  of  Texas  in  the 
United  States  congress  were  requested  to  give  notice 
of  the  intention  of  the  state  to  resume  her  independ- 
ence and  withdraw  from  the  union.  Sister  states  **  at- 
tached to  the  benign  domestic  institution  of  slavery" 
were  to  be  invited  to  join  her  in  that  measure/' 

In  response  to  the  governor's  message  the  legisla- 
ture of  Texas,  having  submitted  the  subject  to  the 
conmiittee  on  federal  relations,  passed  on  February 
16,  1858,  a  joint  resolution.     In  the  preamble  it  was 
set  forth  that  a  violent  determination  existed  on  the 
part  of  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  territory 
of  Kansas  to  exclude  by  force  the  citizens  of  slave- 
holding  states  from  a  just,  equal,  and  peaceful  partici- 
pation in  the  use  and  epjoyment  of  the  common  prop- 
erty and  territory  of  the  confederacy.     Whereas  this 
determination,  owing  to  the  state  of  political  feeling 
in  the  northern   states,   operating  upon  the  federal 
government,  might  become  effectual,  and  the  exclu- 
sion  perpetual,  it   was  resolved  that   the  governor 
should  be  authorized  to  order  the  election  of  seven 
delegates  to  meet  delegates  appointed  by  the  other 
southern  states  in  convention,  whenever  the  executives 
of  a  majority  of  the  slave-holding  states  should  ex- 
press the  opinion  that  such  convention  was  necessary 
to   preserve  the  equal  rights  of  such  states  in  the 
union.     An  appropriation  of    $10,000  was  made  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  delegates,  and  the  governor 

^/d.,  ocmff.  36,  8688.  1,  1868,  app.  63-4.    Qovemor's  message  in  Tex, 
Journal  Sen.,  Id&J^,  378-8. 


426  TEXAS  AS  A  STATK 

was  authorized,  in  case  an  exigency  arose,  in  which 
it  would  be  necessary  for  Texas  to  act  alone,  to  call  a 
special  session  of  the  legislature  to  provide  for  a  state 
convention.** 

During  Runnels'  administration  Texas  continued  to 
progress.  Population  steadily  increased  by  the  ad- 
vent of  new  settlers,  and  with  the  exception  of  troub- 
les connected  with  Indians,  as  previously  narrated, 
peace  reigned  within  her  borders,  and  the  inhabitants 
pursued  their  avocations  in  security.  Toward  the 
close  of  his  term  a  Mexican  named  Juan  N.  Cortina 
began  to  commit  depredations  on  the  lower  Kio 
Grande ;  but  as  they  were  continued  at  intervals  dur- 
ing the  administration  of  his  successor,  it  will  be  con- 
venient  to  defer  for  a  time  the  relation  of  them. 

At  the  election  held  in  September,  1859,  the  same 
two  candidates  competed  for  the  executive  office. 
Runnels  being  nominated  by  the  democratic  party, 
Houston  ran  as  an  independent  candidate,  and  was 
elected  by  a  majority  of  8,757  votes  over  his  oppo- 
nent.*' 

^Cong.  Olobe,  1857-1858,  p.  1000;  Tex,  Bept  Admia.  Kasuas,  na  2,  in 
Tex.  Col.  Doc.y  no.  1. 

®The  number  of  votes  cast  was  64,027,  of  which  Honston  obtained. 
36,257,  and  Runnels  27,600.  ThraU,  379;  Tex,  Aim.,  1861,  215. 


Jeff  Davis  Medal. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

CIVIL  WAR. 

18^9-1862. 

Thb  North  and  thb  Soitth— Houston's  Mbssaob— Rxports  of  CoMMnrEEs 
ON  Rbsolxttions  or  South  Carolina— Knights  ov  the  Golden  Circle 
— Special  Session  or  the  Texan  Congress  Convened — A  Convention 
Illegally  Called — Surrender  of  General  Twiggs — Houston's 
Speech  at  Galveston— Texas  Secedes  from  the  Union— Proceedincjs 
OF  the  Convention — Houston  Deposed — His  Protest — ^Clark  In- 
stalled Provisional  Governor — Indian  Settlebieet  on  TiONiTr 
River — CoRTiNA'a  Insurrbciion — His  Defeat  and  Flight — List  of 
Senators  and  Representatives — Commencement  of  the  Civil  War  -  - 
Militart  Operations— Invasion  of  New  Mexico— Its  Failure. 

The  election  of  Houston  to  the  executive  chair  was 
a  victory  of  the  unionist  party  in  Texas  over  the  confed- 
erate party.  At  this  time  the  majority  of  the  Texans 
were  opposed  to  separation  from  the  union;  and 
though  the  late  governor  had  been  elected  by  the 
maneuvering  of  the  democratic  party,  which  won 
the  confidence  of  the  people  by  its  crusade  against 
the  know-nothings,  they  presently  became  alarmed  at 
the  development  of  the  secession  intentions  of  the 
democratic  leaders.  In  1858  a  vacancy  occurred  on 
the  supreme  bench,  and  the  democrats  nominated 
Buckley,  who  bore  no  enviable  character,  and  was  of 
well-known  disunion  proclivities.  He  was  defeated  by 
an  overwhelming  majority  by  Bell,  an  avowed  unionist. 
In  the  canvass  of  1859  the  democratic  convention 
met  at  the  town  of  Housto  -  confederate  sentiments 
were  expressed  in  it,  and  th^  /African  slave-trade  was 
held  in  favor.  *  The  democratic  party  had  thrown  off  the 

"^Newcombf  HisL  Seces,  Tex,,  4-5.     James  P.  Newcomb  was  the  editor  of 
the  Abuno  Express  published  in   San  Antonio.     He  opposed  disunion,  and 
(427) 


428  CIVIL  WAR. 

mask,  and  the  result  was  the  defeat  of  their  candidate 
by  a  large  majority. 

Houston  took  his  seat  at  a  time  when  intense 
political  excitement  prevailed  all  over  the  United 
States.  The  measures  adopted  by  the  legislation  in 
1850  and  1854,  so  far  from  producing  harmony,  only 
aggravated  political  hostility.  However  conciliator)^ 
they  might  have  been  to  the  southern  states,  they 
only  embittered  the  f^elings  of  the  free-soil  ipsntj  in 
the  north.  The  non-prohibition  of  slavery  in  New 
Mexico  and  Utah  was  regarded  by  the  latter  as  im- 
politic and  unjust,  while  the  fugitive  slave-law,  which 
stringently  provided  for  the  arrest  and  return  of  es- 
caped slaves,  was  denounced  as  unconstitutional  and 
cruel.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  of  1854  roused  the 
indignation  of  the  free  states,  and  the  ranks  of  the 
anti-slavery  party  thenceforth  gaiaed  strength  daily. 
By  the  close  of  1859  the  opposing  factions  were  un- 
compromisingly arrayed  against  each  other,  and  the 
fire  of  disruption  was  already  being  kindled.  Im- 
mediately after  the  passage  of  the  bill  of  1854  E^ansas 
became  a  field  of  strife  between  the  free-soil  and  pro- 
slavery  parties,  and  emigrants  from  Missouri  and  the 
south  engaged  in  deadly  contest  with  settlers  from 
the  northern  states.  The  polls  were  taken  possession 
of  by  armed  bands,  and  elections  were  carried  by  ille- 
gal voting.  Counter-constitutions  were  promulgated 
in  turn  by  antagonists,  and  for  several  years  the 
condition  of  the  territory  was  anarchical.  Finally,  in 
July  1859,  a  constitution  prohibiting  slavery  was 
adopted  by  a  convention  which  met  at  Wyandotte, 
and  was  ratified  by  popular  vote  October  4th  fol- 
lowing. 

•This  defeat,  aggravatec^  by  the  raid  of  John  Brown 
on  Harper's  Ferry  dur    y  the  same  month,  exasper- 

when  the  secession  of  Texas  was  declared,  rather  than  be  compelled  to  sacri- 
fice hia  principles,  he  determined  to  leave  the  country,  and  did  ao  in  July 
1861,  proceedmg  to  Cal.  by  way  of  Monterey  and  Durango.  He  published 
his  little  work,  consisting  of  12  and  33  octavo  pages,  at  San  Francisoo  in 
1863. 


GOVERNOR'S  MESSAGK  429 

ated  the  southern  states,  and  in  December  1859,  both 
branches  of  the  legislature  of  South  Carolina,  passed 
unanimously  startling  resolutions  on  the  subject  of 
federal  relations.  Affirming,  in  the  preamble,  the 
right  of  the  state  to  secede  from  the  con^deration,  and 
asserting  that  for  the  last  seven  years  assaults  upon 
the  institution  of  slavery,  and  upon  the  rights  and 
equality  of  the  southern  states,  had  continued  with  in- 
creasing violence,  the  legislature  resolved  that  it  was 
their  deliberate  judgment  in  general  assembly,  that 
the  slave-holding  states  should  immediately  meet,  and 
adopt  measures  for  imited  action;  that  the  resolutions 
should  be  communicated  by  the  governor  to  all  the 
slave  states,  with  the  earnest  request  that  they  would 
appoint  deputies,  and  adopt  measures  to  promote  said 
meeting ;  and  that  for  the  purpose  of  preparation  for 
an  emergency,  the  sum  of  $100,000  should  be  appro- 
priated tor  military  contingenciea' 

On  the  receipt  of  these  resolutions.  Governor 
Houston  in  January,  1860,  addressed  a  message  on 
the  subject  to  both  houses  of  the  state  congress. 
The  document  is  somewhat  lengthv,  comprising  six- 
teen 8vo  pages,  and  is  an  able  exposition  of  arguments 
against  the  doctrines  of  nullification  and  secession. 
Houston  entered  his  unqualified  protest  against  the 
principles  enunciated  in  the  resolutions.  To  nullify 
constitutional  laws  would  not  allay  the  existing  dis- 
cord. Separation  from  the  union  would  not  remove 
the  unjust  assaults  made  by  a  class  in  the  north  upon 
the  institutions  of  the  south;  "they  would  exist  from 
like  passions,  and  like  feelings  under  any  government." 
"The  union,"  he  remarks,  "was  intended  as  a  per- 
petuity. In  accepting  the  conditions  imposed  prior 
to  becoming  a  part  of .  the  confederacy,  the  states 
became  part  of  the  nation.  What  they  conceded 
comprises  the  power  of  the  federal  government ;  but 
over  that  which  they   did  not  concede,  their  sover- 

*Copy  of  these  resolutions  will  be  found  in  Tej\  Sf^it^i  Oaz.,  iv.,  App.  178- 
9;  JIousUm*8  Message  on  8.  C.  JResoL,  1860,  No.  1,  in  Tex.  Col.  Dor.,  Xo.  2. 


490  CIVIL  WAIL 

eignty  is  as  perfect  as  is  that  of  the  union  in  its  ap- 
propriate sphere/*  With  regard  to  the  position  of 
Texas,  he  says:  "In  becx)mmg  a  state  of  the  union, 
Texas  agreed  'not  to  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or 
confederation,  and  not,  without  the  consent  of  con- 
gress, to  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war,  enter  into  any 
agreement  or  compact  with  any  other  state  or  foreign 
power/  All  these  rights  belonged  to  Texas  as  a 
nation.  She  ceased  to  possess  them  as  a  state." 
After  quoting  the  language  of  Washington,  Jefferson, 
Madison,  Jackson,  Clay,  and  Webster,  with  regard  to 
the  necessity  of  preserving  the  union,  he  called  atten- 
tion to  the  effect  of  secession  and  disunion  in  Mexico, 
where  "  a  disregard  for  a  constitutional  government 
had  involved  that  country  in  all  the  horrors  of  civil 
war,  with  robbery,  murder,  rapine,  unrestrained.'*  In 
the  event  of  disruption  of  the  United  States,  to  all 
these  evils  would  be  added  the  combined  efforts  of 
the  powers  of  tyranny  to  crush  out  liberty.  In  con- 
clusion he  recommended  "the  adoption  of  resolutions, 
dissenting  from  the  assertion  of  the  abstract  right  of 
secession,  and  refusing  to  send  deputies  for  any  present 
existing  cause,  and  urging  upon  the  people  of  all  the 
states,  north  and  south,  the  necessity  of  cultivating 
brotherly  feeling,  observing  justice,  and  attending  to 
their  own  affairs.  *'' 

This  message,  with  which  the  resolutions  of  the 
general  assembly  of  South  Carolina  were  transmitted, 
was  referred  by  the  senate  to  the  committee  on  state 
affairs,  and  by  the  house  of  representatives  to  the 
committee  on  federal  relations.  The  former  commit- 
tee was  unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  the  union  and 
constitution  should  be  preserved  and  defended,  but  it 
was  divided  as  to  the  form  of  the  joint  resolutions  to 
be  submitted  to  the  senate.  Those  reported  by  the 
majority,  while  expressing  the  firm  resolution  to  de- 
fend the  constitution  of  the  United  States  and  support 
the  union,  at  the  same  time  maintained  the  doctrine 
of  state  defence  against  aggressiona     It  was  further 


STATE  RIGHTS  AND  WRONGS.  431 

declared  that  the  statutes  of  several  of  the  non-slave- 
holding  states  nullifying  the  fugitive  slave  laws,  and 
the  purpose  of  the  dominant  political  party  in  the 
northern  states,  called  the  black  republican  party,  to 
use,  if  it  could  get  possession  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment, all  the  powers  of  that  government  for  the  ex- 
termination of  slavery,  were  all  in  violation  of  the 
spirit  and  principles  of  the  constitution.  In  view  of 
this  danger,  Texas  appealed  to  the  people  of  the  other 
states  to  prove,  in  the  ensuing  state  and  federal  elec- 
tions, their  devotion  to  the  constitution  and  the  union, 
and  to  the  sovereignty  and  equality  of  states.  In 
case  the  appeal  should  be  disregarded,  the  subject  of 
present  and  probable  exigencies  was  commended  to 
the  consideration  of  the  people  of  Texas,  to  devise 
ways  and  means  of  maintaining  the  rights  and  liber- 
ties of  the  states. 

The  joint  resolutions  reported  by  the  minority  of 
the  committee  on  state  affairs  were  far  more  definite. 
It  was  resolved  that  the  state  did  not  admit  the  con- 
stitutional right  of  a  state  to  secede ;  that  secession 
was  a  voluntary  act,  and  could  only  be  justified  by 
oppressive  infractions  of  the  constitution  by  the  gen- 
eral government;  that  nothing,  as  yet,  had  been  done 
by  that  government  to  justify  such  revolutionary  ac- 
tion, and  Texas  therefore  held  the  resolutions  of  South 
Carolina  to  be  premature  and  unnecessary,  and  de- 
clined to  appoint  deputies;  that  the  people  of  Texas, 
however,  solemnly  warned  their  northern  brethren 
against  the  fanaticism  of  the  abolitionists  and  black 
republicans.  Whenever  an  assault  was  made  upon 
slavery  by  those  wielding  the  powers  of  the  federal 
government,  Texas  would  resist  such  aggression  by 
every  means  in  her  power.  Whenever  the  federal 
government  became  powerless  to  protect  the  rights  of 
the  states,  it  ceased  to  answer  the  purpose  for  which 
it  was  instituted,  and  the  union  would  no  longer  be 
worth  maintaining.  In  the  event  of  such  being  tlie 
case,    "Texas  would   again   raise   the   revolutionary 


432  CIVIL  WAR. 

standard,  as  in  the  struggle  of  1835  and  1836,  when 
the  Mexican  confederation  became  the  corrupt  repre- 
sentative of  mere  forms  of  constitutional  liberty.  In 
such  a  contest,  the  people  would  act  with  those  who 
opposed  a  common  danger,  holding  an  aggression  on 
the  rights  of  any  one  of  her  sister  states  as  an  aggres- 
sion upon  her  own ;  but  rather  than  submit  to  a  vio- 
lation of  their  constitutional  rights,  they  would,  if 
necessary,  single-handed  and  alone,  again  unfurl  the 
banner  of  the  Lone  Star."* 

Majority  and  minority  reports  were  also  submitted 
to  the  house  of  representatives  by  the  committee  on 
federal  relations.  In  the  former,  it  was  resolved  that 
whenever  one  section  of  the  union  presumed  upon  its 
strength  for  the  oppression  of  the  other,  the  constitu- 
tion became  a  mockery;  that  Texas  would  neither 
violate  any  federal  right,  nor  submit  to  any  violation 
of  her  rights  by  federal  authorities;  that  she  would 
not  submit  to  the  degradation  threatened  by  the 
black  republican  party,  but  would  sooner  reassert  her 
independence,  and  again  enter  upon  a  national  career; 
that  Texas  pledged  herself  to  any  one  or  more  of  the 
states  to  cooperate  with  them,  should  it  become  neces- 
sary, to  resist  federal  wrong. 

The  report  of  the  minority  was  similar  in  spirit  to 
that  presented  by  the  minority  of  the  committee  on 
state  affairs.  It  was  denied  that  any  of  the  alleged 
evOs  were  ascribable  to  the  legitimate  operations  of 
the  federal  government,  but  were  chargeable  to  the 
disloyalty  of  those  who,  by  obstructing  the  laws  and 
I  authorities,  were  themselves,  designedly  or  undesign- 

I  edly,  enemies  of  the  union.     The  dissolution  of  Qie 

union  would  cure  no  evils,  but  on  the  contrary,  would 
I  be  the  source  of  unnumbered  evils ;  the  minority  dis- 

I  sented  from  the  doctrines  of  secession  and  nullification; 

I  they  deemed  it  inexpedient  to  send  deputies  to  a  con- 

vention of  the  slave-holding  states,  as  invited  by  South 
Carolina,  and  it  was  their  opinion  that  there  w^as  no 

*  Copy  of  joint  resolutions  proposed  in  Tex,  State.  Octz.,  iv.,  app.  177-S. 


SECRET  OltOANIZATION.  43S 

sufficient  cause  to  justify  Texas  in  taking  the  incipient 
steps  for  a  dissolution  of  the  union.* 

It  will  be  perceived  that,  with  the  exception  of  the 
majority  report  of  the  committee  on  federal  relations, 
the  sentiments  expressed  were  in  all  main  points  in 
harmony  with  Houston's  views.  But  the  year  1860 
was  one  of  unprecedented  agitation,  caused  by  the 
excitement  over  the  canvass  for  the  presidential  elec- 
tion. A  great  national  crisis  was  at  hand.  By  the 
platform  adopted  by  the  republican  national  conven- 
tion, which  met  at  Chicago  on  May  16th,  it  was 
denied  that  the  authority  of  congress  or  of  a  territo- 
rial legislature  could  give  legal  existence  to  slavery 
in  any  territory  of  the  United  Statea  The  ballots 
resulted  in  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  who 
was  elected  president  by  a  large  majority  of  the  elec- 
toral college's  votes.* 

Meantime  in  Texas  the  democratic  confederate 
leaders  had  not  been  idle  after  their  defeat  at  the 
polls.  They  now  had  recourse  to  a  secret  organiza- 
tion, and  the  same  men  who  had  denounced  the  know- 
nothing  society  availed  themselves  of  the  services  of 
a  secret  orgamzation,  known  as  the  Knights  of  the 
Golden  Circle,  which  had  been  formed  some  years 
before  with  the  object  of  establishing  an  empire,  the 
foundation  of  which  was  to  rest  on  the  institution  of 
slavery.  The  boundary  of  this  visionary  empire  was 
to  be  the  circumference  of  a  golden  circle,  as  it  was 
called  by  the  projectors,  having  for  its  centre  Habana, 
in  Cuba,  and  a  radius  of  sixteen  geographical  degrees. 
It  would  extend  to  the  isthmus  of  Panamd,  on  the 
south,  and  the  Pennsylvania  line  on  the, north,  and 
include  the  West  Indies,  the  islands  of  the  Caribbean 
sea,  and  the  largest  portions  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America.  Under  the  auspices  of  this  society,  all  the 
filibustering  movements  during  the  period  from  1850 
and    1857   were  undertaken,  but  on  the   failure  of 

«Copy  of  reports  in  Id,,  166-7. 

•lincoln  obtained  180  votes,  Breckenridge  72,  Bell  39,  and  Douglas  12. 

Hist.  Hex.  States,  Vol.  II.   28 


434  CIVIL  WAR. 

Walker's  expedition  in  Nicaragoa,  the  organization 
was  partially  broken  up.  The  more  persistent  of  its 
members,  however,  still  devoted  their  energies  to  the 
accomplishment  of  disunion,  and  the  baffled  secession- 
ist party  in  Texas  turned  to  them  for  assistance.  In 
1860,  two  members  of  the  order,  Greorge  W.  Bickley 
and  his  nephew,  were  employed  to  organize  "castles," 
or  lodges,  in  Texas,  receiving  as  remuneration  for 
their  work  the  initiation  fees  paid  by  incoming  mem- 
bers. Such  castles  were  soon  established  in  every 
principal  town  and  village  in  the  state,  and  among 
the  knights  of  this  order  were  many  members  of  the 
legislature  and  prominent  politicians.  It  became  a 
power  in  the  land.  By  its  influence  the  sentiments 
of  the  people  were  revolutionized ;  from  its  fold  were 
drawn  the  first  armed  rebels  in  Texas,  under  the  fa- 
mous ranger,  Benjamin  McCullough;  it  furnished 
the  vigilance  committees ;  and  to  its  members  were 
charged  murders  and  incendiary  acts  conmiitted  dur- 
ing the  war.     So  says  Newcomb.* 

No  sooner  was  it  known  that  the  majority  of  elec- 
tors chosen  on  November  6th  were  in  favor  of  lan- 
coln  than  South  Carolina  took  the  initiative,  and 
called  for  a  convention  of  the  southern  states,  to  meet 
at  Columbia,  December  17th.  Heavy  pressure,  too, 
was  brought  to  bear  upon  Houston  to  force  him  to 
call  a  special  session  of  the  legislature,  to  which  he 
finally  yielded,  much  against  his  will,  appointing  Jan- 
uary 21,  1861,  as  the  day  for  its  assembly.  His  pre- 
vious views  were  now  dightly  modified,  though  he 
was  still  as  strongly  opposed  to  secession  as  ever.  In 
his  message  to  congress,  when  it  met  at  the  appointed 
time,  he  stated  that  he  felt  the  necessity  of  the  slave- 
holding  states'  taking  action  to  secure  to  the  fullest 
extent  their  rights,  out  he  could  not  reconcile  his 
mind  to  the  idea  that  safety  demanded  an  immediate 
separation  fix)m  the  federal  government  before  having 

*Ut  9up.,  6-7;  Loaainjs  Hist.  Civ.  War,  i.  187;  Orteky's  Amtr,  QmJUct,  I 
350. 


CHANGE  OF  OPINION.  4M 

stated  their  grievances  and  demanded  redress.  While 
deploring  the  election  of  Lincoln,  he,  nevertheless,  did 
not  yet  see  in  that  event  any  cause  for  the  secession 
of  Texas.  He  believed,  however,  that  the  time  had 
arrived  when  the  southern  states  should  cooperate, 
and  take  counsel  together.  Such  a  convention  as 
that  contemplated  by  the  joint  resolution  of  February 
16,  1858,  would,  he  believed,  soon  be  held,  and  desir- 
ing that  the  people  of  Texas  should  be  represented  in 
it,  he  had  ordered  an  election  for  that  purpose  to  be 
held  on  the  first  Monday  in  February  1861.  Since 
the  issue  of  his  proclamation,  four  of  the  southern 
states  had  declared  themselves  no  longer  members  of 
the  union.^  The  interests  of  Texas,  he  said,  were 
identified  with  those  of  the  remaining  states,  which, 
as  yet,  had  taken  no  action.  If  by  joining  her  coun- 
sels with  theirs  such  assurances  could  be  obtained  of 
a  determination  on  the  part  of  the  northern  states  to 
regard  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  south  as  would 
induce  the  states  which  had  seceded  to  rescind  their 
action,  the  end  attained  would  silence  the  reproaches 
of  the  rash  and  inconsiderate.  He  also  called  atten- 
tion to  the  necessity  of  providing  against  Indian  hos- 
tilities, and  for  the  wants  of  an  empty  treasury. 

Houston  thus  stood  to  his  principles.  He  still 
hoped  that  disunion  might  be  avoided  by  temperate 
representations  of  a  convention  of  the  southern  states. 
But  the  operations  of  the  knights  of  the  golden  circle 
had  already  had  dire  effect  in  Texas.  The  voices  of 
the  unionists  were  silenced  by  threats,  by  the  spec- 
tacle of  the  corpses  of  outspoken  advocates  of  frec- 
f  tate  principles  hanging  from  the  trees,*  and  by  the 
destroying  flames  of  incendiary  fires.    The  legislature, 

T  These  states  were  Soath  Carolina,  which  seceded  on  Dec.  20,  18G0; 
Mississippi,  on  Jan.  9,  1861;  Florida,  Jan.  10th;  and  Alabama,  Jan.  llth. 

*On  J>ec.  4,  I860,  Senator  Clingman  from  North  Carolina,  after  remark- 
ing that  the  senator  from  New  York  was  reported  to  have  said  that  Texas 
was  excited  by  '  free  debate,'  made  use  of  these  words  in  the  senate:  '  Well, 
sir,  a  senator  from  Texas  told  me  the  other  day  that  a  good  many  of  those 
debaters  were  hanging  np  by  the  trees  in  that  country! '  (^ojitj.  Ol'^y  18<>0-1, 
pt  L,  4i    The  senaton  from,  Texas  were  John  Hemphill  and  Louis  T.  Wigf aU. 


486  dVTL  WAR. 

too,  was  packed  with  members  of  the  order.  Ignor- 
ing the  governor's  proclamation,  the  knights  proceeded 
to  hasten  matters,  and  on  January  8th  sixty  of  them 
issued  a  call  for  a  state  convention,  to  meet  at  Austin 
on  the  28th  of  that  month,  the  chief  justices  of  the 
counties  being  recommended  to  order  the  opening  of 
the  polls  at  the  different  precincts  for  the  election  of 
delegates  to  said  convention.  The  election  was  held 
January  8th,  polls  being  opened  by  the  knights  of  the 
golden  circle  wherever  judges,  loyal  to  the  union,  re- 
fused to  obey  the  call.  By  the  mass  of  the  people, 
the  proceeding  was  regarded  as  irregular,  and  out  of 
the  whole  number  of  voters  in  the  state  not  more 
than  10,000  appeared  at  the  polls.*  Barely  half  of 
the  counties  were  represented  by  the  people. 

But  the  confederate  party  had  the  upper  hand,  and 
was  determined  to  push  matters  to  a  crisia  The 
legislature  by  a  joint  resolution  recognized  the  infor- 
mally elected  delegates,  and  declared  the  convention 
a  legally  constituted  assembly."  Houston's  veto  was 
overruled,  and  on  the  appointed  day  the  convention 
met  at  Austin.  On  February  1st  the  ordinance  of 
secession  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  167  to  7,  subject  to 
ratification  or  rejection  by  a  vote  of  the  people  on  the 
23d.  Without  waiting  till  the  result  was  known  the 
convention  proceeded  to  appoint  a  "comniittee  of 
public  safety"  to, which  secret  instructions  were  given. 
It,  moreover,  appointed  delegates**  to  the  confederate 
convention  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  and  having 
thus  assumed  the  power  to  act  before  the  will  of  the 
people  was  expressed,  adjourned  to  March  2d. 

The  committee  of  safety  precipitated  events  in  a 
still  more  arbitrary  manner.     It  usurped  the  powers 

*  ThraU,  page  381,  does  not  represent  the  opinions  of  the  Texana  in  their 
true  light  with  respect  to  this  matter.  He  says,  *  the  people^  by  eonunoa 
consent,  on  the  8th  of  Jannaiy,  elected  delesates  to  a  state  conventioo.* 

■*  In  the  house  the  resolution  passed  with  little  opposition.  In  the  senate 
a  substitute  resolution  was  offered  by  one  of  the  memliers,  to  the  efieet  tnat 
an  election  should  be  held  for  a  convention  to  meet  on  Mu^  4th  foDowing; 
it  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  20  nays  to  10  yeas. 

^  Namely,  John  H.  Reagan,  Lewis  T.  Wigfall,  John  Hemphill,  William 
S.  Oldham,  John  Gregg,  and  W.  B.  Ochiltree.  Thrall,  408. 


COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY.  437 

of  the  executive,  and  appointed  three  commissioners, 
Tliomas  J.  Devine,  P.  N.  Luckett,  and  S.  A.  Mave- 
rick, to  treat  with  General  Twiggs,  in  command  of 
the  United  States  forces  in  Texas,  for  the  surrender 
of  his  army  and  the  national  posts  and  property. 
Twiggs  was  already  in  communication  with  the  con- 
federates, and  when  in  January  Governor  Houston 
had  inquired  of  him  confidentially  as  to  what  disposi- 
tion would  be  made  of  the  public  property  in  Texas, 
he  evasively  replied,  on  the  22d,  that  he  had  re- 
ceived no  instructions  from  Washington  in  regard  to 
the  disposition  of  the  public  property  or  of  the  troops, 
in  the  event  of  the  state's  seceding.  "After  secession," 
he  wrote,  "if  the  executive  of  the  state  makes  a  de- 
mand on  the  commander  of  the  department  he  will 
receive  an  answer."  In  his  communications  with  tlie 
commissioners,  Twiggs  required  of  them  to  support 
their  demand  with  some  show  of  force,  and  on  Feb- 
ruary 16th  Ben  McCuUough,*'  with  a  party  of  be- 
tween 300  and  400  men,  took  possession  of  the  main 
square  of  San  Antonio,  the  Alamo  having  been  cap- 
tured that  morning  by  a  body  of  the  knights.  On 
the  18  th,  an  agreement  was  entered  into,  and  Twiggs 
surrendered  the  national  forces  stationed  in  Texas,  to 
the  number  of  2,500  men,"  all  the  forts,  arsenals,  and 
military  posts,"  and  the  public  stores  and  munitions 
of  war  valued  at  $1,200,000,  cost  price. 

^  He  waa  a  native  of  Tennessee,  went  to  Texas  during  the  time  of  the 
revelation,  and  commanded  a  cannon  in  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  After 
the  independence  of  Texas  he  was  captain  of  a  company  of  rangers.  Dur- 
ing  the  war  of  secession  he  was  appointed  brigadier-general  in  the  confederate 
army,  and  was  killed  in  the  second  day's  fight  at  Pea  Ridge,  Arkansas, 
March  24,  1862.   TJiraU,  589. 

"  By  the  terras  of  the  agreement  the  U.  S.  troops  were  to  leave  the  soil 


of  the  state  by  the  way  of  the  coast,  l)eing  allowed  to  retain  their  arms. 
While  in  Matafforda  Bay,  450  of  these  soldiers  under  Major  Sibley,  on 
board  of  two  scnooners  for  transportation,  were  captured,  April  24,  1801, 
by  the  confederate  officer,  Major  Earle  Van  Dorn,  who  then  proceeded  with 
1,500  men  to  San  Antonio,  where  he  ma<le  prisoners  of  300  more,  under  Col 
Keeve  on  May  9th  following.  This  was  an  infraction  of  the  agreement. 
JSr««xwi*,  tU  mtp.,  10-12;  Logging,  ut  sup.,  i.  205-73;  U.  S.  Sen.  Mkc.  J)oc., 

;.  37,  sess.  1,  no.  L  19-20. 

*The  military  posts  and  ports  in  Texas  occupied  by  the  U.  S.  troops  at 
this  time  were  as  follows:  Camp  Cooper,  Fort  Chadboume,  Camp  Colorado, 
Fart  Bliss,  Fort  Quitman,  Fort  Mason,  Fort  Stockton,  Fort  Laucaster,  Fort 


438  CIVIL  WAR. 

A  few  dayp  before  the  popular  vote  was  taken 
Houston  delivered  a  speech  from  the  balcony  of  the 
Tremont  House,  in  (^veston,  to  the  excited  public 
on  the  question  of  secession.  His  personal  Mends, 
fearing  that  violence  would  be  offered,  entreated  him 
to  remain  quiet  But  he  was  not  to  be  stopped  by 
any  apprehension  of  danger.  He  stood  erect  before 
the  people,  and  in  prophetic  language  pictured  to 
them  the  dark  fiiture.  "Some  of  you,"  he  said, 
"laugh  to  scorn  the  idea  of  bloodshed  as  a  result  of 
secession,  and  jocularly  propose  to  drink  all  the  blood 
that  will  ever  flow  in  consequence  of  itl  But  let  me 
tell  you  what  is  coming  on  the  heels  of  secession: 
The  time  will  come  when  your  fathers  and  husbands, 
your  sons  and  brothers,  will  be  herded  together  like 
sheep  and  cattle  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and 
your  mothers  and  wives,  and  sisters  and  daughters, 
will  ask,  Where  are  they  ?  You  may,  after  the  sacri- 
fice of  countless  millions  of  treasure,  and  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  precious  lives,  as  a  bare  possibility,  win 
southern  independence,  if  God  be  not  against  you; 
but  I  doubt  it.  I  tell  you  that,  while  I  believe  with 
you  in  the  doctrines  of  state  rights,  the  north  is  de- 
termined to  preserve  this  union.  They  are  not  a  fiery 
impulsive  people  as  you  are,  for  they  live  in  cooler 
climates.  But  when  they  begin  to  move  in  a  given 
direction,  where  great  interests  are  involved,  such  as 
the  present  issues  before  the  country,  they  move  with 
the  steady  momentum  and  perseverance  of  a  mighty 
avalanche,  and  what  I  fear  is  they  will  overwhelm  the 
south  with  ignoble  defeat."  He  expressed  the  belief 
that  the  existing  difficulties  could  be  solved  by  peace- 
able means.  Otherwise,  he  would  say,  "Better  die 
freemen  than  live  slaves."     Whatever  course  Texas 

Davis,  Camp  Hudson,  Camp  Verde,  Camp  Ives,  Camp  Wood,  Fort  CUrk, 
San  Antomo  Barracks,  Fort  Inge,  Fort  Duncan,  Fort  Mcintosh,  Ringsokl 
Barracks,  Camp  Palo  Alto,  and  Fort  Brown.  DightmelCs  U.  8.  Jtegkitfer,  iSl- 
62,  62-3;  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  144r-6.  In  U.  S.  Mem.  and  Doc.,  1S6&-61,  218-21. 
three  other  camps  appear  on  the  list,  situated  on  the  Rio  Grande  below  Fort 
Ringgold. 


HOUSTON'S  DEPOSAL  AND  PROTEST.  4» 

should  determine  to  pursue,  his  faith  in  state  suprem- 
acy and  state  rights  would  carry  his  sympathies  with 
her.  As  Henry  Clay  had  said,  "My  country,  right 
or  wrong,"  so  said  he  "my  state,  right  or  wrong."  * 

On  February  23d  the  polls  were  opened.  Houston 
had  been  right  in  saying  that  bloodshed  was  not  an- 
ticipated. Dy  most  Texans  the  possibility  of  war  was 
not  thought  of,  and  his  warnings  fell  on  heedless  ears. 
Austin,  the  capital,  San  Antonio,  and  other  western 
towns,  as  well  as  bounties,  gave  union  majorities;  the 
Grerman  colonists,  too,  were  for  the  union ;  but  in  the 
other  portions  of  the  state  the  vote  was  confederate. 
Out  of  70,000  legal  voters,"  53,256  cast  their  votes. 
Of  this  number  39,415  were  in  favor  of  secession  and 
13,841  against  it. 

This  result  was  known  March  5th,  and  then  the 
convention,  which  had  reassembled  on  the  2d,  forth- 
with assumed  the  powers  of  the  government.  It  in- 
structed its  delegates  at  Montgomery,  to  ask  for  the 
admission  of  Texas  into  the  southern  confederacy  that 
had  just  been  formed ;  it  sent  a  committee  to  Governor 
Houston  to  inform  him  of  the  change  in  the  political 
position  of  the  state ;  it  adopted  the  confederate  con- 
stitution; and  appointed  representatives  to  the  con- 
federate  congress. ' 

Houston  in  his  reply  to  the  convention  considered 
that  it  had  transcended  its  powers,  and  stated  that  he 
would  lay  the  whole  matter  before  the  legislature 

^I^orih's  Fwt  Yean  in  Texas,  88-95.  Tbe  author  of  this  little  work  wu 
present  on  the  occasion  of  this  speech,  and  supplies  a  portion  of  it.  His 
book  contains  a  good  description  of  Texas,  at  this  time,  of  the  social  elements, 
and  the  different  political  parties,  some  historical  events,  which  took  place 
during  the  years  1861-5,  being  interspersed. 

^  Newcomb,  page  8,  places  the  number  of  legal  voters  at  over  80,000, 
which  seems  too  nigh.  The  yearly  influx,  however,  of  settlers  was  great,  as 
wiU  be  seen  by  a  comparison  of  the  number  of  votes  cast  at  the  guberna- 
torial elections  in  the  years  1855,  1857,  and  1859,  which  were  respectively 
46,339,  56,160;  and  64,027. 

I'Dnring  the  confederacy,  LewL<(  T.  Wigfall  and  William  S.  Oldham, 
represented  Texas  in  the  senate;  and  John  A.  Wilcox,  C.  C.  Herbert,  Peter 
yv.  Gray,  R  F.  Sexton,  M.  D.  Graham,  William  B.  Wright,  A.  M.  Branch, 
John  B.  Baylor,  S.  H.  Morgan,  Stephen  H.  Darden,  and  A.  P.  Wiley  in  the 
hoiue.  TkraU,¥}f6. 


440  dVIL  WAS^ 

which  was  to  assemble  on  the  18th;  whereupon  the 
convention  defied  his  authority,  and  passed  an  ordi- 
nance requiring  all  state  officers  to  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  new  government.  Houston  and  E. 
W.  Cave,  secretary  of  state,  refused  to  take  the  oath; 
they  were  both  deposed  by  a  decree  of  the  convention, 
and  Edward  Clark,  the  lieutenant-governor,  was  in- 
stalled as  the  executive.  Houston  then  appealed  to 
the  people,  and,  when  the  legislature  met,  sent  in  a 
message  protesting  against  his  removal,  at  the  same 
time  stating  that  he  could  but  await  their  action  and 
that  of  the  people.  If  driven  at  last  into  retirement, 
in  spite  of  the  constitution  of  the  state,  he  would  not 
desert  his  country,  but  his  prayers  for  its  peace  and 
prosperity  would  be  offered  up  with  the  same  sin- 
cerity and  devotion  with  which  his  services  had  been 
rendered  while  occupying  public  station. 

In  his  address  to  the  public  two  days  previously, 
he  denounced  the  usurpations  of  the  convention.  It 
had  elected  delegates,  he  said,  to  the  provisional 
council  of  the  confederate  states  before  Texas  had 
withdrawn  from  the  union ;  it  had  created  a  com- 
mittee of  safety,  a  portion  of  which  had  assumed  exe- 
cutive powers,  by  having  entered  into  negotiations 
with  federal  officers,  and  caused  the  removal  of  the 
United  States  troops  from  posts  in  the  country  ex- 
posed to  Indian  depredations;  it  had  deprived  the 
people  of  the  right  to  know  their  doings,  by  holding 
its  sessions  in  secret;  it  had  appointed  military  offi- 
cers and  agents  imder  its  assumed  authority ;  it  had 
declared  that  the  people  of  Texas  ratified  the  consti- 
tution of  the  provisional  government  of  the  confederate 
states,  had  changed  the  state  constitution,  and  estab- 
tablished  a  test  oath  of  allegiance ;  and  it  had  over- 
thrown the  theory  of  free  government  by  combining 
in  itself  all  the  departments  of  government  and  exer- 
cising the  powers  belonging  to  each.  Neverthele^ 
Houston  was  far  from  wishing  that  his  deposal  should 
be  the  cause  of  bloodshed.     "  I  love  Texas,"  he  de- 


FEONTIEB  TROUBLES.  441 

clared,  "too  well  to  bring  civil  strife  and  bloodshed 
upon  her.  To  avert  this  calamity,  I  shall  make  no 
endeavor  to  maintain  my  authority  as  chief  executive 
of  the  state,  except  by  the  peaceful  exercise  of  my 
functions.  When  I  can  no  longer  do  this  I  shall 
calmly  withdraw  from  the  scene,  leaving  the  govern- 
ment in  the  hands  of  those  who  have  usurped  its 
authority,  but  still  claiming  that  I  am  its  chief  execu- 
tive." He  then  entered  his  formula :  **  I  protest  in 
the  name  of  the  people  of  Texas  against  all  the  acts 
and  doings  of  this  convention,  and  declare  them  null 
and  void.  I  solemnly  protest  against  the  act  of  its 
members,  who  are  bound  by  no  oath  themselves  in 
declaring  my  office  vacant,  because  I  refuse  to  appear 
before  it  and  take  the  oath  prescribed." 

The  l^islature,  however,  in  face  of  appeal,  protest, 
and  message,  sanctioned  the  proceedings  of  the  con- 
vention; and  Clark,  who  had  already  been  sworn  in 
on  the  16th,  assumed  the  functions  of  provisional 
governor  on  the  21st."  Houston  soon  after  left  the 
capital  and  retired  to  private  life. 

During  the  last  two  years  Texas  had  been  unusu- 
ally harassed  by  depredations  committed  on  her  fron- 
tiers. After  the  removal  of  the  Indians  from  the 
reservations  in  Young  county,  the  hostility  of  the 
native  races  was  intensified,  and  the  northern  and 
western  borders  were  subject  to  all  the  horrors  of 
savage  warfare.  The  United  States'  troops  and 
Texan  rangers  engaged  in  frequent  conflicts  with 
these  subtle  enemies,  and  many  wearisome  expe- 
ditions were  undertaken  in  pursuit  of  bands  which  had 
accomplished  successful  raids,  leaving  behind  them 
devastation  and  death.  For  hundreds  of  miles  along 
the  frontier,  numerous  small  parties  of  from  six  to 
fifteen  warriors  simultaneously  attacked  settlements, 
and  generally  escaped  without  punishment.^*     Some 

^Neieeomb,  vimtp.,  8-9;  Lossinj,  ut  mtp.,  i.   188-90;  ThrcUU  385-9,  566-7. 
'•Gov.   Houston  reported,  March,    12,   1860,   that  during  the  last   four 


442  CIVIL  WAR. 

savages  were  occasionally  killed  in  these  encounters, 
but  many  of  the  troops  employed  in  this  tedious  and 
desultory  service — so  aggravating  to  the  soldier — 
also  fell." 

At  this  epoch  the  native  tribes,  with  one  exception, 
no  longer  occupied  the  lands  within  the  settlements. 
The  more  savage  had  been  driven  to  the  distant,  and 
as  yet  unsettled,  borders  of  the  state,  while  those 
of  peaceable  habits  and  industrious  disposition  had 
been  expelled.  The  exception  alluded  to  was  a  band 
of  emigrants  from  the  Creek  nation,  which,  early  in 
the  century,  considering  the  contest  with  the  white 
race  as  hopeless,  sought  a  home  in  Texas,  and  settled 
near  Alabama  creek  on  land  lying  between  that  stream 
and  Trinity  river.  These  Indians  were  principally 
Alabamas  and  Coashattas,  a  few  Muscogees  only  be- 
ing united  with  them.  From  the  time  of  their  arrival 
they  persistently  pursued  a  peaceful  policy,  content 
to  cultivate  their  clearings,  tend  their  flocks  and 
herds,  and  when  their  crops  were  garnered,  indulge 
in  their  passion  for  the  chase.  When  Texas  began 
to  be  settled  by  Anglo-Americans,  they  still  remained 
steadfast  to  their  peace  policy,  and  ever  showed  them- 
selves faithful  to  the  new-comers.  Though  abstain- 
ing from  giving  offence,  their  loyalty  was  often  sorely 

months,  61  persons  had  been  murdered,  and  probably  aa  many  wofnndedand 
made  prisoners.     U.  S.  H,  Sx.  Doc,^  cong.  3o,  sess.  1,  No.  52,  139-42. 

« Consult  U,  8,  Mess,  and  Doc.,  1860-61,  18-51,  193-205.  By  aa  act 
of  congress,  April  7,  1858,  the  president  was  authorized  to  receive  into  the 
service  of  the  U.  S.  a  regiment  of  mounted  volunteers  for  the  protection  of 
the  Texan  frontier.  U.  8,  H,  Jour,,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  238.  On  .Tune  21,  1860 
an  act  was  approved,  providing  for  the  repayment,  to  Texas,  of  moneys 
advanced  in  payment  of  volunteers  called  out  b^  competent  authority 
since  Feb.  28,  1855,  for  the  defense  of  the  frontiers,  provided  that  tibe 
amount  did  not  exceed  1(123,544.  Cong,  CHobe,  1859-60,  App.  489.  Claine 
for  indemnity  for  spoliations  by  Indians  were  made  by  Texas  against 
the  U.  S.  government.  Id.,  1859-60,  2046,  2167,  2186.  3139.  U.  S.  II. 
Com.  Bept,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  iv.,  no.  535.  In  an  expedition  in  1859 
for  a  topograpnical  reconnoissance  between  the  Pecos  river  and  the 
Rio  Grande,  conducted  by  Lieut.  Kdward  L.  Hartz,  24  camels  were  em- 
ployed to  test  their  usefulness  as  a  means  of  military  transportatioii.  Lieut 
Hartz  sent  in  to  the  government  an  interesting  report  in  the  form  of  a  diary, 
extending  from  May  18  to  Aug.  7,  1859.  Mess,  and  Doc,  cons.  36,  sees.  1, 
pt  ii.  422-41.  Though  the  report  was  not  unfavorable  as  to  ue  nsefnlnesB 
of  these  animalB,  the  employment  of  them  was  soon  discontinued. 


MEXIGAK  OUTRAGES.  448 

tried  by  outrages  committed  by  unprincipled  men, 
who  from  time  to  time  would  rob  them  of  their  crops 
and  cattle.  Their  patience  under  these  wrongs  was 
exemplary;  they  abstained  from  reprisal  when  no  re- 
dress could  be  obtained,  and  were  gratefully  thankful 
when  justice  was  meted  out  to  them.  These  Indians 
thus  won  many  friends;  public  opinion  sustained  them, 
and  the  legislature  of  Texas  took  them  under  its  pro- 
tection, and  purchased  a  tract  of  land  for  them.  They 
were  a  docile,  hospitable,  warm-hearted  people,  easily 
restrained  from  over-indulgence  in  spirituous  liquors, 
cheerful  and  humorous,  generous  and  unselfish;  and 
what  is  a  special  mark  of  their  kindly  nature,  their 
women  were  treated  with  a  degree  of  consideration 
not  to  be  observed  among  other  savage  tribes." 

While  the  northern  and  western  frontiers  were 
depredated  by  the  stealthily  conducted  forays  of  sav- 
ages, the  southern  borders  on  the  Rio  Grande  were 
subjected  to  more  open  hostilities,  carried  on  by  out- 
laws and  banditti  under  the  leadership  of  Cortina." 
This  border  ruffian  and  his  gang,  in  pursuit  of  their 
business  as  dealers  in  stock,  had  long  been  notorious 
for  their  frequent  robbery  of  cattle,  and  depredations 
committed  on  Texan  territory.  Connected  with  this 
organization  was  a  number  of  Mexican  citizens,  who, 
crossing  the  river,  took  part  in  marauding  expeditions, 
and  with  their  companions  removed  their  booty  to 
Mexican  soil,  evading  all  attempts  to  punish  them. 
As  for  Cortina,  he  made  either  country  his  asylum  in 

'^The  above  account  of  this  settlement  is  obtained  from  an  article  in  the 
TtT^  Aim.,  1861,  126-31,  the  writer  of  which  states  that  his  estimate  of  the 
cliaracter  of  these  Indiaiis  was  based  on  20  years'  observation.  See  also  Id., 
1869,  157,  where  his  views  are  indorsed.  The  number  of  the  Indians  in  1869 
waa  considered  to  be  less  than  500. 

"Juan  Nepomuceno  Cortina  was  a  native  of  Camargo,  but  spent  his  early 
life  on  a  rancho  owned,  by  his  mother  on  the  Texan  side  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
alK>ut  nine  miles  above  Brownsville.  In  1847,  he  was  employed  by  a  Mr 
Somerville  to  buy  mules,  and  having  purchased  a  l)and,  started  with  Somer- 
ville  for  the  interior.  When  nine  miles  distant  from  the  river,  he  munlered 
his  employer,  and  sold  the  animals  to  the  U.  S.  govt  at  Brazos  Santiago. 
Though  indicted  for  this  crime,  he  escaped  arrest.  Henceforth  he  led  a 
vicious  life,  associated  himself  with  robbers,  and  engaged  in  horse  and  cattle 
stealing.  U,  8,  Stn.  Doc,  oo&g.  36,  seas.  1,  vol  ix.,  no.  21,  9,  13. 


i4A  CIVIL  WAR. 

turn,  claiming  American  and  Mexican  citizenship 
alternately,  according  to  the  vigor  with  which  efforts 
were  made  from  time  to  time  to  arrest  him.  Sur- 
rounded, however,  by  a  band  of  about  seventy  despe- 
radoes, he  was  generally  able  to  defy  the  authoritiea 
In  1859,  this  leader's  proceedings  began  to  assume  a 
political  character.  The  reader  is  already  aware  of 
the  deep  feelings  of  hostility  which  existed  between 
the  Anglo-Texans  and  the  Mexican-Texans.  Of  the 
latter  race,  Cortina  suddenly  stood  forth  as  the  cham- 
pion, not  so  much  from  philanthropy  as  from  a  re- 
vengeful desire  to  prosecute  a  private  feud  in  which 
he  had  involved  himself  with  certain  individuals  resid- 
ing in  Camtron  county. 

On  July  13, 1859,  he  entered  Brownsville  with  some 
of  his  companions,  and  as  it  happened,  a  Mexican,  who 
had  formerly  been  his  servant,  was  arrested  by  the 
city  marshal,  Adolph  Glaevecke,  for  disturbing  the 
peace.  Cortina  interfered,  fired  upon  the  marshal, 
wounding  him  in  the  shoulder,  rescued  the  prisoner, 
and  escaped  with  him  on  horseback  to  Matamoros, 
defying  the  authorities  to  arrest  him.  This  flagrant 
act  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  people  of  Browns- 
ville, and  an  attempt  was  made  to  raise  a  sufficient 
force  to  capture  him,  but  failed.  Several  of  those 
most  active  on  the  occasion  were  known  to  Cortina, 
who  marked  them  as  his  enemies,  and  determined  to 
take  revenge. 

At  the  head  of  a  mounted  body  of  men,  variouslv 
estimated  at  from  forty  to  eighty  in  number,  early  in 
the  morning  of  September  28th,  he  entered  Browns- 
ville, and  took  possession  of  the  unprotected  citv- 
Constable  Morris  and  a  young  man  named  Neal  were 
killed,"  as  also  Johnson,  the  jailer — who  refused  te 
deliver  up  his  keys — ^and  two  Mexicans,  in  whose 
house  he  had  taken  refuge.     Johnson  defended  him- 

^Both  these  men  were  murderers,  oeing  known  w  have  killed  several 
Mexicans  in  cold  blood,  and  had  deadly  enemies  in  Oortina's  band.  U.  S.  H. 
Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  36,  seas.  1,  viii.,  no.  52,  65;  Id.,  zii.,  no.  81,  4. 


CABRERA  AND  CORTINA.  446 

self  obstinately,  killing  one  of  Cortina's  men,  and 
severely  wounding  another  before  he  was  slain. 
Cortina  now  liberated  the  prisoners,  paraded  the 
town,  and  demanded  that  Glaeveeke  and  other  per- 
sons whom  he  named  should  be  delivered  up  to  him. 
No  attempt,  however,  was  made  to  plunder  the  city, 
and  he  was  finally  induced  by  the  representations  of 
the  Mexican  consul,  Manuel  Tresifio,  General  Cara- 
vajal,  and  influential  citizens  of  Matamoras  to  abandon 
it.  He  retired  with  his  followers  to  his  mother's 
hacienda,  the  rancho  del  Carmen,  which  he  converted 
into  a  military  camp. 

On  the  30th  of  the  same  month,  he  issued  his  first 
proclamation,  in  which  he  declared  that  his  object 
was  to  protect  those  who  had  been  persecuted  and 
robbed  on  account  of  their  Mexican  origin,  and  that 
an  oi^anization  had  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of 
chastising  their  enemies,  and  delivering  them  from 
the  machinations  of  a  multitude  of  lawyers  and  others, 
who  were  bent  upon  despoiling  Mexican-Texans  of 
their  lands. 

It  was  claimed  that  Cortina  was  aided  by  Mexican 
money  and  arms.  That  he  found  favor  in  the  eyes  of 
the  public  and  some  officials  is  more  than  probable; 
but  this  was  not  the  case  with  the  Mexican  authori- 
ties. In  response  to  an  appeal  for  protection  made 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Brownsville,  the  commander  at 
Matamoros  sent  over  a  detachment  of  his  troops  on 
September  30th,  and  they  were  not  withdrawn  till  all 
danger  of  a  renewal  of  hostilities  seemed  over.  But 
about  the  12th  of  October,  Cortina  having  by  that 
time  retreated  across  the  Rio  Grande,  his  second  in 
command,  Cabrera,  was  captured  at  the  rancho  del 
Carmen  by  the  sheriff.  Cortina  threatened  to  lay 
Brownsville  in  ashes  unless  he  was  released ;  a  prom- 
inent merchant  of  Matamoros  passed  over  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  most  influential  men  in  that  city,  and 
tried,  though  inefiectually,  to  persuade  the  people  to 
comply  with  the  demand ;  Captain  Tobin's  company 


446  CIVIL  WAR. 

of  rangers  arrived  a  few  days  afterward,  and  on  the 
night  of  their  arrival  Cabrera  was  found  hanged. 

Cortina  now  proceeded  to  act.  He  returned  to  the 
rancho  del  Carmen,  where  the  number  of  his  followers 
rapidly  increased.  His  movement  was  very  popular 
with  the  Mexican-Texans,  whose  cause  met  with  much 
sympathy  south  of  the  Rio  Grande.  The  people  of 
Brownsville  again  asked  the  authorities  at  Matamoros 
to  aid  them  in  repelling  the  threatened  attack,  and  a 
company  under  Colonel  Loranco  was  sent  over. 

On  October  24th  a  combined  force  of  Mexicans  and 
Americans  with  two  pieces  of  artillery"  attacked 
Cortina  and  compelled  him  to  retreat  into  the  chapar- 
ral. An  attempt  to  dislodge  him  failed;  one  gun 
became  bogged  and  was  dismounted  on  being  dis- 
charged. The  advance  fell  back;  the  other  gun  was 
abandoned,  and  an  ignominious  flight  followed,  the 
Mexicans,  however,  bringing  up  the  rear.  The  guns 
remained  in  the  possession  of  Cortina. 

About  November  18th  Lieutenant  Littleton  with 
thirty  men  fell  into  an  ambuscade  and  sustained  a 
loss  of  three  men  killed  and  one  wounded,  and  one 
taken  prisoner.  On  the  23d  of  that  month  Cortina 
issued  a  second  proclamation  in  which,  after  recount- 
ing to  the  Mexicans  in  Texas  the  grievances  suflFered 
by  them,  he  calls  on  them  to  join  him  in  his  enter- 
prise. He  informed  them  that  a  society  was  oi^a- 
nized  in  the  state  for  the  extermination  of  their 
tyrants ;  that  the  veil  of  impenetrable  secrecy  covered 
"the  great  book"  in  which  the  articles  of  the  society's 
constitution  were  written,  but  that  no  honorable  man 
need  have  cause  for  alarm;  and  that  the  Mexicans  of 
Texas  reposed  their  lot  in  the  governor  elect.  General 
Houston,  trusting  that  he  would  give  them  legal  pro- 
tection within  the  limits  of  his  power.     In  conclusion 

^ Major  Heintzelman,  let  regt  U.  S.  infantry,  says  in  his  report,  'The 
Mexican  troops  had  but  from  8  to  12  ronnds  of  ammnnition,  and  they  did 
not  retreat  until  it  gave  out.  They  are  accused,  but  I  think  unjustly,  of 
having  fired  blank  cartridges,  and  that  the  cap  squares  were  looeened  to  dis- 
mount the  gun.'  /d,  xii.,  no.  81,  5. 


DESPERATE  IX>INGa  447 

this  reprobate  cattle-stealer  appealed  to  the  good  in- 
habitants of  Texas  to  look  upon  Mexicans  as  broth* 
ers,  **and  keep  in  mind  that  which  the  holy  spirit 
saith :  Thou  shalt  not  be  the  friend  of  the  passionate 
man;  nor  join  thy  self  to  the  mad  man, lest  thou 
learn  his  mode  of  work  and  scandalize  thy  soul."  " 

Meantime  more  volunteers  arrived,  and  Captain 
Tobin  collected  about  250  men  at  Santa  Rita,  seven 
miles  from  Brownsville.  On  November  24th  he  ad- 
vanced against  Cortina  who  was  now  well  intrenched 
and  protected  by  the  capt\u*ed  cannon.  Tobin's  force 
was  a  disorganized  crowd,  and  after  receiving  and  re- 
turning the  fire  of  the  enemy,  he  gave  the  order  to 
fall  back  and  wait  for  a  24-pounder  howitzer,  which 
he  had  left  with  sixty  men  at  Santa  Rita.  The  whole 
force,  however,  retreated  to  that  place;  a  misunder- 
standing occurred  and  some  of  the  men  returned  to 
Brownsville.  On  the  following  day  he  again  ad- 
vanced, but  again  fell  back,  deeming  it  imprudent  to 
attack. 

Cortina's  force  kept  rapidly  increasing,  and  he  soon 
had  between  400  and  500  followers,  a  number  of  whom 
were  criminals  who  escaped  from  the  prison  at  Vic- 
toria, and  had  joined  him  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of 
the  Mexican  authorities  to  prevent  them." 

On  December  5th  Major  Heintzelman,  1st  regi- 
ment U.  S.  infantry,  arrived  at  Brownsville  with  122 
oflBcers  and  men,  where  he  was  joined  by  Captain 
Rickett's  company,  1st  artillery,  of  48  men,  and  Major 
Tobin  with  150  rangers.  On  the  14th  he  attacked 
the  enemy  with  165  officers  and  men  of  the  regular 

*Copj  of  proclamation  in  U,  8.  H.  Ex,  Doc,  cong.  36,  boss.  1,  viii.,  no. 

^"Die  TezaoB  chaive  the  Mexican  authorities  with  wilfully  making  no 
endeavor  to  prevent  Cx>rtina  receiving  such  recmits.  This  was  not  the  case. 
Conrndering  the  natnre  of  the  countiy  and  the  willingness  on  the  part  of  the 
Mexican  people  to  aid  fugitives,  the  authorities  did  all  that  was  possible. 
A  force  was  sent  from  Matamoros  to  guard  the  fords  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  other  measures  were  taken  to  arrest  the  criminals.  The  report  of  the 
Mexican  investiffatmg  committee  of  May  15,  1873,  contains  a  very  fair  ac- 
count of  Cortinas  insurrection,  and  the  position  of  Mexico  in  regard  to  it. 
Mex.  I^forme  Omk.  Pesg,,  1873,  71-85. 


448  CIVIL  WAR. 

army  and  120  rangers,  and  captured  one  of  Cortina's 
principal  camps  without  difficulty.  The  insurrection- 
ary leader  now  concentrated  his  forces  and  retired  up 
the  river,  devastating  the  country  on  his  march,  as 
far  as  Rio  Grande  City,  which  place  he  took  posses- 
sion of  as  well  as  of  Fort  Ringold.  Heintzelman 
started  in  pursuit  of  him  on  the  2l8t  and  on  the  27th 
attacked  his  camp,  which  was  situated  about  half  a 
mile  outside  of  Rio  Grande.  Cortina  sustained  a 
complete  defeat,  losing  his  guns,  ammunition  and 
baggage.  His  force  was  between  500  and  600  men 
of  whom  60  were  killed,  or  drowned  in  the  river. 
The  Americans  had  sixteen  wounded,  most  of  them 
only  slightly.  The  routed  leader  with  his  followers 
took  refuge  in  Tamaulipas.  The  devastation  which 
he  had  caused  was  serious.  Major  Heintzelman  in 
his  report  already  quoted  says :  "  The  whole  country 
from  Brownsville  to  Rio  Grande  City,  120  miles,  and 
back  to  the  arroyo  Colorado,  has  been  laid  waste. 
There  is  not  an  American,  or  any  property  that  could 
be  destroyed,  in  this  large  tract  of  country.  Busi- 
ness as  far  as  Laredo,  240  miles,  has  been  interrupted 
or  suspended  for  five  months.  The  amount  of  claims 
for  damages  is  $336,826.  There  have  been  fifteen 
Americans  and  eighty  friendly  Mexicans  killed.  Cor- 
tina has  lost  151  men  killed;  of  the  woimded  I  have 
no  account."" 

In  June  1860  Cortina  was  put  to  flight  by  Mexican 
troops,  which  were  kept  for  six  months  in  the  field  to 
operate  against  him,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  many 
of  his  lawless  followers.  Having  found  a  refuge  in  the 
mountains  of  Burgos,  in  May,  1861,  he  thence  i^ain 
invaded  Texas  and  burned  Roma,  but  was  again  de- 
feated. This  was  the  closing  event  of  his  insurrec- 
tionary movements  against  Texas." 

^  Detailed  particulars  of  thia  insurrection  will  be  found  in  Ih,;  V.  S.  S. 
Ez.  Doc.f  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  ix.,  no.  21  and  24;  H.  MtK,  Doc.,  cong.  36,  scss. 
1,  v.,  no.  38;  //.  Ex.  Doc.y  cong.  42,  sess.  3,  vii.,  no.  39,  where  on  pp.  43  4, 
the  claims  for  damages  will  he  seen  to  amount  to  f  1,906,619;  Id.,  cong.  36, 
seas.  1,  viii.,  no.  52,  xii.,  no.  81. 

'^  fie  afterward  revolutionized  Tamaulipas,  became  goT.,  and  intrigaed 


EFFECT  OK  TEXAS.  449 

By  proclamation  of  April  15,  1861,  President  Lin- 
coln declared  the  states  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas 
in  rebellion,  called  out  75,000  of  the  militia,  and 
summoned  congress  to  assemble  on  the  4th  of  July 
following.  On  the  11th  of  that  month,  senators 
HemphUl  and  Wigfall,  having  failed  to  take  then* 
seats,  were  declared  expelled  from  the  senate  of  the 
United  States."  together  with  certain  members  from 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carohna,  Tennessee, 
and  Arkansas,  by  a  vote  of  10  nays  against  32  yeas." 

The  great  civil  war  began,  and  fortunate  it  was  for 
Texas  that  her  geographical  position  placed  her  out- 
side the  cyclone  of  that  Titantic  strife.  While  the 
whirlwind  of  destruction  and  death  swept  for  years 
over  the  unhappy  south,  she  was  only  disturbed  by 
the  commotion  raised  on  the  edge  of  the  dreadful 

both  with  the  confederates  and  the  U.  S.  officials.     In  1871  he  was  a  general 
under  Juarez,  and  in  1875  mayor  of  Matamoroe  and  gen.  in  the  Mexican 
army.     For  refusing  to  obey  orders  he  was  arrested  and  sent  prisoner  to 
Mexico.  Mex,  Informe  Com,  Pesq.,  1873,  8a-5;  Thrall,  528-9. 
The  foUowing  is  a  list  of  the  senators  from  Texas  previous  to  the  secession. 

Thomas  F.  Rusk from  1845  to  1857 

Samael  Houston from  1846  to  1859 

Pickney  J.  Henderson from  1857  to  1859 

Matthias  Ward from  1 858  to  1 859 

John  Hemphill from  1859  to  1861 

Lewis  T.  Wigfall from  1859  to  1861 

Henderson  and  Ward  in  succession  completed  the  unexpired  term  of  Rusk. 
Texas  np  to  1861  was  entitled  to  two  representatives  in  the  lower  house,  cor- 
responding to  the  eastern  and  western  districts.  From  the  eastern  district 
they  were: 

David  S.  Kaufman from  1846  to  1851 

Richardson  Scurry from  1861  to  1853 

O.  W.   Smyth from  1854  to  1855 

Lemuel  Dale  Evans from  1856  to  1857 

.John  H.  Reagan from  1858  to  1861 

The  western  district  was  represented  by 

Timothy  PiUsbury from  1846  to  1849 

Volney  E.  Howard from  1850  to  1853 

P.  H.   BeU from  1854  to  1857 

Ouy  M.  Bryan from  1858  to  1859 

Andrew  J.  Hamilton from  1860  to  1861 

Popnlation  in  Texas  had  increased  so  rapidly  that  in  the  apportionment 
of  representation  of  the  states  in  the  house,  of  July  1861,  Texas  was 
allowed  four  representatives.  U.  8,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  37,  sess.  1,  no.  2. 

^U,  8.  Sen.  Jbtw.,  cong.  37,  seas.   1,  25,   29-30;  Cong.  Olobe  ajul  App., 
1861,  1. 

Hist.  Mbx.  Statss,  Vol.  II.  29. 


450  CIVIL  WAR. 

storm.  Her  territory,  in  all  its  length  and  breadth, 
did  not  become  a  battle-field,  and  agriculture  met  not 
with  the  same  destruction,  as  in  some  other  sections. 
It  is  true  that  many  places  were  abandoned  and 
became  desolate,  and  thousands  of  acres  under  culti- 
vation were  left  to  weeds  and  thistles;  but  the  flail 
of  fitmine  did  not  fall  upon  the  land.  Her  commerce 
naturally  suffered  much,  but  even  in  this  respect  the 
detriment  to  Texas  was  less  than  that  felt  by  any  other 
of  the  southern  states.  She  had  the  advantage  of  being 
the  solitary  portion  of  the  territory  of  the  confederacy 
bordering  on  a  foreign  nation,  and  found  in  Mexico  a 
market  for  her  cotton,  and  a  source  from  which  she 
could  procure  supplies  of  the  most  necessary  commo- 
dities. Her  numerous  posts  on  the  gulf,  too,  afforded 
her  better  facilities  for  running  the  blockade  which 
was  established  than  those  possessed  elsewhere  by 
the  south.  Thus,  comparatively  speaking,  Texas, 
locally  considered,  suffered  less  than  any  other  con- 
federate state.  Nevertheless  a  stop  was  put  to  her 
prepress;  internal  improvement  and  immigration 
ceased,  and  thousands  of  her  sons  perished  in  the  war. 
For  she  did  not  flinch  from  taking  her  full  share  in 
the  struggle,  and  in  many  a  hard  fought  battle  her 
flag  was  home  in  the  thictest  of  the  fight. 

Within  one  month  after  the  installation  of  Clark, 
hostilities  broke  out.  On  April  14,  1861,  Fort  Smii- 
ter  was  evacuated  by  Major  Anderson,  and  on  the 
following  day  Lincoln's  proclamation  was  issued. 
Enlistment  for  service  was  at  once  commenced  in 
Texas,  and  early  in  May,  Colonel  W.  C.  Young, 
crossing  Red  river,  captured  Fort  Arbuckle  and 
other  military  posts  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Indian  Territory,  the  federal  soldiers  retreating  to 
Kansas.  Colonel  Ford,  also,  assisted  by  an  expedi- 
tion which  sailed  from  Galveston,  took  possession  of 
Fort  Brown,  opposite  Matamoros,  without  meeting 
with  resistance.  Captain  Hill,  in  command,  had  re- 
fused to  obey  the  order  of  Twiggs  to  evacuate  it,  but 


GOVSKNOR  LUBBOCK.  451 

found  that  he  could  not  possibly  hold  it  with  his  small 
force. 

On  June  8th  Gk>yemor  Clark  issued  a  proclamation, 
announcing  that  a  state  of  war  existed,  and  shortly 
after  the  ports  of  Texas  were  blockaded  by  a  squadron 
of  the  gulf  fleet.  The  Texans  had  never  been  lag- 
gards in  hastening  to  the  field  of  action,  and  now, 
after  an  interval  of  nearly  twenty-five  years  of  almost 
uninterrupted  peace,  their  warlike  spirit  was  again 
aroused.  Militisiiy  districts  were  formed,  a  system  of 
instruction  in  evolutionary  movements  and  the  use  of 
arms  was  established,  and  great  numbers  enlisted  in 
the  cause  to  which  Texas  had  pledged  herself.  By 
November  15,000  men  were  enrolled  in  the  service  of 
the  confederate  army. 

The  election  of  1861  showed  a  majority  in  favor  of 
Francis  R.  Lubbock,"  for  governor,  who  defeated 
Clark  by  only  124  votes."  He  was  inaugurated 
November  7,  1861. 

In  July  of  this  year  Lieutenant-colonel  John  R. 
Baylor  had  occupied  Fort  Bliss,  on  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  crossing  the  river  took  possession  of  Mesilla  on 
the  25th.  Major  Lynde,  17th  U.  S.  Infantry,  in 
command  at  Fort  Fillmore  near  by,  having  failed  to 
dislodge  Baylor,  surrendered  his  whole  command  of 
about  700  men.  Lieutenant-colonel  Canby  was  at 
this  time  in  command  of  the  department  of  New 
Mexico,  and  made  preparations  to  meet  the  invasion. 
Meantime  Major  Sibley  of  the  United  States'  Army, 

a  He  was  bom  in  Beaufort,  S.  C,  Oct  16,  1815,  and  migrated  to  Texas 
Dec  1836,  aettliiu;  in  the  town  of  Houston,  where  he  opened  a  mercantile 
Imaanem  house,  m  1838  he  was  comptroller  of  the  treasury,  and  from  1841 
to  1857  held  the  office  of  derk  of  the  district  court  for  Harris  county.  In 
the  last  named  year  he  was  elected  lieut-gov.,  and  in  18(30  was  appointed 
delegate  to  the  Charleston  convention.  At  the  close  of  his  term  as  gov. ,  he 
entered  the  confederate  army  as  an  adjutant-general  on  the  staff  of  President 
Davis,  was  captured  with  him  in  1865,  and  imprisoned  in  Fort  Delaware.  In 
1866  he  resumed  hnsineaB  in  Houston,  and  two  years  later  removed  to  Gal- 
vestiHi.  Lnhhock,  in  1876  was  elected  to  the  office  of  state  treasurer,  and  re- 
elected in  1880.  Burke's  Tex.  Abn,,  1882,  154;  Cordova's  Tex,,  102,  168-70. 

*^The  total  number  of  votes  oast  was  57,343,  of  which  Lubbock  obtained 
21,  854;  Clark,  21,730;  and  T.  J.  Chaml)er8,  13,759.  John  M.  Crockett  was 
elected  Ueat^ov.  ThnUi,  391. 


4B2  CIVIL  WAR 

had  joined  the  confederates,  and  with  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general  was  ordered  in  July  to  proceed  to 
Texas,  and  organize  an  expedition  for  the  purpose  of 
driving  the  federal  troops  out  of  New  Mexico.  Sibley 
reached  El  Paso  with  his  force  about  the  middle  .of 
December,  and  issued  a  proclamation,  inviting  his  old 
comrades-in-arms  to  take  service  in  the  confederate 
army,  an  appeal  which  met  with  no  response. 

Colonel  Canby,  early  in  1862  made  Fort  Craig, 
on  the  Rio  Grande  north  of  Mesilla,  his  headquarters, 
and  on  February  21st,  after  some  maneuvering,  and 
a  skirmish  on  the  day  before,  crossed  the  river  and 
engaged  the  Texans.  Canby's  force  aggr^ated  8,810 
men,  but  of  these  only  900  were  regulars,  the  re- 
mainder, consisting  of  volunteers  and  New  Mexican 
militia,  were  of  little  service.  Sibley  reported  the 
number  of  his  force  to  have  been  1,750.  The  en- 
gagement, called  the  battle  of  Valverde,  took  place  in 
the  afternoon,  and  resulted  in  the  discomfiture  of  the 
federals,  who  retreated  to  the  fort,  leaving  six  pieces 
of  artillery  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Sibley  now  marched  to  Alburquerque,  and  from 
that  place  sent  a  detachment  to  occupy  Santa  Fe, 
which  having  been  evacuated  by  the  federal  officer  in 
command.  Major  Donaldson,  was  entered  by  the 
Texans  March  23d.  Fort  Union,  on  the  Santa  Fe 
route,  was  the  next  point  to  which  Sibley  directed  his 
march,  but  on  the  28th  of  the  same  month  his  ad- 
vance, imder  Colonel  W.  R.  Scurry,  became  engaged 
at  the  eastern  mouth  of  Apache  Cafion,  with  a  federal 
force  over  1,300  strong,  with  eight  pieces  of  artillery, 
under  Colonel  Slough,  who  had  advanced  against  the 
invaders  from  Fort  Union.  Slough  detached  about 
500  of  his  men,  under  Major  Chivington,  by  a  difficult 
and  dangerous  mountain  trail,  to  assail  the  enemy's 
camp  in  the  rear,  while  he  engaged  the  main  body. 
The  maneuvre  was  successful ;  the  camp  with  all  the 
supplies  of  every  kind  was  taken  by  the  enemy,  and 
though  Slough's  column  was  repulsed  after  a  fierce 


^v 


HEAVY  LOSSES.  451 

fight  of  five  hours,  Scurry  sent  in  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
after  burying  his  dead  retreated  to  Santa  ¥6. 

Slough's  loss  was  one  officer  and  28  men  killed ;  two 
officers  and  40  men  wounded,  and  15  men  taken  pris- 
oners; that  of  Scurry,  four  officers  and  32  men  killed, 
and  60  wounded. 

This  check  stopped  further  advance.  Early  in 
April  Santa  F^  was  evacuated,  and  the  Texans  re- 
treated down  the  Rio  Grande.  On  the  15th  they 
were  attacked '  at  Peralta  by  Colonel  Canby,  and  an 
indecisive  engagement  took  place.  In  the  night  the 
Texans  resumed  their  retreat,  and  on  May  18th, 
Canby  reported",  them  as  scattered  along  the  Rio 
Grande  between  Do&a  Anna  and  El  Paso.  On  July 
6y  1862,  the  last  of  the  confederates  Crossed  into  Texa& 
It  was  a  bootless  campaign,  in  which  the  devoted  sons 
of  Texas  lost  by  sickness  and  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners,  over  500  men.  New  Mexico,  with  its 
rugged  mountain  ranges,  desolate  regions,  and  water- 
less deserts,  was  not  a  desirable  country  in  which  to 
undertake  military  expeditions.  General  Sibley,  writ- 
ing to  Richmond  from  Fort  Bliss  expressed  the  con- 
viction that  the  territory  was  not  worth  a  quarter  of 
the  blood  and  treasure  expended  in  its  conquest,  and 
that  his  men  had  manifested  an  irreconcilable  detes- 
tation of  the  country  and  the  people." 

"The  above  particiilan  an  mainly  derived  from  the  account  of  this  in- 
Taaon  by  A.  A.  Hayes,  in  Maa.  Amer.  Hist.,  Feb.  1886,  171-84.  The  writer 
had  access  to  yalnable  official  doonments,  visited  New  Mexico  in  1879,  and 
'  devoted nradi  time  to  inquiries  from  those  who  took  part  in  the  campaign.' 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

FROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

1862-1866. 

Opkrationb  of  ths  United  States'  Nayt— Rbcapturb  ov  Oalwiok  bt 
THE  Tkxans — MnjTART  Despotibm— Deveat  of  the  Fbdebau  at 
Sabine  Pass— Death  of  General  Houston— His  Chakactbb  and 
PouoT— MuR&AH  Elected  Governor — Operations  of  the  Federals 
on  the  Gulf  Coast- Attekpt  against  Texas  bt  Red  Riteb— 
Brownsville  Taken  bt  Cortina — Administration  of  Murrah^ 
Financial  MATTBBfl — ^The  CoNscRimoN  Laws — ^Lamentable  Social 
Condition  of  Tkkas— Industrial  Progress — Cotton  Plantebs— 
Reverses  of  the  Confederate  Arms— The  Last  Engaokmsnt. 

In  May  1862,  the  surrender  of  the  city  of  Gal- 
veston was  demanded  by  Commodore  Eagle  in  com- 
mand of  the  blockading  squadron.  No  attention  was 
paid  to  the  summons,  and  as  the  commodore  had  no 
troops  at  the  time  to  enforce  his  demand,  no  attempt 
was  made  to  occupy  the  place  till  October  4th,  when 
Commander  Renshaw,  of  the  United  States'  steamer 
Westfieldf  with  the  Harriet  Laney  Owasoo^  and  ClifUm^ 
captured  the  defences  of  the  harbor  and  city  after  a 
mere  show  of  resistance  on  the  part  of  General  He- 
bert,  who  withdrew  his  troops  to  Virginia  Point,  on 
the  mainland. 

Meantime,  about  the  middle  of  September,  Lieu- 
tenant J.  W.  Kittredge,  with  his  vessel,  the  Arthsr, 
and  the  steamer  Sacfvenfi^  took  possession  of  Corpus 
Christi,  captured  several  vessels,  and  necessitated  the 
burning  of  others  by  the  confederates.  Subsequently 
Kittredge,  while  on  shore,  was  captured  with  his 
boat's  crew.  Somewhat  later  Francis  Crocker,  com- 
manding the  steamer  Kensmgton,  with  the  schooners 


GENERAL  MA6RUDER.  465 

Rachel  Seaman  and  Henry  Janes,  captured  the 
defences  of  Sabine  city.  He  then  proceeded  to  Cal- 
casieu river,  and  took  or  destroyed  several  blockade- 
runners/ 

So  incensed  were  the  people  at  the  abandonment 
of  Gralveston  bv  General  Hebert,  that  they  petitioned 
for  his  removal,  and  he  was  superseded  in  November 
1862  by  General  Magruder,  who  forthwith  made 
preparations  to  recapture  the  island.  On  Buffalo 
Bayou,  a  few  miles  below  the  city  of  Houston,  he 
transformed  four  river  steamers  into  gun-boats,  pro- 
tecting their  sides  with  compressed  cotton-bales.  The 
return  of  Sibley's  brigade  from  New  Mexico,  gave  him 
an  efficient  force  of  men  already  experienced  in  war, 
and  he  had  also  at  his  disposal  5,000  Texans,  who  had 
been  called  into  service  for  the  protection  of  the  coast. 
Gralveston  was  occupied  by  the  4  2d  Massachusetts 
volunteers;  the  Harriet  Lane  was  lying  at  the  wharf, 
and  five  other  United  States'  vessels  were  stationed 
off  the  shore  toward  the  pass.* 

Magruder's  plan  was  to  assault  the  enemy  simul- 
taneously by  Iwd  and  water.  His  preparations  were 
conducted  with  the  greatest  secrecy,  his  intention  be- 
ing known  only  to  himself  and  staff.  On  December 
29th,  he  proceeded  to  Virginia  point  with  the  land 
forces,  sending  the  gun-boiits  Neptune^  Bayou  Ciiy, 
Lucy  Gwinn^  and  John  F.  Carr  to  the  head  of  the 
bay,  with  mstructions  to  commence  their  attack  when 
the  moon  went  down,  on  the  night  of  the  31st.  At 
the  appointed  time,  about  4  a.  m.,  on  January  1st,  the 
land  forces,  which  had  silently  and  unperceived  crossed 
over  to  the  island,  assaulted  the  position  of  the  fed- 
erals. The  gun-boats,  delayed  by  a  low  tide,  could 
not  reach  the  scene  of  action  in  time  to  cooperate  in 
the  opening  of  the  attack,  and  victory  began  to  seem 
doubtful.     At  this  crisis  they  fortunately  arrived,  and 

iCbfV.  Globe,  1862-63,  app.  14. 

s Namely,  the  WeetJUld,  CUfUm,  Oioaaco,  Sachem,  and  Coryplieua,  the  last 
two  having  joined  the  squadron  two  days  before  the  attack.  U.  S.  H.  Eke. 
Doc,  coog.  38,  seas.  1,  iv.,  doc.  1,  app.  312. 


466  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

attacked  the  Harris  Lane.  The  Neptane  was  soon 
struck  by  a  shell  below  the  water-line,  and  sunk,  but 
the  Bayou  City,  steaming  up,  ran  into  the  enemy's 
vessel,  and  became  entangled  in  her  rigging,  Tlie 
Texans  leaped  on  board,  and  a  hand-to-hand  conflict 
ensued,  in  which  Commander  Wainwright,  of  the 
Harriet  Lane,  and  Lieutenant-commander  L#ea  were 
slain.  On  their  fall  the  ship  surrendered.  The  West- 
field,  in  trying  to  leave  the  harbor,  ran  aground,  and 
m  order  to  prevent  her  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Texans,  it  was  determined  to  blow  her  up.  The  ex- 
plosion took  place  prematurely,  and  Commander  Ren- 
shaw  with  fifteen  men  perished.  All  the  other  vessels 
escaped.  Meantime,  the  efforts  of  the  confederate 
land  forces  were  crowned  with  success ;  the  federals 
surrendered,  and  Gralveston  island  was  again  in  pos- 
session of  the  Texans,*  who  retained  their  hold  of  it 
till  the  termination  of  the  war,  though  the  port  con- 
tinued to  be  blockaded. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  and  during  the  earlier 
part  of  Lubbock's  administration,  it  was  confidently 
believed  by  the  mass  of  the  people  in  Texas  that  the 
establishment  of  the  confederacy  would  be  accom- 
plished. It  is  true  that  after  the  passage  of  the  se- 
cession ordinance  the  unionists  began  to  organize 
secret  leagues,  with  the  object  of  controlling  the  gen- 
eral election  to  be  held  in  August  following;  but  the 
attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  and  the  destruction  of  any 
lingering  hope  that  the  question  could  be  settled  oth- 
erwise than  by  an  appeal  to  arms,  paralyzed  the  effort 
A  feeling  of  helplessness  and  consequent  apathy  took 
possession  of  the  unionist  leaders,  while  a  general  en- 
thusiasm pervaded  the  people  at  large,  and  the  ranks 
of  the  confederates  proportionately  gained  strength. 
Stringent  laws  and  orders  that  were  issued,  being  re- 
garded as  measures  necessary  to  success,  were  at  first 
submitted  to  with  promptness  and  cheerfulness,  and 

•/d,  309-18;  Thf^  395-6;  Narih'$Fhe  Tears  in  Tex.,  106-11. 


LUBBOCK'S  ADMINXSTRATIOK.  iSf 

calls  for  volunteers  were  liberally  responded  to  by  the 
Texans.  But  presently  they  began  to  perceive  that 
they  had  placed  their  necks  under  the  yoke  of  a  mili- 
tary despotism.  On  April  28,  1862,  martial  law  was 
proclaimed  by  General  Bee,  in  command  at  San  An- 
tonio, over  the  western  military  district,  and  on  May 
30th  following.  General  Hebert  proclaimed  that  it  was 
extended  over  the  whole  state.  Every  white  male 
person  above  the  age  of  sixteen  years  was  required, 
when  sunmioned,  to  present  himself  before  the  provost 
marshal,  and  have  his  name,  residence,  and  occupa- 
tion registered ;  aliens  were  made  to  take  an  oath  to 
maintam  the  laws  of  the  state  and  the  confederacy ; 
persons  disobeying  orders  and  summonses  issued  by 
the  provost  marshal  would  be  summarily  punished; 
and  any  attempt  to  depreciate  the  currency  of  the 
confederate  states  was  declared  to  constitute  an  act  of 
hostility.* 

On  November  21st,  an  order  was  issued  forbidding 
the  exportation  of  cotton,  except  by  the  agents  of  the 
government,  and  in  February  1863  further  restrictions 
were  made  on  the  exportation  of  the  same  article 
across  the  Bio  Grande.  These  and  similar  measures 
were  condemned  as  interfering  with  trade,  and  de- 
priving the  people  of  the  means  of  procuring  many 
necessary  supplies. 

Moreover,  after  the  first  excited  rush  of  volunteers 
into  the  service  had  subsided,  the  stem  law  of  con- 
scription was  passed,  and  in  Texas  was  enforced  to 
the  utmost.  AH  males  from  eighteen  years  of  age  to 
forty-five  were  made  liable  to  service  in  the  confeder- 
ate army,  with  the  exception  of  ministers  of  religion, 
state  and  county  officers,  and  slave-holders,  the  pos- 
session of  fifteen  slaves  being  the  minimum  number 
entitling  an  owner  to  exemption.  Gt)vernor  Lubbock 
was  an  extremist  in  regard  to  this  system.  In  his 
message  to  the  legislature  in  November  1863,  he 
suggested  that  every  male  person  from  sixteen  years 

*  Copy  of  proclamation  in  lltraUy  398. 


458  PROGRESS  AND  £ND  OF  THE  WAR. 

old  and  upward  should  be  declared  in  the  militaiy 
service  of  the  state;  that  no  one  should  be  permitted 
to  furnish  a  substitute,  and  that  the  right  to  do  so 
should  be  abolished,  both  by  the  state  and  confederate 
governments.  In  the  same  message  he  informed  the 
legislature  that  90,000  Texans  were  already  in  the 
confederate  service.  When  it  is  borne  in  mind  that 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  ever  polled  in  the  state 
was  little  over  64,000,  it  wiU  be  seen  what  a  tremen- 
dous drain  had  been  made  on  the  strength  of  the 
coimtry. 

Agaui,  the  confiscation  act,*  and  the  law  authoriz- 
ing the  banishment  of  persons  still  adhering  to  the 
union,*  were  scrupulously  enforced.  Many  persons 
who  had  spent  their  lives  in  Texas  thus  lost  their 
property,  and  even  temporary  absentees  in  the  north, 
who  would  have  found  it  difficult,  if  not  impossible, 
to  return,  were  likewise  deprived  of  their  possessions. 
But  still  more  unfortunate  were  persons  of  union 
proclivities  who  yet  remained  in  the  countiy.  Under 
authority  of  the  banishment  act,  the  settlers  in  the 
western  counties,  and  the  Grerman  coloiysts,  who  still 
held  to  their  anti-slavery  propensities,  were  severely 
punished.  After  the  proclamation  of  martial  law  in 
Texas,  no  household  of  anti-confederate  ideas  in  those 
districts  was  permitted  to  dwell  in  peace,  just  as  wa& 
the  case  in  regard  to  confederates  in  the  northern 
states,  the  feeling  of  loyalty  to  country  being  in  Texas 
somewhat  intensified.  Many  unionists  attempted  to 
escape  to  Mexico.  The  earlier  fugitives  were  mostly 
successful,  but  of  those  who  followed  in  their  wake 
the  greater  portion  was  captured  and  put  to  death/ 

^Pasaed  bjr  the  confederate  congress  Aug.  31,  1861.     It  provided  that  all 

Sroperty  within  the  limits  of  the  confederacy  belonging  to  nnian  men  who 
id  not  proclaim  their  allegiance  to  the  confederacy,  or  had  left  it,  ahoold  be 
confiscated. 

*This  law  was  passed  Ang.  8,  1861.  By  it  every  male  over  14  years  of 
i^e  who  adhered  to  the  U.  S.  govt  was  made  subject  to  banishment  from  the 
limits  of  the  confederate  states,  and  the  courts  of  justice  were  ordered  to 
arrest  and  treat  as  alien  enemies  all  union  men  who  did  not  tender  their  al- 
legiance or  leave  the  confederacy  within  40  days. 

^  LoBsing  quotes  from  the  San  Aniomo  fferaldf  an  organ  loyal  to  the  ooo- 
federacy,  as  follows:  'Their  bones  are  bleaching  on  the  soil  of  every  coinrty 


FEDERAL  REVERSES.  459 

By  the  close  of  Lubbock's  administration  the  tide 
of  o^nnion  was  changing.  The  confederate  arms  had 
met  with  serious  reverses,  and  the  dark  shadow  of 
the  impossibility  of  an  independent  south  had  already 
cast  a  gloom  around  over  the  country.  After  the  capt- 
ure of  Galveston  island  no  other  operation  of  importance 
occurred  in  1863  until  September,  when  an  attempt, 
with  the  object  of  invading  Texas,  was  made  to  efiect 
a  lodgment  at  Sabine  City,  where  was  the  terminus 
of  a  railroad  leading  into  the  interior.  It  was  be- 
lieved by  General  Banks,  to  whom  the  conduct  of  the 
expedition  was  entrusted,  and  to  whom  discretionary 
r^er  was  given,  that,  by  gaining  possession  of  this 
point,  he  comd  concentrate  an  army  of  15,000  men  at 
Houston,  and  thereby  gain  control  of  all  the  railroad 
communications  in  Texas. 

It  appears  that  in  January,  1863,  the  blockade  of 
Sabine  pass'  was  not  considered  effective  by  Gkneral 
Magruder,  and  on  the  21st  of  that  month  he  issued  a 
proclamation  inviting  neutral  nations  to  resume  a 
eommercial  intercourse  with  that  port*  The  fact  is 
that  on  the  morning  of  that  day  the  United  States 
squadron  sustained  a  reverse,  and  the  blockade  of 
Sabine  Pass  was  temporarily  destroyed  by  the  cap- 
ture of  the  Morning  Light  and  the  Velocity  by  two 
confederate  cotton-clad  steamboats,  the  Josiah  Bell 
and  the  Uncle  Ben.  The  engagement  was  fought  out- 
side the  bar,  and  after  a  hot  conflict  of  two  hours  the 
federal  vessels  surrendered.**  The  blockade,  how- 
ever, was  soon  resumed,  and  on  April  18th  of  the 

from  Red  river  to  the  Bio  Grande,  and  in  the  counties  of  Wise  and  Denton 
their  bodies  are  suspended  by  scores  from  the  Black  Jacks. '  Jliat.  Civ.  War, 
ii  536.  See  his  aoconnt,  page  537,  of  the  massacre  of  about  40  German  colo- 
nists,  Ao^.  10,  1862,  on  tne  Nueces  river,  out  of  a  party  of  sixty  who  were 
endeavonnff  to  make  their  way  to  Mexico. 

'J.  J.  «wvis,  banker  and  stock  raiser,  residing  at  Fort  Worth,  Texas, 
says:  '  Sabine  Pass,  perhaps,  has  superior  natural  advantages  for  a  seaport 
city  to  any  ot^er  point  on  the  gulf  ooast  of  this  state;  deep  water  might  be 
ebtained  tiiere  perhaps  with  smaller  appropriations  than  any  other  point  on 
Ihe  ooast  of  Texas.'  Ob&erv,  Agrk.,  MS.,  8. 

*  IT.  &  H,  3t,  Doc,  oong.  28,  sess.  1,  iv.,  no.  1,  331-3. 

^  Reports  of  Surgeon  Sherfy  and  Acting  Master  Dillingham,  in  Id.,  cong. 
38,  8MB.  2;  vi,  no.  1,  40»^. 


460  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

same  year,  a  skirmish  took  place  in  which  Lieaten- 
ant-Commander  McDermot  of  the  federal  gun-boat 
Cayugay  who  was  reconnoitring  the  enemy's  position, 
was  killed  and  several  men  severely  wounded.  Since 
this  time  the  confederates  in  Sabine  city  had  been 
unmolested,  and  they  erected  a  fort  defended  by  a 
formidable  battery  of  eight  heavy  guns,  three  of 
which  were  rifled. 

General  Banks,  in  pursuance  of  his  plan  for  the 
conquest  of  Texas,  placed  4,000  men  under  the  com- 
mand of  Major  General  Franklin,  with  instructioiis 
to  effect  a  landing  at  Sabine  Pass,  with  the  coopera- 
tion of  the  navy.  The  necessary  transports  yf^*^ 
provided,  and  the  steamers,  Clifbm,  Sachein,  Arizona, 
and  Granite  CUy,  under  Lieutenant  Frederick  Crocker^ 
were  assigned  to  support  the  movement.  On  Sep- 
tember 8th  these  gun-boats  with  the  transports  clrossed 
the  bar.  It  had  been  intended  to  effect  a  surprise, 
And  to  make  the  attack  at  early  dawn  on  the  moniing 
of  the  7th ;  but  this  plan  seems  to  have  been  discon- 
certed bv  want  of  imity  of  action,  and  the  expedition 
appearea  for  twenty-eight  hours  off  the  pass  before 
it  moved  against  the  enemy,  who  thereby  became 
aware  of  the  threatened  danger. 

Franklin,  moreover,  failed  to  follow  his  instruc- 
tions, by  which  he  was  ordered  to  land  hia  troops  be- 
low the  pass.  Instead  of  doing  so  he  arranged  with 
Crocker  that  the  gun-boats  should  first  bombard  the 
fort,  expel  the  garrison,  and  drive  off,  or  capture  two 
cotton-clads  of  the  enemy  stationed  in  the  river. 
This  accomplished,  the  troops  were  to  land  and  take 
possession.  Accordingly  the  federal  vessels  steamed 
up  and  opened  fire,  which  was  not  returned  till  they 
were  abreast  of  the  fort.  There  a  heavy  cannonade 
was  directed  against  them,  and  the  Clifton  and  Sachm 
were  soon  disabled,  being  struck  in  their  boilers  or 
steam-pipes.  The  Clifton  ran  aground,  and  in  a  short 
time  both  vessels  hauled  down  their  colors.  This 
<lisaster  decided  the  affair,  which  resulted  in  ignomin- 


i 


DEATH  OF  HOUSTON.  461 

ious  defeat  on  the  part  of  the  federals.  The  Arizond 
and  Granite  City  backed  out  of  the  contest,  and  the 
transports  being  left  unsupported,  Franklm  made  no 
attempt  to  land.  On  trying  to  cross  the  bar  the 
ArizoTUi  grounded,  but  succeeded  in  getting  afloat  at 
flood-tide.  The  transports  also  passed  safely  outside, 
ajid  the  expedition  then  returned  to  New  Orleans, 
having  lost  two  gun-boats,  mounting  fifteen  rifled 
guns,  and  over  100  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  besides 
at  least  250  prisoners."  The  garrison  of  the  fort 
consisted  of  only  200  Texans,  of  whom  no  more  than 
42  took  part  in  the  action.  These  were  presented  by 
President  Davis  with  a  silver  medal,  the  only  honor 
of  the  kind  known  to  have  been  bestowed  by  the 
confederate  government." 

On  the  26th  of  July  1863,  General  Houston,  the 
soldier  and  statesman,  the  architect  of  Texan  inde- 
pendence, breathed  his  last  at  his  home  in  Huntsville, 
Walker  county.  His  health  had  been  declining  for 
some  time,  and  with  a  broken  spirit  he  had  watched 
for  the  last  two  years  from  his  place  of  retirement, 
the  current  of  the  events  which  he  had  predicted. 
The  spirit  of  the  loyal  south  had  pervaded  even  his 
own  family,  and  his  son  Sam,  who  had  enlisted  early 
in  the  confederate  ranks,  had  been  wounded,  and  was 
a  prisoner.  This  embittered  the  last  days  of  the 
steadfast  old  patriot. 

Though  the  ex-governor  oflfered  no  active  opposi- 
tion to  the  victorious  party  after  his  deposal,  his  views 
as  to  the  revolution  and  the  possibility  of  its  success 
underwent  no  change.  Nor  was  he  merely  a  silent 
and  uninterested  spectator;  his  voice  was  raised,  from 
time  to  time,  against  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  mili- 

"The  confederates  reported  having  buried  28  of  the  federals,  /rf.,  365-S, 
39(M>;  JjomSang^  tU  ntp.,  iii.  221-2.  According  to  the  report  of  the  secretary 
of  the  navy,  the  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  amounted  to  107.  C  S.  H, 
Be.  Doc,  cong.  28,  seas.  2,  no.  1,  491-3,  495-6. 

^  It  "was  made  of  a  thin  plate  of  silver,  with  the  words  '  Davis  Guards  * 
and  a  Maltese  cross  stamped  on  one  side,  and  the  place  and  date  of  the 
achievement  on  the  other. 


4S2  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

tary  despotism.  When  martial  law  was  proclaimed 
hy  Greneral  Hebert,  he  addressed  a  strong  protest  to 
(jrovemor  Lubbock,  denouncing  the  proclamation. 
The  general,  he  said,  abrc^ated  thereby  ail  the  powers 
of  the  executive,  ignored  the  bill  of  rights,  the  consti- 
tution and  the  laws  of  the  state,  and  arrogated  to 
himself  imdefined  and  unlimited  powers.  The  docu- 
ment was  not  published  till  many  months  after;  bat 
when  it  did  appear,  it  produced  a  profound  impresfflon. 
At  a  later  date  when  confederate  paper  was  made 
the  currency,  Houston,  in  a  public  speech  at  Bren- 
ham,  disapproved  of  the  resolutions  passed  to  force 
those  who  had  lent  their  gold  to  receive  in  payment 
depreciated  treasury  notes ;  yet  this  is  exactly  what 
the  men  of  the  north  were  doing. 

General  Houston  was  endowed  with  great  natural 
abilities,  and  gifted  with  no  ordinary  physical  strength. 
His  intuitive  quickness  of  perception;  his  foresight 
and  far-reaching  mental  grasp;  his  penetration  and 
ready  comprehension  of  the  drift  of  parties,  and  his 
sagacity  and  tact  in  devising  means  wherewith  to  ac- 
complish ends,  were  indeed  exceptional.  In  self- 
possession  and  confidence  in  his  own  resources,  he  was 
unrivalled ;  his  influence  among  the  masses  was  ex- 
traordinary;  and  as  a  speaker,  his  power  over  a  Texan 
audience  was  magical.  Yet,  as  a  public  man,  whether  in 
a  military  or  civu  capacity,  no  leader  had  more  bitter 
enemies,  but  at  the  same  time  none  had  warmer  friends. 

As  president  of  the  republic  his  administration  was 
marked  by  ecx)nomy,  by  a  pacific  policy  in  relation  t<* 
the  border  Indian  tribes,  and  by  a  defensive  and  not 
an  aggressive  attitude  toward  Mexico.  He  would 
rather  feed  Indians  than  kill  them ;  was  ever  ready  to 
ward  off  threatened  invasion,  and  adopt  protective 
measures  against  predatory  incursions  on  the  frontier, 
but  not  to  organize  such  undertakings  as  the  Santa 
F^  expedition.  The  enterprise  attempted  by  Colonel 
Fisher  and  his  followers  in  their  attack  on  Mier  was 
never  contemplated  by  Houston. 


A  GREAT  MAN.  46S 

In  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  where  he  rep- 
resented Texas  for  well  nigh  fourteen  years,  he  was 
persistently  conservative,  attaching  himself  to  the  old 
democratic  party.  But  when  his  associates  began  to 
drift  toward  secession,  he  could  not  follow  them.  His 
leniency  toward  the  north  first  displayed  itself  in 
1848-9.  He  voted  against  the  extension  of  the  Mis- 
souri compromise  line  to  the  Pacific  coast,  the  non- 
passage  of  which  bill  virtually  excluded  slavery  from 
the  territories  newly  acquired  south  of  36^  30'. 
Moreover,  he  voted  for  the  Oregon  territorial  bill  with 
the  slavery  exclusion  clause.  For  this  he  was  as- 
sailed ;  but  his  constituents  sustained  him,  as  Texas, 
by  virtue  of  the  articles  of  annexation,  was  in  no  way 
affected  by  the  measure.  When,  however,  he  voted 
against  DougW  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill,  intro- 
duced into  the  senate  in  1854,  in  which  the  doctrine 
of  squatter  sovereignty  was  upheld,  giving  territorial 
l^islatures  the  right  to  decide  on  the  question  of 
slavery  within  their  respective  territories,  Houston 
was  abandoned  by  his  southern  adherents.  Yet  his 
support  of  the  Missouri  compromise  on  this  occasion 
proved  his  unerring  foresight.  He  contended  that  if 
the  bill  were  passed,  those  territories  would  in  any  case 
exclude  slavery.  The  north,  with  its  large  population, 
would  pour  into  them  a  tide  of  emigrants  which  would 
inevitably  make  them  free-soil  states.  And  such  was 
the  result. 

About  this  time,  also,  Houston  became  affiliated 
with  the  know-nothing  party.  He  did  not  believe  in 
his  country  being  flooded  with  paupers  and  felons, 
with  the  scum  and  refuse  of  Europe.  He  was  indig- 
nant that  such  an  outcast  class  of  aliens,  after  a  few 
months'  residence  in  the  United  States,  should  be  ad- 
mitted to  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  native-bom 
Americans,  crowding  to  the  wall  the  true  patriots, — 
the  men  of  wealth  and  intelligence,  and  those  who 
had  shed  their  blood  for  their  country.  In  a  speech 
delivered  at  Nacogdoches,    in   December   1855,    he 


464  PROOBESS  AKP  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

vehemently  inveighed  against  the  bill  for  the  naturali- 
zation of  foreigners,  which  allowed  every  alien  the 
right  to  vote  after  six  months*  residence  in  the  country. 
Was  it,  he  asked,  by  such  means  as  these  that  slavery 
was  to  be  ingrafted  upon  Kansas?  The  south  had 
given  way  to  the  evil,  but  his  voice  should  never  be 
raised  in  favor  of  allowing  the  vote  of  the  foreigner, 
who  had  been  but  six  months  on  United  States' 
soil,  to  weigh  against  the  vote  of  a  native  or  natural- 
ized citizen,  in  moulding  the  institutions  of  a  sover- 
eign state  of  the  union. 

Houston's  know-nothing  tendencies,  and  his  oppo- 
sition to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise, 
naturally  alienated  many  of  his  old  democratic  friends, 
and  his  popularity  waned.  At  the  election  in  1857 
he  was  defeated  by  Runnels,  a  propagandist  of  dis- 
union sentiments,  and  an  advocate  of  the  re-opening 
of  the  African  slave-trade;  and  though  in  1859  he 
gained  the  victoiy  at  the  polls,  the  majority  of  the 
legislature  was  opposed  to  him.  His  steadfast  oppo- 
sition to  the  confederacy  worked  his  down&ll. 

The  victor  of  San  Jacinto  was  a  truly  great  man. 
If  Austin  laid  the  foundation  stone,  Houston  erected 
the  edifice.  Apart  from  his  high  intellectual  capa- 
bilities, he  possessed  many  of  the  noblest  qualities 
that  adorn  the  human  character.  His  courage,  his 
kindness,  his  scrupulous  honesty  in  every  official 
station  which  he  occupied,  and  the  open  expression  of 
his  sentiments  regardless  of  personal  consequences  can 
never  be  questioned.  His  enemies  accused  him  of 
cowardice,  because  he  had  the  firmness  not  to  yield  to 
hot-headed  individuals,  who  would  have  driven  him, 
if  they  could,  to  engage  Santa  Anna  prematurely, 
and  thereby  have  placed  in  jeopardy  the  indepen- 
dence of  Texas;  and  because  he  scorned  to  resent 
with  brute  force  the  abuse  that  was  heaped  upon  him 
by  political  and  personal  enemies,  seeking  his  blood. 
His  career  is  before  the  reader,  who  will  be  able  to 
decide  for  himself  this  question  of  braveiy.     In  both 


GOVEBITOR  MUBKAH.  465 

of  the  battles  in  which  he  was  engaged  he  was 
wounded  while  leading  on  his  men;  moreover,  it 
cannot  be  said  that  Andrew  Jackson  was  a  person 
likely  to  bestow  his  regard  upon  a  poltroon.  But 
Houston  was  not  blood-thirsty;  and  he  possessed 
that  higher  kind  of  courage  which  enabled  him  to 
brave  the  contempt  of  a  community  which  still  held 
to  the  savagism  that  insults  should  be  wiped  out 
with  blood. 

In  private  life  he  was  affable  and  courteous,  kind, 
and  generous.  When  thwarted,  however,  he  became 
harsh,  and  not  unfrequently  vindictive.  He  never 
failed  to  repay  with  compound  interest,  sooner  or  later, 
any  insinuation  or  coarse  attack,  and  those  who 
crossed  his  political  pathway  were  chastised  with  a 
scathing  invective  which  they  never  forgot.  Acts  oP 
friendship  and  of  emnity  were  equally  retamed  in  his 
memory,  and  met  with  corresponding  return.  Majes- 
tic in  person,  of  commanding  presence,  and  noble 
countenance,  he  was  a  striking  figure  in  public  and  in 
private.  Sorrow  for  the  miseries  of  his  country, 
poverty  in  his  household,  and  a  broken  down  consti- 
tution, saddened  the  days,  as,  shattered  and  worn — ^to 
use  his  own  words" — ^he  approached  the  narrow  isth- 
mus which  divides  time's  ocean  from  the  sea  of  eter- 
nity beyond.  So  straightened  were  his  means  that  his 
family  were  often  stinted  for  the  necessaries  of  life. 
Some  years  after  settling  in  Texas  Houston  again 
married,  and  at  his  death  left  a  widow  and  seven 
children,  the  eldest  of  whom  had  not  yet  attained  the 
age  of  majority." 

On    November  5,   1863,  Pendleton  Murrah,"  the 

^'  In  his  last  public  speech,  delivered  March  18,  1863,  in  the  city  of  Hous- 
ton, in  Thrall,  567. 

^*  Lester's  Houston  and  his  Rep,y  passim;  ThraU,  400,  555-68;  Baker's  TVsc, 
255-7;  Linn*s  Hemmis.,  258,  272-7;  Green's  Jiepfy,  passim;  Kennedy,  ii.  15d-60; 
Harper's  Mag.,  xzxii  630-5;  The  Century,  Aus.  1884;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Apr.  11, 
186^Bap.;  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  119-25;  Cdrdovojs  Tex,,  178-9. 

^  Mnrrah  was  a  native  of  South  Carolina,  a  lawver  by  profession.  In 
early  life  he  went  to  Alabama,  wheDce  he  migrated  to  Texas,  settling  in 
Hist.  Hex.  States,  Vol.  II.   80 


466  PROGRESS  AKD  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

ffovemor  elect,  was  inaugnrated,  Fletcher  S.  Stock- 
dale  being  lieutenant-governor." 

After  the  failure  of  the  expedition  against  Sabine 
city,  General  Banks  determined  upon  another  to  get 
possession  of  the  Texan  ports,  break  up  the  trade 
that  was  being  carried  on  with  Mexico  through 
Brownsville  and  Matamoros,  and  put  a  stop  to  the 
evasion  of  the  blockade  by  vessels  sailing  to  and  from 
the  Rio  Grande.  Being  the  boundary  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico,  this  river  was  open  to  the 
navigation  of  both  countries  and  could  not  be  block- 
aded. Numerous  schemes  were  projected  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  facilities  thus  offered,  and  under  the 
disguise  of  neutral  trade,  Matamoros  had  become  a 
great  commercial  mart  for  the  Texans  and  European 
speculators." 

Late  in  October,  1863,  Banks,  supported  by  a 
naval  squadron  under  Commander  Strong,  sailed  with 
6,000  troops  from  New  Orleans  for  the  Kio  Grande, 
the  immediate  command,  however,  being  given  to 
General  Napoleon  Dana.  On  November  2d  the 
soldiers  were  landed  at  Brazos  Santiago,  and  Browns- 
ville was  taken  possession  of  on  the  6th.  The  occu- 
pation of  Corpus  Christi,  of  the  confederate  works 
at  Aransas  pass,  and  of  Cavallo  pass,  and  Fort  Esper- 
anza,  at  the  entrance  of  Matagorda  bay,  speedily  fol- 
lowed. By  the  end  of  December,  Indianola  and  the 
Matagorda  peninsula  were  in  possession  of  the  federals, 
only  a  faint  show  of  resistance  being  made  by  the 
Texans,  who  withdrew  from  the  coast  defences  west 
of  the  Colorado.  At  the  beginnmg  of  1864  the  only 
places  on  the  gulf  coast  of  importance  that  remained 
in  their  possession  wero  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos 

HarriBon  County.  In  1857  lie  represented  that  comity  in  the  state  legisla- 
ture. On  the  surrender  of  the  confederate  armies  in  1865,  Mnrrah  left  the 
country  and  sought  refuge  in  Mexico.  He  died  in  Monterey  in  Jniy  ctf  the 
same  year.  ThraO,  408,  696. 

"The  votes  polled  for  governor  were:  for  Murrah,  17,511;  T.  J,  Cliani- 
bers  12,455;  scattering  1 ,070— making  a  total  of  31,036. 

^^  Report  of  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  Dec.  7,  1863.  CT.  8.  H.  JDoc, 
oong.  38,  8688.  1,  no.  1,  p.  viii. 


f  ACTION  OF  TEXANS.  m 

and  Galveston  island,  both  of  which  were  too  strongly 
defended  to  admit  of  the  enemy  making  any  attempt 
against  them.  The  occupation  of  Brownsville  effect- 
ually stopped  the  extensive  trade  carried  on  by  the 
Texans  through  Matamoras,  and  on  February  18th, 
President  Lincoln,  by  proclamation,  relaxed,  condi- 
tionally, the  blockade  of  that  port.  This  possession 
of  the  forts  of  Texas  was  of  short  duration.  After  a 
few  months'  occupation  the  military  forces  were  with- 
drawn, with  the  exception  of  a  detachment  left  at 
Brazos  Santii^o,  and  the  duty  of  guarding  that  coast 
henceforth  devolved  upon  the  navy,  which  succeeded 
in  capturing  several  confederate  vessels." 

Banks'  expedition  having  failed,  so  far  as  its  ulti- 
mate object,  the  repossession  of  Texas,  was  concerned, 
another  plan  was  formed  for  the  recovery  of  that 
state  by  an  invasion  on  the  north-east  by  the  line  of 
the  Red  river.  The  first  object  of  this  enterprise, 
which  was  conducted  by  generals  Banks  and  Steele, 
was  the  capture  of  Shreveport,  and  the  dispersion  of 
the  confederates  in  that  region,  which,  being  once 
accomplished,  would  open  the  road  into  Texas.  This 
undertaking  also  failed.  After  occupying  Alexandria, 
on  March  23d,  Banks  directed  his  march  toward 
Shreveport.  A  number  of  battles  were  fought,  and 
at  Sabine  Cross  Roads  the  federals  sustained  a  serious 
defeat,  which  their  subsequent  victories  at  Pleasant 
Grove  and  Pleasant  Hill  could  not  repair.  The  ad- 
vance of  the  national  army  was  effectually  checked. 
Banks  retreated  to  Alexandria,  and  Steele  to  Little 
Rock.  In  these  engi^ements  the  Texans  played  a 
prominent  part.  At  the  disastrous  battle  of  Pleas- 
ant Hill,  Sweitzer's  regiment  of  Texas  cavalry,  about 
400  strong,  in  making  a  desperate  charge  upon  the 
enemy's  line,  was  almost  annihilated/* 

V  Report  of  sec.  of  the  navy,  Dec  6,  1864,  in  Af.,  cong.  38,  sess.  2,  vi., 
no.  1,  m>.  Yi-Tii  480-7,  489-90,  498-9,  608-9;  Loering,  iii.  223-4. 

1*  '  lie  was  met  by  one  of  the  meet  destructive  fires  known  in  the  annals  of 
Of  his  regiment,  not  more  than  ten  escaped  death  or  wounds.  *    An  eye 
I  Mkid  that  the  federal  infantry  retained  their  fire  till  the  cavalryr  were 


468  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

In  September,  Brownsville  was  captured  by  her  old 
enemy,  Cortina,  under  somewhat  peculiar  circum- 
stances. A  French  force  about  5,000  strong  took 
possession  of  Bagdad,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
with  the  object  of  capturing  Matamoros,  where  C5or- 
tlna  was  then  in  command.  Brownsville  wa«  occupied 
by  Colonel  Ford  with  a  considerable  force  of  Texan 
cavalry,  and  Brazos  Santiago  was  still  held  by  the 
federals.  On  the  6th,  the  French  force  began  to 
move  up  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  and  their  ad- 
vance became  engaged  with  Cortina,  who  had  inarched 
with  3,000  Mexicans  and  16  pieces  of  artillery  from 
Matamoros  to  meet  them.  There  seems  to  have  been 
some  understanding  between  Ford  and  the  French 
commander;  for  during  the  engagement,  the  former 
appeared  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  with  a 
large  herd  of  cattle  for  the  use  of  the  invading  army, 
and  immediately  crossing  the  river  took  part  in  the 
conflict  by  attacking  Cortina's  rear.  The  Mexican 
commander,  however,  succeeded  in  both  repulsing 
Ford  and  driving  back  the  French,  who  retreated  to 
Bagdad.  Cortina  now  turned  his  attention  to  Ford. 
On  the  9th,  he  passed  over  his  whole  force,  with  the 
artillery,  drove  the  Texans  from  Brownsville,  and 
took  possession  of  the  town  for  the  United  State& 
The  federal  flag  was  hoisted,  the  commander  at  Brazos 
Santiago  was  mformed  of  the  event,  and  the  town 
placed  at  his  disposal." 

Governor  Murrah  did  not  find  his  position  a  sine- 
cure. It  was  fraught  with  anxiety  and  care,  trouble 
and  annoyances,  while  the  salary  attached  to  it  was 
paid  in  a  currency  which  was  only  worth  from  three 
to  four  cents  on  the  dollar.     The   functions  of  the 

within  forty  yards,  and  then  the  14th  Iowa  emptied  nearly  eveiy  saddle  as 
quickly  as  though  the  order  had  been  given  to  dismoant.  Lomitig^  ili  261. 

'^  Vol  de  Mef.,  Sept.  22,  18<>4.  The  accounts  of  this  afiair  are  somewhat 
confusing,  but  agree  in  the  above  main  particulars.  It  does  not  appear  that 
the  officer  in  command  at  Brazos  Santukffo  nent  troops  to  the  mainland  to 
occupy  Brownsville.    Nor  is  it  likely  that  ne  oould  do  so  with  his  smaU  forca. 


MUmiAH'S  ADMINISTRATION.  409 

tliree  branches  of  government  were  usurped.  Mili- 
tary orders  and  congressional  acts  set  aside  state  laws, 
and  denuded  him  of  his  authority  as  the  executive. 
As  he  was  a  firm  believer  in  state  rights  and  state 
sovereignty,  he  was  soon  involved  in  a  labyrinth  of 
difficulties.  In  the  hope  that  some  means  might  be 
devised  to  mitigate  financial  perplexities,  harmonize 
conflicting  interests,  and  promote  cooperation  between 
the  state  and  the  confederacy  in  the  protection  of  in- 
dustrial enterprises,  the  success  of  which  would  be  of 
equal  benefit  to  both,  he  convened  the  legislature  to 
meet  in  extra  session  on  May  11,  1864. 

From  his  message  of  that  date,  a  clear  perception 
of  the  condition  of  Texas  can  be  gained.  In  the  pre- 
ceding regular  session,  the  legislature,  for  the  purpose 
of  sustaining  the  confederate  currency,  had  made  all 
appropriations  in  it,  and  authorized  all  taxes  as  well 
as  state  obligations  to  be  paid  therewith.  The  state 
government  had  discontinued  the  issue  of  treasury 
warrants  to  prevent  them  from  being  paid  out  in  con- 
nection with  confederate  notes,  and  at  the  same  de- 
preciated rates.  But  the  congress  of  the  southern 
states  had  recognized  the  fact  that  the  confederate 
currency  was  almost  worthless,  and  had  provided  for 
its  withdrawal  from  circulation.  As  a  large  accumu- 
lation of  the  worthless  paper  already  existed  in  the 
state  treasury,  the  future  financial  policy  of  Texas  was 
a  question  of  the  gravest  importance.  The  state  could 
not  afford  to  hold  such  currency  and  fund  it  in  bonds, 
and  the  possibility  of  its  being  exchanged  for  the  new 
issue  was  a  matter  that  demanded  immediate  inquiry. 
Moreover,  a  revolution  had  taken  place  in  the  views 
of  the  general  government  and  of  the  people.  Specie 
was  being  recognized  as  the  standard  by  which  to  de- 
termine the  value  of  confederate  paper  money.  From 
Richmond  to  San  Antonio,  the  currency  was  treated 
as  depreciated  in  every-day  transactions,  and  the 
question  arose  whether  Texas  alone  should  continue 
to  receive  it  at  par  with  specie.     While  sustaining  as 


470  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

far  as  possible  the  confederate  currency  by  making  all 
reasonable  sacrifices,  nevertheless  it  was  an  object  of 
the  deepest  importance  to  maintain  the  credit  of  the 
state.  The  resources  and  isolated  position  of  Texas 
would  enable  her  to  carry  a  very  large  debt,  and  the 
preservation  of  her  credit  was  important  to  the  whole 
trans-Mississippi  department.  The  regular  payment 
of  the  interest  on  outstanding  bonds  ought  to  be  made, 
and  this  could  be  done,  provided  that  the  state  was 
unembarrassed,  by  the  judicious  purchase  and  sale  of 
cotton. 

The  governor  suggested  that  the  collection  of  taxes 
under  the  existing  regulation  should  be  arrested 
They  might  be  ccnlected,  he  said,  in  state  treasury 
warrants,  coupons  of  state  bonds  at  par,  specie,  and 
confederate  currency  at  the  market  value.  Treasuiy 
warrants  could  be  substituted  for  the  coupons  as  they 
were  paid  into  the  treasury,  and  provision  made  for 
funding  the  warrants  in  six  per  cent  bonds.  The  fact 
that  the  coupons  were  received  in  payment  of  taxes 
would  probably  increase  their  vcdue,  and  at  the  same 
time  diminish  the  cost  of  their  redemption  in  specie. 
The  legislature,  however,  either  through  inability,  or 
through  unwillingness  to  recognize  the  depreciation  of 
confederate  currency,  devised  no  plan  of  relief,  and  all 
it  did  was  to  provide  for  exchanging  its  bundles  of  old 
confederate  notes  for  the  new  issue. 

The  next  matter  which  Governor  Murrah  brought 
under  consideration  was  the  complication  which  had 
arisen  with  regard  to  conscription.  At  the  last  ses- 
sion provision  had  been  made  for  the  organization  of 
a  state  military  force  embracing  all  capable  of  bearing 
arms  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  forty-five 
vears  not  liable  to  confederate  service,  and  also  those 
between  the  ages  of  forty-five  and  fifty.  This  organi- 
zation was  never  completed,  and  became  a  subject  of 
disagreement  between  the  executive  and  General 
Magruder,  the  military  chief  in  command  of  Texas. 
The  time  for  which  those  already  in  the  service  had 


STATE  TROOPS.  471 

been  drafted  had  not  yet  expired,  and  February  20, 
1864,  was  mutually  agreed  upon  between  Murrah  and 
Magruder  as  the  day  for  the  reorganization;  the  gov- 
ernor issued,  January  23d,  an  order  continuing  those 
troops  in  service,  and  announcing  to  them  that  Feb- 
ruary 20th  had  been  appointed  as  the  day  for  their 
reorganization.  This  caused  great  discontent,  and 
many  of  them  left  their  posts;  Mi^ruder  began  to 
act  independently,  in  face  of  the  govemor*s  orders, 
and  an  effort  was  made  to  enroll  into  the  confederate 
army  state  soldiers  between  eighteen  and  forty-five 
years  of  age  whose  terms  of  service  had  not  yet  ex- 
pired. The  men  enrolled  in  the  state  service  had  not 
been  given  to  understand  that,  when  their  term 
expired,  they  were  liable  to  conscription  into  the  con- 
federate jmny,  and  were  consequently  refractory. 
However,  the  governor  and  general  came  to  an  ar- 
rangement by  which  it  was  agreed  that  all  state  troops 
should  be  permitted  at  their  option  to  form  new  or- 
ganizations to  serve  for  the  war  in  the  confederate 
army,  and  elect  their  own  oflBcers,  or  join  existing 
organizations  in  that  service;  and  that  all  who  did 
not  join  either  should  be  reorganized  on  February  20th 
as  state  troops,  under  the  late  state  law.  An  order 
to  this  effect  was  issued  February  4th,  with  the  noti- 
fication that  all  men  liable  to  conscription  would  be 
allowed  to  remain  in  the  state  troops  for  the  period 
of  six  months,  at  the  expiration  of  which  they  would 
be  transferred  to  the  confederate  service. 

This  difficulty  was  thus  satisfactorily  overcome; 
the  state  troops  and  conscripts  rendezvoused  at  the 
headquarters  of  the  respective  military  districts,  and 
the  reorganization  of  the  companies  was  effected.  But 
in  the  mean  time,  another  and  far  more  serious  matter 
of  dispute  arose.  The  confederate  congress  had  re- 
cently passed  a  new  and  sweeping  act  of  conscription, 
and  on  its  publication  in  Houston,  about  the  middle 
of  March,  General  Magruder  refused  to  receive  the 
newly  organized  state  troops  as  state  troops,  although 


472  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

tendered  to  him,  expressing  his  determination  to  rely 
solely  upon  the  congressional  law  for  troops.  It  will 
be  observed  that  the  position  assumed  by  Magruder 
involved  the  assumption  that  the  laws  of  congress 
annulled  state  laws,  and  that  confederate  military 
officers  had  authority  to  break  up  an  organization 
formed  under  an  enactment  of  the  legislature.  Grov- 
emor  Murrah  opposed  any  such  views,  and  insisted 
that  the  Texans  should  go  to  the  field  i^  state  troops 
until  the  legislature  should  meet  and  dispose  of  the 
embarrassing  question.  Magruder,  however,  was 
unyielding,  and  the  governor  considered  himself  under 
the  necessity  of  disbanding  the  state  troops,  and  by 
proclamation  of  April  12th  called  upon  all  tiiose  liable 
to  conscription  under  the  recent  act  of  congress  to 
volunteer,  and  organize  in  conformity  with  the  con- 
federate law,  but  as  to  ordering  them  to  do  so,  he  had, 
as  he  said,  no  authority.  Thus,  the  state  was  without 
any  miUtary  force,  and  this  at  a  time  when  the  enemy 
was  threatening  Texas  on  the  north  and  northeastern 
frontier;  the  coast  defenders  had  been  mostly  with- 
drawn to  meet  the  foe  in  Louisiana ;  in  no  county  was 
there  a  sufficient  police  force  that  could  efficiently  con- 
trol the  slave  population,  and  prevent  them  from  be- 
ing tampered  with,  while  in  many  portions  of  the 
country  murders,  robberies,  and  outrages  were  being 
daily  committed.  Under  these  circumstances,  the 
governor  was  of  opinion  that  minute  companies  should 
be  thoroughly  organized  in  the  counties  of  all  men 
between  the  ages  of  fifty  and  sixty  years,  and  those 
exempt  from  service  under  the  laws  of  the  confederate 
congress.  This  system  would  supply  an  efficient  po- 
lice force,  strengthen  the  local  organization  for  the 
defence  of  the  state,  and  retain  a  reserve  of  laborers 
that  could  give  time  and  attention  to  domestic  in- 
terests. 

The  governor  then  calls  attention  to  the  "fearful 
demoralization  and  crimes  prevailing  throughout  the 
state."     The  picture  which  he  draws  of  the  social  con- 


SOCIAL  CONDITION.  478 

dition  of  Texas  during  this  period  is  truly  frightful. 
Let  his  own  words  sp^ak:  "In  some  sections,  society 
is  almost  disorganized ;  the  voice  of  the  law  is  hushed, 
and  its  authority  seldom  asserted.     It  is  a  dead  letter 
— an  unhonored  thing  upon  the  unread  pages  of  the 
statutes.     Murder,  robbery,  theft,  outrages  of  every 
kind   against   property,  against  human  life,  i^ainst 
everything  sacred  to  a  civilized  people,  are  frequent 
and  general.     Whole  communities  are  under  a  reign 
of  terror,  and  they  utter  their  dreadful  apprehensions 
and  their  agonizing  cries  of  distress  in  vain.     The  rule 
of  the  mob,  the  bandit,  of  unbridled  passions,  rides 
over  the  solemn  ordinances  of  the  government.     Foul 
crime  is  committed,  and  the  criminal,  steeped  in  guUt, 
and  branded  by  his  own  dark  deeds  with  eternal  in- 
famy, goes  unwhipped  of  justice.     Not  even  a  warrant 
is  issued  for  him — no  effort  made  by  the  sworn  offi- 
cers of  the  law,  or  by  the  community,  to  bring  him 
to  punishment      Too  often  the  deed  is  excused;  the 
community  is  divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  guilt,  and 
the  criminal  is  screened  from  justice,  imless  his  offend- 
ing chances  to  touch  some  particular  influence  or  pre- 
vailing notions,  and  then,  without  trial,  and  without 
the  forms  of  law,  he  is  hung  by  a  mob.""     This  really 
worthy  governor  then  remarks  that  the  law  was  not 
at  fault,  and  that  if  the  officers  and  people  would 
earnestly  cooperate  to  root  out  these  evils,  the  law 
would  again  become  the  "harmony  of  society,  and  se- 
cure it  against  this  fearful  confusion,  and  these  fearful 
dangers."     He  exhorts   the  judiciary  and  all   other 
officers  to  faithfully  discharge  their  duties,  and  boldly 
declares  that  the  severest  penalties  should  be  provided 
for  the  civil  officer  who  neglected  his  sworn  obligations. 
In  spite  of  this  lamentable  condition  of  Texas  in  a 
social  point  of  view,  her  industrial  prospects  were  far 
from  unfavorable.     Numbers  of  refugees  from  Louisi- 
ana, Arkansas,  and  Missouri,  after  the  abolition  of 

2^  Message  of  Gov.  P.  Murrah  to  the  extra  session,  May  11,  1864,  no.  2, 
p.  14,  in  Tex.  CoL  Doc,  no.  2. 


474  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

slavery,  sought  an  asylum  in  Texas,  which  that  law 
failed  to  reach,  bringing  with  them  their  slaves.  The 
consequence  was  that  the  year  1863  was  marked  by 
an  unprecedented  production  of  cotton  and  com. 
Looms  were  supplied  in  ample  abundance,  great 
quantities  of  cloth  were  manufactured,  and  industrial 
enterprises  undertaken  on  an  extensive  scale.  Capital 
was  employed  by  associations  and  chartered  companies 
for  the  manufacture  of  iron  and  other  articles  for  home 
consumption  and  the  use  of  the  army,  and  machinery 
for  manufacturing  purposes  were  introduced.  But  the 
producers  were  called  upon  to  make  sacrifices  so  great 
that  their  patience  became  exhausted.  The  demand 
for  cotton,  both  by  confederate  officers  and  the  state 
military  board,  was  imperative,  and  the  planter  was 
called  upon  to  sell  one  half  of  his  staple  for  state 
bonds  bearing  seven  per  centum  interest.  Means  of 
transportation  to  the  Rio  Grande  were  scarce  and  ex- 
pensive, and  it  was  generaUy  conceded  that  the  cost 
of  transferring  cotton  thither  from  any  distance  in  the 
interior  was  equal  to  one  half  of  its  value,  losses  and 
wastage  being  considered."  Moreover,  serious  embar- 
rassments occurred  between  the  confederate  ajid  state 
authorities,  and  cotton  transported  under  the  state 
regulations  was  interfered  with  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
Horses  and  mules  were  impressed  for  the  use  of  the 
army,  and  all  surplus  com  was  appropriated.  A 
gloomy  sentiment  began  to  prevail.  Many  terrible 
battles  had  been  fought,  and  it  was  felt  that  the  end 
was  drawing  near. 

The  latter  part  of  1864  was  disastrous  to  the  con- 
federate arms,  and  during  the  first  six  months  of  the 
following  year  the  catastrophe  came.  After  the  sur- 
render of  generals   Lee,  Johnston,  and   Taylor,  in 

"  The  system  adopted  by  Gov.  Murrah  was  as  f ollowa:  The  vendor  tnoa- 
ported  his  cotton  to  the  Rio  Grande  at  his  own  expense  and  risk.  One  half 
of  it  he  retained  for  his  own  use,  and  for  the  other  half  he  received  state 
bonds  at  its  specie  value.  He  had,  moreover,  to  pay  the  tithe  impoeed  by 
the  confederate  congress,  and  the  export  daty.  Chv.  Murrah*s  Mes,^  16^  na 
2,  in  Tex.  Col  Doc,,  no.  2. 


THE  LAST  SHOT.  475 

April  and  early  in  May,  a  battle  was  fought  in  Texas, 
where  the  struggle  was  still  prolonged.  General 
Xirby  Smith  addressed,  April  21,  a  proclamation  to 
his  soldiers.  "You  possess  the  means,**  he  said,  "of 
long  resistance.  Protract  the  struggle,  and  you  will 
surely  receive  the  aid  of  nations  who  already  deeply 
sjTnpathize  with  you."  In  Texas  public  meetings  were  . 
held  and  resolutions  adopted  to  continue  the  war.  A 
large  federal  force  was  set  in  motion  against  Texas  under 
Sheridan;  but  on  May  26th  Kirby  Smith  surrendered 
his  command  to  General  Canby,  before  the  unionists 
had  reached  their  destination." 

Meantime  on  May  13th,  the  engagement  above 
alluded  to,  the  last  in  the  war,  was  fought  near  the 
old  battle-field  of  Palo  Alto,  the  scene  of  Taylor's  vic- 
tory over  Arista.  The  confederates  were  stationed  at 
Palmetto,  and  Colonel  Theodore  H.  Barrett  who  was 
in  command  at  Brazos  Santiago,  sent  on  the  11th 
300  men  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bronson  to  attack 
them.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  12th  Bronson 
assaulted  the  enemy's  camp,  drove  him  from  it,  and 
captured  a  number  of  horses  and  cattle.  He  then 
fell  back,  and  on  the  13th  was  joined  by  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Morrison  with  200  men.  The  confed- 
erates had  again  assembled  at  Palmetto  rancho  in 
force,  and  were  commanded  by  General  J.  E.  Slaugh- 
ter. Colonel  Barrett  now  took  command  of  the  fed- 
eral force  in  person,  and  advanced  against  the  foe, 
who  was  again  driven  from  his  position.  About  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  however,  the  federals  were 
assailed  in  front  by  a  strong  body  of  infantry  with 
six  12-pounders,  while  a  squadron  of  cavalry  suc- 
ceeded, under  cover  of  the  chaparral,  in  flanking 
them.  Barrett's  position  was  critical,  and  retreat  was 
his  only  alternative.  For  three  hours  a  running  fight 
was  maintained  without  the  confederates  being  able 
to  break  the  federal  line,  and  at  sunset  they  retired.** 

** Report  of  the  sec.  of  war,  in  Me«3.  and  Doc.,  Abridfj,,  cong.  39,  sess.  1, 
702-3.  Oenerala  Magruder  and  Smith  snrrendered  formally  the  Trans- 
Miasissippi  department  on  May  6th.  TliraU,  407. 


476  PROGRESS  Am>  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

The  last  shot  in  the  great  civil  war  had  been  fired. 

**  Col  Barrett  reported  his  loss  in  this  expedition  to  be  four  officers  and 
111  men  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing.  Losring,  iii.  >79-80. 

The  reader  will  find  in  the  following  a  more  extended  list  of  authorities 
consulted.  Those  having  an  official  character  are:  U.  8.  Laws;  U.  8.  SUA- 
vUs;  Cong.  Globe,;  8 en.  Ex,  Does.;  8en.  Jour.;  8en,  MieceL  Does,;  H,  Jmr.: 
H.  Ex.  Docs.;  H.  Mkcel  Docs.;  H.  Com.  Rep.;  Census  Reps.;  Mess,  and  Docg^; 
Acts  and  Res.;  Ind,  Affair  Rep.;  Sec.  Int.  Reps.;  Charters  and  ConstUutionf; 
8ec.  War  Reps.;  to  the  indices  of  which  reference  is  made  for  Texan  affiurs 
during  the  period.  Texas  state  documents  are  State  Ooz.;  LegisL  Jour^t.; 
Houston s  Mess,  on  8,  C.  Resolutions;  Id.,  on  Secession;  Mess.  Govs.;  Tax  LaxOf 
Constitution;  ComptroUer's  Rms,;  Penal  Code;  Land  Office  Reps;  Adjt-Gen. 
Reps.;  Code  Crim.  Proced.;  jHep.  Com.  Pub.  Sqfety;  Tex,  vs  Mameff,  fc  pp.; 
Tex.  vs  Cooper,  190  pp.;  Tex,  vs  Newcomb,  102  pp.;  Tex.  vs  ScoU^  179 pp; 
Houston  City  Charter,  1871,  140  pp.;  TkrockmcrUnCs  Final  Rep,;  Oahesttm; 
Act  to  Incorp.,  1876,  44  pp.  The  following  are  works  of  a  non-official  char- 
acter. C6rdowCs  Tex.,  passim;  Jenkin's  Mex,  War;  Id.,  lAfe  cf  Polk^  263-3S6; 
Tex.  Almanac,  1857-61, 1868,  see  indices;  Kennedy^e  Tex,;  Lossings  Civ.  War, 
i.  61^-273;  iii  221-4,  251-69,  679-^;  Houstoti's  Tex.,  I  255-314;  ii  88-258; 
Id.,  Life  of,  17-402;  HoOey's  Tex.,  125-50;  U.  8.  Repub,,  62-269;  Petermmt 
Mil  Heroes,  il  29-80;  Henry's  Campaign  Sketches,  75-115;  Murrey's  HtsL  U. 
8.,  468-99;  Montgomery's  Life  of  Taylor,  60-373;  Olmsteaifs  Journey,  42, 
463-516;  Pattons  HisL  U,  8.,  691-704,  Porter's  Rev.  rf  Mex.  War,  62-79; 
Ramsey's  Other  Side,  24r^7;  MorjCs  HisL  Tex.,  passim;  ThralCs  Tex.,  pasim; 
RipUy^s  War  Mex.,  16-29,  100-2;  Taylor  and  his  Staff,  23-56;  FuHier's  Ydtsn- 
teers,  120-87,  241-6;  Jones'  Repub.  of  Mex.,  23-648;  WiUson's  Amer.  Hid., 
619-68,  Mialiard's  Tex.,  passim;  Harrison's  Battle  Fields,  339-46;  lAoermms 
War  vM  Mex.,  187-200;  Prairiedom,  19-166;  Tluyrpe's  Army  on  Rio  Grande, 
73-111;  Mayer's  Mex.  AzL,  I  330-9;  Id.,  Mex.  War,  87-149;  -fifes'  Reg.,  see 
indices  during  the  period;  Harper's  Monthly  Mag.,  xxvi,  557;  xxxii,  6^>-o; 
Jay's  Mex.  War,  121-43;  Lhu^s  Reminis.,  348^54;  McCaffs  Letters,  429-56: 
Mansfield's  Mex.  War,  19-43;  Hunt's  Address  to  the  People  qf  Tex.,  1-83;  Id., 
MercL  Mag.,  vols.  xix.  to  xL,  see  indices;  Putnam's  Mag.,  iii.  170-80, 253-60, 
365-78;  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  iv.  200^1;  v.  64-^5;  Lond.  Oeoj. 
Soc.  Jour.,  xiiL  199-226;  Moore's  Descrip.  Tex.,  8-14,  38-41;  Young's  Hid. 
Mex.,  289L-91,  341-58,  380,  436;  Taylor's  Rough  and  Ready  Aim.,  7-20;  C^Vi, 
Battles  of,  17-30;  Domenech's  Miss.  Advent.,  8-243;  Id.,  HisL  du  Mex.,  207-10; 
DistumeWs  U.  8.  Reg.,  1861-2,  61-4,  83;  De  Bow's  Rev.,  xiiL  63-6;  xtL 
473-6;  xviL  168-9;  xix.  157-8,  201-5,  678-^7;  North's  Five  Tears  m  Tec, 
92-154;  Cremony's  Life  among  Apaches,  13-d4;  Kendall's  Narr.  of  Tex.  and 
Santa  F6  Exped.,  I  13-173;  Dewees'  Letters  from  Tex.,  148-52,  247-^1,  298- 
303;  Edward's  Tex.,  41-53;  Foumel,  Comp.  D'OeU,  23-57;  Dodge's  Plains  Gi 
West,  48-52,  131,  152,  391-4,  403-4;  HowarcTs  Spee^  U.  8.  H.  Rep,,  June 
II,  1850;  Fru's  Life  qf  Taylor,  97-195;  MeCabe's  Comp.  View,  158-9,  763; 
DOrbiffny,  HisL  Gen.  des  Voy.,  iiL  358-62;  Mason's  Speech  U.  8.  Sen.,  May 
27,  1850;  Fisher  and  Colby's  Amer.  State  Annual,  1854,  394-9;  Lester's  H<m*- 
ton  afid  his  Repub.,  155-85;  Gouge's  Fiscal  HisL  Tex.,  passim:  Frosts  Mfx. 
War,  10-24,  51-4;  Id.,  Pict.  HisL  Mex.,  194-253,  467;  Guerra  entre  Mex.  y 
Eitad.  Unid.,  31-46;  Tejas  DicL  de  la  Comis.;  CuU's  Conquest  Ccd.  ondN.  Ma.; 
Democratic  Rev.,  xvL  419-28;  Gratton's  Civ.  Amer.,  ii.  269-78;  Parker^s  Nok^; 
Semmes'  Service  Afloat,  62-74;  Ross'  Tex.  Brigade,  Louisville,  1881,  185  pp.; 
Rodenhotigh's  Sd  Dragoons,  102-13,  514-16;  Graham's  Mag.,  xlviL,  369-70; 
xlviii.  174;  Gallatin's  Peace  mtfi  Mex.,  15-23;  Barby,  Tex.,  10-13;  Fnxnuut 
Speech  in  Cong.,  Aug.  13,  1850;  Robertsons  Reminis.  Camp  in  Mex.,  49-55; 
Pap.  Var.,  99,  no.  2,  20;  106,  no,  7;  107,  no.  2,  10;  167,  no.  10;  173,  no.  19; 
FiUsola,  Rep.  al  Sup.  Gob,,  no.  iii.,  16-21;  Id.,  HisL  Guerra  Tex.,  iu  232-9; 
T/iompson's  RecoL  Mex.,  70-3;  FroebeVs  Cent.  Amer.,  424-7,  442-50;  Motqmto 
Kuste  und  Tex.,  39-65;  Monette's  Vol  qf  the  Miss.,  ii  579-95;  Tex.  But. 


AUTHORITIES.  477 

IHnc,  1878-9, 279-89;  Tex.  UU.  Comunic,  3-22;  BatmeWs  Top.  Deanip,  Tex,, 
7-122;  Rusk's  Speech,  1-14;  Rivera,  HieL  Jakipa,  iiL  615-16;  Bwrhe'e  Tex. 
Abn.,  1878,  1882,  154;  SmUh,  Notice  wr  laOeog.  du  Tex,,  Paris,  24  pp.; 
Peeler  and  Mcaxy  HisL  Mercer  Colony,  104-6;  P^ia  y  Pena,  Comunk.  CusL 
Tex.,  44  pp.;  Mex,  War;  Compete  HitL,  19-27;  Misskm.  Life  in  the  19th  Cen- 
tftry,  20&-16 ;  CorbeWs  Leg.  Manual,  282;  Oleasoris  Hist.  Caih.  Church,  ii. 
158;  Benton's  .Deb.  m  Cong.,  xvi.  590;  Morels  Army  Life,  170;  McClean's 
Speech  in  Cong.,  June  5,  1850;  MoOumsen,  Tagebuch,  104-71;  Har(f(mV8  Tex., 
State  Reg.,  1876-9,  see  indices;  Rocks*  S.  W.  Tex.,  21-37,  242,  249,  260-1; 
Sleeper  and  Hutchins*  Waco,  Waco,  1876,  171,  pp.;  Merrick  a$idl>urant's  Mem., 
Anstin,  1879,  57  pp.;  Mercantile  Agency  -<4n.,  1871,  136-7;  Tex.  and  her  Capo- 
biSties,  15-16;  Maxey's  Speech  Ind.  Affairs,  Wash.  1876,  15  pp.  Nuinoroas 
Mexican  and  American  newspapers  have  been  examined. 


CHAPTER   XVIIL 

THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 
1805-1870. 

GOTERNOR  HaMILTON^ThB  QUESTION  OT  FrEEBMEN  S  RiOBT»— XiAWUBaSfESS 

IN  Texas — Emancipation  of  Slavery  Declared  in  Texas — ^Its  Erwtce 
— ^The  State  CJonvention — ^Throckmorton  Elected  Oovebnor^A 
Bold  Message — ^Laws  Passed  bt  the  Legislature — ^DiaooBB  vstwkes 
President  Johnson  and  Congress — A  Rigorous  Act— Texas  ukdse 
MiUTART  Rule— Judicial  Districts — Throckmorton's  Difficclties 
AND  Removal — His  Views  on  the  Position — Pease  Appointed  Gov- 
ernor— Changes  of  Milttart  Commanders — ^Reoibtbatiok  Queshoks 
— ^The  Reconstruction  Convention — DiSAORESMENra — ^The  General 

ELBCnON'*-AMSND£D  CONSTTTUTION  RaTEPIED— DoiNQB  OF  THE  LSGCh 
LATURE. 

After  the  formal  surrender  of  Smith  and  Magruder, 
Governor  Murrah  retired  to  Mexico,  and  on  June  19 
1865,  General  Granger,  of  the  United  States  army, 
assumed  temporan^  command.  On  the  I7tli  of  that 
month  President  Johnson,  in  pursuance  of  his  plan  of 
reconstruction,  appointed  Andrew  J.  Hamilton  *  pro- 
visional governor  of  Texas.  As  a  preliminary  step  to 
the  reorganization  of  the  subdued  states,  the  president 
had  removed,  on  April  29th,  certain  commercial  re- 
strictions, and  on  May  29th  issued  a  proclamation 
granting  an  amnesty,  with  certain  exceptions,  to 
persons  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  rebellion,  on 
condition  of  their  taking  an  oath  of  aUegiance. 

The  provisional  governor  arrived  at  Galveston  at 
the  end  of  July.     He  was  clothed  with  the  power  to 

^  Hamilton  was  a  native  of  Alabama,  and  came  to  Texas  in  1846.    Was 
attorney-general  in  1849,  and  later  a  member  of  the  state  legislataie.    In 
1859  he  was  elected  to  conffress,  where  he  opposed  secession.     Daiing  ^ 
war  he  left  Texas.     He  died  at  Austin  in  Apnl  1875.  ThraO,  5^-50. 
(478) 


PROVISIONAL  GOVERNOR  479 

reorganize  the  state  government,  assemble  a  conven- 
tion of  citizens  who  had  taken  the  amnesty  oath,  and 
provide  for  the  election  of  representatives  to  the  na- 
tional congress.  Accordingly  boards  of  registration 
were  established  in  the  different  counties,  with  au- 
thority to  administer  the  oath,  and  register  all 
persons  who,  from  their  loyalty  to  the  United  States, 
would  be  allowed  to  vote.  State,  district,  and  county 
officers  were  appointed,  and  under  the  circumstances, 
Governor  Hamilton  gave  general  satisfaction.  But 
confederate  principles  and  hopes  were  as  yet  far  from 
dead  in  Texas,  and  the  anti-union  portion  of  the  com- 
munity began  to  grow  anxious  as  they  watched  the 
action  of  the  president.  It  was  soon  feared  that 
Hamilton  was  more  an  agent  of  Johnson  than  the 
real  governor  of  Texas,  and  that  the  easy  manner  in 
which  confederates,  known  to  be  still  hostile  to  the 
union,  were  registered  as  voters,  would  enable  such  to 
control  the  state. 

The  all-absorbing  question  was  the  future  condition 
of  the  freedmen.  Were  they  to  enjoy  the  rights  of 
citizenship,  and  the  elective  franchise,  or  to  be  re- 
garded merely  as  aliens?  On  January  31,  1865,  the 
house  of  representatives  had  adopted  the  thirteenth 
amendment  of  the  national  constitution,*  which  had 
already  passed  the  senate  during  the  preceding  ses- 
sion, and  there  was  no  doubt  that  future  legislation 
would  be  directed  toward  securing  to  the  freedmen 
all  the  rights  of  citizenship. 

President  Johnson  displayed  a  leniency  toward  the 
subdued  confederates,  and  an  attitude  that  could  only 
be  regarded  as  fidendly  to  them  by  the  clear-sighted 
observer.     Profuse  with   his  pardons,'  many  promi- 

'The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  amendment: 
Section   1.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  pun- 
ishment for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall 
exist  wiUiin  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their  prisdiction. 

Section  2.  Congress  shaU  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appro- 
priate legislation. 

'Dnnnflrthe  yean  1865  and  1866  pardons  were  extended  to  over  600 
Texans  included  in  the  classes  of  exemption  under  the  amnesty  proclama- 
tion. H,  Com.  Repi,  cong.  40,  sess.  1,  no.  7,  1029-43. 


480  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

nent  and  influential  secessionists  were  placed  in  the 
same  rank  with  unionists ;  and  he  showed  an  inclina- 
tion hastily  to  secure  the  return  of  the  revolted 
states  into  the  union,  before  any  further  provision 
in  favor  of  the  freedmen's  franchise  could  be  made,  in 
order  that  their  pressure  might  be  felt  in  congress. 

With  regard  to  the  unionists  in  Texas  they  were 
placed  in  a  peculiar  position.  After  the  confederate 
troops  were  disbanded,  the  men  with  union  sympa- 
thies were  looked  upon  as  traitors  to  their  country,  and 
many  outrages  were  committed  by  disbanded  soldiers 
and  banditti.  Toward  the  union  troops  quartered  in 
the  towns  an  intense  hatred  was  felt  by  most  of  the 
citizens.  The  military  force  which  occupied  Texas 
was  not  adequate  to  suppress  the  lawlessness  which 
prevailed  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  and  it  was 
only  in  the  vicinity  of  the  garrisoned  towns  and  posts 
that  security  of  person  and  property  was  sustained. 
In  the  courts  justice  was  warped  to  favor  those 
who  had  fought  for  home  and  country  in  the  south.* 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war  there  were  about 
275,000  slaves  in  Texas,  and  during  its  prepress 
about  125,000  were  sent  thither  from  the  southern 
states  in  order  to  secure  them  from  the  federal  forces. 
Thus  at  the  close  of  the  war  there  was  a  slave  popu- 
lation of  400,000  in  the  country,  distributed  for  the 
most  part  on  ijfie  plantations  situated  on  the  Sabine, 
Neches,  Trinity,  Brazos,  and  Colorado  rivers.  As 
soon  as  General  Granger  took  military  possession  of 
Texas  he  proclaimed  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves, 
and  at  once  a  great  surging  movement  of  the  hitherto 
servile  population  took  place.  The  negroes  could  not 
fully  realize  that  they  possessed  their  freedom  with- 
out practical  proof  that  such  was   the  case.     They 

^Gen.  Custer  testified,  March  10,  1866,  before  the  '  Reconstmcticn  Com* 
mittee, '  thus:  '  Since  the  establishment  of  the  provisional  government  in  Texas 
the  grand  juries  throughout  the  state  have  found  upwards  of  500  indict- 
ments for  murder  against  disloyal  men,  and  yet  not  in  a  single  case  has 
there  been  a  conviction.'  Heport  Joint  Co.iu  Hecons.,  cong.  39,  sess.  1,  pt  iv. 
76. 


FREEDMEK.  481 

left  the  plantations  on  which  they  had  toiled  so  long 
and  roamed  in  crowds  from  place  to  place  in  asser- 
tion of  their  new  right;  they  flocked  to  the  freed- 
men's  bureau  *  for  registration ;  and  a  tide  of  black 
men  who  had  been  brought  into  Texas  during  the 
war,  set  in  toward  Lomsiana  in  search  of  their  old 
homes  to  which  they  were  anxious  to  return.  Dur- 
ing their  journey  they  met  with  much  suflTering.  A 
deep  bitterness  was  entertained  toward  them  by  their 
former  masters,  who  tried  to  constrain  them  to  remain 
on  the  plantations,  and  numbers  of  them  were  killed.* 

Nevertheless,  when  the  excitement  subsided,  they 
returned  to  work,  and  by  the  beginning  of  1866  it  be- 
gan to  be  seen  that  free  labor  would  soon  prove  a 
success  in  Texas.  The  plantation  owners  were  com- 
pelled to  yield  to  necessity,  and  offered  them  terms 
which  promised  to  ensure  steady  labor.  ^ 

As  regards  the  disposition  of  Texas  toward  the 
union,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  feeling  was  less  bitter 
here  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  confederacy.  A 
large  portion  of  the  population,  whose  voices  had 
been  hushed  during  the  long  struggle, were  still  union- 
ists at  heart;  the  Grerman  inhabitants,  estimated  at 
40,000,  had  ever  been  for  the  union,  and  no  small 
proportion  of  the  secessionists  themselves,  having 
fought  the  fight  and  lost,  were  ready  to  accept  their 
defeat  and  the  new  order  of  things.     The  refractory 

^  An  act  establishmg  a  bureau,  in  the  war  department,  for  the  relief  of 
freedmen  and  refugees  was  approved  March  3,  1865.  Cowj.  Olobe,  1864-6, 
ap.  141.  Branches  of  this  department  were  established  in  Austin  and  other 
places  in  Texas,  as  elsewhere  in  the  other  southern  states.  On  the  same 
day  an  act  to  incorporate  the  Freedmen's  Savings  and  Trust  Company  was 
approved. 

^Gov.  Hamilton  stated  that  he  had  information  of  the  dead  bodies  of 
freedmen  being  found  here  and  there  throughout  the  state — some  in  the  creeks, 
others  floating  down  streams,  others  by  the  roads — amounting  in  all  to  about 
260  np  to  the  middle  of  Jan.  1866.  Testimony  of  John  T.  Allen,  in  Report^ 
nt  sup.,  ptiv.,  88. 

^  W'ages  $20  a  month,  or  §  the  cotton  or  \  the  com  crops.  G.  W.  Little- 
field,  a  resident  of  Austin,  and  a  cotton  grower  under  both  the  slave  and 
free  systems  of  labor,  says:  'After  the  war  closed  we  used  the  same  labor 
on  the  plantations  by  paying  a  percentage  of  tiie  crop  raised.  Under  good 
nuLnagement  at  that  time  we  calculated  to  make  from  ^  to  ^  bale  of  cottoiL 
pt*r  acre.  Jiemarha,  Cattle  arui  Agric.,  MS.,  1-2. 
Hist.  Mkx.  Statkr,  Vol.  II.   81. 


482  THE  RBOONSTRUCrriON   PERIOD. 

spirit  manifested  during  the  days  which  succeeded 
the  occupation  of  Texas  by  the  victors  was  due,  in  a 
great  measure,  to  the  fact  that  her  territory  had  never 
been  made  the  seat  of  war.  The  people  could  not 
brook  the  restraint  which  was  now  imposed  upon 
them ;  while  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  conduct  of 
the  federal  officers  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties, 
especially  in  the  treasury  department,  afforded  just 
grounds  for  irritation  and  complaint.' 

On  January  8,  1866,  an  election  was  held  for  dele- 
gates to  a  state  convention  to  form  a  new  constitutiou. 
There  was  no  excitement,  and  little  interest  was 
shown.  Governor  Hamilton  in  his  message  to  the 
convention,  which  met  on  February  10th,  declared 
that  the  apathy  of  the  people  filled  him  with  deep 
concern,  and  stated  that  there  was  reason  to  believe 
that  less  than  half  the  voters  had  participated  in  the 
recent  election. 

Having  elected  J.  W.  Throckmorton  president,  and 
W.  L.  Chalmers  secretary,  the  convention  proceeded 
with  its  labors,  and  the  new  constitution  was  com- 
pleted by  April.  In  it  every  measure  that  was  de- 
manded as  a  prerequisite  for  readmission  into  the 
union  was  adopted.  The  abolition  of  slavery  was 
recognized,*  and  freedmen  were  allowed  the  right  to 
make  contracts;  to  sue  in  the  courts;  to  acquire  and 

^  It  was  a  commoiL  practice  of  the  agents  of  the  treasury  department  to 
seize  cotton  on  the  pretext  that  it  belonged  to  the  late  coid'ii'  ate  states: 
to  refuse  to  give  the  party  who  owned  the  cotton  a  paper  .^ignating  the 
weights  of  the  bales,  an  i  subsequently  return  the  claimant  the  same  num- 
ber of  bales  taken  from  him  after  abstracting  a  portion  of  the  cotton.  In 
other  cases  permits  to  ship  cotton  were  not  respected,  and  bribes  exacted 
before  it  was  allowed  to  l>e  shipped.  Again,  permits  were  often  refused, 
and  persons  employed  to  purchase  the  cotton  at  reduced  prices.  Such  con- 
duct afforded  a  pretext  for  sedition  and  turbulence.  Testimony  of  T.  J, 
Mackay,  May  18,  1866,  in  Id.,  167. 

•  *Art.  VIIL  African  slavery,  as  it  heretofore  existed,  having  been  ter- 
minated within  this  state  by  the  gov.  of  the  U.  S.  by  force  of  arms,  and  its 
reestablishment  being  prohibited  by  the  amendment  to  the  constitution  of 
the  U.  S.,  it  is  declarea  that  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  ex- 
cept as  a  punishment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con- 
victed shall  exist  in  this  state.  *  Copy  of  the  amended  constitution  will  be 
found  in  U.  S.  charters  and  constitutions  ii.,  1784-1801. 


GOVERNOR  THROCKMORTON.  483 

transmit  property;  and  to  testify  as  witnesses  in  civil 
and  criminal  cases.  The  convention,  moreover,  passed 
ordinances  declaring  the  act  of  secession  null ;  repu- 
diating the  war  debt  of  the  rebellion;  proclaiming 
the  permanency  of  the  union,  and  the  supremacy  of 
the  laws  of  the  United  States;  and  assuming  the 
direct  tax  levied  upon  the  state  by  the  United  States.*' 
The  amended  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  people 
and  ratified  June  25th."  On  the  same  day  the 
general  election  was  held,  and  J.  W.  Throckmorton" 
was  chosen  governor  and  G.  W.  Jones,  lieutenant- 
governor." 

On  August  18th,  Grovemor  Throckmorton,  having 
been  duly  inaugurated,  sent  in  his  first  regular  mes- 
sage. After  alluding  to  the  outrages  perpetrated  by 
lawless  characters  following  the  disbandment  of  the 
confederate  army,  and  congratulating  the  country 
upon  their  end,  he  supplies  the  legislature  with  a 
financial  statement  of  the  condition  of  the  treasury, 
the  available  funds  in  which  amounted  to  $90,028,  of 
which  $31,399  were  in  specie,  and  the  balance  in 
United  States  currency.     He  then  calls  attention  to 


>*  Daring  Hamilton's  administration  a  tax  of  124  cts  on  the  $100  was  col- 
lected. ThnU,  4:11. 

^For  the  amendments  28,119  votes  were  cast,  and  23,400  against  them. 
Tex.  Ainu,  1867,  262. 

^'Throckmorton  was  bom  in  Tenn.  in  1825,  and  migrated  to  Texas  in 
1841  with  his  father's  family;  was  in  the  legislature  from  1851  to  1856  when 
he  was  elected  to  the  senate  where  he  remained  tiU  1861.  He  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  secession  convention,  and  was  one  of  the  seven  who  voted  asainst 
secession.  He  was  true  to  Texas,  however,  when  ^e  die  was  cast,  and  rais- 
ing a  company  joined  the  confederate  army.  Ho  took  part  in  the  battle  of 
£lk  Horn,  and  afterward  served  under  General  Dick  Tavlor.  In  1864  Gov. 
Murrah  assigned  to  him,  with  the  rank  of  brig. -gen.,  the  command  of  the 
northern  frontier.  In  1866,  Gen.  Kirby  Smith  appointed  him  general  Indian 
agent,  and  he  made  a  treaty  with  numerous  tribes  very  favorable  to  Texas. 
In  1866  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  first  reconstruction  convention,  and 
chosen  president  of  that  body.   Thrall,  625-6. 

*3  For  gov.,  Throckmorton  obtained  48,631  votes  affainst  12,051  cast  for 
E.  M.  Pease.  S.  Crosby  was  elected  commissioner  of  the  general  land  office; 
W.  L.  Robards,  comptroller;  and  M.  H.  Royston,  treasurer.  The  votus 
cast  for  amendments  to  state  constitution  were  28,119  and  against  them 
20,400.  Tex,  Aim.,  1867,  278.  The  white  population  of  Texas  at  this  time 
was  probably  about  the  same  in  number  as  m  1860,  which  according  to  tlie 
census  was  420,890.  Estimating  the  number  of  voters  at  one-fifth  of  the 
population  it  will  be  noticed  how  many  absented  themselves  from  the  polls. 


484  THK  RECONSTRUCTION   PERIOD. 

the  alarming  loss  of  life,  which  had  occurred  within 
the  last  three  months,  along  the  entire  frontier  line, 
owing  to  inroads  made  by  the  Indians,  and  to  the  fact 
that  a  considerable  number  of  children  had  been  car- 
ried into  captivity.  The  legislature,  he  urges,  should 
appropriate  a  sum  of  money  for  the  redemption  of 
these  captives,  and  devise  some  means  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  frontier,  in  the  event  of  a  failure  to 
get  the  necessary  assistance  from  the  United  States 
government. 

In  order  to  ensure  a  future  supply  of  labor  on 
which  the  prosperity  of  the  country  depended,  he 
recommended  that  laws  should  be  passed,  carrying 
out  the  objects  of  the  ordinance  "authorizing  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  commissioner  of  statistics,  for  the 
promotion  of  immigration."  With  regard  to  the 
freed  blacks,  he  remarked  that  every  effort  should  be 
made  to  impress  upon  them  that  their  labor  was  de- 
sirable; and  that  laws  should  be  passed  carrying  out 
the  intention  of  the  eighth  article  of  the  constitu- 
tion, in  securing  to  them  protection  of  person  and 
property.  He  adds :  **It  is  desirable  that  all  military 
force,  and  the  agents  of  the  fi^edmen's  bureau  should 
be  withdrawn  from  the  interior  of  the  state.  The 
most  certain  way  to  effect  this  object  will  be  the  en- 
actment of  just  laws  for  the  protection  of  the  blacks, 
and  their  rigid  enforcement." 

But  considering  the  position  of  affairs,  no  part  of 
the  message  is  more  striking  and  pregnant  with  fiiture 
trouble  than  that  which  touches  upon  the  amend- 
ments to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States.  Sub- 
mitting a  copy  of  the  joint  resolution  of  congress, 
proposing  to  the  several  states  a  thirteenth  article  to 
the  federal  constitution,**  the  governor  remarked  that 
the  article,  having  been  already  ratified  by  the  requi- 
site number — three  fourths — of  states,  had  become  a 
law  of  the  land,  and  being  no  longer  an  open  ques- 
tion, he  did  not  consider  it  necessary  that  the  legisla- 

^*  Abolishing  slavery.     See  note  2  this  chapter. 


THE  THIRD  SECTION.  4M 

ture  should  take  any  action  upon  the  matter.  He 
also  enclosed  an  attested  copy  of  a  resolution  of 
congress,  proposing  to  the  legislatures  of  the  several 
states  a  fourteenth  article  to  the  constitution,  deeply 
affecting  the  status  of  the  late  seceders.  With  re- 
gard to  this  amendment  he  does  not  hesitate  to  ex- 
press his  unqualified  disapproval,  it  being,  in  his 
opinion,  unwise  and  unjust.  "  To  say  nothing  of  its 
harshness,"  he  continues,  "the  effect  of  the  adoption 
of  the  third  section  "  of  the  article  will  be  to  deprive 
the  state,  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  of  the 
services  of  her  ablest  and  best  men ;  at  a  time  and 
amidst  circumstances  which  render  these  services 
more  important  than  at  any  period  of  her  history.  I 
recommend  the  unaualified  rejection  of  the  proposed 
fourteenth  article."  * 

The  legislature  acted  on  Throckmorton's  suggestion, 
having  submitted  the  separate  questions  to  special 
committees,  which  endorsed  his  opinions.  The  first 
named  amendment  was  respectfully  returned  to  the 
secretary  of  state,  without  any  action  being  taken 
upon  it,  and  the  fourteenth  amendment  was  rejected 
by  a  vote  of  67  nays  agamst  five  yeas. 

Numerous  laws  for  the  internal  improvement  of  the 
state  were  passed  at  this  session,  which  continued  dur- 
ing the  months  of  August,  September,  October,  and 
Novemben  For  the  protection  of  the  frontier,  an  act 
was  passed  providing  for  three  battalions  of  Texan 
Rangers,  each  consisting  of  five  companies,  each  100 
strong.  County  courts  were  organized,  and  the  sala- 
ries .of  the  judges  and  officials  connected  with  them 
assigned.     A  general  apprentice   law  provided   that 

>^  It  is  as  follows:  '  Sec.  3.  No  person  shall  1>e  a  senator  or  representative 
in  con^pneBSy  or  elector  of  president  or  vice-president,  or  hold  any  office,  civil 
or  military,  under  the  U.  S.,  or  under  any  state,  who,  having  previously 
taken  an  oath  as  a  member  of  congress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the  U.  S.,  or  as  a 
member  of  any  state  legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any 
state,  to  support  the  constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  shall  have  engaged  in  insur- 
rection or  reoellion  against  the  same,  or  ffiven  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies 
thereof.  But  congress  may»  by  a  vote  of  two  thirds  of  each  house,  remove 
snach  disability. 

>*Copy  of  Gov.  Throckmorton's  message  in  no.  3  of  Tex.  CoL  Doc.y  no.  2. 


486  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

minors  could  be  bound  as  apprentices  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  parents  or  guardians,  or  without  their 
consent  if  the  minor  agreed  in  open  court  to  be  so 
bound.  Another  enactment  granted  a  lien  on  crops 
and  stock  for  advances  made  to  assist  in  producing  the 
crop.  Other  laws  provided  regulations  with  regard 
to  labor  contracts,  and  for  the  punishment  of  persons 
tampering  with  laborers  or  apprentices,  or  enticing 
them  away  from  work.  Income,  salary,  and  license 
taxes  were  estabUshed,  and  the  rates  defined.  Va- 
grancy was  defined,"  and  punishment  proscribed.  An 
act,  called  the  Stay  Law,  was  passed,  r^ulating  the 
collection  of  debts,"  and  another  regulating  the  duties 
of  assessors  and  collectors.  The  judicial  districts  were 
changed,  and  the  number  of  them,  which  had  previ- 
ously been  twenty,  was  reduced  to  fifteen."  Provision 
was  made  for  the  education  of  indigent  white  children ; 
fines  were  imposed  upon  anv  person  laboring  or  hiring 
others  to  work  on  the  sabbath,  engaging  in  horse- 
racing  or  games,  selling  spirituous  liquors,  gambling, 
hunting  game,  or  carrying  on  trade  on  that  day. 

Nor  did  the  legislature  fail  to  adopt  such  measures 
as  were  deemed  conducive  to  the  progress  of  the 
country.  Skilled  labor  and  capital  were  invited  into 
the  country ;  acts  were  passed  for  the  benefit  of  exist- 

^^  Under  this  head  the  act  ranked  fortune-tellera,  exhibiton  of  tricka  in 
public  without  licenBe,  prostitutes,  professional  gamblers,  besgars  not  afflicted 
by  physical  malady,  drunkards  who  did  not  support  their  Sniliea,  and  per- 
sons strolling  about  without  employment  The  laws  of  the  1 1th  legislatiire, 
in  a  condenrod  form,  will  be  found  in  Tejc  Abn,,  1867,  244^-71. 

^  This  act  provided  that  on  all  judgments  rendered  prior  to  Jan.  1,  1S67, 
the  debtor  should  have  12  months  thereafter  within  which  to  pay  the  plaintiff 
one  fourth  part  of  the  judgment  and  costs.  If  within  that  time  the  debtor 
paid  the  amount  specified,  then  he  diould  have  24  montiis  from  Jan.  1,  1867, 
within  which  to  pay  one  tiiird  of  the  remainder;  and  so  on,  by  similar  instal- 
ments and  extensions  of  time,  till  the  whole  debt  was  paid. 

^*The  judicial  districts  were  reorganized  for  the  express  purpose  of  legis- 
lating out  of  office  judses  who  were  stanch  unionists.  Ashbel  Smith  ol 
Houston,  one  of  the  leading  men  of  the  house,  as  w^  as  other  speakers, 
stated  that  the  districts  had  been  so  reorganized  as  to  legislate  out  of  office 
Stribling  and  Bacon,  whom  he  denounced  as  radicals,  and  reoret  was  expressed 
that  the  districts  could  not  be  so  arranged  as  to  exclude  Judge  Noonan.  All 
three  were  union  men.  U.  S.  H.  Bz.  Doc,  oong.  4,  sess.  1,  no.  20^  9Q-S; 
where  will  be  found  a  list  of  the  judges,  and  the  judicial  distriefes  as  tiiey 
stood  before  the  passage  of  this  act 


ATTmrDE  OF  THE  PRESIDENT.  487 

ing  railroad  companies,  granting  extensions  of  time  to 
complete  their  contracts,  and  sections  of  land  to  assist 
them  in  their  undertakings;  and  other  companies, 
engaged  in  a  variety  of  enterprises,  were  incorporated.  ** 
In  relation  to  the  United  States  troops  stationed 
in  Texas,  a  joint  resolution  set  forth  that  their  pres- 
ence was  not  only  unnecessary,  but  the  source  of  much 
evil,'*  and  as  the  people  of  Texas  had  returned  to  their 
allegiance,  the  governor  was  requested  to  use  all 
proper  means  to  obtain  the  removal  of  said  troops 
from  the  towns  to  the  frontier,  for  the  protection  of 
which  they  were  greatly  needed. 

Under  the  plan  pursued  by  President  Johnson, 
state  governments  had  now  been  established  in  all  the 
confederate  states.  But  congress  was  not  in  accord 
with  the  president.  The  former  considered  that  as 
those  governments  had  been  set  up  without  its  au- 
thority, they  had  no  constitutional  validity;  they 
were  under  the  control,  it  was  maintained,  of  unre- 
pentant leaders  of  the  secession,  and  aflForded  no  ade- 
quate protection  for  life  or  property.  On  March  2, 
1867,  an  "act  to  provide  for  the  more  efficient  gov- 
ernment of  the  rebel  states,"  was  passed  by  congress 
over  the  veto  of  the  president.     By  this  act  the  ten 

^Among  which  may  be  mentioned  the  Houston  and  Harrisburg  Tnmpike 
CO.,  capital  stock  $600,000;  the  Eureka  Manufacturing  en,,  for  the  manufac- 
ture ojf  c  .ton  and  wool,  capital  stock,  $250,000;  ihc  Ilouston  Direct  Navi- 
gationco.,  capital  0150,000,  with  a.;:^l)ority  to  increase  the  stock  to  ^  1,000,000; 
and  the  Texas  Land,  Labor,  and  Immigration  cc,  capital  stock  $1,000,000. 
fd.,  264-7.  No  less  than  J ''I  acts  of  incorporation  v  ^^o  passed,  of  which  30 
were  of  manufacturing  companies,  17  ot  rauroad  companies,  16  of  cities,  16 
of  academies,  coUcgjs,  ecc,  )•?  of  clubs,  literary  societies,  etc.,  and  70  of 
companies  for  insurance,  bmlding  canals,  bridges,  and  wharves,  navigation, 
deepening  channels,  gas,  cotton-presses,  telegraphs,  and  including  about  20 
petroleum  companies.   Tex,  Abn.,  18r7,  271. 

^  m  feeling  continued  between  the  U.  S.  trooi>s  and  the  inhabitants,  the 
former  on  many  occasions  conducting  themselves  in  an  overbearing  manner. 
On  the  eveninj^  of  Sept.  7,  1866,  owing  to  trouble  caused  by  some  drunken 
soldiers,  a  scrmmiage  took  place  between  them  and  the  citizens  of  Brenham, 
in  which  two  of  tiie  former  were  wounded  by  pistol-shots.  At  a  later  hour, 
a  number  of  soldiers  entered  the  town,  and  set  fire  to  the  store  of  one  of  the 
merchants.  The  conflagration  spread,  and  a  portion  of  the  town  was  reduced 
to  ashes.  The  losses  incurred  amounted  to  $131,026.  U,  S,  H.  Ex.  Doc, 
cong.  41,  sess.  3,  xii.  no.  145. 


488  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

states  were  divided  into  five  military  districts,"  and 
made  subject  to  the  miKtaiy  authority  of  the  United 
States.  The  power  with  which  the  commander  of  each 
district  was  vested  was  extremely  ample — so  much 
so  that  the  president  in  his  veto,  classified  it  as  that 
of  an  absolute  monarch."  He  could  organize  military 
tribunals  to  try  offenders,  and  all  interference  of  state 
authority  was  pronounced  null  and  void.  In  all  re- 
spects the  act  was  severely  stringent.  It  was  declared 
that  no  state  under  the  ban  would  be  entitled  to  rep- 
resentation in  congress,  until  it  had  fonned  a  consti- 
tution of  government  in  conformity  with  the  consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  framed  by  a  convention 
of  delegates  elected  by  citizens  of  whatever  race,  color, 
or  previous  condition,  except  such  as  were  disfranchised 
for  participation  in  the  late  rebellion.  Such  constitu- 
tion was  to  provide  that  the  elective  franchise  should 
be  enjoyed  by  all  persons,  irrespective  of  race  or  color. 
It  was  made  compulsory  for  a  state,  by  a  vote  of  its 
legislature  elected  under  that  constitution,  to  adopt 
the  amendment  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,  known  as  article  fourteen;  and  until  the 
people  of  the  rebellious  states  were  admitted  to  repre- 
sentation in  congress,  any  civil  government  would  be 
deemed  provisional  only,  and  subject  to  the  paramount 
authority  of  the  United  States  at  any  time  to  abolish, 
modify,  control,  or  supersede  it. 

General  Sheridan  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  fifth  district,  and  before  long  over  4,000  soldiers 
were  distributed  in  the  towns  and  military  posts  of 
Texas,'*  under  Greneral  Griflin,  with  headquarters  at 
Galveston,  to  whom  the  reorganization  of  the  state 
was  entrusted. 


**  Viijrima  constitated  the  fint  district;  K.  Carolina  and  S.  Carolina  tiie 
second;  Georgia,  Alabama,  and  Florida,  the  third;  MiaaiBsropi  uid  Aikansu, 
the  fourth;  and  Louisiana  and  Texas  the  fifth  district.  Copy  of  the  act  in 
U.  S.  Acta  and  ReaoL,  lSrtti-1867,  60-2. 

"A  copy  of  the  veto  will  be  found  in  Cong,  Gbbe,  186^-67,  pt  8, 1969-72. 

**The  different  places  and  number  of  troops  stationed  at  each  will  ht 
found  in  U.  S,  Report  Sec.  Wa/r,  i.  470-2;  oong.  40,  sesa.  1. 


(iOVERNOR  AND  GENBRAL.  489 

In  view  of  Grovemor  Throckmorton's  expectations, 
as  indicated  in  his  message,  and  the  action  taken  by 
the  legislature,  this  change  in  affairs  was  bitterly  un- 
palatable, more  humiliating  in  some  respects  than  the 
war  itself.  Nevertheless,  he  hastened  to  assure 
Greneral  Sheridan,  by  date  of  March  30,  1867,  that 
though  the  people,  with  very  little  division  of  senti- 
ment, regarded  the  terms  imposed  upon  them  as 
onerous  and  oppressive,  they  were  yet  determined  to 
abide  by  the  laws  and  comply  with  them.  At  the 
same  time  he  expressed  his  intention  to  lend  a  prompt 
assistance,  when  in  his  power,  to  carry  into  effect  the 
prerequisites  for  representation,  and  advise  the  people 
to  participate  in  the  reorganization  with  good  feeling.** 
But  Throckmorton  was  a  marked  man.  As  early  as 
March  28th  Griffin  advised  his  removal  "I  cannot," 
he  said,  "find  an  officer  holding  position  under  the 
state  laws,  whose  antecedents  will  justify  me  in  re- 
posing trust  in  him  in  assisting  in  the  registration." 
He  states  that  he  had  again  and  again  called  the 
notice  of  the  governor  to  outrages  perpetrated  on 
union  men,  but  knew  of  no  instance  in  which  the  of- 
fender had  been  punished.  At  a  later  date  he  explains 
that  efforts  were  made  to  exclude  union  men  from  the 
jury  boxes,  to  prevent  which  he  issued  a  circular 
order,  prescribing  a  form  of  oath,  which  virtually  ex- 
cluded every  person  that  had  been  connected  with  tlie 
confederacy,  from  serving  as  a  juror.''* 

Much  dissatisfaction  and  injustice  being  caused  by 
the  late  act  of  the  legislature,  reducing  the  judicial 
districts  from  twenty  in  number  to  fifteen,  whereby 
justice  could  not  be  properly  and  promptly  adminis- 
tered, an  order   was  issued   reestablishing  them  as 

*See  hiB  letter  to  Gen.  Sheridan  in  his  Final  Report^  no.  11,  p.  71-2,  in 
Tex.  CoL  Doc,  no.  2. 

*CJopy  of  the  order  in  U.  8.  H.  Ex.  Doc,  cong  40,  sess.  1,  no.  20,  73-4. 
This  divnlar  order,  no.  13,  was  seized  upon  by  some  state  officials,  who  at- 
tempted to  make  it  appear  that  the  courts  were  closed  by  the  enforcement  of 
\t.  The  form  of  oatn  preocribed  was  that  of  1862  copy  of  which  is  given 
elaewhere. 


490  THE  REOONSTRUOTION  PERIOD. 

they  existed  before  the  passage  of  the  objectionable 
ordinance." 

Governor  Throckmorton  complains  to  Greneral 
(jriffin,  April  5th,  that  certain  papers  were  "filled 
with  columns  of  abuse  of  himself  and  other  officers," 
and  states  that,  though  he  did  not  feel  called  upon  to 
reply  to  those  slanderous  attacks,  he  would  be  grati- 
fied to  exhibit  all  his  official  acts  to  the  authorities  of 
the  general  government.  But  differences  arose  be- 
tween the  governor  and  the  military  commander  at 
every  move.  Nevertheless  it  is  evident  that  the 
former  was  really  desirous  of  adjusting  himself  and 
the  state  to  the  new  system  of  reconstruction  adopted 
by  congress  in  opposition  to  President  Johnson  s 
views." 

The  important  question  of  registration,  the  appomt- 
raent  of  registrars,"  the  election  of  judges  and  high 

"The  districts  were  as  follow:  District  No.  1,  Fayette,  Colarado,  Whar- 
ton, Fort  Bend,  Brazoria,  Matagorda,  and  Austin;  No.  2,  Ttkvib,  Hays, 
Guadalupe,  Caldwell,  and  Bastrop;  No.  3,  Washin^^ton,  Brazoe,  Burieson, 
and  Milam;  No.  4,  Comal,  Kendall,  Kerr,  Blanco,  Gillespie,  and  Bexar;  K& 
5,  Newton,  Jasper,  Sabine,  Shelby,  San  Augustine,  and  Isacoffdoches;  No.  6, 
Wood,  Upsher,  Harrison,  Panola,  and  Rusk:  No.  7,  Walker,  Grimes,  Harris, 
Montgomery,  and  Galveston;  No.  8,  Red  River,  Bowie,  Davis,  Titua,  Hop- 
kins, Marion,  and  Lamar;  No.  9,  Hoaston,  Cherokee,  ^derson.  Smith;  No. 
10,  Victoria,  Jackson,  La  Vaca,  Dewitt,  Gonzales,  Calhoun;  No.  11,  Presidio, 
El  Paso,  and  Worth;  No.  12,  Cameron,  Hidalgo,  Starr,  Zapata^  Webh. 
Kenney;  No.  13,  Madison,  Robertson,  Falls,  Limestone,  Hil(  Freestone, 
Leon,  and  Navarro;  No.  14,  San  Patricio,  Lve  Oak,  Karnes,  Ckiliad,  Bee, 
Refugio,  Nueces;  No.  15,  Chambers,  Liberty,  Polk,  Trinity,  Tyler,  Hardin, 
Jefferson,  Oranse;  No.  16,  Ellis,  Johnson,  Parker,  Dallas,  T&rrant,  Kauf- 
man, and  Van  Zandt;  No.  17,  Burnet,  Llano,  Mason,  Menard,  McCulloch, 
San  Saba,  Browne,  Lampasas,  and  Williamson;  No.  18,  Atascosa,  Banden 
Uvalde,  Medina,  Wilson,  Maverick,  and  Kenney;  No.  19,  Bell,  Coryell, 
Hamilton,  Comanche,  Palo  Pinto,  Erath,  BosQue  and  McLeman;  Na  20, 
Collins,  Denton,  Hunt,  Wise,  Jack,  Fannin,  Young,  Throckmorton,  Archer, 
Clay,  Montague,  Cooke,  Grayson. 

^Consult  his  address  to  the  people  of  the  state  no.  11,  70-103  in  Ter.  Crl 
J>oc.f  no.  2. 

"Throckmorton  submitted  a  list  of  persons  who,  he  considered,  were 
eligible  to  the  appointments  of  assessors  and  collectors.  The  applications 
were  returned  endorsed  with  the  remark  that  the  governor  had  recommended 
so  many  as  qualified  to  take  the  oath  and  act  as  registrars,  that  Gren.  Griffin 
decided  not  to  appoint  any  to  vacancies  who  could  not  take  the  oath  of  186S. 
The  oath  reads  thus:  'I,  A.  B.,  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm),  that  I  have 
never  voluntarily  borne  arms  against  the  U.  S.  since  I  have  been  a  citisen 
thereof;  that  I  have  voluntarily  given  no  aid,  countenance,  counsel,  or  en- 
couragement to  persons  engaged  in  armed  hostility  thereto;  that  I  have 
neither  sought  nor  accepted  nor  attempted  to  exercise  the  functions  of  any 
office  whatever,  under  any  authority  or  pretended  autiiority  in  hostility  to  tiw 


GOVERNOR  PEASE.  4»1 

officials,  and  the  dismissal  of  prosecutions  against 
certain  persons  by  order  of  the  military  chief,  be- 
came matters  of  misunderstanding,  and  the  governor 
on  more  than  one  occasion  deemed  it  necessary  to 
communicate  with  the  president  in  reference  to  the 
matters  in  dispute.'*  The  breach  widened  day  by 
day,  and  on  July  30th,  General  Sheridan  issued  a 
special  order  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract: 
''A  careful  consideration  of  the  reports  of  Major- 
General  Charles  Griffin,  United  States  Army,  shows 
that  J.  W.  Throckmorton,  governor  of  Texas,  is  an 
impediment  to  the  reconstruction  of  that  state,  under 
the  law;  he  is,  therefore,  removed  from  that  office. 
E.  M.  Pease  is  hereby  appointed  governor  of  Texas, 
in  place  of  J.  W.  Throckmorton,  removed.  He  will 
be  obeyed  and  respected  accordingly." 

Early  in  August  the  deposed  governor  sent  in  his 
final  report  of  his  administration.  It  contains  the 
treasurer's  report,  showing  the  receipts  to  have  been 
$626,518,  and  the  expenses  $625,192;  a  statement  of 
Indian  depredations  from  1865  to  1867,"  and  his  ad- 
dress to  the  people  containing  copies  of  official  cor- 
respondence explanatory  of  his  conduct.  In  review- 
ing this  correspondence  Throckmorton  remarks  that 
every  fair  minded  person  will  be  satisfied  that  the 
reports  of  General  Griffin  were  made  without  any 
foundation  in  fact,  and  were  not  supported  by  any 
public  or  private  act  of  his;  and  that  the  imputation 
that  Throckmorton  was  an  impediment  to  the  recon- 

U.  S. ;  that  I  have  not  yielded  a  voluntary  support  to  any  pretended  govem- 
inent»  authority,  power,  or  condition  within  the  U.  S.,  hostile  and  inimical 
thereto.  And  I  ao  further  swear  (or  affirm)  that,  to  the  best  of  my  knowl- 
edge and  ability,  I  will  support  and  defend  the  constitution  of  the  U.  S. 
against  all  enemies,  foreign  and  domestic;  that  I  will  bear  true  faith  and 
aUegianee  to  the  same;  that  I  take  this  obligation  freely,  without  anv  mental 
reservation  or  purpose  of  evasion,  and  that  I  will  well  and  faithfully  dis- 
charge the  duties  of  the  office  on  which  I  am  about  to  enter,  so  help  me 
God.^    Copied  from  Cong,  Globe,  1861-62,  ap.  385. 

^  Circular  order,  no.  13,  and  the  reinjstallation  of  judges  Stribbling  and 
Bacon  was  among  the  matters  reported  to  the  president.  No.  11,  81-2,  84-7, 
in  Tex.  CoL  Doc,  no.  2. 

**  From  which  it  appears  that  during  two  years  162  persona  were  killed; 
49  carried  into  captivity;  and  24  wounded.  /(/.,  39,  41,  95. 


402  THE  RB00N8TRUCTI0N  PERIOD. 

struction  of  the  state,  showed  the  sinister  influences 
which  surrounded  Griflin  and  his  proclivity  to  error. 
In  examining  the  facts  Throckmorton  proceeds  to  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  he  tendered  the  cordial 
cooperation  of  the  state  authorities  to  aid  in  the  exe- 
cution of  the  laws  of  congress ;  that  he  called  upon 
the  civil  authorities  for  such  information  as  would 
conduce  to  that  end ;  and  that  he  advised  the  people 
to  a  cheerful  and  prompt  compliance  with  the  terms. 
But  extraordinary  impediments  to  the  proper,  exe- 
cution of  the  acts  of  congress,  had  been  thrown  in 
the  way.  First  the  circuJar  order,  no.  13,  relative 
to  jurymen's  qualifications,  filled  the  country  with 
consternation,  and  impressed  the  minds  of  the  people 
that  they  were  not  to  have  the  benefit  of  the  laws;" 
second,  by  refusing  to  fill  vacancies  in  state  offices 
except  by  such  persons  as  could  take  the  test  oath; 
third,  by  delay  in  appointing  boards  of  registration 
in  many  counties.  Again,  no  persons  except  those  of 
one  political  party  were  selected  as  registrars,  while 
negroes  notoriously  incompetent  were  appointed  to  act 
on  such  boards ;  such  persons  as  sextons  of  cemeteries, 
auctioneers,  members  of  police,  under-wardens  of 
workhouses,  school-directors,  jurjrmen,  overseers  of 
the  roads,  and  many  other  classes  had  been  excluded 
from  registration;'  and  finally  a  manifest  disinclina- 
tion had  been  shown  on  the  part  of  the  military  au- 
thorities to  believe  in  the  sincerity  of  the  state  officials, 
and  the  people  when  declaring  their  desire  to  complr 
with  the  acts  of  congress.  Such  were  some  of  the 
impediments. 

But  apart  from  impediments,  many  acts,  he  said, 
had  been  committed  which  were  violations  of  the  law. 
The  property  of  citizens  had  been  used  without  com- 
pensation, not  in  a  few,  but  in  many  cases;  the  fiwd- 
man's  bureau  had  exercised  powers  not  conferred  upon 

'■The  oath  prescribed  would  in  fact  exclude  the  majority  of  the  people, 
except  the  freedmen,  from  serving  as  jurors. 

^See  copy  of  instracttons  secretly  given  by  Oriffin  to  the  boeids  of  rtptr 
tration.  Id.,  88-90. 


G£N£RAL  HAN(X)CK.  4I» 

it,  its  agents  having  made  arrests  and  imposed  penal- 
ties  not  justified  by  law ;  the  town  of  Brenham  had 
been  set  on  fire  by  United  States'  soldiers,  and  a  laige 
amount  of  property  destroyed ;  this  deed  was  perpe- 
trated almost  in  his  presence,  yet  no  effort  was  made 
to  prevent  it,  or  to  punish  the  offenders;  judgments 
and  decrees  of  the  courts  had  been  ordered  to  be  set 
aside,  and  judges  required  to  dismiss  suits  in  a  number 
of  cases.  Freedmen  indicted  for  crimes  had  been  pro- 
tected from  arrest,  and  laws  of  the  state  had  been  set 
aside;  the  frontier  was  a  scene  of  Indian  devastation, 
and  yet  the  troops  were  scattered  in  the  interior  where 
the  civil  authorities  were  able  to  maintain  order,  and 
no  sufficient  number  of  them  had  been  sent  to  the 
frontier.  Such  were  the  views  expressed  by  Throck- 
morton as  to  the  position  of  Texas  under  military 
government. 

In  the  early  days  of  August,  Elisha  M.  Pease  for 
the  third  time  became  governor;"  but  affairs  were 
sadly  changed  since  the  prosperous  and  happy  period 
of  his  first  administration.  The  partisan  feeling  in 
Texas,  not  without  cause,  continued  bitter,  and  in  no 
other  of  the  confederated  states  did  the  work  of  recon- 
struction prove  more  difficult,  evidence  of  which  is 
the  fact  that  she  was  the  last  of  the  ten  to  be  read- 
mitted into  the  union.  On  August  26,  1867,  Sheri- 
dan, whose  administration  of  the  fifth  military  district 
gave  great  dissatisfaction  to  President  Johnson,'*  was 
removed,  and  the  command  assigned  to  General  Han- 
cock. The  latter's  views  differed  considerably  from 
those  of  Sheridan,  and  he  was  even  unwilling  to  sub- 
mit civil  offenders  to  trial  by  the  military  tribunals. 
With  regard  to  the  unreasonably  rigid  rules  issued  to 
the  boards  of  registration  by  Griffin,  by  which  num- 
bers of  men  entitled  to  become  voters  were  excluded," 

^  For  his  biography  see  note  27  of  chap.  xv. 

*^See  the  president's  letter  of  Aug.  19,  1867,  to  Gen.  Grant.  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
coug.  40,  Bess.  2,  vii.,  no.  57,  4r-6. 

^For  the  satisfacticn  of  the  reader,  I  give  a  synopsis  of  these  secret  in- 


494  THE  REOONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

Hancock,  on  January  11,  1868,  declared  them  to  be 
null  and  of  no  effect,  and  ordered  the  boards  of  regis- 
tration "to  look  to  the  laws,  and  to  the  laws  alone, 
for  the  rules  which  were  to  govern  them  in  the  dis- 
charge of  the  delicate  and  important  duties  imposed 
upon  thein." 

But  Hancock  gave  as  little  satisfection  to  congress 
as  his  predecessor  had  given  to  the  president ;  and  the 
want  of  harmony  between  the  executive  and  legislative 
powers  at  Washington  was  the  cause  of  frequent 
changes  of  miUtary  commanders  in  the  south.  Not 
long  after  the  order  setting  aside  Greneral  Griffin's  in- 
structions to  the  registrars,  Greneral  Hancock  was  re- 
moved  from  the  conunand  of  the  fifth  district,  and 
was  succeeded  by  General  Reynolds. 

The  business  of  registration  having  at  last  been 
completed,  the  election  for  the  convention  was  held 
in  February.  Each  voter  was  required  to  register, 
and  present  his  certificate  of  registration  at  the  polls. 
The  election  occupied  four  days,  and  resulted  m 
44,689  votes  being  cast  in  favor  of  the  convention 
being  held,  and  11,440  against  it." 

On  June  1,  1868,  the  convention,  consisting  of  63 

stmctlons,  described  as  '  Memoranda  of  disqualificatioiis  for  the  gaidanoe  of 
the  boards  of  registration  under  the  military  bill  passed  March  2,  1867.  1, 
every  person  who  has  acted  as  senator  or  representative  in  congress;  2,  all 
who  have  acted  as  electors  of  president  and  vice-president;  3,  every  perscn 
who  held  any  position  in  the  army  or  navy  of  the  U.  S. ;  4,  all  persons  who 
held  any  position  under  the  U.  a,  in  which  they  were  required  to  taJbe  an 
oath  before  they  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the  office;  such  as  officers  in  the 
custom-house,  clerks,  judges,  and  others;  5,  all  who  have  held  any  office  in 
any  state  under  the  constitution  and  laws  of  such  state  in  force  prior  to  Feb. 
1,  1861.'  Then  follows  a  long  list  of  disqualified  persons,  among  whom  an 
included  *  tax  collectors,  coroners,  police  jurors,  auctioneers,  coontv  record- 
ers, notaries  public,  municipal  officers,  including  members  of  the  board  of 
health,  wardens  and  underwardens  of  prisons  ana  work-houses,  school  direc- 
tors, city  surveyors  and  deputies,  inspectors  of  tobacco,  flour,  bee^  etc. 
weighers  and  measurers,  directors  of  the  asylum  for  deaf  and  dninb,  blind. 
and  lunatic,  and  sextons  of  cemeteries.'  '  6,  all  who,  in  1862  and  1864,  regis- 
tered themselves  as  aliens,  or  obtained  protection  papers  from  the  represen- 
tatives of  foreign  powers.  Any  person  who  at  any  time  held  any  of  the 
above  offices,  and  who  afterward  engaged  in  the  rebellion  against  the  U.  S.' 
No.  11,  88-9,  in  Tex,  CoL  Doc,  no.  2. 

37  According  to  Tkrall,  420,  66,678  whit6  voters  registered,  and  47,581 
black  ones.  From  these  figures  it  appears  that  little  over  half  tiie  number  of 
voters  appeared  at  the  polls. 


AB  INITIO  495 

del^ates,  met  at  Austin,  and  organized  by  electing 
Edmund  J.  Davis  president  and  W .  V.  Tunstall,  sec- 
retary. Though  composed  of  loyal  republicans,  it 
soon  became  manifest  that  it  was  divided  into  two 
parties,  entertaining  widely  different  views,  and  such 
as  were  not  to  be  readily  reconciled.  Shortly  before 
Governor  Pease  entered  office,  General  Griffin  had 
been  petitioned  by  a  number  of  persons  to  declare  by 
military  ord^r  all  acts  of  legislation  since  February  1, 
1861 — ^the  date  of  the  secession  ordinance — ^to  be  null, 
<jib  initio.  This  expression  supplied  a  name  for  one  of 
the  political  parties  in  the  convention.  Griffin  died 
of  yellow  fever  a  few  weeks  after  receiving  the  peti- 
tion, which  thereby  was  not  acted  upon,  and  Pease, 
in  a  proclamation,  recognized  the  constitution  and  laws 
of  1866,  under  certain  exceptions,  as  rules  for  the 
government  of  the  people  of  Texas  and  the  officers  of 
file  civil  government.  Those  members  of  the  conven- 
tion who  believed  that  all  enactments  since  the  passage 
of  the  secession  ordinance  should  be  null  were  called 
Ab  Initios.  Another  point  of  disagreement  was  the 
question  of  suffrage,  a  portion  of  the  convention  dis- 
playing much  intolerance  towards  those  who  had  sus- 
taiiied  the  confederate  cause,  while  the  more  liberal 
were  in  favor  of  enfranchising  all  good  citizens  of  the 
state. 

For  three  months  the  opposing  factions  argued  and 
wrangled  on  their  respective  views,  and  but  little 
progress  was  made  toward  the  framing  of  the  consti- 
tutioa.  On  August  31st,  the  convention  adjourned 
to  reassemble  on  December  7th.  When  it  again  met, 
the  differences  appeared  to  be  more  irreconcilable 
than  ever,  and  much  bitterness  of  feeling  was  shown. 
Finally,  the  more  liberal  party  prevailed,  the  late 
governor,  Hamilton,  having  submitted  a  generous 
substitute  on  the  right  of  suffrage  for  the  report  of 
the  committee,  which  was  marked  by  rigorous  dis- 
franchisement."    The  substitute  having  been  put  to 

'^Hamilton's  substitute  constituted  art.  vi.  of  the  conHtitution,  and  reads 


496  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD 

the  vote,  it  was  carried,  February  3,  1869,  by  37  yeas 
against  26  naya 

The  constitution  was  now  all  but  completed;  but 
on  the  4th,  the  ab  initio  members  entered  a  protest 
against  it,  signed  by  22  members,  among  whom  was 
the  president,  Davis.  The  objection  raised  against  it 
was  that  it  was  based  upon  the  assumption  that  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  accepted 
constitution  of  Texas  of  1845  had  not  been  continu- 
ously the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  With  regard  to 
the  article  on  the  right  of  suffirage,  the  disapproving 
members  solemnly  protested  agamst  it  as  extending 
the  franchise  to  all  those  who  voluntarily  became  the 
public  enemy  of  the  United  States.  "The  majority 
of  the  convention,"  they  said,  "has  deliberately  re- 
moved from  the  constitution  every  safeguard  for  the 
protection  of  the  loyal  voter,  white  or  black.  They 
have  stricken  from  that  instrument  the  whole  system 
of  registry ;  they  have  repudiated  the  oath  of  loyalty 
contained  in  the  reconstruction  laws;  they  have 
spumed  the  test  of  equal  civil  and  political  rights, 
and  we  do  most  solemnly  call  upon  the  registered 
voters  of  Texas  to  vindicate  the  national  honor,  and 
the  cause  of  right  and  justice  by  their  votea** 

This  session  of  the  convention  did  not  terminate  in 
a  very  dignified  manner.  Without  waiting  for  a 
formal  and  orderly  adjournment,  many  members  forth- 
with returned  to  their  homes,  and  at  the  meeting  on 

thus:  '  Every  male  citizen  of  the  U.  S.,  of  the  a^e  of  21  years  and  upward, 
not  laboring  under  the  disabilities  named  in  this  constitation,  withoat  dis- 
tinction of  race,  color,  or  former  condition,  who  shaU  be  a  resident  of  this 
state  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  constitution,  or  who  shall  thereafter 
reside  in  this  state  one  year,  and  in  the  county  in  which  he  offers  to  vote  60 
days  next  preceding  any  election,  shaU  be  entitled  to  vote  for  aU  oflRcers 
that  are  now,  or  hereafter  may  be,  elected  by  the  people;  and  upon  all  ques- 
tions submitted  to  the  electors  at  any  election;  provided,  that  no  person 
shall  be  allowed  to  vote  or  hold  office  who  is  now,  or  hereafter  may  be,  dis- 
qualified therefor  by  the  constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  until  such  disqualificatiaD 
snail  be  removed  by  the  congress  of  the  U.  S. ;  provided  further,  that  no  per- 
son, while  kept  in  any  asylum  or  confined  in  prison,  or  who  has  been  ood- 
victed  of  a  felony,  or  is  of  unsound  mind,  shall  be  allowed  to  vote  or  hold 
office.  U.  S.  Sen,  ifwc,  cong.  41,  sess.  2.,  doc  77,  20;  U.  8.  Chartm  and 
Con8iU,f  ii.,  1814,  in  both  of  which  authorities  a  copy  of  the  amended  coniti- 
tution  will  be  found. 


GENERAL  CANBY.  Jm 

the  6th,  no  quorum  was  present.  On  February  11th 
Greneral  Canby,  who  had  succeeded  Reynolds  in  the 
preceding  December,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  chief 
of  the  staflT  at  Washington,  in  which  he  says  that  a 
committee  had  been  appointed  by  the  members  that 
were  left  to  consult  him.  On  finding  that  a  large 
portion  of  the  records  of  the  convention  was  in  an 
unfinished  condition,  the  journal  not  being  made  up, 
and  other  work  of  the  secretary  and  clerks  incom- 
plete, he  advised  that  the  members  present  should 
finish  the  ministerial  work,  and  then  adjourn  in  a 
formal  and  orderly  manner.  He  describes  the  feel- 
ings of  the  two  parties  as  growing  more  intense,  each 
distrusting  the  other,  and  apprehending  that  the 
records  would  be  lost  or  destroyed.  He  urged  upon 
the  president,  Davis,  the  importance  of  his  party 
uniting  with  the  other ;  at  least  let  them  adjourn  in 
a  decorous  manner,  if  they  could  do  nothing  else. 
Davis,  accordingly  called  a  meeting,  at  which  less 
than  half  a  dozen  members  were  present,  and  Canby 
finally  agreed  to  take  charge  of  the  records.  He  ex- 
perienced, however,  no  little  difficulty  in  collecting 
them,  as  the  secretaries  and  clerks  of  the  convention 
had  become  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  members, 
and  had  taken  away  a  part  of  the  records  in  their 
keeping.  Having  finally  succeeded,  he  set  a  large 
clerical  force  to  work  to  complete  them  from  the 
rough  copies  and  minutes."  From  the  above  account 
the  reader  will  be  able  to  form  a  tolerably  correct 
idea  of  the  disorder  which  prevailed  in  the  reconstruc- 
tion convention,  and  the  ill-feeUng  which  was  mani- 
fested between  the  conflicting  parties. 

By  the  election  declaration  of  the  convention,  the 
first  Monday  in  July  1869  was  appointed  as  the  day 
on  which  the  amended  constitution  should  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  voters  for  ratification,  and  a  general 
election  held  for  state  officers  and  members   of  the 

■•Conralt  Gen.  Caaby's  correspondence  in  U.  S,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  40, 
8688.  3,  ziii.,  no.  97. 

Hist.  Mkz.  States,  Vol.  II.   32. 


408  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

legislature.  But  President  Grant  did  not  see  fit  to 
approve  so  early  a  date,  and  deferred  it  tiU  November 
30th,  following.  Accordingly  on  that,  and  the  three 
following  days,  the  election  was  held  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Reynolds,  who  had  been  reappointed  to  the 
command  in  Texas,  72,366  votes  being  cast  for  the 
constitution,  and  4,928  against  it,  showing  a  majority 
of  67,438  in  favor  of  it.  At  the  same  time  Edmund 
J.  Davis  was  elected  governor;  J.  W.  Flanagan, 
lieutenant  governor;  A.  filedsoe,  comptroller;  G.  W. 
Honey,  treasurer;  and  Jacob  Knecliler,  land  office 
commissioner;  and  G.  W.  Whitmore,  J.  C.  Conner, 
W.  T.  Clark,  and  Edward  Degener  were  chosen  rep- 
resentatives to  the  United  States  congresa  Mem- 
bers of  the  legislature  were  also  appointed,  and  on 
January  11,  1870,  an  order  was  issued  by  the  military 
commander,  summoning  the  legislature  to  assemble 
at  Austin  on  February  8th  following.** 

Governor  Pease  by  no  means  enjoyed  the  position 
in  which  he  found  himself  The  mixture  of  civil  and 
military  rule  was  most  distastful  to  him,  especially  as 
he  did  not  meet  with  that  cooperation  and  assistance 
on  the  part  of  the  commander  of  the  fifth  district," 
which  he  was  entitled  to  expect.  On  September  30tli 
he  resigned,  and  during  the  interval  between  his  resig- 
nation and  the  accession  of  Governor  Davis,  a  period 
of  more  than  three  months,  the  executive  department 
of  Texas  was  administered  by  an  adjutant  in  charge 
of  civil  afiairs. 

Governor  Davis  entered  office  January  18,  1870, 
and  on  the  appointed  day  the  legislature  assembled  at 
the  capital.  It  promptly  ratified  by  joint  resolutions 
the  amendments  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,"  appointed  senators  to  congress,  and  having 

^Sen.  Mkc  Doc,  cong.  41,  sess.  2,  no.  77,  9Q-6;  Htpe.  Sec  War,,  coDg. 
41,  seas.  3,  i.,  pt.  ii.,  41. 

*^  Confined  at  this  time  to  Texas,  as  Louisiana  had  already  been  reorgan- 
ized, and  her  representatives  admitted  to  congress. 

^^t  Namely  Articles  xiii,  ziv,  and  xv,  the  first  aboliahing  alaverr;  ths 


A  REIGN  OF  TERROR.  40t 

transacted  the  business  imposed  upon  it  by  the  recon- 
struction laws  as  a  provisional  body,  it  adjourned  on 
February  24th. 

Texas  had  now  drained  the  bitter  cup  to  the  dreg«, 
and  forgiveness  was  at  last  vouchsafed  to  her.  On 
March  30, 1870,  the  U.  S.  president  approved  the  con- 
gressional act  readmitting  her  into  the  union,  and  on 
the  following  day,  senators  M.  C.  Hamilton  and  J. 
W.  Flanagan,"  the  oath  prescribed  by  law  having 
been  administered  to  them  by  the  vice-president,  took 
their  seats  in  congress.  On  the  same  day  the  four  repre- 
sentatives to  which  the  state  was  entitled  were  sworn 
in,  the  members  being  those  elected  at  the  general 
election  held  November  30th  to  December  3,  1869.** 

The  reconstruction  period  extended  over  five  years, 
during  which  time  Texas  was  a  prey  to  lawlessness 
and  violence  almost  in  a  degree  inconceivable.  The 
breath  of  the  demon  of  homicide  seemed  to  have 
passed  over  the  land,  and  the  efforts  of  the  military 
commanders  to  arrest  its  deadly  influence  were  at- 
tended with  little  success.  It  is  impossible  to  ascer- 
tain how  manv  persons  were  the  victims  of  fierce 
passion  and  malevolence  during  these  five  years,  nor 
is  it  a  pleasant  subject  to  dwell  upon.  But  that  the 
reader  may  arrive  at  some  idea  of  the  excessive  crime 
and  the  loss  of  life,  let  him  listen  to  what  General 
Reynolds  says  on  the  subject  in  a  letter  to  the  war- 
oflice,  dated  October  21,  1869.  "The  number  of 
murders  in  the  state  during  the  nine  months  from 
January  1,  1869,  to  September  30,  1869,  according  to 
the  official  records,  necessarily  imperfect,  is  384,  be- 
ing  an  average  of  about  one  and  a  half  per  day. 

second  declaring  aU  persons  bom  or  naturalized  in  the  U.  S.  to  be  citizen i 
thereof;  and  the  third  declaring  that  the  right  of  citizens  to  vote  should  not 
be  denied  or  abridged  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of 
slavery.  A  military  board  was  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  eligibility  of  the 
members  of  the  legislature  with  the  power  to  atiminister  oaths. 

«J.  W.  Flanagan  had  been  elected  lieut-gov.,  but  the  legisl  ture  ap- 
pointed him  to  the  U.  8.  Senate. 

«/f.  J<mr.,  cong.  41,  Bess.  2,  648,  1,S87;  Mem.  and  Doc.,  1870-1,  War 
Dept.,  pt  i.,  41;  S.  Jour.y  cong.  41,  sess.  2,  434,  1517;  H.  Jotir.,  conjj.  41, 
3,  6;  S.  Mijuc,  cong.  41,  seas.  2,  doc.  77,  p.  35;  Ckmg.  Olofje,  cong.  41, 
2,  pt.  3»2328. 


W>  THE  REOONSTRUCmON  PERIOD. 

From  this  statement  it  appears  that  with  the  partial 
breaking  up  of  bands  of  desperadoes  by  militaiy  lud 
the  number  of  murders  is  diminishing  from  month  to 
month."** 

^Hepe  of  see.  of  war,  cang.  41,  seas.  %  L  145.  Gov.  Peaae  in  his  meoaee 
to  the  convention,  June  1,  1869,  sajrs  that  duringthe  six  preceding  montLa 
206  homicides  had  been  committed  in  67  of  the  127  organized  ooanties  of  the 
state,  while  but  a  small  number  of  the  perpet 
punished  by  the  process  of  law.  ThraU,  421 


CHAPTER  XIX 

TEXAS  RESTORED!. 
1871-188a 

ADKINLSmUTIOK    or   GOVXRNOB   DaYIB — MbsSAGS   to  .THX   LlOIBLATURl — 

Republican  Mxasubjes — ^Partt  Rivalbt — Austin  thx  Pbrmanbmt 
Capital— Repeal  of  Obnoxious  Laws — Condition  of  the  Tkbasukt 
— ^Republicans  veesus  Democrats — A  Dangerous  Crisis — Vioto&t 
or  THE  Democrats^-Coke  Elected  Governor — Condition  of  Affaire 
— ^Thx  New  Constitution — Coke's  Criticisms — Governor  Hubbab» 
— ^The  Salt  War— Finance— Governoa  Roberts'  Policy— Indiah 
Affairs — ^Ths  Boundary  Question. 

It  was  the  irony  of  liberty,  equality,  and  the  re- 
publican form  of  government— the  thrusting  at  this 
juncture  into  legislative  halls  and  offices  of  honor  and 
trust,  the  thick-lipped,  curly-haired,  stolid-brained 
black  man,  sometime  from  the  jungles  of  Africa,  late 
the  slave,  now  the  ruler  of  the  pale-faced  intellectual 
European!  What  a  sensible,  statesmanlike,  wise, 
and  pohtic  thing  was  it  for  our  Yankee  demagogues, 
carpet-baggers,  political  hacks,  hucksters,  and  trick- 
sters, after  the  extinguishment  of  the  savagism  slav- 
ery, to  take  this  black  African  beast  and  set  him  up 
as  a  god  to  rule  over  us,  to  make  laws  for  us,  to  set 
an  example  for  us  in  the  ways  of  intellectual  culture 
and  refinement !  It  is  the  greatest  and  most  lasting 
disgrace  the  people  of  the  United  States  ever  have 
or  ever  can  bring  upon  themselves.  No  wonder  it 
was  a  galling  sore  to  the  south,  ever  open,  ever  fresh. 
It  was  wholly  unworthy  of  the  American  people,  an 
insult  to  their  own  intelligence,  to  their  own  institu- 
tions, a  prostitution  of  what  they  should  hold  most 

(501) 


002  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

high  and  holy — ^the  privilege  of  suffrage,  of  self- 
government  from  an  intelligent  and  progressive 
stand-point.  There  is  one  consolation  in  it  all,  how- 
ever, and  that  is  that  this  black  republicanism,  which 
foisted  upon  the  nation  this  monstrous  iniquity, 
gained  nothing  by  it — ^nothing  but  ignominy  and 
retribution.  It  was  a  cowardly  thing  to  do,  a  base 
ignoble  revenge;  an  act  retroactive  in  its  effect, 
bringing  also  its  curse  upon  its  perpetrators. 

Though  Governor  Davis  assumed  the  executive 
office  in  January,  he  was  only  acting  in  a  provisional 
capacity.  When,  however,  the  president  signed  the 
bill  restoring  Texas  to  her  rights  as  a  sovereign  state 
of  the  union,  Davis  issued  a  proclamation,  April  2d, 
announcing  the  fact,  and  signing  himself  governor  of 
Texas.  On  the  16th  of  the  same  month,  General 
Reynolds  remitted  to  the  civil  authorities  the  powers 
that  had  been  conferred  upon  the  military  commander 
by  the  reconstruction  laws,  and  the  troops  were  with- 
drawn from  the  various  posts  in  the  interior  and  sent 
to  the  fix)ntier.  Small  detachments,  however,  were 
retained  at  Jefferson,  Austin,  and  San  Antonio,  the 
latter  point  being  the  principal  distributing  depot  and 
the  future  headquarters  of  the  department.  The 
legislature  assembled  again  on  the  26th,  and  on  the 
28th  the  governor  was  duly  inaugurated. 

In  his  inaugural  address  Gk)vemor  Davis  remarked 
that  what  might  be  termed  the  second  annexation  of 
Texas  had  been  consummated;  but  the  Texas  of  1845 
was  very  different  from  that  of  1870.  The  former 
brought  into  the  union  with  her  single  star  also 
thousands  of  slaves;  the  latter  knew  no  bondman  on 
her  soiL  Alluding  to  the  late  war  he  considered 
that  few  on  either  side  at  the  beginning  of  the 
struggle  had  either  calculated  or  desired  the  full  result 
attained  at  its  close.  While  the  one  side  sought  to 
sustain  a  structure  of  which  the  very  comer-stone  was 
a  denial  of  the  truth  of  the  declaration,  "that  all  men 
are  created  equal,"  the  other  grasped  the  sword  mainly 


GOVERNOR'S  M£SSAOSl  503 

to  preserve  a  glorious  nationality.  It  required  vears 
of  misfortune  to  point  out  the  foundation  of  the 
trouble.  "Let  us, '  he  said,  "accept  the  result  as  an 
indication  and  lesson  that  there  is  no  safe  neutral 
ground  for  human  judgment  between  right  and  wrong. 
Let  us  be  wholly  right."  ^ 

On  April  29th,  the  governor  sent  in  his  message. 
He  first  called  attention  to  the  necessity  of  providing 
measures  for  tho  suppression  of  crime,  and  recom* 
mended  the  passage  of  a  law  for  the  efficient  organi- 
zation of  the  militia,  and  the  establishment  of  a  police 
system  which  would  embrace  the  whole  state  under 
one  head,  so  that  the  police,  sheriffs,  and  constables 
of  the  different  cities  should  be  made  a  part  of  the 
general  police,  act  in  concert  with  it,  and  be  subject 
to  the  orders  of  the  chief  He  next  made  mention  of 
a  class  of  criminals  which  consisted  of  mobs  of  lawless 
men,  who  assembled  and  operated  in  disguise  in  carry- 
ing out  some  unlawful  purpose,  generally  directed 
against  the  freedmen.  The  immunity  from  arrest  of 
such  offenders  gave  reason  to  suppose  that  they  were 
protected  or  encouraged  by  the  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple. In  suggesting  measures  to  suppress  this  evil, 
Governor  Davis  advocated  conferring  upon  the  exec- 
utive the  power  of  temporarily  establishing  martial 
law  under  certain  contingencies.  He,  moreover,  con- 
sidered that  the  frequency  of  homicides  was  attribu- 
table to  the  habit  of  carrying  arms,  and  recommended 
the  legislature  to  restrict  that  privilege,  which  it  would 
be  able  to  do  under  the  amended  constitution.' 

On  the  subject  of  education,  the  governor  remarked 
that  the  establishment  of  a  good  system  of  schools 
would  in  time  operate  in  diminishing  crime,  and  re- 
minded the  legislature  that  the  provisions  of  the  con- 
stitution made  it  *Hhe  imperative  duty"  of  that  body 
to  provide  for  tho  education  of  all  children  of  scholas- 

*No.  4  in  Tex.  Col  Dor.,  no.  2,  is  a  copy  of  the  inaugural  address. 

*  Section  xiiL  of  the  bill  of  rights  reads  thus:  *  Every  person  shall  have 
the  right  to  keep  and  bear  arms  in  the  lawful  defence  of  liimself  or  tlie  state, 
iLoder  such  regiuations  as  the  legislature  may  prescribe.' 


50i  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

tic  age.  A  perpetual  school  fiind  was  provided  for  by 
the  constitution,  and  he  produced  a  summary  of  the 
means  then  disposable  for  the  purposes  of  education/ 

Other  matters  brought  before  the  notice  of  the 
legislature  were  the  questions  of  internal  improvement, 
subsidizing  private  enterprises,  the  public  works,  and 
immigration.  With  respect  to  the  first,  Davis  cau- 
tioned the  legislature  against  affording  aid  to  specula- 
tors who,  proposing  schemes  for  private  advanti^e 
under  the  name  of  internal  improvements,  were  in  the 
habit  of  calling  upon  the  state  for  aid;  he  was  of 
opinion  that,  beyond  a  UberaJ  charter,  there  was  no 
necessity  for  state  aid  to  insure  the  success  of  any 
honest  and  feasible  enterprise.  With  regard  to  immi- 
gration, he  hoped  that  when  such  respect  for  law  and 
order  had  been  estabUshed  as  would  relieve  new-comers 
of  all  apprehensions  for  their  personal  safety,  the  cheap 
and  fertile  lands  of  Texas  would  attract  immigrants 
It  was  necessary  that  the  immigration  bureau  author- 
ized by  the  constitution  should  be  oi^anized  at  once 
on  a  liberal  basis,  and  a  complete  geological  survey 
undertaken  in  order  to  ascertain  the  capacity  of  the 
state,  both  in  an  agricultural  and  mineral  point  of 
view. 

He  next  calls  attention  to  the  condition  of  the  asy- 
lums for  the  deaf  and  dumb,  the  blind,  and  insane, 
and  the  penitentiary  at  Huntsville.  The  lunatic  asy- 
lum was  far  too  small  to  admit  even  all  such  patients 
as  came  within  the  limited  requirements  of  the  law, 
and  many  had  to  be  denied  admittance;  a  liberal  pro- 
vision should  be  made  for  the  increased  wants  of  the 
state  in  this  respect.  As  to  the  penitentiary,  owing 
to  bad  management  it  had  been,  until  quite  lately,  a 
heavy  expense,  the  excess  of  expenditures  over  receipts 
up  to  November  16, 1869,  being  $107,645.  The  num- 
ber of  convicts,  according  to  the  last  report  of  Febru- 

'  Namely,  cash  in  specie  $58,979,  cnrrency  $543;  in  5  per  cent  bonds  un- 
der act  of  Nov.  12,  1866,  $82,168;  principal  and  interest  due  to  the  sdiool 
fund  from  railroad  companies  $2,742,198.  Governor's  message,  nOb  6,  5-7>  in 
Id. 


INDIANS  AND  FINANCES.  iI05 

ary  10,  1870,  was  489  confined  within  the  walls,  and 
in  Apnl  following  181  were  laboring  on  the  railroad. 
The  governor  deprecated  the  system  of  employing  the 
convicts  on  the  railroads,  both  as  demoralizing  and 
afTordii^  facilities  of  escape.  He  recommends  that 
the  penitentiary  be  enlarged,  and  the  outside  convicts 
returned  to  it 

In  speaking  of  the  depredations  committed  by  Ind- 
ians, he  remarked  that  from  time  immemorial  the 
hostile  tribes  had  afflicted  the  country  with  their 
murderous  visits ;  that  no  treaty  or  concession  could 
appease  them,  or  stay  their  hands ;  and  that  the  only 
result  that  could  be  permanently  effectual  was  exter- 
mination, or  total  conquest  and  submission.  The 
measures  adopted  by  the  military  commander  were 
all  that  could  be  done  with  his  limited  resources.* 

The  legislature  would,  it  was  hoped,  encourage  in 
every  reasonable  wf»y  the  growth  of  every  kind  of 
manufacture  and  industry.  One  of  the  mopt  impor- 
tant interests  of  Texas  was  cattle-breeding,  but  unfor- 
tunately the  laws  for  the  protection  of  the  stock-raiser's 
property  were  defective,  especially  in  regard  to  herd- 
ing, branding,  and  selling  cattle.  Practices  had  be- 
come common  in  these  respects  which  almost  destroyed 
the  safety  of  that  kind  of  property. 

Financial  matters  were  the  last  topic  discussed  In 
the  message.  The  governor  was  of  opinion  that  ex- 
penditures would  amount  to  about  $1,500,000.  The 
amoimt  of  cash  on  hand  September  3,  1867,  was 
§20,232;  receipts  from  that  date  to  April  16,  1870, 
were  $1,384,191,  and  the  expenditures  during  the 
same  period  $1,024,851.  The  amount  of  cash  in  the 
treasury,  exclusive  of  school  and  special  funds,  was 
$2,953  in  specie  and  $413,747  in  currency.  Deduct- 
ing appropriations  made  by  military  orders  since 
March    1st,   there    remained   $2,953   in   specie   and 

*  Reynolds  m^ged  the  establishment  of  a  military  telegraph  line  along  the 
frontier,  and  recommended  that  the  department  commander  should  be  au- 
thorized to  equip  and  employ  frontiersmen  in  co-operation  wiUi  the  U.  S. 
troops.  Jiepl.  Sec  War,  cong.  41,  sess.  3,  L  41. 


506  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

$368,426  in  currency.  The  debt  of  the  state  was 
small.  Under  act  of  November  12,  1866,  five  per 
centum  state  bonds,  to  the  amount  of  $82,168,  were 
issued  to  the  school  fund,  and  $134,472  of  similar 
bonds  to  the  university  fund.  If  the  act  was  to  be 
respected,  the  state  was  so  much  indebted  to  the 
above-named  funds.  The  only  other  indebtedne^ 
was  that  of  ten  per  cent  warrants  issued  before  the 
late  war,  but  the  amount  could  not  be  considerable. 
The  governor  remarked  that  the  whole  system  of  col- 
lection of  revenue  would  have  to  be  revised  and  made 
more  effective. 

This  message  represented  very  fairly  the  condition 
and  requirements  of  Texas,  on  her  people  resumuig 
self-government.  The  legislature,*  with  a  large  ma- 
jority of  them  republicans,  accepted  the  governor's 
views  in  aU  important  points.  The  militia  w^as  or- 
ganized,' and  divided  into  two  classes,  namely  the 
state  guard,  composed  of  volimteers  and  the  reserve 
military,  which  included  all  persons  liable  to  service, 
not  enrolled  in  the  state  guard.  All  the  troops  were 
placed  under  the  control  of  the  governor,  who  was 
also  empowered  to  declare  martial  law  in  any  county 
or  counties,  and  call  out,  in  cases  of  emergency,  such 
portion  of  the  militia  as  he  might  deem  necessary  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  law.  Other  bills  authorized 
him  to  organize  twenty  companies  for  the  protection  of 
the  frontier,  and  establish  a  state  police,  under  the 
system  suggested  by  him  in  his  message.  An  elec- 
tion law  was  passed  requiring  voters  to  register,  and 
laying  down  stringent  rules  for  conducting  elections; 
tlie  judicial  districts  were  re-organized  and  their 
number  was  raised  to  thirty-five,  and  a  bill  was 
passed  estabUshing  a  system  of  public  free  schools 

^According  to  Thrall,  page  429,  the  legislature  politically  ooosidered 
stood  thus:  in  the  senate  17  republicans,  two  of  them  Africans,  7  canserva- 
tives,  and  6  democrats;  in  the  house,  50  republicans,  8  being  Africans,  19 
conservatives,  and  21  democrats. 

'TIic  act  of  congre<«  prohibiting  the  organization  of  the  militia, 
pealed  July  15,  1870,  Ccmg,  Oiobe,  1869-70.  Ap.  738. 


PARTY  ISSUES.  fi07 

throughout  the  state.  The  session  was  a  long  one, 
and  numerous  enactments  were  passed ;  nor  was  it  till 
August  15th  that  the  legislature  adjourned 

Though  the  great  civil  war  had  ended  years 
ago,  contention  had  not  ceased.  In  the  political 
arena-  republicans  and  democrats — respectively  repre- 
senting the  old  unionists  and  secessionists — carried  on 
the  strife,  and  displayed  toward  each  other  feelings  as 
bitter  and  hostile  as  had  ever  been  entertained  by 
federals  and  confederates  in  their  conflicts  on  the 
battlefield.  Governor  Davis  had  been  a  general  in 
the  federal  army,  while  the  larger  portion  of  the 
people  of  Texas  had  been  confederates.  His  election 
to  oflSce,  as  well  as  that  of  the  members  of  the  legisla- 
ture, had  not  been  an  expression  of  the  will  of  the 
majority,  but  was  due  to  the  pressure  of  the  recon- 
struction laws.  Party  spirit,  therefore,  was  violent, 
and  the  action  of  the  republican  party  in  power  was 
watched  with  critical  scrutiny,  by  the  democrats 
whose  rivalry  was  intensified  oy  the  humiliation  of^ 
defeat.  The  provisions  of  the  militia  and  police  bills, 
and  especially  that  authorizing  the  governor  to  pro- 
claim martial  law,  gave  dissatisfaction  to  both  con- 
servatives and  democrats.  A  large  portion  of  the 
police  force  was  drawn  from  the  black  race ;  and  the 
reader  will  doubtless  correctly  estimate  the  passion- 
ate indignation  of  the  white  man,  on  being  interfered 
with  in  his  conduct  by  a  low,  impudent  negro.^ 

^Colliaioiis  consequently  occurred.  In  Jan.  1871,  there  was  a  serions 
affair  in  Huntsville.  A  negro,  an  important  witness  in  a  criminal  case,  was 
killed,  and  persons  implicated  in  the  murder  were  arrested.  Friends  aided 
them  to  escape,  and  tne  captain  of  police  who  held  them  in  charge,  Was 
wonnded  in  the  scrimmage.  Martial  law  was  proclaimed  by  the  gov.,  Jan. 
20,  and  a  military  company  sent  from  an  adjoining  county  to  enforce  the 
law.  The  supremacy  of  the  civil  law,  however,  was  soon  restored.  An- 
other difficulty  occurred  at  Groesbeck,  in  September,  one  Applewhite  beinff 
killed  in  the  streets  by  three  colored  policemen.  A  serious  disturlMtnce  took 
place,  the  whites  and  negroes  being  arrayed  against  each  other.  On  Oct. 
)0,  Gov.  Davis  proclaimed  martial  law  in  LimcHtone  and  Freestone  counties. 
The  order  was  revoked  Nov.  11th,  but  the  people  were  assessed  for  a  consid- 
eralde  sum  to  defray  eicpenses.  In  Hill  county  also  martial  law  was  en- 
forced for  a  short  time.  TftraUy  431. 


508  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

The  growing  strength  of  the  democratic  party, 
however, — or  rather  its  natural  strength  when  re- 
leased from  coercion — showed  itself  m  time.  In 
November,  1872,  from  the  5th  to  the  8th  incluave,' 
a  general  election  was  held  for  electors  of  president 
and  vice-president  of  the  United  States,  for  members 
to  congress,  to  fill  vacancies  in  the  state  senate,  for 
representatives  to  the  13th  legislature,  for  district  at- 
torneys, and  for  county  officers.  The  late  constitution 
having  provided  that  the  governor  should  hold  oflSce 
for  the  term  of  fotir  years,  the  election  for  the  execu- 
tive did  not  take  place  till  December  1873.  The 
result  of  the  election  of  1872  was  that  the  democrats 
returned  to  congress  the  six  representatives  to  which 
Texas  was  now  entitled,  and  a  majority  in  the  state 
legislature. 

At  the  same  election,  according  to  a  proviaon  of 
the  constitution,  the  vote  of  the  people  was  taken  for 
the  permanent  location  of  the  seat  of  government,  the 
city  of  Austin  being  chosen  by  a  large  majority  as 
the  capital.* 

Moreover,  an  amendment  to  the  6th  section,  Ar- 
ticle X.,  of  the  constitution"  was  proposed,  and  ac- 
cepted by  a  vote  of  57,611  for,  and  35,076  against  it 

The  thirteenth  legislature  met  January  14,  1873, 
and  the  democrats  at  once  exercised  their  controlling 
majority,  by  causing  obnoxious  law6  to  be  repealed 
The  militia  bill  passed  by  the  last  legislature,  was  so 
changed  as  to  deprive  the  governor  of  his  power  to 
declare  martial  war;  the  objectionable  state  police 
force  was  disbanded,  and  material  changes  were  ef- 
fected in  the  election  laws.  Measures  also  were 
adopted  to  reduce  the  expenses  of  government. 


'According  to  the  provision  of  the  oonstitation,  tiie  polls  at  electioos 
were  to  be  opened  for  four  days. 

■Votes  cast  for  Austin,  64,277;  for  Hooston,  36,  147;  for  Waco^  12,777; 
Tex.  Off.  Returns,  Otn,  Elec,  1872,  18. 

^  Reading  thus:  '  The  legislature  shall  not  hereafter  mat  lands  to  ar.r 
person  or  persons,  nor  shall  any  certificate  for  land  be  sold  at  the  land  office, 
except  to  actual  settlers  upon  the  same,  and  in  lots  not  exceeding  160  r — - ' 


FINA19CIAL  AFFAnta  509 

Governor  Davis  in  his  annual  message  called  atten- 
tion to  the  unsatisfactory  condition  in  which  he  found 
the  state  treasury.  It  appears  that  the  treasurer  had 
vacated  his  office  under  circumstances  that  led  to  the 
suspicion  that  transactions  of  a  doubtful  nature  had 
taken  place  in  the  department  during  his  management. 
Public  comments  reaching  the  governor's  ears  com- 
pelled him  to  investigate  the  matter,  and  he  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  profits  had  been  made  by  the  late 
treasurer  to  the  amount  of  $30,000;  accordingly  he 
directed  the  attorney-general  to  sue  him  and  his 
securities  for  that  amount."  On  his  suggestion,  too, 
a  select  joint  committee  was  appointed  by  the  two 
branches  of  the  legislature  to  examine  into  the  con- 
dition of  the  offices  of  the  comptroller  and  the  treas- 
urer and  report  upon  it.  From  the  report  of  this 
committee,  sent  in  June  2,  1873,  it  appears  that  there 
had  been  much  irregularity;  that  the  books  in  the 
comptroller's  office  were  kept  in  an  inaccurate  and 
confused  manner,  and  with  such  a  reckless  disregard  of 
system  as  to  render  any  attempt  to  obtain  from  them 
a  correct  statement  of  the  state's  finances  extremely 
difficult;  and  that  a  deficit  in  the  treasury  actually  ex- 
isted. 

The  legislature  having  thus  efiected  many  desirable 
reforms  the  democrats  next  determined  to  reform  the 
government.  The  governor  was  a  stanch  republican, 
and  there  was  a  republican  majority  in  the  senate ; 
but  the  democrats  readUy  perceived  that  the  thumb- 
screw of  obstruction  would  compel  their  opponents  to 
yield  to  a  measure  which  would  overthrow  them,  and 
the  house  refused  to  vote  money  to  carry  on  the  gov- 
ernment until  it  had  succeed  in  the  scheme  planned 
by  it.  It  was  a  well-conceived  political  stratagem. 
Cfonfident  that  at  the  polls  the  democratic  majority 
would  be  overwhelming,  the  house  decided  to  procure 
a  new  election,  though  it  would  thus  be  legislating 
itself  out.     An  act  was  accordingly  passed  April  24, 

^  Dayia'  testimony  in  Tex.  Rept  Com.  Inveat,  C(mpt.,  June  2,  1S73,  17. 


510  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

1873,  making  a  new  apportionment  of  the  state  and 
changing  the  senatorial  districts,  which  change  neces- 
sitated a  new  general  election.  On  May  26tli9  fol- 
lowing, another  act  was  forced  through  the  l^isLatnre, 
prescribing  that  the  election  should  be  held  on  the 
first  Tuesday  in  December,"  the  day  on  which  the 
election  for  the  new  governor  would  take  place. 

On  the  appointed  day  the  election  was  held,  and 
in  all  three  branches  the  democrats  were  triumphant 
But  the  republicans  were  not  disposed  to  yield  with- 
out a  struggle.  The  constitutionality  of  the  law 
under  which  the  election  had  been  held  was  brought 
before  the  supreme  court  which  decided  that  it  was 
unconstitutional,  and  Davis,  on  January  12th,  issued 
a  proclamation  prohibiting  the  new  legislature  from 
assembling.  In  defiance  of  this  interdict,  however, 
it  met  on  the  following  day  and  organiz|d.  Much 
alarm  was  entertained  that  a  collision  would  take 
place  between  the  two  parties.  And  not  without 
some  cause.  The  two  branches  of  the  legislature 
occupied  the  upper  story  of  the  capitol  with  a  com- 
pany of  the  mihtia  as  guard;  at  the  same  time  Davis 
and  the  other  executive  ofiicers  held  possession  of  the 
lower  story  with  a  company  of  colored  soldiers  under 
the  adj  utant-general. "  President  Grant  was  appealed 
to  but  refused  to  sustain  Davis.  Fortunately  moder- 
ation prevailed  and  no  conflict  took  place.  J.  P. 
Newcomb,  the  secretary  of  state,  permitted,  under 
protest,  the  election  returns  to  be  delivered  to  a  com- 
mittee of  the  legislature.  The  votes  having  been 
counted,  Eichard  Coke"  was  declared   elected  gov- 

^>See  Ttx.  Oen,  Lcum,  18  leg.,  43,  et  sea. 

^  Gov.  Coke  in  his  annual  message  of  Jan.  1876,  page  4,  makes  this  u- 
Bcrtion:  *The  floors  of  the  halls  in  which  yon  now  sitnad  been  examintMi 
by  the  conspirators,  and  it  had  been  ascertained  that  the  armed  forces  en- 
trenched in  the  basement  beneath^  could  piece  them  with  their  missiles  if 
necessary  to  attack  you. ' 

^^Coke  was  bom  at  WiHiamsbnrg,  Va.,  March  13,  1829;  was  educated  at 
WiUiam  and  Manr  college,  and  havmg  studied  law  was  admitted  to  the  lar 
when  21  years  of  age.  In  1850  he  removed  to  Waco,  McLennan  ooantj, 
Texas.  He  served  in  the  confederate  army,  first  as  private  and  afterwaxd  as 
captain;  was  district  judge  in  June  1850,  and  in  18G6  was  elected  by  the 


LEGISLATIVE  MEASURES.  511 

emor  by  a  majority  of  50,000,  and  Richard  B.  Hub- 
bard, lieutenant-governor.  For  some  days  the  public 
was  agitated  by  doubt  and  apprehension  as  to  the 
probability  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  dispute,  but 
on  the  19th  Governor  Davis  vacated  the  executive 
office  without  making  a  formal  surrender."  Governor 
Coke  took  undisputed  possession,  and  the  excitement 
was  allayed  Thus  terminated  this  contest  for  suprem- 
acy between  the  republican  and  democratic  parties, 
happily  without  bloodshed.  But  it  was  a  critical 
point  in  the  progress  of  affairs.  The  least  spark  of 
fire  would  have  exploded  the  magazine  of  animosity 
harbored  on  both  sides.  Thus  the  city  which  had  so 
lately  been  declared  the  permanent  capital  of  the  state 
narrowly  escaped  being  baptized  in  blood. 

During  the  first  session  of  the  14th  legislature,  no 
extraordinary  measures  worthy  of  especial  mention 
were  adopted,^'  with  the  exception  of  granting  pen- 
democratic  party  jndge  of  the  state  gnpreme  court,  but  was  removed  in  1867 
by  Sheridan  as  an  'impediment  to  reconstruction.'  U,  8,  Sen,  MigceL,  cong. 
42,  aess.  2,  na  8,  pt  i.,  71. 

'*  Davis  in  a  speech  made  to  the  citizens  of  Travis  county,  Oct.  4,  1880, 
alliides  to  this  affair,  and  speaks  of  the  democrats  as  having  *  seized  the  state 
government,  in  January,  1874.'  Davis,  Speech,  3,  with  Oratff  liiat,  AusHn. 
&OV.  Coke  8  view  of  the  situation  was  different.  In  his  mesjase  mentioned 
in  note  he  says:  '  Forebodings  of  danger  to  popular  liberty  and  repreaenta- 
tive  government  caused  the  stoutest  and  most  patriotic  among  us  to  tremble 
for  t£e  result.  A  conajpiracy,  bolder  and  more  wicked  than  that  of  Cataline 
against  the  liberties  of^  Rome,  had  planned  the  overthrow  of  free  govern- 
ment in  Texas.  The  caj^itol  and  its  purlieus  were  held  by  armed  men  under 
command  of  the  conspirators;  and  the  treasury  and  department  offices, 
-with  all  the  archives  ot  the  govt,  were  in  their  possession.  Your  right  to 
assemble  in  the  capitol,  as  the  chosen  representatives  of  the  people  was  de- 
nied, and  the  will  of  the  people  of  Texas  scoffed  at  and  defied. . . .  The  presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  was  being  implored  to  send  troops  to  aid  in  over- 
throwing the  government  of  Texas,  chosen  by  her  people  by  a  majority  of 
50,000.  The  local  and  municipal  offir^rs  throughout  the  state  in  sympathy 
-with  the  infamous  designs  of  these  desperate  ana  unscrupulous  revolutionists, 
tflViTig  courage  from  the  boldness  of  the  leaders  at  the  capitol,  were  refusing 
-(o  deliver  over  to  their  lawfully  elected  successors,  the  offices  in  their  poj- 
session.  A  universal  conflict  of  jurisdiction  and  authority,  extenainff 
through  all  the  departments  of  government,  embracing  in  its  sweep  aU 
the  territoiy  and  inhabitants  of  the  state,  and  every  question  upon  which 
legitimate  government  is  called  to  act,  was  imminent  and  impending.' 

>*It  should  be  mentioned  that  an  act  was  passed  April  10,  1874,  author- 
izing the  gov.  to  organize  a  battalion  of  six  companies,  each  75  strong,  f(/r 
defence  of  the  frontier  against  Indians.  The  comnanies  were  organized  June 
4ih  following,  and  placed  nnder  the  command  of  Maj.  John  B.  Jones. 


612  TEXAS  BESTORED. 

sions  to  revolutionary  veterans,  and  the  reorganization 
of  the  supreme  court,  the  number  of  judges  being 
increased  to  five  by  an  amendment  to  the  constitution, 
which  had  provided  that  the  court  should  consist  of 
only  three  members.  But  there  was  manifested  a 
growing  discontent  in  regard  to  the  constitution, 
which  had  been,  as  it  were,  thrust  upon  the  people  of 
Texas,  and  when  the  legislature  met,  in  January  1875, 
on  the  occasion  of  its  second  session.  Governor  Coke 
recommended  it  to  make  provision  by  appropriate 
enactment  for  assembling  a  convention  to  frame  a 
constitution  of  government  for  Texas.  The  existing 
constitution,  he  said,  was  by  general  consent  admitted 
to  be  a  defective  instrument ;  many  of  its  provisions 
were  incongruous  and  repugnant ;  its  restrictions  were 
so  many,  and  descended  so  much  into  legislative  de- 
tail, as  to  present  incessant  embarrassments;  and 
while  some  provisions  were  oppressive  or  inconvenient, 
others  were  positively  obstructive  to  legislation.  Ne- 
cessity, he  added,  forced  it  on  the  people  of  Texas, 
and  prudence  and  policy  prompted  submission  to  it. 
But  no  reason  existed  for  submitting  to  it  any  longer. 
The  causes  which  a  year  before  had  rendered  it  im- 
prudent to  call  together  a  constitutional  convention 
had  ceased  to  exist ;  federal  interference  was  no  longer 
feared,  and  the  popular  mind  was  free  from  passion 
and  excitement.  "For  twelve  months  past,"  he  said, 
"the  thinking  men  of  the  state  have  been  studymg 
and  investigating  the  subjects  to  be  dealt  with  in 
framing  a  constitution,  and  are  now  prepared  to  act"" 
The  governor's  message  is  a  lengthy  document 
comprising  92  octavo  pages,  and  he  enters  fully  into 
every  subject  to  which  he  calls  the  attention  of  the 
legislature.  All  internal  matters  are  considered,  and 
some  space  is  devoted  to  statements  .touching  the  con- 
dition of  the  frontier  in  connection  with  inroads  made 
by  Indians,  and  Mexican  border  troubles.  He  re- 
marked that,  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  the  Indians 

"TVx.  JfcM.  €hv,,  14th  legia.,  2d  Bess.,  1875,  S-9, 


GOVERNOR  OOKR  513 

that  devastated  the  frontier  of  Texas  came  from  the 
reservations  on  the  northern  borders.  Governor  Coke 
was  in  favor  of  applying  severe  measures,  and  holding 
the  Indians  to  a  rigorous  accountability.  "  Lenity, 
he  said,  "to  their  murderous  and  thieving  propensities 
is  atrocious  cruelty  to  the  whites."  With  regard  to 
depredations  committed  by  Mexican  marauders,  he 
informed  the  legislature  that  during  the  spring  and 
early  summer  of  the  past  year  they  had  greatly  ex- 
ceeded in  magnitude  and  atrocity  transactions  of  that 
character  for  a  number  of  years  past.  The  complaint 
of  the  people  of  the  districts  exposed  to  these  preda- 
tory inroads  was  universal.  The  expense  to  which 
the  state  was  put,  owing  to  the  inadequacy  of  the 
United  States'  military  establishment,  was  very  oner- 
ous, and  the  governor  recommended  the  legislature  to 
memorialize  congress,  setting  forth  the  losses  of  life 
and  property  on  the  Mexican  border,  and  asking  that 
the  obligation  of  the  general  government  to  protect 
Texas  against  foreign  enemies  be  redeemed,  and  that 
the  money  expended  by  the  state  in  defence  of  her 
people  be  rcfiinded." 

According  to  the  report  of  Grovemor  Coke  of  Jan- 
uary 1874,  and  that  of  the  comptroller  of  February 
10th,  following,  the  public  debt  was  $1,668,131.  In 
the  present  message,  the  governor  states  that  the  en- 
tire public  debt  of  Texas,  up  to  January  1,  1875,  ac- 
cording to  the  comptroller's  report,  was  $4,012,421,  of 
which  $976,988  represented  the  floating  debt,  leaving 
a  bonded  debt  of  $3,035,433.  He  then  explains  how 
so  large  an  increase  in  figures  appears  in  the  report. 
He  says;  "  The  increase  in  the  public  debt  since  the 
report  in  January  1874,  is  represented  by  the  bonds 
and  certificates  granted  to  the  revolutionary  veterans 
of  Texas,  by  act  of  April  1874,  amounting  to  $899,- 
389,  and  a  few  thousand  dollars  of  miscellaneous  in- 

w  MemoruJa  to  this  efifect  were  laid  before  congress  by  the  14th  legislature, 
and  also  by  the  constitntioiial  convention  held  in  the  antnnin  of  1S75.  T(\i\ 
Jf^jv.  Oov.,  legifl.  15,  8688.  1,  ap.  1876,  58-9. 

III8T.  Mux.  8TATBP,  VOI*.   II.     33 


514  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

debtednesa  The  remainder  was  incurred  before 
January  1874,  and  is  due  to  school  teachers  and 
others  for  services  in  1873,  and  in  the  confusion  of 
the  records  when  the  last  report  was  made,  was  not 
noted,  and  in  fact  much  of  it  was  not  reported  until 
subsequent  to  that  time/' 

With  regard  to  the  pensions  granted  to  veterans,  it 
is  necessary  to  explain  that  by  an  act  of  August  13, 
1870,  it  was  briefly  provided  that  the  surviving 
veterans  "of  the  revolution  which  separated  Texas 
from  Mexico,  including  the  Mier  prisoners,"  and  no 
others  should  have  certain  pensions.  Comptroller 
Bledsoe,  however,  misapprehended  the  law,  and  ex- 
tended its  provisions  to  persons  not  properly  entitled 
to  the  benefit  of  it.  At  least  such  was  the  reason 
given  by  GK>vemor  Davb,  May  19,  1871,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  his  vetoing  two  items  of  appropriations  to  pay 
claims  of  veterans;  by  which  act  he  exposed  himself 
to  the  attack  of  his  democratic  enemies,  who  charged 
him  with  entertaining  hostile  feelings  toward  the 
veterans.  By  act  of  April  21,  1874,  the  legislature, 
however,  extended  the  list  of  classes  entitled  to  pen- 
sions," and  by  the  end  of  the  year,  the  governor 
became  reasonably  alarmed  at  the  rapidly  increasing 
number  of  claims;"  in  his  message,  he  urged  the 
immediate  repeal  of  the  act,  which,  if  left  on  the 
statute  book,  afforded  an  opening  for  the  perpetration 
of  frauds  on  the  state.  The  act  was  repealed  March 
13,  1875. 

In  March,  also,  provision  was  made  for  submitting 
the  all  absorbing  question  of  a  constitutional  conven- 
tion to  the  people,  and  an  election  was  ordered  to  be 

»  Under  the  act  of  1870,  a  person  entitled  to  the  pension  would  reoeiTe 
$250  if  not  wounded,  and  $500  if  wounded,  oommencing  from  Jan.  1,  1871. 
Gov.  Davis  considered  that  there  were  not  at  that  time  100  persons  in  the 
state  jusily  entitled  to  the  pension,  yet  Comptroller  Bledsoe,  under  his  con- 
struction of  the  act,  soon  found  283  claimants.  Speech  (^BoB^fffm.  DamU,  Oct. 
4»  1880,  p.  13,  in  6W«  HtsL  AuOin, 

*  Davis  says  that  Darden  and  Coke,  in  the  course  of  a  year  or  ao^  ttsoed 
$1,116,000  worth  of  bonds  in  pension.  '  Some  1,100  persons  bad  tmiwd  up 
as  vetemiB  of  the  struggle  between  Texas  and  Mexico.* 


NEW  OONSTTTUnON.  615 

held  for  that  puipose,  and  for  delegates  on  August 
2d.  On  the  appointed  day  69,583  votes  were  cast  for 
the  convention,  and  30,549  against  it.  The  delegates  " 
having  been  duly  elected,  the  convention  assembled  at 
Austin,  September  6,  1875,  and  completed  its  labors 
November  24th,  on  which  day  it  adjourned.  The 
constitution  which  it  framed  was  submitted  to  the 
people  for  ratification  February  17,  1876,  when  136, 
606  votes  were  cast  in  favor  of  it,  and  56,652  against 
it.  A  general  election  was  held  on  the  same  day,  and 
the  r^ular  democratic  state  ticket  elected.  Coke  was 
reelected  governor,  by  a  majority  of  over  102,000 
votes,  having  polled  150,418  against  47,719  cast  for 
William  Chambers." 

Some  very  striking  changes  are  noticeable  in  the 
constitution  of  1876.  In  the  bill  of  rights,  the  pro- 
visions of  the  constitution  of  1869  that  declared  seces- 
sion a  heresy,  and  that  the  constitution  and  laws  of 
United  States  are  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  are 
stricken  out.'*     With   respect  to  the   legislative  de- 

>^The  names  of  the  dele^tes,  with  their  places  of  residence  and  nativity, 
as  also  their  occnpations,  will  be  found  in  WcUsh  and  PUgrmLS  Direct,  CoruUiL 
Conven^t  1-3.  The  90  districts  sent  tip  eiehty-nine  delegates,  of  whom  75  were 
democrats  and  14  republicans,  four  of  whom  were  negroes.  The  greater 
portion  of  the  delegates  were  natives  of  the  southern  states,  there  being  only- 
four  native  Tezans. 

»  U.  8.  Ben.  JHUc.,  oong.  47,  sess.  2,  i,  doc.  8,  71;  Thrall,  437. 

**  For  the  purpose  of  comparison,  I  copy  the  preambles  and  corresponding 
provisions  in  the  two  constitutions. 

Constitution  of  Texas,  1869:  We,  the  people  of  Texas,  acknowledging 
with  gratitude  the  grace  of  God  in  permitting  us  to  make  a  choice  of  our 
form  of  government,  do  hereby  ordain  and  establish  this  constitution.  Artw 
L  Bill  of  Rights.  That  the  heresies  of  nullification  and  secession,  whidi 
brought  the  country  to  grief,  may  be  eliminated  from  future  political  dis- 
cussion; that  public  order  ma;^  he  restored,  private  property  and  human 
life  protected,  and  the  great  principles  of  liberty  and  equality  secured  to  us, 
we  declare  that:  Sec  L  The  constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  laws 
and  treaties  made  and  to  be  made  in  pursuance  tliereof,  are  acknowledged 
to  be  the  supreme  law;  that  this  constitution  is  framed  in  harmony  with,  and 
in  subordination  thereto,  and  that  the  fundamental  principles  embodied 
herein  can  only  be  changed  subject  to  the  national  authoritv. 

Constitution  of  Texas,  1876:  Preamble.  Humbly  invoking  the  blessing 
of  Almighty,  the  people  of  the  state  of  Texas  do  ordaiu  and  establish  this 
constitution.  Artw  L  Bill  of  Rights.  That  the  general,  great,  and  essential 
principles  of  liberty  and  free  government  may  be  recognized  and  established, 
we  declare:  Sec.  L  Texas  is  a  free  and  independent  state,  subject  only  to 
the  oonstitation  of  the  United  States;  and  the  maintenance  of  our  free  insti- 
tatioos,  and  the  perpetuity  of  the  union  depend  upon  the  preservation  of  the 


ffl6  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

partmenty  provision  was  made  to  increase  the  number 
of  members  of  the  house  of  representatives  to  150,  at 
the  rate  of  one  additional  member  for  each  15,000  in- 
habitants at  each  fresh  apportionment.  The  number 
of  senators  was  permanently  fixed  at  thirty-one.  The 
legislature  was  to  meet  every  two  years,  and  when- 
ever especially  convened  by  the  governor.  The 
governor's  term  of  office  was  reduced  to  two  years, 
and  his  salary  from  $5,000  to  $4,000.  All  vacancies 
in  state  or  district  offices  were  to  be  filled  by  ap- 
pointments of  the  governor,  with  the  consent  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  senate.  The  judicial  power  was  vested 
in  one  supreme  court,  consisting  of  a  chief  justice  and 
two  associate  justices,  a  court  of  appeals  composed  of 
three  judges,  and  district,  county,  and  othercourts.  The 
state  was  divided  into  twenty-six  judicial  districts,  and 
the  office  of  district  attorney  was  abolished.  Article 
VI.  of  the  constitution  of  1869,  respecting  the  right  of 
suffi:«pge,  was  stricken  out,  and  another  substituted,  in 
which  no  mention  is  made  of  "race,  color,  or  former 
condition.^  Provision  was  made  that  separate  schools 
should  be  provided  for  the  white  and  colored  children; 
and  foreign  immigration  was  discountenanced.'* 

The  15th  legislature  met  in  April  1876,  and  the 
formality  of  the  reinauguration  of  the  governor  and 
lieutenant-governor  was  observed.  In  his  message  to 
the  legislature,  Grovemor  Coke  criticised  the  new  con- 
stitution, and  pointing  out  defects,  recommended  that 
the  legislature  propose  the  necessary  amendments 
which  it  was  empowered  to  do.**     The  judiciary  arti- 

right  of  local  self-^ovemment  unimpaired  to  all  the  states.  Se&  U.  All 
political  power  is  inherent  in  the  people,  and  all  free  governments  are 
founded  on  their  authority,  and  instituted  for  their  benent.  The  faith  of 
the  x>eople  of  Texas  stands  pledged  to  the  preservation  of  a  republican  fonn 
of  government,  and  subject  to  this  limitation  only,  they  have  at  aU  times 
the  inalienable  right  to  alter,  reform,  or  abolish  their  government  in  such  & 
manner  as  they  may  think  expedient.  Copies  of  both  constitation  wiD  be 
found  in  U.  S.  ChaH.  and  ConstiL,  ii.,  1801-56. 

"  Sec.  6j5  of  Art.  XVL,  reads  thus:  '  The  lesislatore  shall  have  no  power 
to  appropriate  any  of  the  public  money  for  the  establishment  and  main- 
tenance of  a  bureau  of  immigration,  or  for  any  purpose  of  bringing  imzni- 
grants  to  this  state.' 

^  Art  XVII.  provided  that  by  a  vote  of  two-thirda  of  aU  tiie  memben 


DBFEcrrs  m  oonstitution.  sit 

cle  occupied  his  special  attention.  He  considered  the 
system  framed  in  it  so  faulty,  inefficient,  and  expen- 
sive, that  in  his  judgment  it  would  be  better  not  to 
attempt  to  amend  it,  but  to  substitute  an  entirely 
new  article.  He  describes  its  prominent  faults  in  the 
following  words :  "It  provides  for  tAVo  high  courts  of 
last  resort,  giving  supremacy  to  neither,  and  leaves 
the  country  to  be  vexed  with  uncertainty  as  to  what 
is  the  law  when  conflicting  opinions  are  annoimced  by 
these  tribimala  It  established  county  courts,  con- 
ferring on  them  extensive  general  and  statutory  juris- 
diction, and  prescribes  no  qualification  for  the  judges, 
thus  submitting  at  least  half  of  the  litigation  of  the 
country,  and  the  administration  of  the  laws  to  judges, 
many  of  whom  are  utterly  uninformed  of  the  laws 
they  must  administer,  leaving  suitors  no  remedy  for 
inevitable  injustice,  except  an  expensive  appeal  to  a 
distant  court.  It  abolishes  the  office  of  district  at- 
torney, heretofore  filled  by  men  of  learning,  ability, 
and  experience,  and  substitutes  that  of  county  at- 
torney, most  frequently  to  be  filled  by  inexperienced 
men,  leaving  many  counties  without  prosecutors  at 
all,  where  they  are  most  needed,  thereby  paralyzing 
the  efficiency  of  the  laws,  exempting  criminals  from 
punishment,  and  mviting  an  increase  of  lawlessness 
and  crime,  so  difficult  to  repress  under  the  most  rigid 
enforcement  of  the  laws."  Moreover,  it  extended  the 
jurisdiction  of  justices  of  the  peace  over  matters  and 
rights  too  important  to  be  submitted  to  the  judgment 
of  men  usually  unlearned  in  the  law ;  it  failed  in  some 
instances  to  provide  for  appeals ;  it  provided  insufficient 
salaries  for  district  judges;  and  surrendered  the  peo- 
ple, in  a  considerable  portion  of  the  state,  "to  the 
domination  of  uneducated  and  ignorant  suffi:xige,"  in 
three-fourths  of  their  Utigation. 

On  the  subject  of  taxation  he  calls  attention  to  the 

elected  to  each  house,  the  legislature  might  propose  amendments  to  the  con< 
8titotiosi«  which  were  to  be  published  and  submitted  to  the  people  for  ratifi- 
catiozL 


518  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

glaring  inconsistency  in  the  rates  assigned  to  cities 
and  towns  of  10,000  inhabitants  and  less,  and  those 
containing  more  than  10,000  inhabitants.  Sections 
4  and  5,  article  XI.,  provided  that  the  maximum  rate 
of  taxation  for  the  support  of  the  municipal  govern- 
ment of  the  former  should  never  exceed  oiie-fourth 
of  one  per  centum,  and  for  the  latter  two  and  one 
half  per  centum.  The  enormous  difference  between 
these  rates,  he  remarks,  the  utter  inefficiency  of  the 
one,  and  the  excessiveness  of  the  other,  are  suggestive 
of  inadvertence  or  mistake.  His  views  with  respect  to 
the  constitutional  prohibition  upon  the  encouragement 
of  immigration  were  condemnatory.  He  regarded  it  as 
unwise  and  contrary  to  the  plainest  dictates  of  a  proper 
policy.  No  amendments  of  the  constitution  in  con- 
formity with  his  suggestions  have  hitherto  been  mada 

While  the  governor  was  able  to  report  a  greatly 
improved  condition  of  affairs  on  the  Indian  frontier, 
and  that  the  predatory  iiicursions  of  the  savages  were 
becoming  rare,  he  could  not  make  a  similar  favorable 
statement  with  regard  to  the  Mexican  border  troubles. 
Unfortunately  the  depredations  of  Mexican  robbers 
on  the  east  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  had  continued 
almost  without  interruption,  and  with  increasing  bold- 
ness and  audacity.  Murder,  robbery,  and  conflagra- 
tion had  marked  the  track  of  their  raids;  the  energies 
of  that  portion  of  the  country  were  paralized,  its 
wealth  was  destroyed,  and  the  terror  under  which 
people  lived  threatened  depopulation. 

On  May  5  th  Coke  was  elected  senator  to  the  United 
States'  congress,  but  continued  to  exercise  the  func- 
tions of  executive  till  December  1st  whea  he  re- 
signed,'" and  Lieutenant-governor  Hubbard  succeeded 
to  the  office." 

'^^The  executive  officers  durinc  Coke's  admimstration  were  the  following: 
S.  H.  Darden,  comptroller;  A.  J.  Dom,  treasurer;  J.  J.  Groos,  land  com- 
missioner; A.  W.  iSeBerry,  secretary  of  state;  O.  N.  HoUingsworth,  snpt 
pub.  instruction;  William  Steele,  adjutant-general;  Qeo.  Clark,  attorney- 
general,  also  H.  H.  Boone;  Jerome  B.  Robertson,  supt.  bureau  of  immign- 
tion.    Walftfi  and  Pil'jriras  DirecL  CormtU.  Conven.,  4;  Tkral^  43^. 

^'  Richard  B.  Hubbard  was  bom  in  Georgia  in  1834;  graduated  at  Mercer 


SALT  LAKES  BIOT.  519 

During  Governor  Hubbard's  administFation  a  seri- 
ous trouble  arose  between  the  Texan  and  Mexican 
citizens  of  El  Paso  county.  The  particulars  are  as 
follow:  In  December,  1877,  a  riot  occurred  at  San 
!Elizario,  arising  from  interference  with  the  right  of 
Mexican  citizens  of  Texas  to  the  free  use  of  the 
Guadalupe  salt  lakes,  lying  90  miles  east  of  that 
town.  The  anger  of  the  people  was  aggravated  by  a 
personal  feud  existing  between  two  leading  inhabi- 
tants, Charles  H.  Howard,  and  Louis  Cardis,  who 
was  extremely  popular  with  the  Mexicans.  Howard, 
having  located  certam  salt  deposits,  endeavored  to 
establish  a  private  occupation  of  them,  and  the  right 
to  exact  pay  for  salt  taken  therefrom.  Cardis  insti- 
gated the  Mexican  citizens  of  El  Paso  county  to  re- 
sist this  encroachment  upon  their  rights,*'  and  when 
Howard  with  the  county  judge  and  a  justice  of  the 
peace,  endeavored  to  force  matters  by  attempting  to 
arrest  certain  parties  engaged  in  the  business  at  San 
Elizario,  they  themselves  were  seized  by  a  mob  of 
Mexicans  who  threatened  to  take  Howard's  life. 
Through  the  efforts  of  Cardis  and  Pierre  Bourgade, 
the  priest  of  the  parish,  they  were  released,  Howard 
being  compelled  to  sign  a  bond  for  $12,000  with  sure- 
ties, engaging  to  leave  the  county  and  not  return. 
This  occurred  at  the  end  of  September,  1877,  and 
Howard  retired  to  New  Mexico. 

But  at  the  beginning  of  October,  notwithstanding 
his  pledge,  he  returned  to  El  Paso  where,  on  the  10th 
of  the  same  month,  he  shot  and  instantly  killed  Cardis 
without  a   word   of    warning.      Cardis,   though   an 

nnivenity  in  1851,  and  at  Harvard  law  school  in  1852.  In  the  following 
year  he  migrated  to  Texas  and  settled  at  Tvler,  Smith  county.  He  was  ap- 
pointed U.  S.  district  attorney  in  1856,  and  was  representative  for  his  dis* 
trict  in  the  legislature  in  1858.  When  the  civil  war  broke  out  he  com- 
manded the  iSd  regiment  Texas  infantry,  and  was  promoted  later  to  the 
command  of  a  hriffade.     In  1872  he  was  elector  on  the  Greeley  ticket. 

^  Both  under  ue  Spanish  and  Mexican  govts  the  free  use  of  these  salt 
deposits  bad  been  granted  to  the  citizens  of  towns  on  both  sides  of  the  KIo 
Grande.  The  Texan  citizens  of  Mexican  descent  maintained  that  the  treaty, 
bv  which  the  territory  wherein  the  salt  lakes  lie  was  transferred  to  the  (J.  S., 
did  not  extinguish  the  right  of  the  public  to  them. 


920  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

Italian  by  birth,  possessed  the  entire  confidence  of 
the  Mexican  population,  being  regarded  as  a  friend 
and  champion;  indeed  he  had  been  elected  to  repre- 
sent their  interests  in  the  legislature.  His  death  ex- 
cited the  most  angry  feelings,  and  a  determination  to 
take  vengeance  on  the  murderer  whenever  an  oppor- 
tunity might  present  itself.  Howard,  after  the  perpe- 
tration of  the  deed,  went  back  to  New  Mexico. 

The  exasperation  of  the  Mexican  inhabitants  of 
San  Elizario  displayed  itself  in  the  beginning  of 
November,  when  about  200  men  collected  with  vio- 
lent demonstrations  against  Howard's  bondsmen,  from 
whom  they  demanded  payment  of  the  $12,000,  and 
whose  lives  they  threatened  to  take.  Major  John 
B.  Jones,  of  the  frontier  battalion  of  Texan  rangers 
opportunely  arrived,  and  by  his  representations  the 
malecontents  were  prevented  from  proceeding  to  vio- 
lence and  agreed  to  disperse. 

On  November  16th,  Howard  returned  to  El  Paso 
where  he  burrendered  himself,  and  was  admitted  to 
bail  on  a  bond  for  $4,000.  Somewhat  later  a  train 
of  wagons  left  San  Elizario  for  the  salt  deposits,  and 
were  expected  to  return  by  December  12tlL  When 
Howard,  who  was  at  Mesilla,  heard  of  this  he  deter- 
mined to  enforce  his  rights,  and  on  the  evenmg  of 
that  day,  with  about  25  Texan  Rangers,  under  Lieu- 
tenant J.  B.  Tays,  entered  San  Elizario  for  the  pur- 
pose of  assisting  the  sheriff  to  execute  writs  of  at- 
tachment on  the  cargoes  of  salt.  Whereupon  the 
Mexican  population  rose  in  arms,  being  presently 
joined  by  a  number  of  Mexicans  from  the  other  side 
of  the  river.  Howard  and  John  G.  Atkinson,  one  of 
his  bondsmen,  took  refuge  in  the  rangers'  quarters, 
but  Charles  E.  Ellis,  another  bondsman,  while  en- 
deavoring to  do  the  same,  was  killed  in  the  streets. 
On  the  following  morning  Sergeant  C.  E.  Mortimer 
was  shot  while  within  100  yards  of  the  quarters, 
which  were  forthwith  laid  si^e  to  by  the  rioters,  and 
firin«y  conunenced. 


PBRFIDIOUS  MEXICANS.  521 

The  besi^ers  repeatedly  demanded  the  surrender 
of  Howard,  which  was  as  often  refused,  their  intention 
to  kill  him  being  well  known.  On  the  17th,  however, 
it  appears  that  the  position  of  the  assailed  was  con- 
sidered so  desperate  that  Lieutenant  Tays  and  How- 
ard went  out  to  confer  with  the  rioters,  who  promised 
the  latter  his  life  if  he  would  relinquish  all  claim  to 
the  salt  lakes.  As  there  was  no  one  to  interpret  for 
them,  Atkinson  was  sent  for,  and  on  his  arrival  some 
arrangement  was  made  by  him  with  the  insurgents," 
upon  which  the  rangers  surrendered,  whereupon 
they  were  immediately  disarmed  and  confined. 

A  meeting  was  now  held  by  the  ring-leaders,  at 
which  it  was  decided  to  put  to  death  Howard,  Atkin- 
son, and  Sergeant  McBride,  a  ranger  who  had  made 
himself  very  obnoxious  to  the  Mexican  element. 
Thereupon  these  men  were  led  out  and  shot,  Howard 
first.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  influence  of  Chico  Ba- 
rela,  the  chief  leader  of  the  mob,  all  would  have  been 
killed ;  as  it  was,  the  rangers  were  permitted  to  depart, 
stripped  of  their  arms  and  equipments.  The  store 
and  mill  of  Ellis  were  sacked,  and  other  robberies 
committed,  as  usual  on  such  outbreaks. 

Meantime  the  United  States'  district  commander, 
Colonel  Edward  Hatch,  hastened  with  troops  to  San 
Elizario,  where  he  arrived  on  the  2  2d.  He  made 
such  a  disposition  of  his  soldiers  at  Socorro,  Ysleta, 
and  Franklin  as  to  stop  all  further  violence,  and  restore 
order  and  confidence.  Most  of  the  principal  actors  in 
this  tragedy  escaped  into  Mexico,  while  several  per- 
sons resisting  arrest  were  killed  by  rangers  sent  after 
them  by  the  sherifil  The  Mexican  authorities  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river  seem  to  have  been  powerless 
to  prevent  their  people  from  taking  part  in  this  riot. 
A  large  gathering  had  collected  at  El  Paso,  Mexico, 
to  attend  the  annual  fair  held  there  December  12th, 

'Acoording  to  the  account  given  by  sin  eye-witness  to  the  Mebilla  Inde- 
pendent, N.  Mez.,  Atkinson  gave  $11,000  in  specie,  currency,  and  drafts,  on 
condition  that  he,  Howard,  and  the  rangers  should  be  permitted  to  depart 
without  molestation.  San  Jo9i  Pioneer^  Aug.  24,  1878. 


«a  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

and  it  was  impossible  to  control  the  great  number  of 
bad  characters  that  had  assembled  in  the  vicinity.'* 

At  the  election  held  November  5,  1878,  Oran  M. 
Roberts  was  chosen  governor,  Joseph  D.  Sayers  lieu- 
tenant-governor, S.  H.  Darden  comptroller,  F.  R 
Lubbock  treasurer,  and  W.  C.  Walsh  land  commis- 
sioner. George  McCormick,  Greorge  F.  Moore,  and 
M.  H.  Bonuer  were  respectively  elected  attorney- 
general,  chief  justice,  and  associate  justice.  All  these 
successful  candidates  were  nominated  by  the  state 
democratic  convention,  which  had  met  at  Austin  in 
Julv. 

On  retiring  fix)m  the  executive  office,  January  14, 
1879,  Governor  Hubbard,  in  his  message  of  that  date, 
supplies  the  legislature  with  a  succinct  and  clear  ac- 
count of  the  financial  condition  of  the  state  during  the 
period  from  August  31,  1876,  to  September  1,  1878, 
from  which  it  appears  that  the  total  receipts  were 
$3,306,059.82  currency,  and  $81,297.10  in  specie;  the 
disbursements  for  all  expenses  of  the  government,  in- 
cluding public  schools  and  frontier  derence,  amounted 
to  $3,227,362.55  currency,  and  $49,880.77  specie, 
leaving  a  balance  in  the  treasury  of  $78,697.27  cur- 
rency and  $31,416.33  specie.  -  With  regard  to  the 
public  debt,  he  reported  that  it  amounted  to  $5,086,783, 
of  which  $5,034,109  were  bonded,"  and  $52,674  float- 
ing, showing  a  decrease  of  $123,290.  Indeed,  the 
financial  condition  of  the  state  was  very  favorable,  her 

*  Fuller  particulars  will  be  fonnd  in  U,  8,  H.  JEx.  Doc,  cong.  45^  seas.  2, 
xvii.,  no8  84  and  93.  See  also  J.  P,  Ifa^*8  Acct,  MS.,  and  San  Joai  Pkmeer, 
ut  sup.  The  Mexicans  were  finally  obliged  to  submit  to  the  tax,  pajingfl 
per  fanef^ar-— about  2}  bushels,  if.  Mise,  Doc,  cong.  47,  seas.  2,  ii.  lOSS. 
This  affair  is  known  as  the  Salt  war. 

'^  Portions  of  the  public  debt  had  been  bonded  at  intervals  from  Nov.  19, 
1866.  On  July  6,  1876,  an  act  was  passed  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  the 
bonds  due  and  returnable  in  the  years  1876  and  1877,  and  to  make  provisioiBS 
for  the  floating  indebtedness  of  tiie  state,  and  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  reve- 
nue by  the  sales  of  these  bonds  of  the  state,  and  to  mi^e  an  appropriation  to 
carry  into  effect  the  provisions  of  the  same.  Under  this  act  the  governor 
was  authorized  to  dispose  of  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $1,675,000,  payable  30 
years  from  July  1,  1876,  in  gold  coin,  and  bearing  6  per  cent  interat.  Jf^ 
sage,  Jan.  14,  1879,  8. 


GOVERNOR  ROBERTS.  528 

credit  being  such  that  her  bonds,  bearing  an  interest 
of  six  per  centum,  sold  in  New  York  at  a  premium  of 
two  and  a  half  per  centum. 

The  policy  of  Gk)vemor  Roberts,"  as  expounded  in 
his  inaugural  address,  aimed  at  important  changes. 
He  objected  to  positive  laws  limiting  judicial  discre- 
tion from  fear  of  abuse  of  power;  he  deprecated  the 
present  system  of  procrastination  in  the  sale  of  the 
public  lands,  thereby  burdening  the  present  genera- 
tion with  taxes  for  the  doubtful  benefit  of  future  gen- 
erations; and  he  advocated  the  disposal  of  the  puolic 
lands  at  a  fair  value  as  soon  as  practicable,  so  as  to 
meet  the  obligations  of  the  government,  increase  the 
school  and  other  funds,  and  relieve  the  present  gen- 
eration from  an  onerous  taxation,  imposed  for  the  dim 
prospect  of  a  future  good  which  would  never  be  realized. 

On  January  27th  he  sent  a  special  message  to  the 
legislature  on  the  judiciary,  in  which,  like  Coke,  he 
advocated  amendments  of  the  constitution,  one  of 
which  savored  somewhat  of  a  dislike  to  the  utter 
overthrow  of  everything  in  the  form  of  centralism." 
He  reconamended  that  district  attorneys  should  be 
appointed  by  the  governor,  and  be  removable  at  his 
pleasure.  His  reasons  were  not  without  some  force. 
"The  district  attorney,"  he  said,  "is   peculiarly  an 

''Gran  M.  Roberta  was  bom,  1815,  in  S.  C,  and  educated  at  the  nniver- 
nty  of  Alabama.  Selecting  law  as  his  nrofession,  he  commenced  practice  in 
1838  in  that  state,  bnt  in  1841  migratea  to  Texas.  Having  settled  at  San 
Angustine,  he  became  district  attorney  in  1844,  and  district  judge  the  year 
foQowing.  After  annexation,  he  resumed  the  practice  of  his  profession, 
irhich  he  continued  until  1857,  when  he  was  elected  one  of  the  associate  jus- 
tices of  the  supreme  court.  In  1861,  he  was  chosen  president  of  the  secession 
convention,  assembled  at  Austin,  and  in  that  capacity,  acting  under  its  au- 
thority»  proclaimed  Texas  a  free  and  independent  state.  In  1862,  K<)l)ert3 
raised  a  regiment  for  confederate  army,  and  was  attached  to  Gen.  Walker  s 
division,  but  was  afterward  elected  chief  justice  of  tlie  state.  He  was  in  the 
first  reconstruction  convention  in  1866,  and  the  ensuing  legislature  elected 
him  to  the  U.  S.  senate,  but  he  was  not  allowed  to  take  his  scat.  He  then 
resumed  the  practice  of  his  profession.  In  1874,  the  supreme  court  having 
been  reorganized,  he  was  restored  to  his  position  as  chief  justice,  and  was 
re-elected  in  1876.  Ha^finrCa  Tex.  Stale  Reg.,  1879,  127;  Gov.  Iruxug.  Ad., 
Jan.  1879,  11. 

**  Gov.  Coke  also  considered  that  the  rebound  from  centralism  had  been 
too  ezoeasive.  He  wished  the  power  of  the  executive  not  to  be  so  much  cur- 
tailed. 


524  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

executive  officer,  representing  the  state;  and,  as  the 
governor  is  required  by  the  constitution  to  see  that 
the  laws  are  executed,  he  should  be  given  full  control 
of  the  attorney  for  the  state  to  enable  him  to  do  it. 
and  then  he  may  be  justly  held  responsible  for  it 
As  it  is  now,  every  district  attorney  and  county  at- 
torney in  the  state  is  an  independent  executive 
officer.""  He  was,  however,  unsuccessful  in  his 
attempt  to  have  the  constitution  amended. 

On  June  10,  1879,  Governor  Roberts  convened  an 
exta  session  of  the  legislature,  and  submitted  no 
less  than  39  different  matters  for  its  action  thereon. 
The  most  important  were :  to  make  an  appropriation 
for  the  annual  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  public 
bonded  debt,  and  for  a  sinking  fund  for  the  ultimate 
discharge  of  that  debt;  to  provide  for  the  sale  of  the 
pubUc  mnds  and  those  pertaining  to  the  university, 
the  free  schools,  and  the  asylums ;  and  to  make  ap- 
propriations for  the  support  of  those  institutions,  out 
of  the  interest  of  the  state  bonds  and  railroad  bonds, 
at  that  time  amounting  to  over  $3,000,000.  Other 
matters  were  the  amendment  of  old  laws  and  the  pas- 
sage of  new  ones  for  the  better  government  of  the 
country  generally. 

The  system  of  removal  or  extermination  as  applied 
to  the  Indians  in  Texas,  has  been  thoroughly  carried 
out.  For  many  years  after  the  removal  of  the  Indian 
colonists  in  1859,  the  frontier  suffered  from  devasta- 
tions committed  by  wild  tribes,  which  found  a  safi 
retreat  in  uninhabited  regions  of  the  United  Stat^^s 
and  Mexico."  The  Comanches  and  Kickapoos  proved 
themselves  conspicuously  troublesome,  the  former 
claiming  the  country  as  their  own,  and  the  riffht  to 
make  raids  into  it.  and  the  latter  declaring  themis^ves  at 

^Oov.  Roberta"  Meaaage  to  the  15th  Legia,,  1879,  IX 

^  In  1866  permission  was  granted  by  the  Mexican  aothoritieB  to  Cm/L 
Brotherton,  to  cross  the  frontier  in  pursuit  of  Indian  maranden.  Mtse.  C-i. 
Leg.,  D.  C,  6»-7,  iii.  3-«. 


BOUNDARY.  025 

war  with  Texas,  though  not  with  the  United  States. 
Within  the  territory  of  the  state  itself  few  Indians 
remained,  since  it  appears  that  in  1870  there  were 
only  500  Tonkawas  and  Lipans,  and  a  few  years  later 
Texas  was  relieved  from  the  hostile  incursions  of  the 
Eackapoos,  who  were  removed  to  a  reservation  on 
Indian  Territory."  Since  that  time  all  hostile  Indians 
have  been  subdued,  and  by  1882  the  remnant  of 
harmless  natives  within  the  borders  of  the  state  had 
been  reduced  to  108  souls,  men,  women,  and  children." 

Under  the  terms  of  the  annexation  treaty  of  1845, 
Texas  retained  possession  of  all  vacant  and  unappro- 
priated lands  within  her  boundaries ;  but  from  that 
time  to  the  present  the  boundary  has  not  been  defi- 
nitely settled.  A  dispute  has  occurred,  arising  out  of 
the  old  treaty  with  Spain  of  February  22,  1819,"  in 
which  the  Red  river  is  made  the  boundary  between 
the  94th  and  100th  degree  west  longitude  from  Green- 
wich. At  the  date  when  this  treaty  was  made  but 
little  information  had  been  obtained  respecting  the 
region  extending  along  the  upper  portion  of  Red 
river,  nor  was  it  known  that  the  river  was  divided 
into  two  branches — now  called  the  north  and  west 
forks — between  the  99th  and  the  100th  meridians. 
As  late  as  1848  all  maps  described  Red  river  as  a 
continuous  stream,  the  north  fork  not  being  laid  down 
upon  them.     By  an  exploration,  however,  made  in 

*  By  act  of  congress,  June  22,  1874.  A  portion  of  the  Kickapoos  refused 
to  leave  Mexico,  where  they  had  made  their  new  home.     A  promise  was 

given  by  the  Mexican  authorities  to  locate  them  on  a  reservation  at  such  a 
istance  from  the  border  line  as  to  prevent,  with  the  supervision  that  would 
be  exercised,  any  further  disturbaoice  from  them.  Prior  to  the  civil  war 
this  tribe  was  located  in  Texas.  U.  8.  Sen.  Mitc.^  cong.  45,  scss.  2,  i.,  no.  23. 
**  Thev  were  located  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Oritfin,  Shackelford  county. 
They  had  no  reservation,  and  were  deiKjndcut  to  a  great  extent  upon  the 
whims  of  the  land  owners  of  the  surroundinc  country;  had  no  stock,  and 
lived  in  brush-houses  and  topees.  Tlie^  ha(l  always  been  friendlv  to  the 
whites  and  were  well  contented.  An  msufhcicnt  appropriation  for  their 
mpport  was  annually  made  by  the  U.  S.  goveniment,  and  the  citizens  of 
Texas  had  assisted  them,  from  time  to  time.  Scr.  Interior  Rept.^  1882,  207, 
400,  430;  /d.,  cone.  41,  sess.  2,  835,  893;  U,  S.  Seiu  Misc.,  cong.  41,  sess.  2, 
doc.  136,  17,  21;  H.  Ex,  Doc.,  cong.  47,  sess.  2,  xxi,  no.  77,  64. 
^  See  pp.  46-7  this  vol 


aa6  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

1852  by  captaiiis  Marcy  and  McClellan,  under  the 
direction  of  the  war  department,  it  was  discovered 
that  there  were  two  main  branches  to  the  river 
proper;  but,  probably  owing  to  the  inaccuracy  of 
their  instruments,  the  explorers  located  the  lOOth 
meridian  below  the  junction.  In  1857  the  commis- 
sioner of  Indian  amtirs,  who  wished  to  know  the 
boundary  between  the  Choctaw  and  Chickasaw  coun- 
tries, caused  an  astronomical  survey  to  be  made  for 
the  purposes  of  ascertaining  the  true  meridian,  which 
was  found  to  be  80  miles  west  of  the  junction  of  the 
two  forks,  the  surveyors  designating  Prairie  Jhg 
Fork,  that  is  South  Fork,  as  the  main  branch.  Texas 
at  once  questioned  this  designation,  and  congress 
passed  an  act,  approved  June  5,  1858,  authorizing  the 
president  in  conjunction  with  the  state  of  Texas  to 
mark  out  the  boundary  line.  Commissioners  on  both 
sides  were  appointed  who  proceeded  to  do  their  work 
in  1860.  No  agreement,  however,  could  be  arrived 
at,  and  Texas,  adopting  the  report  of  her  commis- 
sioner, established  the  territory  in  dispute — about 
2,000  square  miles  in  area — as  a  county  under  the 
name  of  Greer."  In  1882  a  bill  was  before  congress 
seeking  to  establish  the  North  Fork  as  the  true 
boundary,  but  hitherto  no  settlement  of  the  question 
has  been  attained.  Meantime  complications  have 
arisen,  through  persons  claiming  to  exercise  rights  on 
the  disputed  land  imder  the  jurisdiction  of  the  state 
of  Texas;  conflicts  have  taken  place,  and  blood  has 
been  shed,  owing  to  procrastination  in  the  adjustment 
of  the  disputed  claim." 

On  the  16th  of  January  1883  John  Ireland,  having 
been  chosen  governor,  assumed  office  and  was  suc- 
ceeded, in  January  1887,  by  L.  S.  Ross.  No  state 
in  the  Union  has  passed  through  more  political  vicissi- 

*In  an  act  of  oonffress  of  Feb.  24,  1879,  'to  create  the  northern  indicul 
district  of  the  state  oi  Texas,*  etc.,  Gseer  county  is  indiuiled  in  the  aistriet. 
U.  S.  SeahUea,  1878-9,  318. 

^  Ihe  question  haying  been  agitated  for  so  many  yearn  the  references  ra- 
iting It  are  yery  numerons.  The  aboye  sketch  is  deriyed  from  Set 
rior  Rept,  1882,  16;  U.  B.  H.  Bepts,  cong.  47,  eess.  1,  y.,  no.  1282. 


MANY  FURNACE  FIRBS.  627 

tudes  than  Texcis.  During  the  present  century  her 
people  have  fought  and  bled  under  no  less  than  five 
diflferent  national  flags,  representing  as  many  different 
governments.  First  we  find  her  with  a  sparse  popu- 
lation among  which  might  be  found  some  few  indi- 
viduals of  the  Anglo- American  race,  under  the  royal 
standard  of  Spain,  ruled  by  monarchical  laws;  next 
the  eagle  of  the  Mexican  republic  dictates  the  form 
of  government,  and  exasperates  by  oppression  the  free- 
spirited  settlers  from  the  United  States ;  then  follow 
revolt  and  a  short  but  sanguinary  struggle  for  inde- 
pendence, terminating  in  the  establishment  of  the 
Texan  republic  with  its  emblematic  lone  star  flag. 
After  a  brief  existence,  however,  as  a  sovereign  nation, 
Texas  was  content  to  repose  beneath  the  standard 
of  the  stars  and  stripes,  which  in  turn  she  threw 
aside  to  fight  under  the  confederate  banner.  Such 
is  the  outline  of  her  career.  The  land  which  was 
cnce  the  abode  of  savages  has  been  converted  into  a 
civilized  country  which  will  prove  a  center  of  human 
development. 


CHAPTER  XX, 

i  mSTITXmONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

1835-1888. 


Rapid  Proorbss — Pofulation— Social  Advancement — ^Dbgbxasb  or 
Crdcs— Tub  State  Capitol—Thb  Huntsvillb  PBNrrBNTiART— Bb- 
FORM  OF  Abuses — Rusk  Penitentiary— Charitable  Institutigns— 
Asylum  for  the  Deaf  and  Dumb— The  Institute  for  the  Bund- 
Insane  Asylum— Development  of  Education— AppROPRLATioira  for 
THE  Eotablishment  OF  Free  SCHOOLS— The  Publio  School  System— 
Statiotios — Founding  of  the  Texas  University — ^The  AoRicuLTUR.iL 
AND  Mechanical  College — First  Protestant  Churches — ^Marriage 
by  Bond  Legalized — Ecclesiastical  Statistics — First  Priniino 
Press  in  Texas— Early  Newspapers— Texas  Editorial  and  Psns 

ASSOOIATEON. 

Short  as  has  been  her  life,  the  commonwealth  of 
Texas  has  had  a  varied  experience ;  first  as  the  border- 
land of  contending  colonies,  then  a  lone  republic,  as 
member  of  the  great  federation,  member  of  the  south- 
em  confederacy,  and  finally  reinstated  as  one  of  the 
still  unbroken  union.  The  annals  of  her  past  career, 
as  we  have  seen,  are  replete  with  stories  of  romantic 
events,  and  persevering  struggles  to  shake  off  the 
leaden  weight  of  impeding  influences,  and  elevate  her- 
self to  the  proud  level  of  advancing  civilization.  Her 
future  is  bright;  she  has  entered  the  broad  highwav 
of  universal  progress,  and  henceforth  her  march  will 
be  one  of  unprecedented  prosperity.  A  marvellous 
rapidity  has  already  marked  her  onward  course  to 
wealth  and  happiness.  Probably  there  never  was  a 
country  which  entered  upon  the  long  and  brilliant 
progressional  career  which  we  may  confidently  look 
forward   to  in   this   instance,  imder  more   fevorable 

(528) 


DEVELOPMENT.  62» 

auspices  than  this  state.  Although  older  than  any 
of  the  more  northern  Pacific  states,  it  has  developed 
more  slowly,  and  has  avoided  many  of  their  mistakes. 
The  great  curse  of  California  is  not  here  entailed. 
The  people  are  still  freemen,  and  the  law-makers  and 
public  officials  are  their  servants.  There  is  little  or 
no  public  debt;  their  public  lands  are  their  own,  and 
they  have  not  all  fallen  into  the  hands  of  sharpers 
and  speculators;  they  rule  the  railroad  companies 
instead  of  being  ruled  by  them ;  unjust  and  oppressive 
monopolies  are  not  permitted.  Here  are  the  seeds  of 
life  instead  of  the  elements  of  disease  and  death. 
With  her  vast  area  of  tillable  and  grazing  lands,  a 
people  rapidly  increasing  in  numbers,  wealth,  and  re- 
finement ;  with  young  and  healthy  institutions  resting 
on  honest  republican  foundations;  with  a  determina- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  people  to  admit  within  their 
borders  no  species  of  despotism,  no  form  of  tyranny, 
there  is  no  height  of  grandeur  to  which  this  common- 
wealth may  not  reasonably  aspire. 

Indian  depredations  on  the  frontier  have  ceased, 
and  cattle-raiding  on  the  Rio  Grande  border-land  will 
soon  be  a  trouble  of  the  past;  lawlessness  and  crime 
are  yielding  to  fearless  administration  of  justice  and 
the  application  of  the  laws,  and  order  is  sweeping 
from  her  path  the  refuse  that  for  decades  obstructed 
the  progress  of  large  portions  of  the  state. 

The  advancing  strides  made  by  Texas  since  the 
civil  war,  toward  the  goal  where  lofty  aspirations  will 
win  the  prize  of  unalloyed  prosperity,  are  strikingly 
exhibited  by  official  statistics  on  population,  agricul- 
ture, commerce,  industries,  and  developing  enterprises. 
According  to  the  census  returns  of  the  United  States, 
the  total  population  of  Texas  in  1860,  was  604,215; 
in  1888  it  could  not  be  far  short  of  3,000,000.  From 
the  same  source  it  appears  that  in  1860,  there  were 
51,569  farmers,  2,576  stock-raisers,  2,223  merchants, 
and  1,502  school  teachers.  In  1880  there  were  200,- 
404  farmers  and  planters,  14,031  persons  engaged  in 

Hi8T.  Hex.  Btatkb,  Vol.  II.   84 


5S0 


INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTEBS. 


stock-raising,  including  drovers  and  herders,  10,964 
traders  and  dealers,  exclusive  of  clerks  and  employes 
in  stores,  and  4,334  teachers/  In  connection  with 
this  extraordinary  increase  of  population,  due  mainly 
to  iramiffration,  it  will  be  proper  to  compare  the 
social  and  political  condition  of  the  people  with  what 
it  was  (msu:ier  of  a  century  ago, — as  described  in 
chapter  AV  of  this  volume — and  just  subsequent  to 
the  war. 

During  the  reconstruction  period  the  condition  of 
the  people  of  Texas,  from  all  points  of  view,  may  be 
considered  to  have  reached  its  lowest  ebb.  Tlie 
sudden  elevation  of  the  freedmen  to  the  rights  of  citizen- 
ship and  suffrage,  overwhelmed  for  a  time  the  white 
population  at  the  polls,  and  the  colored  inhabitants 
with  their  partisans,  the  "black  leaguers,"  carried 
their  candidates  for  all  state  oflSces.  As  a  result  of 
this  abrupt  change  from  slavery  to  political  equality 
with  the  whites,  not  onlv  was  a  conflict  between  the 
two  races  inaugurated,  but  the  debased  negroes,  no 
longer  debarred  the  use  of  spirituous  liquor,  under  its 
influence  incessantly,  engaged  in  frays  among  them- 
selves, which  generally  terminated  in  bloodshed  The 
number  of  murders  committed  during  this  period  was 
unparalleled  in  any  epoch  of  Texan  history,  as  I  have 


^The  foUowinff  table,  made  from  the  XT.  S.  oensas  retnraa,  viU  eiuUe 
the  reader  to  mark  the  rapid  increase  in  population: 


1850 

18G0 

1870 

1880 

White 

154,034 
58,558 

420,891 

182,921 

403 

564,700 

253,475 

379 

25 

l,197/i37 
393,3^4 

Black 

Indian 

992 

Chinese 

136 

212,592 

604,215 

818,579 

1.591,749 

According  to  the  state  bureau  of  statistics,  the  population  in  1884  vu 
2,215,700,  showing  an  increase  at  the  rate  of  over  155,000  a  year. 

W.  O.  Hamilton,  representative  in  the  legislature  from  Comanche  and 
Brown  counties,  has  lately  introduced  among  other  important  bills,  ooe  to 
provide  for  the  takinff  of  a  state  census,  with  a  strong  proltability  of  its  1** 
coming  a  Uw.  Hamilton  was  bom  in  Georgia,  June  30,  1R54,  was  admitttJ 
to  the  bar  in  1879,  in  which  year  he  went  to  Texas  and  settled  in  Comsnche 
county.  In  1880  he  was  elected  county  attorney,  and  in  Nov.  1884,  to  the 
legisUture.  £iog»,  MS. 


SOCIETY.  831 

shown,'  and  what  was  worse,  the  judiciary  was  inade- 
quate to  punish.  Intimidation  ruled  the  law  courts, 
party  spirit  swayed  the  jury  boxes,  and  local  public 
passion  dictated  verdicts.  Hence  lynch  law  was 
more  operative  than  the  penal  code.  But  this  chaos 
was  not  destined  to  endure.  The  flood  of  immigra- 
tion which  set  in  from  the  states  and  all  parts  of 
Europe  after  the  war,  soon  turned  the  scale.  It  mat- 
tered not  whence  the  immigrant  came,  he  was  ready 
to  support  the  white  race  against  the  black  leaguers. 
A  "white  league"  started  into  existence,  and  in  1874 
was  triumphant.  The  short-lived  supremacy  of  the 
black  league  was  destroyed  forever  in  Texas. 

Since  that  victory,  hundreds  of  thousands  of  new 
settlers  have  made  Texas  their  home,  and  their  ad- 
vent has  tended,  more  than  any  other  cause,  to  sup 
press  lawlessness  and  crime,  and  build  up  an  orderly 
and  law-abiding  community.  Drawn  from  countries 
where  the  rigid  laws  of  monarchical  governments 
compelled  obedience  and  secured  order,  or  proceeding 
from  older  states  where  well-regulated  society  had 
developed  under  the  more  liberal  principles  of  repub- 
licanism, they  brought  with  them  an  abhorrence  of 
savagism  and  a  love  of  social  fraternity.  They  wished 
to  pursue  their  industrious  and  progressive  vocations  in 
peace,  and  turbulence  found  no  encouragement  among 
them.  Thus  it  was  that,  under  the  new  constitution 
of  1876,  a  code  of  laws,  as  stem  in  the  punishment  of 
crime  as  those  prescribed  in  any  civilized  country,  has 
been  framed;  and  more  than  this,  in  Texas  to-day, 
the  laws  against  criminals  are  enforced  with  a  degree 
of  vigor  and  undeviating  justice  observable  in  no  other 

*Hepworth  Dizon  writing  in  1875  says:  'We  learn  on  good  authority, 
that  there  were  3,000  murders  in  Texas  last  year,  and  that  nearly  ail  the.se 
murders  were  committed  by  neoroes  on  their  brother  blacks.  *  While  ConqueH, 
i.  331.  It  is  to  such  supeHicial  enquirers  and  writers  as  Dixon,  who  are  apt 
to  accept  and  put  into  print  any  wild  information  supplied  to  them,  that 
Texas  is  indebted  for  much  of  the  bad  reputation  which  she  sained  at  one 
ti  me.  But  if  this  gross  exaggeration  were  true ;  if  indeed,  all  the  African  voters 
had  killed  each  other,  instead  of  only  3,000;  and  if  the  low  Irish  voters  had 
done  likewise,  the  world  would  still  turn  round,  and  United  States  polities 
would  be  as  pore  as  it  now  is. 


532 


mSTTTUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  lilATTERS. 


state  of  the  union.'  Nevertheless,  the  people  are  still 
ready  to  take  the  law  mto  their  own  hands.  Mur- 
derers caught  red-handed,  horse-stealers,  and  ravishers 
of  women  are  apt  to  have  justice  summarily  dealt  out 
to  them  by  a  crowd  of  indignant  citizens,  who,  when 
the  case  is  clear,  are  too  impatient  to  tolerate  the 
slow  process  of  the  criminal  courts.*  Under  the  in- 
fluence of  this  judicial  spectre,  threatening  immediate 
punishment,  and  the  prompt  and  reliable  application 
of  the  laws  in  the  tribunals,  crime  in  Texas  is  decreas- 
ing in  a  marked  degree.* 

*  For  instance:  the  punishment  for  rape  is  death.  On  Jnly  5,  1S83,  a  mm 
was  hanged  for  this  crime  in  Ysleta,  £1  Paso  county.  He  was  a  dischaq^ 
soldier,  on  his  wa^  through  the  country  to  the  eastern  states. 

^During  the  six  months  ending  June  30,  1885,  no  less  than  31  persons 
were  lynched  in  Texas.  The  number  of  scoundrels  thus  executed  in  all  the 
states  and  territories  during  the  same  period  was  99,  Texas  heading  the  list, 
followed  by  Tennessee  and  the  Indian  Territory,  each  with  seven.  Of  the 
total  number  thus  put  to  death,  5S  were  white  and  41  black.  The  crimes 
they  suffered  for  were:  murder  44,  horse-stealing  31,  rape  14»  incendiarism 
3,  train- wrecking  2,  murderous  assault  2,  unknown  reasons  2,  and  1  for  bur- 
glary. S,  F,  BuMeUn,  July  23,  1885,  copied  from  Chkxujo  Tribune. 

^  By  consultinsr  the  following  tables  of  criminal  statistics  for  the  four  years 
succeeding  the  adoption  of  the  new  constitution,  the  reader  will  be  able  to 
form  a  comparative  estimate  of  the  proportionate  decrease  of  crime  as  regards 
increased  poptdation,  and  the  increase  of  convictions,  thereby  showing  the 
growing  emciency  of  the  tribunals. 


INDICTMENTS 

1877 

1878 

1879 

1880 

Murder 

398 
2,260 
26 
82 
53 
51 
85 

175 

549 

2,371 

24 

90 

53 

49 

256 

154 

344 

2,081 

19 

79 

34 

47 

155 

183 

259 

Theft 

1,758 
23 

Arson 

Per ju  ry 

Rape 

74 
44 

Robbery 

Forgery 

Burglary 

99 
131 
204 

Totals 

3,130 

3,546 

2,1>42 

2,592 

OONVICTIONS 

115 

651 

5 

10 

16 

9 

19 

82 

Murder 

Theft 

71 

471 

5 

3 

11 

13 
9 

58 

122 

558 

7 

1 

9 

24 

17 

61 

88 
483 

Arson 

Perjury 

Rape 

5 
5 
9 

Roubery 

Forgery '  *  * ' 

Burglary .    

IS 
38 
94 

Totals 

641 

7W 

907 

738 

From  the  above  showing,  it  appears  that  whereas  in  1877  there  were  3.130 
indictments  with  only  641  convictions,  in  1880  the  indictments  had  decreased 
to  2,592,  and  the  convictions  increased  to  738.    This  shows  that  a  healthy 


HOSPITALITY  AND  REFmEMENT.  633 

In  other  respects  progress  in  Texas  is  equally 
marked.  The  log  huts  have  given  way  to  comfortable 
frame  buildings  on  well-fenced  farms,  while  villa  resi- 
dences of  wealthy  agriculturalists  adorn  the  country, 
and  in  the  cities  fine  edifices  and  spacious  public 
buildings  have  been  erected.  The  state  capitol  at 
Austin,  when  completed,  will  rival  in  dimensions  and 
magnificence  any  other  edifice  of  the  kind  in  the 
United  States,  with  the  exception  of  the  national 
capitol  at  Washington.* 

With  all  this  advancement  in  wealth  and  elevation, 
the  former  characteristics  of  the  Texans  still  prevail 
Hospitality  is  yet  a  prominent  virtue,  and  the  respect- 
able stranger  or  visitor  is  received  with  a  genuine 
welcome.  He  may  be  called  upon  to  give  some  ac- 
count of  himself,  but  inquiries  leading  to  such  infor- 
mation— ^necessary  as  a  provisional  safeguard  consid- 
ering the  condition  that  Texas  has  emerged  from — 
are  never  impertinently  made  or  inconsiderately 
pressed.  The  example  set  by  the  southern  element 
in  hospitality  and  other  virtues  is  not  without  efiect 

judicial  tone  has  been  inangnrated,  but  that  there  is  still  room  for  improve- 
ment. 

•By  a  provision  of  the  constitution  of  1876,  art.  xvL  sec.  67,  3,000,000 
acres  of  the  public  domain  were  appropriated  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a 
new  capitol  and  other  necessary  ouildings  at  the  seat  of  government,  the 
lands  to  be  sc»ld  under  direction  of  the  legislature.  Ihe  lands  appropriated 
by  le^lative  act,  approved  Feb.  20,  1879,  amounted  to  3,050,000  acres,  and 
are  situated  in  the  section  known  as  the  Panhandle  of  Texas,  being  included 
in  the  counties  of  Dallam,  Hartley,  Oldham,  Deaf  Smith,  Parmer,  Castro, 
Bailey,  Lamb,  Cochran,  and  Hockley.  In  reply  to  an  advertisement  of  Nov. 
20,  1880,  for  plans  and  specifications,  eleven  designs  were  sent  in,  that  of  K. 
E.  Myers,  architect,  Detroit,  Michigan,  being  adopted.  Tlie  form  of  the 
buildii^  is  that  of  the  Greek  cross,  with  a  rotunda  and  dome  at  the  intersec- 
tion. Its  lenffth  is  562  feet,  exclusive  of  porticos,  and  its  greatest  width  274 
ft-  Besides  the  basement  and  dome,  it  will  comprise  three  full  stories.  Ac- 
cording  to  the  contract,  work  was  to  commence  on  or  before  Feb.  1,  1882, 
and  the  edifice  to  be  completed  and  delivered  on  or  before  Jan.  1,  1888.  The 
contractor,  Mattheas  Schnell,  of  Rock  Island,  111.,  engaged  to  erect  the  build- 
ing according  to  the  plan  and  specifications  for  the  3,000,000  acre*  of  land. 
Tlie  additional  50,000  acres  appropriated  by  the  legislature  were  set  apart  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  surveying.  Conveyances  of  lands  are  made  to  the 
contractor  by  instalments,  as  the  specified  requirements  as  to  time  and  work 
<1one  are  complied  with.  The  origmal  contract  has  undergone  various  niotli- 
fications.  The  comer-stone  was  laid  March  2,  1885,  being  the  aimiversary 
of  the  independence  of  Texas.  Tex.  £ept  Cap,  Building  Coi/Uf  Jan.  1,  1883, 
and  1885. 


634  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

on  immigrants  from  foreign  climes.  While  imitating 
tliese  high  principles  the  latter  bring  with  them  a 
tranquillizing  influence,  steadily  operating  in  the 
direction  of  a  higher  order  of  civilization.  A  na- 
tional character  is  gradually  being  developed  by  amal- 
gamation, objectionable  distinctions  are  gradually  van- 
ishing, and  refinement  is  taking  the  place  of  coarse- 
ness. The  day  is  not  far  distant  when  the  white 
people  of  Texas  will  be  a  community  homogeneous  in 
feelings,  principles,  and  aspirations.  Texas  has  passed 
through  the  furnace  of  an  ill-considered  problem ;  has 
been  worsted  in  the  argument  conducted  by  bayonet, 
sword  and  cannon,  and  has  accepted  the  result.  No 
spot  on  earth  is  more  favored  with  all  the  resources 
needed  for  an  advanced  condition  of  progressive  devel- 
opment than  is  Texas,  and  her  people  have  long  since 
settled  down  to  their  pursuits  amid  the  enjoyment  of 
permanent  tranquillity. 

With  reference  to  the  criminal  statistics  given 
above,  it  is  proper  to  make  some  mention  of  the  state 
penitentiaries.  The  first  provisions  for  the  establish- 
ment of  such  an  institution  was  made  by  the  legisla- 
ture in  1846.  In  the  following  year  work  was  com- 
menced at  Huntsville,  and  11,000  square  yards  were 
in  time  inclosed  with  a  brick  wall  and  buildings  erected 
containing  240  cells,  the  first  convict  being  incarcer- 
ated October  1,  1849.  During  the  following  decade 
only  412  malefactors  were  committed,  and  on  Sep- 
tember 1,  1860  there  were  no  more  than  200  convicts 
in  prison. 

The  system  adopted  by  the  state  government  was 
to  make  the  penitentiary  self-supporting  by  convict 
labor,  and  in  1856  machinery  and  suitable  buildings 
were  erected  for  the  manufacture  of  cotton  and  woolen 
goods,  work  commencing  in  the  factory  in  June  of 
that  year.*     From  this  time  to  the  close  of  the  civil 

^  Said  an  English  settler  to  Hepworth  Dixon  more  than  ten  years  ago, 
•  we  drink  less  liquor,  and  invoke  more  law,*   White  Cong.,  i.  336. 

'Provision  was  made  for  the  establishment  of  this  factory  by  the  le^isla- 


STATE  PRISON.  635 

var  the  income  derived  was  greatly  in  excess  of  the 
expenditure.  * 

During  the  reconstruction  period  the  number  of 
convicts  so  increased  that  there  was  neither  room  nor 
employment  for  them  within  the  walls  of  the  peniten- 
tiary," and  recourse  was  had  to  employing  the  sur- 
plus on  the  railroads — ^a  system  strongly  deprecated 
by  Governor  Davis."  Moreover,  the  annual  expenses 
began  to  exceed  the  income  at  a  gradually  increasing 
rate,  and  on  July  5,  1871,  the  penitentiarv  was  leased 
to  Ward,  Dewey  k  Co.  for  the  term  of  fifteen  years." 
This  was  neither  a  humane  nor  enlightened  policy, 
the  convicts  being  submitted  to  systematic  maletreat- 
ment.  They  were  ill  fed,  badly  clothed,  hard  worked, 
and  much  abused.  The  charges  of  inhumanity  be- 
came so  repeated  that  in  April,  1875,  the  govern- 
ment appointed  a  committee  to  investigate  and  report 
upon  the  condition  and  general  administration  of  the 
penitentiary.  The  result  was  that  a  mandatory  law 
was  passed  by  the  fifteenth  legislature  requiring  the 
governor  to  resume  possession  of  the  Huntsville  peni- 
tentiary, and  on  April  2, 1877,  the  lessees  surrendered 
the  control  of  it  to  Governor  Hubbard.  After  this 
lamentable  failure  of  the  lease  system  it  is  surprising 
that  the  government  should  have  persisted  in  it;  yet 
the  penitentiary  was  again  leased  December  16, 1877, 
to  E.  H.  Cunningham,  of  Bdjar  county. 


tnre  in  1854.  All  possible  labor  such  as  brickmakin^  was  performed  by  the 
convicts,  by  whom  also  most  of  the  work  was  done  m  the  erection  and  ex- 
tension from  time  to  time  of  the  penitentiary. 

*  For  the  23  months  ending  Aug.  31,  1859,  soods  were  manufactured  to 
the  amount  of  |169,365,  yieldmg  a  profit  of  $14,849.  This  was  the  produc- 
tion of  40  looms.  During  the  war  additional  machinery  was  set  up,  and  the 
snperintendent,  Thomas  Caruthers,  in  his  report  to  the  legislature  of  Aug. 
31,  1863,  states  that  in  21  months  2,233,587  yds  of  Osnabures,  405,025  vds 
cotton  jeans,  and  322,890  yds  Kersey  and  other  goods  had  been  manufac- 
tured.    The  income  amounted  to  $1,521,687,  far  exceeding  the  expenditures. 

^In  1865  the  number  of  convicts  was  118;  in  1870  it  was  489  and  994  in 
1871. 

u  See  bis  message  of  Apr.  29,  1870,  no.  5  in  Tex.  CoL  Dor.,  no.  2. 

"The  leseees  were  to  pay  the  state  annually  $5,000  during  the  first  five 
years;  $10,000  doling  the  next  five  years,   and  $20,000  during  the  last 


036  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTEEa 

It  had  long  been  evident  that  additional  institu- 
tions of  the  kind  were  necessary,  as  the  existing  one 
contained  accommodation  for  little  more  than  one 
fourth  of  the  convicts."  In  1875,  therefore,  provis- 
ion was  made  for  the  establishment  of  two  others, 
one  east  of  the  Trinity,  and  one  west  of  the  Colorado. 
The  first  was  established  and  located  near  Rusk,  5,000 
acres  of  land  having  been  purchased  in  the  vicinity  of 
that  town,  and  the  necessary  buildings  erected.  The 
Rusk  penitentiary  was  completed  in  January,  1879; 
it  contains  528  cells,  has  attached  to  it  a  library  and 
epidemic  hospital,  besides  the  general  hospital,  and 
cost  the  state  $160,000. 

This  additional  means  for  the  confinement  of  pris- 
oners has  done  much  toward  the  suppression  of  crime 
in  Texas.  There  is  no  longer  an  avenue  of  escape 
open  to  the  majority  of  convicted  criminals  as  was 
the  case  before  the  erection  of  the  Rusk  penitentiaiy, 
and  the  risk  which  malefactors  tats  of  meeting  with 
their  deserts,  without  chance  of  evasion,  is  so  largely 
increased  that  it  constitutes  one  of  the  factors  which 
regulate  the  decreasing  ratio  of  crime  to  population. 
With  regard  to  the  administration  of  these  institu- 
tions, owing  to  the  enlightened  policy  of  Bamett 
Gibbs"  and  his  supporters  in  the  legislature,  the  sys- 
tem of  leasing  the  penitentiaries  has  been  done  away 
with.  On  April  18,  1883,  an  act  to  provide  for  the 
more  efficient  management  of  the  Texas  state  peni- 
tentiaries was  approved,  the  third  section  of  which 
enacts  that  "no  lease  of  the  penitentiaries,  or  either 

"On  Jan.  1,  1876,  the  total  number  of  convicts  was  1723,  of  which  only 
443  were  employed  in  and  immediately  around  the  prison,  the  remainder 
were  laboring  on  farms,  railroads,  and  in  saw  mills.  From  Sept.  1,  1874, 
to  Jan.  1,  1876,  266  conyicts  escaped  and  28  were  killed  in  attempting  to 
escape.  Chv.  Coke's  Mes.,  Apr.  1876,  42. 

**  He  was  bom  in  Yazoo  city,  Miss.,  May  19,  1861,  his  father  being  Judge 
Huffh  D.  Gibbs,  and  his  grandfather  Gen.  Geo.  W.  Gibbs,  both  prominent 
in  that  state.  Bamett  Gibbs  graduated  at  the  university  of  \  irginia  in 
1871,  and  also  at  the  Lebanon  Law  College  in  1873,  when  he  went  to  Texas 
and  settled  in  Dallas,  where  he  was  elected  city  attorney  in  1875  and  twice 
reelected  in  1877  and  1879  respectively.  In  1883  he  was  chosen  senat^H-  to 
the  state  legislature  from  that  county,  and  in  Nov.  1884  was  elected  lieuten- 
ant-gov.  by  a  majority  of  132,000  votes.  Biog»  Sketch,  MS. 


DEAF  MUTES  AND  BUND.  637 

of  them,  shall  hereafter  be  made,  and  the  state  shall 
resume  control  thereof."  The  law  was  to  tate  eflfect 
after  passage.'^ 

Enactments  were  passed  in  August,  1856,  for  the 
establishment  of  charitable  institutions.  The  appropria- 
tions were  suflBciently  liberal  for  the  requirements  at 
that  time,  an  endowment  of  100,000  acres  of  land 
and  $10,000  being  granted  for  support  to  each  asylum 
to  be  erected  for  the  deaf  and  dumb,  the  blind,  and 
for  orphans."  For  a  lunatic  asylum  $50,000  of 
United  States  bonds  were  appropriated  for  the  erec- 
tion of  the  building,  a  similar  quantity  of  land  being 
also  donated. 

The  institution  for  the  deaf  and  dumb  was  opened 
January  2,  1857,  I.  Van  Nostrand,  of  New  York,  be- 
ing appointed  the  first  principal.  Instruction  com- 
menced with  only  three  pupils  which  number  had 
increased  to  seventy-one  by  October  31,  1880,  and 
John  S.  Ford,  the  superintendent,  in  his  report  of 
that  date,  believed  that  the  future  annual  increase 
would  be  nearlv  100  per  centum.  Under  an  act  of 
the  fourteenth  legislature  the  experiment  of  teaching 
the  deaf  mutes  the  printer  s  art  was  made  and  pro- 
duced most  favorable  results.  The  pupils  soon  proved 
themselves  apt  scholars  in  type-setting  and  press 
work,  and  Ford  considered  that  if  allowed  to  finish 
their  education  in  this  branch  they  would  success- 
fully compete  with  the  best  practical  printers.  Other 
mechanical  arts  taught  in  this  asylum  are  mattress- 
making,  book-binding,  cabinet-making,  shoe-making, 
and  some  others. 

A  similar  system  of  instruction  is  pursued  in  the 
education  of  the  blind,  but  these  unfortunate  beings 
labor  under  greater  disadvantages  than  the  deaf  and 

**  Tex.  State  Peniten.  Rvles^  1883.  The  lease  to  Cunningham  expired  J«an. 
1,  1884;  consequently  since  that  date  the  penitentiaries  have  been  under  the 
control  of  the  government. 

*^  In  regard  to  an  orphan  asylum^  in  1SG8  such  an  institution  was  opened 
at  Bayland,  Harris  county,  by  the  Rev.  Mr  Preston.  In  1873  the  legislature 
<lonated  to  this  institution  a  portion  of  the  land  set  apart  in  1850  for  an 
orphan  asylum.  Thrailt  736. 


538  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

dumb;  progress  is  slower,  and  most  mechanical  occu- 
pations are  beyond  their  requirement.  Nevertheless 
they  soon  become  proficient  in  making  baskets, 
brooms,  and  chairs;  they  are  also  taught  music  and 
telegraphy,  in  the  former  of  which  they  make  especial 
progress.  This  institute  went  into  operation  in  1858, 
with  ten  pupils  in  attendance,  a  commodious  house 
being  rented  in  Austin  until  the  state  building  was 
completed.  In  that  year  the  legislature  added  $6,500 
to  the  supporting  fund,  and  appropriated  $12,500  for 
the  purchase  of  a  site  and  the  erection  of  the  build- 
ing, which  was  finished  by  December  1860.  During 
the  war  means  were  wanting  for  the  successful  opera- 
tion of  this  establishment,  but  $9,600  were  expended 
in  1867  in  repairing  the  buildbig,  and  the  sixteenth 
legislature  appropriated  $7,500  for  the  erection  of 
additions  thereto.  In  January  1879,  sixty-eight  blind 
persons  were  in  attendance;  since  that  time  the  insti- 
tute has  progressed  in  proportion  to  the  necessity  for 
providing  for  the  relief  of  this  helpless  class.     Both 

I  thif^   institute  and  that  for  the  deaf  and  dumb  are 

I  situated  in  the  vicinity  of  Austin* 

I  The  site  selected  in  1857  for  the  lunatic  asylum  lies 

three  miles  north  of  Austin,  The  plan  adopted  for  the 
construction  of  the  building  was  such  as  to  admit  of 
additions  being  made  to  it  from  time  to  time  without 
marring  the  symmetry  of  the  whole.  Glasscock  and 
Miller,  of  Austin,  obtained  the  first  contract  by  which 
they  engaged  to  erect  three  sections  for  the  sum  of 
$47,514.  The  first  superintendent  was  C.  G.  Keenan, 
who  held  office  from  1858  to  1862  when  Dr  Steiner 
succeeded  him.  During  that  period  67  patients  had 
been  admitted,  of  whom  49  were  msdes  and  18 
females.  After  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  Texas 
additional  premises  were  required  for  the  admission 
of  freedmen,  and  in  1867  what  is  known  as  the  Cro® 
property  was  purchased  and  improved  at  a  cost  of 
$35,000.  The  completion  of  the  original  plan  of  the 
building   having  been  prevented  by  the  civil  war, 


SCHOOL  LAKD  GRANT&  539 

$20,000  was  appropriated  in  1870  for  the  erection  of 
the  remaining  sections.  In  that  year  the  inmates 
were  83  in  number,  which  by  August  31,  1878,  had 
increased  to  275."  With  the  growth  of  population 
the  necessary  additions  have  been  made  to  accommo- 
date the  increasing  number  of  applications  for  admis- 
sion into  the  asylum. 

It  may  be  asserted  without  cavil  that  previous  to 
the  independence  education  was  a  dead  letter  in 
Texas,"  and  in  their  statement  of  grievances  in  the 
declaration  of  independence,  the  colonists  made  the 
failure  of  the  Mexican  government  to  provide  means 
of  instruction,  which  had  been  promised  for  their 
children,  one  of  the  many  grounds  of  complaint.  No 
sooner,  however,  was  the  victory  won  than  the  Texans 
in  their  constitution  of  1836  declared  that  it  should 
be  the  duty  of  congress,  as  soon  as  circumstances 
would  admit,  to  provide  by  law  a  general  system  of 
education. 

Accordingly,  in  January  1839,  the  congress  of  the 
new  republic  assigned  three  leagues  of  land  to  each 
organized  county,  and  in  the  following  year  an  addi- 
tional league,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  primary 
schools.  By  the  same  act,  fifty  leagues  of  land  were 
devoted  to  the  establishment  of  two  colleges  or  uni- 

i^The  total  resident  number  of  lunatics  during  the  fiscal  year  ending 
Aug.  31,  1878  was  370,  thus  exhibited: 

Patients  discharged  restored 58 

Patients  discharged  improved 21 

Patients  discharged  unimproved 4 

Patients  died. .'. 12 

Remaining 275 

370 
Oqv.  Hubbard's  Mes.,  Jan.  14,  1879,  37. 

u  Almonte,  in  his  report  of  Jan.  1,  1835,  states  that  a  school  had  existed 
in  Be  jar,  supported  by  the  ayuntamiento,  but  it  had  been  closed  from  want 
of  funds;  that  there  was  a  private  one  near  Brazoria  with  30  to  40  pupih, 
which  was  supported  by  subscriptions;  and  that  there  were  three  primary 
schools  respectively  at  Inacoffdoches,  San  Agustin,  and  Jonesburg.  He  re- 
marks that  those  colonists  wno  could  afford  the  expense  preferred  to  send 
their  children  to  be  educated  in  the  U.  S. ;  those  who  coula  not,  cared  little 
aliout  instructing  their  sons  in  matters  other  than  felling  trees  and  hunting 
wild  game.  NoL  Egtad,  Ti^.,  40,  64-5,  76. 


540  INSTrrunONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

versities,  to  be  thereafter  created.  In  February  1840, 
a  law  was  passed  making  the  chief  justice  and  two 
associate  justices  in  each  county  a  board  of  school 
commissioners,  whose  duty  it  was  to  organize  their 
county  into  school  districts,  inspect  schools,  examine 
teachers,  and  give  certificates  of  quahfication  and 
character  to  deserving  applicants.  Under  this  basis, 
it  seems  that  schools  were  estabUshed  in  the  more 
settled  counties." 

But  a  thorough  system  of  general  education  in 
Texas  was  of  slow  growth,  owing  at  first  to  sparseness 
of  population,  and  later  to  set-backs  caused  by  the 
disorders  created  by  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  that 
of  the  secession*  When  Texas  entered  the  union,  it 
was  provided  by  the  new  constitution  of  1845  that  the 
legislature  should,  as  early  as  practicable,  establish 
free  schools  throughout  the  state,  and  fiirnish  means 
for  their  support  by  taxation  on  property;  that  not 
less  than  one  tenth  of  the  annual  revenue  of  the  state 
derived  from  taxation  should  be  set  apart  as  a  per- 
petual fund  for  the  same  purpose ;  and  that  the  lands 
already  granted  for  public  schools  should  not  be  alien- 
ated. But  the  confusion  which  presently  set  in  pre- 
vented anything  from  being  done  till  January  1854, 
when  an  act  to  estabUsh  a  system  of  schools  was  ap- 
proved, and  $2,000,000,  in  five  per  cent  United  States* 
bonds,  were  set  apart  as  a  school  fund.  Under  this 
act,  a  system  was  organized,'*  which  continued  in 
operation  till  the  civU  war  broke  out,  when  again 
confusion  prevailed,  most  of  the  public  schools  being 
closed  during  that  period. 

On  emergmg  from  the  civil  strife,  Texas  found  her- 


^The  U.  S.  censiu  of  1850  shows  that  349  pnblio  schools  were  reported 
as  existing  in  Texas,  with  360  teachers  and  7,94i6  scholars. 

^  According  to  the  U.  S.  census  of  1860,  there  were  1,218  public  schools 
in  Texas  at  that  time,  with  1,274  teachers  and  34,611  scholars.  The  soh<KJ 
income  amounted  to  8414,168,  of  which  $6,743  were  derived  from  endow- 
ments, $15,847  from  taxation,  and  $58, 394  from  public  funds,  making $80,984, 
Icavins  $333, 184,  which  doubtless  came  from  tuition  fees  paid  by  the  paienta 
The  schools,  therefore,  were  not  yet  free  schools,  properly  speaiung. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  PROVISIONS.  541 

self  without  resources,  and  her  school  fund  wasted;" 
but  she  devoted  herself  at  once  to  the  task  of  repair- 
ing the  evil  Under  the  constitution  of  1866,  all 
funds,  lands,  and  other  property  previously  set  apart 
for  the  support  of  the  free  school  system  were  rededi- 
cated  as  a  perpetual  fund.  It  furthermore  devoted 
to  that  fund  all  the  alternate  sections  of  land  reserved 
out  of  grants  to  railroad  companies  and  other  corpora- 
tions, together  with  one  half  of  the  proceeds  of  all 
future  sales  of  public  landa  The  legislature  was  de- 
prived of  the  power  to  loan  any  portion  of  the  school 
fund,  and  required  to  invest  the  specie  principal  in 
United  States  bonds,  or  such  bonds  as  the  state 
might  guarantee ;  and  it  was  authorized  to  levy  a  tax 
for  educational  purposes,  special  provision  being  made 
that  all  sums  arising  from  taxes  collected  from  Afri- 
cans, or  persons  of  African  descent,  should  be  exclus- 
ivelv  appropriated  for  the  maintenance  of  a  system  of 
public  schools  for  the  black  race.  Provision  for  the 
university  was  renewed;  a  superintendent  of  public 
instruction  was  directed  to  be  appointed  by  the  gov- 
ernor, who,  with  him  and  the  comptroller,  should  con- 
stitute a  state  board  of  education,  and  have  the  general 
management  and  control  of  the  perpetual  fund  and 
common  schools,  under  regulations  thereafter  pre- 
scribed by  the  legislature. 

The  constitution  of  1868  did  not  materially  alter 
these  provisions,  except  in  one  marked  particular,  and 
that  was  in  the  significant  omission  of  the  provision 
appropriating  the  taxes  paid  by  colored  persons  for 


A  Nearly  all  the  $2;000,000  in  U.  S.  bonds  appears  to  have  been  lost  by 
injadicioas  loans  to  railroad  companies  before  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  Gov. 
Throckmorton,  in  his  messaffe  of  Aug.  18,  1866,  says:  'There  is  also  in  the 
treasury,  due  the  school  fund,  |1,753,317,  interest-bearing  bonds  of  railroad 
coaipanies,  with  interest  due  upon  said  bonds  up  to  March  1,  18GG,  amount- 
ing to  $300,209.89.  I  am  unable  to  form  an  opinion  as  to  the  probability  of 
the  payment  of  this  interest'  Gov.  Davis,  in  his  message  of  Apr.  28,  1870, 
includes  in  the  school  fund  $2,742,198,  principal  and  interest,  due  from  rail- 
road companies.  He  remarks:  '  I  suppoie  upwards  of  two  millions  of  t}ie 
total  due  by  the  railroads  could  be  realize  I  with  certainty. '  He  recommends 
%  sale  of  all  the  roadfl  indebted  to  the  school  fund. 


542  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

the  support  of  schools  for  their  childreiL  The  schools 
were  made  free  to  all." 

Under  this  constitution  a  law  was  passed  August 
13,  1870,  directing  the  governor  to  appoint  a  superin- 
tendent of  public  instruction,  to  serve  until  the  next 
general  election,  and  ordering  that  thenceforward  that 
official  should  be  elected  by  the  people,  to  serve  for  a 
term  of  four  years ;  each  organized  county  was  made 
a  school  district,  and  each  county  court  a  board  of 
school  directors,  which,  subject  to  the  direction  of 
the  state  superintendent,  were  charged  with  the  duty 
of  dividing  it  into  sub-districts.  The  schools  were  to 
be  open  at  least  four  months  in  the  year,  and  the  di- 
rectors were  to  see  that  all  children  between  six  and 
sixteen  years  were  to  attend,  unless  instructed  else- 
where. One-fourth  of  the  annual  state  revenue  fix)m 
taxation,  an  annual  poll-tax  of  one  doUar,  and  the  in- 
terest on  the  perpetual  fund,  were  set  apart  for  the 
support  of  the  schools. 

In  April  and  November  1871,  amendments  were 
made  to  this  law.  The  state  superintendent  was 
directed  to  appoint  for  each  judicial  district  a  super- 
visor of  education ;  and  the  board  of  education — ^the 
attorney  general  now  taking  the  place  of  the  comp- 
troller— ^was  directed  to  apportion  anew  the  territory 
of  the  state  into  educational  districts  not  exceeding 
twelve  in  number ;  all  existing  supervisors  were  to  be 
retired,  and  one  for  each  of  the  twelve  districts  ap- 
pointed, whose  duty  it  would  be  to  examine  teachers, 
and  re-subdivide  the  counties  in  his  jurisdiction  into 
districts,  appointing  for  each  five  school  directors, 
with  the  approval  of  the  state  superintendent.  These 
directors  might  levy  taxes  not  exceeding  one  per 
centum,  for  the  erection  of  school-houses.  A  penalty 
of  $25  for  non-attendance  at  school  was  ordered  to  be 

"Art  ix.,  sec.  1,  of  the  oonstitatioii  reads  thns:  It  shall  be  the  dnty  of 
the  legislature  of  this  state  to  make  suitable  provisions  for  the  support  and 
maintenance  of  a  system  of  public  free  schools,  for  the  gratuitous  instruction 
of  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  state  between  the  ages  of  six  and  eighteen. 
U,  S.  Chart,  and  OonstiL,  pt  2,  1814. 


SCHOOL  STATISTICS.  543 

collected  from  the  parents  of  non-attending  children. 
Under  this  system  schools  began  to  increase  rapidly 
in  number." 

During  the  years  1873  to  1875  inclusive,  consider- 
able changes  were  again  made.  The  government  was 
now  democratic.  The  state  superintendency  and 
county  boards  of  directors  were  retained,  while  the 
state  board  of  education  and  supervisors  of  large  dis- 
tricts were  suppressed,  and  the  trustees  of  each  school 
district  were  ordered  to  be  elected  by  the  voters  of 
the  district.  Under  this  reformed  system,  the  control 
of  the  schools,  management  of  the  funds,  the  adoption 
of  the  method  of  education,  and  other  matters  connected 
with  free  tuition  were  placed  in  the  power  of  the 
people,  who  elected  their  immediate  agents.  The  en- 
rollment in  the  scholastic  year  1874-5  was  124,567 
pupils,  under  3,100  teachers  in  2,924  schools. 

By  the  constitution  of  1876  some  changes  were 
again  effected,  both  as  regards  the  perpetual  fund  and 
the  system.  Instead  of  one  half  of  the  proceeds  of 
sales  of  public  lands  being  set  apart  for  the  fund,  it 
was  directed  that  one-half  of  the  public  domain  should 
be  donated  to  it ;"  all  lands  granted  to  counties  for  the 
support  of  schools  were  made  the  property  of  the 
counties  respectively  to  which  they  were  granted," 
and  the  proceeds  when  sold  were  to  be  held  in  trust 

^In  Dec.  1871  there  were  1,324  schools,  with  1,578  teachers,  and  63,504 
scholars.  The  report  for  the  following  year  showed  2,000  schools,  with  127,- 
672  enrolled  sdioLars  under  2,233  teachers.  H.  Ex.  Doc,  cong.  44,  sess.  2, 
iv.,  pt  2,  385-6. 

•*  This  change  was  introduced  hy  A-  T.  McKinney,  who  was  a  member  of 
the  constitntiomkl  convention  of  1875.  McKinney  was  bom,  March  18,  1838, 
in  Randolph  county,  HI.  His  father,  who  was  president  of  West  Tennessee 
College,  migrated  with  hia  family  to  Texas  in  1850.  The  son  graduated  at 
Princeton  in  1858,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1861.     He  served  as  a 

Private  soldier  in  the  confederate  army  for  two  years,  and  on  his  return  to 
exas  settled  in  Huntsville,  and  there  practised  his  profession.  In  1 882  he 
was  appointed  regent  of  the  university  of  Texas;  was  elected  to  tlie  house  of 
representatives,  taking  his  seat  in  Jan.  1883.  In  the  18th  legislature  he  in- 
troduced the  measure  which  endowed  the  state  university  with  1 ,000,000  acres 
of  land.  McKinney  has  made  various  suggestions,  recommending  a  new  plan 
for  the  government  and  control  of  the  piunic  school  system. 

^By  the  constitution  of  1868,  the  public  lands  given  to  counties  were 
placed  under  the  control  of  the  legislature,  and  when  sold  the  proceeds  were 
to  be  added  to  the  public  school  fund. 


544  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

by  the  counties,  for  the  benefit  of  public  schools 
therein.  Separate  schools  were  to  be  provided  for 
the  white  and  colored  children,  and  impartial  pro- 
vision made  for  both;  and  the  board  of  education  was 
restored  to  be  composed  of  the  governor,  comptroller, 
and  secretary  of  state." 

Under  these  provisions  laws  were  enacted  for  the 
carrying  out  of  the  same.  At  a  specially  called  ses- 
sion of  the  legislature,  January  1884,  improvements 
in  the  system  were  eflfected.  The  office  of  state  sup- 
erintendent was  reaffirmed,  the  superintendent  being 
made  the  official  secretary  of  the  board  of  education; 
boards  of  examiners  of  teachers  were  provided ;  and 
colored  school  communities  were  given  the  right  to 
have  trustees  of  their  own  race  for  their  schools.*'  In 
1884  county  school  affairs  were  superintended  by 
county  judges,  and  in  cities  and  towns  the  boards  of 
aldermen  had  the  exclusive  power  to  regulate  and 
govern  the  free  schools  within  their  limit.  Austin, 
Galveston,  Houston,  and  the  larger  cities  have  school 
superintendents. 

The  system  of  free  schools  in  Texas  has  firmly  fixed 
itself  in  public  esteem.  According  to  Spaight's  offi- 
cial map  of  December  1,  1882,"  the  principal  of  the 
perpetual  school  fund  amounted  to  $4,166,383,  in  cash 
and  bonds ;  the  amoimt  of  land  pertaining  to  the  same 
was  33,000,000  acres,  besides  4,002,912  acres  given  to 


^'By  the  school  law  of  1883,  this  board  was  anthorized  to  appoint  a  i 
tary  with  a  salary  of  |1,800  a  year.  U.  8.  RepU  Ckmu  Bkluc,  1883-4,  262. 
Benjamiji  F.  Baker,  was  made  secretary  in  Jan.  1883,  and  held  that  office 
for  18  months;  the  office  of  state  superintendent  of  public  instruction  was 
then  created  by  act  of  the  18th  legislature  in  extra  session,  and  in  Not. 
1884,  Baker  was  elected  to  it  by  a  majority  of  181,016  votes.  He  prepared 
the  public  school  law  in  force  at  the  time  of  writing,  1886.  Baker  was  bom 
in  Kussell  county,  Alabama,  Jan.  20,  1851,  migrated  to  Texas  at  the  age 
of  18,  practised  law  in  the  town  of  Carthage,  and  in  1876  was  elected  to  the 
15th  legislature,  was  reelected,  and  served  during  the  16th  and  17th  legisla- 
tures, when  he  declined  reelection  and  moved  to  Decatur. 

^  The  framer  of  this  law  was  A.  J.  Chambers,  who  was  bom  in  Miasia- 
sippi  in  1835,  and  went  to  Texas  in  1853,  where  he  was  ensa^^  in  m(^otA 
teaching  for  ten  years.  In  1882  he  was  elected  to  the  18th  legislatare,  and 
served  to  Jan.  1885. 

»In  Tex.  Resources,  SoU,  and  CUmafe,  beine  the  report  of  A.  W.  Spaight^ 
the  commissioner  of  insnranoe,  statistics,  and  history,  for  the  year  1SB2. 


UNIVBKfilTY.  545 

the  counties;  and  the  apportionment  for  tne  scholastic 
year  1882-3,  to  counties,  cities  and  towns  was  $1,086,- 
273.  Yet  as  late  as  1884,  the  expenditure  was  not 
whoUy  covered  by  the  public  school  fund,  some 
amount  being  paid  teachers  from  private  sources,** 
At  Huntsvme  is  established  the  Sam  Houston 
Normal  Institute,  which  offers  a  three-year's  course 
of  strictly  professional  training,  aiming  to  furnish  com- 
petent teachers  for  the  public  schools. 

Although  provision  was  made  for  the  establishment 
of  a  university  as  early  as  1839,'*  nothing  was  done 
till  1881,  when  at  the  election  held  September  Gth^ 
Austin  was  selected  as  the  location."  Steps  had 
been  taken  by  the  legislature  on  March  30,  1881, 
when  an  act  was  passed  providing  for  the  organiza* 
tion  of  a  board  of  regents  and  appropriating  $150,000 
for  the  building,  and  $40,000  for  the  purchase  of 
libraiy  and  furniture.  In  September  1883  the  uni- 
versity was  opened,"  young  men  and  women  being. 

'•In  the  Bcholastic  year  1883-4,  the  ezpenditoxe  for  Public  schools  waar 
$1,661,476  against  $1,150,332  for  the  preyious  year.  The  net  available 
school  fond  estimated  for  the  year  beginning  Sept.  1,  1885,  was  $2,232,272. 
The  following  statistical  snmmary  is  deriyed  from  reports  sent  from  only  125 
ooonties  oot  of  166.  The  ftiilnre  of  so  manjr  county  judges  to  report  school 
statistics, — according  to  the  explanation  given  by  the  superintendent — ^is 
flwing  to  the  fact  that  those  officers  had  not  time  for  such  duties. 


18S2-83. 
1883^84. 


NO.  OF  8CH0LAB8. 
White.      Colored. 


112,569 
148,639 


40,473 
56,160 


NO.  OF  SCHOOLS. 
"White.      Colored. 


3,996 
4,399 


1,181 
1,432 


NO.  OF  TEAOHERS. 


5,037 
6,369 


Prominent  among  the  colored  teachers  is  ProL  L  M.  Terrill,  the  principal 
of  school  No.  6,  at  Fort  Worth.  Terrill  is  the  son  of  a  freecbnan,  and  was 
kom  at  Anderson,  Grimes  county,  Jan.  3,  1859.  Educated  in  the  commoxt 
schools  of  Anderson,  he  entered  Strait's  Universii^  at  N.  Orleans,  from 
trhich  he  graduated  in  June  1881.     'Ihe  children  in  his  school  take  the  same 

rde,  and  pass  examinations  equal  to  those  passed  by  white  children.  R. 
Moore,  the  principal  of  the  Keller  academy,  considers  that  the  public 
schools  of  Texas  have  taken  a  high  position,  and  will  continue  to  improve 
▼eaxiy.  He  believes  that  a  compulsory  law — not  existing  at  present — ^would 
be  highly  benefidaL  Moore*8  ObSer,,  MS. 

»By  the  constitution  of  1876,  1,000,000  acres  of  land  were  set  apart,  in 
addition  to  the  50  leagues  previously  appropriated,  to  constitute  a  perpetual 
university  fund.  The  total  number  of  acres  appropriated  was  1,219,9064. 
TVsc  Univer.  VoU  Soc,  1882,  6. 

s^  The  number  of  votes  cast  in  favor  of  Austin  was  30,913,  Tyler  having 
18,974.  At  the  same  time  Galveston  received  the  majority  of  votes  for  the 
location  of  the  medical  department. 

»  The  IxMird  of  regents  consisted  of  Ashbel  South,  president;  T.  M.  Har— 
Hist.  Mix.  Statss,  Vol.  II.  85. 


046  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTKB& 

admitted  on  equal  terms,  tuition  free.  The  academic 
department  comprises  instruction  in  literature,  sci- 
ence and  the  arts,"  the  course  extending  over  four 
years.  In  June  1885,  the  number  of  students  was 
206,  of  whom  55  were  law  students;  of  the  remaining 
151  nearly  one  third  was  represented  by  females." 

Special  mention  must  be  made  of  the  Agricultural 
and  Mechanical  College,  located  four  miles  from 
Bryan,  Brazos  county.  It  was  incorporated  by  an 
act  of  the  legislature  anproved  April  17,  1871,  con- 
gress having  granted  November  1,  1866,  180,000 
.acres  in  land  scrip  for  its  foundation.  The  fund 
derived  from  this  donation  amounted  in  1872  to 
$174,000,  which  were  invested  in  bonds  of  the  state 
bearing  7  per  centum  in  gold.  By  successive  appro- 
priations, made  by  the  state,  aggregating  $187,000, 
suitable  buildings  were  erected,  and  the  institution 
was  opened  in  October  1876,  there  being  six  pupils 
in  attendance.     The  increase  in  the  number  of  sta- 


irood,  T.  D.  Wooten,  £.  J.  SimkiiiB,  M.  W.  Q«raett»  James  &  Clariu,  H.  L. 
CSrawford,  and  K  Hadra;  A.  P.  Wooldridfe,  secretary.  Tex.  Unicer.,  aem,  I, 
1883-84,  2.  One  of  the  members  of  the  board  in  1886  was  GeaThos  Todd, 
irho  was  chairman  of  the  committee  of  education,  in  1881,  irhidi  framed  the 
biU  to  establish  and  organize  the  oniyersity.  Todd,  when  only  four  years  of 
.age,  was  taken  to  Texas  by  his  father  who  moved  thither  in  1843.  He  was  edn- 
cated  by  his  mother,  whose  miuden  name  was  Eliza  Ann  Hndgins,  and  who 
originated  and  conducted  for  manv  ^ears  a  female  education^  institute  at 
du-ksville,  Texas.  He  completed  his  education  at  the  uniTersity  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  on  his  return  practised  law  in  Jefferson;  on  the  outbreak  of  the 
civil  war  volunteered  in  the  Ist Texas  regiment,  and  after  served  in  Hoods 
Texas  brigade. 

^  Leadmg  to  the  degrees  of  bachelor  of  arts,  master  of  arts,  bachekr  of 
letters,  bachelor  of  science,  and  bachelor  of  laws. 

**  From  the  reports  sent  in  to  the  U.  S.  com.  of  education,  1884,  it  appean 
that  the  other  colleges  and  universities  in  Texas  at  that  time  were  as  fol- 
lows: St  Mary's  university,  Galveston;  Southwestern  university.  Geargd- 
town;  Baylor  universiiy,  Ladependence;  Mansfield,  male  and  female  college, 
Mansfield;  Salado  college,  Salado;  Austin  collie,  Sherman;  Trinity  nnzver^ 
sity,  Tehuacana;  Waco  universiiy,  Waco;  MiLrvin  college,  Waxahatdiie; 
and  Add  Kan  college,  Thorp's  spring.  Five  of  these  institntioiis  admit 
young  men  only,  the  olher  five  are  open  to  both  sexes.  The  cdlegiate  insti- 
tutions exclusively  for  young  women  are:  Dallas  Female  odlege»  DaDas; 
Ursuline  academy,  Galveston;  the  Ladies'  Annex  of  Southwestern  nnivei^ 
sity,  Georgetown;  Baylor  Female  cdU^e,  Independence;  Woodlawn  Femik 
colleee,  Paris;  Nazareth  academy,  Victoria;  and  Waoo  Female  oolkge. 
All  these  are  authorized  by  law  to  confer  degrees.  There  ace  also  the  Amna 
Female  institute,  Bryan  Female  institate^  and  Soul^  ooUma.  U»  A  Rat 
Com.  muc,  1883-4,  264-4^ 


RELIGION.  647 

dents  was  so  rapid  that  the  directors^  in  their  report 
of  January  1 879,  mention  that  in  June  1878,  there  were 
250  students,  and  that  416  applications  for  admission 
had  been  filed,  all  of  whom  could  not  be  received  on 
account  of  want  of  room.  At  the  present  time  the 
income  derived  from  the  United  States  grant  amounts 
to  $14,280,  the  fund  having  increased  by  the  accumula- 
tion of  interest  previous  to  the  opening  of  the  college. 
A  separate  branch  of  this  institution  has  been  estab- 
lished in  Waller  county,  exclusively  for  the  use  of 
colored  students.  It  is  faiown  as  Prairie  View  school, 
and  in  March,  1882,  was  attended  by  51  students." 

As  the  reader  is  aware,  religious  intolerance  pre- 
vailed in  Texas  down  to  the  time  of  her  independence. 
Previous  to  this,  a  few  attempts  had  been  made  by 
clei^ymen  of  the  baptist  denomination  to  organize 
congregations,  but  their  efforts  had  met  with  violent 
opposition  on  the  part  of  the  authorities."  In  1837, 
however,  a  baptist  church  was  organized  at  Washing- 
ton, Z.  N.  Morrell  being  chosen  pastor,  and  money 
was  subscribed  to  build  a  house  of  worship."     The 

^  The  management  of  the  college  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  board  of 
directors,  comjj^Msed  of  the  gov.  who  was  prea.  of  the  board,  the  lieut-goT., 
^e  speaker  ot  the  hoose  of  representatives,  and  six  other  members.  Later 
a  bowd  of  tmstees  was  formed,  the  pres.  of  which  at  the  time  of  writing 
is  George  Pfeuffer,  who  has  done  much  by  his  able  administration  to  raise 
tliis  institation  to  a  high  position,  having  secured  for  it  ample  endowments 
and  npceaaary  appliances.  Pfeuffer  was  bom  in  Bavaria  in  1830,  migrated 
to  Texas  in  184i^  and  settled  at  Corpus  Christi,  whence  he  removed  14  years 
later  to  New  Braunfels.     He  was  chairman  of  the  senate  com.  on  education. 

»  CT.  S.  Depart  q/  Affric,  1871,  829;  1872,  384;  1875,  62;  H.  Ex,  Doc, 
cong.  42,  sess.  2,  vii.,  no.  327,  329;  Tex.  Gov.  Mess.,  1876,  1879;  Tex.  Rept 
Prairie  View  School,  1882.  By  an  act  of  the  legislature,  March  1881,  it  was 
provided  that  three  students  from  each  senatorial  district  should  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  senators  and  representatives,  and  maintained- and  instructed 
tree  of  charge.  To  state  students  a  course  of  study  is  assigned;  paying 
students  make  their  own  selection.  In  1882  127  students  were  reported  as 
taking  the  full  course;  in  1884  only  108  were  reported.  H.  Ehc  Doe.,  cong. 
47,  aess.  1,  vol.  12,  24&-50,  610;  Rept  Com.  Educ,  1883-i,  265,  66a 

^  In  1826,  EUder  Joseph  Bays  preached  at  the  house  of  Moses  Shipman, 
an  the  Braza»,  and  afterward  moved  to  San  Antonio.  In  1829,  Elder 
Thomas  Hanks  also  preached  in  Shipman's  house.  During  the  same  year» 
the  first  Sunday-sehool  in  Texas  was  organized  by  T.  J.  Pilgrim.  MorreWa 
Flowers  and  FruUs,  72^. 

^  Morrell  remarks  that  tliis  was  the  first  church  ever  onnuiized  in  Texas 
tm.  strictly  goepel  principles,  having  the  ordinances  and  omcers  of  ancient 
order.     Of  course  ne  means  a  baptist  church. 


M8  mSTrrUTIONAL  AND  BDUGATIONAL  MATTEBfi. 

first  protestant  episcopal  choich  was  established  in 
1838  at  Matagoida  by  Caleb  S.  Ives,  who  collected 
a  congregation,  established  a  school,  and  built  a  church. 
During  the  same  year  K.  M.  Chapman  organized  a 
parish  in  Houston. ' 

In  early  days,  the  Anglo-Texans  cannot  be  said  to 
have  exhibited  much  sentimentalism  on  the  score  of 
rehgion;  indeed,  they  may  be  considered  as  forming  a 
somewhat  godless  community;  but  with  the  great  in- 
flux of  immigrants  since  the  war  of  secession,  Texas 
has  proved  a  fair  field  for  evangelical  enterprise.  Many 
denominations  in  1888  were  well  represented  in  the 
state.  According  to  the  United  States'  census  of 
1880,  the  number  of  methodists  was  157,000,  of  cath- 
olics 150,000,  of  baptists  125,000,  and  of  presbyterians 
13,000. 

The  first  printing-press  in  Texas  was  put  into  oper- 
ation at  Nacogdoches,  early  in  July  1819.  It  was 
brought  into  the  country  under  the  auspices  of  Gen- 
eral Long,  who  established  a  provisional  government 
and  a  supreme  council,  which  issued  a  declaration 
proclaiming  Texas  an  independent  republic.  The 
prmting-omce  was  placed  under  the  management  of 
Horatio  Biglow,  and  was  used  for  the  publication  of 
various  laws  enacted  and  proclamations  issued  by  that 
ephemeral  government. 

Ten  years  afterward,  the  first  regular  newspaper 
made  its  appearance.  It  was  published  at  San  Felipe, 
and  bore  the  title  of  The  Cotton  Plmdj  Godwin  B.  Cot- 
ten  being  editor  and  proprietor.     This  publication  was 

"The  marriage  ceremony  in  Texas  had  been  little  resorted  to  np  to  this 
time.  Marriages  before  the  independence  were  illegal  unless  performed  hf 
priests,  who  were  offensive  to  the  Anglo-Tezans,  and  moreover,  exacted  a 
tee  of  $26.  A  custom  grew  into  vogue  of  the  paities  simply  mgning  a  bond 
in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  and  then  becoming  husband  and  wife.  By  an 
act  of  congress,  approved  June  5,  1837,  provision  was  made  to  legalijEe  these 
marriages  Dy  bond  by  allowing  parties  so  connected  to  take  out  a  lioenae  in 


the  same  year,  Morrell  performed  the  rite  undar  the  new  law.  Fknoen  md 
FruUa,  78. 


NBWSPAPEB& 


isaaed  under  the  above  name  during  the  four  years 
ending  1832,  when  it  was  called  The  Texas  Rqmblican. 

The  second  paper  was  the  Texas  Gazette  and  Brazoria 
Advertiser  J  which  was  published  in  Brazoria  in  1830; 
in  September  1832,  it  was  merged  in  the  Ccmstilutional 
Advocate  and  Texas  Public  Advertiser,  D.  W.  Anthony 
being  editor  and  proprietor,  on  the  death  of  whom  by 
cholera,  in  July  1833,  the  paper  ceased  to  be  issued. 

Next  in  order  was  the  Texas  Republican^  published 
at  Brazoria  by  F.  C.  Gray,  of  New  York,  December 
17,  1834.  It  was  printed  on  the  old  press  introduced 
by  Gotten,  and  in  January  1835,  was  the  only  paper 
published  in  Texas.  In  August  1836,  the  issue  was 
discontinued.** 

The  fourth  paper  is  of  historic  interest,  being  the 
Telegraphy  which  was  started  by  Gail  and  Thomas  H. 
Boixlen  and  Joseph  Baker  at  San  FeUpe  in  August 
1835.  When  that  town  was  abandoned  bv  the  gov- 
ernment, in  April  1836,  on  the  approach  of  the  Mex- 
icans, the  press  was  conveyed  to  Harrisburg,  and 
while  the  twenty-second  number  was  being  printed, 
the  forces  of  Santa  Anna  entered  the  town.  Six 
copies  only  had  been  struck  off  when  the  printers, 
press,  and  type  were  seized  by  the  Mexicans.  The 
material  was  thrown  into  Bray's  Bayou."  In  the 
following  August,  the  Bordens,  having  bought  a  new 
press  and  material,  revived  the  Telegraph  at  Columbia, 
and  subsequently  moved  to  Houston,  where  the  paper 
was  published  for  many  years  under  the  title  of  the 
Houston  Telegraph.** 

After  the  independence,  the  number  of  newspapers 
increased  rapidly,**  the  first  daily  paper  ever  published 


^•Gray*8  wife  was  a  shrewd  woman,  and  was  charged  with  intriguinff  to 
effect  the  escape  of  Santa  Anna.  Her  husband  fell  under  suspicion,  and  he 
remoYed  to  Ca^omia,  where  he  became  wealthy.  Subsequently  he  returned 
to  N.  York,  and  committed  suicide.  Tex,  EdU.  and  Prts8  Aaaoc^  1875,  no.  2,  2. 

^  One  at  least  of  the  six  copies  is  still  in  existence.  The  paper  was  pub- 
lished in  quarto  form. 

^  In  1875  it  was  the  oldest  newspaper  in  the  state.  Letter  of  John  Forbes. 

^Mention  must  be  made  of  the  Teaaas  Planter,  published  at  Brazoria,  ib 
1837,  by  T.  Leger  and  A.  P.  Thonmson;  the  CSvUUm,  established  by  Hamiltom 
Stuart  m  1838  at  OaWestoo;  the  Awtm  OHy  Oaeetie,  started  in  Oct.  1839  by 


MO  IKSTrrUnONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

in  Texas  being  the  Morning  Star,  by  Cmger  and 
Moore  of  the  Iklegraph,  from  about  1840  to  1844. 
Previous  to  this  time  papers  were  issued  weekly,  bi- 
weekly, or  tri-weekly,  according  to  circumstance&'' 
According  to  the  census  of  1880,  280  newspapers 
and  periodicals  were  published  in  Texas,  which  num- 
ber, by  1888,  was  considerably  increased.  On  Septem- 
ber 10, 1873,  the  Texas  Editorial  and  Press  Association 
was  organized,  and  formally  incorporated  April  5, 
1875,  under  the  act  of  the  legislature  approved  AprS 
23,  1874,  entitled,  ''An  act  concerning  private  coipo- 
rations."** 

Samuel  Wbiting;  and  the  Texas  Sentinel,  at  Austin,  in  Jan.  1840^  by  Jacob 
W.  Grager  and  Qea  W.  BonnelL  The  first  paper  published  at  GalveBton 
▼as  the  IHmee,  edited  and  owned  by  Ferdinand  Pinkard;  and  as  eaily  as 
1836  a  paper  was  established  at  Matagorda  by  Simon  Mnssina,  and  pabliuied 
for  about  three  years.  At  San  Luis,  on  SanXiuis  island,  west  of  (Galveston, 
was  published  in  1840  the  AdooocUey  which,  during  its  brief  ezirtenoe,  vis 
the  largest^  handsomest,  and  ablest  paper  of  its  time  in  Texas.  T.  Robosoa 
and  M.  Hopkins  were  the  principal  editors  and  managers.  Both  city  sad 
paper  have  long  since  passea  out  of  existence.  In  1839  the  Chaeite  was  started 
at  Kichmond  on  the  Brasoe,  IL  K  Handy,  one  of  Gen.  Houston's  yohmteer 
aids  at  San  Jacinto,  being  editor. 

**  Kennedy,  however,  makes  mention  of  a  daily  paper  being  publiibed  as 
earlv  as  June  1839.    He  fails  to  supply  the  names.  Tex,,  ii.  9&. 

^The  association  had  power  to  tmy,  hold,  and  sell  property;  to  mainti 


and  defend  judicial  proceedings;  to  make  contracts;  to  borrow  mcney  on  the 
credit  of  the  association,  each  stockholder  being  only  liable  to  crsditon  for 
the  unpaid  portion  of  his  stock;  and  to  make  proper  and  needful  bv-lawa 
Capital  stock  $10,000,  to  be  divided  into  shares  of  |25,  and  capable  of  bong 
increased  to  |50,000.  Tex.  Bd,  Pren  Amoc,  charter,  etc.,  noe  1,  3^  sad  4. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE,  AND  RAILROADS. 

1836-1888. 

pHTBiCAL  Divisions— A  Fobxst  Rbgioh—Ths  Level  PiunaBS  of  tkt 
GuiiF  CoAffr— Central  Hiohlanbb— A  Vast  Cattle  Rboion— Thk 
Panhandle  and  Staked  Plain— Cldcate  and  Raintall— Conoir 
Production — The  Cereals— Proobbss  of  Agriculture — Cattle 
SrATisnoa— Stock  Trahs  to  the  North— The  Texas  Fevebt— Wire 
Fence  Troubles — Sheep  and  Horses — Minerals — Manufacturino 
AHD  Mechanical  Industtribs — ^Foreion  ComoERCB— Imports  and  Ex* 
PORTS— The  Postal  Service— Railroad  Ststehs— The  Oldest  Lines 
— ^Houston  the  Natural  Centre— Narrow  Gauge  Lines— Libbr- 
AUTT  OF  the  State  Government — ^The  Strike  at  Fort  Worth. 

Texas,  which  comprises  226  counties,  of  which  176 
were  organized  bv  January  1886,  is  naturally  divided^ 
in  an  agricultural  point  of  view,  into  six  grand  divisr 
ions,  dmering  in  physical  features  and  in  the  charac- 
ter of  their  soils,  most  of  which,  however,  are  of 
extraordinary  fertility/ 

The  first  of  these  divisions  is  known  as  east  Texas^ 
and  includes  the  territory  lying  between  the  Sabine 
and  Trinity  rivers,  and  that  portion  of  the  state  situ- 
ated between  the  Sabine  and  Red  rivers.  The  soil 
varies  in  character,  but   a  distinctive  class  is  that 

^C.  A.  Wdstbrook,  a  prominent  land  owner  and  improver  of  stock,  states 
that  the  Brazos  bottom  land  is  considered  superior  to  any  other  in  Texas^ 
He  was  bom  in  North  Carolina,  Jan.  1, 1838,  and  arriyed  in  Texas  in  1858. 
The  estimates  of  the  area  of  Texas,  and  the  apportionments  thereof  may 
-vary  considerably.  The  Texas  Farm,  Jan.  16,  1886,  gives  the  following  fig- 
nres:  prairie,  110,423,160  acres;  forest,  15,000,000;  improved,  25,000,000; 
eultiyated,  8,000,000;  and  covered  with  water  11,676,040;  the  unavailable 
land  being  11,676,040  acres,  making  a  total  of  170,099,200  acres.  By  the 
Texas  Beview,  Jan.  1886,  310-11,  the  following  statistics  are  supplied:  area 
176,000,000  acres  of  which  111,179,785  are  prairie  Unds;  46,302,500  timber 
land,  the  remainder  covered  with  water.  About  13,000,000  acres  are  im* 
proved,  of  which  about  7,000,000  are  in  cultivation. 

(561) 


J62  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

known  as  the  red  lands,  which  extend  through  several 
counties  from  that  of  Houston  to  the  Sabine.  East 
Texas  is  a  great  timbered  region  and  produces  a 
variety  of  forest  trees,  of  which  the  principal  are  the 
pine,  attaining  an  enormous  growth,  the  white  oak, 
white  and  red  cypress,  magnolia,  hickory,  pecan,  and 
cedar.  Many  saw-mills  are  in  operation,  preparing 
the  timber  supplied  from  these  forests,  the  number 
greatly  increasing  along  the  railroad  lines.  With 
regard  to  the  magnolia,  lai^e  tracts  are  found 
occupied  exclusively  by  woods  of  this  beautiful  tree, 
the  timber  of  which  is  very  hard,  fine-grained,  and 
takes  a  polish  like  satin.  In  the  cultivated  dis- 
tricts of  eastern  Texas  cotton  and  com  are  the  staple 
crops,  though  sugar  is  cultivated  in  some  counties  on 
the  bottom  lands  of  the  Trinity.  Fruit  trees  thrive 
especially  on  the  red  lands,  the  peaches  produced 
thereon  being  famous  for  their  flavor  and  size. 

South  Texas  is  that  portion  of  the  state  which  lies 
along  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  extending  from  20  to  100 
miles  into  the  interior.  It  is  a  vast  prairie  plain  ris- 
ing imperceptibly  to  the  hilly  regions  of  central  Texaa 
The  great  prairies  of  which  this  division  is  composed 
are  intersected  by  innumerable  rivers  and  streams, 
and  are  for  the  most  part  treeless,  timber  being  only 
found  along  the  margins  of  the  streams  which  are 
densely  wooded,  and  in  isolated  groups  of  elms  and 
live-oaks,  called  "islands"  or  "motts."  The  soil  is 
unsurpassed  in  richness,  being  of  alluvial  origin,  sup- 
plemented by  sedimentary  deposits  of  the  receded 
waters  of  the  gulf  and  decayed  vegetable  matter. 
The  depth  of  the  soil  in  the  river  valleys  is  very 
great ;  it  has  been  examined  to  the  depth  of  30  feet, 
where  it  shows  scarcely  a  perceptible  diffei^ence  from 
the  surface  soil.  On  the  prairies  the  land  is  hardly 
so  rich ;  the  soil  is  of  a  black  tenacious  nature,  whOe 
that  of  the  valleys  is  of  a  chocolate  color.  The  staple 
products  are  sugar-cane,  cotton,  and  com ;  vegetables 
of  all   kinds   flourish    exceedingly  well;   and    many 


NATURAL  DIVISIONS.  563 

tropical  fruits,  such  as  the  orange,  banana,  and  guava 
can  be  successively  cultivated  in  certain  localities. 

Central  Texas  extends  from  the  Trinity  to  the  Colo- 
rado and  the  99th  degree  west  longitude,  and  from 
the  southern  alluvial  plain  to  the  32d  degree  north 
latitude.  Its  physical  features  are  of  a  huly  charac- 
ter, displaying  gentle  undulations  as  It  rises  from  the 
southern  plain,  gradually  developing  into  highlands 
and  valleys  which  assume,  as  the  traveller  journeys 
inland,  a  somewhat  mountainous  aspect.  The  soils 
in  this  region  are  loams  of  various  colors,  black,  brown, 
red,  and  chocolate,  but  all  containing  sand  in  such 
proportion  as  to  render  them  easy  of  tmage.  A  large 
portion,  probably  one  fourth,  is  timbered ;  and  as  this 
division  is  composed  of  hills  and  valleys,  rolling  prai- 
ries,* and  forests,  the  landscape  scenery  is  indescrib- 
ably beautiful.  Cotton,  com,  oats,  and  other  cereals 
are  here  produced,  and  the  northern  portion  is  a 
favorite  wheat-growing  region.  Immense  herds  of 
swine  are  raised  in  the  vicinities  of  the  post-oak  for- 
ests, and  sheep,  horses,  and  cattle  by  thousands  thrive 
on  the  prairies  and  hill  sides. 

Situated  on  the  north  of  this  division  and  west  of 
eastern  Texas  is  north  Texas,  terminated  on  the  west 
by  the  99th  meridian.  It  is  a  region  composed  of 
forests  and  prairies,  the  soil  being  a  loam  of  three 
varieties,  namely  the  dark  sandy  loam  of  the  forests, 

'  Mention  must  be  made  of  the  '  hog-wallow  *  prairies,  situated  in  the 
northern  portion  of  this  division.  They  are  bo  called  from  the  multitudes  of 
small  depressions  in  the  surface.  The  soil  in  these  prairies  are  as  black  as 
tar,  and  after  a  rainfall  as  sticky  and  cloggy.  The  following  explanation  of 
the  origin  of  these  wallows  is  given  by  S.  B.  Buckley  in  the  First  Annual 
Bepori  of  the  Geological  and  Agricultural  Survey  of  Texas,  1874,  112.  *The 
past  summer  was  unusually  dry  in  many  parts  of  the  state,  and  large  cracks 
were  made  in  all  soils  aboimding  in  wallows.  Big  rains  came,  flooding 
many  parts  of  the  country.  Afterwards  in  passing  where  the  hos-wallows 
prevailed,  we  could  see  plainly  how  they  were  made.  The  holes  made  by  the 
cracks  were  being  filled  m  part  by  the  washing  in  of  loose  earth,  made  loos« 
on  the  edges  of  uie  cracks  oy  the  rain,  and  there  not  being  sufficient  earth 
to  fill  the  very  deep  cracks  depressions  were  made.  These  things  were  re- 
peatedly seen  by  the  members  of  our  party,  and  left  no  doubt  in  die  mind  of 
any  one  as  to  the  cause  of  wallows. '  The  soil  successfully  resists  the  severest 
dronths.  If  deeply  plowed  the  crops  will  be  green  and  flourishing  when 
those  around  them  are  perishing  for  want  of  moisture. 


064  INDUSTRIES,   COMMSBGE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

the  sticky  black  of  the  prairies,  and  the  alluvial  of 
the  valleys.  With  the  exception  of  the  pine  the 
forests  contain  varieties  of  timber  similar  to  those  of 
east  Texas  and  the  northern  portion  of  central  Texas. 
A  new  tree,  however,  here  appears,  the  Osage  orange, 
or  bois  d!  arc,  which  attains  a  large  size,  and  is  in 
^reat  demand  for  railroad  ties  on  account  of  its  abil- 
ity to  resist  decay.  The  staple  products  are  the  same 
as  those  in  north  central  Texas,  especially  wheat* 

Western  Texas  comprises  that  extensive  territory 
lying  south  of  the  3  2d  parallel  of  latitude,  and  west 
of  the  99th  meridian  to  the  Colorado,  thence  extend- 
ing on  the  west  and  south  of  that  river,  to  the  gulf  of 
Mexico.  This  is  the  most  sparsely  populated  portion 
of  the  state.  It  contains  every  variety  of  soil  and 
physical  formation.  Level  and  rolling  prairies, 
deserts,  dense  forests,  high  table-lands,  vaUeys,  deep 
canons,  and  rugged  mountains,  are  found  to  succeed 
each  other  as  the  traveller  moves  from  the  sea-board 

'N.  M.  Buford,  of  Dallas  county,  speaking  of  northern  Texas,  sap  tiiat 
the  adjustment  of  the  difficulties  which  once  existed  in  connection  with  fiie 
old  Peter's  colony  marked  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  northern  Texas.  By 
the  terms  of  the  contract  between  the  colony  company  and  the  repoblic  A 
Texas  each  family  introduced  was  to  receive  640  acres  of  hmd,  aM  ead> 
single  man  320  acres.  The  convention  which  framed  the  first  oonsiitatiaa 
of  the  state  of  Texas  in  1845,  among  other  acts  passed  an  ordinance  declar- 
ing that  the. company  had  failed  to  carry  out  their  contract^  and  was  not 
entitled  to  any  land.  Thus  both  the  company  and  many  immigmatB,  who 
had  been  introduced,  had  no  titles  to  their  lands.  The  contract  expired  July 
1,  1848,  and  settlers  kept  arriving  till  that  date.  Great  excitement  was  tin 
consequence  of  this  doubtful  possessory  rieht  to  their  farms  and  homes^  and 
the  trouble  continued  till  1852,  when  tne  legislature  passed  a  law  granting 
to  each  head  of  family  640  acres,  and  to  each  single  man  320  acres,  npoa 
proper  proof  being  produced,  of  settlement  prior  to  July  1,  1848.  The  com- 
pany was  compensated  for  their  services  in  mtroducing  colonists  by  a  grant 
of  700  sections  of  land  located  west  of  the  settled  portions  of  colony.  Got. 
Bell  appointed  Col  Thomas  W.  Ward  commissioner  for  the  purpose  of  deter- 
mining who  were  entitied  to  lands  and  issuing  certificates.  Since  that  time 
there  has  been  little  trouble  in  that  portion  of  the  state  with  regard  to  land 
titles.  Buford  was  bom  in  Tenn.,  June  24, 1824,  migrated  to  Texas  in  184d, 
and  settled  in  Dallas  county  in  1848,  having  been  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1845.  He  served  as  dist  atty  and  dist  judge  of  the  16th  judicial  dist,  and  en- 
tered the  confederate  army  in  1861  as  a  private  under  Gen.  Ben  McCalloch, 
being  made  col  of  the  19th  Texas  cav.  m  April  of  the  following  year.  la 
the  spring  of  1865,  Buford  resigned,  and  was  elected  to  the  state  legisUtmrs 
in  1866,  and  later  asain  filled  several  judicial  offices.  In  Jan.  1854  he  married 
Mary  Knight,  daughter  of  an  old  pioneer  of  Dallas  coonty.  Notet  on  Pettr^M 
OoL,  MS. 


OaNFIOURATION  AND  GUMATB.  K$ 

on  a  corviliiiear  route  trending  northward.  This 
vast  region  is  the  peculiar  feeding  ground  of  immense 
herds  of  cattle  and  flocks  of  sheep,  especially  along  the 
Rio  Grande.  In  the  central  and  northern  portions 
wheat  and  other  cereals  are  cultivated,  but  fanning  is 
generally  neglected,  agriculture  being  a  secondary 
consideration  to  the  great  industry  of  stock-raising. 
Of  the  region  lying  west  of  the  Pecos  river,  much 
still  remains  to  be  known.  It  has  hardly  any  popula- 
tion, except  in  the  small  towns  on  the  Rio  Grande, 
in  El  Paso  county,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  United 
States  military  posts.  The  same  is  the  case  with 
Tom  Green  and  Crockett  counties,  two  of  the  largest 
in  the  state,  lying  on  the  north-east  of  the  Pecos 
river.* 

The  sixth  and  last  natural  division  has  acquired  the 
name  of  the  panhandle  of  Texas.  It  includes  the  ter- 
ritory lying  north  of  the  34th  parallel  of  north  lati- 
tude, and  west  of  the  100th  meridian.  The  greater 
portion  of  this  region  consists  of  prairies,  which  are 
intersected  by  large  tracts  of  broken  country  con- 
taining rugged  hills  and  gorges.  Sandy  deserts,  too, 
are  wmt  with,  and  the  great  Llano  Estacado,  or 
Staked  Plain,  extends  along  the  south-western  portion 
of  it.*  The  prairies  and  staked  plain  are  covered 
with  a  variety  of  rich  grasses,  among  which  may  be 
mentioned  the  mesquite  and  gamma,  blue-stem,  bunch 
sedge,  and  buflftilo  grass.  This  portion  of  Texas  is 
well  adapted  to  grazing  and  stock-raising,  the  belief 
that  it  was  generally  deficient  in  water  being  exploded 
by  later  investigations.  The  panhandle  is  intersected 
by  innumerable  ravines,  in  most  of  which  small 
streams  and  pools  are  found;  in  the  prairies,  also, 
depressions  frequently  occur,  which,  filled  by  the  rains 

*Tbe  foor  largest  counties,  are,  Presidio,  12,955  sq.  miles:  Tom  Green, 
12,579;  Pecos,  11,379,  and  Crockett,  10,029  sq.  miles.  SwjughCa  Official  Map, 
1882. 

^This  immBniift  plain  extends  in  a  geological  point  of  view,  from  the 
northern  point  of  the  state,  southward,  nearly  to  the  northern  boundaries  of 
Kinney,  iJralde,  and  Medina  counties,  west  of  San  Antonio.  Tex.  OeoloQ, 
Agria  Survey,  second  annual  report^  1876,  31. 


«M  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAIUtOADS. 

hold  water  during  the  greater  part  of  the  year,  even 
in  seasons  of  severe  drought  This  impervious  qualitj 
of  the  soil  authorizes  the  assertion  that  artificial 
reservoirs  can  he  successfully  constructed,  capable  of 
supplying  large  herds  of  cattle  and  a  considerable 
population  with  water  all  the  year. 

The  climate  of  Texas  varies  firom  moderately  tem- 
perate to  semi-tropical  according  to  altitude  and 
locality.  At  Fort  Davis  in  Presidio  couniy,  5,000 
feet  above  the  sea  level,  in  January  1878  tiie  ther- 
mometer was  once  15**  below  zero,  and,  in  the  northern 
portion  of  the  state,  snow  and  ice  and  extremely  cold 
weather  are  experienced  in  the  winter;  but  the  cold 
is  never  protracted,  the  weather  during  the  laiger 
portion  of  that  season  being  mild  and  pleasant.  In 
the  central  part  snow  and  ice  are  seldom  seen^  and  in 
the  extreme  south  are  of  very  rare  occurrence.  The 
rain-fall  in  Texas  is  as  varied  as  the  climate.  Never- 
theless the  100th  meridian  may  be  r^arded  as  a 
dividing  line  between  two  regions  subject  to  rain-falls 
widely  differing  in  quantity  and  regularity.  Sast  of 
that  line  the  rains  are  abundant  and  rarely  fiul;  west 
of  it  they  are  irregular,  droughts  fireauently  ^oocor, 
and  the  quantity  is  greatly  diminished. 

'The  pazihaiidle  is  the  43d  representative  district,  and  sends  to  the  kos- 
lature  only  one  representatiye,  who,  in  1886  was  J.  W.  Browning  of  WleSef 
county.  Browning  came  to  Texas  at  the  affe  of  16,  and  settled  in  Shadcd- 
iord  county  in  1867,  besinnins  life  as  a  cowooy.  He  found  time,  however, 
to  study  law  at  intervals,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1876.  HaTii^ 
served  as  justice  of  the  peace  and  county  attorney  for  Shackelford  ooonty, 
in  1881  he  was  appointed  district  attorney  of  the  new  judicial  district  tbea 
formed.  He  was  elected  to  the  lower  house  of  the  l^^jghiture  in  1882.  He 
was  opposed  to  leasins  the  public  lands  to  cattlemen.  The  above  deflcriptiou 
of  Texas  is  mainly  derived  from  the  reports  of  S.  B.  Buckley,   already 

J  noted;  Teasast;  Her  Reaourcea  and  Capahi&Ucs,  issued  by  the  South-westea 
mmigration  company  in  1881;  and  Spaijid'a  Heaowrcea,  Soiit  CBm,  To., 
1882. 

^  The  average  annual  rainfall  east  of  the  100th  meridian  may  be  set  dovs 
at  from  about  30  inches,  southern  Texas  exceeding,  and  central  and  northon 
Texas  fallins  short  of  this  average.  The  fall  in  the  western  portion  of  tbs 
state  is  mucn  below  this.  With  respect  to  this  region,  particulars  are  some- 
what deficient;  but  some  estimate  of  an  average  may  ue  derived  &om  the 
mean  annual  rainfall  at  the  followiuff  places,  as  supplied  in  Spaieht's  offidsl 
map  of  1882.  Ea^le  pass,  Maverick  county,  26.06  inches;  El  Paso^  13.12; 
Fort  Davis,  Pl^esidio  county,  22.45;  Fort  McKavett,  Menard  county,  22.71i 
and  Fort  Elliot,  Wheeler  county,  16.47.    The  rainfall  is,  however,  i 


AOBICULTUKK.  Ml 

The  cause  of  this  difference  lies  in  the  £etct  that  the 
prevailing  winds  along  the  coast  and  the  eastern  in- 
terior of  Texas  are  southerly  and  south-easterly,  and 
comii^  from  the  gulf,  the  atmosphere  is  heavily 
charged  with  vapor,  whereas,  the  winds  which  sweep 
fix)m  the  south  and  south-west,  over  western  Texas, 
are  robbed  of  their  humidity  in  their  passage  over 
the  Cordilleras  of  Mexico,  and  the  dry  arid  regions  in 
the  north  of  that  republic. 

Among  the  agricultural  productions  of  Texas,  cotton 
takes  the  lead,  exceeding  in  value  that  of  all  others 
put  together,  excluding  Indian  com.  In  1879,  the 
culture  of  this  plant  extended  over  2,178,435  acres, 
which  had  increased  in  1882  to  2,810,113  acres,  yield- 
ing 674,427,120  pounds  of  cotton,  and  it  is  to  be  ob- 
served that  the  yield  per  acre  is  greater  in  Texas 
than  in  any  other  state.  The  value  of  the  yield  for 
1882  was  nearly  $60,000,000. 

Of  cereals  Indian  corn  is  more  extensively  culti- 
vated than  any  other.  In  1879,  2,468,587  acres  were 
sown  with  this  grain,  yielding  29,065,172  bushels;  in 
1881  a  crop  of  33,377,000  bushels,  worth  $33,043,230 
was  produced  on  2,803,700  acres;  and  in  1882  the 
number  of  bushels  amounted  to  63,416,300.  Next  in 
value  follow  oats,  the  productions  of  which  in  bushels 
for  the  same  three  years  are  represented  respectively 
by  the  figures  4,893,359,  8,324,000,  and  9,239,600,. 
the  last  amount  being  estimated.  The  value  of  the 
crop  of  1881  was  $5,077,640. 

Wheat  was  introduced  into  Texas  by  the  early  set- 
tiers  merely  as  an  experiment,  in  the  endeavor  to 
furnish  flour  for  home  consumption  in  those  districts 
which  were  remote  from  a  market.  For  many  years 
it  v^SiS  cultivated  only  to  very  small  extent,*  and  in 

owing  to  the  increaung  area  of  land  put  under  cultiYation,  and  the  increased 
growth  of  trees  on  the  prairies. 

sXa  the  last  mentioned  year  Texas,  Louisiana,  and  Arkansas  produced 
the  greatest  yield  per  acre,  the  respective  figures,  showing  the  proportion, 
being  240,  235,  and  233.  The  figures  for  all  other  cotton  growing  states  were 
below  200.  U.  8.  H,  Bx.  Doc,  cans.  47,  sess.  1.,  voL  26,  673^ 

*  Aoeoiding  to  the  oensns  ol  1§50,  the  total  production  of  the  state  was 
oiily,41,729  buaheU 


066  DVDUSTBIES,   OOBCMEBOE,  AND  BJJLBOAM. 

early  days  the  belief  prevailed  that  the  soil  of  Texas 
was  not  adapted  to  its  culture/*  But  these  impres- 
sions yielded  to  more  careful  attention  to  the  selection 
of  suitable  land  It  was  discovered  that  a  great  belt 
suitable  for  the  most  successAil  cultivation  of  wheat 
extends  through  northern  and  central  Texas,  and 
further  developments  have  proved  wheat-producing 
land  is  not  limited  to  that  region.  In  1879  there 
were  373,612  acres  sown  with  this  cereal,  yieldiog  2,- 
567,760  bushels;  in  1881,  3,339,000  bushels  were 
produced  on  263,200  acres,  valued  at  $4,674,600;  the 
estimate  for  1882  being  4,173,700  bushels." 

Other  grains,  barley,  rye,  and  buckwheat  are  cmly 
cultivated  to  a  small  extent/'  Experiments  have 
been  made  with  rice,  but  have  not  been  sufficiently 
encouraging  to  hold  out  the  expectation  that  it  will 
ever  become  a  staple  production.  Tobacco  culture 
receives  little  attention,  as  also  that  of  the  sugar-cane. 
Viticulture  is  assuming  some  importance,  some  kinds 
of  grapes  thriving  well  in  most  of  the  settled  portions 
of  the  state.  The  wine  produced,  however,  is  mostly 
manufactured  for  home  consumption,  its  exportation 
not  being  so  profitable  as  other  productiona  The  El 
Paso  grape  is  one  of  the  finest  m  the  world,  and  the 
wine  made  from  it  has  long  been  in  great  repute. 

In  1860  the  number  of  farms  in  Texas  was  42,891 
comprising  25,344,028  acres;  in  1870  there  were  61,- 
125  farms  with  18,396,523  acres;  and  in  1880,  174,- 
184,  with  36,292,219  acres,  valued  at  $170,468,886. 
The  relative  percentages  of  unimproved  land  for  these 
years  are  respectively  represented  by  the  figures^ 
89.5,  83.9,  and  65.1.     The  size  of  these  farms  varied 

^°  Parker  writing  in  1834-^  says:  '  Wheat  will  not  grow  in  this  ooontrj. 
The  stalk  will  run  iip  rank,  bnt  the  ear  will  not  fill  with  phunp  kmida' 
Trip  to  the  West  and  Tex,,  141. 

^The  above  statistics  are  taken  from  the  report  of  the  oimaoiamomgr  d 
agricoltore  for  1881-2;  in  CTl  8.  H,  JBc  Doc^  oong.  47»  sess.  1,  toL  26^  577- 
676  passim. 

^  James  A.  Keddick  gives  the  following  average  yield  per  acre  of  ceresli 
in  Texas:  wheats  20  boush.;  oats  and  barley,  70  mtsh.;  ooni  from  25  to  # 
bosh.  Beddick  was  bomat  La  Grange,  Eayette  oonnty,  and  aerrsd  tbmig^ 
the  confederate  war. 


STOCK  RAISIKG. 


509 


from  less  than  three  acres — of  which  there  were  very 
few — to  over  1,000  acres,  the  averages  for  the  same 
years  being  respectively,  591,301,  and  208  acres.  In 
1880  the  total  amount  of  improved  land  taken  up  as 
farms  was  129,65,314  acres,  and  of  unimproved  23,- 
641,905  acres,  including  15,851,365  acres  of  woodland 
and  forest  The  number  of  persons  engaged  in  all 
the  occupations  of  agriculture  during  the  same  year 
was  359,317,  of  whom  830,125  were  males.  The 
number  of  male  laborers  is  represented  by  the  figures 
119,295,  and  of  female  laborers  by  24,517.  The  total 
number  of  farmers  and  planters  was  200,404,  of  whom 
4,562  were  females,  the  balance  of  the  number,  859,- 
317  being  re]f)re8ented  by  stock-raisers,  herders,  gar- 
deners, vme-growers  and  others." 

Agriculture  in  Texas  occasionally  suffers  both  from 
droughts  and  floods.  Grasshoppers  and  locusts  "  have 
also  assailed  the  crops,  but  their  visits  are  of  rare  oc- 
curence. Where  formerly  the  buffalo  roamed  in 
countless  numbers,"  immense  herds  of  cattle  now  find 
their  pasture  grounds.  Before  the  civil  war  almost 
the  entire  area  of  Texas  was  one  vast  feeding  ground 
for  cattle,  horses  and  sheep,  but  during  the  last 
twenty  years  great  changes  have  been  effected  by  the 
influx  of  immigrants,  who  have  taken  up  large  quan- 
tities of  lands,  previously  ranged  over  by  stock,  and 

^  U.  8.  Ctnmu,  1880,  voL  1.  The  following  table,  taken  from  the  report 
of  the  oommifisioner  of  agricnltnre,  represents  the  fluctuations  in  the  average 
rates  of  monthly  wages  paid  farm  laborers,  with  and  without  board,  in  five 
years,  during  the  period  from  1806  to  1882. 


1   18G6 

1809 

1875 

1879 

1882 

Without  board 

With  board 

119.00 
12.72 

118.83 
13.21 

119.50 
13.37 

$18.27 
11.49 

120.20 
14.03 

^*  Grasshoppers  made  their  first  appearance  in  1848,  the  swarms  coming 
from  the  north  with  the  October  winds.  They  again  appeared  in  1866  ana 
1857,  from  the  same  quarter.   Tex.  Abn.,  1861,  138. 

'^The  buffalo  is  now  extinct  in  Texas,  but  as  late  as  1876  great  numbers 
were  to  be  found  in  the  j>anhandle.  W.  C.  Koogle,  a  large  oattle-raiser 
was  Ofnoe  engaged  in  huntmg  them  in  that  region,  and  remarks  that  though 
1,000,000  of  them  were  ne^essly  killed,  their  destruction  did  more  than 
any  other  thing  to  oiviUae  the  country,  inasmuch  as  it  compelled  the  savages, 
"Who  noainlydepended  on  them  for  food  and  covering,  to  seek  other  hunting 
gronndB.  jKoogle  was  bom  in  Maryland  in  1849,  and  settled  in  the  pan- 
handle in  1876.  Btmorh  on  Tex.,  MS. 


560  mDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE,   AND  RAILBOADa 

converted  them  into  cultivated  farms.  In  this  part  of 
the  state,  comprising  the  greater  portion  of  eastern, 
northern,  central,  and  southern  Texas,  cattle  are 
raised  mostly  as  domestic  animals.  Consequently  the 
great  ranges  are  now  to  be  found  in  the  region  west 
of  the  98th  meridian,  and  south  of  a  line  extending 
from  San  Antonio  to  Matagorda;  in  the  southern 
portion  of  this  extensive  region  probably  more  cattle 
are  raised  than  in  any  other  division  of  the  state." 
The  panhandle,  however,  is  admitted  to  be,  without 
exception,  the  best  stock  country  in  Texas;  it  is  com- 
paratively a  new  country,  but  the  staked  plain  is 
being  gradually  recognized  to  be  as  fine  a  grazing 
region  as  can  be  found  in  the  United  States."  During 
the  last  decade  the  increase  in  the  number  of  stock 
has  been  enormous,  as  will  be  evident  to  the  reader  by 
referring  to  the  table  below,  showing  the  statistic  for 
the  last  six  years  only." 

><It  wu  estimated  in  1885  that  there  were  fnlly  2,500,000  head  of  caUle 
in  the  south  of  Texas.  U.  8.  Bureau  qf  StatigtkSy  Keport^  Cattle  Bnabien. 
Mav  16,  1886, 108. 

"The  panhandle  was  first  partially  stocked  in  1870.  In  Nov.  1877 
Charles  Goodnight  located  a  herd  of  2,200  head  of  cattle.  According  to  the 
reports  there  were  225,  857  head  in  July  1880.  U.  8.  H,  Mtac,  cong.  47,  sess. 
2,  YoL  13,  pt  3,  gen.  fo.  972.  G.  W.  littlefield  established  a  rancho  ia 
Oldham  and  Potter  counties,  and  sold  it  in  June  1881  to  a  Scotdi  syndicate 
for  $253,000.  LUtkfield'g  Remarks  <m  CoLemd  Agric,,  MS. 

"1880        I        1881        I        1882        |        1883        |        1884        |        1885 
4,894,600   I    5,104,300   |    5,535,200   |    6,088,700   |    6,592,600   |     9.000,000 

The  above  figures,  with  the  exception  of  those  for  1885,  do  not  reach 
the  actual  numbers.  This  is  explained  by  Geo.  B.  Loving,  of  Fort  Worth, 
in  his  letter  of  Jan.  20,  1885,  to  the  chief  of  tiie  U.  S.  bureau  of  srtattiBtics. 
He  states  that  according  to  the  comptroller's  report,  the  assessment  roUs  of 
the  state  showed  that  on  Jan.  1,  18^4,  there  were  at  least  7,000,000  head  of 
cattle  in  the  state,  and  that  the  actual  number  of  cattle  in  Jan.  1885  was  about 
9,000,000;  the  discrepancy  arises  from  the  fact  that  but  few,  if  any,  of  the 
largest  ranchmen  render  the  full  number  of  cattle  owned  by  them  for  taxa- 
tion. {7.  8,  Bureau  Stat.,  ut  mp.,  102;  Wood  Bros,,  Lice  Stock  MooemenL  It 
is,  indeed,  impossible  to  give  any  other  than  approximate  numbers*  aa  statis- 
tical tables  compiled  by  different  individuals  show  extraordinary  diifferences. 
For  iustance  the  tables  suppUed  in  Proceedings  of  the  First  National  GmveiUkm 
qf  Cattle  Growers  qfthe  UmUd  Stales,  held  in  SL  Louis,  Mo.,  Nov.  1884,  pp 
12-3,  give  5,060,715  as  the  number  for  1883,  and  4,894,092  for  1884;  and 
these  figures  are  supposed  to  include  all  cattle  on  farms,  ranchos,  and  ranges. 
One  of  the  huwoat  cattle  owners  in  Texas  is  CoL  C.  C.  Slaughter,  of  Dallas 
county.  In  Howard,  Borden,  Dawson,  and  Martin  coantiee  he  owns  220^000 
acres  of  land  in  fee-simple,  and  has  340,000  acres  under  lease.  In  1882  he 
refused  $1,000,000  for  his  cattle  interests  alone.     He  also  owns  half  interest 


THE  CATTLE  BUSINESS.  531 

In  a  country  so  productive  of  increase,  cattle-dealing 
has  become  a  great  business,  and  yearly  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  animals  are  driven  northward  to  ranges 
in  Nebraska,  Dakota,  Colorado,  Wyoming,  Montana, 
and  Idaho,  where  cattle,  as  experience  has  proved, 
increase  more  rapidly  in  weight  than  if  raised  for 
market  on  the  Texas  ranges.  This  business  has 
grown  up  chiefly  during  the  last  fifteen  years,  the 
movement  varying  year  by  year."  Latterly,  the  great 
markets  for  driven  cattle  have  been  Dodge  City, 
Kansas,  and  Ogalalla,  Nebraska,  which  are  reached 
by  regidar  cattle  trails,  the  drovers  having  been 
crowded  away,  farther  and  farther  west,  from  the  old 
main  route  by  the  rapid  settlement  of  Kansas.  The 
railroads,  also,  now  transport  stock  in  great  numbers. 
It  is  considered  that  the  estabhshment  by  the  United 
States*  congress  of  a  great  national  cattle  trail  leading 
northward  would  conduce  greatly  to  the  cattle-raising 
interests  in  Texas.  The  fact  that  the  main  line, 
known  as  the  Fort  Griffin  and  Dodge  City  trail,  is 

in  a  rancho  of  100,000  acres  in  the  panhandle.  He  was  bom  in  Sabine  county, 
Feb.  9,  1837,  was  a  captain  of  rangers,  and  in  1885  was  elected  president  of 
the  Cattle  Association  of  West  Texas.  Slaughter's  Notes  on  Tex.,  MS.  Col. 
W.  Crawford  Young  is  another  man  of  enterprise.  He  was  bom  in  Kentucky, 
Dec.  9,  1820;  served  in  the  confederate  army,  and  in  1879  settled  in  Garza 
county,  Texas.  In  1883  he  formed  the  Llano  Cattle  co.,  selling  80,000 
acres  of  land.  He  owns  15,000  head  of  cattle  and  believes  that  the  Hereford 
breed  ia  the  best  adapted  to  the  climate  of  that  section  of  the  country.  Young'a 
Statements,  MS.  L.  B.  Collins,  who  went  to  I'exas  in  1865,  considers  that  t^e 
best  class  of  stock  for  the  country  is  the  Durham;  though  he  says  the  Hereford 
cattle  are  excellent  to  cross  with  the  native  Texas  animaL  The  Burmuda 
stock  is  also  good  for  crossing.  L.  B.  Collins  was  bom  in  Louisiana,  April 
22,  1848.  Remarks  an  Stock,  MS.  N.  C.  Baldwin  remarks  that  with  care, 
imported  stock  do  very  well  in  Texas,  and  little  loss  need  be  feared.  Bcddwins 
Remarks  on  Stock,  MS.  John  S.  Andrews,  of  Dallas  county,  is  a  prominent 
stock-raiser,  and  has  been  engaged  in  that  business  along  the  western  border 
for  many  years.  Bhg.  Sketch,  MS. 

»  U.  8.  Bureau  of  Statistics,  ut  sup.,  23-4.  John  B.  Slaughter,  brother  of 
C.  C.  Slaughter,  has  been  engaged  largely  in  this  business,  which  is  very 
profitable.  His  first  venture  was  made  in  1873,  when  he  paid  |7  for  yearlings 
and  $10  and  $12  respectively  for  animals  two  years  and  tkree  years  old.  He 
drove  them  to  Kansas,  and  after  wintering  them,  sold  the  beeves  at  the  rate 
of  $20  a  bead;  the  yearlings  he  kept  till  the  sprins  of  1875,  when  they  real- 
ized $32  a  head.  Slaughter,  Cattle-deaUng,  MS.  John  Sparks  was  the  first 
cattle-dealer  who  imported  the  lon^-homed  Texas  steers  into  the  state  of 
Virginia.  He  was  bom  in  Mississippi,  Aug.  30,  1843,  and  went  with  his 
father's  family  to  Texas  in  1857.  He  realized  a  considerable  fortune  in  the 
business,  and  has  an  interest  in  large  cattle  ranches  in  Nevada  and  Idaho. 
Sparks  Notes,  MS. 

Hist.  Mex.  States,  Vol.  II.   M. 


662  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AKD  RAILROADS. 

being  gradually  forced  westward,  has  led  to  the  appre- 
hension that  eventually  no  way  will  be  open  through 
the  country  where  a  sufficient  supply  of  water  at 
necessary  intervals  can  be  found.  On  Januaiy  17, 
1885,  James  F.  Miller,  of  Texas,  introduced  in  the 
house  of  representatives  a  bill  to  establish  a  quaran- 
tined live-stock  trail  through  Indian  Territory  to  the 
southwest  comer  of  !Kansas,  thence  over  the  unap- 
propriated public  lands,  on  the  most  practicable  route, 
to  the  north  boundary  of  the  United  States.** 

That  the  reader  may  understand  the  requirement 
that  Texas  cattle  should  be  made  subject  to  quaran- 
tine, it  is  necessary  to  explain  that  an  extraordinaiy 
and  destructive  bovine  disease  is  generated  in  that 
state,  known  as  the  Texas  fever;  ^so  called  splenic 
fever  and  Spanish  fever.  It  is  endemic  rather  than 
epidemic,  the  cause  of  it  being  yet  unknown.  The 
lowlands  on  the  gulf  of  Mexico  are  admitted  to  be  the 
locality  of  its  origin,  and  the  infected  area  is  believed 
to  embrace  more  than  half  of  the  state."  It  is  a  re- 
markable fact  that  the  cattle  of  southern  Texas  do  not 
themselves  suflTer  from  this  disease,  but  communicate 
it  when  they  are  driven  north  to  the  cattle  of  more 
northern  latitudes,  the  infection  being  the  result  of 
the  latter  walking  over  or  feeding  upon  the  trails  along 
which  the  former  have  passed." 

**  It  was  proposed  that  this  trail  should  be  of  any  practicable  widthnot  ex- 
ceeding six  miles,  and  the  quarantined  flnusdng-gronnds  should  not  exceed  13 
miles  square  at  any  one  place.  U,  S.  Burtau  qf  BtatiaOcs,  ut  stip.,  27,  liiO. 
The  approximate  number  of  cattle  driven  north  from  Texas  during  the  period 
from  1^  to  1884  inclusive,  is  5,201,132,  the  greatest  <  drive '  beuig  in  1S71, 
and  numbering  600,000.  The  'drive'  of  188i  was  300,000,  whic£^  at  $17 s 
head,  amounted  to  |5, 100,000. 

^  Its  northern  limit  is  supposed  to  be  bounded  by  an  irregular  line  extend- 
ing in  a  southwesterly  direction  from  the  northeast  comer  of  Grayson  coaaty 
to  long.  100**;  thence  westerly  to  El  Paso  county;  thence  northwest  to 
the  border  of  N.  Mexico. 

^The  generally  accepted  theory  is  that  the  disease  exiatB  in  a  btent 
state  in  the  cattle  of  southern  Texas,  under  conditions  of  food  and  cUmate 
which  prevent  impairment  of  the  health  of  the  animal;  during  the  mi^tioD 
northward  the  latent  cause  of  disease  passes  off  in  fecal  matter,  and  is  mksH 
or  taken  into  the  stomachs  of  the  northern  animals  when  they  feed  on  ground 
passed  over  by  Texas  cattle.  To  animals  thus  infected  the  disease  is  fatal 
Expesrience  proves  that  it  is  never  communicated  north  of  Soath  Platte  nrtr 
The  committee  of  the  Wyoming  Stock-growers'  ABeociation^  appointed  te 


SHEEP  AKD  HOUSES.  663 

I>uring  late  years,  syndicates  of  cattle-raisers  have 
been  formed,  which  have  acquired  large  tracts  of  land 
in  western  Texas.  These  extensive  properties  have 
been  surrounded  by  wire  fences,  which  have  occasioned 
much  trouble  between  agricultural  settlers  and  the 
cattlemen.  When  farmers  found  their  roads  to  the 
nearest  towns  closed,  they  proceeded  to  open  them  by 
cutting  the  fence  wires.  This  action  was  resisted, 
and  not  a  few  lives  were  lost  in  the  quarrels  which 
ensued.  The  right  of  road  question  became  so  serious 
from  the  determination  of  the  farmers  to  insist  upon 
their  really  just  demand  for  convenient  lines  of  transit 
to  and  from  their  farms,  that  Grovemor  Ireland  con- 
vened a  special  session  of  the  legislature  in  December 
1888,  to  legislate  on  the  matter. 

As  the  reader  is  aware,  cattle  raiding  on  the  Bio 
Grande  frontier  has  been  carried  on  for  many  years. 
These  depredations,  however,  are  diminishing  yearly 
in  magnitude,  owing,  in  a  measure,  to  the  organiza- 
tion of  cattlemen's  associations  for  the  mutual  protec- 
tion and  benefit  of  stock  owners. 

In  sheep  raising  Texas  takes  the  lead  of  all  other 
states  of  the  union  in  almost  as  marked  a  degree  as 
in  cattle  breeding."  The  number  of  horses  also  is 
in  excess  of  that  of  any  other  state  except  Illinois. 
The  subjoined  table  gives  the  comparative  figures  for 


invesfeiffate  the  sabject,  reported  at  the  animal  meeting,  April  1885,  tliat 
cattle  Drought  from  sonthem  Texas  are  only  dangerous  for  about  60  days 
from  the  time  of  leaving  their  native  ranges.  The  cause  of  the  disease  is 
eliminated  while  on  the  traiL  On  March  12,  1885,  a  quarantine  law  was 
passed  by  the  state  of  Kansas,  prohibiting  cattle  being  driven  into  the  state 
m>m  south  of  the  37th  parallel  of  north  latitude  during  the  months  from 
llarch  Ist  to  Dec.  1st;  a  similar  law  was  passed  March  20,  1885,  by  the  state 
of  Colorado,  assigninff  the  36th  parallel  as  the  quarantine  line,  the  prohibition 
period  being  from  March  Ist  to  Nov.  1st.  In  New  Mexico,  Nebraska,  and 
Wyoming  quarantine  laws  are  in  force.  They  are  less  rigid,  however,  and 
their  a]^ication  is  left  to  the  decision  of  executive  officers,  whose  duty  it  is 
to  determine  when  quarantine  regulations  shall  be  enforced  and  when  dis- 
continned.  /d,  31-5,  134-7. 

"C.  H.  Roffers  of  Nueces  county  remarks  that,  since  the  country'  lias 
been  fenced,  tnere  is  a*  disposition  on  the  part  of  sheepmen  to  change 
their  business  to  that  of  cattle  and  horse  breeding;  not  that  the  sheep  busi- 
ness will  not  pay,  but  that  they  believe  cattle  and  horses  will  pay  better  on 
ineloeed  ranges  than  sheep.  Remarks  en  Stock  Raidngy  MS. 


564 


INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE,  ASD  RAILROABa 


the  four  leading  states  in  each  of  these  industries  for 
five  years." 

In  1858  the  legislature  passed  a  law  authorizing  a 
geological  and  agricultural  survey  of  the  state,  and 
the  appointment  of  a  state  geologist.  B.  F.  Shur- 
nard  commenced  work  in  1859,  but  only  accomplished 
superficial  and  partial  reconnoisances  of  small  portions 
of  the  state,  and  was  superseded  in  the  following  year 
by  Francis  Moore.  The  civil  war  and  the  subsequent 
confusion  which  prevailed  in  Texas  interrupted  opera- 
tions for  many  years,  and  it  is  only  during  the  last 
decade  that  information  of  value  has  been  obtained 
relative  to  the  mineral  resources  of  the  state. 

It  has  been  ascertained  that  immense  coal  deposits 
exist  in  rich  veins  found  in  a  wide  belt  extending  from 
Clay  and  Montague  counties  in  the  north  to  Webb 
county  in  the  south.  Little  enterprise,  however,  has 
hitherto  been  displayed  in  the  exploitation  of  this 
mineral  wealth,  and  the  principal  mines  opened  are 
chiefly  worked  by  the  railroad  companies  for  locomo- 
tive fuel.'* 

«  SHEEP. 


Texas 

Calif  omia. . 
N.  Mexico. 
Ohio 


1880 
5,940,200 
6,727,300 
2,990,700 
4,902,400 


1881 
6,850,000 
6,265,000 
3,950,100 
4,951,500 


1882 
7,877,500 
5,907,600 
3,960,000 
5,050,500 


1883  1884 

7,956,200  1  8,035,700 
6,203,000  »  6,352,300 
4,435,200  4,479,500 
5,000,000  I  4,900,000 


HORSES. 


Texaj... 

niinoia. .. 
Missouri . 
Iowa 


896,000 

1,125,300 

859,700 

836,700 


947,500 

1,134,900 

861,300 

842,300 


1,023,500 

1,141,100 

871,800 

883,900 


1,038,100 

1,151,300 

896,600 

939,100 


1,095,100 

1,159,700 

948,900 

990,700 


Numerical  exactness  in  statistics  of  this  kind  is  impossible,  bat  the  abore 
figures  are  as  approximately  correct  as  can  be  attained.  The  onantity  d 
wool  produced  m  Texas  in  1880  was  6,928,019  lbs  at  the  spring  cUp;  in  ISftS 
the  clip  was  estimated  at  31,000,000 lbs.  U,  S.  Bureau  qfSioL^iko^  4^  1883-4, 
545-6;  Wood  Bros  Live  Stock  Movement,  Attention  is  beinff  paid  to  improve- 
ment in  the  breed  of  horses.  J.  Johnson  had  a  fine  horse  called  Blue 
Bird  which  beat,  Nov.  16,  1885,  Lela  B.,  the  winner  of  a  race  for 
$30,000  at  Sacramento,  CaL,  in  the  previous  September.  Jofmaon^  Baee-korsef 
m  Tex,,  MS.  The  number  of  hogs  in  Texas  mcreased  from  1,900,000  io 
1880  to  2,153,000  in  1884. 

^  In  1885  the  principal  mines  worked  were  those  in  Palo  Pinto»  Paiier, 
Webb,  Maveric,  and  Presidio  counties,  and  in  the  Eagle  mountains  in  the 
extreme  west  of  Texas.  It  is  estimated  that  the  coal  fields  in  Texas  extend 
over  an  area  of  30,000  sq.  miles.  Bepi  Sec,  InL,  cong.  41,  sess.  3,  195;  Ltad 
and  Tfumg^a  Qoivetiton,  39-42. 


MINES  AND  MAJTOFACrUREa  665 

The  iron  vein  enters  Texas  from  the  northeast  in 
Bowie  county,  and  the  ore  is  found  in  abundance  in 
the  eastern  counties,  and  in  the  mountainous  districts 
of  the  upper  Colorado  and  its  tributaries.  In  Llano 
county  there  is  a  massive  hill  of  iron  ore,  30  feet  high, 
800  long,  and  500  wide.  The  ore  has  been  tested  and 
found  to  yield  70  per  cent  of  pure  iron."  As  yet  the 
development  of  this  mining  industry,  like  that  of  coal, 
is  only  in  its  infancy.  It  does  not  appear  that  any 
enterprise  in  iron  smelting  was  engaged  in  before  the 
civil  war.  During  that  period  three  small  furnaces 
were  erected. 

Another  metal  which  Texas  yields  in  great  abun- 
dance is  copper, the  belt  of  which  extends  from  Wichita 
county  southward,  with  some  interruptions,  and  a 
westerly  bend  to  Pecos  and  Presidio  coimties.  A 
company  was  chartered  in  1885  to  work  copper  mines 
in  Archer  county,  which  may  be  considered  as  the 
first  serious  step  taken  toward  the  establishment  of 
this  industry  in  the  state.  Silver-bearing  ores,  prin- 
cipally argentiferous  galena,  crop  out  in  Llano  county 
and  can  be  traced  to  San  Saba  and  Burnett  counties 
where  old  Spanish  mines  are  still  to  be  seen,  as  also 
along  the  Pecos  river.  Lead  is  found  in  El  Paso, 
Presidio,  Gonzales,  and  Gillespie  counties. 

Valuable  deposits  of  salt  are  found  in  Gregg,  Hi- 
dalgo, Van  Zandt,  El  Paso  and  many  other  counties. 
AJong  the  Rio  Grande  it  is  found  in  inexhaustible 
quantities,  the  salt  lakes  of  El  Paso  being  famous. 
Equally  so  is  the  Sal  del  Rey  in  Hidalgo,  which  is  a 
large  body  of  salt  water  about  one  mile  in  diameter 
and  nearly  circular  in  shape.  From  this  lake  the 
people  of  Texas  was  supplied  with  salt  during  the 
civil  war.  Building  stone  of  every  description  exists 
throughout  the  state,  and  Burnett,  Llano,  and  San 
Saba  counties  contain  beautiful  varieties  of  marble  of 

*Geo.  T.  Todd  narrates  that  in  early  days  waconers  on  the  roads  lead- 
ing into  Jefferson  used  flat  iron  rocks  on  which  to  bake  their  bread,  and  beat 
th«  same  into  horse-shoes  without  the  trouble  of  smelting  the  ore.  Jijfcr«on 
Jnm  Newe,  Feb.  10,  1886. 


566  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

different  colors,  white,  black,  flesh  color,  and  clouded. 

The  manufacturing  and  mechanical  industries  are 
but  slightly  developed  in  Texas.  It  is  essentiallj  an 
agricultural  country,  and  the  various  industries  en- 
gaged in  under  the  above  two  general  heads  are  not 
pursued  to  an  extent  adequate  to  meet  the  home  de- 
mand. According  to  the  United  States  census  of 
1880  the  total  value  of  all  such  products  for  that 
year  was  only  $20,719,928,  employing  a  capital  of 
$9,245,561  and  12,159  hands,  11,645  being  males 
above  16  years  of  age.  The  wages  paid  during  the 
same  period  amounted  to  $3,343,087,  and  the  value 
of  the  materials  used  to  $12,956,269,  showing  net 
proceeds  to  the  amount  of  $4,420,572.  The  vaTue  of 
similar  products  in  California  for  the  same  year  was 
$116,218,933.  The  subjoined  table  exhibits  the  prin- 
cipal  industries,  namely  all  those  on  which  a  ci4)ital 
of  over  $100,000  was  employed."  In  1870  the  value 
of  the  corresponding  products  was  $11,517,302,  which 
compared  with  the  figures  for  1880  exhibits  an  in- 
crease of  $9,202,626  for  the  latter  year. 


The  fore^  commerce  of  Texas,  previous  to  her  re- 

« 

No.  of 

Value  of 

Value  of 

1880 

Capital. 

work- 

Wages. 

men. 

MaterialB. 

Products 

BUckBinithmg |   299,645 

707 

1    180,502 

$     247,464 

1$    727»<r:9 

Boot  and  shoes. 

100,152 

235 

87,223 

140,043 

372.810 

Brick  and  tile 

183,530 

1,186 

204,499 

106,074 

448.418 

Carriages  and  wagons.. 

150,700 

211 

92,014 

139,000 

301.800 

Flour  and  grist  imlls . . 

3,082,952 

2,609 

368,683 

6,371,606 

7.617,177 

Foundr^and  mach.  shop 

365,350' 

360 

149,212 

228,151 

532,778 

Ice,  artiliciid 

342,500 

86 

46,855 

45,485 

176,000 

Lumber,  planed. 

143,000 

191 

73.775 

295,640 

436.ai0 

Lumber,  sawed. 

1,660,952 

3,186 

732,914 

2,096.775 

3»673.44» 

Oil,  cotton-seed  and  cake. 

202,000 

158 

36,272 

192,441 

276,450 

Printing  and  publishing 
Saddlery  andhamess. . 

447,900 
286,925 

414 
270 

232,924 
110,576 

207,438 
325,579 

605.000 
587.871 

Sash,  doors  and  blinds. 

106,400 

82 

49,80C 

305,200 

416..W 

Slaughter'g  A  meat  pack'g 

202,200 

132 

49,800 

280,220 

486,400 

Tin, copper,  and  Iron  ware 

236,730 

217 

105,174 

259,300 

491,430 

Totals, 

17,810,936 

$10,043 

$2,520,223 

$11,240,416 

$17,169,732 

H,  Misc,  Doc,,  cong.  47,  sess.  2,  ii.  189-90,  gen.  foL 


IMPORTS  AND  EXPORTS. 


607 


admission  into  the  union,  was  very  limited,  the  miports 
rarely  exceeding  half  a  million  dollars,  and  the  exports 
being  proportionately  small."  With  the  year  1870, 
however,  foreign  trade  assumed  a  vigor  which  marked 
the  beginning  of  an  era  of  prosperity,  and  a  rapidly 
increasing  development.  In  that  year  the  exports  of 
domestic  merchandise  from  Galveston  amounted  to 
$14,869,601,  and  in  1881  to  $26,685,248,  the  increase 
being  attained  through  spasmodic  fluctuations."  The 
total  amount  of  domestic  merchandise  exported  from 
all  the  ports  of  Texas  for  the  year  ending  June  30, 
1883,  was  $33,400,808,  over  $29,000,000  representing 
cotton.  Nearly  nine  tenths  of  the  commerce  with 
foreign  countries  is  conducted  through  the  port  of 
Galveston,  as  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  subjoined 
table,  showing  the  commercial  statistics  for  the  year 
ending  Jime  30,  1883.** 

^The  valne  of  the  imports,  indnding  coin  and  bullion,  at  Galveston  in 
1856  was  192,259;  in  1860,  $533,153;  in  1866,  $111,357;  1868,  $579,966;  and 
1869,  $266,517.  The  values  of  the  exports  from  the  same  port  for  the  same 
years  were  respectively  $1,262,925,  ^,772,158,  $1,288,926,  $5,829,110,  and 
$9,616^53.   U.  S,  H.  Ex,  Doc,  conff.  47,  sess.  2,  xviii,  p.  hx,-\x. 

^The  following  table  indicates  9ie  fluctuations: 


Imports. 


Exports. 


1870. 
1871. 
1872. 
1873. 

1874. 
1875. 
1876. 
1877. 
1878. 
1879. 
1880. 
1881. 
1882. 


$  509,231 
1,255,003 
1,741,000 
2,426,626 
1,432,255 
1,218,034 
1,335,605 
1,411,594 
1,081,201 
871,938 
1,107,241 
3,106,669 
3.022,274 


$14,869,601 
13,764,384 
12,211,774 
17,629,633 
19,135,951 
15,876,632 
15,245,041 
15,160,394 
12,177,540 
16,393,877 
16,712,861 
26,685,248 
15,515,094 


Id, 


» 

Imports. 

Exports. 

Galveston 

$1,511,712 
801,447 
100,084 
711.787 

$29,627,898 

Brazos  de  Santiago 

Saluria 

1,102,861 

871.068 

Corpus  Christi 

1,798,981 

Total 

$3,125,030 

$33,400,808 

U.  S.  H,  Ex,  Doc,,  cong.  48,  sess.  1,  zviL  134-5,  276-7.     The  growth  of  mer- 


668  mDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE,  AND  RAILROADS. 

As  the  increase  of  the  tonnage  of  vessels  employed 
in  the  carrying  trade  is  necessarily  proportionate  to 
the  increase  of  commerce,  some  information  with  re- 
gard to  the  former  may  be  interesting.  In  1856, 
when  the  exports  from  Galveston  amounted  in  value 
to  $1,252,925,  the  tonnage  of  vessels  entered  at  that 
port  was  10,846  tons;  m  1860  it  was  32,263;  in  1870, 
31,555  tons;  in  1880,  117,972  tons;  and  in  1883, 
153,614  tons.  At  the  date  of  June  30,  1883,  there 
were  documented  in  the  state  of  Texas  274  vessels, 
with  an  aggregate  tonnage  of  10,672  tons,  of  which 
36  were  steamers,  aggregating  3,308  tons.  There  is 
but  little  ship-buildmg  in  Texas.  During  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1883,  nine  small  sailing  vessels  were 
launched,  aggregating  only  96  tons,  and  two  steamers 
aggregating  nearly  65  tons.  Internal  transportation 
is  carried  on  by  river  steamers  of  light  draft,"  and 
along  the  systems  of  railroads  that  have  been  estab- 
lished. During  late  years  measures  have  been  adopted 
for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors.  Consid- 
erable sums  of  money  are  being  expended  in  projects 
to  deepen  the  channels  over  the  bars  at  the  entrances 
of  the  bays  and  at  the  mouths  of  the  principal  rivers." 

In  early  days  the  high-roads  leading  through  Texas 
were,  as  Kennedy  remarks,  "of  nature's  construction," 

cantile  operations  in  individual  cities  is  illustrated  by  the  snooess  of  Sanger 
Bros,  wholesale  merchants  and  dealers.  This  firm  does  business  in  Waco  to 
the  amount  of  nearly  $500,000  worth  of  goods  annually,  and  in  Dallas  to 
nearly  three  times  that  amount.  When  they  first  opened  their  house  ia 
Waco,  they  employed  only  two  clerks;  now  they  employ  65  clerks  in  the 
same  establishment.  This  result  was  attained  in  less  than  a  dozen  yesra. 
Sant^er^s  Statement,  MS. 

'*In  1850-1,  a  canal  was  constructed  by  the  Galveston  and  Brazos  Navi- 
gation Co. ,  connecting  Galveston  and  Brazos  river,  at  a  cost  of  $340,000.  The 
tfutting  is  8  miles  in  length,  50  feet  wide  at  the  surface,  and  3|  feet  deep;  the 
remainder  of  this  transportation  line  is  30  miles  in  length,  and  passes  through 
the  slack  waters  of  the  Oyster  Bay  and  West  Bay.  €/[  8.  If.  Miae.,  cong.  47, 
sess.  2,  xiii.  754-5,  gen.  foL 

'^  Improvements  are  being  effected  at  Sabine  pass  and  Blue  Buck  bar,  on 
the  Sabine,  Neches,  and  Trinity  rivers;  at  the  entrance  to  Galveston  harbor, 
and  on  a  ship-cliannel  in  the  bay;  on  Buffalo  bayou;  the  channel  over  the  bar 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos;  at  Pass  Cavallo  inlet  to  Matagorda  bay;  Aransas 
pass  and  bay,  up  to  Kockport  and  Corpus  Christi;  on  the  harbor  at  Brazos 
Santiago;  and  in  the  protection  of  the  river  bank  at  Fort  Brown  on  the  Rio 
Grande.   U.  S.  H,  Ex,  Doc,  cong.  48,  sess.  1,  vol  iv.  1047-97. 


BOAI>S  AND  UAOS.  609 

and  in  the  dry  season  no  diflSculty  was  encountered, 
except  at  the  rivers,  in  journeying  from  the  Rio 
Grande  to  the  Sabine  in  carriages ;"  during  the  rainy 
months  travelling  was  very  toilsome  and  expensive. 
The  postal  service  along  such  routes  was  irregular  and 
deficient,  but  as  the  country  became  more  settled,  a 
greater  degree  of  efficiency  was  attained.  In  1857, 
an  overland  mail  route  was  established  between  San 
Antonio  and  San  Diego,  California,"  under  a  contract 
entered  into  with  the  government  by  James  E.  Birch. 
Referring  to  the  postmaster-general's  report  of  De- 
cember 4,  1858,  it  will  be  found  that  the  annual  cost 
of  mail  transportation,  including  route  and  local 
agents  and  mail  messengers,  for  the  years  ending  June 
30,  1857  and  1858,  was  respectively  $232,138  and 
$359,300,  the  estimate  for  the  year  ending  June  30, 
1859,  being  $604,363.  This  great  increase  is  due  to 
a  large  number  of  new  service  routes  being  established. 
From  this  time  the  service  has  developed  in  propor- 
tion to  the  Increasing  requirements  of  the  state.  Ac- 
cording to  the  postmaster-general's  report  of  November 
19,  1883,  it  appears  that  in  the  years  ending  June  30, 
1882  and  1883,  the  number  of  post-offices  in  Texas 
was  respectively  1,438  and  1,448.  The  aggregate 
length   of  the  mail  routes  for  the  latter  year  was 

"  Almonte  sayv:  'Desde  Mexico  hasta  los  Estados-Unidos  se  puede  viajar 
en  carmage,  6>  lo  menos  seis  meses  del  afio,  principiando  en  mayo  6  junio. ' 
aVo<.  EstaS,  Tej.j  44.  See  also  Var.  Impresoa,  2,  no.  vi.,  44-5,  65-8d,  table  no. 
7,96. 

**  On  the  more  northern  overland  mail  route  to  Califomia,  Adam  Kankin 
Johnson,  in  1855,  bought  the  Staked  Plains  station,  the  most  dangerous  point 
on  the  line.  He  also  acquired  other  stations,  but  was  compelled  to  give 
them  up  on  account  of  the  difficulty  he  experienced  in  obtaming  laboring 
men,  owing  to  the  hostility  of  the  Indians.  Johnson  was  bom  in  Kentucky 
Feb.  8,  1834,  and  settled  in  Burnett  county,  Texas,  in  1844.  He  served  with 
distinction  in  the  confederate  army,  doing  most  important  scouting  service. 
He  organized  the  Breckenridge  guards,  and  was  maae  a  general  of  brigade  by 
Morgan.  At  the  engagement  at  Orabbs'  cross-roads,  near  Cumberland, 
Johnson  received  a  shot  m  the  right  eye,  the  ball  passing  in  rear  of  the  left 
eye,  and  through  the  left  temple.  Both  organs  were  instantly  destroyed. 
Being  taken  prisoner,  he  was  exchanged  March  26,  1865,  and  returned  in 
that  year  to  Texas,  where  he  took  up  his  abode  on  a  small  ranclio  in  Lclaiul 
CO.  SUirling'a  Bioj,  of  A.  R.  Jo/tn/ton,AlS.  Particulars  of  tlio  two  great  over- 
land mail  routes  will  be  found  in  (J.  S.  Sen,  Doc.f  cong.  35,  sess.  2,  iv.  739- 
52.     See  also  Tex,  Aim.,  1859,  139-50. 


570  INDUSTBIES,  COMMERCE,  AND  RAILBOADS. 

18,871  miles,  the  mails  being  transported  over  5,371 
miles  by  rail,  and  492  miles  by  steamboat,  the  bal- 
ance of  13,008  miles  representing  routes  designated 
as  "star  routes,'*  irr^ular  jproceedmffs  in  contracts  for 
which  have  been  repeatedly  exposed."  The  total  an- 
nual transportation  is  represented  by  distances  aggre- 
gating 8,948,035  miles,  at  a  cost  of  $718,516." 

Kailroad  systems  have  been  developed  in  an  extraor- 
dinary  degree  in  Texa^  during  the  la«t  ten  years.  In 
1870,  there  were  less  than  300  miles  in  operation,  and 
in  1876  only  about  1,600  miles,  while  in  1885  over 
7,000  miles  had  been  completed.  During  the  repub- 
lic numerous  charters  for  railroads  were  granted,  but 
none  were  acted  upon,  and  it  was  not  until  1852  that 
the  first  road  was  commenced.  A  brief  account  of 
the  oldest  line  in  the  state  will  not  be  uninteresting. 

In  the  above-named  year,  a  preliminary  survey  was 
made,  and  some  work  done,  on  what  was  then  called 
the  Buffalo  Bayou,  Brazos,  and  Colorado  road,  start- 
ing from  Harrisburg  with  a  westerly  direction,  and 
in  the  same  year  the  whistle  of  the  first  locomotive  on 
Texan  soil  was  heard  at  Harrisburg,  being  also  the 
second  put  in  motion  west  of  the  Mississippi.  The 
company  was  organized  June  1,  1850,  at  Boston, 
Massachusetts,  by  Greneral  Sidney  Sherman,  who 
may  be  regarded  as  the  father  of  railroad  systems  in 
Texas.  The  work  progressed  slowly,  and  the  Colo- 
rado was  not  reached  till  1859,  when  the  line  was 
open  to  Eagle  lake,  65  miles  from  its  initial  pomt. 
In  1866,  it  had  been  extended  to  Columbus,  the  river 
being  bridged  at  Alleyton.  By  an  act  of  the  legisla- 
ture the  charter  was  changed  in  1870,  and  San  An- 
tonio made  the  objective  point.  Since  that  time  it 
has  been  called  the  Galveston,  Harrisburg,  and  San 
Antonio  railway,  perhaps  better  known  as  the  **Sun- 
set  route."  On  January  15,  1877,  the  road  reached 
San  Antonio,  the  citizens  of  Bejar  county  having  voted, 

^  This  remark  does  not  apply  individually  to  the  Texas  mail  Mrvioe,  bat 
to  that  of  tne  U.  S.  generally. 

M  U.  8.  H.  Ex.  Doc,  cong.  48,  seas.  1,  ix.  108^  133. 


EAILWAYS.  571 

January  1876,  $300,000  in  county  bonds  to  secure  the 
speedy  completion  of  the  line.  In  the  same  month 
the  passenger  terminus  was  changed  from  Harrisburg 
to  Houston  by  a  line  from  Pierce  junction.  Follow- 
ing the  setting  sun,  it  has  since  been  extended  to  El 
Faso,  where  it  connects  with  the  Southern  Pacific, 
into  which  system  it  has  been  incorporated,  though  it 
is  still  under  the  control  of  its  own  managers.  At 
that  point  it  also  connects  with  the  Mexican  Central. 
The  length  of  the  main  line  is  848  miles,  and  no  rail- 
road in  Texas  has  had  more  influence  in  the  settlement 
and  development  of  the  country.  The  branches  con- 
nected with  it  are  the  La  Grange  from  Columbus,  31 
miles,  the  Gk>nzales  from  Harwood,  12  miles,  and  the 
branch  to  Eagle  Pass,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  where  con- 
nection is  made  with  the  Mexican  International.  At 
Spoflbrd  junction,  a  few  miles  from  San  Antonio,  the 
main  line  is  crossed  by  the  International  and  Great 
Northern,  which  connects  at  Laredo  with  the  Mexi- 
can National.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  access  is 
given  to  all  points  in  the  Mexican  republic  that  have 
railroad  communications." 

The  next  railroad  commenced  in  Texas  was  the 
Houston  and  Texas  Central.  The  original  charter 
was  granted  in  1848,  by  which  the  company  was  in- 
corporated under  the  title  of  the  Galveston  and  Red 
River  Railroad  company,  the  object  being  to  construct 
a  line  from  GWveston  to  the  northern  boundary  of 
the  state.  Work  was  begun  in  1853  at  Houston, 
instead  of  Galveston,  by  the  original  incorporator, 
Ebenezer  Allen,  his  action  being  confirmed  by  the 
legislature,  which,  on  Februarv  7th  of  that  year, 
granted  the  charter  for  the  road  under  consideration ; 
thenceforth  the  line  assumed  its  present  name.  The 
rivalry  existing  between  Galveston  and  Houston  was 
arranged  by  a  compromise,  imder  which  the  two  cities 

"  TkraO,  618-19,  766-7;  Tex.  Aim.,  1869,  21^20;  1860,  202;  1861,  228; 
1867,  185-6;  1868,  122-6;  Burke's  Tex,  Aim,,  1882,  216;  1883,  72;  Land  and 
Tlunwg&tnCB  Oahekon,  49-^50;  Tex.  IndutsL  Houston,  1884-5,  33. 


572  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

were  connected  by  the  Galveston,  Houston,  and  Hen- 
derson road,  which  was  begun  at  Virginia  point,  and 
completed  in  1865,  a  junction  being  effected  with  the 
Houston  and  Texas  Central.  In  1859,  a  bridge  was 
constructed  across  the  bay  by  the  city  of  Galveston. 
The  main  line  was  slow  in  progress,  having  only  been 
advanced  about  80  miles  when  the  civil  war  broke 
out.  Then  an  interruption  occurred,  and  it  was  not 
imtil  March  1873  that  it  reached  Denison  city,  Gray- 
son county,  where  a  junction  was  formed  with  the 
Missouri,  Kansas,  and  Texas  road,  thus  opening  com- 
munication by  rail  with  St  Louis.  The  distance  from 
Houston  to  Denison  is  341  miles.  Branch  lines  are 
from  Hempstead  to  Austin,  115  miles;  from  Brenham 
through  Waco  to  Albany,  Shackelford  county,  231 
miles,  which  northwestern  division  is  to  be  extended 
through  the  panhandle  to  New  Mexico  and  Colorado ; 
and  the  northeastern  division,  already  constructed 
from  Garrett,  Ellis  county,  to  Roberts,  51  miles,  and 
intended  to  reach  the  southern  contiguous  comers  cf 
Indian  Territory  and  Arkansas.  There  is  also  a  12- 
mile  branch  from  Garrett  to  Waxahatchie. 

Houston  is  the  natural  railroad  centre,  no  less  than 
ten  different  lines  converging  to  it  from  as  many  points 
in  the  four  quarters  of  the  compass.  Three  of  these 
have  been  already  mentioned;  the  remaining  roads 
are  the  International  and  Great  Northern,  opened  to 
Longview,  Gregg  county,  distant  232  miles  fix)m 
Houston.  From  Palestine,  Anderson  county,  ex- 
tends the  Laredo  branch  to  the  Rio  Grande,  415 
miles.  This  railroad  is  the  result  of  the  consolida- 
tion of  the  International,  chartered  August  17,  1870, 
and  the  Houston  and  Great  Northern,  chartered 
October  22,  1866.  Houston  Tap  and  Brazoria  Rail- 
way was  completed  in  1860,  purchased  in  1871  by 
the  Houston  and  Great  Northern  company,  and  now 
forms  part  of  the  International  and  Great  Northern 
system.  Its  direction  is  due  south  to  Columbia,  Bra- 
zoria county.     The  charter  was  granted  September  1, 


RAILWAYS.  673 

1856,  and  the  line  completed  about  August  1859,  its 
length  being  50  miles.  The  Texas  and  New  Orleans 
railway  extends  from  Houston  to  Orange  city,  near 
the  Sabine  river.  It  is  106  miles  in  length  and  was 
opened  in  1861.  It  now  forms  part  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  system.  Connection  is  formed  by  it  with 
Morgan's  Louisiana  and  Texas  railroad,  which  com- 
pletes communication  from  San  Francisco,  California, 
to  New  Orleans. 

In  May  1873,  the  Gulf,  Colorado,  and  Santa  F^ 
liile  was  chartered.  This  was  a  Galveston  enterprise, 
the  intention  being  that  the  road  should  start  from 
that  city,  and  passing  up  the  valley  of  the  Colorado 
be  carried  on  to  Santa  F^,  New  Mexico.  The  origi- 
nal plan,  however,  was  changed,  the  line  turning  up 
the  valley  of  the  Brazos  to  Cameron,  thence  to  Tem- 
ple junction,  Lampasas,  and  Coleman,  a  total  distance 
of  351  miles  already  constructed.  This  is  the  main 
line  known  as  the  Santa  F^  division,  and  when  com- 
pleted will  pass  through  the  panhandle  to  that  city. 
The  Fort  Worth  division,  already  completed  from 
Temple  junction  to  that  point,  is  intended  to  pass 
through  Montague  county,  and  be  extended  through 
Indian  Territory  to  Fort  Dodge,  Kansas.  Construc- 
tion was  commenced  at  Virginia  Point  in  May  1875, 
and  the  road  opened  to  traffic  as  far  as  Richmond  in 
1878.  Branch  lines  have  been  built  from  Alvin  to 
Houston,  24  miles;  from  Cleburne  to  Dallas,  54  miles; 
and  from  Somerville  to  Montgomery,  53  miles  in 
length. 

The  Houston,  East  and  West  Texas  narrow  gauge 
railway  extends  northward  from  Houston,  and  is 
already  constructed  beyond  Nacogdoches.  This  road 
was  chartered  in  March  1875,  and  was  intended  to 
reach  Red  river  in  Bowie  county,  connecting  with 
the  entire  systems  of  railroads  in  eastern  Texas  and 
southwestern  Arkansas.  The  western  division,  as 
projected,  was  to  extend  from  Houston  to  Victoria, 
Goliad,  and  Beeville,  and  thence  to  Laredo  on  the 


574  mDUSlEIES,  COMMERCE,  AND  BAILBOADS. 

Rio  Grande,  having  a  branch  to  Corpus  Christi  bay. 
This  system  was  an  enterprise  of  the  citizens  of  Hous- 
ton, ite  promoter  being  Paul  Bremond  of  that  city. 
Another  narrow  gauge  railway  is  the  Texas  Western, 
the  objective  point  being  Presidio  del  Norte,  on  the  Eio 
Grande,  900  miles  due  west  of  Houston.  Construc- 
tion on  this  line,  to  any  great  extent,  was  for  some 
time  delayed  Connection,  however,  was  made  at 
Seaby,  53  miles  from  Houston,  with  the  Gulf,  Colorado, 
and  Santa  F^  road.  The  Texas-Mexican  line  is  now  in- 
corporated with  the  Mexican  National.  It  was  orga- 
nized in  1875  under  the  appellation  of  the  Corpus 
Christi,  San  Diego,  and  Rio  Grande  railway.  The 
branch  line  from  Houston  will  connect  with  the  main 
trunk  line  at  San  Diego,  Duval  coimty,  GWveston 
will  also  be  connected  by  another  main  branch.  The 
division  extending  from  Corpus  Christi  to  Laredo  is 
already  completed,  and  construction  is  progressii^ 
rapidly  on  all  other  divisions.  This,  also,  is  a  narrow 
gauge  line. 

Besides  these  systems  which  all  centre  in  Houston, 
mention  must  be  made  of  the  Fort  Worth  and  Den- 
ver City  railway,  crossing  the  panhandle  from  its 
south-eastern  to  its  north-western  comer.  Work  is 
progressing  rapidly  on  this  line,  about  400  miles  be- 
ing already  completed.     Fort  Worth,"  in  fact,  is  an- 

*"  The  growth  of  this  city,  which  wm  incorporated  in  1873,  was  extraoidi- 
nary.  B.  B.  Paddock  states  that  when  the  first  railroad  reached  the  town  in 
1876  there  were  not  more  than  1,600  inhabitants;  it  has,  in  1888,  a  popula- 
tion of  over  30,000.  Withhi  the  corporate  limits  there  are  over  200  artesiaa 
wells.  Paddock  went  to  Texas  in  1872,  and  is  connected  with  the  Fort  Worth 
and  Rio  Grande  K.  R.,  the  charter  for  which  was  granted  in  Jnly,  1885.  Kfiirg 
071  F(yrt  Worth,  MS.  The  first  mayor  was  William  P.  Burts,  bom  in  TeDne5- 
see,  Dec.  7,  1827.  He  went  to  Fort  Worth  in  1858  and  was  the  first  practi- 
tioner there.  In  1874  Burts  resigned,  and  Giles  H.  Day  was  elected  the 
second  mayor,  serving  in  that  capacity  till  1878,  when  he  was  snoceeded  by 
R.  E.  Beckham,  followed  by  John  T.  Brown.  In  1882  John  Peter  Smith, 
an  able  officer,  was  elected,  and  reelected  in  1884.  Smith  was  bom  in 
Kentucky,  Sept.  16,  1831,  and  settled  in  Fort  Worth  in  1853;  at  iliat  time 
there  were  not  more  than  half  a  dozen  families  in  the  place.  Smith  taught 
in  the  first  school  established  in  Fort  Worth.  Burts*  Biog.,  MS.;  Dc^sBiog., 
MS.;  SnMa  Fort  Worth,  MS.;  L,  L,  Shari*B  Biog.,  MS.;  The  Tejoas  Speeid, 
Oct.  20,  1885.  A.  P.  Ryan  of  Fort  Worth,  gives  some  aceonnt  of  the  fine 
agricultural  capacities  of  that  portion  of  the  oofontry,  and  of  the  thriving 
condition  of  that  city.     He  was  bom  in  Wayne  oofunty,  Kentucky,  in  1837; 


BAILWAYS.  576 

other  great  railroad  centre,  nearly  a  dozen  lines,  com- 
pleted or  in  course  of  construction  concentrating  in 
that  city. 

Many  other  lines  are  also  projected  to  connect  with 
the  above-named  system,  on  which  more  or  less  work 
was  done,  while  the  construction  of  others  will  be  under- 
taken accordmg  to  the  transportation  requirements  of 
this  progressive  state.  In  the  above  brief  account  of 
the  railroads  in  Texas  I  have  confined  myself  to  the 
main  systems  in  operation  within  her  boundaries; 
but  the  reader  will  apprehend  that  numerous  local 
lines  connect  communication  between  them  and  most 
of  the  principal  towns,  and  that  the  whole  net-work 
is  connected  with  the  great  transcontinental  and  main 
roads  of  the  United  States,  and  also  with  the  Mexi- 
can systems— of  still  greater  magnitude  if,  in  some 
future  time,  they  be  connected  with  stupendous 
trunk  lines  reaching  into  South  America, — a  consum- 
mation already  conceived  by  projectors. 

Bailroad  enterprises,  from  the  first  initiative  steps 
taken  to  introduce  into  Texas  this  means  of  transpor- 
tation, have  met  with  most  liberal  assistance  from  the 
state  government.  Charters  have  been  granted  on 
easy  terms,  enormous  sums  of  money — principally 
from  the  school  and  university  fund — ^have  been 
loaned,  and  a  large  amount  of  public  funds  has 
been  donated  to  such  companies  as  have  fulfilled  their 
contracts,  extensions  of  time  having  been  granted 
whenever  the  petitions  for  such  were  reasonable.  It 
is  to  this  liberal  action  of  the  state  that  Texas  is  in- 
debted in  a  great  measure  for  her  late  rapid  develop- 
ment and  increase  of  population.  Texas  did  not 
escape  being  affected  by  the  trouble  caused  by  the 
serious  strike  of  railroad  employes  in  the  sprmg  of 
1886.  On  April  3d  of  that  year  a  train  which  left  Fort 
Worth  on  its  way  south  was  fired  into  at  the  junction 
of  the  Fort  Worth  and  New  Orleans  Railroad,  two  miles 

went  to  Texas  in  1858;  and  served  in  the  confederate  army  during  the  whole 
of  the  civil  war.  Obterwtionst  MS. 


676  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

from  the  city.  Deputy  Sheriffs  Townsend  and  Sneed, 
and  Police  Officer  Fnlford  were  severely  wounded, 
the  former  dying  the  next  day.  Great  excitement 
prevailed  throughout  the  state,  and  mOitary  compan- 
ies were  rapidly  hurried  to  Fort  Worth,  The  ener- 
getic measures  adopted  by  the  governor  and  the 
authorities  of  many  principal  towns  fortunately  pre- 
vented  further  bloodshed." 

^  The  Dallas  Morning  Netos,  Ap.  4  and  6,  1886'  The  strike  oommenoed 
in  the  work-shops  of  the  Texas  and  Pacific  R.  R.,  at  Marshall,  Harrison 
county,  owing  to  the  discharge  of  C.  A.  Hall,  a  foreman  in  the  car-sbop 
there.  Hall  was  a  prominent  officer  in  the  Kmshts  of  Labor,  who  regarded 
his  dismissal  as  an  attack  upon  their  order.  The  strike  extended  to  the 
Missouri  Pacific  system.  The  authorities  that  have  been  consulted  oa  the 
industries  of  Texas,  are  the  f ollowinff. 

Stephen  M.  Blount  was  in  ISSS  the  only  living  signer  of  the  dedaia- 
t'on  of  the  independence  of  Texas.  He  was  bom  in  Georgia,  Feb.  13, 
1808,  and  moved  to  Texas  in  July  1835,  settling  at  San  Ausnstine.  In  1836 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  convention  that  declared  Sie  independence 
and  nominated  General  Houston  for  the  position  of  commander-in-chief  of 
the  Texan  forces.  Blount  was  a  close  personal  friend  of  Houston,  whom  be 
regards  as  having  been  a  grand  man.  In  1837  Blount  was  elected  clerk  of 
San  Augustine  county,  holding  that  position  for  four  years.  His  whole  life 
has  been  one  of  activity,  having  served,  previous  to  his  arrival  in  Texas,  in 
several  official  capacities  in  Georgia.  He  was  commissioned  colonel  of  the 
8bh  regiment  Georgia  militia,  and  was  aide-de-camp  both  to  Brig. -Gen. 
Robert  Tootle  and  Maj.-Gen.  David  Taylor  during  1832-4.  Col  Blount 
married  in  1839  a  Mrs  Lacey  whose  family  name  was  Landon,  and  his  family 
consists  of  six  children.  Biog,  Sketch,  MS. 

Doctor  Sherwood  A.  Owens  was  bom  July  22,  1824,  in  Lo(»n  ooonty, 
Kentucky,  and  graduated  at  Kemper  College,  Missouri,  in  183.  In  1848 
he  took  his  degree  in  the  medical  department  of  that  state  university;  prac- 
tised in  New  Orleans  until  Feb.  1849,  when  he  made  preparations  to  go  to 
California  by  the  overland  route  via  Salt  Lake,  and  arrived  at  Sacramento 
July  2d  of  tiie  same  year.  There  he  followed  his  profession  often  TnAlHTig 
(500  a  day.  In  1851  he  removed  to  San  Francisco,  but  in  tiie  following  year 
sailed  for  Melbourne,  Australia,  and  was  nearly  ship- wrecked  on  the  passage. 
At  Melbourne  the  doctor  was  offered  the  position  of  surgeon  on  the  Briti^ 
fleet  ordered  to  the  Baltic;  went  to  Chronstadt  and  Sevastopol,  where  he  re- 
signed in  preference  to  becoming  a  British  subject,  a  requisite  reqniired  by 
that  government  in  view  of  the  existing  war.  He  then  returned  to  San 
Francisco,  arrivinor  there  in  Dec.  1855.  After  further  travelling  he  finally 
married  Lucy  J.  Thurman,  of  Jefferson,  Missouri,  went  to  Texas,  and  settled 
at  Waco  in  the  autunm  of  1857.  During  the  civil  war  he  was  surgeon  in 
the  confederate  army,  and  was  present  at  several  important  battles.  He  is 
a  zealous  mason,  and  has  been  eminent  commander  of  his  oommanderr. 
Biog,,  MS. 

Isaac  Van  Zandt  was  bom  July  10,  1813,  in  Franklin  county,  Tennessee; 
feeble  health  prevented  him  from  receiving  a  thorough  education.  Havins 
engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits  in  Mississippi  for  several  years  he  abandon^ 
that  vocation;  engagea  in  the  study  of  law;  and  in  18&,  having  migrated 
to  Texas,  commenced  practice  at  Marshall,  in  Harrison  county.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  he  was  elected  representative  to  the  lower  house  of  the  Texan 
congress  and  rejected  in  1841.  His  next  official  position  waa  that  of  charge 
d*  affairs  to  the  United  States,  which  he  resigned  in  1844.  Having  returned 
to  Marshall,  he  was  elected  in  1845  a  delegate  to  the  convention  that  com- 


BIOGEAPHT.  577 

pleted  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  and  framed  the  first 
constitution  of  the  new  state.  In  1847  he  became  a  candidate  for  the  office 
of  governor  of  the  state,  and  while  engacred  in  an  active  canvass  for  that 
position  he  died  of  yellow  fever  Oct.  Uth  at  Houston.  Van  Zandt  was  a 
man  of  rare  natural  abilities,  and  from  his  probity  and  amenity  of  conduct, 
was  respected  and  revered  by  aU  who  knew  him.  Five  out  of  six  children 
bom  to  nim  were  living  in  1888,  namely  Louisa,  widow  of  Col  J.  M.  Clough,  • 
who  fell  in  the  defence  of  Fort  Donnelson;  Kleber  M.,  bom  November  7> 
1836,  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1868,  and  removed  to  Fort  Worth  in  1865, 
where  he  engaged  in  mercantile  business  until  1874,  when  he  turned  his 
attention  to  bamdn|;,  and  became  president  of  Fort  Worth  Bank;  Lycurgus, 
a  praGtisinf[  physician,  bom  Jan.  5,  1840;  Fanny,  bom  May  15,  1842,  wife 
of  Doctor  £Las  Beall,  of  Fort  Worth;  and  Ida,  bom  May  20,  1844,  the  wife 
of  J.  J.  Jarvis,  a  lawyer  and  farmer  of  Tarrant  county.  Van  Zandt,  Memoir^ 
no.  1,  MS.;  Id.,  no.  %  MS. 

E.  B.  Linn,  a  son  of  John  J.  Linn,  the  author  of  JiemmUcenees  of  Fffiy 
Tears  m  Texas,  was  bom  in  that  state  in  1848,  and  received  his  education  in 
the  private  schools.  He  is  a  prominent  member  of  the  committee  on  educa- 
tion, and  has  been  a  member  of  the  Uth  to  19th  legislatures  inclusive.  He 
was  the  originator  of  the  bill  to  fund  and  pay  the  public  debt  of  Texas.  Is 
editor  and  proprietor  of  the  Victoria  Advocate,  and  one  of  the  trustees  of  the 
New  York  and  Texas  railway.  His  father  was  a  member  of  the  general 
consultation  which  organized  at  San  Felipe  Nov.  3,  1835,  declared  against 
the  central  government  of  Santa  Anna,  and  established  a  provisional  govern- 
ment. J.  J.  Linn  was  also  a  member  of  the  committee  of  safety,  quarter- 
master-general during  the  revolution,  and  afterward  elected  to  tiie  Ist  and 
2d  Texan  congress.  Lhm,  Biog.  Sketch,  MS. 

Captain  Marcus  D.  Herrinff  was  bom  October  11,  1828,  and  educated  in 
Mississippi  and  Louisiana.  &f  ore  he  was  20  years  of  age,  he  was  licensed 
to  practise  law.  In  Texas  he  resided  in  Austin  from  1853  to  1856,  when  he 
removed  to  Waco,  where  he  practised  very  successfully  his  profession.  Dur- 
ing' t^e  last  three  years  and  nine  months  of  the  civil  war  he  served  in  the 
confederate  army.  C»)t.  Herring  is  a  royal  arch  mason,  and  belongs  to  the 
L  O.  O.  F.,  being  the  founder  of  the  widows'  and  orphans'  house  of  that  so- 
ciety. Biog,,  MS. 

Col  John  C.  McCoy  was  bom  Sept.  28,  1819,  at  Clark  county,  Indiana; 
was  educated  at  Charleston  and  Wilmington  academies,  and  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1842.  On  Jan.  1,  1845,  he  arrived  at  Galveston  as  an  agent  for  the 
Peter's  colony.  In  1851,  he  married  a  niece  of  £x-gov.  Porter  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. During  the  war  of  secession,  he  held  various  positions,  such  as  quar- 
termaster, enrolling  officer,  and  provost  marshal  Col  McCoy  is  a  promment 
mason,  having  become  a  member  of  that  order  in  1848.  He  has  filled  every 
poaaible  position,  and  in  1883  was  placed  as  R.  E.  Grand  Commander  of  the 
Crrond  Commandery,  K.  T. ;  is  now  chairman  of  the  committee  of  correspon- 
dence of  the  Grand  Commandery,  K.  T.  Teaxu  Bioa,,  MS. 

T.  C.  Cook,  A.  M.,  M.  D.,  is  a  prominent  member  of  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives of  the  19th  legislature,  representing  Colorado  countv.  Was  bom 
at  Tuscaloosa,  Alabama,  September  19,  1836.  He  received  his  degree  of 
M.  D.  at  the  university  of  Pennsylvania  in  1859,  and  that  of  A.  M.  at  the 
university  of  Alabama  m  1860,  in  which  year  he  migrated  to  Texas.  During 
the  civil  war,  he  was  surgeon  of  the  Ist  regiment  of  heavy  artillery  of  the 
confederate  army.  Biog.,slL^, 

J.  W.  Swain  was  bom  in  Kentuckv  in  1839,  and  arrived  in  1859  in  Texas. 
He  served  in  the  confederate  army  till  the  surrender  of  Johnson's  army,  and 
on  his  return  gave  his  attention  to  farming,  which  avocation  he  pursued  for 
five  .     He  then  adopted  law  as  his  profession;  has  served  both  as  repre- 

sentative and  senator  in  the  state  legislature.     In  1883,  he  was  elected  for  a 
second  term  as  comptroller,  with  the  extraordinary  majority  of  190, 000  votes. 
As  a  member  of  the  state  board  of  education.  Swain  is  anxious  for  the  adop« 
tion  of  text-book  uniformity.  Texas  Biog.,  MS. 
Hist.  Mbx.  States,  Vol.  II.   87. 


078  INDUSTRIES,  OOMMEEtCE,  AND  RAILROADS. 

J.  W.  Baines,  secretary  of  state,  and  aa  actnre  member  of  the  state  boerd 
ol  education,  is  a  great  supporter  of  public  schooU,  and  strongly  in  hror  of 
mniformity  in  textbooks  and  method.  Texas  Biog.,  MS. 

Amonff  periodicals  may  be  mentioned  8treet*8  Monthljf,  a  literary  and  ma- 
sonic publication.  J.  K.  Street,  the  proprietor,  was  bom  in  Tennessee  in 
1837;  went  to  Texas  in  1854,  and  has  for  many  years  been  engaged  in  enter- 
prises connected  with  the  press.  Street's  Biog.  Sketch,  MS. 

Samuel  Bell  Maxey  was  bom  in  Monroe  county,  Kentucky,  March  90, 
1825,  and  graduated  at  West  Point  in  1846,  and  served  thronsh  the  Mexican 
war.  He  resigned  in  1849,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1850.  In  1857 
he  settled  at  Paris,  Texas,  and  was  elected  state  senator  in  1861,  but  resigned 
and  took  service  in  the  confederate  army,  at  the  doee  of  which  he  was  a 
brigadier-general  Was  elected  to  the  U.  S.  senate  in  1875,  and  reelected  in 
1881.  Statement,  MS. 

W.  S.  Pendleton,  a  member  of  the  19th  legislature,  was  bom  in  Tennes- 
see Feb.  7,  1850,  and  graduated  at  Manchester  collese  in  1869.  Afterward, 
having  studied  law,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  in  1873  settled  in  Tar- 
rant county,  Texas,  where  he  engaged  in  practice.  In  1878,  he  was  elected 
district  attorney  of  that  county,  bemff  twice  reelected  to  the  same  office.  In 
November  1884,  he  was  elected  to  the  house  of  representatives,  where,  among 
other  measures,  he  introduced  that  known  as  the  jury  bill,  inserting  new 
causes  of  challenge,  and  makins  provisions  by  which  professional  jurymen 
are  excluded,  and  allowing  inteUigent  men,  who  read  the  papers  and  keep 
themselves  informed,  to  sit  as  jurors,  though  they  may  have  formed  opinions 
from  what  they  have  read.  Biog.,  MS. 

George  Clark  was  bom  in  Alabama  in  1841;  served  through  tiie  civil 
war,  in  which  he  took  part  in  many  battles,  beinff  wounded  on  three  several 
occasions,  and  went  to  Texas  in  January  1867.  In  1868  he  settled  at  Waco, 
which  has  since  that  year  been  his  place  of  residenoe.  Was  a  member  off  tiie 
democratic  state  executive  committee  of  1872,  and  attorney-general  off  the 
sUte  in  1874;  this  office  he  held  tiU  April  1876.  Somewhat  later,  he  was 
appointed  one  of  the  commissionera  to  codify  the  laws,  and  served  in  that 
capacity  till  Oct.  1,  1878.  In  1879,  he  was  appointed  judge  of  the  court  of 
appeals,  continuing  in  office  till  Oct.  1,  1880.  Since  that  time  he  has  pur- 
sued his  practice  as  a  lawyer  at  Waco.  Biog.  Sketch,  MS. 

The  nrst  county  judge  elected  under  the  new  constitution  was  W.  B. 
Plemons  of  Clay  county,  no  less  than  16  counties  being  attached  to  the  one 
named  for  judicial  purposes. 

Jackson  Bradly  settled  in  Dallas  county  in  1851,  but  afterward  moved  to 
what  is  now  Johnson  county,  where  he  was  justice  of  the  peace  for  10  years. 
In  1861,  he  was  commissioned  by  Oovemor  Lubbock  a  captain  in  the  state 
militia.  During  the  civil  war,  he  served  as  a  lieutenant  m  the  oonfedeiatB 
army.     Bradly  was  bom  in  1816  in  South  Carolina.  Biog.,  M& 

One  who  has  seen  10  years'  service  with  the  rangen  is  C.  L.  NeviBe. 
During  that  period  he  was  captain  of  six  different  companies.  He  was  bon 
in  Alabama,  and  became  sheriff  of  Presidio  county.  Biog,,  MS. 

The  following  is  a  more  complete  List  of  authorities  consulted  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapters:  Those  of  an  official  character  are,  Cong.  Olobe;  H.  Javt.; 
H.  Ex.  Docs.;  H.  MisceL  Docs.;  H.  Com.  Beps.;  Sen.  Jours.;  Sen.  Ex.  Docl; 
Sen.  MisceL  Docs.;  Sen.  Com.  Reps.;  Mess,  and  Docs.;  Census  Bep^;  U.  8. 
Laws;  Sec  Interior  Beps.;  Agrie.  Beps.;  EdMcaUon  Beps.;  CompL  Currmtfi 
Bens.;  Postmaster-gen.  Baps.;  Coast  and  Geodetic  Surveifs.  To  the  respeetiTe 
indices  of  which  the  reader  is  referred  for  matter  relatins  to  Texas.  Texai 
state  documents  are,  State  Oaz.;  CMs  Messages;  Treas.  Beps.;  CompL  Beps.; 
Supt.  Pub.  Instruc.  Beps.;  Attorney  Oen.  Beps.;  State  Engineer  Beps.;  Texas 
Bepealed;  Deaf  mid  Dumb  Asylum  Beps.;  Lunatic  Asylum  Bqts,;  SitUe  PenMau 
Beps.;  Capitol  Building  Com.  Beps. 

The  following  are  works  of  a  non-official  character.*  Cordova\  Tex.; 
Tex.  Aim.,  1857-61,  1868;  FooU's  Tex.,  i.  218-63;  ii  18^-92,  339-41;  Bolky't 
Tex.,  55-72,  175-82;  Hat^ord's  Tex.  State  Beg.,  1876^  1878-9,  passim;  (H»- 


AUTHORITIES.  «79 

tied^B  Jtmrmty,  4^-480;  Id.,  Cotton  Kmadam,  L  357-76;  iL  ^-29;  Moort'» 
Dtatcrip,,  Tex.,  14-16,  42-137;  Dishtmelfs  U.  8.  Bey.,  eee  indices;  Morfi*8 
HUt.  Tex.,  paBsim;  Kennedy'a  Tex.,  ii.  195,  256-8,  344-5,  392-3,  40G-19; 
Baker's  Tex.,  253-^1;  Burhi's  Tex,  Aim.,  1878,  200  pp.;  1882,  pasaim;  Rock's 
8.  W.  Tex.,  42-192,  201-60;  Jd.,  Tex.  Guide,  7-17;  ThraWs  Tex.,  pawim; 
Id.,  HisL  Methodism,  13-180;  Dewees*  Letters  frtm  Tex.,  235-S,  309-12; 
Dodgers  Plains  Ot.  West,  405-19;  Frost's  Mex.  War,  299-307;  Industnes  oj 
Houston,  1-146;  Dixon's  White  Conquest,  i.  325-56;  Hay's  Life,  MSi,  1-2,  33-9; 
Frobel,  ausAmerika,  ii  293-333,  337-68;  8weet's  Tex.,  N.  Y.,  1871,  160  pp.; 
Green's  R^  to  Houston,  11-17,  4a-9;  GoddanTs  Where  to  Endgrate,  492-517; 
Domeneeh's  Mission.  Advent.,  10-12,  60-2,  82-4;  Id.,  Deserts  qfN.  Amer.,  133- 
61;  North's  Five  Tears  in  Tex.,  196-209;  De  Bow's  Rev.,  see  indices;  Id.,  In* 
dustrial  Res.,  ii.  544-63;  Id.,  Encyc  td  Ed.,  331-41;  Id.,  StoL  View,  169-89; 
313-9;  Texas  in  1840,  243-7;  Barbey's  Tex.,  11,  16-22;  Mmeo  Mexicano,  ii. 
522-4;  Overland  Mail  Co.  Mem.,  1860;  Mex.  War  and  its  Heroes,  i.  208-11; 
McCabe's  Comp.  Views,  750-6;  Almonte,  lioL  Est.  Tex.  11-12,  40-65,  76,  82-3; 
Address  to  Memib.  Memphis  Conven.;  Tex.  Veterans,  Proceedings,  1883,  80  pp. ; 
Linns  Remmis.,  66-7,  S^,  922-A;  Hunt's Merch  Mag.,  xii.  to  xlv.,  see  indices; 
NewelCs  RevoL  in  Tex.,  157-65;  Overland  Monthly,  i.  167-64,  367-71;  ii.  369- 
74;  vL  556-61;  vii  270-7:  Land  and  Thompsons  Galveston,  Galv.  1886,  151 
pp.;  Spaight's  Res.,  Soil  and  Climate  Tex.,  Galv.,  1882,  360  pp.;  HiOanCs  Life 
of  McCleUan,  41-69;  HisL  Mag.,  ill  204-6;  MaiUard's  Hi^t.  Tex.,  34.3-.')2; 
JNlles'  Reg.,  Uii  to  Uxii.,  see  indices;  Loughborough's  Pac  Telegraph;  Stcisher' 
Amer.  Sketch-book,  v.,  no.  6,  339-54;  vi.,  no.  2,  85-100;  no.  3,  201-13,  no.  6, 
428-34;  Pecos  Valley  Cattle  Growers'  Association,  16  pp.;  IcL,  Land  and  Irrig. 
Co.,  Charter,  1886,  11  pp.;  Macgregor's  Progress  qfAmer.,  ii.  1237-61;  Swasey 
and  Melton's  Ft.  Worth  Direct.,  1877,  92  pp.;  Bentley  and  Pilgrim's  Tex.  Lcfjtd 
DirecL,  1876-7,  110  pp.;  Potter's  Tex.  RevoL,  16-26;  De  Ryee's  Tex.  AUnim, 
passim;  Haven's  Our  Next  Door  Neighbor,  418-23;  Hwjhes'  Gone  to  Tex.; 
RoweU  A  Co.*s  Gazetteer,  135-1 ;  Long's  Amer.  and  West  Ind.,  194-5;  McPhuCs 
Tex.  Freemason,  ii.,  no.  10,  12;  Amer.  Sketch-book,  7-11;  Nouv.  Anna  I.  Voy, 
div.  346-6;  NewelFs  RevoL  in  Tex.,  171-3;  Appletoti's  GuUle,  397;  PutnaiiCs 
Mag.,  ii  161-4;  Bancroft's  Footprints  qf  Time,  511-12;  Bustamante,  Odfiincte 
Mex.,  MS.,  i.  23-4;  Colorado  and  Brassos  Cattlemen's  Assoc  Proceedings,  1880- 
4,  47  pp.;  Hmoard's  Speech  on  Pac  R.  R.,  6-9;  Crane's  Hist.  Was/i.  Co.  Tex., 
3(K-2;  MarshaWs  Christian  Missions,  ii.  244-60;  Shepard's  Land  of  Hie  AzL, 
193-204;  Gould^s  Alamo  City  Guide,  N.  Y.,  1882,  151  pp.;  National  R.  R. 
Conv.,  Proceedings;  Proceedings  1st  Nat.  Conv.  Cattlemen,  12-13;  Tex.  and  Her 
Capabilities,  17-61,  GiJhert's  Abilene  Reporter  Sd  An.  Ed.,  Abilene,  1884,  116 
pp.;  PilBnf/'s  Bib.  ofN.  Amer.  Lang.,  nos.  1402,  2910;  Industries  of  A mtui, 
Austin,  IfiiSS,  108  pp.;  Munguia  Clement  Pastorales,  no.  ii.  18-20;  PeeMe's  Ex- 
pose;  Inrlu^ries  of  San  Antonio,  San  Antonio,  1885,  136  pp.;  Western  Tex.,  10- 
99;  Waco,  The  Emig.  Guide,  Waco,  32  pp.;  Wood  Bros.  Live  Stock  Movement; 
Pap.  Var.,  74,  no.  16;  143,  no.  19;  167,  no.  18;  185.  no.  1;  Corbett's  Legis. 
Manual,  302,  306;  Gidding's,  Case  of  1-37;  Tex.  Pac  Railway,  Arguments,  4- 
16;  Calhoun's  Navarro  Co.,  1885,  32  pp.;  ViaUio  Tex.,  322;  Varios  Intpresos^ 
2,  no.  vi.  36-40,44-6,  66,  60-6,  76,  79-81,  84-8;  Industnes  qf  Dallas,  IJallas, 
1885,  138  pp.;  Velasco,  Noticias  Son.,  297-8;  Tex.  Editorial  and  Press  Assoc, 
Charter,  etc;  Coke's  Speech  on  Reagan  Bill,  Wash.,  1885,  23  pp.;  Thowpson's 
Recol  Mex.,  97-8;  Minutes  qf  Memphis  Conv. ;  Tex.  CoL  Dors.;  Gillette's  A  Feio 
Historic  Records,  N.  Y.,  1886,  131  pp.;  McCuUoch's  Defense,  Austin,  1879,  46 
pp.;  Ft.  Worth  Commercial  Club,  Charter,  1885,  12  pp.:  Terrell's  Address  on 
PrhxUe  Corp.,  Austin,  1885,  32  pp.;  Ft.  Worth  and  New  Orleans  R.  R.  Co., 
Charter,  Mempku,  El  Paso  and  P.  R.  R.  Hist.,  8-20  47-62;  Sernanario  Indus- 
trio,  Mex,,  na  ii.  326;  Carter,  Wynne  and  De  Berry's  Tex.  Laws  Relating  to 
CoL  qf  Debts,  1886,  16  pp.;  McFarlane's  Coal  Regions  qf  Amer.,  602-4;  Aiuian 
DirecL,  1877-8,  9-10;  Moron  Bros.  Mem.,  1879,  37  pp.;  Zamacois,  HiM.  Mex., 
xL  902;  Mercantile  Agency  Annual,  1871,  154,  157,  159.  In  addition  to  the 
preceding,  an  immense  mass  of  newBpar>ers  have  been  examined,  which  lack 
of  space  forbids  mentioning  in  detail.     Names  are  given  of  a  few.     Waco  Ex- 


680  INDUSTRIES,  OOMHEROE,  AKD  RATLBOADfi. 

ammer,  DaUat  Mercury;  Id.,  News;  Id.,  Htrald;  Avatin,  Statmntim;  Ft.  WurA 
Tex,  Speekd;  Id.,  OaxeUe;  SI  Paso  Lone  Star;  Id,,  Tbnu;  AbUene  Ttx.  Be- 
wrter;  Colorado  Clipper;  all  published  in  Texas.  The  CcUl,  AUa,  Chanmde, 
JEacammtT^  Pott,  and  BvUetin,  published  in  San  Francisoo^  GaL  Mo,  RepdH- 
can  and  Olche  Democrat,  published  at  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  and  the  Iider  Ooam  at 
Chicaeo,  IlL  Nunerous  manuscript  statements,  oomprisinA  mudi  Talnable 
data,  rrom  prominent  citizens  and  pionoen  of  the  state  of  Texas,  have  abo 
been  examined* 


CHAPTER  XXIL 

GHIHUAHUA  AND  DUBAKOa 

1800-1845. 

Redivision  of  Protincias  Inteknas— Movements  Dusnro  the  Wab  o» 
Independence — Cruz  Defends  the  Royal  Cause— Durango  Cap- 
tured BT  Negrxtb— Chihuahua  and  Duranoo  Made  Separate 
States— Party  Strife  and  Revolts— Liberals  and  Conservatives 
— Federal  Coalition  in  the  North — Change  of  Governors  in 
Durango — Apaohe  Raids  in  Chihuahua — Decline  of  Presidio  De- 
fences— Indian  Warfare— Scalp  Hunting — Massacre  at  Janos— 
The  Central  Regime— Federal  Opposition— ^Dubango  Joins  Parx- 
DBs'  Revolution. 

The  objections  that  had  in  1785  led  to  the  division 
of  the  provincias  intemas,  forced  themselves  more 
strongly  than  ever  upon  the  home  government  as  the 
complication  of  duties  increased  with  growing  popu- 
lation and  resources.  In  1804,  accordingly,  came  a 
royal  decree  ordering  a  redivision  of  them  into  two 
districts,  the  Occidente  and  Oriente,  the  Califomias 
and  the  southern  portions  of  Nuevo  Leon  and  Nuevo 
Santander,  below  the  line  between  Soto  la  Marina 
and  Parras,  being  left  to  Mexico/  The  new  com- 
andante  general  of  each  district  was  to  exercise  the 
same  authority  as  the  existing  commander.* 

Political  changes  interfered  with  the  observance  of 
this  order,  till  the  war  of  independence  made  its  exe- 
cution in  1812  a  military  necessity.     Viceroy  Vene- 

^The  BoIboh  de  Mapfmi  falling  to  the  eastern  district  The  eastern  bor- 
der followed  Rio  Pilou.  See  i.  638,  et  seq.,  this  series,  for  previous  extent. 

'The  snbaltem  chiefs  salary  was  to  1)e  82,000,  while  the  governor  and 
comandante  general  was  to  receive  $10,000,  a  reduction  of  ^>,000.  Tlie 
Oriente  commander  had  to  on^anize  forces  to  promote  the  colonization  of 
Tezaa.     Text  in  Meai  Orden,  May  30,  1804;  Mayer's  MSS,  iiL 

(581) 


682  CmHUAHUA  AND  DURANQO. 

gas  thereupon  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
Occidente  section,  the  brigadier  Alejo  Grarcfa  Conde, 
governor  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  a  deserving  soldier 
nearly  half  a  century  in  the  royal  service.* 

The  Oriente  division  was  offered  to  the  Mariscal 
de  campo,  Felix  Calleja,  and  he,  declining  to  accept 
the  position  presented  it  to  Simon  Herrera,  governor 
of  Ijeon,  who  was  slain  by  insurgents  before  accept- 
ance, whereupon  Colonel  Arredondo  received  the 
position.*  Nava,  who  ruled  the  united  provinces  at 
the  opening  of  the  century,  was  replaced  in  1804  by 
Colonel  Pedro  Grimarest,*  and  he  soon  after  by  Briga- 
dier Nemesio  Salcedo  y  Salcedo,  who  was  presently 
recalled  to  Spain. 

The  troops  under  Sara's  command  consisted  in  fact 
of  only  some  four  hundred  and  fifty  men,  many  of 
whom  were  filibusters  from  the  United  States;  but 
with  this  slender  force  he  invaded  Texas  in  1812, 
and  took  possession  of  several  cities,  driving  back  the 
forces  of  Salcedo  and  Hererra.  Warned  of  this  dan- 
ger, Arredondo,  whose  forces  had  been  quartered  in 
the  valley  del  Maiz,  at  once  marched  against  the 
enemy,  collecting  men  and  material  on  his  way  through 
Nuevo  Santander.  Meanwhile,  Colonel  Elizondo,  who 
had  been  sent  in  advance,  had  allowed  himself  to  be 
drawn  into  an  engagement,  and  was  totally  routed. 
A  few  weeks  later,  however,  Arredondo  himself  in- 
flicted a  crushing  defeat  on  the  insurgents,  now  under 
the  command  of  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  who  had  sup- 
planted Sara.  Many  of  the  prisoners  were  executed, 
including  all  the  filibusters  who  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Mexicans,  and  thus  ended  all  hope  of  aid  from 
the  United  States  to  the  cause  of  the  revolution. 

'  The  register  says  47  years,  during  eight  of  which  he  occupied  the  latter 
ffrade;  decorated  with  mdriio  de  guerra  and  other  distinctions.  The  order 
for  the  division,  dated  May  1,  1811,  was  confirmed  in  1812.  Text  in  Proe. 
JtUern.  Heal  Orden,  1811;  Mayer's  MSS,  nos.  6-7,  refer  to  the  Sonera  chapter 
coucerniug  Garcia  Conde. 

^See  Sist.  Mex.f  iv.  541-3,  this  series. 

'^  Of  the  3d  battaliou  of  Estremadura  infantry.  Meal  Orden,  May  30, 
1804;  Mayer's  MSS,  no.  3. 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS.  68S 

The  changes  thus  made  were  due  less  to  the  increase 
of  population,  and  the  development  of  the  material 
resources  of  these  provinces,  than  to  military  reasons, 
and  with  a  view  to  the  suppression  of  revolutionary 
movements.  In  the  north-west  the  only  troubles  to 
be  encountered  were  the  usual  hostilities  with  Indians, 
but  toward  the  east  the  revolution  had  again  assumed 
alarming  proportions.  In  1811,  Bernardo  Gutierrez 
de  Sara,  a  citizen  of  Revilla,  and  a  strong  supporter 
of  the  revolutionary  movement,  had  taken  refuge  in 
the  United  States  after  the  suppression  of  the  insur- 
rection in  Nuevo  Santander,  and  there  sought  assist- 
ance in  behalf  of  his  cause.  The  welcome  accorded  to 
him  by  the  people,  and  the  well-known  intentions  of 
the  United  States  government  with  regard  to  the 
Texan  frontier,  had  given  rise  to  no  little  uneasiness 
in  Mexico,  and  this  was  further  increased  by  a  report 
that  he  was  already  on  his  march  at  the  head  of  a 
large  army,  to  support  the  fortunes  of  the  insurgents. 

Salcedo  had  filled  the  office  satisfactorily  enough, 
while  availing  himself  of  the  many  opportunities  pre- 
sented by  remoteness,  and  the  disorders  attending  the 
war  for  independence,  to  accumulate  a  large  fortune.* 
When  this  conflict  broke  out  in  the  south  he  exerted 
himself  most  commendably  by  adopting  measures  to 
exclude  it  from  his  own  territory,  and  by  appealing 
to  his  purse-strings  and  patriotism  in  behalf  of  his 
sovereign/     While  failing  to  achieve  anything  note- 

*HiB  position  embraced  the  offices  of  inspector  of  troops,  snbdelegado  of 
the  fiuance  and  mail  depts.  He  returned  with  the  spring  fleet  of  1814. 
Alaman,  Mej.,  iv.  37;  ZHario  Cortes,  xix.  234;  EatrclUi  OccitL,  Sept.  4,  1868. 
Pike  met  him  in  1807.  Trav.,  285,  421-8;  Pino,  N.  Mex.,  21,  45;  One.  Mex., 
xi.  274;  xv.  40,  903;  xvi.  812. 

^He  urged  the  bishop  to  exert  himself.  Loreto,  Miss.  Rec,  MS.,  7-11. 
Watch  was  also  kept  by  French  agents.  Cal.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xix.  30-32. 
Appeal  of  subordinates  in  Pap.  Var.,  xviii.  pt  27;  xxxvi,  pt  68;  clxi.  pt  12. 
The  people  responded  with  similar  warmth  both  in  money  and  prayers  and 
•  juroron  solemnement  £  Fernando  VII.  for  Rey.*  Oac.  Mex.,  xv.  902;  Id., 
XV.  195-6,  838-9;  xvi.  832;  xxii.  63-6;  xxviii.  879-84.  etc.  At  the  beginning 
of  these  appeals,  during  divine  service,  an  ominous  incident  occurred.  The 
church  at  Tapacolmes,  near  Chihuahua,  caught  fire  from  the  altar  April  8, 
1808,  and  burned  with  such  rapidity  that  over  300  persons  perished,  200 
within  the  building,  and  100  of  injuries.  Diario^  Mex,,  viii.  623-4. 


584  CHmUAHUA  AND  DUKANGO. 

worthy  in  the  field  against  the  insoi^entB,  he  had 
the  unenviable  satisfaction  of  superintendmg  the  trial 
and  execution  of  their  great  leader,  Hidalgo,  and  his 
chief  officers,  in  the  course  of  May  to  July,  1811/ 

Nueva  Vizcaya  was  not  left  wholly  intact  by  the 
war,  and  some  feeble  local  efforts  were  made  by  ardent 
patriots.  A  month  before  Hidalgo's  capture,  a  num- 
Der  of  insurgents  were  secured,  and  the  opening  of 
1812  was  marked  by  a  conflict  at  San  Francisco  be- 
tween  several  hundred  men/  Toward  the  close  of 
1814,  Trespalacios  and  Caballero  planned  an  outbreak 
at  Chihuahua,  but  the  plot  was  revealed  to  Garcia 
Conde,  who  now  controlled  the  Occidente  section  from 
this  point,  and  promptly  nipped  the  movement  by  ar- 
resting the  principals/*  This  comparative  exemption 
was  mainly  due  to  the  watchfulness  of  the  authorities, 
Including  the  clergy,  who  exercised  most  effectively 
the  pardoning  power."  Brigadier  Bernardo  Bonavia 
y  Zapata,"  governor  intendente  of  Nueva  Vizcaya* 
and  his  lieutenant  at  Durango,  the  asesor.  Angel  Pi- 
nilla  y  Perez,"  were  conspicuously  zealous  in  the  royal 
cause.  Chihuahua  had  its  usual  Apache  raids  to 
meet,  and  Durango  suffered  in  1820  brief  irruption 
from  rebellious  Opatas,  which  was  quelled  without 
any  serious  bloodshed.^*     The  visit  of  the  explorer, 

"As  fally  related  in  Hid,  Mex.,  iv.  276  et  seq.,  this  series.  A  monument 
was  erected  on  the  spot  of  execution  by  decree  of  July  19,  1823»  a  plain 
pyramid  surrounded  by  circular  steps.  EscuderOy  Ckih.,  88-9;  2>jcc  ^mp.,  iL 
693.  Allowances  were  granted  for  annual  ceremonies  thereat.  Correo^  #6t2. 
Mex.,  Aug.  27,  1872. 

*The  royalists  numbered  413,  and  claimed  to  have  killed  300,  besides 
securing  325  male  prisoners  and  a  crowd  of  women.  The  heads  of  the  latter 
were  shaved.  Gac.  Mex.,  iii.  24-8;  ii.  1136. 

» On  Nov.  4,  1814.  The  betrayer  was  J.  M.  Ameta,  who  had  aerred 
Hidalgo  as  colonel.  The  leaders  were  condemned  to  ten  years  in  presidio. 
Trespalacios  escaped  from  Habana,  and  Caballero  was  pardoned  in  Spain. 
Akmmn,  Mej\,  iv.  206-8. 

^^  Bishop  Castafiiza  obtained  this  privilege  from  the  viceroy,  and  delegated 
it  to  the  priests,  the  *  bando  sobre  indulto.    Oac.  Mtx.,  viii.  539-42L 

^3  Of  54  years'  service  in  1812,  15  being  as  brigadier.  Id.,  xii.  341;  Mi^er^g 
MSS.,  no.  vii.,  2;  Doc.  Mex.,  no.  iv.,  23. 

^  He  was  presented  by  the  citizens  with  a  ^old  medal,  '  por  singular  eer- 
vicios.*  Notichao  Gen.,  tit.  23,  1818;  DUrurao,  m  Peep.  Vcir.,  xviiL,  pt  27. 

^«0f  whom  240  were  captured.  NotidMO  Om,,  Dec  20,  1820. 


CRUZ  AND  NEGRETE.  68S 

Pike,  and  the  momentary  reSstablishment  of  Jesuits, 
in  1819,"  caused  a  temporary  excitement.  In  1812, 
the  provinces  were  cheered  by  receiving  the  liberal 
constitution  conceded  to  the  colonies  by  Spain,  with 
the  prospect  of  an  audiencia."  Although  the  consti- 
tution was  suspended  soon  after  by  the  viceroy,  Nueva 
Vizcaya  managed  to  elect  a  representative  to  the  c6r- 
tes,"  till  its  revival,  in  1820,  provided  also  an  assem- 
bly and  provincial  deputations. 

Loyalty  to  Spain  was  most  pronounced  at  the  open- 
ing of  this  third  decade — so  much  so  that  when  Itur- 
bide  turned  against  his  viceregal  master,"  Greneral 
Cruz,  ruler  of  Nueva  Gralicia,  and  the  second  power 
in  the  country,  went  to  Durango  to  make  a  final  effort 
in  behalf  of  the  tottering  cause  of  Spain.  He  entered 
that  city  July  4,  1821,  attended  by  officials  from  Za- 
catecas  and  other  points,  with  a  few  hundred  soldiers." 
Negrete,  Iturbide's  lieutenant,  followed  in  pursuit,  and 
laid  siege  to  the  city  early  in  August,  with  about 
3,000  men.  The  defence  was  maintained  for  over 
three  weeks,  with  brisk  firing  and  occasional  sorties, 
varied  by  assaults,  which  involved  severe  losses.'* 
Negrete  finally  planted  a  battery  against  a  vulnerable 
point,  and  on  the  80th  gained  a  decided  advantage. 
By  this  time  defection  had  assisted  to  undermine  the 
z^  of  the  royalist.     A  truce  was  accepted,"  and  on 

'^They  entered  Burango  on  Palm  Sunday  to  reopen  their  college.  They 
had  to  leave  again  by  decree  of  1821.  Pc^  Var.,  clxv.,  pt  17.  On  Desamor- 
tizarion  Bccles,^  see  Soc,  Mex.  Oeog,  BoL,  i.  494-5. 

^CorUs,  Diario,  xv.  289;  xvii.  109;  C(yrte8,  Act.  Ord.,  1814,  IL  169-60. 

*'  J.  J.  GUerefia,  native  of  Durango.  He  was  curate  of  S.  Miffuel,  Mexico; 
mibaeqaently  canon  doctoral  at  Puebla,  and  prominent  in  spreading  vaccina- 
tion. According  to  Alanmnj  Mef.,  iv.  218,  he  died  at  Cfidiz  on  Oct.  13,  1813, 
daring  the  epidemic,  yet  Cortes^  Dtario,  xix.  238,  alludes  to  him  as  acting  in 
1820. 

^The  provincial  deputation  hastened,  in  March  1821,  to  assure  the  vice- 
roy of  its  devotion,  ana  Binhop  Castaniza  warned  his  flocks  against  the  per- 
fidious acta  of  Iturbide.  Gcic,  i/ftc,  xii.  391-2,  402. 

**The  total  force  at  Durango  was  now  placed  at  about  1,000  men.  Oac, 
Cfuad,,  Aug.  1,  1821.  Cuevas,  Porveniy  i.  106,  reduces  it  to  barely  800. 
lAreaga,  A(uc  y  JiecL,  462. 

'•Especially  the  sorties  of  Aug.  6th,  15th,  and  30th.  On  tlie  latter  occa- 
Bion,  a  ball  struck  Negrete  in  the  mouth,  knocking  out  three  teuth,  and  com- 
pelling his  temporary  retirement.  Lirewja,  A* Ik.  y  Rert.y  402-3. 

«i  During  which,  troops*  on  both  sides  fraternized.  Gac.  Guad,,  Sept.  1, 
1821. 


686  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

September  3d  the  garrison  surrendered,  with  the 
honors  of  war,  and  permission  to  retire  with  Cruz  to 
Spain."  M.  Urrea  was  installed  as  gefe  politico, 
while  Antonio  Cordero,  who  had  governed  at  Du- 
rango  as  civil  and  military  governor  for  the  last  three 
years,  was  rewarded  for  prompt  adhesion  with  the 
comandancia  general  of  the  Occidente  section,  in  place 
of  Garcfa  Conde,  who  had  delayed. 

In  the  following  year  the  empire  was  received  with 
the  acclamation  usually  accorded  to  success,  and  Chi- 
huahua and  Durango  were  gladdened  with  the  pros- 
pect of  separate  comandancias  de  armas."  When 
shortly  after  the  federalists  rose  against  Iturbide, 
Chihuahua  joined  with  equal  readiness  in  the  cry, 
after  a  momentary  objection  from  Janos.**  In 
Durango  measures  were  at  first  taken  against  the 
movement,  but  on  March  5,  1823,  the  troops  de- 
clared in  favor  it  it,**  followed  by  the  people.  Com- 
andante  general  Cordero  resigned,  however,  as  did 
Brigadier  I.  del  Corral,  civil  and  military  governor  at 
Durango,  whereupon  the  diputacion  provincial  declared 
the  intendente  Juan  Navarro  successor  to  the  latter, 
and  Jaspar  de  Ochoa,  colonel  of  the  pronouncing 
garrison,  as  commander  in  place  of  Cordero. 

By  decree  of  July  19,  1823,  the  supreme  congress 
decreed  the  division  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  into  two 
provinces,  to  be  known  as  Chihuahua  and  Durango, 
respectively,  the  capital  of  the  former  receiving  the 
title  of  city  and  becoming  the  seat  of  a  diputacion 
provincial.*      The   act   was   just  to   ChihiULhua,  to 

"Text  in  Id.,  Sept.  15th.  The  officials  took  the  oath  on  Sept.  9ih.  Pap, 
Var.f  1.  50.  The  people  and  authorities  began  to  vie  in  honoring  Itorbide. 
Oac  Imp.,  i.  249-51,  389. 

^Mex.  Mem.  Otver.,  1823,  25;  Pop.  PoHt.,  ii.  pt  15. 

'^  Whose  garrison  objected  to  the  proclamation  of  the  Casa  Mata  plan  at 
Chihuahua,  on  March  12th,  and  marched  upon  this  city.  Neffotiatioiis  aocn 
brought  these  troops  over.  Pinart,  Doc  Cfdh,  MS.,  L  27-38,  90,  Sa. 

=<^  Commandant  Ochoa  at  Durango  pronounced  for  it.  The  dipatadoB 
provincial  recommended  the  new  order  to  the  people  in  July.  Valtfjo,  Doe. 
Mex.,  i.,  pt  viii.  1-7.  Vaca  Ortiz,  deputy  for  Durango  and  cast  into  prisoB 
by  Iturbide,  was  now  honored.     Btutamante,  HtsL  Iturbkie,  97. 

><^  Chihuahua  to  extend  from  Bio  del  Norte  to  Rio  Florido,  and  Durango 
continuing  to  its  original  southern  boundary.  Alex,  CoL  Ord  y  Dec,,  iL  UT-o. 


INTERNO  DEL  NORTE.  567 

which  W£is  already  conceded  a  population  of  over  100,- 
000,  with  requirements  that  made  necessary  a  separate 
administration  from  that  residing  at  the  distant  and 
uncongenial  Durango.  Nevertheless,  a  party  per- 
suaded the  chamber  to  reunite  the  two  provinces,  in- 
cluding New  Mexico,  under  the  appellation  Estado 
Intemo  del  Norte,  with  capital  at  Cfhihuahua."  Du- 
rango, however,  raised  objections.  She  demanded 
that  her  chief  city  be  retained  as  capital,  or  that  she 
be  made  a  separate  state  or  territory,"  on  the  ground 
of  her  large  population,  with  resources  far  superior  to 
those  of  Chihuahua  and  of  several  existing  states. 
The  appeal  found  hearing,  and  on  May  22d  and  July 
6,  1824,  the  separation  was  affirmed.  New  Mexico 
being  declared  a  territory  of  the  federation."  In  the 
following  year  the  two  states,  issued  their  constitution, 
in  accordance  with  the  federal  organic  law  of  the  re- 
public." 

Chihuahua  established  only  one  legislative  chamber 
of  not  less  than  eleven  deputies,  while  Durango  in- 
dulged also  in  a  senate  of  seven  members,*^  thereby 
supplying  additional  food  for  the  party  feuds  which 
quickly  began  to  unfold.     In  the  constituent  legisla- 


'^Decree  of  Jan.  31,  1824.  On  Feb.  4th  wafl  issued  a  law  creating  a  legis- 
lature  for  this  state,  assigning  to  Chihuahua  and  Durango  five  deputies 
each,  and  to  New  Mexico  one.  Mex,  CoL  Ord  y  Dec,  iii.  25-6,  18. 

^^This  appeal  was  made  by  the  diputacion  itself.  It  was  shown  that 
population  and  resources  were  sufficiently  abundant  for  a  separate  existence. 
Pmart,  Doc  CkOu,  MS.,  ii.,  no.  1. 

2tThe  decree  of  May  22d  applied  only  to  Durango,  so  that  the  claim  by 
Chihuahua  hung  in  the  balance  till  Jul]^  6th,  when  she  also  was  declared  a 
state,  with  approval  of  deputies  elected  in  May;  the  eieht  proprietary  mem- 
bers joining  with  the  three  suplentes  to  form  the  legislature.  Mex.  Col.  Ord 
LDec,  iiL  60,  54-5.  Her  limits  were  Paso  del  Norte  on  one  side  and  the 
kcienda  de  Rio  Florido  on  the  south,  '  con  su  respectiva  pertenencia.'  The 
Durango  legislature  which  met  on  June  30th,  had  eight  proprietary  members, 
and  President  Escarzaga,  yet  for  the  following  legislature  eleven  were 
elected,  at  the  rate  of  one  for  11,000  souls,  the  estimated  population  being 
120,000.  Dun  CoL  T^.f  30-2.  The  federal  constitution  of  October,  con- 
firmed the  separation. 

*>  Durango  on  Sept.  1st,  and  Chihuahua  on  Dec.  27th;  the  provisional  oon- 
Btitution  of  the  former  appeared  as  earlv  as  July  29,  1824,  and  1-11,  3S-()5; 
Mex.  CoL  ConaULf  L  156-94,  274-319.  Ihis  will  be  considered  in  a  separate 
chapter. 

**  Her  voting  in  1825  is  given  in  Pap,  Var.,  xxxi.,  pt  xvii.  1-5. 


588  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

ture  or  convention,  the  escoc^s  and  yorkino,  or  con- 
servative and  liberal,  elements"  already  asserted 
themselves  in  a  marked  degree,  for  a  time  under  the 
localized  nicknames  of  Chirrines  and  Cuchas.**  Soon 
the  military  entered  as  a  third  party  to  watch  their 
opportunities  for  spoil.  The  elections  for  the  first 
regular  legislature  were  disputed,"  and  it  was  not  till 
May  1,  1826,  that  the  body  was  installed  **  in  not  fiilly 
complete  form.  The  triumphant  liberals  controlled 
it  and  failed  not  to  direct  blows  against  the  clericals, 
who  responded  by  fomenting  a  conspiracy  for 
August  4th.  This  was  promptly  stopped  with  the 
aid  of  informers,  and  more  strenuous  measures  were 
taken  against  the  party,  to  which  end  extra  powers 
were  conferred  upon  the  governor,  Santiago  Baca 
Ortiz,  deputy  to  the  first  national  congress,  and  leader 
of  the  yorkino  party."  The  result  was  that  the  op- 
ponents had  recourse  to  fresh  plots,  one  of  which  in 
November  met  the  same  fate  as  the  preceding;"  an- 
other took  place  in  March  1827,  when  Lieutenant  J. 
M.  Gk)nzalez  proclaimed  himself  comandante  general, 
arrested  the  governor,  dissolved  the  legislature,  and 
terrified   the   liberals  generally,  assisted  by  women, 

•  *>  The  rise  and  development  of  which  are  treated  in  SmL  Mex.^  t.,  this 
series. 

^  The  former  denotdng  pretenders  to  leanmu^  and  greatness,  and  an  they 
embraced  besides  Churchmen  and  Spaniards,  the  students  and  youth,  the 
term  '  partido  de  los  mnchachoe '  was  also  applied  by  the  Cachas,  a  name  sig- 
nifying buffoons  and  beggars,  who  gained  their  bread  by  creating  merriment 
among  the  people.  Mamirez,  NoL  Dur,^  62-3.  The  Chirrines  unfurled  s 
green  standard,  with  the  watchword  Viva  la  Religion  Catdlica;  hence  abo 
the  appellation  Catholics.  The  latter  split  after  iSlS  into  Atalayas,  or  nev 
men,  who  objected  to  the  extreme  conservatism  of  the  other  faction.  See 
also  Zavala^  Rev,  Mex,,  277  et  se^. 

^Arguments  for  both  sides,  m  Alcalde,  Espos.;  Mex,,  Obaerv.  al  Comgrrm, 
1-2;  Esto  vlene  muy  al  caao^  1-2;  Paip,  Var,,  xxzi.,  pts  18,  22,  Ixix.,  pt  U, 
with  remonstrance  a^inst  divisions  of  the  constituent  committees. 

^  Under  the  presidency  of  J.  J.  de  Escirzaga,  in  the  senate,  and  J.  M. 
de  Arrieta,  in  the  house.  J.  de  Mates  had  been  president  of  the  constitaent 
convention.  ^S'oti.,  Actas  Cong.,  i  220. 

^  The  legislature  elected  the  governor,  hence  this  selection.  His  soffci^ 
ings  as  one  of  the  deputies  imprisoned  by  Iturbide  had  earned  him  great 
sympathy,  which  he  justified  oy  an  energetic  and  able  administratioo. 
RauiireZj  Not.  Dur.,  64. 

3~  It  was  fomented  by  Canon  Zubirfa.  More  than  200  had  joined  the  plot 
when  it  was  divulged.  Corrto  Scmanaria,  L  6^-73,  123-4. 


POLTTIGS.  589 

*■ 

who  felt  it  a  duty  to  sustain  their  confessors.**  The 
general  government  took  prompt  steps  to  check  the 
movement,  by  sending  General  Farras,  whose  mere 
presence  su£Sced  to  dissipate  it,  for  Gonzalez'  men 
passed  over  and  their  leader  fled.'*  Comandante 
general  J.  J.  Ayestaran  was  replaced  by  Jos^ 
Figueroa. 

The  following  elections  proved  as  unsatis&ctory  as 
the  preceding,  until  finally  the  supreme  government 
interfered,  and  effected  a  settlement  for  the  moment,** 
in  favor  of  the  yorkino  interest,  this  party  having 
carried  the  day  at  Mexico,  by  electing  Guerrero  to 
the  presidency."  Disorders  at  Mexico  in  1828,  pro- 
duced a  corresponding  ebullition  between  the  fac- 
tions in  the  north,  and  the  installation  of  the  new 
legislature  did  not  take  place  until  the  middle  of  the 
following  year.  Even  then  it  was  quickly  dissolved 
by  Grovemor  Baca,  who  replaced  it  by  one  of  more 
pronounced  yorkino  type.  Guerrero's  liberal  admin- 
istration being  overthrown  in  December,  Colonel 
Graspar  de  Ochoa  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  rebellious 
vice-president  Bustamante,  and  in  February  1830, 
mustered  a  rabble  in  opposition  to  the  new  governor, 
F.  Elorriaga,  whom  he  arrested  with  other  prominent 
yorkinos.  He  then  summoned  the  legislature  which 
had  been  dissolved  by  Baca.  The  civil  and  military 
authorities  were  now  headed  by  J.  A.  Pesqador  and 
Ochoa. 

The  general  features  of  the  preceding  occurrence  ap- 
plied also  to  Chihuahua,  although  in  a  modified  form. 

'"Dofia  D.  Pacheco  de  Arenas  marched  through  the  streets  and  enlisted 
followers,  Tamel,  Nac  MeJ.,  273-84. 

**lhe  expulsion  of  Spaniards  was  a  cause  for  the  revolt.  Suarez  y 
Navarre  HisL  M4j.,  82-3;  WartVa  Mex,,  i.  313-14.  See  also  Cwreo  Fed., 
April  12th,  May  2,  1827.  An  amnesty  was  granted  to  the  rebels.  ArrilUuja^ 
Becop.,  1829,44. 

**  Obliging  acceptance  of  the  divisions  made  by  the  electoral  conventions 
of  June  25-30,  1827.  Tomel,  Nac  Mej.,  273-84.  For  names  of  senators  see 
Jklex,  CoL  Leyes,  1829,  18,  33-4. 

**The  legislature  sent  its  congratulations  and  contributed  $10,000  to  the 
general  treasury.  Cwreo  Fed.,  Jan.  .SO,  Feb.  12,  18,  June  8,  1828,  sup., 
while  Chihuahua  gave  three  times  as  much. 


690  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANOO. 

The  first  person  elected  under  the  new  constitution  of 
1825,  was  Simon  Ellas  Gonzalez,  who  being  in  Sonora, 
was  induced  to  remain  there,  J.  A.  Arce  taking  his 
place  as  ruler  hi  Chihuahua.  In  1829,  however, 
Gonzalez  became  comandante  general  of  Chihuahua, 
his  term  of  oflSce  on  the  west  coast  having  ex^red. 

Arce  showed  himself  a  less  thorough  yorkino  than 
his  confrere  of  Durango.  Although  tmable  to  resist 
the  popular  clamor  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards," 
he  soon  quarreled  with  the  legislature,  which  declared 
itself  firmly  for  Guerrero,  and  announcing  his  support 
of  Bustamante's  revolution,  he  suspended,  in  March 
1830,  eight  members  of  that  body,  the  vice-governor, 
and  several  other  officials,  and  expelled  them  from  the 
state.  The  course  thus  outlined  was  followed  by 
Governor  J.  I.  Madero,  who  succeeded  in  1831,  as- 
sociated with  J.  J.  Calvo  as  comandante  general, 
stringent  laws  being  issued  against  secret  societies, 
which  were  supposed  to  be  the  main  spring  to  the 
anti-clerical  feeling  among  liberals.  This  feeling  was 
wide-spread,  and  at  the  first  symptom  of  reaction 
against  the  government  at  Mexico,  Durango  displayed 
active  approval.  In  May  1832,  Jos^  Urrea,  a  rising 
officer,  undertook  to  support  the  restoration  of  Presi- 
dent Pedraza,  and  on  July  20th,  Grovemor  Elorriaga 
was  reinstated,  and  the  legislative  minority  overthrown 
together  with  Baca  was  brought  back  to  assist  in 
forming  a  new  legislature,  which  met  on  September 
1st."  Chihuahua  showing  no  desire  to  imitate  the 
revolutionary  movement,  Urrea  prepared  to  invade 
the  state.  Comandante-general  Calvo  threatened  to 
retaliate,  and  a  conflict  seemed  imminent  when  the 
entry  of  Santa  Anna  into  Mexico  put  an  end  to  the 

*'i  Which  manifested  itself  strongly  in  1826.  La  Palcmea,  Sept.  14,  1826l  In 
1827  the  legislature  opposed  the  expulsion  bill  by  eight  votes  against  tvo. 
MorOf  Obras  SueUas^  ii.  255;  but  in  vain,  for  three  score  were  expelled  out 
of  eight  score  entered  on  the  list.  Mex,  Mem.  Estad.^  1829,  doc  1;  Corrto 
Fed,,  Jan.  2,  1828. 

*^  Under  the  presidency  of  M.  Castafieda  in  the  lower  house,  and  of  F. 
Homo  in  the  senate.  Pinart,  CoL  Doc,  no.  251;  ZaniacoU,  HiaL  Mex.,  xi. 
902. 


LEGISLATURE  AND  GOVERNORS. 


591 


dispute."  A  new  legislature  met  at  Durango  in  Feb- 
ruary 1833,  and  B.  Mendarozqueta  succeeded  as  gov- 
ernor, both  ready  to  cooperate  in  the  liberal  measures 


DURANOO  AND  SiNALOA. 


of  Farfas,  whom  President  Santa  Anna  had  left  in 

**  Correspondence  between  the  respective  govemoM  and  commanders  in 
Sept -Oct,  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Ckih.,  ii.  11-22;  Id.  Coll.,  1832,  1-2;  Bustamaute, 
Voz,  PcUriOf  MS.,  iiL  193-5,  reproduces  some  lofty  epistles  from  Calvo. 


592  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURAN60. 

charge  of  the  administration  to  feel  the  public  pulse, 
while  he  kept  safely  in  the  background  till  the  turn 
of  affairs  should  become  clear.  One  step  was  the 
banishment  of  Bishop  Zubiria  for  resisting  the  law 
relating  to  curas  and  other  encroachments  on  the 
church ;"  another  joined  the  western  states  in  a  short- 
lived coalition  for  sustaining  the  federal  system/* 

No  sooner,  however,  had  Santa  Anna  turned  upon 
his  colleague  in  alarm  at  the  imposing  efforts  of  the 
clerical  party,  than  legislature  as  well  as  governor  fol- 
lowed the  example  by  adopting,  in  July  1834,  his  plan 
of  Cuemavaca,  which  put  a  check  to  reforma  But 
such  was  their  lukewarmness  in  enforcing  it  that  the 
commanding  officer,  Colonel  J.  I.  Gutierrez,  on  Sep- 
tember 3d,  at  the  head  of  the  garrison,  affirmed  the 
{)lan,  and  at  the  same  time  declared  the  term  of  the 
egislature  and  governor  expired."  At  a  convention 
of  citizens  called  by  himself  to  select  a  new  provisional 
ruler,  he  naturally  obtained  the  vote,  with  P.  J.  Es- 
calante  for  his  deputy,  and  a  council  to  ffuide  the 
administration."  Considering  it  for  his  interest  to 
discountenance  such  radical  dispositions  of  state  au- 
thorities, Santa  Anna  ordered  the  reinstatement  of 
Mendarozqueta,  associated  with  Ochoa  as  comandante 
general.  Gutierrez  humbly  yielded,  but  Escalante 
refused  to  surrender  office,  midst  riotous  demonstra- 
tions, whereupon  troops  were  summoned  from  Zacatc- 
cas.  Their  approach  gave  force  to  the  mediation  of 
the  returned  prelate,  and  the  change  was  effected 
without  bloodshed." 

**  Correspondence  in  Zubiria^  Decs,  1-27;  Peep.  Var,,  Ixxiii.  pt  8.  Tbe 
bishop  departed  quietly  by  nighty  on  May  9th,  to  obviate  an  Omenta  among 
his  devoted  flock. 

^The  supreme  govt  approved  the  object  in  Oct.  1833;  the  federal  feature 
came  to  naught;  but  the  germ  was  left  for  a  defensive  alliance  against  savage 
inroads  from  the  north.  Documents  in  Pinart,  Doc  Son.,  ii.  21,  31-2,  41; 
Id.,  CoH,  nos.  97,  266,  297-^,  318. 

*^  Text  in  Pinart,  CoU.,  no.  326.  Midst  cries  from  the  mob  of  Muera  la 
FederacionI  y  Viva  Santa- Anna  1  Ramirez,  Not.  Dun,  16. 

« Names  m  Tiempo,  Sept  22,  26,  Oct  8,  26,  1834. 

*»Oposici(m,  Oct  8,  22,  29,  Nov.  20-2,  1834.  Gutierrez  wrote  a  long  di»- 
cnlpation,  showing  that  he  had  merely  eiven  effect  to  popular  desire,  and 
obeyed  every  order  from  Mexico.  Indeed,  his  moderation  procured  widft  ap- 
proval in  Dorango.  Dur.  Eaximen  CrU.,  30-44. 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  593 

The  ensuing  election  brought  a  new  legislature,** 
with  governors  conforming  to  the  change  of  aspects. 
Nevertheless,  in  Septemter  1835  political  influence 
brought  in  as  ruler  Jos^  Urrea,  of  federalist  tenden- 
cies,  whose  diflTerent  revolutionary  efforts  had  brought 
him  to  the  grade  of  brigadier,  with  an  ambition  to 
gain  further  distinction." 

In  Chihuahua,  where  the  reaction  under  Farias 
had  found  less  active  response,  the  Cuemavaca  plan 
was  adopted  in  July  1834,  with  quiet  deference  to  the 
national  decision.  At  the  same  time  the  old  favorite, 
Simon  Elias  Gonzalez,  lately  comandante  general, 
was  nominated  governor,  whUe  the  supreme  authori- 
ties conferred  the  military  command  upon  Colonel  J. 
J.  Calvo,**  whose  firmness  had  earned  well-merited 
praise.  The  state  was  in  the  midst  of  a  war  with  the 
Apaches,  which  required  the  concentration  of  all  en- 
ergies and  resources  for  defence.  After  a  review  of 
the  situation,  Elias  declared  that  the  interests  of  the 
territory  would  be  beat  served  by  uniting  the  civil 
and  miUtary  power,  at  least  while  the  campaign  lasted. 
Opposition  being  made,  he  firmly  insisted,  and  re- 
signed" This  exemplary  abnegation  was  not  lost, 
for  in  1837  he  was  renominated  with  acclamation." 

The  advance  of  settlement  in  these  northern  prov- 
inces, as  described  in  a  preceding  volume,  had  been 
contested  step  by  step  by  the  aborigines,  till  sword 
and   cross  succeeded  in   bringing  the  less  roaming 

^  With  J.  M.  ABtixLBoto  for  goTemor,  who  was  replaced  by  J.  M.  del  Re- 
gato  in  the  begiimiiiff  of  1835.  Dur.  Gae.  Oob.,  Jan.  25,  1835. 

^^Althoagh  styl^  also  comandante  general  in  Pinart^  CoH,  no.  440,  M 
!I%ewpo,  Oct.  13,  1834,  prodaims  G.  Ochoa  as  appointed  to  this  position  on 
Sept.  22d,  in  order  to  nentraUze  the  bent  of  the  o&er. 

^  J.  M.  Echavarrfa  was  declared  Tice-govemor.  /<i.,  Aag.  7-8,  Sept.  6, 
1834.  GoYemor  Madero's  term  was  alK)ut  to  expire.  For  deputies,  etc.,  see 
Id.,  Sept  19th;  Phart,  Doc.  Chih.,  MS.  ii.  25-30. 

'*lnii  waa  represented  by  the  Sol  de  Mayo  as  an  act  by  the  legislature, 
bnt  EH  Fanai  of  Qiihaahua  explained  the  truth.  OposJcion,  Apr.  30,  May  13, 
June  1 3,  1835.  Calvo  was  accordmgly  recognized  also  as  governor.  A  j-rillaga, 
Becop.,  1835, 649;  HiaL  Doe,  CdL,  i.  166.  Echavarria  acted  at  times  for  him. 
CclL  SL  Pap.  (Sac.),  xiii.  5. 

**  And  likewise  for  Sonora.  Cfandara,  Espos.,  9-10;  Pap.  Var.,  cliii.,  pt  10. 
Hist.  Mix.  States,  Vol.  II.   88 


094  CHraUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

tribes  under  subjection,  and  driving  the  rest  into  the 
mountains  beyond  the  Rio  Bravo  and  the  lines  of 
presidios  skirting  it.  Among  these  intractable  bands, 
designated  by  the  general  terms  of  Apaches  and  Co- 
manches,  hunting  was  practically  the  only  occupation. 
Closely  allied  to  it  was  warfare,  fostered  during  this 
long  struggle  till  it  became  a  second  nature,  and  stim- 
ulated by  the  brooding  idea  that  their  hunting-grounds 
had  been  taken  from  them  by  white  invaders.  Right, 
as  well  as  vengeance,  therefore,  urged  them  to  retalia- 
tion by  entering  this  domain  bequeathed  by  their  fore- 
fathers, and  wresting  a  share  of  its  produce  in  fat  cattle 
and  fleet  steeds,  with  scalps  for  trophies.  The  ordi- 
nary chase  fell  into  comparative  disrepute  beside 
this  ready  source  of  supply,  made  glorious  by  daring 
feats  and  bloody  achievements. 

The  colonial  government  tried  one  measure  after 
another  in  the  effort  to  check  the  terrible  raids,  which 
between  1771  and  1776  resulted  in  the  slaughter  of 
1674  persons  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  alone,  not  counting 
soldiers,  travellers,  or  captives,  while  vast  districts  were 
laid  desolate.  In  1786  Viceroy  Galvez  proposed  a  war 
without  cessation  or  mercy  against  every  tribe  until 
it  should  be  forced  to  sue  for  peace — a  peace  to  be 
based  on  mutual  interest,  by  encouraging  the  Indians 
with  regular  or  occasional  gifts  while  undermining 
their  health  with  subtle  distribution  of  fiery  liquor, 
and  creating  a  desire  for  luxuries  that  could  be  obtained 
only  in  peaceful  intercourse  with  settlers.  Any  in- 
fringement of  treaties  was  to  be  relentlessly  punished, 
and  wars  of  extermination  suscitated  among  the  tribes. 

This  Machiavellian  policy  was  pursued  with  gre&t 
success,  although  subjected  to  modifications  by  diflfer- 
ent  commanders,  for  during  the  remainder  of  the 
century  and  the  beginning  of  the  following  no  serious 
depredations  are  recorded.  With  the  changes  ajid 
administrative  corruption  attending  the  entry  of 
Viceroy  Iturrigaray  came  a  degree  of  laxity,  which 
encouraged  the  insolence  and  daring  of  the  Apacht^s. 


RAIDS  AND  DEPREDATIONS.  596 

Two  chiefs,  Rafael  and  Jos^  Antonio,  proved  especially- 
troublesome  iu  their  raids,  which  extended,  during 
half  a  dozen  years,  from  Rio  Bravo  to  within  the 
borders  of  Durango,  and  resulted  in  the  murder  of 
300  persons,  the  kidnapping  of  more  than  two 
score,  besides  heavy  losses  in  property/*  Sonora 
suffered  also.  The  death  of  these  two  savages  in 
1810  procured  a  lull,**  which  was  broken  by  no  very 
severe  outrages,  save  in  1813-14,  when  Sonora  bore 
the  brunt,  x  et  petty  depredations  were  of  constant 
occurrence. 

The  transformation  of  the  colony  into  a  republic, 
with  its  rapid  development  of  party  strife  and  male- 
administration,  led  in  the  north  to  indifference  and  de- 
sertion among  the  unpaid  or  neglected  soldiers,  and  to 
a  reduction  of  the  presidio  garrisons  so  as  to  render 
several  of  them  of  little  service.  The  ever  chang- 
ing comandantes  and  comandantes  generales  had  been 
prompted  by  pledges  or  zeal  to  reorganize  or  improve 
the  garrisons,  but  the  lack  of  funds  and  means  had 
ever  proved  insuperable.  Assignments  of  funds  were 
frequently  procured  from  state  and  general  govern- 
ments, only  to  be  set  aside  for  other  preferred  credi- 
tors, or  to  be  absorbed  by  revolutions  which  were  often 
started  solely  to  obtain  possession  of  such  moneys. 
The  sums  allowed  served  for  momentary  propitiation, 
to  secure  the  small  portion  of  the  force ;  others  re- 
ceived only  partial  pay.  The  immense  arrears  were 
no  longer  hoped  for  either  by  soldiers,  or  by  settlers 
from  whom  the  former  had  been  obliged  to  extort 
supplies  on  credit.*^ 

"In Doe.  Jfex,,  ser.  4,  iii  1-88,  is  given  a  detailed  account  of  137  raids 
by  them,  and  the  chief  Chinche  who  perished  in  1806,  resulting  in  298  killed, 
53  woonded,  and  45  captives.  Extracto  o  SucitUa  RelaoUm^  by  Ruiz  de  Busta- 
znante. 

^Rafael  was  of  Opata  descent,  and  educated,  according  to  some  accounts, 
by  a  Sonoran  priest.  This  enablcMl  him  to  acquire  useful  guidance,  through 
the  robbed  mail,  for  his  depredations.  He  had  for  a  wife  a  Mexican  captive, 
whose  love  induced  her  to  fight  by  his  side.  When  he  fell,  she  refused  to 
surrender,  and  killed  several  soldiers  before  her  spirit  fled  to  join  her  warrior 
hero.  Frothel^  ii.  246;  PuinanCa  Mag,,  iv.  412. 

*^  Over  a  million  was  owing  to  the  few  existing  troops  of  Sonora  alone 
aecording  to  VeioBco^  Son.,  90-2;  Soc  Mex.  Oeog,,  Sol,  viii.  392-4. 


696  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

For  a  while  the  colonial  presidio  system  was  left 
unmolested  to  prompt  the  diminishing  garrisons  to  a 
certain  maintenance  of  order  among  the  surrounding 
tribes,  by  energetic  pursuit  and  punishment  of  marau- 
ders, in  which  expeditions  they  were  sustained  to 
some  extent  bv  the  local  guards,  although  these  were 
seldom  provided  with  better  arms  than  bows  and 
lances."  Soon,  however,  the  spirit  slackened,  partly 
because  the  raids  were  not  sufficiently  severe  to  rouse 
the  people,  partly  from  political  preoccupation  and 
from  the  causes  above  enumerated.  The  Indians 
were  not  slow  to  perceive  the  change,  and  as  the  lack 
of  means  became  perceptible  in  diminishing  presents 
and  allowances,  they  felt  an  additional  motive  for  re- 
suming the  long  deferred  inroads.  In  1831  the  upris- 
ing began,**  extending  gradually  into  Sonora.  The  gov  - 
emment  of  Chihuahua  took  prompt  steps  by  sending 
troops  in  different  directions,  one  party  under  Captain 
Ronquillo  penetrating  to  the  Gila.  Nevertheless  the 
peace  proposals  of  the  wily  savages  were  entertained 
in  1832  with  such  readiness  that  the  stolen  cattle  and 
other  booty  were  conceded  to  them.** 

The  effect  of  such  leniency,  in  marked  contrast 
with  the  extermination  policy,  was  to  encourage  the 
Indians  to  renewed  inroads  on  a  larger  scale.  In  fiu^t, 
the  state  capital  itself  was  threatened  that  year,  and 
their  ravages  reached  such  an  extent  that  one  settle- 
ment after  another  was  abandoned. 

The  method  of  the  marauding  tribes  was  well  cal- 
culated to  inflict  the  greatest  possible  damage  with 
the  minimum  of  exposure.  After  leaving  a  small 
band  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  women  and 
camps,  the  rest  of  a  tribe,  to  the  number  of  perhaps 
200   or   300,  would   approach  the   selected   raiding 

^  And  few  oonld  numage  the  bow  adds  the  OpMfeJon,  May  13,  1836. 

^Due  to  a  lack  of  policy  and  drcamspection,  sajrs  Coode,  8oe.  Mtx. 
Oeog.,  BoLf  v.  313,  whicn  meant  the  withholding  of  raticN]a»  etc,  and  tb« 
attempt,  as  Escndero  adds,  NoL  CNh.^  249-IK),  to  force  them  into  a  nkoco 
civilized  life. 

^The  cattle  were  actually  branded  so  as  to  prevent  dispate. 


SYSTEMATIC  STBAUNG.  697 

ground,  and  dividing  into  small  parties,  overrun  it  at 
different  points,  thus  ensuring  more  booty,  while  dis- 
tracting the  settlers  from  effective  pursuit.  The  entry 
fenerafly  took  place  during  moonlight  nights,  the  day 
eing  passed  in  hidden  retreats,  guarded  oy  sentinels. 
If  travellers  or  caravans  became  the  object,  ambus- 
cades proved  the  best  means  for  entrapping  them.  A 
determined  resistance,  however,  readily  obliged  the 
assailants  to  retreat.  For  the  capture  of  stock,  stam- 
peding devices  were  much  in  vogue.  In  retreating 
with  the  booty,  the  party  often  divided  into  stiU 
smaller  bands,  in  order  to  secure  at  least  a  portion  of 
the  plunder,  a  fleet  rear  guard  being  left  in  observa- 
tion to  give  warning  or  to  misdirect  pursuers.  Occa- 
sionally a  larger  number  would  unite  to  check  the 
troops,  so  as  to  give  time  for  the  captured  stock  to  be 
hurried  off.  If  closely  pressed,  the  Indians  preferred 
to  spear  the  animals  rather  than  leave  them  for  a  later 
descent.  At  the  rendezvous  chosen  before  departure, 
the  bands  met  to  divide  the  spoil,  whereupon  each  re- 
turned to  its  home,  there  to  celebrate  success  with 
dances  and  other  entertainments,  to  which  the  posses- 
sion of  scalps  lent  special  ^clat.  Women  and  children 
were  captured  for  adoption,  the  latter  being  reared 
as  warriors.  Indeed,  some  of  the  fiercest  and  most 
formidable  fighters  and  chieftains  have  been  assigned 
to  this  origin."  Although  averse  to  the  risk  of  open 
battles,  the  Apaches  nevertheless  offered  and  accepted 
it  on  many  occasions,  displaying  tactics  fully  equal  to 
those  of  the  troops,  with  due  coordination  of  cavalry 
and  infantry,  of  bowmen  and  lancers." 

Under  the  Galvez  system,  each  presidio  had  to  send 
out  every  month  a  reconnoitring  party.  In  time  of 
danger,  settlers  as  well  as  soldiers  kept  horses  and 

^Additional  details  on  their  habits  and  warfare  maybe  found  in  Soc.  Mcx, 
Otog.,  BoLf  y.  315-17;  xL  92,  1 15  et  seq. ;  Velasco,  Son.,  253-4;  Escudero,  Son., 
74-6. 

^Pike  refers  to  this  as  early  as  1806.  A  Spanish  officer  'spoke  of  his 
cavalry  breaking  their  infantry  as  a  thins  not  to  be  thought  of.'  Trav.^  339- 
40.  In  my  Native  Races,  i.  493  et  seq.,  their  weapons,  methods  of  warfare, 
etc. ,  are  described. 


698  CHIHUAHUA  AND  BUBANGO. 

supplies  ready  for  instant  marcli.  The  decline  in 
strength  and  discipline  among  the  garrisons  involved 
the  total  or  partial  abandonment  of  this  cordon  of 
observation.  Latterly,  the  skillftil  and  daring  maneu- 
vres  of  the  Indians  rendered  these  flying  excursions  of 
less  value.  Moreover,  the  small  parties  ordinarily 
detached  for  such  duty  were  now  exposed  to  greater 
danger,  owing  to  the  ever-increasing  efficiency  of  Ind- 
ian armament,  in  muskets  and  powder  obtained  from 
United  States  traders  in  exchange  for  cattle  and  other 
stolen  effects.  The  large  proportion  of  forced  recruits 
in  the  republican  army  tended  to  diminish  still  more 
its  value,  for  these  unwilling  soldiers  were  little  inclined 
to  expose  their  lives." 

As  the  danger  increased,  a  general  call  to  arms  was 
made ;  the  governor  received  extra  power,  and  a  loan 
of  180,000  was  decreed  to  wage  war  upon  the  sav- 
ages.** Yet  nothing  availed.  Whenever  a  band  was 
closely  pressed,  it  accepted  the  too  readily  offered 
peace,  thus  obtaining  an  opportunity  to  dispose  of  its 
booty  and  replenish  its  store  of  ammunition.  This 
effected,  it  stood  prepared  to  join  other  bands,  which 
had  meanwhile  been  extending  their  ravages  in  less 
protected  districts.  And  so  the  devastation  contin- 
ued; settlements  were  deserted,"  and  famine  followed 
in  the  wake. 

Repeated  appeals  were  made  to  the  general  gov- 
ernment for  aid ;  but  the  struggle  carried  on  through- 
out this  decade  between  conservatives  and  liberals,  in 

^  GregK  declares  that  three  or  four  Apaches  would  yentore  within  sight 
of  Chihuahua  to  ravage  with  impunity.  The  troops  sent  in  porsmt  would 
ffeneraU^  keep  weU  beyond  ranse,  or  retreat  before  obtaining  a  view  of  the 
foe's  mam  body.  Yet  the  local  journals  were  fiUed  with  accounts  ofprodi- 
^ous  feats.  Com,  Prairiea,  294-7.  Formerly  25  soldiers  could  rent  100  Ind- 
ians; now  they  face  equal  numbers.    VeloKO,  Son.,  248. 

«*  Everv  month  $9,000  were  to  be  furnished.  CJah.  Manif,,  1-2.  The  mil- 
itia was  placed  at  disposal  of  the  sup.  govt.  ArrUhga,  Heeop,,  1834,  469.  It 
was  difiScult  to  coUect  the  loan;  some  persons  contributed  in  effects.  Pmari, 
Doc  (Ml,  ii.  24r-7. 

^  At  first  the  partidos  of  Galeana,  Aldama,  Bosales,  and  Paso  suffered 
most.  Carmen  was  reduced  to  half  its  population;  other  places  dedined  still 
more;  'no  producen  ya  ni  la  octava  parte  de  lo  que  antes.'  EKudero,  Oik, 
125. 


BGAIiP-HUHTIKa.  009 

every  direction,  diverted  troops  and  funds,  so  that 
little  could  be  granted  for  the  relief  of  these  provinces. 
Besides,  complaints  from  that  quarter  had  been  too 
frequent  and  exaggerated  to  create  much  attention. 
Soon,  however,  came  a  bitter  affirmation.  Encouraged 
by  the  impunity  enjoyed  bv  the  Apaches,  the  Coman- 
ches  joined  more  freely  m  the  raids,**  giving  them 
wider  proportions,  and  the  Indians  penetrating  fur- 
ther and  further  into  the  mterior,  until  they  overran 
Ihirango,  and  penetrated  into  Zacatecas.  ^  Then 
came  a  clamor  that  revealed  the  serious  nature  of  the 
danger  and  roused  the  government  to  at  least  a  spas- 
modic eflfort-  The  suggestions  from  deputies  and 
commandants  for  protecting  the  frontiers  were  sub- 
mitted to  committees  charged  to  frame  reports  on  the 
matter.  Meanwhile  some  money  and  troops  were 
sent  to  cooperate  with  the  state  forces,  which  suc- 
ceeded in  driving  back  the  invaders,  or  rather  induc- 
ing them  to  withdraw.  This  accomplished,  the  troops 
returned  to  the  political  arena,  and  the  Indians  re- 
newed their  operations,  ** 

In  their  despair  the  states  placed  a  price  upon  the 
heads  of  the  marauders,  oflFering  $100  for  every  male 
scalp  and  half  that  amount  for  that  of  a  female.** 
With  this  inducement  foreigners  and  friendly  Indians 
joined  hi  the  human  hunt,  notably  a  man  named  Kirker, 
who  organized  a  regular  company  for  seeking  scalps.'* 

*>In  May  1835,  600  or  700  entered  the  state  and  neyenl  engagements 
followed.  Opomekm,  June  23-5,  1835;  Caoo,  Tres  Sialoa,  iii.  82. 

*^In  1840  the  Comanchea  came  within  four  leagaes  of  Dnrango  city, 
which  lies  apparently  remote  from  such  visitors.  Mex,  Mem.  Cfuer,,  1841,  36. 
That  same  year  the  Apaches  entered  the  centre  of  Sonora  for  the  first  time 
within  memory.  Soe,  Mex,  Oeog.,  BoL,  xi.  92-3.  The  incursion  into  Zaca- 
tecas  was  marked  hy  the  slaughter  of  hundreds  of  victims.  Mex.  Infom:e 
Pe»qui8,t  12-14,  26,  37.  This  authority  ascribes  the  Comanche  raid  to  the 
treaties  concluded  with  them  about  this  time  by  Mason  and  Chouteau  in  the 
U.  S.  Markets,  maps,  arms,  and  other  aid  were  freely  supplied  from  that 
quarter. 

^Velasco,  8on.^  103-4,  declares  that  the  defences  were  even  more 
neglected  in  1845  than  during  the  preceding  decade.  Soc  Mex,  Oeog,,  BoL, 
vii£  399-400. 

*  And  yet  more  infamous,  $25  for  a  child.  It  was  in  operation  but  a 
few  weeks  says  Gregg,  Com.  PrcurieSf  i.  299-300. 

T*  HobbSy  who  joined  the  party,  states  that  James  Kirker  was  a  Scotch  trap- 


600  OHraUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

His  first  success,  in  surprising  an  Indian  camp,  proved 
so  ^reat  that  only  a  portion  of  the  promised  funds 
was  paid.  Jealousy  also  assisted  in  suspending  the 
project.  The  result  had  been  a  marked  diminution  of 
ravages,  but  these  now  increased  once  more  in  mag- 
nitude, till  "barely  a  horse  remained  in  all  the  state/  " 
the  marauders  penetrating  to  the  centre  of  Durango, 
slaughtering  in  one  week  of  September,  1845,  100 
persons,  and  in  October  50  persons  in  the  Cuencame 
region  alone."  Troops  and  volunteers  were  massed 
and  sent  forth,  and  reports  came  of  victories  and  of 
Indians  expelled,  to  be  followed  by  others  of  fresh 
outrages  and  of  disastrous  defeats,  till  the  minister  of 
interior  afiairs  himself  cried  out  that  the  state  was 
in  desolation." 

In  Chihuahua,  Governor  Garcfa  Conde  had  recourse 
in  1842  to  the  pusillanimous  and  dangerous  expedient 
of  buyinff  peace."  This,  as  often  demonstrated, 
proved  only  an  incentive  to  further  hostilities.  Sonora 
protested  loudly  against  the  conclusion  of  such 
treaties,  which  temporarily  secured  certain  portions  of 
Chihuahua,  at  the  expense  of  the  adjoining  state, 
which  was  raided  by  bands  which  took  refiige  m  Chi- 
huahua, selling  the  acquired  booty  there  under  cover 

per,  captured  some  time  before  by  Apaches,  associated  witii  them  as  a  leader. 
Tired  of  the  life  Kirker  ran  off  with  the  money  secured  for  sold  Apache 
booty,  and  now  appeared  to  fight  his  former  comrades.  Wild  Life,  81-^ 
Americans,  Shawnees,  and  Mexicans  united,  forming  a  party  of  200,  accord- 
ing to  Nika'  Beg.,  Ivii.  19.  Hobbs,  93,  98-9,  says  most  of  the  Americaiis 
len;  after  failing  to  receive  full  payment  for  the  yield  of  the  first  hunt,  which 
brought  182  sc^ps  and  18  captives. 

^^  As  Bustamante  puts  it.  Gabineie,  ii.  105-9.  For  raids,  see  I<L^  Diar, 
Mex.,  MS.,  xUv.  69,  127. 

^^Amigo  del  Ptieblo  gives  some  harrowing  details,  Oct.  18,  23,  Nov.  4,  6^ 
27,  Dec.  18,  1845.  Ah^a  is  very  full  about  these  raids,  especially  in  the  Oct» 
and  Nov.,  1844,  issues.  Bol  JNotic,  Jan.  11,  1845. 

^'  He  charged  U.  S.  officers  with  directing  these  inroads.  Plmarf,  CoIL^ 
no.  851.     See  also  Ymtmfa  HkL  Mex.,  378. 

^*C(mde,  in  Album,  Mex.,  i.  22;  Bivera,  HUL  Jal,  iii.  541;  C<mdt,  Vmdv-^, 
1-8;  Pap.  Var.f  clvi.,  pt  23.  T^e  people,  however,  endorsed  him,  and  ia 
1845  a  general  clamor  called  for  his  restoration  to  the  govemship  from  whidi 
he  had  been  removed.  Repres,  or  GNh.,  m  MUicel,  iiL  5;  Bwtanmnte^  JXir. 
Afex.,  MS.,  xliv.  59,  81,  127,  with  account  of  raids.  It  was  openly  advo- 
cated to  grant  certain  bonds  monthly  rations,  $5,000  a  year,  ana,  moceover. 
the  right  to  sell  their  stolen  booty.  Fmart^  Doc  Chih.,  MS.,  iL  32. 


CENTRALIZED  GOVERNMENT,  601 

of  the  agreement.  In  their  exasperation,  the  Sonorans 
on  one  occasion  quietly  followed  some  bands  to  their 
encampments  romid  Janos,  and  when  they  appeared 
for  their  stipulated  rations,  fell  upon  them,  slaughtering 
more  than  a  hundred  men,  and  carrying  off  nearly  as 
many  women  and  children.  Deeds  like  these  are  said 
to  have  been  not  infrequent  in  past  days,  and  to  have 
done  more  to  inflame  the  Indians  than  encroachments 
upon  their  hunting  grounds. 

All  measures  failing  to  avert  the  tempest,  the  ter- 
rible man-hunting  is  again  resorted  to,  and  Kirker 
once  more  engages  in  scalp-taking.  But  the  Apache 
is  fleet  and  cunning,  and  the  chase  soon  becomes  un- 
profitable. But  if  hostile  scalps  cannot  be  had  there 
are  plenty  in  the  peaceful  rancherfas.  And  so  the 
himters  pounce  upon  many  an  innocent  band,  render- 
ing the  surprise  and  massacre  yet  safer  to  themselves 
by  sending  beforehand  kegs  of  liquor  to  over-power 
the  warriors.^* 

The  overthrow  of  the  federal  system  in  1836  for  a 
centralized  form  of  government  ^*  reduced  the  states 
to  departments,  under  governors  appointed  by  the  su- 
preme authority."  The  change  tended  to  calm  for  a 
time  the  political  factions,  and  the  ensuing  war  with 
France  united  opponents.  Nevertheless,  the  federal 
feeling  was  not  extinct  in  Durango,  and  in  1837  both 
governor  and  assembly  appealed  to  the  president  in 
favor  of  the  constitution  of  1824,  declaring  the  central 
government  to  be  too  remote  to  properly  understand 
the  wants  of  the  province."     In  1839,  a  feeble  move- 

''^  These  nnacrapnlouB  proceedings  were  naturally  kept  as  qniet  as  possible. 
Ruxton  heard  of  several  instances,  and  states  that  neither  affe  nor  sex  was 
spared.  Adven,,  158-9.  See  BartleU,  Marr.,  i.  322-3.  Ind.  Af.  Rept,  1871, 
^-4.  Hall,  Son,,  MS.,  171-2,  adds  that  settled  Tarihumaras  and  even 
Mexicans  were  frequentiv  mistaken  (!)  for  Apache?,  and  more  murders  com- 
mitted in  a  month  than  Apaches  could  have  d(>ne  in  a  year. 

^•See  HisL  if  ex.,  v.  144  et  seq.,  this  series. 

"  From  the  *tema,'  three  candidates,  proposed  by  the  departmental  as- 
sembly. 

^*Z>Kr.  JBtpog,,  in  Pctp.  Var.,  xxxix.,  pt  2.  This  was  supported  by  local 
appeals,  as  Ihir.  Bepres,  de  VkUyiHa,  1-10. 


602  GBmUAHUA  AKB  DURANGO. 

ment^*  was  made  in  sympathy  with  the  federalist  re- 
volt which  Urrea  had  maintained  in  the  northwest 
and  east  for  two  years,  and  in  1841  the  comandante 
general,  J.  A.  Heredia,  joined  the  Guadalajara  pro- 
nunclamiento  by  Paredes,  which,  demanding  a  reformed 
constitution,  brought  about  a  dictatorship  under  Santa 
Anna.'*  This  opportune  movement  procured  for  him 
the  governorship,  but  his  remissness  in  seconding  the 
revolution  of  the  same  leader  against  the  dictator,  at 
the  close  of  1844,  lowered  his  prospects  somewhat. 
The  return  now  to  a  federal  system  brought  B,  Men- 
darozqueta  into   his  place.** 

In  Chihuahua,  both  the  assembly  and  governor. 
General  J.  M.  Monterde,**  sought  to  resist  the  move- 
ment against  Santa  Anna,  and  failing  in  this,  the  lat- 
ter placed  in  charge  of  the  administration  Deputy  Luis 
Zuloaga.  The  character  and  abuses  of  this  man  pro- 
voked loud  protests,**  and  in  June  1845,  Commandant 
Ugarte  compelled  him  and  several  obnoxious  assem- 
blymen to  resign,  whereupon  Angel  Trias  was  installed 
as  governor.**  Neither  this  governor  nor  the  civil 
authorities  of  Durango  favored  the  uprismg  of  Gen- 

^>By  Capt.  Rosa  and  some  artilleristB  on  May  3d.  Com.>gen.  Heredi& 
promptly  suppressed  it.  BuMamanU,  Oabineie,  i.  187.  M.  Castafieda  iraa 
governor  at  the  time.  P.  de  Ochoa  had  acted  in  1837,  and  before  him  Pefia 
and  Esparza.  Pap.  Var.,  clxxx.,  i)t  vii.,  10. 

^HkL  Mex,t  y.  227  et  seq.,  tma  series.  Heredia's  prodamation,  in  Vet- 
Uejoj  Doc.  Mtx.,  ii.,  pt  464,  13-14.  The  bishop  of  Dnrango  protested  affainst 
the  power  given  the  congress  by  the  or^^io  law  of  1843  as  compared  vith 
that  of  the  church.  Dur.  Ocur.  Prtlado,  in  Ptxp,  Var.^  clvi.,  pt  4. 

*i  In  which  he  was  confirmed  in  1844^  although  failing  to  obtain  a  decisive 
majority  in  the  primary  local  election.  ConsHtudonaL,  Feb.  27,  Mar.  1,  1844. 
Mendarozqueta  and  Zubirla  had  acted  preyiously. 

^He  still  held  the  power  in  1847,  although  F.  Elorriega  acted  in  1845  auad 
1846.  Mem.  Hist.,  Feb.  I,  1846. 

^  Who  succeeded  F.  Garcia  Conde  in  1843.  The  latter  had,  in  1840,  by 
general  reauest,  succeeded  the  deceased  soy.,  J.  M.  Irigoyen,  who  had  shortly 
before  replaced  Elias  Gonzalez.  M.  Andrade,  Mai^f.,  was  appointed  in 
1839,  but  set  aside  before  taking  possessioxL  Pap.  Var.,  Ixxx.,  pt  7.  See 
Id.,  Bepres.  de.  AUende,  and  pt  8,  for  successors.  Comkj  Vmiic,  5;  CSUJL 
Mem.  Hac.,  doc.  1,  8oc  Mex.  Oeog.,  BoL,  xL  193. 

^  A  widely  signed  petition  appeared  for  his  remoyal  for  gamblings  and 
dishonesty,  together  with  other  members  of  the  assembly,  of  which  he  was 
the  eldest.  Bepres.  contra  Assamblea^  1-18;  MiaceL^  iii 

»  J.  Bustamante  acting  for  a  while.  Amigo  Pueb.,  July  8,  12,  15,  1846.  Jas- 
tiniani  is  mentioned  as  com. -gen.  early  in  1845.  BoL  J^otic,  Feb.  13^  Maz^ch 
11,  1845. 


PAREDES  AND  GARCfA  CONDE.  603 

erel  Paredes  at  the  close  of  the  year,  but  the  general 
succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  the  power,  one  re- 
sult being  the  installation  of  Irigoyen  in  Trias'  place. 
In  Durango,  the  troops  resolved  to  proclaim  Paredes, 
and  Heredia  took  advantage  of  it  to  gain  control;  but 
Garcia  Conde  made  a  resolute  stand  at  the  head  of 
the  militia,  and  persuaded  the  governor  to  join  with 
him  in  submitting  to  the  new  president,  whereupon 
order  was  restored. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

LATER  HISTORY  OP  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO, 

1843>1888. 

Preparations  for  War  with  thb  United  States— Vidal  IhsFSATSD  by 
Doniphan— Battle  of  Saoramento—Doniphan  Oocupies  CmHUAHXTA — 
He  Marches  to  Saltillo — Sieoe  and  Pall  of  Rosalbs — ^Fbontieb 
Defence — ^Pailure  of  Militart  Colonies — Indian  Raids  and  Scalp 
Hunting— A  Coalition  of  States — Sale  of  the  Mxsilla  Vaixkt — 
Plan  of  Ayutla  Adopted— Oajen  Invadsb  Chihuahua  and  Durai^go 
—Victory  of  the  Liberals— Entry  of  the  Prench^Juajbsz  Flees 
TO  Chihuahua — Brincourt  Occupies  the  City — Departurjb  of  the 

InVADEBS — DURANOO    OPPOSES    THE    JUARISTAS — MURDBR  OF   PaTOM — 

Revolution  of  Porfirio  Diaz — ^Lerdista  Movements— Stebra  Mojada 
Territory  Pormed — Suppression  of  Indian  Raids. 

A  CAUSE  for  the  comparative  lull  in  political  strife 
in  these  provinces,  as  contrasted  with  the  agitation 
in  the  republic  generally,  lay  in  the  relations  with  the 
northern  republic,  which  since  1841  had  become 
strained.  In  1843  the  prospect  of  war  was  enter- 
tained, and  the  government  began  to  give  serious 
attention  to  frontier  defences,  a  measure  which 
appeals  for  protection  against  savages,  had  failed  to 
evoke.  Arms  were  sent  with  which  to  increase  the 
the  efficiency  of  the  presidios  and  to  equip  the  militia, 
and  a  regiment  of  defensores  de  la  Frontera  was  or- 
dered to  be  organized  in  each  of  the  three  frontier 
divisions.*  The  people  joined  enthusiastically  in  the 
defence  preparations,  and  aided  in  sending  500  men  to 

^To  oonsist  of  light  cavalry,  in  four  escuadrones  of  two  companies  each» 
with  a  force  of  €14  men  and  42  officers,  to  cost  f  160,603  a  year.  Additiona] 
comx)anie8  were  granted  to  the  east  and  west  provinces  and  to  Tamanlipaa. 
Details  in  Mex,  Mem.  Ouer.t  1844,  docs.  3,  22-4.  The  expenses  were  to 
receive  preference  at  the  treasury.  Palacio  Leyes,  1844-46,  19.  The  three 
frontier  divisions  were  Sonora  and  Sinaloa^  Chihuahua  and  Durango,  Coahnila 
and  Texas. 

(604) 


THREATENED  INVASION.  606 

New  Mexico,  against  the  expected  invasion.*  They 
even  submitted  for  a  while  to  the  interruption  of  the 
overland  caravan  with  the  United  States,  sprung  up 
of  late  years  with  great  advantage  to  these  settle- 
ments, so  remote  from  the  market  centres  of  the  re- 
public' 

As  the  prospects  of  war  increased,  troops  were  or- 
dered into  these  central  sections  of  the  frontier,*  mod- 
ified by  subsequent  operations.*  Governor  Irigoyen 
not  displaying  a  zeal  commensurate  with  the  eager- 
ness of  the  ascendant  war  party,  was  forced  to  resign 
in  favor  of  the  energetic  Trias,  who  stood  conspicuous 
for  anti- American  sentiments.  The  change  was  op- 
portune, for  he  gave  a  decided  impulre  to  preparations, 
by  seeking  a  loan  among  his  people,*  with  which  to 
equip  and  organize  the  numerous  volunteers/  This 
self-reliance  was  the  more  needful  as  the  promised  aid 
from  the  republic  diminished  to  a  small  contribution 
of  arms,  and  a  few  troops  from  Zacatecas  and  Du- 
rango,  brought  by  the  little  esteemed  Heredia."  In 
the  latter  department  equal  zeal  was  exhibited,  with 
a  mustering  of  some  3,000  volunteers. 

After  the  invasion  of  New  Mexico  by  the  United 
States  troops,  a  corps  of  12,000  men  was  sent  to  the 

*0f  whom  300  remained.  Buatamantej  HisL  Santa  Afina,  MS.,  iii.  46. 
SpecimeoB  of  the  alarm  notices  may  be  consulted  in  ConstUuckmal^  April  23, 

'Tet  in  March  1844  the  frontier  custom-honses  were  declared  open  again. 
Duhian  and  LoxanOt  Leg,  Mex,,  iv,  752-3. 

*  Filisola  was  first  appointed  commander  of  forces  in  Zacatecas.  Durango 
and  Chihnahua,  strenffthened  with  1,000  men  from  San  Luis  Potosf,  bringing 
ten  battery  pieces,  ^e  national  guards  could  in  case  of  need  be  called  upon 
to  serve  outside  of  their  respective  states.  Text  in  Escudero,  Menu  Chih.,  45; 
Pap.  Var.,  Ixxxvii.  pt  13. 

^On  July  11th  the  Chihuahua  assembly  decreed  the  raising  of  6000  men. 
SanoreMe,  Aug.  7, 1846.  In  Guadalupe  60  of  the  leading  citizens  joined  as 
volunteers.  BeskmradoTt  Aus.  11,  1846. 

'Subsequently  a  forced  loan  was  assessed  among  the  towns.  Iria  Esp., 
Feb.  13,  1847. 

^  Wislizenus,  Tour,  48,  adds  that  a  cannon  foundry  was  erected. 

'Only  1,000  muskets  were  sent.  ApurUes  Ouerra,  139^10.  In  estimating 
for  the  republican  war  fund,  the  bishop  of  Durango  was  assessed  ^^,000. 
Mex.  CoL  Ley,,  1844-46,537,  544.  McmU.  ConM.,  April  22,  1845;  Menu  IliM., 
Jan.  26,  1846.  Col.  Guilty  left  Durango  on  Nov.  27th  for  Chihuahua  with  500 
men  and  4  guns.  Iria,B^,,  Dec.  12,  1846. 


606      LATER  HISTORY  OP  CHmUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

frontier  to  check  their'  advaace  into  Chihuahua, 
Lieutenant-colonel  Vidal  **  being  in  commmand. 
Eager  to  meet  the  enemy,  this  body  passed  beyond 
El  I^aso,  and  A.  Ponce,  who  had  been  sent  forward 


ftlaii-iml 


Chihuahija. 


with  500  cavalry,  70  infantry,  and  a  howitzer,"  came 
December  25th,  suddenly  upon  the  enemy  carelessly 

*To  reconquer  New  Mexico,  says  Bustamante.  Mem,  Hid.,  v.  241. 

^*  Col  Guilty  of  Durango  having  fallen  sick. 

1^  Americans  place  the  detachment  at  from  1,100  to  1,220,  inclndxng 
militia.  U.  8.  Gov.  Doc.,  cong.  30,  seas.  1,  If,  Bx.  Doc,,  i,  498;  and  Busta- 
mante, Mem  Hist.,  vi.  27,  implies  the  i 


DONIPHAN'S  EXPEDITION.  607 

encamped  at  Brazitos/'  This  formed  a  main  body  of  500 
men  under  Colonel  Doniphan,  who  had  been  ordered  to 
proceed  from  Santa  F^  to  Chihuahua,  to  reinforce 
Wool's  column,  which  was  expected  to  be  in  posses- 
sion of  that  town."  So  complete  was  the  surprise 
that  the  Americans  had  not  time  to  saddle  and  mount 
their  horses.  But  Ponce  lost  his  opportunity  by 
wasting  time  in  drawing  out  his  force  in  formal  battle 
array,  which  being  carefully  completed,  he  sent  in  a 
black  flag  with  a  summons  to  surrender,  the  alterna- 
tive being  an  attack  without  quarter.  The  Ameri- 
cans, however,  had  recovered  from  their  confusion, 
had  seized  their  arms,  and  formed  in  line.  Doniphan's 
answer  was  an  emphatic  invitation  to  charge,"  where- 
upon the  Mexicans  bore  down  upon  the  enemy,  deliv- 
ering a  noisy  but  ineffectual  fire  at  long  range.  After 
three  volleys,  the  cavalry,  with  Ponce  at  its  head, 
charged,  but  when  within  range  the  Americans,  who 
had  hitherto  withheld  their  fire,  began  a  deadly  rifle 
practice  which  threw  the  horsemen  into  disorder. 
Doniphan's  rear  column  now  appeared  hurrying  for- 
ward, and  the  repulse  was  converted  into  foil  flight, 
the  Mexicans  abandoning  their  howitzer,  and  leaving 
about  two  score  dead  on  the  field."  Vidal  retreated 
to  Chihuahua,  and  on  the  27th  the  enemy  occupied 
El  Paso. 

Learning  that  Wool  had  not  advanced  into  Chihua- 
hua, Doniphan  remained  for  some  weeks  at  the  latter 
place,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  cannon,  which  came 
up  early  in  February  1847,  to  tlie  number  of  six 
pieces.     On  the  8th  of  that  month  he  resumed  his 

^*  Twenty  miles  from  El  Paso,  on  the  Rio  Brava 

"See  IligL  Mex.,  v.  405,  et  seq.,  this  aeries. 

**He  writes  in  his  report:  *  The  reply  was  more  abmpt  than  decorous — 
to  charge  and  be  damned.'  Alex.  Wm.  I)oniphan  was  a  lawyer  of  Missouri, 
and  long  a  brigadier  of  militia,  nhout  39  year:)  old,  and  upward  of  six  feet  in 
height.  Biography  in.  Hughes'  Dnniplian's  Bhyped.^  13-20.  He  had  been  left 
in  command  at  Santa  Fe  on  Kearney's  departure  for  California.  When  Col. 
Price  came  to  relieve  him,  he  first  compelled  the  turbulent  Navajos  to  con- 
clude a  treaty  and  then  marched  toward  Chihuahua. 

**  Doniphan  places  their  dead  at  73,  and  the  wounded  at  150.  His  own 
loss  was  one  killed  and  7  slightly  wonnded.   U.  S,  0<yv.  Doc^  ut  sup.,  498. 


608      LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AOT)  DURANGO 

march,  his  force  now  numbering  924  effective  men, 
chiefly  Missourians.  Under  its  escort  was  a  train  of 
315  wagons  of  the  long  delayed  trade  caravan  for 
Chihuahua.  Thus  hampered,  Doniphan's  march  was 
slow  along  the  arid  route,  affording  the  Chihuahuans 
ample  time  to  prepare  for  defence.  Twenty  miles 
north  of  the  capital  the  mountain  ranges  on  the  east 
and  west  unite  by  a  series  of  hills,  through  which  the 
pass  of  Sacramento  affords  an  opening  for  the  road 
to  El  Paso.  Two  eminences,  the  Cerro  del  Sacramento 
on  the  west,  and  another  northeast  of  it,  command 
the  entrance.  Here  Comandante-General  Heredia, 
in  accord  with  the  governor,  took  his  stand  against 
the  invaders,  sustained  by  a  force  of  about  2,000 
well-armed  men,"  and  protected  by  a  system  of  re- 
doubts" with  ten  pieces  of  artillery. 

On  the  28th  of  February  the  Americans  were  seen 
approaching.  The  strength  of  Doniphan's  force  was 
well  known,  and  so  confident  were  the  Chihuahuans  of 
destroying  it,  that  preparations  were  made  in  the  city 
to  celebrate  the  expected  triumph."  But  of  what 
avail  of  enthusiasm  without  efficiency  against  the 
fatal  rifles  of  the  enemy  and  his  well  served  artillery  ? 
A  slight  reconnoissance  revealed  to  Doniphan  that 
the  system  of  redoubts  could  be  readily  turned  on 
the  west.  On  arriving,  therefore,  within  a  favorable 
distance  he  suddenly  diverged  to  the  right  and  gained 
an  elevated  plateau,"     Kecognizing  their  blunder  the 

i^In  Apuntes  Ouerrci,  14S-^,  are  given  some  details  with  which  Roa.  Bar- 
oena,  Hecuerdos,  125,  Bnstamante,  Imfashn^  ii.  105-6,  and  Muisfield,  Mex. 
War,  105,  nearly  aspree.  Doniphan,  in  the  report  previously  qaoted,  p.  501, 
says:  'The  force  of  the  enemy  was  1,200  cavalry  from  Durango  and  Cnihna- 
hua  with  the  Vera  Cruz  drasoons,  1,200  infantry  from  Chihuahua,  300  artil- 
lerists, and  1 ,420  rancheros  badly  armed  with  lassoes,  lances,  and  machetoes, 
or  corn-knives;  *  making  a  total  of  4,120  men.  The  SenortruKj  Mar.  25, 
1847,  enumerates  2,100,  and  understands  that  2,500  will  he  massed  for  the 
fight.  Jris,E&p.,  Mar.  20,  1847.  Heredia  was  assisted  in  the  command  by 
Conde,  Trias,  Justiniani,  and  Ugarte. 

"  Doniphan  gives  the  number  at  27. 

^ApuiUfjt,  Ouerra,  145,  149.  Brooks/ .fftsC,  274,  relates  that  cofxls  had 
been  prepared  with  which  to  tie  Doniphan  and  his  men  and  send  them  to 
Mexico. 

"  'Spoiling  our  plans,'  exclaims  Bustamante,  in  a  tone  as  if  expecting 


SOME  FIGHTING.  GOfiT' 

Mexicans  endeavored  to  counteract  the  movement  by 
advancing  their  cavalry.  The  movement  was  not 
effected  with  sufficient  promptness,  for  the  enemy 
unlimbered  their  guns  and  opened  so  destructive  a 
fire  upon  the  men  that,  unaccustomed  to  artillery, 
they  hastily  fell  back  behind  the  entrenchments. 
The  Americans  continued  to  advance,  and  planted 
two  twelve-pound  howitzers,  well  supported  by  cavalry, 
against  the  line.  The  fire  from  these  pieces  was  very 
effective,  while  the  Mexican  artillery  was  rendered 
almost  useless  through  a  misunderstood  order  for 
moving  a  portion  of  it  to  the  Cerro  del  Sacramento." 
As  they  came  to  close  range  the  Missourians  dis- 
mounted and  plied  their  rifles  with  unerring  aim. 
Redoubt  after  redoubt  was  gained ;  the  eastern  height, 
cannonaded  in  reverse  by  the  eix-pounders,  was  soon 
carried;  and  the  battery  on  the  Ceiro  del  Sacramento^ 
which,  during  the  engagement  maintained  a  harmless 
fire,  was  taken  by  assault.  The  Mexicans  fled  in 
every  direction,  leaving  on  the  ground  300  killed  and 
about  the  same  number  wounded.  Forty  prisoners, 
ten  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  who  acknowledged 
the  loss  of  two  men,  besides  a  few  wounded." 

Triai^  retired  with  the  authorities  and  remnants  of 
the  army  to  Parral,  leaving  Doniphan  an  undisputed 


the  enemy  to  walk  straight  into  the  side  trap  set  for  them.  Invcuuniy  iu 
106-7. 

**  All  the  pieces  in  the  redonbts  were  hurriedly  thrown  out  of  battery  and 
pat  in  motion  toward  the  Cerro  del  Sacramento,  while  the  infantry  actually 
Degan  to  move  in  the  same  direction.  Though  Heredia  endeavored  to  cor- 
rect the  mistake,  it  proved  fatal;  no  effort  could  allay  the  confusion. 

"  Only  one  fell  on  the  field,  (/.  S.  Oov.  Doc,,  cong.  30,  sess.  1,  //.  Ejo.  Doc., 
i.  501,  502-13;  Id,,  seas.  2,  76-7,  113-36,  with  supplementary  report*. 
Hug^^es,  Donipftans  Exped.,  313-15,  adds  to  the  capture  $6,000  in  money, 
.tO,000  sheep,  etc.  See  also  Furber*a  Volunteer,  446-52;  Efhvarda^  Carnpaifpi, 
17-184;  ffobba'  WHd  L\fe,  139-57;  PaUon,  HisL  U.  i^.,  741-3;  WiUard'a  Last 
leaves,  70-6;  Peternon's  MiL  Heroes,  70;  Jiamsey^a  Other  Side,  167-78;  JS^UeJ 
Reg.,  Ixidi.  102,  144,  171-6;  FrotAa  Pict,  Hist,  Jfcsc,  423-9;  Id.,  Mex.  War, 
220.  Bostamante  ascribes  the  defeat  to  the  incompetence  of  tlie  leaders,  so 
well  known  in  Mexico  that  defeat  was  predicted.  Invasion,  ii.  107-8.  In 
this  MS.  of  this  work  he  expresses  unutterable  shame  over  the  affair.  Couiff  .' 
JMary,  37;  Id,,  cong.  84-6;  Itipley,  War  Mex.,  i.  458-09. 
Hist.  Mex.  Statxs,  Vol.  II.   39. 


610       LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

entry  into  Chihuahua."  The  position  of  the  latter 
was  somewhat  embarrassing :  in  the  midst  of  a  hostile 
country,  several  hundred  miles  distant  from  other 
sections  of  the  army,  his  men  composed  of  volunteers 
unfit  for  garrison  duty,  without  clothes  or  pay,  and 
with  term  nearly  expired.  Many  interests  ui^ed  him 
to  remain,  yet  he  had  orders  to  join  Wool  Hear- 
ing that  the  latter  was  at  Saltillo,  a  message  was  de- 
spatehed,  March  26th,  to  obtain  his  instructions. 
These  were  to  proceed  to  that  point.  On  April  25th, 
accordingly,  Doniphan  set  out  by  way  of  Mapimi  and 
Parras,  and  reached  Saltillo  on  May  22d.** 

After  the  departure  of  the  Americans,  a&irs  re- 
sumed their  course,  under  the  combined  efforts  of 
governor  and  assemblymen,  who  had  already  joined 
those  of  other  departments  in  favor  of  restoration  of 
the  federal  constitution,  now  that  the  weakness  of  the 
supreme  government  afforded  opportunity,"  and  for 
staying  the  seizure  of  mortmain  property  for  war  pur- 
poses. The  appeal  against  this  proceeding  came  from 
Durango,  which  had  shown  greater  respect  for  eccle- 
siastical property  than  the  sister  state.'*  With  the 
progress  of  the  war,  and  the  prospect  of  another  inva- 

^^  Strict  orders  were  issued  for  maintaining  discipline  and  protectUig  prop- 
erty. HiMs*  Wild  Life,  132.  The  citizens  eagerly  welcomed  the  tra4e  cara- 
van, and  many  looked  upon  the  American  entry  as  liberation  from  Indian 
wan  and  exactions.  Btutamante,  Ifoxuhn,  ii.  108.  Formal  posseaBion  was 
taken  on  March  1st,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States. 

^  SufiPering  much  hardship  from  dust  and  scorpiona  and  lack  of  water. 
Not  far  from  Parras,  Capt.  Beid  intercepted  and  defeated  a  band  of  65  Co- 
manche raiders,  with  a  loss  to  them  of  l7  men,  and  the  recovery  of  9  captives 
and  1,000  head  of  animals.  Brooks*  Hist,,  281;  Coutts*  Cong,,  87-8.  The  peo- 
ple of  Parras  voted  thanks.  The  regiment  was  sent  on  to  Monterey,  and 
ordered  home,  arriving  at  New  Orleans  on  June  15th,  after  w>«.lrtTig  a  circuit 
of  4,000  miles  within  12  months.  Santa  F6,  Cong.,  35-7;  Hughes  Ikmipkam* 
Bkeped.,  2&1-*JQ,  Doniphan  was  voted  a  sword  by  the  congreea.  Cong.  Oiobe^ 
1847-8,  327,  337,  433,  459;  Brackd£s  U.  S,  Cavalry,  104-7:  Ptfkman,  Cbi 
Trail,  415-17,  praises  the  order  and  efficiency  of  the  volunteers.  And  bo  in 
U,  S,  Gov.  Doc,,  fMsup.,  54^5,  495-^13. 

*^The  representative  in  the  congress  had,  in  Jan.  1847,  been  instrocted  to 
advocate  a  reform  of  the  1824  organic  law,  and  a  number  of  changes  bene- 
ficial to  the  state.  Consult  Escudero,  Mem,  ChSi.,  73-4.  Eacudezo^  as  a 
member  of  the  congress,  protested  asrainst  the  seizure  of  mortmain  property 
for  war  purposes;  this  should  be  made  to  contribute  only  its  share. 

*^The  governor,  indeed,  had  refused  to  publish  the  decree  for 
mortmain  estates.  Btutamante,  Mem.  Hist.,  M!S.,  vi  57. 


PRICE'S   ASSAULT.  611 

sion,  preparations  for  defence  were  resumed,"  the  pre- 
sidio companies  being  reduced  to  the  character  of 
militia.  News  of  peace  negotiations  tended  to  abate 
these  efforts;  then  came  suddenly  the  announcement 
of  Greneral  Price's  approach  with  a  large  force."  A 
messenger  was  sent  with  a  flag  of  truce  to  the  Sacra- 
mento pass  to  protest  against  the  advance,  on  the 
ground  that  peace  had  already  been  concluded.  Price 
regarded  this  as  a  mere  subterfuge,  and  pushed  for- 
^ward,  whereupon  Trias  retreated  with  a  few  hundred 
men,  chiefly  militia."  The  American  van  entered 
Chihuahua  March  7th,  and  hastened  on  the  following 
day  in  pxirsuit,  only  to  find  Trias  strongly  entrenched 
at  Rosales.  While  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the  re- 
maining troops.  Price  invested  the  place,  and  opened 
negotiations  for  surrender.  On  the  16th,  the  Ameri- 
can general  was  in  condition  to  present  his  ultimatum. 
Trias  having  received  reinforcements,  and  made  good 
use  of  the  interval  for  strengthening  his  position,  de- 
clined to  entertain  it,  whereupon  fire  was  opened  upon 
his  camp  with  six  pieces  of  artillery.  The  governor 
responded  with  great  spirit,  and  directed,  moreover, 
such  an  effective  cavalry  charge  against  the  enemy's 
rear  as  to  compel  a  change  of  front  and  a  withdrawal 
of  the  pieces.  This  success  proved  only  momentary, 
however,  as  the  horsemen  were  quickly  dispersed,  and 
the  siege  operations  resumed.  Toward  sunset  Price 
ordered  an  assault.  Preceded  by  a  well-directed  vol- 
ley, the  Americans  penetrated  the  outer  lines,  and 
forced  their  way  to  the  plaza.  Seeing  that  nothing 
more  could  be  done,  Trias  surrendered.     He  could  do 

^Decreto  Guerra,  in  Pap.  Var,,  xcix.;  Pinartf  Doc,  8on.f  iv.  61;  Mex.  CoL 
Ley,f  1847,  265.  A  quarrel  rose  between  the  governor  and  comandante  gen- 
eral, Arlegai,  of  Durango,  concerning  the  right  to  control  the  militia.  Bazjna- 
dor,  Aug.  21,  1847;  Democrata  and  Sonorense,  July  2,  1847;  Ccnreo  iVac,  Oct. 
26,  1847,  Jan.  29,  1848. 

**  Price  set  out  from  Santa  Fe  on  Feb.  8th  with  a  comp.  of  Missouri  horse 
for  £1  Paso,  where  the  concentration  had  been  ordered  of  three  comps  U.  S. 
dragoons,  six  comps  of  Missouri  horse,  two  comps  Miss,  infantry.  Walker's 
three  comps  of  Santa  F^  horse,  and  one  of  light  artillery.  [7.  S,  Oov.  Doc, 
xong.  30,  Bess.  2;  H,  Bx,  Doc,  i.,  pt  i.,  113-15. 

''^AfumteB  Ouerra,  399,  gives  him  some  400  men  and  eight  pieces. 


612       LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHfflUAHUA  AND   DURANGO. 

this  without  hesitation,  for  his  men  had  fought  with 
a  determination  that  shed  a  redeeming  lustre  over 
former  encounters,  even  beyond  the  limits  of  Chihua- 
hua.    This  was  the  closing  battle  of  the  war.** 

The  Americans  remained  in  occupation  for  about 
three  months  before  the  official  confirmation  of  peace 
called  them  away.  Their  presence  served  to  rouse 
anew  the  fear  of  a  possible  cession  of  the  state, 
against  which  repeated  protests  had  been  made." 
Then  followed  apprehensions  that  the  approach  of  the 
neighboring  republic,  to  the  Rio  Bravo,  would  result 
in  it  driving  the  hostile  Indians  into  Chihuahua.  The 
supreme  government  had  relieved  its  conscience  on 
these  points  by  a  clause  in  the  treaty,  and  might  have 
troubled  itself  little  more  about  the  danger  incurred 
by  the  settlers.  But,  a  formidable  power  having  now 
stepped  across  the  intervening  space,  the  safety  of 
the  republic  became  concerned,  and  demanded  consid- 
eration. 

The  result  was  a  decree  of  July  19,  1848,  for  es- 
tablishing eighteen  military  colonies  along  the  entire 
frontier,  to  serve  in  lieu  of  presidios  as  nuclei  for  civil 
settlements,  and  consequently  as  an  ever  growing  bul- 
wark against  foreign  invasion  as  well  as  savage  irrup- 
tions." 

^Needless,  since  peace  had  been  arranged,  although  Price  did  not  think 
it  prudent  to  credit  the  report.  The  AmencanB  acknowledged  the  loes  of  S 
killed  and  19  wounded,  while  placins  the  Mexican  killed  alone  at  23&  U.  S. 
Gov.  Doc,,  utsup,,  n»-36;  Ripltya  War  Mex,,  u,  611-13.  The  Mexican  gar- 
rison was  estimated  at  700  men,  with  11  guns,  independent  of  the  column 
which  attacked  in  the  rear;  the  besiegers  must  have  numbered  at  least  550. 
Outrages  are,  as  usual,  charged  to  the  invaders.  Mex,  Mem.  HeL,  1875,  9fip. 
i.,  51-2.  Price  shared  with  Doniphan  the  honor  of  receiving  a  word  fiYNn 
the  congress.  Cong.  Olobe,  1847-8,  327,  337,  433,  459. 

» At  the  close  of  1847.  Hazonador,  Dec.  4,  1847;  Arm  Iris.,  Dec  26,  1847. 
Escudero,  Mem.  ChiL,  96-7. 

*^To  this  end  tlie  northern  line  was  divided  into  three  sections:  Oriente, 
Chihuahua,  and  Occidente,  the  first  embracing  Coahuila  and  Tamanlipas;  the 
second,  Chihuahua  alone;  and  the  Occidente,  Sonora,  and  Lower  California. 
Chihuahua  and  Sonora  were  to  receive  five  colonies  each,  the  peninsola  one 
and  the  Oriente  seven,  each  with  a  fair  proportion  of  the  total  of  2426  troops 
assigned,  of  which  1751  cavalry,  the  annual  pay  list  of  which  wus  placed  at 
$717,572.  After  six  years,  service  the  recruits  might  retire  as  civil  settlers 
on  the  land  to  which  their  term  entitled  them.  Further  details  in  ^HaL  Mtx-r 
V.  573  et  seq.,  this  series. 


MrLITIA.  613 

Owing  to  the  chronic  lack  of  funds,  the  colonies  did 
not  receive  the  necessary  impulse  either  in  men,  set- 
tlers, or  implements,  the  report  for  1851  indicated 
less  than  half  the  stipulated  force,  with  only  a  portion 
of  the  settlements  in  a  fair  way  of  development." 
Subsequent  revolutions  diverted  attention  from  the 
frontier,  and  the  colonies  declined  to  a  shadow  within 
a  few  years.  In  1868  orders  were  issued  for  their 
revival,  but  no  steps  were  taken  to  raise  the  necessary 
funds.  Lately  a  committee  reported  adversely  on 
such  colonies,  combining  military  and  agricultural 
duties — and  recommended  instead  the  erection  of 
garrisoned  posts  wherever  needfiil." '  No  haste  was 
shown  to  act  upon  the  suggestion,  partly  because 
Indian  raids,  the  main  cause  for  the  necessity  of  such 
method  of  defence,  had  been  practically  checked. 

As  a  partial  substitute  for  regular  troops,  reduced 
under  the  economic  reconstruction  of  1848,  was  the 
militia,  now  reorganized  and  made  to  embrace  every 
able  Mexican  between  the  age  of  18  and  55,  with  the 
requirement  for  six  per  mille  of  the  population  to  serve 
in  the  mobile  division,  liable  to  be  called  beyond  the 
state  for  short  periods."  This  laudable  measure  met 
with  a  serious  check,  from  the  lack  of  public  spirit 
among  the  classes  from  which  the  best  example  and 
support  should  have  come.  Indolence  and  race  feel- 
ing are  too  strong  for  certain  elements  to  overcome 

^  The  Oriente  line  being  less  exposed  to  Indians,  the  most  easterly  colonies 
•were  not  founded,  but  those  of  Chihuahua  and  the  Occidente  were  either 
definitely  or  provisionally  established,  the  former  by  334  soldiers,  witii  38 
officers,  and  322  settlers,  possessing  78  houses,  18  wagons,  and  100  yokes  of 
oxen;  the  last  by  345  soldiers,  38  officers,  and  200  settlers,  with  only  4 
lionaes,  4  wagons  and  50  yokes.  Mex.  Mem,  Cfuer.,  1851,  doa.  3-5.  See  also 
references  in  ffisi,  Mex,,  v.  574,  this  series.  The  report  for  1852  gave  the 
Chihuahua  colonies  347  men,  with  95  horses.  Mex.  Mem.  Over.,  1882,  5  doc.  2. 

"This  was  still  under  consideration  in  1882-3.  Mex,  Mem,  Guer.,  1881, 
136,  1882,  p.  ii. 

**  For  particulars,  see  Hist,  Mex.,  v.  571-2,  this  series.  In  the  northern 
states  a  special  mobile  force  of  34  companies  was  decreed  exclusively  for 
Indian  warfare,  of  which  eight  were  for  I)urango,  and  4  each  for  Chihuahua 
and  Sonora,  to  be  enrolled  and  equipped  by  the  states  at  federal  expense,  the 
cost  of  each  company  beine  calculated  at  $18,252  a  year,  with  91575  for 
equipment.  Tamauhpas,  Nuevo  Leon  and  Zacatecas  had  4  comps  each, 
Coahuila  6.  Mex.  Legis.,  1849,  218-22. 


;  •> 


614        LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

their  inertia  or  repugnance  to  stand  side  by  side  with 
the  humble  Indian.  Hence  a  disgraceftil  shirking  of 
duty,  facilitated  by  criminally  mdulgent  officials. 

During  the  American  invasion  savage  inroads  were 
less  frequent,  but  in  1848  they  were  resumed  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  Mexican  authorities  were  influenced 
to  frame   the   military  colony  project,  appropriating 
$200,000  to  aid  the  states  in  this  campaign,'*  and  ap 
pointing  a  committee  of  congressmen  from   the  ir 
invaded  region  to  report  on  the  best  measures  to  be 
adopted  for  joint  action  against  the  tribes."     Mean- 
while  several  of  the  states,  including  Chihuahua  and 
Durango,    had  jecourse   to    scaJp-hunting,    assisted 
by  American  riflemen;  but  notwithstanding  the  stimu- 
lating  prize   of  $200    for   each   token,**  the   hunters 
failed  to  obtain  much  profit,  or  leave  any  marked  im- 
pression on  the  savages,  while  from  the  southern  states 
not  so  afflicted,  came  a  howl  of  indignation  against 
such  blood  contracts.**     But  almost  any  measure  was 
permissible  under  circumstances  so  distressing,  when 
a  large  part  of  Chihuahua  lay  desolate,  and  the  east- 
em  half  of  Durango  was  overrun,  and  thousands  of 
families  being  ruined,  and  thousands  more  in   daily 
apprehension  of  a  similar  fate.** 

*^Rabi  in  Sin,  Menu  Oob.,   10,  27,   shows  that  the  gnardia  nacional  of 
Sinaloa  in  1867  was  7,387,  with  11,835  exempts,  who  to  a  great  extent  avoided 


paying  exemption  fees  by  pretendins  absence,  etc.  For  amount  aee  also 
Pinart,  Doc,  Son.,  i.  22S.     Comments  m  Chilu  Mtm,  Gob.,  1850,  S-10. 

^Mex.  CoL  Ley.,  1848,  458-9;  Correo,  Nac,  Oct.  1,  1848. 

"  Many  views  were  submitted.  Plan  para  d^enaa  de  los  BsladoB  IntadidtM, 
1-28;  Dictamen,  Id.,  1-20;  Paip,  Var,,  Ixxxix.  The  decree  calling  this  com- 
mittee is  dated  Apr.  24,  1849.  The  sovemment  claimed  the  right  to  snp- 
press  the  comandancias  generals,  and  dispose  of  4,000  gnardias  nacionalea. 
Jfe.  Legis.,  1849,  80-2. 

*®0r  ^250  for  ea<;h  warrior  brought  in  alive.  Universal,  June  21,  1849. 
Several  contracts  were  made  with  Americans  and  Mexicans,  but  they  could 
not  be  relied  upon  when  most  required,  even  after  advances  of  nioney  and 
arms  had  been  made.  CltifL  Mem.  Oob.,  1850,  11-13.     Kirker  lost  so  many  of 


his  men  as  to  fail;  Glanton  massacred  a  friendly  tribe.  Mex.  Saxm^  1  15; 
Froehelf  Cent.  Amer.,  350;  Sonorenae,  Auff.  22,  Sept.  14, 1849;  several  sharp  con- 
flicts occurred  between  the  hunters  and  the  Indians.   (Inweraal,  Sept.  18;  Oct 


4,  9,  26,  1849;  the  former  rescnins  a  number  of  captives.  They  had  some 
trouble  in  obtaining  payment  for  their  services.  Polynadan,  viL  152;  vi,  139. 

''See  HUt,  Mex,,  v.  579,  this  series.  A  law  of  Durango  for  safely  dispos- 
ing of  Indian  captives  was  annulled  by  the  congress.  Conreo,  Nac^  Sept  23^ 
J  848. 

**  Scalp-hunting  continmsd  for  many  years,  even  after  tiie  HVeorf^  ex* 


^ 


CX>NFEDERATION  OF  STATES.  615 

With  the  aid  of  the  government  a  large  number  of 
troops  opened  the  campaign  of  1850,  with  the  resolve 
to  grant  no  peace  to  Indians  coming  from  the  United 
States."  The  chief  operation  was  directed  toward 
La^mia  de  Jaco,  the  savages  yielding,  as  usual,  to  the 
^[  pressure,  either  by  evacuatins  the  country,  or  by  sub- 
mission on  the  part  of  those  claiming  it  as  their  home. 
Watchfulness,  with  regard  to  the  observance  of  agree- 
ments, was  trusted  to  the  newly  established  military 
colonies,  one  station  being  located  within  the  borders 
of  Durango.*'  Political  turmoils  leaving  the  states 
once  more  to  their  own  devices,  a  coalition  project 
came  into  operation;  Jalisco,  Zacatecas,  San  Luis 
Potosi,  and  Tamaulipas  joining  by  sending  in  sub- 
scriptions. The  general  government  also  promised 
subsidies;  but  soon  this  union  of  states,  to  which 
rumor  had  already  ascribed  a  desire  for  independ- 
ence" created  alarm,  and  steps  were  taken  to  break  up 
the  arrangement."  One  result  of  this  was  an  increase 
of  raids  and  devastation,  until  Chihuahua  in  1856  ap- 
pealed for  aid**  to  Durango,  although  the  latter  was 
then  writing  under  the  same  affliction.     Three  of  her 

palsioQ  in  1867,  although  the  superior  govemments  sought  to  oppose  it.  CJdh, 
Mem.  Oob.,  1850,  6-7.  For  details  of  outrages  see  UnhxracUy  June,  Aug.  11, 
Sept. -Nov.  1849,  Jan.-Nov.  1850.  Hayes*  Scraps,  Inds,  iii  11-67.  A  writer 
in  PtOnarfCs  Mag.,  iy.  415-16,  refers  to  entire  valleys  devastated.  U.  8. 
OatK  Doc,  cong.  31,  sess.  2,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  i.  ptii.  18-67;  Herablo,  Oct. -Dec. 
1848,  Jan.-Mar.  1849;  Sonorense,  1848-50,  passim. 

*^Mex.  Mem.  Ouer.,  1851,  16-16,  doc.  2;  Pinart,  Doc,  Chih.,  MS.,  ii.  43. 

**.At  Pelayo^  at  a  cost  of  $25,000.  It  was  hinted  that  commanders 
profited  by  furnishing  supplies.  Atalaya  and  Sonorense,  Nov.  3,  1848.  Among 
plans  for  obtaining  ana  assuring  peace  is  Castafieda's  Plan  De/ensa,  1-27. 
See  also  8.  F.  Pac.  News,  Dec  7,  1850;  Mea:.  Legis.,  1849,  80-2;  ArriOaga^ 
Jfeeop.,  1849,  125-6. 

*^Dictamen  CoaScion;  Pap.  Var,,  ccvi.  pt4;  Mex.  Informe  Pesquis.,  80-1. 

**  Chihuahua  deputies  objected  in  Oct.  1852  to  the  coalition  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  create  another  centre  of  government.  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1852,. 
48-52;  Umvereal,  Aug. -Deo.  1852.  The  committee  on  frontier  defences  saw 
no  danger  or  prospect  of  excesses  through  contracts,  with  due  supervision. 
Mex.  Conds.  Qwr.,  Dktamen,  i.  3-14;  ii.  3-8.  Nevertheless  the  CentinekL, 
Sept.  29,  1855,  and  other  journals  raised  an  outcry  against  the  slaughter  of 
peaceable  Indiana  by  scalp  hunters.  (/.  8.  Ind.  Aff.;  Joint  Com.  Mqfft,  1867, 
328.  In  Durango  a  joint  stock  comp'y  was  formed  to  hunt  scalps.  Universal, 
Oct.  9,  1862.  hi  1863  Chihuahua  paid  $500  for  a  chief's  scalp,  and  $200  for 
ordinary  ones.  EstreUa  Ocdd.,  June  5,  1863.  This  prize  was  publicly  offered. 
in  1867.  Ooddenlal,  Aug.  4,  1869;  U.  8.  Commerc.  Mel,  1867-8,  726. 

^DkuioAvis.,  Jan.  10,  1857;  Eco  Nac.,  Jan.  10,  1857. 


«16       LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DUPANGO. 

partidos  alone  reported  at  this  time  102,  68,  and  34 
murders  respectively,  with  robberies  and  ravages  in 
proportion.* 

The  extent  of  the  desolation  may  be  readily  under- 
stood when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  district  of 
Papasquiaro,  though  in  the  centre  of  the  western 
half  of  Durango,  was  repeatedly  visited,  and  that 
every  scalp  secured  was  at  the  cost  of  many  lives.*' 
The  state  authorities  can  hardly  be  blamed  for  buying 
a  precarious  peace  from  diflferent  tribes,  although 
aware  that  it  would  be  broken  the  first  opportunity.** 
The  ubiquitous  robbers  took  advantage  of  the  disorder 
to  exact  their  share  of  the  spoils,  especially  in  Du- 
rango, appearing  disguised  as  Indians,  and  more 
frequently  in  the  safer  garb  of  political  guerrillas.** 
Shortly  after  the  American  invasion  drought  and 
cholera  came  to  swell  the  evil,**  while  the  gold  excite- 
ment in  California  lured  away  a  large  number  of  the 
most  desirable  citizens.*^ 

**  Cuencame  district  reported  in  1856  68  murden,  and  the  des^mctioin  of 
52  ranches;  Papasquiaro,  34  murders  and  12  ranchos  destroyed,  while  £1 
Oro  claimed  the  greatest  suffering.  jVoeion,  Nov.  6,  1856;  &Umdarie,  2iac, 
Feb.  23,  25,  Mar.  4,  1857;  Eepan^  Sonorenae,  and  JSbo  Nac,  Mar.  7-9,  1857; 
Oorrto,  Esp,,  Feb.  21,  1855;  FroebeVs  CenU  Amer,,  ii.  214-24,  283-4.  This 
last  author  gives  a  harrowing  account  of  the  devastation;  and  alludes  to 
wanton  destruction  of  live  stock  by  Indians,  and  to  mutilated  bodies  of 
women  and  children  in  revenge  for  defeats.  Consult  also  Mex.  Serapg^  L  15; 
AUa  CaL,  Oct  18,  1853;  Von  Ten^,  Mitla,  77-105.  In  Feb.  1857,  4S 
persons  were  killed  in  a  northern  district  of  Durango.  Dkario  Avi$.,  Mar.r 
May,  1857;  Tiempo,  Aug.-Sept.  1857;  Bazon,  Jan.  9,  1858;  Pagi,  Jan.  S, 
1858. 

^^  'For  every  fifty  soldiers  killed  but  one  or  two  Indians  die,'  says  a 
foreign  writer.  Mex.  Scraps,  i  39.  Yet  it  was  boasted  that  16  Comanche 
chiefs  had  fallen  between  Sept.  1853  and  Feb.  1854.  Eoo  Etp.,  March  4,  11, 
April  22,  1854. 

^  A  treaty  in  April  1855,  for  instance,  with  a  tribe  of  288  Apaches  wu 
procured  for  rations  to  the  value  of  |8,724  annually.  Cdrreo  -fibp.,  June  9, 
1855.  '  A  criminal  and  imbecile  action,'  rails  the  ifesc  Informe  Peaquig,,  S&, 
for  the  tribes  continued  to  plunder  with  greater  security. 

^Carreo  Eap.,  Jan.  10,  1853;  Estandarte,  Nac,  Aug.  26,  1857;  Bco  Nor., 
Diario  Avis  and  Tiempo,  especially  in  1857-8.  Yet  the  term  robber  is  fre- 
quently applied  by  political  parties  to  any  opponent. 

^In  rNirango  the  famine  gave  rise  to  several  riots.  JUvera,  HUtL  JaL^  iv. 
-236,  267;  Voz  Mel,  Feb.  21,  1878.  Cholera  broke  out  at  Durango  in  July 
1849,  and  carried  off  by  Sept.  2,498  victims,  or  fully  60  per  cent,  of  the 
stricken.  80c  Mex,  Oeog.,  BoL,  v.  46.  Details  in  Sonortnse  and  dmoermd, 
.  July-Nov.  1849.  Small-poz  followed  in  Nov.  I<L,  Dec  14,  1850.  Btamnz. 
Hist.  Dur.,  36. 

^^  Exploring  expeditions  from  the  V.  S.  at  first  tended  rather  to  pgomots 


REVOLUTION.  617 

The  frontier  provinces  had  entertained  great  ex- 
pectations from  the  restored  federal  system  under 
Herrera  and  Arista,  only  to  be  disappointed.  The 
military  colonies  were  allowed  to  fade  away,  and  the 
presidios  were  left  in  a  worse  condition  than  ever.  This 
in  itself  sufficed  to  sour  loyalty.  The  revolution  in  Ja- 
lisco, reestablishing  the  dictatorship  under  Santa  Anna, 
found  therefore  ready  endorsement  in  Durango  as 
well  as  Chihuahua,  where  Trias  himself  gave  the 
signal  by  deposing  the  not  very  popular  Governor 
Cordero*'  in  December  1852,  and  reassuming  the 
gubernatorial  power;  as  did  M.  Morett,  the  military 
chief  of  Durango."  The  sale,  however,  to  the  United 
States  of  Mesma  Valley,  to  which  Chihuahua  had  a 
certain  claim,  turned  the  current  of  good-will.  When 
Grovemor  Lane  of  New  Mexico  announced  his  preten- 
sions to  that  strip  of  territory,  Trias  bravely  marched 
to  the  front  with  a  respectable  force,  but  was  obliged 
to  submit  to  the  formal  transfer,  and  to  a  narrowed 
limit  of  state  lands." 

Both  states  rallied  promptly  in  favor  of  the  plan  of 
Ayutla,  and  issued  federal  constitutions  in  1855. 
That  of  Durango  was  threatened  with  certain  modifi- 
cations, by  the  claims  of  Sinaloa  and  Coahuila,  to 
certain  tracts  on  either  side."  The  ensuing  war  of 
reform,  so  called,  in  behalf  of  the  new  constitution, 

this  exodus.  Col  Hays,  Li^e,  MS.,  60-9,  sought  to  open  a  route  by  way  of 
Presidio  dd  Norte.     U.  S.  officers  explored  the  Kio  Bravo  in  1850  for  navi- 

e.tion.  ooc  Jilex.  Oeog.,  BoL,  iii.  38;  Hayes'  Scnxps,  Ivd.^  iiL  324-9;  and 
eut  Couch  made  a  geographic  and  botanic  tour  in  1852-53.  SmUhaoman 
Repi,  1854,  86-7. 

•■Who  had  succeeded  Trias  upon  his  resignation  in  1850.  Univeraal,  May 
10,  June  6,  July  5,  Dec.  9,  1850. 

^Governor  J.  M.  del  Kegato  being  deposed.  UniveracUy  Dec.  4,  6,  22,  28, 
Dec  1852. 

**The  correspondence  between  the  two  governors  is  given  in  Umverml^ 
April,  May,  1853;  Rivera,  Hist.  JaL,  iv.  402-3.  Domenech  points  out  that 
little  benefit  was  derived  from  the  $7,000,000  passed  through  Santa  Anna's 
hands.  HiaL  Jfec,  iL  262-6.  Trias  went  to  the  frontier  with  500  men  and 
6  or  8  guns.  This  second  encroachment  rankled  in  the  hearts  of  the  citizens, 
who  came*to  blows  more  than  once,  with  settled  and  travelling  Americana. 
J^adon,  Feb.  12,  1857.    Aka  Cal,  Oct  18,  1853. 

"*The  former  claiming  Tamazula,  the  latter  the  mining  region  of  San 
Juan.  PeMomierUo  Nac,,  April  2&-30,  1856. 


618       LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

extended  throughout  the  north.  Chihuahua  suffered 
less,  owing  to  the  wide  prevalence  of  liberal  senti- 
ments. The  conservative  movement  of  1858  failed, 
though  L.  Zuloaga,  a  brother  of  the  great  leader  at 
Mexico,  occupied  the  state  capital,  in  tfune  of  the  fol- 
lowing year  deposing  the  governor.  Two  months 
later,  however,  he  was  forcea  to  seek  refuge  **  in  Du- 
rango.  There  the  plan  of  Tacubaya,  one  of  the  con- 
servative reactions  against  the  constitution,"  had  been 
adopted  in  April  1858  by  General  Heredia.  He  re- 
placed the  vacillating  J.  de  la  Bdrcena  '*  as  governor, 
and  held  out  against  the  liberals  till  July,  when 
E.  Coronado  captured  the  city,  assumed  the  chief 
magistracy  and  retaliated  upon  the  clero-conservative 
faction  by  imposing  heavy  contributions.*' 

The  contest  continued  in  the  interior,  aided  in 
part  by  the  fugitive  Zuloaga,  and  in  1859  the 
conservatives  and  liberals  alternately  rose  to  the 
summit,  signalizing  the  occupation  of  the  capital  and 
other  towns  by  executions  and  plunder.  Toward  the 
close  of  the  year  Cajen  entered  from  Jalisco  with  a 
large  force.  After  a  brief  campaign  in  Chihuahua, 
which  resulted  in  a  temporary  reestablisment  early  in 
1860  of  the  conservatives,  he  advanced  upon  Durango, 
routed  the  liberals  under  Ortega  and  Patoni,  and  took 
possession  of  the  capital,  as  governor.**     Toward  mid- 

^Zuloaga  inarched  from  Corralitos  at  the  head  of  1000  men  and  occupied 
Chihuahua  and  FarraL  He  failed  to  obtain  a  footing  in  Sonera.  In 
August  his  army,  partly  equipped  at  his  own  expense,  yidded  to  an  inferior 
force  under  Orozco,  doubtless  because  it  was  Uberal  at  heart.  Details  in 
Dlarh  Avis,  Dec.  1,  1858,  June  24,  July  23,  Sept.  22,  1859,  etc.;  Bco  Kae.^ 
Feb.  12,  1858;  AUa  Cal,  June  9,  July  16,  1859. 

*'  See  Hi^.  Mex,,  v.  722,  et  seq.,  this  series. 

^Elected  under  the  new  constitution  in  June  1857,  as  suooessor  to 
Heredia.  See  vote  in  Eatandarte  ^^oc,  July  12, 1857.  Weidntr  Cerro  Mcrcado, 
3.  Bdrcena  at  first  declared  for  the  plan  and  then  wavered.  He  was 
charged  with  American  sympathies.  Heredia  created  a  council  and  reorsan- 
ized  the  court  Diario  Avis.,  Jan.  23,  March  6,  May  16,  1858;  Eeo  Aor., 
April  26,  May  2,  1858. 

^  See  above  journals,  June-Auff.  1858,  passim.  VozSon,,  Aug.  13,  1858. 
The  bishop  was  imprisoned  for  reinsing  to  assist  in  collecting  tke  $10,000 
clerical  share  of  $116,000  forced  contribution. 

''According  to  IHario  Avis.,  March  13,  21-4, 1860,  the  defeat  at  GaJlo  re- 
sulted in  the  death  of  74  liberals  and  the  capture  of  134,  out  of  a  force  pUeed 


EFFECT  OF  FRENCH  INTERVENTION.  SlflT 

Bominer  he  found  it  expedient  to  seek  fresh  forces  in 
Chihuahua,  in  order  to  meet  the  gathering  liberals. 
He  gained,  indeed,  a  few  advantages;"  but  his  defeat 
soon  afber  in  Sinaloa,  and  death  by  treachery^  **  has- 
tened the  triumph  of  the  opposite  party."  The  victors 
of  Durango  as  well  as  Chihuahua  hastened  to  clip 
the  wings  of  clerical  power,  by  enforcing  the  confisca- 
tion of  their  enormous  wealth,  as  decreed  by  the 
president.**  This  measure  drove  the  opposite  party 
to  protract  the  struggle,  although  with  little  success, 
and  General  Patoni  was  rewarded  for  his  success  by 
being  confirmed,  in  1861,  in  the  position  he  had  as- 
sumed at  Durango  as  governor,"  while  in  Chihuahua 
Greneral  Luis  Terrazas  was  chosen." 

Supremacy  was  not  long  continued  however,  for  in 
the  following  year  the  French  intervention  infused 
fresh  spirit  into  the  conservatives.  Their  first  efforts 
were  not  encouraging,  for  the  entry  of  foreign  armies 
stirred  the  liberals  to  greater  zeal.  As  the  danger 
increased,  the  energetic  Patoni  was  invested  with  the 
civil  as  well  as  mihtary  command  of  the  more  exposed 
Durango,*'  and  subsequently  given  control  also  over 
the  forces  in  Chihuahua.  At  the  same  time  a 
supreme  decree  of  April  1864  proclaimed  martial  law 

at  2000.  In  combination  with  S.  Ramirez,  Cajen  overcame  the  column  of 
P.  Hinojosa,  killing  nearlv  400,  as  he  claimed,  and  taking  150  prisoners,  but 
was  in  turn  checked  by  M.  Campos.  This  revived  the  spirits  of  the  liberals. 
Bdrella  OcdcL,  July  13,  Aug.  3,  1860.  Hcrrcra  was  ordered  in  from  Sinaloa. 
Cuadro  8mop.j  6,  in  Vega,  Doc 

^  Some  of  his  partisans  carried  banners  witn  the  inscription,  *  sangre, 
eaterminio  y  robo.    CoaSdon  Ch'L,  June  30,  1860. 

^  At  the  hand  of  one  whom  he  had  spared  and  befriended.  Optnion  Situ, 
and  ^treUa  Ocdd.,  Feb.  1,  1861. 

**Potoni  assumed  control  in  Durango.  Herrera,  Vindic,,  p.  xxxiii 

•*  In  Chihuahua,  J.  E.  Mufioz  carried  out  the  decree,  and  applied  a  portion 
of  the  funds  to  the  amortization  of  copper  coinage. 

^Buenroetro,  Hist,  Prim,  y  Leg.,  cong.  435,  261.  B.  Silva  acted  a  while  in 
1862-3;   Vega,  Doc,  i.  85;  Trait  d'Umon,  Jan.  15,  Sept.  23,  1861. 

«/cf.,  Feb.  16,  Nov.  17,  1861.  He  also  had  to  continue  the  task  of  sup- 
pressing ffuerrillas.  BoL  NoOc,  Feb.  14,  1861,  Estrella  Ocdd,,  April  12,  1861. 
Kivera,  HisL  JaL,  v.  434,  indicates  that  the  guerrillas  were  growing  more 
nnmeroos,  baffling  all  efforts  at  suppression. 

•^Partly  owing  to  a  revolutionary  movement  by  Col  Borrego  in  the 
spring  of  1863.  Hex.  CoL  Ley.  Dec,  i.  47. 


920       LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

in  this  state,  and  appointed  J.  J.  Casavantes,  gov- 
emor.  The  legislature  objected  so  strenuously  to  the 
removal  of  their  favorite,  Terrazas,  that  Patoni  felt 
bound  to  march  with  a  force  to  sustain  the  president's 
order.  The  local  authorities  yielded,  and  the  com- 
mander-in-chief prudently  made  a  partial  concession 
by  installing  the  popular  Trias  as  governor  and  as  his 
military  second." 

By  this  time  the  French  had  overrun  the  central 
provinces  of  the  repubUc,  and  prepared  to  conquer  the 
north,  and  drive  out  the  fugitive  liberal  government 
then  at  Saltillo.  To  this  end  General  L'H^riller  ad- 
vanced with  his  brigade  from  Zacatecas  into  Durango, 
occupied  the  state  capital  on  July  3d  unmolested,  and 
entrusted  the  administration  to  Prefect  B.  Sarabia, 
whose  eflforts  for  the  recognition  of  Emperor  Maxi- 
milian met  with  a  most  flattering  response.**  Detach- 
ments were  thereupon  sent  out  to  extend  possession,  a 
task  facilitated  by  the  engagement  at  Estanzuelas  on 
September  21st,  wherein  the  combined  forces  of 
Patoni  and  other  leaders,  under  direction  of  Ort^a, 
received  a  check  that  compelled  them  to  retreat 
northward.^*  The  supreme  government,  which  in 
August  had  been  driven  from  Saltillo  into  the  district 
of  Nazas,  was  therefore  obliged  to  retreat  into  Chi- 
huahua. Juarez  was  received  with  the  most  loyal 
demonstrations  by  the  people,  headed  by  GU)vemor 
Trias."  Chihuahua  on  October  15th  was  declared 
the  provisional  capital  and  steps  were  taken  to  collect 
fresh  resources  and  men." 

^Mex.  Col  Ley.,  1863,  U.  50-1;  EstnOa  Ocdd.,  June  3,  July  22,  1864; 
VozM^'.,  Aug.  20,  1864. 

*  Acting  governor  Mascarefias  on  July  Ist  placed  the  city  under  martial 
law,  supported  by  Gen.  Ochoa;  but  Patoni  failing  to  oome  np,  reaistanca 
was  connidered  useless.  Estrella  Ocdd.,  and  Period,  Imp.  Mex.,  Ang.-Sept 
1864,  are  most  complete  on  campaign  operations  for  their  respective  sides, 
during  this  and  the  following  years.     Corona  was  surprised  in  July  19th. 

^*  Details  in  Hist,  Mex.,  vi.,  this  series. 

^^  He  had  indignantly  rejected  a  proposal  to  join  the  imperialists  from 
Langberg,  a  Dane,  formerly  a  general  in  republican  service.  SkrtUa  Oceid., 
Aug.  12,  1864.  He  had  been  equally  firm  in  1861,  when  nunors  came  of 
coxuederate  advances  or  invasions.  TraU  d^UnkUt  April  26,  Dec  4,  1861. 

"CcM^  CWeatiofi  Eatrangera;  Mex,  Col  Ley.,  1863-67,  iL  124-5.  In  im- 
pressing men  some  outrages  were  committed.  Id,,  159-62. 


JUAREZ  IN  THE  NORTH.  621 

In  November  the  French  had  penetrated  to  Rio 
Florido,"  but  the  diversion  of  troops  into  Sinaloa  pre- 
vented them  from  sustaining  the  advance.  In  May 
1865  Patoni  began  to  advance,  and  shortly  after 
Carbajal  ventured  to  besiege  Durango.'*  Their  hopes 
were  frustrated,  however,  by  the  arrival  of  reenforce- 
ments  under  Brincourt,  who  moreover  had  orders  to 
enter  Chihuahua,  and  drive  the  republican  president 
from  this  his  last  state  capital.  The  French  moved 
forward  2,500  strong,  pressing  back  the  liberals,  and 
leaving  detachments  at  Rio  Florido,  Allende,  Parral, 
and  Santa  Rosalfa.  The  bodies  commanded  by  Ruiz, 
Aguirre,  Villagran,  and  Ojinaga  offered  no  opposition 
and  the  republican  authorities  fled  to  El  Paso.'  Brin- 
court took  possession  of  Chihuahua  on  August  15th, 
and  appointed  T.  Zuloaga,  prefect. 

It  would  have  been  easy  to  continue  the  march  and 
oblige  Juarez  to  cross  the  frontier,  but  fearing  a  col- 
lision with  United  States  troops,  Bazaine  had  ordered 
the  French  to  return  to  Durango  after  advancing  not 
further  than  a  day's  march  beyond  Chihuahua  city. 
Brincourt  asked  permission  to  retain  1,000  men,  with 
which  the  state  could  readily  be  held.  The  orders 
were  repeated,  however,  and  the  invaders  departed  on 
October  29th.  The  republican  government  reoccu- 
pied  the  capital,  and  conciliated  the  popular  Terrazas 
by  restoring  to  him  the  governorship.  This  had  just 
been  vacated  by  the  death  of  Ojinaga,  a  valiant  gen- 
eral who  fell  in  August  while  endeavoring  to  suppress 
an  Indian  revolt  at  Guerrero."  Maximilian  was 
deeply  incensed  on  hearing  of  Brincourt's  abandon- 

''Their  cavalry  obtained  some  advantages  at  Guadalupe,  but  Quesada 
approaching,  they  fell  back.  Vofi  Jf<^'.,  Jan.  28,  Mar.  24,  1865.  Col  Borrego 
claimed  a  victory  at  San  Juan  del  Rio.  Estrella  Occid.,  Oct.  14,  Dec.  23,  1864. 

'*  Marquez  de  Leon  states  that  he  was  appointed  governor  of  Durango 
about  this  time,  and  prepared  to  organize  forces.  Then  Juarez  gave  the  post 
to  Carbajal,  and  Marquez  retired  in  disgust,  objecting  to  his  rival  as  a  robber 
chief.  Mem.  Pol,  MS.,  243-6. 

'*  Juarez  carried  away  $400,000,  'sacados  de  Chihuahua,'  says  Rivera, 
HtiA.  JaL,  V.  654. 

^'Ojinaga  was  collecting  contributions  there,  which  gave  rise  to  a  tumult 
in  which  he  was  shot.    VozM^j.,  Dec.  2,  9,  12,  1865. 


«22      LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

ment  of  an  expedition  on  which  hopes  had  been 
founded  of  driving  Juarez  from  Mexican  soil,  and 
Bazaine  ordered  500  men  under  Billot^  to  reoccupy 
the  capital,  which  they  did  on  December  11th. 

Juarez  returned  to  El  Paso,"  while  his  ofScers  fell 
back  to  harass  the  enemy's  communications.  Aguirre 
hovered  in  the  desert  to  the  south-east,  and  Villagran 
created  enthusiasm  on  the  western  side  by  the  defeat 
of  a  French  detachment  at  Parral."  This  served  to 
sustain  the  ardor  of  the  liberals,  and  when  the 
menicmg  attitude  of  the  United  States  induced 
the  French  to  concentrate  their  forces  for  retreat,  the 
patriotic  spirit  cast  aside  the  last  restraint  to  join  in 
pursuit.  No  sooner  had  the  foreigners  turned  south- 
ward, early  in  February  1866,  than  the  republicans 
fell  upon  the  scanty  conservative  columns  left  in  pos- 
session of  Chihuahua  and  other  leading  points.  In 
March  the  imperialists  were  compelled  to  evacuate 
the  capital,^*  and  although  their  remnants  still  strug- 
gled awhile,  they  yielded  to  the  pressure,  and  followed 
close  upon  their  foreign  allies,  who  slowly  fell  back 
from  one  point  to  another.'* 

In  the  middle  of  1866  the  liberals  were  able  to  de- 
clare Chihuahua  free  of  enemies,  and  now  joined  their 
brethren  of  Durango,  who  had  maintained  the  struggle 
under  circumstances  even  more  adverse.  Corona, 
from  Sinaloa,  assisted  Patoni  and  other  leaders  to 
harass  the  imperialists,  and  even  ventured  to  threaten 
the  capital,  capturing  in  January  1866,  the  impor- 
tant base  at  Nazas,  alter  defeating  Aymar.** 

''"'  He  was  greeted  with  festivities,  which  displayed  at  least  a  cheering 
devotion  to  his  cause.  Legac,  Mex,,  CircuL^  443-4,  4&5-7. 

^On  Aug.  8th.  It  consisted  of  66  men  under  Lieut  Pyot,  who  fought 
desperately,  and  lost  17  killed  and  24  ]^risoners.  The  Juarists  lost  (^n. 
Meoqui  Jgleaias  Interv,,  iii.  466.  Billot  inflicted  some  blows,  however,  and 
Gomez  and  Casabantes  were  routed  in  Jan.  1366,  near  Guerrero.  ZHario  Imp., 
Feb.  22,  Mar.  8,  1866. 

7*  Half  the  garrison  pronouncing  for  the  liberals.  Fez  M6J.,  Mar.  31,  May 
5,  24,  1866,  estimates  its  total  at  700;  a  sortie  'shortly  before  had  prov^ 
disastrous.  ZHario  Imp,,  of  Mar.  20,  1866,  still  claims  a  victory  at  the  dose 
of  Feb.,  for  Garraneo. 

^The  last  position  abandoned  by  the  French  in  Chihuahua  was  FanraL 

n  Who  fell  in  the  battle.  Voz  M^.,  Feb.  1,  1866.  For  fuUer  details  on 
the  northern  campaign  see  Hist,  Mex.,  vi.,  this  series. 


POLITICAL  AFFAIKS.  623 

In  July  the  French  abandoned  the  Nazas  line,  and 
•on  November  15th  the  city  of  Durango  was  evacuated, 
every  point  beyond  having  been  seized  by  the  repub- 
licans. On  the  l7th  Colonel  Perez  entered  the  city, 
and  in  the  following  month  Juarez  arrived  from  Chi- 
huahua, making  a  triumphal  entry  on  the  day  after 
Christmas."  At  the  general  election  of  1867,  this 
resolute  supporter  of  the  liberal  cause  received  an 
overwhelming  majority  of  votes,  especially  in  Chi- 
huahua. Durango  showed  less  devotion,  partly  be- 
cause of  her  stronger  clerical  faction,  and  partly 
through  the  influence  of  Patoni,  who  favored  General 
Ortega's  aspirations  to  the  presidency,  after  Juarez's 
term  expired  in  1865.  To  avert  trouble  during  the 
heat  of  election,  Patoni  and  Ortega  were  arrested. 
Nevertheless  partv  spirit  displayed  itself  on  more 
than  one  occasion,*  but  was  counteracted  by  Governor 
Zdrate  and  his  successor,  F.  G.  Palacio."  Luis  Ter- 
razas  was  confirmed  as  ruler  by  the  people  of  Chi- 
huahua.** 

The  Juarist  administration  received  another  blow 
in  this  quarter  by  its  supposed  implication  in  the 
murder  of  Patoni  by  the  military  chief.  General 
Canto,  in  August  1868.**  The  growth  of  this  feeling 
was  revealed  in  the  following  year,  by  an  outbreak  of 
so  widespread  a  nature,  that  the  government  prepared 
to  suspend  the  constitutional  guarantees.*^     Hostili- 

**  I>arango  became  the  national  capital  for  a  while.  Dtiblan  and  Lezano, 
Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  750. 

^Indications  of  a  pronunciamento  by  T.  Borrego,  led  to  his  arrest  at 
Durango  on  Nov.  1,  1867;  yet  his  followers  made  an  attack  on  the  govern- 
ment officers.  BftreO'i,  Occid.,  Dec.  13,  1867;  Diario,  Ofic,  Nov.  28,  1867. 
They  were  punished  for  it.  Estado,  Sin.,  Nov.  15,  1867. 

^M.  Balda,  J.  M.  Pereyra  and  Olvera  acted  in  1868-69.  OaOardo,  Chadro 
e-7. 

*7R.,  see  also  Derechoy  iv.  38,  for  judges. 

"  Who  caused  him  to  be  dragged  from  his  house  at  Durango,  and  sum- 
marily shot  at  Analco  on  Aug.  18.  CorreOy  Pac.,  Aug.  26,  1868;  EstreUaOcdd.f 
Sept.  1,  Oct.  2,  1868.  Canto  was  arraigned  and  his  command  transferred  to 
D.  Guerra.  He  was  condemned  to  death,  but  the  sentence  was  changed  to 
ten  years  easy  confinement.  Details  in  Regen.  Sin,,  Aug.  21,  25,  Sept.  11, 
1868;  Nayarii,  PvMm  del,  12;  Derteho,  i.  12,  57;  ii.  59,  336-7;  Mex,  Recop., 
iii.  200-8,  343^;  Diario,  Q/Sc,  Aug.  24,  1868,  Nov.  5,  1869. 

^  To  which  the  ffovemor  objected.  MonU.  Rep.,  June  16,  1869.  Other 
details  in  Ocddenk^'M.tLr.-Mfky,  1869.     The  conservative  feeling  was  dis< 


624      LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND   DURANGO. 

ties  were  maintained  during  the  following  years,  until 
the  reelection  of  Juarez  in  1871,  which,  being  declared 
to  be  fraudulent,  gave  rise  to  pronunciamientos  in 
favor  of  the  revolution  started  by  Porfirio  Diaz,  the 
popular  candidate.  The  movement  proved  successful 
at  first,  under  the  leadership  of  Donato  Guerra,  who 
overran  Durango  and  gained  the  mastery  in  Chihua- 
hua; but  the  death  of  Juarez  in  the  middle  of  1872 
caused  adherents  to  fall  off;  Diaz  relinquished  his 
aim,  and  peace  was  restored."  In  Durango  the  suc- 
ceeding period  of  repose  was  inaugurated  by  Governor 
Carrillo ;  and  in  Chihuahua,  where  Terrazas  had  re- 
signed in  1872,  A.  Ochoa  assumed  the  control.** 

The  elections  of  1875  again  afforded  just  cause  for 
the  Porfiristas  to  renew  hostilities.  **  The  well-known 
leader  Trias  headed  this  new  movement  at  Chihuahua 
in  June  1876,  and  held  his  ground  till  September, 
when  the  government  partly  gained  possession  of  the 
capital  and  captured  Donate  Guerra,  leader  of  the 
revolution  in  the  north,  who  was  seeking  to  join  his 
brothers  in  arms,  having  been  driven  from  Sinaloa." 
In  Durango  also  the  Porfiristas  succeeded  no  better 
at  first;  but  in  November  1876,  a  diversion  was 
made  by  Carrillo,  who  proclaimed  Iglesias  president, 
and  himself  governor  of  the  state.  The  ousted  Gen- 
eral Fuero,  successor  to  Hernandez  y  Marin,  recov- 
ered the  command,  however,  but  was  obliged  to  sub- 

played  by  the  persecution  of  protestantB  by  mobs.  Heaen,  SirL,  Jnn^  19, 1809. 
The  reyolntion  was  still  active  in  1870.  Diario  Qfic,  June  13,  1870;  OomtiLp 
Mar.  29,  1868. 

»  See  ffiet.  Mex.,  vi.,  this  series. 

••  He  entered  upon  office  in  Nov.  1873.  Federal,  Nov.  18,  1873.  GarriUo 
did  so  a  year  earlier.  Fenix^  Oct.  24,  1872.  Terrazas  had  been  urging  elec- 
toral reforms.  Mex,  Menu  Gob.,  1871,  app.  v.  62;  MomL  Rep,,  Mav  18,  1872. 

**The  Chihuahua  election  was  brought  before  congress  as  fraudulent 
Dior,  Debates,  cong.  7,  iv.  10,  38;  con^.  8,  i.  46-56;  cong.  9,  i.  766-71.  In 
October  numerous  points  were  occupied  by  rebels,  yet  the  goyenunent 
claimed  shortly  after  to  have  practically  mastered  the  situation.  Dkuio  Q^, 
Nov.  25,  1875. 

'^Guerra  is  said  to  have  been  killed  by  the  guard  at  the  camp  at  Avaks 
where  he  was  imprisoned,  during  an  attack  mack  on  it  by  Trias.  DiainoOfic,^ 
Sept.  29,  Oct.  1,  Nov.  7,  1876;  June  20,  1878.  The  capital  fell  Sept  la 
Diar,  Di^bateSy  ConM.,  8,  iii.  116-19.  An  American  banker  comj^ined 
that  13  forced  loans  had  been  exacted  from  him  within  six  montba.  Diarh 
Ofic,  March  17-18,  1879. 


REVOLUTION.  e2S 

mit  in  the  following  January  to  the  victorious  Porfirio 
Diaz ;  whereupon  the  people  elected  General  J.  M. 
Flores  ruler.  Caamafio  of  Chihuahua  had  also  to 
yield,  and  Trias  was  rewarded  for  his  staunch  though 
not  very  successful  struggle  by  election  to  the  vacated 
post."  The  northern  states  had  still  to  endure  a  final 
though  feeble  attempt  made  by  the  expiring  Lerdist 
party,  manoeuvred  from  their  retreat  in  the  United 
States.  It  resulted  in  a  little  more,  so  far  as  Chihua- 
hua was  concerned,  than  a  temporary  armed  occupa- 
tion of  El  Paso,  in  the  middle  of  1877."  Partial 
failures  of  crops  also  supervened  during  the  following 
years  in  both  states,  creating  such  distress  that  a 
serious  riot  took  place  at  Durango." 

The  opposition  availed  itself  of  the  feeling  for  politi- 
cal purposes,  Trias  being  accused  of  misdirection  of 
funds  and  other  maladministration,  and  Flores  of 
holding  ofiice  in  violation  of  certain  requirements  of 
the  state  constitution.  The  result  was  revolution,, 
headed  in  Chihuahua  by  G.  Casavantes,  who  in 
August  1879,  from  Guerrero,  proclaimed  the  removal 
of  Trias,  and  succeeded,  after  a  brief  campaign,  in 
gaining  possession  of  the  capital.  The  approach  by 
request  of  federal  troops  under  Trevino,  brought 
about  his  ready  surrender ;  yet  he  achieved  his  aim, 
for  Trias  was  impeached  and  deposed.  Terrazas  was 
called  in  November  to  replace  him,**  and  ruled  till 
1884,  when  General  Fuero  received  the  popular  vote. 
The  leader  in  Durango,  J.  Valdespino,  succeeded  in 

**  Mufioz  holding  the  office  prior  to  election.  Voz  M^.,  March  24,  Apr. 
14,  June  18,  1877;  2>iar.  Debates,  cong.  8,  i.  28. 

•»By  Machorro.  DkiHo  Offic,  June  18,  20,  July  4,  1878;  Jirvinta  Cat.,  1877, 
302. 

•*  In  which  a  few  of  the  mob  were  shot.  The  legislature  offered  relief  hy 
redncing  the  price  of  com  from  six  to  two  cents  per  pound.  Voz  M^.,  May 
16,  Aug.  27,  1878.  The  supreme  government  granted  aid  in  money,  reduc- 
tion of  duties,  and  purchase  of  grain  and  seed.  Mex.  Hecop.,  xxvii.  815-17; 
Diar.  Debates,  cong.  9,  iv.  397;  cong.  10,  iii.  868.  Aid  was  also  given  to 
sufferers  from  floo£. 

*  Reports  of  plans  and  movements  in  Mex.  Mem.  Oob.,  1879-80,  27-8,  83 
6;  VozM^'.,  Sept.  2.3,  Oct.  7,  12,  Dec.  6, 21,  1879;  Diario  Offc,  Oct.  10,  Nov.  5, 
1879.     Ooservations  of  U.  S.  counsel  in  U.  S.  Gov.  Dor.,  cong.   46,  sess.  2; 
H.  Eac.  Doc,,   XXV.,  pt  i.  427.  A/,,  sess.  3,  i.,  pt  i.,  722-4.     Casavantes  met 
'with  several  reverses  before  he  gained  the  capital  and  captured  Tria.s. 
HI.9T.  Mex.  States,  Vol.  II.  40. 


^626       LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURAKC^O. 

stirring  a  more  troublesome  outbreak,  which  after  its 
practical  suppression  early  in  1880,  with  the  aid  of 
Treviflo,  gave  more  than  one  disturbing  throe,**  until 
the  assumption  of  office  by  the  able  F.  Gomez  del 
Palacio  brought  a  lull.*^ 

Meanwhile  disputes  had  arisen  between  the  two 
states,  as  well  as  with  CoahuUa  concerning  border 
tracts.  In  the  latter  case  water  rights  proved  a 
feature  of  the  quarrel  which  manifested  itself  in 
virtual  invasion,  and  obliged  the  interference  of  federal 
troops.*'  In  order  to  settle  the  trouble,  which  as  re- 
gards Sierra  Mojada,  with  its  late  gold  development, 
affected  also  Chmuahua,  it  was  proposed  to  form  here 
a  federal  territory.  Durango's  claims  received  such 
support,  however,  as  to  overrule  this  plan.  Finally 
an  amicable  arrangement  was  effected. 

Under  the  more  energetic  efforts  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Diaz,  and  the  cooperation  of  the  U  nited 
States,  raids  by  savages  were  for  the  most  part 
abated.  The  United  States  proposed  more  than  once 
a  joint  campaign  against  hostile  Indians,  as  weU  as 
an  agreement  to  the  effect  that  troops  of  both  repub- 
lics might  cross  the  boundaries  in  pursuit  Tliis 
course  Mexico  hesitated  to  adopt,  as  the  object  of  the 
northern  republic  was  more  the  chastisement  of  Mexi- 
can cattle-stealers  than  Indian  marauders.  The  gov- 
ernment could  not  allow  foreigners  to  deal  with  her 

*"  It  had  not  the  same  suoceas  as  the  Casavante  movement.  The  legiisb- 
ture  in  1878  rejected  a  proposed  impeachment  of  Flores.  Vcz  Mij.^  Oct  *26, 
1878.  Details  of  moyements  in  Diario  Ofic,  Oct  8-15,  22,  Nov.  10,  29. 1879. 
Aug.  18,  31,  1880.  Plan  and  official  comments  in  Mex.  Mem,  Oob.,  187^-80, 
28^9,  88-91. 

*'  In  1883  Flores  assailed  Palacio's  administration,  to  which  end  El  Tirh 
buco  journal  was  issued  on  Nov.  29,  1883.  He  succeeded  in  1885  to  the  gov- 
ernment Meanwhile  Zubirfa  had  acted  temporarily  from  Nov.  1882  till 
Feb.  1883,  and  during  1884  Pereyra,  Flores  and  Parra  administered  th* 
state. 

*  The  Rio  Nazas  question,  or  that  of  Santa  Bosa  dam,  so-called,  was  app^- 
ently  settled  in  1878,  Diario  Ofic.,  July  2,  10,  1878,  but  rose  again  in  lOT. 
also  in  connection  with  Sierra  Mojada  mines,  and  continued  to  agitate  th« 
people  for  several  years,  /rf.,  Sep.  10,  1879,  June  10,  14.  July  8,  l&l.  Jfo-. 
Mem.  Oner.,  1883,  29-31. 

^  Chihuahua  protested  in  1880  wiinst  the  favor  shown  to  Dorango.  Toe 
M^.,  May  27,  1880,  Mar.  8,  1879.  Diario  Ofic,,  Oct  13,  28,  1879. 


INDIAN  DIFFICULTIES.  627 

offending  citizens,  while  the  exaction  of  a  similar 
privilege  in  pursuing  Texan  robbers  would  have 
created  difficulties."*  This  hesitation  reacted  on 
Mexico's  claims  for  damages  by  injured  settlers  in 
Texas,  continuing  to  increase  and  having  to  be  finallj'- 
recognized/*^  while  Indians  found  a  convenient  refuge 
on  the  other  side."' 

Mexico  in  vain  proclaimed  against  the  culpability 
of  the  United  States  in  not  guarding  better  their 
Indian  reservations  from  which  the  raiders  mostly 
sallied  of  late  years.  Finally  she  was  induced,  in 
1882,  to  agree  to  the  mutual  introduction  of  troops, 
her  neighbor  being  restricted  to  the  pursuit  of  Indians 
only.  Joint  campaigns  were  also  arranged,  with 
speedy  effect  in  reducing  the  number  of  outrages. 
I>urango  had  for  some  time  been  almost  relieved  of 
the  scourge,  and  Chihuahua  regarded  herself  as  hav- 
ing passed  the  crisis,  with  every  prospect  of  extending 
settlements  into  the  hitherto  desolated  regions  east 
and  north.  Indeed,  schemes  for  colonizing  such  dis- 
tricts in  both  states  were  being  rapidly  formed,  fos- 
tered by  a  stimulating  extension  of  railroads. 

'''The  U  S.  pressed  the  matter  with  such  detennination  on  Diaz'  first 
acceraion  to  the  presidency,  that  there  was  a  prospect  of  war.  See  Hist.  Mex., 
vi.,  this  series. 

"'  For  awards  made  by  the  joint  commission,  see  indexes. 

^^Mex.  I^forme  Peaquis.,  1874,  is  a  detatled  inquiry  into  ravages  com- 
mitted between  1848  and  1873.  See  also  Mex.  Mem,  ReL,  1875,  25-69;  Voz 
.  Jf^f.,  1877-83 passim,  and  DiarioOfic,  Id.,  PmartCoL,  MS.,  no.  1196.  Mom- 
Jar  R(p»9  and  La  BepubUocL 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

UNITED  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 
1800-1890. 

Progress  of  Sk[tlkhbi9ts— Invasion  bt  Hermobilu) — Cafturi  or 
RosARio— Defeat  of  Hermosillo  at  San  Ionagio  de  Plastla— Cam- 
paign   AGAINST   THE    Af ACHES — LaST  COLONIAL  RXTLERS — UpRISINO  OF 

THE  Ofatas — The  Empire  Weloom£i>— Sonora  and  Sinau>a  Nie- 

LEOFED— PEimON    FOR  ReFORICS — FEDERALISM    FaVORED — SePARATIOK 

OF  Sonora  Ignored — Form  of  Government — Grievances  and  Revolt 

OF  THE  YaQUIS — OPERATIONS   OF  BaNDERAS— SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  Up- 

rising— Expulsion   of  Spaniards— Hardy's   Visit — Separation  or 
SoNORA  and  Sinaloa— Population. 

The  opening  of  the  century  was  marked  by  the  ex- 
tension of  settlements  toward  the  northern  regions  of 
Sonora,  entailing  the  more  rapid  absorption  and  sub- 
jugation of  the  Indian  element,  under  the  joint  efforts 
of  presidio  forces  and  ecclesiastics.  At  the  same  time, 
however,  encroachments  and  other  abuses  roused  dif- 
ferent tribes  to  a  more  or  less  hostile  attitude,  while 
the  development  of  resources  attracted  the  marauding 
Apaches,  Seris,  and  cognate  Indiana  The  Seris  had 
a  retreat  on  Tiburon  island;*  and  as  the  security  there 
served  to  encourage  other  tribes,  it  was  found 
necessary  for  the  military  commander  to  bestir  him- 
self and  inflict  a  lesson.'  Mexican  military  com- 
manders, as  a  rule,  were  not  very  active  in  their 
operations  against  the  savages  when  there  was  noth- 
ing to  be  gained  by  it. 

>  Oa  more  than  one  occasion,  notably  in  1802  and  1807,  expeditions  wwe 
projected  against  tids  robber  band,  but  were  frustrated  by  circumstauKer 
arising  out  of  tbo  war  of  Spain  with  England  and  France,  /mencr.  Vtrtfo. 
187-8;   refa«»,  iSfow,,  132. 

''In  1810  the  ffovemor  congratulated  the  people  on  Uie  ocndasion  of  peace 
with  the  Seris,  Tiburones,  Tepocas,  Coyote  Apaches,  and  Yumae.  Oac  Mex.r 
1811,  390-3. 

(628) 


MAP  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 


Map  or  Sonora  and  Sinaloa. 


690  UNITED  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

The  constant  measure  of  revolt  and  irruption  nat- 
urally confined  progress  to  narrow  bounds,  as  did  the 
policy  of  exclusiveness  against  foreign  intercourse, 
settlers  being  expected  to  buy  at  exorbitant  prices 
the  limited  range  of  supplies  brought  through  the 
southern  provinces  from  Spain.  The  eflPect  was  to 
check  production,  discourage  industrv  and  enterprise, 
and  lower  the  social  standard.  Nevertheless,  the 
temptation  held  out  by  foreign  traders  could  not  be 
wholly  resisted,  and  the  government  was  obliged  to 
permit  occasional  dealings  in  order  to  secure  a  portion 
of  the  revenue  sacrificed  by  strict  exclusion.' 

But  the  colonial  regime  was  soon  to  end.  The 
scene  of  Hidalgo's  exploits  lay  too  near  not  to  create  a 
ripple,  and  the  intendente  Alejo  Grarcia  Conde,  sent  his 
brother  and  Sub-Intendente  Merino  with  some  troops 
toward  Guadalajara  to  join  the  royalists;  but  they 
were  surprised  on  the  way  by  the  revolutionists,  and 
carried  prisoners  to  San  Miguel  el  Grande.*  So  en- 
couraged were  the  victors  that  they  followed  up  the 
advantage  by  an  invasion. 

The  leader  of  the  uprising  in  Nueva  Galicia,  J.  A. 
Torres,  had,  at  the  close  of  1810,  gained  control  of  the 
entire  province,  and  turned  his  attention  to  the  north, 
assisted  among  others  by  Gomez  Portugal,  who 
planned  an  expedition  into  Sinaloa.  The  command 
was  ofiered  to  Jos^  Marfa  Gonzalez  Hermosillo,  asso- 
ciated with  the  Dominican,  Francisco  de  la  Parra, 
who  was  the  directing  mind,  though  keeping  himself 
in  the  back-ground,*  and  assisted  by  J.  A.   Lopez, 

'Viceroy  Manjaiiuk  informs  his  snooessor  that  a  stranffe  vessel  sold  it» 
cargo  at  Guaymas  in  1802  for  $900,000  in  bullion.  Iruk-uc  vire^e^  181.  As 
American  ship  touched  at  the  same  port  in  Anffost  1804.  CaL  Pnm.  MeCt 
viii.  64^5.  Oapt.  Litfle  viidted  it  in  1808,  in  the  l>romo,  and  traded  by  per- 
mission,  paying  15  per  cent  duty  on  $140,000  sales.  C^icoee  sold  at  mm 
$4  to  $7  i>er  yard.  Irish  linenB  at$80  or  more  per  piece.  2j^e  on  Ocean,  110- 
14.  The  chief  article  of  exchange  at  first  was  gold  and  ailver,  and  later 
hides,  tallow,  cheese.  Pihe*8  Etxplor.,  358. 

*Oac.Mez.y  1811,390-3. 

^Indeed,  Hidalgo,  who  had  reached  Guadalajara  in  Nov.,  appointed  him 
brigadier  and  commander  of  the  party,  but  as  the  friar  objected  to  pub- 
licity, Hermosillo  figured  as  the  chief.  Documents  in  Htmanda  y  Datalot, 
Col.  Doc,  i.  379. 


REVOLUTION.  631 

lately  in  the  royalist  service.*  The  expedition  left 
Guadalajara  on  December  1st,  with  1600  infantry  and 
200  cavalry,  a  force  which  was  swelled  on  the  way  by 
large  numbers/ 

On  the  17th  the  revolutionists  arrived  before  the 
mining  town  of  Rosario,  occupied  by  Colonel  Villaes- 
cusa  with  1,000  men  and  6  guns.'  After  reconnoit- 
ring  it  was  resolved  to  carry  the  place  by  assault^ 
which  was  effected  on  the  following  morning  by  two 
columns  of  1,000  men  each.  The  royalists,  driven 
from  the  entrenchments  into  the  houses,  surrendered 
unconditionally  late  in  the  afternoon.*  Hermosilla 
then  occupied  San  Sebastian  and  Mazatlan,  and  col- 
lected funds,  especially  by  seizure  of  property  belong- 
ing to  European  Spaniards,^*  in  order  to  advance  upon 
Cosald. 

Now  came  a  turn  in  affairs.  Villaescusa  had  been 
generously  released  on  parole,  but  breaking  his  word 
he  fortified  himself  in  San  Ignacio  de  Piastla,  with 
the  aid  of  loyal  inhabitants,"  and  there  awaited  the 
arrival  of  the  intendente  with  troops  from  Sonora.. 
Hermosillo  promptly  advanced  upon  the  stronghold 
before  the  reenforcements  should  reach  it,  his  com- 
mand  by  this  time  being  increased  to  4,125  infantry 
and  476  cavalry,  strengthened  with  the  acquisition  at 
Rosario  of  artillery  and  arms/'  He  came  in  sight  of 
Piastla  on  January  29,  1811,  and  took  up  position  on 

*  Ensign  of  militia  cavalry,  and  soon  made  col  in  this  new  service.  Zama^ 
coiSf  Hist,  Mex,,  vii.  271. 

^  The  first  body  had  only  68  muskets  and  40  pair  of  pistols.  At  Magda- 
lena,  Parra  joined  with  500  men,  of  whom  140  were  cavalry,  with  36  mna^ 
kets  and  100  pistols.     Thej^  had  some  artillery,  however. 

'Villaescusa  was  captain  of  the  presidio  San  Carlos  de  Buenavista  of 
Sonora  and  brev.  col.  Akiman^  Mei.f  u.  91. 

*  Villaescusa  is  said  to  have  shed  tears  on  appearing  before  Hermosillo,. 
who,  moved  by  compassion,  let  him  depart.  BusiamanUy  UuadroHtsL,  i  177-8. 
Hermosillo  was  nromoted  to  a  full  colonelcy,  and  promised  a  brigadiership  if 
he  should  take  CosaU,  where  large  funds  were  expected.  Alaman,  ut  auip, 

^  Hidalgo  received  a  portion.  He  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  fourteen 
marks  of  gold  by  letter  of  Jan.  14,  1811. 

''  Most  of  the  royalists  captured  at  Rosario  are  saix  ^o  have  rejoined  him. 
Conde  had  been  advised  of  tne  danger. 

^  He  counted  900  muskets  and  200  pairs  of  pistols,  'rhe  body  included 
the  mulatto  garrison  of  Mazatlan.   Hernandf^  y  Davnlm,  Col  Doc.,  i.  381. 


632  UNITED  2S0N0RA  AND  SINALOA. 

a  hill  commanding  it,  on  the  southern  bank  of  the 
river,"  till  a  ford  could  be  found.  While  searching 
for  this,  the  friar,  Parra,  was  surprised  and  captured, 
and  taken  in  irons  to  Durango.  Fortunately  he  had 
been  able  to  destroy  the  compromising  documents 
which  he  carried,  and  aided,  moreover,  by  brethren  of 
the  robe,  he  managed  to  escape/* 

Hermosillo  discovered  a  ford  half  a  league  fipom 
camp,  and  crossing  with  his  men  and  artillery,  Feb- 
ruaiT  8th,  advanced  to  the  assault  in  three  columns, 
wholly  unaware  that  the  intendente  had  just  arrived 
with  the  reenforcements."  These  troops,  moreover, 
had  been  posted  in  ambuscade  alpng  the  line  of  the 
left  column,  which  was  permitted  to  approach  into 
the  outskirte  of  the  town,  while  the  other  two  columns 
were  checked  by  well-directed  batteries.  At  an  op- 
portune moment  the  ambuscaded  party  open  fire 
upon  the  unsuspecting  left  with  such  withering  effect 
as  to  place  three  hundred  revolutionists  hors  de  com- 
bat within  a  few  minutes.  The  rest  fell  back  in  dis- 
order upon  the  main  line,  creating  a  confusion  which 
Hermosillo  could  not  overcome.  As  it  was  evident, 
besides,  that  the  garrison  had  been  strengthened,  he 
thought  it  prudent  to  retreat.  The  royalists  followed 
up  the  advantage  by  capturing  the  neglected  camp, 
with  its  baggage  and  stores,  and  pressed  the  pursuit 
so  closely  as  to  regain  possession  of  the  entire  prov- 
ince, including  Mazatlan  and  Rosario,  and  to  awe  the 
larger  proportion  of  the  fugitives  to  surrender,  and 
sue  for  pardon.  The  rest  dispersed  on  learning  of 
Hidalgo's  defeat  in  Nueva  Galicia,  which  crushed  for 


1*  A  confliot  occorred  on  the  bank  between  some  detachments,  and  Villaes* 
cusa  claims  that  40  men  fell.  Oac  JfesB.,  1811,  1172-S.  Daring  a  parley  be- 
tween them,  the  insiirgent  lient  was  assassinated.  Akiman,  ATe^.,  ii.,  app.  64. 

^*  Under  cover  of  a  pass,  to  which  had  been  forged  the  name  of  the  inten- 
dente, Bonavia  Hememdez  v  Davalos,  CoL  Doe.,  i.  383. 

^^  Villaescasa  states  that  his  own  force  numbered  only  283  men.  Oac  Mex,, 
1811,  117&-7.  Gonde  is  said  to  have  brought  400  Opatas,  well  anned  with 
muskets  and  lances.  Velasco,  San.,  152,  puMses  his  men  at  over  1,000.  Ala- 
man  assumes  that  he  had  not  over  600  men  at  Piastla,  with  6  four-poundBit. 
M^,,ii.  147. 


OP  ATA  OUTBREAK.  633 

years  every  revolutionary  aspiration  in  this  Quarter." 
Although  these  provin^^es  were  thus  spared  further 
ravages  by  war,  they  escaped  not  altogether  its  bur- 
dens, for  they  were  frequently  called  upon  to  contrib- 
ute toward  the  support  of  the  royalist  cause,"  and  to 
pay  besides  a  special  war  tax,  while  industries  suffered 
from  the  interruption  of  traffic  and  supplies,"  and  the 
settlements  continued  to  be  threatened  by  Indians, 
In  1813-14,  Captain  Narvona  and  other  officers  car- 
ried on  a  regular  campaign  against  the  Apaches,  and 
claimed  to  have  inflicted  considerable  chastisement," 
yet  the  readiness  with  which  peace  was  proffered  and 
leniency  shown  served  only  to  encourage  hostilities," 
and  the  campaign  continued  with  brief  intermissions,*' 
under  the  direction  of  the  successive  intendentes, 
Alejo  Garcia  Conde,  Echegaray,  and  Cordero,  who 
closed  the  line  of  colonial  governors. 

More  startling  than  these  chronic  irruptions  was  an 
uprising  of  the  Opatas,  the  most  civilized  of  the 
Sonora  tribes,  and  also  the  most  loyal."     Their  sub- 

**  Among  the  earliest  to  accept  jMirdon  was  Lopez,  Hermosillo's  lieut.  The 
royaiista  pursued  their  opponents  into  Acaponeta*  Garcia  Conde *s  report  in 
Oac^  Mex,,  uos  24,  27,  28,  1811,  p.  1136.  Alaman  is  followed  by  Zaniacoia, 
Jffist.  Mex.t  viL  267-71,  393-4,  593,  Arrangoiz,  ifex.,  L  122,  and  most  other 
writers;  yet  several  of  his  statements  and  dates  are  disproved  by  the  docu- 
ments collected  in  Hernandez  y  Davalos,  Col  Doc,,  i.  376-83,  with  reports 
from  Parra  and  Lopez,  as  well  as  letters  from  Hidalgo. 

^"^Loreto  Miss.  i?cc.,  MS.,  12-15,  24;  Pinart,  Doc.,  Hist.  Son,,  i,  no.  ix.  22; 
j^oUc  Gen.,  Auk.  26,  1816.  The  northern  part  of  Sinaloa  did  not  altogether 
escape  the  revomtionary  infection,  for  Capt.  Pidalla  reports  the  defeat  of  a 
band  in  March,  near  Charay,  capturing  44  and  killing  49  out  of  200  to  300. 
Oac  Mex.,  xxiv.  1197. 

^  Quicksilver  being  kept  back,  for  instance,  to  the  detriment  of  mining. 
Rinari,  Doc  Son.,  i.,  no.  zxvi.,  18.  The  war  tax  decree  appeared  Aug.  7, 
1813.  Id.,  no.  xiv.,  22. 

**ln  one  of  the  numerous  encounters,  29  Apaches  were  killed.  Oac.  Mex.y 
1815,  196-7. 

*  Li  1817,  the  noted  chief,  Chiquito,  was  taken.  The  intendente  treated 
him  with  great  consideration,  and  other  chiefs  coming  at  the  time  to  arranee 
for  peace,  ne  at  once  released  the  prisoner.  The  party  thereupon  killed  the 
ffiiard,  and  ran  o£f  with  some  weapons.  Velaaco,  Soru,  241-2;  8oc.  Mex.  Geoy., 
BoL,  xL  85. 

'^In  April  1818,  the  intendente  at  Arizpe  reports  naving  driven  the  sav- 
ages bevond  the  rivers  Salado  and  Colorado,  peace  being  also  made  with  sev- 
eral tribes.  Gac  Mex.,  xxxvii.  550, 623.  644;  xxxix.  568;  xl.  950;  Notic.  Gen., 
June  14^  1819. 

''For  an  account  of  this  brave  and  interesting  people  I  refer  to  my 
JiaUve  Races,  i.;  Sacudero,  Not.  Son.,  140-3;  Zufiiga,  Mem.,  1835.     This  chief 


634  UNITED  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

niisBiveness  was  due  greatly  to  want  of  harmony 
among  themselves  which  the  government  fostered, 
while  employing  them  as  soldier  and  frontier  guards. 
They  had  frequently  complained  of  the  loss  of  privi- 
lege by  their  vassalage,  but  little  heed  was  given  to 
them. 

In  1820,  about  thirty  of  them  returning  from  ser- 
vice found  their  families  neglected  and  their  own  pay 
withheld.  Their  denunciations  became  so  threatening 
that  the  commandant  sent  them  under  guard  to 
Durango.  On  the  way  they  kiUed  the  sentinel, 
routed  the  escort,  and  returned  to  rouse  their  breth- 
ren." A  few  hundred  joined  them  to  descend  for 
pillage  upon  San  Antonio  de  la  Huerta  and  adjoining, 
settlements.  Those  who  resisted  were  killed,  and 
several  detachments  sent  against  them  were  defeated," 
notably  one  under  Colonel  Lomban,  at  Toniche,  said 
to  have  numbered  1500  men,  while  they  mustered 
not  over  550.  Aided  by  Chihuahua  a  force  of  over 
2,000  men  was  raised  against  them,  and  a  battle  wa& 
fought  near  Arivechi.  Finding  themselves  over- 
matched, the  Opatas,  reduced  by  Tosses  and  desertion, 
withdrew  to  the  church,  where  they  held  put  for  two 
days,  and  surrendered  only  when  their  last  shot  had 
been  fired.  The  two  leaders  Doraine  and  Espiritu 
with  seventeen  adherents  were  condemned  to  be  shot, 
the  rest  being  released.'* 

The  measures  taken  to  suppress  Indian  rebels  after 
Hermosillo's  defeat,  checked  any  active  participation 

received  an  allowance  from  the  government,  with  the  title  of  general  of  the 
nation. 

^  One  account  refers  to  them  as  revolted  i>reBidio  soldiers  sent  to  Durango 
for  punishment.    CaL  Archbiah.  Arch,,  iv.  pt  i.  26-7. 

^  Capt.  Simon,  who  led  one,  was  captured;  at  Arivechi  they  annihilated 
Capt.  Moreno  with  60  men  in  the  churcn.    VeiagcOf  Son,,  117-19. 

"^ Consult  iSoc  Mex,  Otog,,  x.  705-7;  Oac.  Mex.,  1820,  1230,  1821,  passim; 
Zunigoy  Son,,  6;  Pap.  Var.,  168,  no.  13;  Son,  F(uxion.,  9,  in  Pinarts  CoL; 
Col  SL  P(xp.,  Sac.,  vi.  24,  36;  Eseudero,  Not,  Son,,  140-a  The  usnal 
difference  with  regard  to  numbers  and  particulars  is  observable  in  these 
authorities.  Step  were  taken  to  remove  the  cause  for  similar  outbreaks  by 
checking  the  aruitrary  conduct  of  officials.  Pinari  CoL,  Doc^  Son.,  MS.» 
i.  no.  xii.  40,  no.  lix.  25. 


THE  INDEPENDENCE.  635 

in  the  war  of  independence,  and  it  was  only  when  the 
Spanish  yoke  was  thrown  o£F  that  Sonora  and  Sinaloa 
joined  quietly  in  the  revolution.  A  fore-runner  of 
the  change  appeared  in  1820,  in  the  new  liberal  con- 
stitution granted  by  Spain.  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  ob- 
tained under  it  their  diputacion  provincial,  which  was 
installed  at  Arizpe,  thence  to  hold  sway  also  over  the 
Califomias."  Ayuntamientos  were  also  established, 
and  deputies  were  sent  to  the  c6rtes  in  Spain." 

Not  long  after,  in  September  1821,  independence 
was  celebrated  throughout  the  provinces;"  yet  not 
under  the  supervision  of  Brigadier  Cordero,  who  with 
other  aims  in  view  had  departed  for  Chihuahua,  leav- 
ing his  subordinates  to  manage  the  different  depart- 
ments," till  an  order  came  from  Bustamante  y  Velasco, 
chief  of  the  treasury,  to  assume  his  duties,  and  pre- 
pare for  the  election  of  members  to  the  national  con- 
gress,'* as  well  as  to  observe  that  the  pris^ileges  of 
local  self-rule  were  duly  enjoyed  even  by  the  natives." 
In  the  following  year  the  people  welcomed  the  empire 
in  paying  eager  homage  to  Iturbide. 

The  attention  evoked  by  this  fervor  amounted  to  little 
more  than  to  cause  the  creation  of  a  comandancia  de 
armas,  or  military  department,  with  the  same  limits  as 

^The  latter  being  annexed  to  the  intendencia  at  Arizpe.  Corte^*,  Diario, 
1820,22-3. 

^  Qmroe  y  MiUan  and  Delgado  del  Fuerto.  Among  the  deputies  provin- 
ciales  are  named  EBpinosa  de  los  Monteros  and  Marcelino  de  Batis.  Gac. 
Mex.f  xlii  1289.  A  deputy  to  the  c6rteB  had  been  chosen  in  1810,  in  the 
person  of  M.  M.  Moreno. 

^  At  Arizpe  on  Sept.  6th,  at  Guimnas  on  the  27th,  and  in  the  south  of 
Sinoloa,  somewhat  earlier.  Cfuad.  Oac.  Oob,,  Oct.  3,  20,  31,  Nov.  7th.  An 
order  had  arrived  from  Generalissimo  Iturbide  to  conform  to  the  new 
imperial  army  plan.  Pmart,  Doc.  Soil,  MS.,  i.  nos.  68-9,  28-9. 

*Capt.  Karvona  as  military  gov.,  who  signs  the  independence  proclama- 
tions,  Raf.  Morales  as  political  ruler,  and  Ig.  Bustamante  as  mmister  of 
finance.  Chiad.  €fac.  Gob.,  Oct.  20,  Nov.  7,  1821;  Mex.  Mem.  Rel,  1823,  58. 

**The  choice  fell  on  the  presbyter  SaUdo  of  Alamos  and  F.  de  Iribarren 
of  CosaU,  with  Riesgo  as  suplente.  Che,  Mtx,,  zliii.  522.  The  latter  was 
called  to  sit  for  the  absent  proprietary,  and  was  chosen  to  write  out  the 
declaration  of  independence.  He  figured  as  an  obsequious  flatterer  of  Itur- 
bide. When  his  term  expired  he  obtained  a  lucrative  appointment.  Btuia- 
mamte,  BtaL  Iturbide,  21. 

'^Certain  judges,  justicias  constitucionales,  were  ordered  to  be  replaced 
by  newly  elected  men  from  among  the  Indians.  Pinariy  Doc,  Son,,  MS.,  i.  no. 
Ixvi.  27. 


636  UNITED  SONORA  AND  SIKALOA. 

the  intendencia,  yet  subject  to  the  comandante  general 
at  Chihuahua."  This  neglect  roused  the  hitherto  defer- 
ential deputy,  Monteros,  to  an  attack  upon  the  central 
government,  for  ignoring  many  reforms  proposed.  He 
raised  objections  to  so  large  a  region  being  ruled  by 
an  intendente  residing  in  the  distant  Durango.  The 
audiencia  was  also  too  far  removed,  and  he  urged 
that  Sonora  and  SinaJoa  should  be  separated,  an 
audiencia  being  established  at  Alamos  to  serve  for 
both  provinces,  while  diputacion  provincial  should  be 
accorded  to  each." 

Monteros'  words  were  the  echo  of  a  wide-spread 
discontent  with  the  centralized  administration  which 
savored  too  strongly  of  the  colonial  system.  The  idea 
of  a  republic  embracing  a  federation  of  states  with 
distinct  local  governments  had  become  too  firmly 
rooted  during  the  revolutionary  war,  especially  among 
the  out-lying  provinces,  which  cared  not  to  be  ruled 
from  a  distance  by  men  who  were  only  too  ready  to 
sacrifice  them  to  private  aims.  The  pronunciamiento 
of  Santa  Anna  against  the  empire  in  December  1822 
was  based  on  this  provincial  desire  for  semi-indepen- 
dence, and  the  hitherto  passive  north-west  depart- 
ments rallied  quickly  in  support  of  it,'*  General  Eche- 
varri  pronouncing  on  February  1st,  at  Durango,  in 
favor  of  a  sovereign  congress.**  The  bishop  of  Sonora 
exerted  himself  openlv  against  the  movement,  but  the 
•agitation  in  Sonora  for  separation  from  Sinaloa  pro- 
voked a  strong  feeling  in  favor  of  the  revolution,  and 
its  success  was  warmly  greeted. 

The  new  authorities,  however,  had  weightier  con- 
siderations in  mind  than  the  wishes  of  a  remote 
border  population,  and  it  was  not  until  a  menacing 
agitation  was  exhibited  that  they  deigned  to  give  at- 

^Mex.  Mem.  Over.,  1823,  26;  Pap.  PoSt.,  ii  doc.  xv.  140. 

^^To  reside  at  Culiacan  and  Arizpe,  respectively.  Af<mtero8^  Mxpo$,  Sem., 
9-18;    Pctp.  Var.f  cxl.  pt  xiv.,  cxli.  pt  6. 

M  For  an  account  of  this  revolution  I  refer  to  Hiti.  Mex,,  iv.  788  ei  seq.. 
this  series. 

^Pinart,  Doc.  Sofu,  MS.,  i.  noe.  86-6. 


ESTADO  INTEKNO  DE  OCCIDBNTE.  «37 

tention  to  Monteros'  bill  for  separation,"  which  de- 
manded also  a  number  of  concessions,  such  as  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  mmt  at  Alamos,  a  tobacco  factory 
and  treasury  at  Culiacan,  an  assay  office  at  Arizpe, 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Jesuits  for  the  purpose  of 
promoting  education  and  controlling  unruly  tribes." 
On  July  19,  1823,  the  separation  was  decreed  with 
diputaciones  provinciales,  to  meet  at  Culiacan  and 
Ures  respectively,  the  latter  residence  not  being  obli- 
gatory. This  measure  was  hasty,  however,  and 
ignored.  A  decree  of  February  4th  of  the  following 
year,  alluding  to  the  two  provinces  under  the  title  of 
Estado  Intemo  de  Occidente,  ordered  the  formation 
of  a  joint  constitutional  legislature,  composed  of  six 
members  for  Sinaloa,  and  five  for  Sonora,  which  should 
convene  at  Villa  del  Fuerte,"  and  there  discuss  the 
project  before  submitting  it  to  the  people.  The 
deputies  dallied  over  it ;  the  Yaqui  revolt,  which  fin- 
ally drove  the  assembly  from  Fuerte  to  Cosald,  made 
the  Sonorans  less  eager  for  the  severance,  as  they 
needed  the  aid  of  the  wealthier  Sinaloa.  This  aided 
the  decision  in  favor  of  maintaining  the  union,  and  a 
constitution  was  prepared  in  accordance  October  31, 
1825,  the  Occidente  state,  as  its  title  now  appeared, 
being  divided  into  five  departments,  Arizpe,  Horcasi- 
tas,  Fuerte,  Culiacan,  and  San  Sebastian." 

**  Daring  the  agitations  the  archives  at  Arizpe  were  to  a  great  extent  de- 
stroyed; hence  the  many  gaps  in  historv  which  cannot  be  satisliaotorily  cov- 
erei  There  were  also  troubles  at  CosaU.  Biss,  in  Soc,  Mex.  Gfeog.,  ii.  62-3  j 
Son.  Notic,  Oficy  7  et  sea. 

"Project  presented  Feb.  29,  1823;  text  in  Monterw,  Expos.  Son.,  36-9; 
Pap.   Var.f  cxl.  no.  14. 

^  At  Fuerte  the  alcalde  was  to  join  the  first  four  legislative  members  and 
preside  at  the  preparatory  meeting,  /r/.,  iii.  25-6.  In  the  federal  Acta  Con- 
stilutiva  of  Jan.  31,  1824,  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  are  termed  provinces,  of  the 
estado  intemo  de  Occidente,  and  this  union  is  affirmed  in  the  constitution  of 
Oct.  4.     Sinaloa  was  called  by  many  Baja  Sonora. 

*•  The  constitution,  which  is  considered  elsewhere,  covers  319  arts,  with 
numerous  sub-divisions.  It  was  signed  at  Fuerte  by  M.  Escalante  y  Arvizu, 
as  president.  L.  Martinez  de  Vea,  C.  Espinoza  de  los  Monteros,  F.  de  Or- 
rantia,  I.  T.  de  Escalante,  F.  Dominguez  Escobar,  and  I.  F.  Velasco  and  A. 
Fernandez  Rojo,  secretaries.  Governor  Nic.  Man^  Gaxiola,  and  secretary 
Ig.  Lopez,  countersign  on  Nov.  2.  Coi.  ConstU.,  iii.  1-103.  Both  legislature 
and  governor  issued  congratulatory  addresses.  Pimirt,  Dor.  Sou.,  i.  nos.  9, 
15,  19,  40.     A  supplementary  election  law  appeared  Nov.  Stli  in  75  arts,  cov- 


«»  UNITED  SONORA  AND   SINALOA. 

The  first  governor  under  this  constitution  was 
Simon  Elias  Gonzalez,  a  most  popular  man,  who  was 
elected  simultaneously  for  Chihuahua  and  Sonora, 
His  family  residing  at  the  time  in  the  former  state, 
he  preferred  to  remain  there,  but  was  finally  per- 
suaded to  come  to  Fuertes,"  vice-governor  F.  Iriarte 
was  soon  called  upon  to  act  for  him,  and  in  1827  fig- 
ures Nicolds  Marfa  Gaxiola,"  the  predecessor  of  Gon- 
zalez, who  continues  in  charge  during  the  following 
years.  The  first  regular  legislature  met  at  Fuerte  in 
March  1826,"  and  a  month  later  the  supreme  court 
was  installed."  The  state  had  now  its  special  coman- 
dante  general,  in  Jos^  Figueroa,  residing  at  Arizpe.** 
His  force  consisted  of  nine  cavalry  companies  num- 
bering about  45  officers  and  747  rank  and  file,  costing 
nearly  $200,000  per  annum.  They  garrisoned  the 
nine  presidios  of  Tucson,  Fronteras,  Santa  Cniz, 
Altar,  Buenavista,  Horcasitas  or  Pitis,  Bacoachi,  Ba- 
bispe,  and  Tubac,  besides  a  few  other  points,  as  Guay- 
mas,  Alamos^  Fuerte,  while  at  the  escuadron  de 
Mazatlan  guarded  the  district  of  that  name.  Two 
other  companies  of  active  militia  in  Sonora  could  be 
called  upon  when  required.  Of  local  militia  very  few 
bodies  were  organized." 

ering  all  voting.  Deputies  were  to  receive  $3,000  a  year  and  mileaoe.  A 
decree  of  Jan.  13,  1830,  fined  absent  electors  $25  to  $100.  Persons  who  had 
neglected  to  take  the  oath  to  the  federal  constitution,  or  to  illuminate  in 
honor  of  the  event,  were  fined  $5.  The  title  sefioria  was  accorded  to  most 
of  the  higher  officials,  and  to  tiie  vice-governor  that  of  excellency.  Pre«. 
Escalante  is  praised  for  his  services,  in  Bueha  Comp.,  109. 

^He  had  received  four-fifths  of  the  votes,  and  the  legislature  voted  $1.- 
600  for  bringing  his  family  from  Chihuahua.  Actaa  Cong.  CoruttiLj  i.  58^1; 
PinaH,  Doc,  Chih.,  il  ft-7.. 

^^In  Pinartt  Doc.  Sotu,  i.  no.  62,  the  name  is  written  Jose  Marfa,  while 
Nic.  Marfa  is  classed  in  Id.,  no  52,  as  treas.  gen.  Buelna,  Contp.,  109.  L  M. 
Almada  appears  in  1828  as  vice-ffovemor. 

^^With  deputies  Thomas  l^calante,  Jos^  Esquero,  Isnacio  Arriola, 
Mariano  Pando  de  la  Granda,  who  failed  to  be  recoflmized,  Ig.  Verdugo, 
Juan  Elias  (ronzalez,  Jesus  Gaxiola,  and  Jos^  Manuel  Estrella.  Aciout  Comg, 
Constit.,  i.  58. 

^  Under  Mig.  Dominguez,  as  president.  Rules  issued  in  1828.  Pinarty 
Doc.  Son.f  no.  130.  The  circuit  court  which  opened  at  Rosario  had  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  Calif omias.  Mex.  Mem.  Sec  talcuL,  1828,  14.  Adas  Comg. 
ConstiLy  i.  49.     Tlie  district  court  at  Guaymas  also  covered  the  Californiss. 

**  AcUts  Conr;.  CofiMit.j  i.  74-5.  His  pay  was  $4,000  and  his  adjutant  in- 
spector, a  lieut-col,  received  $3,000. 

^  For  further  details  see  the  special  chapter  on  this  and  cognate  topics. 


INSURRECTION  OF  THE  YAQUrs.  639 

While  the  oi^anization  was  progressing,  a  serious 
affliction  fell  upon  the  state.  The  independence  of 
the  country  had  been  hailed  by  the  Yaquis  with  de- 
light, in  the  expectation  of  privileges  to  be  gained, 
such  as  equality,  with  the  right  to  participate  in 
elections,  and  the  enjoyment  of  independent  local  gov- 
ernment. All  this  proved  a  delusion.  The  locafad- 
ministration  was  unchanged,  remaining  in  the  hands 
of  padres  and  alcaldes  controlled  by  the  state  authori- 
ties. Moreover,  exclusion  of  intruders  was  no  longer 
enforced,  and  settlers  began  to  encroach  upon  their 
rich  soil.  Nor  were  they  even  exempted  from  the 
payment  of  taxes  as  heretofore;  and  when,  in  1825, 
assessors  made  their  appearance  to  measure  land  and 
value  property  for  taxation,  their  patience  gave  way. 

A  representation  was  sent  to  the  authorities,  based 
on  immemorial  exemption,  the  answer  to  which  was 
the  arrival  of  troops  to  enforce  the  assessment.  At 
Rahum  the  Yaquis  fell  upon  the  soldiers,  and  drove 
them  off,  with  the  loss  of  seven  men."  Then  they 
proceeded  to  wreak  vengeance  upon  obnoxious  persons, 
among  whom  was  Father  ArgUelles,  of  Torin,  who 
was  murdered,  together  with  several  citizens.  A  de- 
scent was  next  made  on  the  adjoining  districts,  attended 
with  pillage,  and  all  the  horrors  of  a  savage  outbreak. 

Their  leader  was  Juan  Ignacio  Juzucanea,  usually 
called  Banderas,  from  a  banner  carried  by  him,  which 
he  had  obtained  from  a  church,  and  represented  as 
belonging  originally  to  Montezuma.  Although  small 
of  stature  and  unprepossessing  in  face,  he  wielded  an 
immense  influence  by  means  of  rare  eloquence  and 
decided  administrative  ability.  But  for  his  persuasion, 
the  outbreak  would  probably  have  assumed  no  impos- 
ing form,  owing  to  the  lack  of  unity  among  the  tribe, 

*^Oarda  Cubasy  Escrit,  Diver.,  15.  The  cura  of  Cocori  urged  them  to  re- 
sist. VeloBOO^  Son,,  80.  The  deieated  force,  under  Capt.  Mier,  Soc.  Mex. 
Gfeog.,  BoL,  viii.  301-2,  ia  said  to  have  numbered  200  men.  In  Mex.  Mem, 
Mm.  Bel,  1827,  13,  the  first  outbreak  ia  said  to  have  been  suppressed  in  be- 
ginning of  1825.  The  comandante-general  was  on  his  way  with  400  men  to 
explore  the  mining  region  when  he  was  recalled  to  ficht  the  greater  uprising. 
I^trtUa  Occid.,  Oct  19,  1860.  Col.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  IviL  18-19. 


6i0  UNITED  SONORA  AHD  SINALOA. 

fostered  by  the  intrigues  of  religious  and  political  offi- 
cials.  Indeed,  some  of  the  Yaquis  were  induced  to 
side  with  the  whites,"  and  the  Mayos,  the  adjoining 
tribe  on  the  south,  held  aloof  Banderas  went  to  the 
latter,  and  harangued  the  chiefs  of  their  sixteen  vil- 
lages with  such  effect  that  they  allowed  a  large  num- 
ber of  their  tribe  to  enroll  under  his  standard."  His 
success  so  far,  especially  in  the  matter  of  booty, 
proved,  perhaps,  the  main  inducement,  while  not  a 
few  felt  impressed  by  his  claim  to  being  inspired  for 
his  acts  by  the  virgin  herself** 

The  alarmed  legislature  invested  the  governor  with 
extraordinary  power,  and  steps  were  taken  to  organize 
militia  forces  to  support  the  troops,  for  which  reen- 
forcements  were  demanded  from  Chihuahua.**  The 
Pimas  and  other  tribes  were  likewise  enrolled,  partly 
for  local  defence,  partly  for  campaigns,"  while  tiie  mis- 
sionaries received  special  injunction  to  soothe  the 
natives  to  the  north  and  east,  for  it  was  rumored  that 
the  Yumas  and  Papagos,  among  others,  had  shown  a 
hostile  disposition. 

Meanwhile  the  Yaquis  and  Mayos  had  jointly  over- 
spread the  territory  southward  to  Fuertes,  and  north 
toward  Ures  and  Guaymas,  routing  several  detach- 
ments, such  as  Guerrero's  at  San  Vicente.  Banderas 
himself  led  a  force  of  three  hundred  men,  armed 
mostly  with  clubs,  slings,  and  bows,  and  raided  one 
hacienda  after  another,  sending  back  cattle  and  other 
booty  to  enrich  his  villages." 

Arriving  at  Santa  Cruz,  held    by  a  strong   body 

^^  The  people  of  Tepagui  and  Batacora  joined  the  govt  troop*  to  chaatiae 
their  kindred.  Soe,  Alex,  Oeog.,  Boi,  xi.  91. 

« In  May  1826,  according  to  the  Correo  Fed,  Mar.  10,  1827. 

^The  most  noted  of  the  Mayo  chieftains  was  Mig.  Estevan,  astate  and 
audacious,  who  subsequently  assumed  the  leading  ph^  in  a  war  among  the 
whites.    Velasco,  Son,,  76,  83. 

^  Those  failing  to  respond  to  the  temporary  militia  enrollment  were  to  be 
condemned  to  serve  for  the  full  term  fixed  by  law.  Pmari,  Doc  Sotl^  L  no.  32. 

'^  At  Cieneguilla  alone,  159  men  gathered.  More  than  200  Yaquis  ofiiered 
their  Bervioes,  and  Pimas  joined  readily.  PmaH,  Doc.  Son.,  no.  27. 

^  He  passed  through  Caxon,  Bacatete,  and  Pnnta  de  la  Agna,  through 
Coyotes,  the  reales  de  San  Marcial  and  Sieui  Jos^  de  los  Pimas,  the  villages 
of  Ghibato  and  Subiate,  and  through  Los  Angeles  and  Tepague,  near  Pitic. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  BANDERAS.  641 

under  the  Indian  chief  Cienfuegos,  he  worked  so  per- 
suasively upon  the  garrison  that  when  the  chief  issued 
orders  for  defence,  he  was  beset  and  compelled  to 
flee,  severely  wounded.  Shortly  after,  hearing  of  the 
execution  of  some  captured  Yaquis  at  Alamos  as  rebels, 
Banderas  retaliated  by  court-martialing  and  condemn- 
ing to  death  a  number  of  prisoners  in  his  power,  as 
abettors  of  tyranny,  and  usurpers  of  Montezuma's 
authority,  a  formal  notice  of  their  execution  being 
sent  to  the  comandante  general,  Figueroa,  with  a 
warning  to  avoid  unnecessary  cruelty,  and  the  inti- 
mation that  he  himself  would  be  guided  by  the  exam- 
ple set  him  by  Christians. 

Early  in  August,  1826,  Banderas  arrived  before 
Pitic,  the  headquarters  of  the  comandante  general 
Figueroa,  who  was  advancing  from  Alamos.  On  the 
6th  a  battle  was  fought  between  San  Lorenzo  and 
Santa  Rita,  which  was  hotly  maintained  till  night 
intervened.  Banderas  then  departed  in  quest  of 
reenforcements,  leaving  the  chief  Guiscamea  to  hold 
the  ground.  The  absence  of  the  leading  spirit  proved 
fatal  to  the  Yaquis,  who  were  defeated  on  the  follow- 
ing morning,  with  a  heavy  loss  in  prisoners  and  dead. 
Those  who  fled  encountered  Captain  Mier,  who 
speadily  scattered  them  with  additional  slaughter." 

The  Yaquis,  however,  soon  reunited,  and  Banderas 
was  again  in  the  field  with  fresh  forces.  The  mer- 
chants of  Guaymas,  believing  that  the  enemy  was 
hemmed  within  their  own  territory  sent  into  the  in- 
terior for  the  long  delayed  caravans ;  but  Banderas 
surprised  the  Pitic  consignment,  valued  at  fully 
thirty  thousand  dollars.  A  series  of  successful  raids 
now  followed,  in  numerous  directions,  all  attributed 
by   rumor  to   the   personal   direction  of  Banderas. 

*  Figneroa  reported  that  thifl  episode,  which  took  place  at  rancho  de  la 
Mesa,  Ang.  18th,  resulted  in  the  death  of  900  Yaquis  and  the  capture  of 
200  women  and  children,  besides  the  recall  of  90  citizens,  who  had  been 
taken  prisoners.  Pinari,  Doc.  Son.,  i  MS.,  no.  2^.  Mier  had  300  men.  The 
loss  to  the  Ya<mis  in  the  encounter  with  Figueroa  is  placed  at  190  dead  for 
the  two  days.  Falomea,  Sept.  21,  1826.     All  exaggerated  as  may  be  supposed. 

Hist.  Mkx.  States,  Vol.  n.  4L 


M2  UNITED  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

Dismay  spread  over  the  country,  and  had  he  followed 
up  his  advantages  by  attacking  the  larger  towns  it  is 
difficult  to  say  what  may  have  been  the  result;**  but 
he  confined  himself  chiefly  to  petty  raids  and  attacks 
on  the  smaller  detachments,  sustaining  by  this  seem- 
ing 'forbearance  the  declaration  that  he  desired  only 
to  obtain  redress  for  his  people.  To  this  end  also  he 
sent  a  commission  to  the  government,  offering  to  dis- 
band his  men  whenever  their  grievances  received 
attention." 

Meanwhile  he  relaxed  his  ravines,  only  to  direct 
his  efforts  to  preparations  for  renewing  hostilities; 
notably  in  making  powder,  preparing  arms,  drilling 
men,  and  in  seeking  further  alliances,  a  number  of 
white  soldiers  being  secured  to  aid  in  disciplining  and 
leading  the  Yaquis.  These  doings  greatly  alarmed 
the  inhabitants,  and  his  force,  which  amounted  to 
about  two  thousand,  was  swelled  by  rumor  to  ten  and 
twenty  times  the  number.*'  The  legislature  and 
other  authorities  had  fled  in  affright  from  Fuerte 
and  sought  refuge  at  CosaU,  and  Greneral  Figueroa 
began  to  be  abused  as  inefficient.*^  The  house  of 
representatives  had  meanwhile  been  considering  the 
appeal,  and  after  lengthy  discussion  an  act  was  passed 
offering  amnesty  and  granting  some  aid  to  reestab- 
lish oraer.**  Moreover  strong  reenforcements  arrived 
from  Chihuahua,  and  as  the  late  inaction  of  Banderas 
had  cooled  the  war  spirit  of  many  followers,  Figueroa  s 


^  Hardy  Tnaintainn  that  he  could  readily  have  captured  any  of  the  1 
Trav.,  397-400,  409. 

^  The  oommiasionen  were  sent  on  to  Mexico  and  treated  with  aaimprea- 
aive  attention.  PakmcOy  May  10,  1827. 

^  Among  hia  plana,  says  Escudero,  2^oL  Son.,  136-8,  was  to  crown  him* 
■elf  king  and  combine  the  di£ferent  tribes,  under  a  native  govt,  for  war  upon 
whites.     The  tribes  were  not  in  accord,  however,  and  his  messages  failed. 

^^  Unless  reinforcements  came  all  Sonora  would  be  lost  was  the  cry. 
Pakmoa,  Oct.  19,  1826.  *  No  estaban  muy  tranquilos,'  observes  Boatemants 
quaintly,  Voz  Patria,  ii  no.  17,  p.  4,  invaded  as  Sonoira  was  by  seven  tribes 
of  savages. 

^  On  Nov.  30th.  Pardon  to  be  nanted  '  con  las  circnmstancias  que  eree 
convenientes.'  Bamirez,  CoL  Doc,  2M6-6.  Prisoners  were  to  be  clothed  and 
their  travelling  expenses  paid.  Oae.  Mex.,  Oct  17,  26,  1826;  Oorreo.,  #U., 
Nov.  9,  17,  1826.  Governor's  appeal  to  congress  in  May,  etc.  Aefag  Ooi^ 
ConiHiLt  1 116-17. 


EXFUI^OK  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  643 

overtures  with  partial  concessions  found  hearing. 
The  less  tractable  were  awed  into  submission,  among 
them  Banderas,  who  on  April  13,  1827,  came  with 
two  hundred  men  to  renew  his  fealty,*  though  some 
held  out  a  while  longer.  A  few  lawless  members  re- 
tired to  the  mountams,  the  rest  being  satisfied  with 
what  they  had  secured  in  arms,  cattle,  and  merchan- 
dise, all  of  which  they  were  permitted  to  retain,  the 
weakness  of  the  government  being  displayed  in  the 
concessions  granted.^  Among  the  steps  taken  to 
appease  as  well  as  obtain  control  over  them  was  a 
law  of  September  1828,  by  which  Indians  were  con- 
firmed in  their  rights  as  citizens,  with  obligation  to 
organize  into  mihtia  bodies,  to  educate  children  and 
distribute  land  among  individuals.  Official .  intrigue 
and  neglect  as  usual  reduced  the  law  to  little  more 
than  a  dead  letter.*^ 

No  sooner  was  the  Yaqui  affair  settled  than  another 
threatened  to  arise  from  the  edict  declaring  the  ex- 
pulsion of  all  Spaniards  in  the  republic,  including 
nearly  all  the  padres.  More  than  two  thirds,  how- 
ever, of  that  nationality  were  CAcmpted,  owing  to 
relationship  by  marriage  with  natives,  and  to  services 
rendered;**  but  ere  this  became  known  the  excite- 
ment ran  high,  aggravated  by  rumors  of  a  Spanish 
invasion.  The  missions  displayed  an  attitude  so 
threatening  that  military  steps  were  taken."     Noth- 

^  As  early  as  Dec.  1826,  a  number  of  Yaquis  had  come  to  plead  for  par- 
don, and  in  Jan.  large  numbers  laid  down  their  arms.  CorrerOt  Fed.,  Jan.  23, 
Feb.  7,  1827.  Padre  Divalos  exerted  himself  as  mediator,  to  judge  by  his 
letters  in  Pap,  Var.,  141,  no.  11,  p.  xviiL-xx. 

•The  war  cost  3,000  victims.  Mtrella,  OcckL,  Oct.  19,  1860.  A  number 
of  the  escaped  Yaquis  under  the  leader  of  Virgin,  an  Opata,  kept  Arizpe  in 
alarm  during  Feb.  1827.  Virgin,  however,  was  captured  and  shot  with  a 
dozen  followers.  Correo,  Fed.,  M.a.y  9,  1827.  Apache  inroads  had  continued 
and  the  Papagos  were  complained  of.  8oc  Mex.  Oeog.,  x.  708-9;  Pinart,  Doc 
San.,  i.  32. 

«Tcxt  with  rules  in  PinaH,  Doc,  Son.,  nos.  121-3. 

•  Under  law  of  Ap.  26,  1826,  37  were  expelled  and  7  more  under  art.  9. 
By  the  state  65  were  exempted  and  by  the  gen.-^ovt51.  Mex,  Mem.  Sec* 
&tad.,  1829,  doc.  1.  Those  who  had  rendered  service  to  the  Spanish  cause 
in  1821,  were  especially  seized  upon.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i  nos.  70,  221. 

®  In  April  1828,  several  orders  were  issued  to  detachments  and  local  au- 
thorities.    Priests  who  alietted  t!ie  inovciicnts  were  to  be  expelled. 


644  UIOTED  SONORA  AND  SIKALOA. 

ing  came  of  it,  save  an  increased  stringency  toivard 
foreigners  with  regard  to  passports  and  surveillance.** 
Among  notable  visitors  of  late  years  had  been 
Lieutenant  Hardy,  who  in  1826  made  explorations 
from  Guaymas  along  the  gulf  shores,  and  mr  up  the 
Colorado,  for  pearl  beds  and  gold.**  The  latter  at- 
tracted in  the  same  year  Colonel  Bourne,  who  in- 
spected the  chief  mining  camps  of  the  two  provinces.** 

Although  the  union  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloahad  been 
decided  upon  in  1825,  the  divisionists  continued  to 
agitate  their  project,  and  gain  adherents  by  different 
manoeuvres,  such  as  the  choice  of  capital,  which  ex- 
cited rival  towns  in  no  small  degree.  Arizpe  natur- 
ally claimed  its  long  preeminence,  and  resisted  with 
armed  force  the  removal  of  the  deputies  to  Ures,  in 
accordance  with  the  separation  decree  of  1823.  In 
order  to  stop  the  quarrel  the  legislature  met  at 
Fuerte,  which  might  be  considered  a  border  town. 
This  encouraged  the  Sinaloans  to  strive  for  a  still 
greater  advantage,  and  Culiacan  pressed  her  claim, 
rousing  the  jealous  Sonorans  to  vigorous  counter- 
efforts  which  resulted  in  a  decree  of  October  26,  1827, 
declaring  Concepcion  de  Alamos  the  capital*' 

These  proceedings  added  fuel  to  the  party-spirit 
which  became  so  violent  in  the  legislature,  that  the 
assembly  was  fora  timevirtually  inastate  of  dissolution. 
Vice-governor  Iriarte  made  hunself  so  conspicuous  by 
advocating  division  that  the  unionists  succeeded  in 
passing  a  decree  December  20,  1828,  declaring  him 
removed  and  ineligible  for  reelection.**     Both  sides 

^  Cirealan  of  Jan.  20,  1827,  July  21,  1828.  A  list  bmd  to  be  k«pt  of 
foreigii  residents  or  Tisitors. 

^  In  the  vessels  TFoZ^  and  Brtija,  during  Joly  and  August.  Hordes  Tratek 
inMex, 

*>Three  years  later  the  Engiish  war  yessel  Sapphire  came  to  gather  infor- 
mation on  trade  and  condition,  Combier,  Voy^  184-90,  946-04,  and  the  F&d» 
traded  here  in  1829-80.  B6Mxrd,  in  8oc  de  Oiog,,  xvi.  86-40. 

<*7  All  officials  being  ordered  to  meet  here  on  Jan.  10, 1828.  The  eoogreas 
ordered  the  necessary  public  buildings  to  be  erected.  Decree  of  Febw  12, 
1828.  Pap.  Var^,  no.  Ixvii.  117;  no.  Ixviii  119. 

"See  Now.  Armaikt  Voy,^  zUy,  36^-4;  debate  in  Adn  Chug*  (hmUL,  i; 


PRONUNCIAMIENTOS.  645 

appealed  to  the  supreme  congress,  which  declared  in- 
viJid  the  decree  against  Iriate.  The  legislature  and 
Governor  Gaxiola,  nevertheless,  failed  to  obey  the 
decision,"  whereupon  several  districts  in  Sonora  and 
Sinaloa,  pronounced  against  them**  in  March  1829. 

This  movement  was  over-awed  for  a  time  by  a 
counter-pronunciamiento  at  Pueblo  de  los  Seris,  sup- 
ported by  Yaquis  and  Opatas;"  but  the  decided  posi- 
tion assumed  by  the  militia  colonel,  Escalante,  in  Au- 
gust, at  Buenavista,  gave  fresh  courage  to  the  ces- 
sionists,  especiallv  as  the  comandante  general  held 
aloof,  alike  unwilling  to  disobey  the  supreme  govern- 
ment or  to  proceed  against  the  state  authorities," 
and  consequently  evoking  sharp  comment  from  all 
quarters. 

Appeals  for  the  consideration  of  dividing  the  state 
became  so  strong  that  the  legislature  gave  it  serious 
attention."  Their  committee  reported  adversely,  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  a  party  measure,  centring 
upon  a  strife  for  disposing  of  the  revenue.  Neither 
province  had  suflScient  income  to  support  a  distinct 
existence.  Separation  would  weaken  Sonora,  and 
expose  it  to  fiercer  savage  irruptions  than  ever,  to  the 
danger  also  of  adjoining  territories.  Union  was  alone 
identified  with  progress.**     The  report  failed  to  satisfy; 

Pmari,  Doe,  Son,,  na  xzxiv.  68  et  seq.  Velaaco^  in  Soc  Mex,  Oeog.,  Bol, 
viii  286. 

^ArriOoffef  Recap,,  1829,  42-3.  Heated  diBcnsnon  of  the  decree  in  the 
legifllatare,  Bon,  Acta  Sesion,  3-11. 

^*  In  Sinaloa,  Oaliacan,  CosaU,  and  San  Xavier,  which  had  been  roused 
greatly  by  the  removal  of  the  capital  to  Sonora;  and  in  the  upper  province, 
Guaymas,  Hermoeillo,  Horcasitaa,  Opoeura,  and  Mocteuzoma.  Pinari,  Doc, 
Son,,  i.  147-8,  167-78. 

'^To  the  number  of  700  men  on  June  13th.  Opin  Pub,  Occid.,  July  9,  30, 
1829. 

"f*  He  appealed  to  both  parties  in  behalf  of  peace,  proclaimed  his  impar- 
tiality, and  offered  to  appeal  to  Mexico.  Id.  Pinart,  Doc  Son.,  i.  nos  48-50, 
and  pp.  165-74. 

^'The  merchants  of  Hermosillo  represented  the  paralyzing  effect  of  the 
disturbance,  and  urged  that  the  feelings  of  the  majority  be  ascertained. 
S<m.,  PeiicUm  dud.,  1-8. 

7«lhe  revenues  for  1825,  1826,  and  1827  had  been  $104,212,  $186,310,  and 
$108,814  in  Sinaloa,  and  $23,895,  $52,065,  and  $37,028  in  Sonora.  June  24, 
1829,  Son.,  Mardf.  de  la,  Comision  ttcbrt  Dividon,  1-52.  Some  of  its  statements 
are  doubtful.  Comments  in  Eepir,  Pub,,  Jan.  7,  1829;  Correo,  Fed.,  Mar.  9, 
1828. 


646  UNITED  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

and  in  August  the  legislature,  convoked  in  extra  ses- 
sion, agreed  so  far  as  to  issue  a  general  amnesty,  and 
to  request  the  resignation  of  Governor  Gaxiola,  add- 
ing subsequently  that  the  division  question  should  be 
entertained  and  Iriarte  reinstated/  This  result  was 
mainly  due  to  the  spread  of  Escalante's  movement, 
with  whom  Figueroa  now  concluded  a  treaty/* 

In  January  1830,  the  decree  for  division  was  passed, 
and  a  commission  was  appointed  to  carry  it  out," 
while  congress  considered  the  subject.  After  several 
promptings,"  an  approval  of  the  division  was  issued, 
on  October  13th,"  and  in  the  following  month  appeared 
the  proclamation  for  elections  for  legislatures,  which 
were  to  be  installed  in  March  1831.**  The  boundary 
between  the  states  was  drawn  through  the  Mesquite 
rancho,  eighteen  leagues  south  of  Alamos,  on  the 
road  to  Fuerte,  and  down  Rio  Alamos  to  the  gulf, 
presenting  a  breadth  of  territory  of  forty  leagues. 
Rio  de  las  Caflas  remained,  as  heretofore,  the  border 
for  Jalisco,  while  Sonora  stretched  to  the  Colorado 
and  Gila.  The  eastern  line  was  less  satisfactory^ 
owing  to  the  extension  of  Chihuahua  and  Durango 

*^  J.  M.  Almada.  assumed  Gaxiola's  place  when  lie  obeyed  the  order  to 
resiga.  Son.^  Cosaspomn  Tapado. 

^On  Sept.  17th»  in  8  arts,  whereby  Figneroa  offered  to  instate  Iriarte  bj 
force  if  necessary.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  194-6,  204. 

""  It  had  also  to  make  inventories  of  furniture  and  other  public  efiecta  for 
division.  Decrees  180-1,  in  M,  i.  211. 

^"On  Aug.  3,  1830,  tiie  diputacion  permanente  sent  an  appeal.  Dissatis- 
faction arose  with  Deputy  Aionteros,  and  on  June  7th  nis  powers  were 
revoked.  An  extra  session  of  the  legislature  was  resolved  on  Aug.  2d  for 
promoting  the  division  and  electing  a  senator. 

^*  And  on  the  following  day  were  issued  rules  for  the  act.  General  ausem- 
blies  were  to  be  convoked  as  soon  as  possible  at  Pitic  and  Culiacan.  Ihe 
three  departments  of  San  Sebastian,  Culiacan,  and  Fuerte,  forming  Sioaloa* 
were  assigned  three  electors  each;  those  of  Arizpe  and  Horcasitas,  farming 
Sonora,  four  and  five  respectively.  The  junta  general  of  Sonora  sihotild  des- 
ignate eleven  deputies  to  form  its  state  congress,  Sinaloa  likewise,  and  they 
should  proceed  to  frame  election  laws,  and  choose  senators.  Decree  in  19 
arts,  in  Duhlan  and  Lagano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ii.  291-3.  Arrillaga  adds  the  election 
acts  from  the  Occidente  constitution  of  1825.  Recop.,  1830,  499-613;  Mex. 
Col  Ley.,  1829-30,  127-9;  8.  Afirjuel,  Rep.  Mex.,  5;  Hernandez,  Oeog.  S<».,2i. 
^Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  no.  228^-33.  8ome  difficulties  occurred,  which  re- 
quired legislative  orders  to  smooth  with  fresh  election  decrees,  and  an  ara- 
neity  appeared  on  Dec.  20th.  The  final  date  of  installation  was  to  be  March 
13th.  Provisional  regulations  were  issued  for  the  treasuries.  Cknnisario 
Gen.  Riesgo  found  a  strong  opposition  horn  Uermosillot 


OOCTDENTE  AFFAIRS.  647 

over  a  wide  tract  along  the  western  slope  of  the  sierra 
which,  by  position  and  intercourse,  pertained  to  the 
Occidente."  The  population  of  the  new  states  was 
estimated  at  one  hundred  thousand  each,"  with  the 
prospect  of  a  rapid  natural  growth  for  the  compara- 
tively protected  and  peaceful  Sinaloa,  and  a  strong 
counter-attraction  for  Sonora,  against  Apache  raids, 
in  the  mines,  and  in  the  wide  area,  which  should 
bring  immigration.  Indeed,  in  1839,  the  population 
of  this  state  was  reported  to  be  one  hundred  and 
twenty-four  thousand,"  from  which  a  formidable  mil- 
itia could  be  formed  for  defence  against  irruptions  if 
the  local  authorities  would  only  enforce  the  decree 
passed  for  this  purpose."  The  last  acting  governor 
of  Occidente  was  Leonardo  Escalante,  a  powerful 
promoter  of  the  separation," 

^  Velcuco,  Soil,  15-16.  In  colonial  times,  Sinaloa  extended  from  Rio 
Rosario  to  Rio  Faerte;  Ostimuri,  really  belonging  to  it,  continued  to  Rio 
Mayo,  and  then  Sonora.  Humboldt,  Kssai  Pol,,  i.  295-7.  In  Cortes,  Diario, 
1820,  xi.  25,  Sinaloa  is  said  to  extend  even  to  the  Yaqui,  and  Monteroe 
stretches  Sonora  hence  to  lat.  36.  Eitpoa.,  Son.,  6.  The  name  Sonora  beinf 
applied  also  to  Sinaloa,  as  Baja  Sonora.  Soc  Mex,  Geog.,  BoL,  viiL  214-15; 
CahaUero,  EskuL  Son.,  4;  Pap.  Var.,  cxL,  pt  14. 

•sBy  official  report  Mex.  Mem.  Sec  Eatad.,  1832,  doc.  i.  9.  Yet  Riesffo, 
Mem.  Estad.,  i.  96,  placed  the  population  of  Occidente  in  1828  at  considerably 
more  than  200,000,  while  Caballero  estimated  it  in  1825  at  179,316.  EatadiaL 
Son.,  4,  with  details  on  p.  15. 

'^Mex.  Mem*  Min.  Rel,  1847,  112,  and  so  far  the  preoedins  year  in  the 
estimates  of  Cortina  and  others.  Soc.  Mex.  Oeog,,  BoL,  ii.  6,  19;  vii.  138-9; 
ix.  272.  Stone  seeks  a  partial  cause  in  the  Altar  mining  excitement  of  1837. 
Hist.  Mag.,  v.  164.  Milhlenpfordt,  Mej.,  ii.,  pt  ii.,  419,  allows  only  101,900 
for  1833.  Humboldt  gives  the  intendencia  of  Sonora  121,400  in  1803.  Esaai 
PoL,il  155,  300.  Navarro  raised  it  to  135,385  seven  years  later,  38,640 
being  Spaniards,  35,766  mixed,  and  60,855  Indians.  Soc.  Mex.  Oeog.,  BoL, 
ep.  ^  i  291.  In  Cortes,  Diario,  xi.  26,  it  was  then  made  130,000.  Cancelada 
assumed  144,640  for  Sonora  alone  in  1808.  Ruina  N.  Esp.,  73.  Velasco,  who 
excludes  the  uncivilized  Indians,  has  only  58,396  for  Sonora  in  1828.  See, 
also,  Ward's  Mex.,  I  583;  ii.  606;  Mills'  Hist.  Mex.,  190.  The  Yaquis  alone 
numbered  about  12,000,  and  beyond  Arizpe  lived  few  whites. 

•*  As  late  as  June  6,  1830.  PinaH,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  213-14.  Official  appoint- 
ments had  to  be  made  under  recommendation  from  municipalities.  The 
exemption  fees,  modified  by  decree  of  Dec.  14,  1830,  were  liberal  enough  to 
allow  of  wide  evasion. 

^  Pres.  P.  Sanchez  issued  in  Feb.  1831  the  congratulatory  address  to  the 
new  states  on  behalf  of  the  dissolving  legislature.  F.  Escobosa  acted  as  gov. 
in  the  earlier  part  of  May  1830.  JSuema,  Compend.,  109.  Lack  of  funds 
caused  the  suppression  of  the  subordinate  jefes  politicos  in  April.  Accounts 
for  settlement  were  still  pendins  between  the  two  states  in  1834. 

Lieut  R.  W.  H.  Hardy,  R.  N.  Travels  in  the  Interior  of  Mexico  in  1S25, 
18B6, 1827,  and  1828.    London,  1829,  8vo,  pp.  ziii.  and  540.    Illust  with  map. 


648  UNITED  SONORA  AIH)  SINALOA. 

This  writer  wm  engaged  in  the  capacity  of  a  oomminioiier  by  ^the  CSenenl 
Pearl  and  Coral  Fishery  Association  of  London,'  and  was  occopied  for  some 
time  in  exploring  the  gnlf  of  California  in  search  of  pearls.  His  work  con- 
tains a  great  deal  of  valuable  information,  not  only  as  regards  matters  con- 
nected with  the  object  of  his  visit,  but  also  on  historical  events  which  oocurred 
at  that  time.  Being  in  Sonora  when  political  schisms  were  rife,  he  is  able  to 
supply  many  interesting  particulars  as  regarded  by  a  foreigner,  among  whidi 
may  be  mentioned  his  aeecription  of  the  panic  which  prevailed  in  Fuerte  on 
the  occasion  of  a  false  alarm  oeing  given  that  the  Yaquis  were  approadiing, 
pp.  188-92.  Hardy,  moreover,  supplies  much  information  about  the  habits, 
customs,  and  character  of  the  Mexican  people  at  that  time,  as  well  as  eon- 
ceminff  the  Indians  of  Lower  Cal.  The  Quarterly^  Review  chargea  this  author 
somewhat  too  severely  with  indulging  in  '  a  certain  allowanoe  of  stale  jokes, 
bad  puns,  and  small  wit ';  but  in  view  of  the  reallv  valuable  and  Yanad  in- 
formation he  affords,  he  may  readily  be  pardoned  thia  weakneu. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

SOKORA  AND  SIKALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

1830-1861. 

Sonora's  Fibst  LBoisLATURK>-LBADiNa  Towns—Indians  vsbsits  Whitbs— 
Bandera's  Schbms — His  Defeat  and  Death — Wab  with  the  Yaquis 
— ^Expeditions  against  the  Apaches — Party  STRuoaLEs—OovERKOR 
Gandara — Urrea  Proclaims  Federalism— He  is  Recoonived  bt 
Sinaloa--^andara's  Ck)UNTEB-REyoLnTioM — ^The  Yaquis  Rous^  bt 
Gandara — ^Wab  between  Federalists  and  Centralists — Alieb- 
NATE  Successes — Changes  of  Rulers — War  with  the  United 
States — Guatmas  Bombarded — Americans  Take  Possession — Mazat- 
LAN  Captured — Migration  from  Sonora  to  California — ^Troubles 
with  Apaches— Changes  in  the  Administration. 

In  1831  was  installed  the  new  legislatures*  of 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  with  Manuel  Escalante  y  Arviga 
as  governor '  for  the  former,  and  Agustin  Martinez  de 
Castro  for  Sinaloa.  A  bond  still  remained  between 
the  states  in  the  oflSce  of  comandante  general  which 
embraced  both,  though  located  at  Arizpe,  as  the  best 
centre  of  military  operations.  In  1835,  however,  the 
president  created  a  separate  officer  of  this  denomina- 
tion for  Sinaloa.'  Another  reminder  existed  in  the 
constitution  of  both  states  which  differed  little  from 
that  adopted  in  1825/     The  capital,  as  designated  by 

^  Under  protection  of  N.  Sra.  de  Guadalupe,  as  patron  saint.  Pinart,  Doc 
Son.f  ii.  31,  65.     Deputies  were  to  receive  $3,000  per  annum  and  mileage. 

'  Escalante  represented  as  a  kind-hearted  and  accomplished  young  man, 
and  the  qualities  of  Castro  approved  by  reelections  to  office.  Buelna,  CoTnp,, 
110;  Vtlascoy  Soruy  71;  CaL  Dep.  St.  Pap.,  iii.  62.  An  auditinff  office  was  es- 
tablished in  May  1834.  All  public  employes  were  to  be  h^d  responsible. 
Pinart,  Doc  Son.,  ii.  nos.  289,  301. 

'Lower  CaL  remained  under  Sonora  in  military  matters.  Cal.  Dep.  St. 
Pap.,  iv.  51-5.  The  pay  was  $4,000.  The  final  military  separation  of 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa  took  place  in  1842.  Dublan  y  Lomno,  Leg.  Mex.,  iv.  115. 

*  That  for  Sinaloa,  adopted  Dec.  12,  1831,  contained  an  art.  against  prop- 
erty being  held  in  mortmain.     The  gradation  of  tribunals,  with  courts  of 

(M») 


650         SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

the*  separation  decree,  was  Hennosillo,  lately  known 
as  Pitic,*  and  formerly  as  Horcasitaa  presidio,  a  town 
with  a  population  of  about  eight  thousand  inhabitants. 
It  owed  its  progress  to  the  proximity  of  Guaymas, 
which  made  it  the  point  of  distribution  for  central 
and  northern  Sonora,*  or  about  a  third  of  this  popu- 
lation. Alamos  ranked  as  the  most  prosperous  city 
in  the  south  owing  to  the  proximity  of  mines.' 

Culiacan,  the  capital  of  Sinaloa,  was  one  of  the 
oldest  settlements  in  the  state,  an  episcopal  seat,  with 
a  population  of  about  11,000.  Next  to  it  ranked  in 
importance  the  mining  towns  of  Cosald  and  Kosario, 
the  latter  being  made  a  city  in  1827." 

Many  of  the  rising  towns  were  ex-missions,  for 
secularization  had  been  steadily  practised  since  colo- 
nial days.  The  change  from  this  fatherly  regime  to 
repubHcanism  led  to  unscrupulous  inroads  upon  the 
remaining  missions,  until  only  a  few  missionaries  were 
left  to  witness  the  rapid  decadence  of  their  charge  in 
ruined  buildings  and  dispersing  congregations.  This 
applies  rather  to  Sonora.  One  way  of  spoUation  waa 
to  purchase  or  seize  as  loans  cattle  and  other  effects, 

first  instance  in  canton  towns,  courts  with  asesores  in  departmental  head 
towns,  and  a  superior  court  at  the  capital,  of  nine  judges,  waks  never 
strictly  followed.  Comments  m  BueltM^  Comp.t  14;  Mex.  Zwiande,  i.  231-3. 
Press  restrictions  appeared  in  Sinaloa  in  1833.  Decree  of  Bee.  6,  in  Pmarit 
CoLy  no.  272. 

^  Name  changed  by  decree  of  Sept.  5,  1828. 

'On  the  east  side  of  the  town  is  a  lime-stone  hill,  called  La  Campaxuk  from 
the  bell-like  sound  emitted  when  struck  near  the  summit.  WarcTa  Mtx.^  L  565, 
ii.  595.  Most  of  the  opulent  merchants  resided  here.  Hardy's  Trtw.,  95; 
PtTUtrtf  Doc,  Son.,  i.  no.  424. 

7  For  descriptions  of  the  leading  towns  I  refer  to  Hieago  y  VcUdes^  Mem., 
isim;  Pimrty  Doc  Son.,  i.  104-12,  145,  167,  etc;  Combier,  Voy.^  173-6 
^9,  216-32;  VeUuoo,  Son,,  17  et  seq.  By  decree  of  Julv  5,  1830,  each  dty 
was  entitled  to  two  leagues  of  land  on  every  quarter,  and  rillas,  one  league 
and  a  half.  Pinart,  i  2^.  Several  chanses  of  name  were  made  in  ccmrse 
of  these  years.  In  1837  the  state  was  (uvided  into  four  districts;  Arizpe, 
Horcasitas,  Hermosillo,  and  Loreto.  /d  83.  Theharborof  Guaymas  waa  «fe, 
although  vessels  drawing  more  than  fifteen  feet  had  to  anchor  some  500  yards 
from  the  landing.   Now,  Annaleg  Voy.,  xcv.  307-8,  316. 

^  Mazatlan  was  almost  unknown  till  1818,  when  a  presidio  was  established 
there.  In  1824  a  custom  house  was  added,  and  after  1838  a  decided  impulse 
was  given  to  the  port  Description  of  this  and  other  towns  in  jRksgo  y 
Vallez,  Mem,,  45  et  seq.;  Ward's  Mex.,  I  559-60,  583-6;  u.  607-8;  MonUercs, 
Espoa.  Son.  y  Sin.,  15;  Pap.  Var.,  cxL  pt  14;  Pinart,  Doc  Son,,  L  92  et  acq.; 
Buelna,  Comp.,  31-3;  Soc  Mex.  Cfeog.,  BoL,  ^p.  2,  iv.  65-6.  Mamtlan  suffered 
frequently  from  storms,  notably  in  1839,  and  1855. 


MISSIONS  AND  PRESIDIOS.  651 

and  then  withhold  payment/  The  decline  of  the 
presidios,  also,  hastened  that  of  the  northern  missions, 
and  the  special  securalization  decree  in  1833  almost 
completed  the  destruction.  By  this  time  missions  that 
a  decade  before  could  sell  8,000  head  of  cattle  in  one 
lot  had  a  mere  remnant  left.  Of  the  eight  Quer^taro 
Franciscan  missions,  and  some  under  Jalisco  Francis- 
can management  only  a  few  had  resident  ministers. 
With  such  poverty,  and  exposure  to  irruptions  by 
savages,  there  was  little  inducement  for  curates  to  ac- 
cept the  charges  offered,  and  about  half  the  population 
received  no  regular  religious  care.  As  far  back  as  1 822 
there  were  only  74  priests  in  the  state,  each  required 
to  tend  an  average  of  from  three  to  four  establish- 
ments, embracing  over  450  square  leagues.**  On  the 
frontier  the  districts  were  four  times  larger,  and  the 
consequent  neglect  by  ministers  had  led  to  a  partial 
relapse  into  paganism. 

The  relapse  among  the  aboriginal  tribes  was  the 
more  dangerous,  as  they  lived  in  comparative  isolation, 
which  fostered  the  prejudice  against  the  whites.  True, 
a  large  proportion  of  the  natives  came  to  serve  in  the 
white  settlements,  and  so  maintained  a  bond  of  inter- 
course. The  numerous  Pimas  were  more  scattered, 
and  the  advance  of  settlers  tended  to  keep  them  under 
control ;  but  the  Seris  kept  aloof  on  the  west  to  foster 
their  marauding  instincts,  and  the  Opatas,  to  the 
east,  while  ever  the  most  loyal,  and  the  very  bulwark 
against  Apaches,  frowned  at  any  encroachment  upon 
their  rich  tracts.  The  Yaquis  and  Mayos  were  more 
restless  owing  to  their  position  along  the  very  highway 
of  the  obnoxious  whites,  occupying,  as  they  did,  the 
lower  course  of  jhe  rivers  bearing  the  same  names." 

*To  the  Pimeria  Alta  missions  alone  were  owing  in  1829,  $4,  456  by  pre- 
sidio companies,  $27,000  by  private  persons,  and  $30,000  by  the  govt,  in 
stipends.    Velasco,  Son,,  147-9;  Pinarty  Doc,  Son.,  i.  30-1. 

"iffic  Mem,  Sec,  Estad.,  1831,  app.  8.  According  to  Id,,  Hac,  1832, 
Doc.  N.,  the  eight  Queretaro  missions  were  supposed  to  receive  3*2,800  in 
stipends,  while  the  29  Jalisco  missions  in  Sonora,  Nayarit,  and  Tarahumara 
obtained  $9,400. 

1^  For  an  account  of  the  different  tribes,  I  refer  to  my  Native  JRacts,  i.,  iii 


652         SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

The  success  of  the  Yaquis  in  the  revolt  of  1825-7, 
and  theh*  subsequent  practical  independence,  had  not 
failed  to  raise  their  self-importance,  and  to  make  them 
disloyal  on  the  least  pretence.  They  had  imbibed  a 
taste,  also,  for  easily  acquired  spoils,  and  it  needed, 
therefore,  only  a  slight  provocation  to  rouse  them  anew. 
This  came  in  a  decree  suppressing  the  offices  of  gen- 
eral," which  aflfecting  the  leader  of  the  late  revolt, 
Banderas,  brought  him  at  once  to  his  feet.  He  had 
made  good  use  of  his  authority  by  maintaining  the 
efficiency  of  his  people  as  warriors,  and  acquiring 
arms,  and  dreamed  of  a  vast  Indian  confederation  in 
Sonora,  with  himself  as  king,  to  which  end  he  had 
sent  messengers  to  different  tribes  to  gain  support, 
particularly  from  the  brave  Opatas.  The  latter  gave 
promises  that  satisfied  Banderas,  who  thereupon,  to- 
ward the  close  of  1832,  marched  at  the  head  of  nearly 
1,000  warriors  toward  their  territory,  whence  he  pro- 
posed, strongly  reenforced,  to  fall  upon  Ures  and  ad- 
joining towns,  in  conjunction  with  Pima  alliea  His 
preparations  did  not  escape  the  whites.  Lieonardo 
Escalante,  promptly  headed  a  body  of  citizens  fix)m 
Hermosillo,  which  strengthened  by  accessions  from 
other  towns  enabled  him  to  meet  the  Yaquis  at  So- 
yopa  with  about  400  men.  Either  this  promptness, 
or  second  sober  thought,  had  caused  the  Opatas  to 
hold  back,  a  few  alone  joining.  Banderas,  neverthe- 
less, accepted  battle,  which,  after  three  hour's  obsti- 
nate fighting,  resulted  in  the  total  rout  of  the  tribe, 
and  the  capture  of  the  chief  himself.  He  was  quickly 
tried  and  shot  at  Axizpe."  The  Yaquis  had  gain^ 
too  much  confidence,  however,  from  former  achieve- 

pasnnL     See  aUo  ZumgOf  Son,,  40  et  seq.;  Pap.  Var.,  clxviiL  pt,  13;  ITom, 
Armal&t  Voy.,  xciii;  Hiesgo,  Menu  EttatL,  1-6. 

'3  Oct.  30,  1830.  The  eight  Yaqui  puebloe  were  ruled  by  one  director,  one 
alcalde  m^or,  one  capt.-gen.,  two  lient-generals,  and  one  reffidor  for  each 
pueblo,  ^^"^ly  the  same  system  applied  to  the  nine  Mayopueoloa.  EKudrro, 
Son,,  IQO-h  The  Yaqni  population  was  about  12,000.  The  captain-genenl 
had  been  granted  an  allowance  after  the  former  revolt.  Riesgo,  Menu,  27; 
PinaH,  Doc,  Son,,  I  86,  223. 

^By  decree  of  Jan.  23,  1833.  Pmart,  Doc  Son.,  MS.,  ii  no.  59. 


INDIAN  TROUBLES.  dM 

ments  to  be  disheartened  hj  this  defeat,  and  aided  by 
the  Seris,  continued  the  straggle,  nor  was  it  until 
after  nine  months,  with  varying  success,  that  the 
local  authorities  managed  to  restore  peace.  Insa  Ca- 
meca,  the  successor  of  Banderas,  seems  to  have  been 
in  sympathy  with  the  reforms  which  followed,"  for 
when  a  revolt  occurred  at  Tori,  in  1834  he  suppressed 
it  with  great  firmness,  declining  Mexican  aid.  ^ 

The  watchful  Apaches  never  neglected  such  oppor- 
tunities for  pursuing  their  inroads.  Most  dreade(f 
were  the  Coyoteros  and  Pifialeros,  in  southern  Ari- 
zona, who,  joined  frequently  by  the  Chiricaguis,  Gi- 
lefios,  and  Mescaleros,  made  devastating  inroads, 
killing,  robbing,  and  driving  off  herds  of  catfle  through 
the  diflScult  passes  of  Conejos,  Batavi,  Papera,  Turi- 
cachi,  and  Las  Animas,  while  their  tactics  of  dispers- 
ing in  small  bodies  and  drawing  attention  from  the 
bands  carrying  off  booty,  made  pursuit  of  little  avail, 
and  the  recovery  of  stolen  property  generally  impos- 
sible. The  result  was  the  gradual  depopulation  of  the 
northern  portion  of  the  state,  the  disappearance  of  the 
missions  and  settlements,  and  the  abandonment  of 
the  mines  which  had  attracted  thousands."  The 
raids  extended  beyond  Arizpe,  and  around  Ures  and 
HermosiUo. 

When  the  Yaqui  outbreak  was  suppressed,  expedi- 
tions were  sent  against  the  marauders,  only  to  meet 
with  disastrous  repulse,  the  main  bodies  being  sud- 
denly assailed  while  hampered  by  the  difficulties  of 
hard  mountain  passes.  The  savages  were  well  provided 
with  good  fire-arms,  in  the  use  of  which  they  were  far 

**It  WM  Bought  to  ensure  peace  by  restricting  the  sale  of  liquor,  by  en- 
forcing the  distribution  of  land,  so  as  to  reduce  the  community  spirit,  while 
promoting  the  desire  for  order  that  springs  from  increased  possessions.  Pro- 
tectores  were  appointed  to  watch  over  these  enactments.  Pinart,  Doc,  Son., 
ii.  26-7,  64-6.     All  Indians  to  be  made  land-holders  in  their  towns. 

^Because  he  prided  himself  on  his  authority,  says  Zufiiga.  Nouv.  AnnaUa 
Voy.,  zdii.  241. 

^'Over  100  ranches  and  pueblos  have  been  abandoned,  savs  Escudero. 
Sonora,!^!.  ^ 


654  SONORA  AND  SIKALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

more  expert  than  the  Mexicans.  Followmg  up  their 
advantages,  the  Indians  advanced  close  to  Arizpe, 
spreading  consternation  through  the  state.  The  peo- 
ple were  now  roused  by  very  fear  to  greater  exertion ; 
inducements  were  offered  to  volunteers,  a  coalition  of 
the  northwestern  states  was  formed,  and  by  the 
autumn  of  1834,  several  victories  had  been  gained 
over  the  Apaches,  who  had  grown  over-confident  by 
their  recent  successes.  The  famous  chief,  Tutije,  was 
captured,  and  executed  at  Arizpe.  After  this,  a  large 
portion  of  the  volunteers  returned  home,  leaving  five 
hundred  men  to  pursue  the  scattered  bands.  This 
being  a  less  successful  system,  peace  negotiations  were 
opened,  at  the  instance  of  Comandante  Mora,  which 
met  with  disapproval  on  the  part  of  the  civil  authori- 
ties," who  maintained  that  extending  peace  to  such 
treacherous  foes  was  only  giving  them  time  to  recup- 
erate for  fresh  inroads,  while  the  governor  informed 
Mora  that  he  might  conclude  treaties,  but  the  citizens 
would  again  go  forth  and  exterminate  every  Apache 
found  with  arms  in  hand. 

The  legislature  approved  his  determination,  and  on 
September  7, 1835,  proclaimed  a  war  of  extermination, 
a  prize  of  one  hundred  dollars  being  offered  for  each 
scalp  taken."  A  campaign  of  fierce  determination 
followed,  which  lasted  till  August  1836,  when  the 
ardor  of  the  volunteers  having  at  length  abated,  peace 
was  once  more  concluded,  to  last,  as  heretofore,  only 
till  the  Indians  felt  themselves  strong  enough  to  renew 
their  raids."  The  general  government  had  given 
little  heed  to  appeals  for  aid,  the  disorder  in  the  cen- 
tral states,  and  the  Texas  question,  which  arose  at 
this  time,  being  too  absorbing  to  admit  of  border 
districts  obtaining  much  consideration. 

'"  Correspondence  on  the  subject  in  Pmcttrt^  Dor.  Sorut  ii.  49-56.  For  nar- 
ticnlars  of  these  campaigns,  see  /i.,  i  235;  iL  18-19,  26;  Id.,  nos  306,  315, 
345,  373;  ArriUaga,  liecop,,  1830,  310-11;  CaL  DepL  St  Pap.,  Beru,  C.  4t  71, 
iii.  63;   Velasco,  Son.,  112. 

^^BarUeWa  Narr.,  i.  322-3;  Foster's  Angdea,  MS.,  12-14. 

i*In  Sept.  and  Oct  1836,  several  nude  already  took  place.  Pmart,  CUL, 
no.  480. 


POLinGAL  STRUGGLES.  055 

Notwithstanding  the  agitation  caused  by  Indian 
troubles,  Sonora  did  not  escape  the  curse  arising  from 
the  struggles  between  political  parties.  The  plan  of 
Zavaleta  caused  turmoil,  and  after  several  minor  pro- 
nunciamientos,  the  people  of  Arizpe,  in  August  1833, 
proclaimed  against  it,  whereupon  the  comandante- 
general,  Arregui,  marched  with  four  hundred  men  to 
suppress  the  revolution.  The  legislature,  moreover, 
issued  decrees  inflicting  death  upon  those  who  joined 
Arizpe,  decrees  which  were  fulminated  by  the  general ; 
yet  Hermosillo  and  Horcasitas  did  not  hesitate  to 
denounce  the  legislature.  Arregui  was  personally 
obnoxious  to  the  troops,  and  deputations  from  the  pre- 
sidios having  met  at  Arizpe,  he  was  deposed  Septem- 
ber 30,  1833,  and  J.  M.  JSlias  Gonzalez  installed  in 
his  place.'* 

The  agitation  found  further  encouragement  in  the 
great  struggle  of  the  conservatives  and  clergy  against 
the  liberal  principles  advanced  under  federal  rule." 
The  legislature  declared  its  position  by  assuring  the 
people  that  no  reforms  attacking  religion  would  be 
countenanced."  Though  Santa  Anna  was  recognized 
by  the  popular  spirit,  pronunciamientos  at  Vera  Cruz 
and  other  points  aflSrmed,  as  it  were,  the  dawning 
centralism,  under  which  relief  was  hoped  for  from 
growing  evils.  A  change  might  remedy  the  existing 
disregard  of  the  authorities  for  the  frontier  districts, 
especially  in  the  way  of  satisfying  the  troops  with 
more  regular  pay." 

The  new  era  was  marked  by  the  transformation  of 

"A  list  of  charges  with  documents  was  forwarded  to  Mexico.  Son. 
JReprts,,  l-i4c.  Gonzalez  was  lieut-col  and  adjutant  inspector.  The  governor 
recommended  him  to  the  legislature.  SorUf  Contest.,  kabida,  642;  PinaH, 
Doc  Son.,  ii.  3-14,  68-73,  80,  181-96;  CaL  DepL  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  C.  and  T., 
iL  51-4,  59. 

'^Consult  Ilisi.  Mex,,  v.,  this  series.  In  this  connection  see  also  (ypofticion, 
Dec.  25,  1834;  Tiempo,  Aug.  15,  1834;  Bustamante,  Voz  Patria,  MS.,  viii. 
483^. 

^^Prodamations  of  July  8,  15,  and  Oct.  24,  1834,  in  Pinart,  Doc,  Son,,  iu 
38-46. 

^  Some  of  the  troops  were  in  actual  revolt  on  this  account.  The  state 
authorities  were  charged  with  absorbing  the  funds  applied  for  defence. 
Official  statement  in  CaL  Sup.  Gov.,  St.  Pap.,  xxi.  9-10. 


656  SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

the  state  into  a  department,  with  four  prefecturas,'* 
Manuel  M.  Gdndara  being  the  first  governor.  Gen- 
eral Jos^  Urrea  was  made  comandante-generaL  The 
appointment  of  Urrea  was  singular.  He  was  recog- 
nized as  a  stanch  federalist,  and  his  appointment  was 
due  only  to  President  Bustamante's  personal  regard. 
No  sooner  had  he  arrived  at  his  headquarters, 
Arizpe,  then  he  proclaimed,  December  26,  1837,  the 
restoration  of  the  federal  system,  and  secured  from 
the  Guaymas  custom-house  over  one  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars.  **  Disappointed  in  the  prospects  of  amelio- 
ration, and  caught  by  the  very  magnitude  of  the 
project,  troops  and  citizens  responded  in  difierent 
directions,  notably  at  Arizpe,  Ures,  Hermosillo,  Tepic, 
Mazatlan,  and  Culiacan,  tUl  Urrea  not  only  had  men 
enough  to  meet  the  departmental  government,  but 
was  able  to  send  bodies  to  oppose  the  central  corps 
advancing  upon  him  from  Sinaloa,  and  support  the 
pronunciamiento  made  in  Mazatlan.  Gdndara  joined 
the  movement,  was  declared  provisional  governor,  and 
a  congress  was  convened  to  reform  the  federal  constitu- 
tion in  furtherance  of  the  self  government  of  the 
states.  On  March  14,  1838,  the  congress  assembled, 
Urrea  being  governor-elect  and  L.  Escalante  vice- 
governor.  The  legislature  confirmed  Urrea  as  com- 
andante-general,  general  of  the  federal  army,  and 
protector  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,"  conferring  upon 
him  full  powers  to  raise  armies,  and  form  alliances-*' 
This  privilege  he  quickly  availed  himself  of  by  offer- 
ing lands,  pensions,  and  other  inducements  to  attract 

**  The  pay  of  the  prefects  was  from  $1,800  to  $2,000.  Mex.  Mem.  Hac.^ 

1838,  pt  2. 

*^It  is  related  that  the  honse  of  Ifi^o  provided  the  first  funds  to  start 
the  movement  on  condition  of  being  uvored  at  the  cnstom-hoose;  where* 
upon  the  firm  ordered  a  cargo  of  soods  from  Europe,  which  arrived  in  Feb. 

1839,  after  Urrea  had  been  ousted  Charges  were  brought  against  the  gov- 
ernor for  complicity  in  fraud.  Comie  y  fferrera,  Hepres.,  1-38;  Poq^  Var.,  Iv. 
no.  2,  Ixxviii.  no.  8. 

^San.  Faccion,,  106-7;  Eestaurachr  Fed.,  Jan,  30,  Mar.  13,  1838.  Urrea'a 
name  with  appropriate  inscriptions  was  ordered  to  be  placed  on  public  build- 
ings. Farias  and  Viezca  were  offered  an  asylum  with  land.  P^tart,  I>oe, 
Son.,  ii.  133-4,  139-40. 

I'  Flenipontenti&hes  were  to  be  sent  to  other  states  to  f onn  a  ooaliiinn. 


PRONUNCIAMIENTO. 


657 


followers,  the    legislature   assisting  him   in  diflferent 
ways,  notably  in  issuing  a  provisional  constitution." 
In  Sinaloa  the    formal  pronunciamiento  was  first 


Map  of  Sinaloa. 


**  On  March  27th;  after  which  the  bwly  closed  the  session,  and  left  a 
comision  permanente  to  act  from  the  27th.  An  amnesty  to  opponents  was 
passed.  Luxxro  Sin.,  Nov.  24,  1837.  Tamasula  hastened  to  petition  for 
the  federal  system.  Pinarty  CoL,  no.  472. 

Hist.  Mex.  States,  Vol.  II.    42 


666  SONORA  AND  SDCALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

made  on  January  12,  1838,  at  Culiacan,  by  Colonel 
Cuevas,  seconded  by  Orrantia,  acting  governor.** 
This  was  followed  by  the  capture  of  K^sario  and 
Cosald,**  while  Urrea  came  down  with  a  Sonoran  force 
in  April  in  two  vessels,  and  took  possession  of 
Mazatlan,  which  added  greatly  to  his  resources  by 
sea  and  land."  These  were  not  of  much  avail  how- 
ever. By  this  time  the  government  had  been  able 
to  take  steps  to  check  the  movement.  On  the  20th 
General  Paredes  appeared  before  Mazatlan  with  a 
strong  colunm,  and  reminded  the  garrison  that  its  first 
duty  was  to  join  in  opposing  the  French,  who  were 
then  threatening  the  republic.  This  appeal  to 
patriotism  shook  the  allegiance  of  several  of  Urrea's 
officers,  so  that  Paredes  found  little  difficulty  in  car- 
rying the  town  by  assault  on  May  6th."  Urrea  fled 
to  San  Bias,  and  failing  to  rouse  this  place,  headed 
the  campaign  in  the  interior  of  Sinaloa.  This,  how- 
•ever,  languished,  owing  to  the  call  for  Urrea's  presence 
elsewhere,  and  a  small  force  sufficed  to  give  the  final 
blow  to  the  movement. 

Meanwhile  Grdndara  changed  his  veiws  with  re- 
gard to  the  expected  political  formation  and  fell  back 
upon  his  former  position  as  centralist  governor,  as- 
suming the  lead  in  the  counter-revolution  which  was 
promoted  at  Horcasitas.  He  proclaimed  it  his  duty 
to  suppress  the  movement  in  favor  of  the  federal  sys- 
tem, and  profited  by  the  reaction  of  fear  among  wav- 

**  Who  on  the  16th  recognized  Urrea  as  protector  of  Mexican  liberty  and 
placed  the  resources  of  the  state  at  his  disposaL  Resbwrador  Fe(L,  Feh.  6, 
Sf arch  6,  1838.  A  cause  for  this  lay  in  the  dissatisfaction  with  the  govern- 
ment for  closing  Mazatlan  to  foreign  trade  at  the  dose  of  1837,  on  the 
ground  of  smuggling.  Sin,  Propos.,  3-20.  Changes  in  Comerc  de  OtuuL, 
Espos.,  1-8;  Pap.  Var.,  Ixxvi.  pt  10.  The  port  was  ordered  to  be  reopened 
by  decree  of  Feb.  22,  1838.  ArrWaga,  Reoop,,  1838,  61;  and  now  again 
closed  on  account  of  rebellion. 

^By  Cuevas  and  Carrasoo,  the  latter  sacking  CosaU  taking  &t  least 
:$50,000  in  silver  bars,  besides  jewels,  etc  Btiebia,  -Camp.,  14;  Pimtrt,  Doc 
Son,,  ii.  119. 

^^Diario,  CM),,  June  21-22,  1838;  Lowenatem,  Mex.,  401,  424-30.  Bosca- 
mante  writes  that  of  $70,000  duties  and  other  effects,  seized  partly  at  Gaay- 
mas,  he  sent  170  silver  bars  to  New  Orleans  in  his  own  name.  Oabineiaf  i.  60-1. 

''He  took  the  place  in  quarter  of  an  hour,  /d,  59-W;  Bnekta,  Cbnqx.  14^ 
jrUes*  Reg.,  liv.  336. 


CIVIL  WAR.  d6f 

ering  federalists  to  obtain  recruits.  Not  content  with 
these,  he  appealed  to  the  Yaguis,  his  former  foes,  and 
to  still  worse  northern  tribes;  nor  did  he  scruple  to 
pander  to  their  propensities  for  plunder,  which  re- 
sulted in  the  Papagos'  ignoring  his  authority,  as  did 
the  Yaquis  to  a  great  extent.  Both  factions  added 
to  the  burden  of  the  people  by  enforcing  contributions. 

Several  encounters  took  place,  the  first  of  note  be- 
ing at  Chino  Gordo,  on  May  2 2d,  followed  by  the 
taking  of  Hermosillo  and  the  capture  of  Vice-governor 
Escalante.  Urrea  now  appealed  to  the  people,  call- 
ing upon  them  to  redeem  their  pledges  of  support. 
Entering  Alamos  with  700  men,  he  afterward  advanced 
against  the  Gandaristas,  and  in  August  gained  a 
brilliant  victory,  followed  by  successes  at  Belen  and 
other  points,  which  culminated  in  the  capture  of 
Arizpe  in  October. 

These  successes  were  neutralized  by  centralist  pro- 
gress in  the  south,  and  Urrea's  opponents,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  his  temporary  absence,  gained  a  crowning 
triumph,  November  19th,  at  Opodepe."  Gdndara 
was  exultant,  but  avoided  mention  of  the  loss  of  life 
and  destruction  of  property,"  which  was  aggravated 
by  the  Yaquis  and  Papagos,  who  rose  in  1840  and 
committed  serious  depredations,  though  the  Yaqui 
general,  Juan  Maria  Insa  Camea  lost  his  life  in  assist- 
ing to  quell  the  movement."  It  required  a  close 
campaign  to  reduce  the  rebels,  who  assisted  by  the 
Apaches  left  a  wide  track  of  devastation  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Horcasitas." 

'^  Cousvlt  Zuniga,  Oontest.,  20-1;  Pap.  Var.,  185,  no.  3;  Bugtamanie,  Gobi- 
nete,  MS.,  249-53. 

^Pap.  Var.,  153,  no.  10;  PinaH,  Doc.  Son.,  ii.  no.  630;  CaL  DepL  St. 
Pctp.^  iv.  130;  Mosquito,  Hex,,  June  19,  1840;  Hi^.  3fez.,  v.,  this  series. 
Among  the  towns  sacked  were  Saguaripa,  Batueo,  Matape,  Hermosillo,  and 
Adivino.  Alamos  escaped  pillage  by  paying  |50,000,  Altar,  $16,000,  and 
Hermosillo  $70,000  without  bemg  exempt.  ZumgcL,  Carta  and  CotUettt., 
passim;  Pap,  Var.,  160,  no.. 32;  Oandara,  Espos,,  65-6;  Pinart,  Doc  Son,, 
u.  164-8. 

^Mex.  Mem.  Ouer,,  1841,  36;  Zwmga,  CordetL,  110;  Sac,  Mex.  Chofj.,  x. 
709. 

^In  1840  they  penetrated  to  Mazatlan  and  Cocospera.  VeLcmco,  Son., 
253-6,  263;  Soe.  Mex.  Cfeog.,  BoL,  zi  92-3,  98-9;  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1841,  36; 
Pbnri,  Doe.  8<m.,  ii  82-4,  131.  137,  142,  150-1,  166;  Pap.  Var.,  civ.  pt  4. 


660  SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

Gklndara  made  himself  rich  by  the  war,  and  sur- 
rounded himself  with  stanch  adherents.  He  retained 
the  comandancia  general  for  some  time,  and  removed 
the  capital  from  Arizpe  to  San  Jos^  de  los  Ures,  in 
spite  of  supreme  orders  to  place  it  at  Hermosillo. 
His  tenure  of  power,  however,  did  not  last  long.  In 
1841  Urrea  again  agitated  Sonora,  not  with  success, 
but  its  aim — to  raise  Santa  Anna  to  the  dictatorship 
— was  supported  by  Paredes  in  Jalisco.  Grdndara 
failed  to  catch  the  import,  and  Cuerta,  second  military 
chief,  more  clear-sighted,  seconding  the  movement, 
compelled  him  to  retire,  the  government  being  left  to 
the  management  of  J.  L.  Pico.  A  flood  of  long 
pent-up  complaints  now  burst  forth,  resulting  in  the 
reappointment  from  Mexico  of  Urrea  to  both  the 
civU  and  military  commands.  The  new  ruler  was 
eagerly  welcomed  in  May  1842,  and  at  once  took 
steps  to  suppress  the  inroads  of  the  Apache&  Al- 
though these  measures  were  most  necessary,  Gr^dara 
resuscitated  the  political  agitation  by  inciting  the 
Yaquis  and  Mayos,  who  were  devoted  to  him,  against 
Urrea's  administration,  securing  also  the  cooperation 
of  other  tribes. 

The  first  outbreak  occurred  in  May,  and  was  soon 
suppressed  by  Urrea.  Supporters  of  the  movement, 
nevertheless,  increased  in  numbers,  and,  on  July  24th, 
they  attacked  Hermosillo,  sufiering  a  repulse.  On 
August  26th,  they  were  routed  with  great  loss  at 
Norias  de  Guadalupe ; "  but  sustaining  themselves  by 
plunder,  gained  possession  of  a  few  minor  towns,  and 
several  ranchos.  But  this  source  of  supplies  natur- 
ally failing,  negotiations  were  followed  by  a  formal 
peace  of  the  usual  kind  which  only  led  to  further 
depredations." 

^  Urrea  attacked  1,500  insurffents  with  only  239  men  and  one  gnu.  He 
killed  200,  auBtaininff  a  losa  of  9  Killed  and  17  wonnded.  Voio  Son,,  Sept.  % 
1842,  no.  36;  Id,,  Sept.  21,  Dec.  21,  1842;  Mex.  Mem,,  iiL  doc  3;  Koto 
no.  21. 

"In  June  1843,  Hnerta,  Aimenta,  and  some  others  were  cangbt  and 
shot    Voto  Son,,  June  8,  July  27,  Aug.  10,  17,  31,  1843. 


GOVEKNOR  PONCE  D£  LEON.  661 

In  September  1843,  Grdndara  again  came  on  the 
scene,  and  several  skirmishes  took  place  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Ures,  Qdndara  claiming  the  advants^e. 
Urrea,  however,  having  received  reenforcements  from 
Sinaloa,  inflicted  severe  blows  upon  his  opponent  at 
Guaymas,  Tepepa,  and  Opodepe,  the  battle  at  the 
last-named  place  being  won  on  November  27th." 
Nevertheless,  the  war  continued  with  alternate  suc- 
cess until,  in  1844  the  assembly,  now  installed  at  Her- 
mosillo,  invested  Urrea  with  extraordinary  powers, 
which  he  used  to  such  good  purpose  that  the  rebellion 
was  nearly  extinguished  at  the  close  of  March.** 

The  Gdndaristas  had  carried  on  a  double  contest 
with  Urrea,  one  in  Sonora  with  arms,  the  other  at 
Mexico  with  chaises  against  him,  accusing  him  of 
maleadministration  and  infringement  of  the  laws. 
While  it  was  not  evident  that  Urrea  performed  his  duty 
as  ruler,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  Gdndara  was  culpa- 
ble in  rousing  semi-barbaric  tribes  to  sustain  his 
cause ;  nevertheless,  the  government,  being  weak,  de- 
termined to  make  a  concession  by  replacing  the  ob- 
noxious governor." 

Notwithstanding  the  protests  of  Urrea's  party. 
Brigadier  F.  Ponce  de  Leon  assumed  charge  as  gov- 
ernor and  comandante-general  in  April  1844,  and  in 
August  the  reestablishment  of  peace  was  announced. 

Urrea  remained  in  the  department,  and  prepara- 
tions were  resumed  to  defend  the  frontier  against 
Apache  inroads,  as  well  as  curb  the  Seris  with  whom 
a  peaceful  arrangement  was  made,  which  only  resulted, 

*  Urrea  claima  to  have  defeated  1,500  rabble,  causing  them  a  Iobs  of  200. 
Pmari,  CoL,  no.  678.  San,  BoL,  Nov.  28,  1843;  Pinarty  Doc,  Son.,  iu.  164; 
Soc  Mex,  Oeog.f  viii.  627. 

^  Urrea  BesenOf  3-7.  The  G^daristas  were  closely  pre&aed,  and  driven 
into  the  Yaqui  region.  Son.  Bol,  Feb.  29, 1844. 

^  G&ndara  was  rich  and  influential,  and  made  a  plausible  defence  in  his 
Espos,,  1-8;  JTsx.,  MS.,  32;  also  Vindkadon,  4  et  seq.  The  assembly  and 
leading  official  men  supported  Urrea.  Voto  Son.  Dec.  28,  1842,  Jan.  26,  1843; 
PmaH,  Doe.  Sonora^  lii.  164  et  seq.  The  feelings  of  white  settlers  is  not 
clear.  When  the  removal  became  known,  deputies  and  others  protested, 
And  sought  to  persuade  the  successor  to  resign.  Son.  BoL,  Oct  26.  1843; 
Pmari,  Doc  Son.   iii  171-80. 


M2  SONORA  AND  SIKALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES 

in  a  renewal  of  robberies  and  murders.  No  less  un- 
successful action  attended  the  attempts  against  the 
Apaches."  Toward  the  close  of  1845  some  vigor  was 
infused  into  the  operations,  but  when  the  war  with 
the  United  States  broke  out  in  1846,  the  tribes, 
though  badly  scattered,  escaped  pursuit  and  again 
combined. 

The  campaign  of  1844  was  interrupted  by  the  revo- 
lution of  Parades,  m  Jalisco,  for  the  overthrow  of 
Santa  Anna,  and  Urrea  was  requested  in  November 
to  reassume  command.  He  complied,  but  on  May 
15,  1845,  surrendered  the  power  to  the  eldest  mem- 
ber of  the  assembly,  who  was  presently  succeeded  by 
J.  M.  Gaxiola,  who  took  the  oath  June  25th.** 

In  Sinaloa  the  movement  of  Parades  had  been  sup- 
ported, November  7,  1844,  at  Mazatlan,  by  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Brambila,  who,  however,  surrendered 
his  assumed  civil  and  military  command  to  F.  Duque," 
three  weeks  later. 

Urrea,  having  been  elected  to  the  national  senate, 
seems  not  to  have  paid  any  attention  to  the  summons 
by  a  not  over-friendly  administration  to  present  him- 
self at  Mexico,  and  remained  in  Sonora  managing  to 
control  the  local  government.  The  G^ndaristas,  how- 
ever, on  August  29th,  caused  a  pronunciamiento  to  b 
made  at  Horcasitas,  demanding  his  expulsion.  Ch« 
November  25th,  an  engagement  took  place  near  Her- 

^^In  Feb.  1844,  500  of  the  so-called  peaceful  Apaches,  under  Mangaa 
Ooloradas,  boldly  attacked  the  presidio  of  Fronteras,  and  carried  off  stock 
and  captives.  In  April  a  partv  defied  the  porsuinff  force  at  Tepnc^L  In 
Angnst  Ellas  started  northward  from  Fronteras,  and  inflicted  sev^eral  blows, 
oarticnlarly  in  Sept.  Ist,  when  over  100  Apaches  were  captored  or  killed, 
rotoSon,,  Sept.  5,  12,  1844.  Account  of  outrages,  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Sfm,,  iiL 
190-226. 

«'  Voto  Soil,  March  27,  June  26,  1845;  8.  MumelHep.  Mex.,  40,  72. 

^Duque  had  been  comandante-general  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  in  I833L 
In  Dec.  1842,  the  council  of  Sinaloa  protested  against  a  central  military  goT- 
emment.  BuslamanUf  Dkmo  Mex,,  MS.,  zlvi  25.  The  disorder  extended  to 
assaults  on  foreigners,  notably  on  two  French  subjects,  in  Sept.  1844  on  a 
sailor,  and  in  June  1845  on  a  baker,  which  nearly  brought  about  a  bombard- 
ment, and  a  breach  of  international  relations.  Details  in  Tbastdre,  SaaecUeMte, 
1844,  1-27,  relating  to  cruel  mutilation;  PabeUon  Nac,  Oct.  31,  Ifov.  % 
1844;  Defensor  Inieg.,  Sept  11,  21,  1844;  Masson  defends  the  French.  OBa 
Podrida,  56-61;  Bwlamanie,  Menu,  Hut  Mex.  Ma,  ii  122-3^  with  aooonnt 
from  Sigh  XIX, 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS.  663- 

mosiilo,  in  which  the  government  troops  were  routed. 
Urrea  fled  southward  and  his  influence  for  the  time 
was  lost.**  Cuesta  having  joined  the  movement,  as^ 
sumed  temporarily  the  chief  military  command." 

Gdndara  now  returned  and  began  to  agitate  his 
plans  by  bringing  the  governor  and  the  comandante- 
general,  Elias  Gonzalez,  to  loggerheads,  through  the 
medium  of  Cuesta.  On  February  20th  the  ayunta* 
micnto  of  Hermosillo  declared  the  departamental  coun- 
cil dissolved,  and  Cuesta  installed  as  governor,"  which 
appointment  was  confirmed  at  Mexico.  This  move- 
ment having  been  effected  in  a  great  measure  by  the 
aid  of  the  Indians,  the  Yaquis  felt  disappointed  at 
the  peaceful  solution  of  the  question,  and  assumed  a 
threatening  attitude,  which  required  the  interference 
of  Gdndara.  Tranquillity  was  restored  with  some 
trouble,  and  judicious  closing  of  eyes." 

In  September  the  supreme  government  appointed  a 
new  governor  in  Rafael  Ceballos,  Cuesta  being  pro- 
pitiated with  the  comandancia-general.  Simultane- 
ously, however,  came  news  of  the  federalist 
pronunciamiento  at  Mexico  and  Cuesta,  still  in  power, 
hastened  on  September  6th  to  give  in  his  adhesion. 
He  knew  this  would  be  acceptable  to  the  majority  of 
the  inhabitants,  for  the  hopes  once  centred  in  a  cen- 
tralist regime  had  proved  illusive.  The  Apache  in- 
roads had  increased  to  an  alarming  degree,  and  the 
state  had,  moreover,  been  the  scene  of  almost  constant 
civil  warfare.  It  seemed  better,  therefore,  to  resume 
the  semi-autonomy  of  a  state,  with  its  many  privileges^ 
since  affairs  in  other  respects  could  hardly  become 
worse.  Yet  many  still  warned  against  the  additional 
evils  of  increased  party  agitation  and  strife  for  local 

*^  Amiga  del  Pueblo,  Oct  21,  1845;  Scmorense,  June  26,  1846;  Pinart,  Doc 
San,,  iii  116-17,  244^250,  266-7. 

^Mex.  Mem.  HiaL,  Jan.  24,  Feb.  4,  17,  1845.  J.  M.  Gonzalez  succeeded 
him.  TierrmD,  March  21,  1846. 

^  Qaxiola  and  the  deputies  being  declared  accomplices  of  Urrea. 

^M  Tkmno,  May  23,  1846,  points  out  that  Sonora  was  ruled  b^  savages^ 
for  Yaqui  and  Gbata  garrisons  held  the  chief  towns,  even  of  the  Pimas,  who 
guarded  Ures.  In  Sept.,  Gdndara  reported , peace  restored  among  the  Yaquis 
and  Mayoe.  Sanarense,  July  24,  31,  Aug.  16,  1846. 


064  SOKORA  AKD  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

offices/*  The  change  was  affirmed,  however,  by  the 
cessation  under  the  supreme  decree  of  departmental 
councils,  prefecturas,  and  other  centralist  represen- 
tation, and  the  call  of  electors  to  choose  a  legislature 
and  governor  under  the  long  suspended  federal  con- 
stitution of  1831/*  These  powers  were  installed  with 
the  opening  of  1847,  atUres,"  and  Grdndara  found  him- 
self rewarded  for  his  promptness  and  foresight  by  the 
governorship."  Among  the  first  tasks  was  to  reform 
the  constitution  of  1831  to  suit  the  change  of  ideas,** 
and  the  government  was  shortly  divided  among  nine 
prefecturas,  with  ayuntamiento  bodies  for  the  leading 
towns,  smaller  places  being  directed  by  justices  of 

^'Deputy  Monteverde  argued  that  remote  Sonora,  with  a  sparse  and  less 
cultured  population,  and  strong  family  factions,  was  not  fitted  for  stateship. 
IHcc  Unto.,  X.  420.  Cuesta  controUed  the  forces  and  had  the  means  to  chedc 
any  remonstrance. 

^In  Sept  R.  Palacio  acts  as  governor,  at  Ures.  Sonoreme,  Sept.  25,  1S4& 
Primary  elections  began  on  Oct.  4th. 

^^  As  the  capital,  a  previous  decree  being  annulled  which  declared  Arime 
the  seat  of  government.  Gaxiola  had  insisted  on  residing  at  Hermoswo, 
which  by  decree  of  Aug  19,  1843  had  been  affirmed  as  capital,  DmUoh,  L^ 
Mex,,  iv.  523,  while  the  contemporary  assembly  remained  at  Ures.  Caesta 
followed  his  example.  Pinart,  Doc.  8m,,  iii.  177,  190-2;  297-311,  iv.  1,  4. 

^^iWith  Luis  Kedondo  for  vice,  and  I.  M.  Mendoza  for  treasurer.  Ce- 
ballos  did  come,  but  found  it  prudent  to  resiffn  in  Oct.,  leaving  Cuesta  to 
continue  in  charge  till  the  election.  Sonorenaef  Oct.  90,  Nov.  6,  Dec.  4,  1S46. 
Pinart,  Doc  Son,,  iv.  1.  Bustamante,  J^ut  Imxtskm,  Jd.  1 10,  baa  a  poor 
opinion  of  Cuesta. 

"  A  provisional  governor  or  the  chief  justice  was  to  repl^Mse  the  i^galar 
governor,  the  viccgubematorial  office  being  abolished.  The  state  -was  de- 
clared to  embrace  nine  partidos.  This  organic  law  was  signed  at  Ures  on 
May  13^  1848,  by  F.  N.  Lo^bz,  president,  J.  Biarttnez,  J.  Eatevan 
MiUa,  M.  M.  Encinas,  R.  £ncinas,  F.  J.  Aguilar,  M.  Campillo, 
and  R.  Buelna,  the  latter  two  acting  as  secretaries.  It  was  issued 
by  M.  M.  G^dara  on  the  15th,  countersigned  by  Secretary  C.  Ka- 
varro.  Sonora,  Constii,  B^ormado,  1848,  1--48,  with  103  arts.  On  May  26th 
election  laws  were  issued  in  42  arts.  Text  in  Correalfae,,  July  14,  1848. 
During  1847  the  government  council  had  been  abolished.  Deputies  received 
^1, 800  pay,  and  f2  per  league  for  mileage.  Sonorenae,  June  16,  23,  July  16, 
1848;  Pinart,  Doc  Sim.,  iv.  29-46,  71-2.  Vebisco,  Sonorci,  24-33,  comments 
adversely  to  the  ^wer  to  increase  suplentes  in  the  legislature,  oa  lack  of 

fovemment  council,  etc.  In  June  1847  three  prefecturas  were  decreed, 
fres,  Hermosillo^  and  Alwnnn,  with  salary  of  ^1,400,  subsequenUy  ^1,600, 
and  the  municipal  government  was  gradea  according  to  four  classes  of  set- 
tlements, cities,  partido  capitals,  places  of  500  inhabitants  and  over,  and 
places  with  less.  Rules  in  Pinart,  Doc  Sonora,  iv.  33-^5,  38-40.  In  1S48, 
nowever,  the  above  partidos  were  converted  into  prefecturas.  Velasoo  gives 
the  extent  of  each,  xhe  chief  cities  received  aynntamientos,  the  next  gtmde. 
three  justices  of  the  peace,  and  smaller  places,  one,  who  supervised  the 

Solice  of  haciendas.    Certain  sales  of  church  property  were  amnilled  by 
ecree  of  June  30, 1847. 


THE  TEXAS  QUESTION.  6G5 

the  peace,  in  proportion  to  their  population.  The 
new  constitution  was  not  issued  until  May  1848, 
owing  partly  to  the  war  with  the  United  States. 

The  Texan  question  had  given  early  premonitions 
of  danger  from  the  neighbor  republic,  and  here  as 
elsewhere  Americans  had  become  subject  to  suspicion 
and  restrictions.  In  September  1846  came  the  news 
of  impending  war,  with  an  order  to  send  militia  reen- 
forcements  and  other  aid  to  Chihuahua ;  but  the  no- 
tice of  blockade  by  United  States  war  vessels  made  it 
apparent  that  Sonora  would  need  all  she  could  raise 
for  her  own  defence.  On  October  5th,  indeed,  ap- 
peared the  Cyane,  Commander  Dupont,  preceded  by 
the  war  sloop  Dale,  with  a  demand  for  the  surrender 
of  Guaymas  and  the  two  small  gxm-boats,  or  the  al- 
ternative of  bombardment.  Commandant  Campuzano 
signalling  his  refusal  by  applying  the  torch  to  the 
boats,  Dupont  opened  fire  on  the  7th,  and  inflicted 
considerable  damage  on  the  town,  besides  cutting  out 
the  war  brig  Condor.'^*  This  much  accomplished,  ag- 
gressive operations  were  suspended,  a  blockade  being 
decided  upon.  New  fears  arose,  however,  from  the 
unexpected  appearance  on  the  northern  border  at  the 
close  of  1846,  of  a  large  expedition  under  General 
Kearney,  which  crossed  from  New  Mexico  to  AJta 
California,  through  Tucson,  this  place  being  tempor- 
arily occupied,  ^^reparations  for  defence  were,  there- 
fore, continued,  and  the  legislature  joined  in  the  effort 
by  granting  the  governor  extraordinary^  powers,  call- 
ing out  the  militia,  and  forming  an  arrangement  with 
the  adjoining  states  for  mutual  aid.  Subsequently  all 
able-bodied  Sonorans  were  summoned  to  take  up 
arms,"  an  appeal  to  which  more  than  1,000  men  re- 
sponded within  the  day. 

^IriBEspan.,  Nov.  11,  1846. 

^^  decree  of  April  22,  1847.  Sonorenae^  Jan. -June,  passim;  Pinart,  Dor, 
Son.,  in,  323,  iv.  2,  no.  824  et  seq.;  Son,  Ley.  VarioB  ,  9.  An  appeal  from 
Califomia  received  official  attention.  The  '^bishop  joined  in  stirring  up  the 
people.  Ecotumusta,  July  7,  1847. 


666  80N0RA  AND  SENALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES 


New  Map  of  Sonora 


irOREIGN  VBBSELS.  Wf 

Little  could  be  done  to  strengthen  the  frontier^ 
when  all  available  troops  were  demanded  for  active 
operations  in  the  centre  and  north-east  of  the  invaded 
republic.  While  the  presidio  seemed  protected  by 
the  wilderness  beyond,  the  coast  lay  exposed  to  a 
threatening  squadron.  Attention  was,  therefore, 
mainly  directed  to  fortifying  Guaymas,  as  the  port  of 
the  state;  to  which  end  the  garrison  was  increased  in 
March  to  four  hundred  men;  a  fort  was  constructed 
on  Casa  Blanca  hill,  and  additional  guns  were 
mounted.** 

On  October  16,  1847,  the  frigate  Congress^  Captain 
Lavallette,  appeared  before  Guaymas,  followed  by 
the  sloop  of  war  Portsmovih  and  the  prize  brig  Argo,  * 
from  which  a  thirty-two  pounder  and  some  smaller  arms 
were  landed  on  Almagre  island  and  another  point 
under  cover  of  night.  This  accomplished,  a  summons 
for  surrender  was  made  on  the  19th,  and  Command- 
ant Campuzano  refusing,  fire  was  opened  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning  with  such  eflFect  that  in  less  than  an 
hour  the  white  flag  was  hoisted.  Persuaded  that  re- 
sistance would  only  entail  useless  destruction  of  prop- 
erty, Campuzano  had  withdrawn  to  Bacochivampo, 
there  to  guard  the  approach  to  the  interior,  leaving 
the  municipality  to  make  terms  for  the  town."  Most 
of  the  inhabitants  had  fled,  and  foreign  traders  and 
others  who  remained  were  permitted  to  leave  in  boats 
for  a  village  some  distance  to  the  north,  owing  to 
the  cutting  ofl*  of  water  and  food  by  the  Mexican 
corps  of  observation.  The  fortifications  were  blown 
up  and  a  guard  posted,  partly  for  the  protection  of 

M  Owing  to  the  active  partidpatioii  of  citizens,  Campuzano  reported  that 
-work  valued  at  over  $10,000  nad  been  performed  at  a  cost  of  less  than 
$1,000.  The  government,  however,  was  slow  in  granting  supplies.  8<moren»e^ 
March-April,  Oct.  22,  1847. 

^  Claimed  by  J.  Robinson,  U.  S.  consul  at  Guaymas,  who  had  long  resided 
there,  acting  also  for  England.  Mqfraat  Or,,  i.  182.  The  two  war  vessels 
were  rated  at  44  and  20  guns  respectively,  yet  both  carried  a  few  more, 
although  not  60  and  34  as  Pinart,  Doc.  Sonont,  iv.  50,  has  it.  Arco,  Iris., 
Deo.  llth. 

''Gampuzano^s  retreat  was  approved.  Sonortnse,  Oct.  22,  Dec.  31,  1847«- 
Vrost  plaees  the  retiring  force  at  400.  Hist.  Mex.y  457. 


«68  SONORA  AND  SINALOA  A8  SEPARATE  STATES. 

property;  yet  some  pillaging  took  place.** 

LiavaJlette  was  instructed  merely  to  take  possession 
of  the  fort,  and  as  a  smaller  force  seemed  sufficient 
for  the  task,  he  departed  on  the  23d,  leaving  the 
Portsmouth,  Commander  Montgomery,  to  hold  it,  with 
orders  to  permit  legal  commerce,  and  exact  duty  under 
the  tariff  established  for  the  coast  by  decree  of  April 
8d.^  The  sloop  Dafe,  Commander  Selfridge,  jomed 
her  shortly  after,  and  was  for  a  time  left  in  sole 
charge.  This  diminution  in  the  blockading  force  en- 
couraged the  Mexicans  to  reenter  the  town  on  No- 
vember 17th;  but  they  were  forced  to  retire  before 
the  attack  of  the  marines,  supported  by  Uvelj^  broad- 
sides.*' Several  other  skirmishes  took  place  later  at 
Cochori  and  Bacochivampo,"'  and  further  south.  An 
exploring  and  reconnoitring  expedition  passed  in  Feb- 
ruary 1848  down  the  coast,  touching  at  Tiburon 
island,  and  at  the  Yaqui  settlements  to  conciliate  this 
powerful  tribe,  which  was  readily  accomplished.** 

Nothing  resulted  from  this  occupation,  save  a  small 
gain  to  Americans  from  custom-house  revenue,  and 
considerable  loss  to  the  Sonorans  from  interrupted 
trade  and  destruction  of  life  and  property,  the  treaty 

^Sonorenafy  Nov.  5,  1847;  and  bo  mentioned  also  in  NUe$*  JRe^iMer,  Ixiii 
295.  The  bombardment,  with  600  shot  and  shell,  it  ib  said,  inflicted  sreat 
damage,  though  but  little  loss  of  life.  S.  F.  CaSSf,^  Feb.  %  1848;  f%nSey'* 
Dirtct,,  i.  297. 

*  Consul  Robinson  was  made  collector.  In  the  proclamation  to  the  town 
of  Oct.  20,  Lavallette  assured  protection  to  all  citizens,  subject  only  to  cer- 
tain modifications  in  the  civil  administration.  Report  and  correspondence 
in  U.  8.  Oovt  Doc,  cong.  90,  sess.  2,  H.  Bk,  Doe,,  L  pt  ii.  70  et  seq.  At 
first  duty  was  fixed  at  15  per  cent  aid  valorem.  Montgomerv's  force  w«d 
placed  at  300.  Mex.  Arch.,  L.  CaL,  ii  5;  Mies'  Register,  Ixiii  295;  Wises 
Jam  Gringos,  136;  Ripley's  War  Mex,,  ii.  603-4. 

^  Selfridge  being  wounded  during  the  fint  fire,  lieut  W.  T.  Smith  led 
the  hmd  party,  numbering  65  men.  fhe  Mexicans  were  estimated  at  fully 
300,  and  their  loss  at  about  30.  Reports  in  (/.  S.  Omt  Doc,  as  above,  97 
100.  Campuzano  claimed,  with  106  men  under  Gapt.  Jurado,  to  have  dnven 
back  the  Americans;  loss,  one  killed  and  five  wounded.  SoHorrnse^  Nov.  26. 
1847.  The  victory  was  celebrated  by  Mexicans  even  in  Lower  CaL  Mtr. 
Arch.,  Lower  CaL;  Frost's  Hist.  War,  457;  Cal  Star,  Apr.  8,  1848,  devotes 
an  entire  column  to  the  skirmish.  Polyjtesian,  iv.  146. 

*  (/.  S,  Oovt  Doc,  as  above,  128-33.  Tiade  with  Americans  was  inter- 
dicted by  decree  of  Feb.  17.  Pinart,  Doc  Son,,  iv.  64-^. 

^  The  barracks  at  Bacochivampo  were  destroyed  on  Feb.  20th.  A  de- 
scent was  also  made  on  an  outpost  12  miles  from  Guaymas.  U.  S.  OmA  Dor., 
53-4;  M,  cong.  30,  sess.  2,  H.  Ex.  Doc,  i.  1157-60,  1133-6. 


INTERNAL  DISCORD.  609 

of  peace,  signed  in  May  1848,  causing  the  departure 
of  the  hostile  squadron. 

In  Sinaloa  the  invaders  had  been  favored  in  their 
designs  upon  the  rich  port  of  Mazatlan  by  internal 
dissensions.  In  1845  R.  de  la  Vega  and  F.  Facio 
figured  as  governor  and  comandante-general,  respec- 
tively, to  the  discontent  of  a  growing  faction,'*  which 
on  January  5,  1846,  pronounced  against  them,  at 
Mazatlan,  and  declared  the  civil  and  military  author- 
ity vested  in  Lieutenant-colonel  Angel  Miramon,  with 
adhesion  to  the  plan  of  San  Luis  lately  issued  by 
Paredes.**  This  was  adopted  at  Culiacan  and  several 
other  places."  Paredes  chose  to  appoint  other  men 
for  the  commands,*'  but  his  own  position  being  preca- 
rious Colonel  Tellez,  en  route  to  California  with  troops, 
seized  the  opportunity  to  remain  at  Mazatlan  and 
pronounce  for  Santa  Anna,  on  May  7th  under  a  fed- 
eral system,  with  himself  as  comandante-general  and 
governor.  Both  titles  being  disputed  the  latter  by 
Vega  and  another  claimant,  *  and  the  former  by  T. 
Romero,  Tellez  marched  against  them,  routed  the 
latter  at  Las  Flechas,  September  15th,  and  compelled 
Vega  to  seek  safety  in  flight. 

Such  demoralization  favored  the  approach  of  the 
Americans,  and  on  September  7,  1846,  the  United 
States  squadron  touched  at  Mazatlan,  captured  a 
Mexican  brig  of  war,  and  established  a  temporary 
blockade,  which  was  resumed  in  the  following  April, 
and  formally  proclaimed  in  August.  On  November 
10th,  Commodore  Shubrick  demanded  the  surrender 

**Vega  was  charged  with  smuggling.  Amigo  Pueb.,  Aug.  30,  1845,  and 
Jionit-CoruUU. ;  Mem.  IliaL ,  Feb.  10,  1846.     Facio  waa  declared  incapable. 

*See  JlisL  Mex,,  v.  this  series;    IHempOy  Jan.  29,  1846. 

»Mem,  Higt.,  Feb.  15,  23,  1846. 

*^  J.  I.  Gutierrez  as  comandante,  and  Martinez  Castro  as  governor,  who 
assumed  control  in  March.  Id.,  Apr.  8,  1846;  OuUerrez^  CorUcJtL,  25;  Pap. 
Var.y  xli.  pt  19. 

*G.  Layja,  appointed  from  Mexico  in  Oct.  Vega  controlling  the  elec- 
tion at  the  capital  managed  to  declare  himself  chosen,  regardless  of  the 
votes.  Hazonador,  Nov.  10,  1847.  The  legislature  sustained  him.  Pinart, 
Col,  no.  854. 


470  SONORA  AND  8INAL0A  AS  SEPARATE  SrTATBS. 

of  the  port,  which  being  refused,  he  landed  some  six 
hundred  men  with  four  guns,  and  took  possession, 
Tellez  retiring  to  Presidio  de  Mazatlan,  eight  leagues 
distant.  Shubrick  left  three  hundred  men  in  the 
place,  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Lavallette,  in 
command  of  the  Congress  ;  authorities  were  appointed, 
and  every  precaution  was  taken  to  calm  the  people.* 
Meanwhile  Tellez  and  Vega  became  engaged  in 
rival  efforts  to  secure  supremacy,  Vega  sustaining 
himself  at  Culiacan  as  governor.  After  a  feeble  at- 
tempt at  resistance  on  the  part  of  Tellez,  whose  con- 
duct disgusted  his  followers,  Vega  was  recognized  as 
governor.  While  his  forces  were  engaged  in  observa- 
tions around  Mazatlan,  several  skirmishes  took  place 
with  the  invaders,  little  loss  of  life  being  incurred." 
In  March  1848,  news  of  the  cessation  of  hostilities 
arrived,  and  on  June  I7th  the  port  was  formally  re- 
stored to  Mexico. 

While  the  war  with  the  United  States  was  going 
on,  Apache  invasions  into  Sonora  caused  great  distress. 
More  settlements  were  destroyed,  and  even  the  sub- 
urbs of  Ures  were  assailed,  compelling  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  Tubac  presidio.  A  war  tax  was  established 
in  February  1848,  and  the  supreme  congress  having 
granted  a  portion  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars 
devoted  to  the  protection  of  exposed  states,  several 
expeditions  were  sent  out,  with  no  more  result  than 
that,  in  the  following  years,  Indian  raids  and  outrages 
were  followed  up  with  the  same  impunity.  Extended 
desolation  followed,  made  wide-sweeping  by  the  im- 
poverished condition  of  the  national  treasury,  and  the 
drain  upon  the  population  caused  by  the  excitement 
of  gold  discoveries  in  Cahfomia.     This  lured  away 

^Correo,  Nac,  Dec.  14,  1847.  Details  in  U.  S,  Cho,  Doc,  oong.  90,  wobs. 
%  H.  Ex,  Doc,  i,  pt  iL;  Raartwey's  Other  Side,  42S-9;  R^pleg*9  War  Mac.,  xi. 
604-6;  Cincinnatu8,  Travels,  81-2;  Mex,  Treaiks,  vii.,  pt  11;  Ca^ormam,  ¥^ 
9   184iB 

''•U.  S.  Oov.  Doc,  ut  gup.^  1105-22;  Correo,  Nac,  Dec.  14-16,  1847;  R^ 
wnador,  Dec.  11,  18^7;  Areo  Iru,  Deo.  24»  1847,  Jan.  28,  1848. 

'1  Sonora  received  $20,000.  Mac,  Ool  Le^.,  1848,  458. 


MILITARY  COLONIES.  171 

both  citizens  and  troops,  leaving  the  state  in  despair, 
by  withdrawing  its  stanchest  defenders,"  and  even 
the  heads  of  departments."  Wages  and  prices  rose 
fast,  and  plans  were  discussed  and  tried  in  order  to 
arrest  the  exodus,  but  of  no  avail, — the  fever  had  to 
run  its  course. 

As  regards  security  of  the  frontier  in  1848,  five 
military  colonies  were  assigned  for  Sonora,  to  be  located 
probably  at  Babispe,  Fronteras,  Santa  Cruz,  Altar, 
and  Tucson.  So  dilatory,  however,  was  the  supreme* 
government  that  by  the  end  of  1850  only  that  of 
Fronteras  had  been  properly  planted,  Santa  Cruz 
being  in  course  of  formation,  while  the  rest  were  not 
even  located.  The  total  force  reached  only  three 
hundred  and  thirteen  men,  and  as  troops  were  needed 
to  oppose  the  .Indians,  the  state  was  ordered  to  equip, 
at  federal  expense,  four  companies  of  national  mounted 
guards,  each  to  consist  of  fifty  men  and  four  oflBcers.^* 
This  measure  also  languished,  and  the  total  force  for 
1850  was  only  five  hundred  and  twenty-seven  men." 
The  state  endeavored  to  attract  foreigners  by  liberal 
oflTers  of  land,  on  condition  of  being  liable  to  certain 
military  duties,  but  the  national  government  overruled 
the  measure  as  extravagant  and  dangerous. 

Political  factions  continued  their  strife,  and  in 
March  1848  a  plot  was  formed  to  kidnap  Governor 
Gdndara,  and  replace  him  by  Redondo,  with  Elias 

^It  is  estimated  that  between  Oct.  1848,  when  the  first  caravan  left 
Hermosillo,  and  March  1849,  more  than  5,000  persons  departed.  During  the 
first  four  months  of  1850,  fully  6,000  left,  taking  with  them  about  $14,000 
in  beasts  of  burden.  Velasco,  Sonora,  289-91,  places  the  exodus  by  March 
1849  at  not  less  than  4,000.  Passports  were  required  for  departure,  but 
numbers  left  without  the  document.  Poverty  prevented  a  still  greater  emi- 
gration. Soc.  Mex.  Oeog.f  xi.  Ill,  126;  ii.  59;  Pinart,  Doc.  Sonora,  iv.  118, 
204  et  seq. 

^' A  decree  was  passed  authorizing  the  governor  to  fill  vacancies  in  muni- 
cipal and  other  offices.  Pinart,  CoL  Doc.,  ii.,  no.  1003. 

^^  At  a  monthly  expense  of  $1,521  per  company.  Sonorenae,  Nov.  2,  1849. 

^^  Of  whom  132  belonged  to  battalion,  4  of  infantry,  50  to  the  national 
Koardy  the  rest  being  classed  as  military  colonists,  including  those  in  Lower 
OaL  liex,  Mem,  Quer,^  1851,  doc.  1,  3-4.  For  remarks  on  uie  decaying  con- 
dition  of  the  presidio  and  colony  sites,  see  Velmco,  Son.,  104-23;  Soc.  Mex. 
4Uog.,  ii  58,  63-6;  viiL  522-7,  453-6;  Zuniga,  Son.,  60-«. 


672  SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

Gonzalez  as  comandante-general,  which  office  G^ndara 
also  held."  As  it  was,  Kedondo  received  the  vote  in 
May  for  substitute  governor,  and  Gronzalez  succeeded 
to  military  command  in  December."  In  the  autumn 
elections,  Jos^  Aguilar  was  the  chosen  candidate,  and 
assumed  the  governorship  in  April  1849,  Juan  Bau- 
tista,  a  brother  of  Grdndara,  ruling  ad  interim." 
Aguilar  found  his  position  so  far  from  enviable  that 
he  tendered  his  resignation  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
And  was  allowed  to  retire  in  October  1851,  on  leave  of 
absence."' 

In  January  1851a  new  comandante-general  arrived^ 
the  brave  and  energetic  Colonel  J.  M.  Carrasco.  Un- 
fortimately,  within  six  months  he  was  carried  off  by 
cholera,"  and  his  successor.  General  Blanco,  failed  to 
meet  the  expectations  formed.  There  was  particular 
need  at  this  time  for  a  firm  military  commander. 
Wide-spread  alarm  had  been  created  by  rumors  of 
filibustering  preparations  in  California,  directed  agamst 
the  rich  and  forsaken  northwest,  notably  under  Gren- 
eral  Morehead,  who,  however,  failed  to  obtain  suffi- 
cient support." 

7«He  had  accepted  it  Feb.  25,  1848.  Campnzano  filled  it  unta  1847. 
Moreno,  pref.;  Sonorense,  Mar.  3,  22,  May  24,  June  4,  Aug.  16,  1848. 

"  Pinart,  Doc  SoTtora,  iv.  72,  99.  Glindara  threatened  to  press  a  claim  of 
$400,000  for  advances  and  losses  daring  the  war  of  invasion,  which  induced 
the  government  to  recall  an  order  for  Qea.  Urrea  to  interfere.  Several 
strong  protests  were  issned  by  Gindara,  who  was  in  fear  of  his  powerful 
rival  commanding  at  Durango.  Crenwn^i  Apcuhes,  39-40;  Sonorenae^  Oct.  13, 
20,  Nov.  3,  1848.     Urrea  died  Aug.  1,  1849.  Fhart^  Doc  Sonora,  iv.  159. 

'» Aguilar  resigned  in  Oct.  1861,  the  ad  interim  governor  being  M-  M. 
Gaxiola.  When  the  federal  system  was  overthrown,  in  1853»  Aguilar  retired 
from  politics.  AffuHar,  Vindic,  4. 

^Floods  in  Oct  1848  had  added  to  the  distress.  The  sovemor^s  message 
of  March  1851  was  more  hopeful.  Sonorense,  Nov.  17, 1848;  Pinari,  Doc  Sonora^ 
iv.  297-8. 

^  On  July  21st,  at  Cochori.  His  death  was  a  calamity,  Voz  Pu^tlo,  July 
30,  1851,  attributed  by  certain  anti-Gindarists  to  poisoning.  Carrasco  s 
condemnation  of  previous  methods  had  roused  G^ndara  and  others  against 
him.  HalPs  Son.,  MS.,  67;  Mex.  Mem.  Cfuer.,  1852,  45.  J.  M.  Flores  suc- 
ceeded him  temporarily. 

»i  Morehead  went  to  Mazatlan  about  the  middle  of  1851  in  the  Jtmepkine^ 
but  did  nothing.  Mex,  Menu  Ouh-,,  1852;  Inform,  Comis,  Peaquis,,  8. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  PROM  CALIFORNIA. 

1852-1854. 

RAOU88BT  DK  Boulbon's  Ea&lt  Carksb— His  ScHuos— Pindrat's  Fbon- 

IXBB  CJOLONT— RaOUSSET's  GrANT— ARRIVAL  IN  SONORA— HosmJIT  OF 

Officials — Cafturr  of  Hrrmosillo — ^Raoussiet  Attackbd  with 
FrvbRt— RvnRBs  to  GuATMAft— Thr  Adysnturers  Capitulatb— Nbmt 
SoHBifES  of  tub  Frbnohman— Thb  GomfaI^ia  Rbstauradora— Raous- 
8KT  GoB9  to  Mbxioo— a  Sboond  Expbdition  Plannbd— Thb  Return 
to  Sonora^Raoussbt  Dufbd  bt  YaAbz— The  Mexican  Barracks  at 
GuATMAS— Plan  of  Attack— Assaui/t  of  the  Filibusters—Thbib 
Defeat—Disposal  of  the  Prisoners— Execution  of  Raousset— His 
Character. 

SoNORA  at  length  received  the  aid  in  troops  and 
arms,  which  had  been  refused  for  defence  against 
more  savage  foes. '  These  measures  proved  opportune^ 
for  a  really  formidable  expedition  was  fitting  out  at 
the  time  in  California.  For  three  years  adventurers, 
had  been  drifting  into  San  Francisco  from  every  zone, 
lured  by  gold.  Finding  near  realities  below  their  ex- 
alted expectations,  they  strained  their  eyes  for  pros- 
pects rendered  more  glittering  by  distance  and 
vagueness.  Stories  of  the  precious  mountains  of 
Sonora,  the  gold  nuggets  of  the  Gila,  and  the  silver 
bullets  of  the  Apaches,  so  current  on  the  Mexican 
border,  found  ready  acceptance  among  this  class  of 
fortune-hunters,  who  dreamed  only  of  sudden  and 
easy  acquisitions. 

^  Blanco  brought  in  March  1852  sufficient  resources  to  place  1,500  men 
under  arm^.  Tanori  and  other  friendly  Indian  chiefs  received  honors  to  en- 
sure their  loyalty.  Pinart.  Doc.  Son.,  v.  2,  16-17  Foreigners  were  now- 
1>laced  under  greater  restrictions,  and  their  status  duly  defined.  Those  neg- 
ecting  passports  were  to  be  heavily  fined.  NachncU,  Oct.  21,  1853. 

Hist.  Mix.  States,  Vol.  II.    43  («73) 


e74        FILXBUSTERIKa  INVASIONS  FBOM  CALIFORNIA. 

Prominent  among  them  was  a  French  count,  Gas- 
ton Kaoulx  de  Raousset-Boulbon,  of  an  ancient  but 
decayed  Provence  family.'  Imbibed  traditions  and 
manners  had  stamped  him  as  a  child  with  a  haughty 
determination  that  procured  for  him  the  appeUation 
Little  Wolf;  yet  a  natural  generosity  assisted  his 
Jesuit  teachers  of  Fribourg  to  subordinate  these 
traits  to  lofty  sentiment  and  regard  for  dignity.  Re- 
pelled by  the  frigidity  of  an  unsympathetic  father, 
he  hastened,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  to  Paris,  to  yield 
to  the  giddy  whirl.  Talented  and  handsome,  he  was 
well  received  in  society.  To  a  graceful  figure  of 
barely  medium  height  was  added  an  oval  face  of 
strongly  marked  features,  frank  in  expression,  and 
well  set  off  by  an  incipient  mustache  and  imperial  of 
blonde  hue.  The  dreamy  eyes  fired  upon  slight 
provocation.  He  was  a  dashing  horseman  and  a  good 
fencer ;  skillful  with  the  sword  and  rifle  as  with  the 
pen  and  pencil,  and  shone  equally  in  song  and  conver- 
sation.' 

With  the  decrease  of  a  maternal  legacy  came  sober 
reflections  on  dissipation  and  idleness.  Constrained 
in  the  artificial  and  sordid  atmosphere  of  the  social 
capital,  his  ambitious  spirit  began  to  sigh  for  some 
famous  field  of  action.  He  proceeded  to  Algiers^ 
there  to  mingle  somewhat  visionary  colonist  under- 
takings* with  eccentric  hunting  excursions  and  mili- 
itary  expeditions,  latterly  in  the  company  of  Due  d* 
Auraale.  The  revolution  of  1848  assisted  to  crush 
his  projects,  while  involving  the  inheritance  from  his 
father,  yet  he  welcomed  the  movement,  freed  as  he 
was  by  this  time  from  implanted  royalism  and  re- 
ligion.    His  appeal  for  the  popular  sufi&age  of  his 

^Bom  at  Avignon  Dec.  2,  1817.     His  mother  was  descended  from  B^arn. 

''Jo  suis  n^  trop  t6t  on  trop  tard/he  often  exclaimed  bitterly,  when 
roused  fromlus  dreams.  LackapeUe,  Le  Oomte  de  Rcumaset-Boulbom,  3.  *  On  etait 
seduit  par  le  charme  de  sa  parole,  par  son  resard  imposant,  par  Tel^puioe  de 
ses  manicros.'  FoMcy,  Men.,  188.  He  sketches  his  own  life  and  feelings  to 
some  extent  in  Una  Cofwershnj  3-7  et  seq.,  a  novel  printed  at  Mezioo  in 
.1854,  full  of  vapid  pride  and  crude  parwwhs. 

*  As  indicated  by  a  pamphlet  issued  by  him  from  there. 


COUNT  RAOUSSET  DE  BOULBON.  975 

native  place  failed,  however ;  the  journal  he  founded 
was  not  successful.*  Disappointed  and  ruined,  he 
wished  to  leave  Prance.  The  reigning  gold  excite- 
ment directed  his  attention  to  California,  and  thither 
he  hastened  early  in  1850  by  way  of  Panamd.  Pen- 
niless, he  engaged  successively  as  hunter,  lighterman, 
cattle-dealer,  and  miner,  without  achieving  more  than 
subsistence.  This  by  no  means  accorded  with  his  as- 
pirations. He  still  nourished  chivalric  fancies,  and 
sought  for  some  coup  d'  ^tat  by  which  to  retrieve  his 
fortune." 

The  voyage  to  El  Dorado  had  afforded  him  a 
glimpse  at  Mexico,  associated  in  his  mind  with  the 
romantic  achievements  of  Cortes  and  the  glitter  of 
a  semi-barbaric  court,  now  the  scene  of  party  strife 
and  the  rise  and  fall  of  leaders,  and  seemingly  drift- 
ing into  absorption  by  a  strong  neighbor.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  saw  in  California  a  large  French  influx, 
which,  finding  no  congenial  reception  from  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  element,  began  to  turn  toward  the  sympathetic 
Spanish  races  of  the  south,  and  embrace  with  partic- 
ular fervor  the  gilded  stories  of  the  Mexican  frontier. 

A  year  before  Raousset's  arrival  another  scion  of 
decayed  French  nobility  had  reached  the  coast  in  the 
person  of  Charles  de  Pindray,'  a  sort  of  Apollo-like 
Hercules,*  with  pronounced  features  and  a  singularly 
fascinating  glance,  flashing  and  penetrating,  renowned 
as  one  of  the  most  cool  and  daring  hunters  that  sup- 
plied San  Francisco's  markets.  His  vocation  becom- 
ing unprofitable  with  increasing  competition,  he  readily 
fell  into  the  tempting  project  for  a  gold-hunting  col- 
ony in  Sonora*  strong  enough  to  resist  the  Apaches 

^  La  LSheri/6  proved  too  radical  in  spirit  and  '  fierte  de  langage.'  Madeline, 
Le  Comte  Haomsei-BouBxm,  46-7. 

*' J'ai  resolnde  chercher  une  de  ces  grandes  aventures  qui  condoiaent  au 
flucces  on  li  la  mort,*  he  writes  to  a  friend.  LojchcBpeUe^  88. 

^A  marquis  of  Poitou,  A/.,  54,  60,  aged  35;  others  call  him  le  comte, 
and  allude  to  him  as  leaving  France  for  duelling  and  other  less  scrupulous 
doings. 

B'Gomme  oelui  du  Giaour  on  de  I'Esprit  lebelle  de  Milton.*  Vigneaux, 
Jfec,  176. 

*  Saint- Amant,  Voy.  Cal,  113,  consular  agent  at  Sacramento,  wrote  to 
Prance  about  this  prospect  in  1851. 


076        FnJBUSTEBING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

while  sustaining  itself  and  prospecting  for  metal.  His 
influence  gave  form  to  the  idea,  and  in  November 
1851  he  left  with  four-score  companions  for  Guaymas.^* 
Others  followed,  and  with  nearly  150  men  a  colony 
was  established  at  the  deserted  mission  in  Cocospera 
valley.  The  government  failed  to  keep  the  promises 
made  in  consideration  of  the  services  to  be  derived 
from  so  valuable  a  frontier  bulwark,  a  neglect  that 
must  have  been  expected  from  its  lack  of  means  and 
the  disturbed  condition  of  aflTairs.  The  consequent 
privation  and  disappointment  led  to  desertion/^  One 
day  Pindray  was  found  shot  in  his  room,  by  his  own 
hand,  it  was  declared,  although  friends  insisted  that 
he  must  have  been  assassinated.  ^' 

Pindray 's  activity  had  given  impulse  to  the  move- 
ments of  Raoiisset,  who  seems  to  have  been  some- 
what jealous  of  his  rival's  superior  influence  and 
reputation.  Consul  Dillon  of  San  Francisco  had  ven- 
tilated the  colonization  schemes  in  letters  to  the 
French  minister  at  Mexico,  and  learnt  of  similar  pro- 
jects there.  At  his  advice  Raousset  proceeded  to 
that  capital,  and  aided  in  the  formation  of  the 
Compania  Kestauradora,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
bankers  Jecker  de  la  Torre  and  Company,  the  French 
minister,  and  several  prominent  Mexicans."  The 
government  conceded  the  land  mines,  and  placers  to 
be  occupied;  and  Kaousset  bound  himself  to  bring  at 
least  150  Frenchmen,  fully  armed,  with  which  to  dis- 
cover and  hold  possession  of  promising  tracts,  and  to 

^'  In  the  Cumherlandy  bearing  88  men,  each  of  whom  sabscribed  $40.50, 
JiU,  115-17.  S.  F.  HeraM,  May  26,  1852,  and  Sonxynme,  Feb.  4,  1853,  differ 
as  to  the  number.     N,  Po/c  Jiev.  i.  18. 

^^  Sonorans  subscribed  more  than  $1, 100  for  them.  They  captured  borses 
from  the  Apaches  and  received  provisions,  implements  and  TOasts.  Sono- 
reuse,  May  14,  1852;  Feb.  4,  1853.  A  writer  in  AUa  Cal,  Aug.  16,  Oct.  5, 
1852,  denounces  them  as  an  idle  ungrateful  set. 

^'  Lachapelle  believes  by  the  hand  of  one  of  the  many  men  hurt  by  his 
haughty  rudeness.  Vicrneaux,  Jfex.,  186,  thinks  by  officials  who  became 
alarmed  at  their  lack  of  faith  with  such  a  man.  Impelled  by  fever  and  des- 
pair, a&jB  Saint  Amant,  Voy.,  118-19.  'Cn  myrtere.*  MadeUne^  90.  This 
occurred  within  a  few  months  after  arrival. 

"Including  President  Arista  and  Governors  Aguilar  and  Cnbillas  of 
Sonora,  according  to  Vigneaux,  who  accords  the  actual  formation  of  the 
company  to  Raousset,  with  Jecker  &  Co.,  for  nominal  heads. 


THE  EXPEDITION  AT  GUAYMAS.  «77 

protect  them  against  Apaches,  so  as  to  permit  the  mi- 
folding  of  agricultural  and  mining  enterprises,  in 
consideration  of  receiving  half  of  all  the  lands,  mines, 
and  placers,'* 

Assured  by  contracts,  ana  provided  with  funds" 
and  letters  to  Sonoran  officials,  Raousset  quickly  gath- 
ered a  company  at  San  Francisco  of  over  260  men,** 
and  reached  Guaymas  in  the  Archibald  Grade  on  June 
1,  1852,  The  people  accorded  an  enthusiastic  recep- 
tion, but  the  officials  classed  the  party  as  rivals  and 
intruders  about  to  encroach  upon  their  privileges  and 
lower  their  prestige  as  military  and  civil  guardians. 
One  cause  for  the  change  lay  in  the  machinations  of 
another  company,  founded  under  the  auspices  of  the 
rich  firm,  Baron,  Forbes,  and  Company,  which  had 
won  over  with  shares  the  leading  men  of  the  state, 
including  several  of  the  shareholders  of  the  Compania 
Restauradora "  and  General  Blanco,  military  chief, 
and  sought  to  delay,  if  not  break  up,  its  rival.  After 
many  protestations  of  loyalty,  and  having  assurances 
from  Mexico,  the  party  was  allowed  to  advance  from 
Guaymas,  and  disregarding  the  order  for  marching 

^*  Accordinff  to  the  MS.  statntes  of  the  Compagnie  de  Sonore  formed  bv 
Raousset  for  this  purpose,  at  S.  F.  Of  this  company  he  declared  himseu 
sole  founder  and  chief,  assisted  by  a  council  of  officers  partly  chosen  by 
himself.  It  was  to  exist  till  Jan.  1,  1856.  The  discovery  tour  ended 
the  company.  '  The  company  shall  select  the  point  for  settlement.  The 
members  need  not  work;  this  will  be  done  by  Mexicans,  who  pay  them  a 
share  of  the  yield  in  return  for  protection.  This  sum,  as  well  as  profita 
from  the  trading  monopoly,  will  be  divided  monthly,  each  mem1)er  receiv- 
ing one  share;  squad  chiefs,  two  parts;  section  chiefs,  three  parts;  and 
Raousset  such  proportion  as  may  be  fixed  by  the  company.'  Equal  shares 
were  subsequently  agreed  upon.  Promotion  according  to  merit.  A  list  of 
members  follows,  up  to  271;  then  names  of  officers.  Exped.  Son.  Archives. 
MS.,  1-17. 

^^The  Restauradora  Co.  placed  $35,000  at  the  disposal  of  their  agent,  for 
smpplies,  etc.,  with  $25,000  more  in  prospect.   Unhxrualy  July  15,  1^2. 

"  Out  of  twice  that  number,  Americans  being  as  a  rule  rejected  out  of 
4K>nsideration  for  Mexican  jealousy.  The  men  baud  mostly  served  as  soldiers 
or  sailors.  Both  French  and  Mexican  consuls  had  to  interfere  to  pass  the 
armament  at  S.  F.,  the  officials  there  objecting  at  first. 

"  Warren's  Dust  and  Foam,  204.  Hall,  Son.,  MS.,  96,  assumes  prior  for- 
mation to  the  former.  Even  Arista  was  bought,  says  Vigneaux,  Mex.,  190-1. 
The  contract  with  Raousset  was  declared  illegal.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son,,  v.  67-9, 
and  the  land  in  litigation.  Correspondence  with  officials  and  comments.  Id., 
6)  et  seq.;  Sonorenae,  Sept,  24,  Oct.  1,  8,  1852;  AUa  CaL,  Nov.  22,  1862; 
Madeline,  115  et  seq. 


678        FUJBUSTEEING  invasions  from  CALIFORNIA. 

through  Arispe,  the  military  headquarters,  they 
hastened  on  from  Hermosillo  to  Saric,  the  ex-missioa 
on  Rio  del  Altar,  designated  as  a  base  for  operations." 

The  enraged  Blanco  now  sent  an  ultimatum,  requir- 
ing the  French  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
Mexico,  and  place  themselves  afc  his  orders,  retaining 
Raousset  for  captain,  or  reduce  their  party  to  fifty 
men,  attended  by  a  Mexican  officer;  otherwise  to 
apply  for  cartas  de  seguridad  as  foreign  residents,  and 
thereby  renounce  all  right  to  take  possession  of  lands 
or  mines.  To  renounce  French  nationality  and  be- 
come Mexican  soldiers  was  generally  objected  to;  to 
reduce  the  force  would  be  suicidal,  and  to  abandon 
the  aim  of  the  expedition  was  out  of  the  question. 
The  terms  were  accordingly  rejected,  on  the  ground 
that  the  contracts  had  been  made  under  official  aus- 
pices at  Mexico,  without  any  demand  for  such  condi- 
tions or  restrictions.  They  had  undertaken  a  costly 
enterprise,  relying  on  the  good  faith  of  the  ^Mexican 
government,  and  would  not  at  this  stage  be  imposed 
upon.  They  would  appeal  to  the  people/*  Blanco 
threatened  to  hold  them  as  pirates,  and  sought  to 
undermine  Raousset's  influence.  This  rous^  the 
latter  to  action.  He  made  a  tour  through  the  dis- 
tricts adjoining  Saric,  which  were  embittered  by  the 
neglect  of  the  authorities  to  protect  them  against  the 
Apaches,  and  obtaining  promise  of  their  support,  he 
sent  agents  to  San  Francisco  and  Mazatlan  for  rein- 
forcements and  stores. 

This  effected,  he  started  southward  with  250  men, 
ragged  and  half  shod,  and  four  pieces  of  artilleiy, 
including   the  remnant  of  Pindray's  colony.'*     He 

IB  And  where  sui>plie8  had  been  collected.  They  arrived  here  early  in 
Angust,  a  delay  which  had  already  created  discontent  and  called  for  firm 
action  by  Raousset. 

^ '  Je  ne  demande  plus  qu'au  bon  sens  public  un  appui,'  etc.  Letters  in 
LachcmtUt,  116. 

*  tinder  Lachapelle,  brother  of  the  author  quoted  above.  This  addition 
estimated  at  from  40  to  70  men,  barely  covered  the  loss  by  desertion  and 
death.    The  infantry,  8  sections  of  23  men  each,  stood  under  FayoUe;  the 


CAPTUEE  OF  HERM08ILL0.  679^ 

kept  his  route  secret,  in  order  to  surprise  the  impor- 
tant town  of  Hermosillo,  with  over  ten  thousand  in- 
habitants, and  with  this  advantage  to  dictate  demands 
for  justice,  as  he  declared  to  some,  though  really  to 
proclaim  the  independence  of  Sonora,  sustained  by 
the  frontier  allies,  and  by  the  immigration  to  be  in- 
vited. A  love  affair  induced  him  to  prolong  his  halt 
at  Magdalena,  and  enabled  Blanco  to. anticipate  him 
in  the  occupation  of  Hermosillo;  so  that  on  presenting 
himself  here,  October  14th,  he  found  fully  one  thou- 
sand men  prepared  to  defend  the  place."  A  com- 
mission from  the  prefect  came  forth  to  propose  an 
arrangement,  evidently  to  detain  him.  Baousset's 
reply  was  to  draw  his  watch — it  was  eight  in  the 
morning.  "Tell  the  prefect,"  he  said,  in  a  sharp,  de- 
cisive tone,  "  that  within  two  hours  I  shall  enter  Her- 
mosillo, and  by  eleven  I  shall  make  myself  master  of 
it,  if  opposition  is  shown."  A  deafening  cheer  behind 
him  gave  endorsement  to  his  words. 

He  placed  his  train  within  a  building,  under  a  score 
of  men,  made  his  dispositions,  and  advanced  to  the 
assault.  The  objective  line  presented  the  usual  Mex- 
ican town  front  of  one-story  adobe  walls,  with  muskets 
protruding  from  windows  and  over  roof  parapets,  and 
with  approaches  barricaded,  though  not  very  strongly, 
owing  to  the  promptness  of  the  attack.  A  shower  of 
bullets  greeted  the  foremost  body,  but  urged  by  their 
officers  they  pushed  forward,  now  at  a  run,  and  as- 
sisted by  a  ladder  carelessly  left  against  a  dwelUng, 
they  quickly  carried  it.  The  guns  were  brought  up 
to  cle4r  the  streets  with  grape-shot,  and  under  their 
cover  the  French  followed  the  retreating  troops  to  the 
plaza.  Here  the  militia  distinguished  itself  by  main- 
taining a  firm  stand  until  guns  arrived  to  sweep  its 
ranks.     After  this  it  was  mere  flight,  led  by  Blanco 

aitilleriats,  26  in  number,  were  chiefly  sailors;  Lenoir  led  the  42  horsemen. 
MadeU/My  173-4.  Fossey  adds  a  few  to  the  total;  Vigneanx  reduces  it 
«preatly. 

^Pinartf  Doc  8on.i  v.,  no.  1,107.  The  supreme  authority  took  steps  to 
support  Sonora.  Mex,,  Archivo,  L  146-^,  150;  Warren's  Dust  and  Foamy  206w. 


680        FILIBUSTERING  UffVASIONS  PROM  CALIFORNIA. 

himself,  and  followed  by  the  execration  of  the  entire 
country.  Raousset  had  kept  his  word;  within  the 
hour  he  held  undisputed  possession,  but  at  a  cost  of 
17  killed  and  25  wounded,  the  former  embracing  six 
of  the  leading  oflScers.  The  Mexican  loss  was  placed 
as  high  as  two  hundred  killed  and  wounded,  three 
guns,  a  banner,  a  mass  of  war  stores,  and  numeroos 
prisoners." 

The  victory  proved  sterile.  The  supposed  allies 
failed  to  second  the  movement,  as  agreed  upon,  and 
Grdndara  and  other  prominent  Sonorans  turned  a  deaf 
ear  to  the  invitation  to  join  Raousset  in  plans  for  fol- 
lowing up  the  advantage  in  behalf  of  the  state.  The 
intentions  of  the  strangers  were  suspected,  and  few 
dared  to  face  the  cry  against  them  of  aiming  at  foreign 
annexation.  This  sufficed  to  rally  national  defenders, 
with  the  assurance  of  speedy  aid  from  Sinaloa  and 
other  states."  At  this  critical  moment,  moreover, 
the  count  was  stricken  down  with  a  long  threatening 
climatic  fever,  and  despondency  and  discord  pervaded 
the  camp.  The  only  prospect  centred  now  in  the  re- 
enforcements  to  come  from  California,  and  as  it  ap- 
peared hazardous  to  remain  in  the  interior,  cut  off 
from  supplies  by  the  gathering  nationalists,  it  was 
decided  to  occupy  Guaymas,  whence  communication 
could  be  had  with  any  point.  The  march  from  Her- 
mosillo  was  seriously  harassed."  On  nearing  Guay- 
mas, the  prostrated  Raousset  accepted  an  armistice, 
and  allowed  himself  to  be  carried  into  Guaymas  for 
treatment.  No  satisfactory  news  being  obtained  from 
the  chief,  his  demoralized  followers  entered  into  nego- 

^  Blanco  reduces  the  loaa  to  a  mere  trifle.  UmverscU^  Nov.  17,  1S52.  Hall, 
SotL,  MS.,  97-8,  has  39  killed.  Rivero,  Hist.  JoL,  iv.  317-18,  speaks  of 
plundering,  and  so  Giierefia.  French  writers  deny  this.  LachemeUs,  12^7. 
(^ourt-martial  with  severe  penalties  was  invoked  upon  Blanco.  See  lOfpaSUil, 
Nov.  17,  20,  1852;  Voz,  Pueblo,  Nov.  24.  1852;  Sonorerue,  Dec.  24,  1852;  Feb. 
11, 1853;  AUa  Cal,  Dec.  7. 1852;  S.  F.  Herald,  id.; Echo  Pcuif.;  Ha9e»*  Scrm, 
Irul.,  i.  203. 

^For  defence  movements,  see  UmverMl,  Nov.  26,  Dec.  3,  1852;  EtpeM^ 
id.;  fHnart,  Doe,  Son.,  v.  105-10,  129.  War  veniels  were  to  come  from 
Mazatlan;  Guaymas  was  to  be  fortified. 

**  At  Arispe  the  Mexicans  claimed  a  victory  over  the  rear,  with  a  low  to 
it  of  six  killed  and  four  captured.  Universal,  Dec.  .3,  1S52. 


POLITICAL  ASPECT.  081 

tiations  with  Blanco,  acknowledged  their  error,  and 
consented  to  surrender  their  arms  in  return  for  an  in- 
demnity of  $11,000.  Most  of  them  thereupon  de- 
parted.** The  comandante-general  made  so  effective 
a  flourish  at  Mexico  with  this  success  that,  although 
soon  replaced  in  command,  he  maintained  both  his 
rank  and  influence." 

Blanco's  recall  was  hastened  bv  the  overthrow  of 
Arista's  administration,  by  the  allied  Santannists  and 
church  party,  which  led  to  the  establishment  of  a  dic- 
tatorship under  Santa  Anna,  with  centralist  tendencies. 
Liike  the  other  states,  Sonora  was  once  more  lowered 
to  the  grade  of  a  subordinate  department ;"  the  leg- 
islature, frequently  inharmonious  and  inefficient,  was 
replaced  by  a  council,"  and  the  elected  governor, 
M.  M.  Gdndara,"  after  temporary  suspension,  was  in 
May  1853  confirmed  as  an  appointee  from  Mexico," 
and  honored  with  the  order  of  Guadalupe,  for  which 
he  showed  his  gratitude  by  advocating  the  prolonga- 
tion of  Santa  Anna's  absolute  power.  The  dictator's 
fancy  veered,  however,  and  in  the  following  year 
Yanez  entered  as  governor,  Gdndara  being  relegated 
to  the  rank  of  second.**  This  course  was  suggested 
partly  by  the  spreading  revolution  of  Alvarez  in 
Guerrero  and  the  prospect  of  filibuster  invasions, 
which  required  the  presence  of  a  firmer  and  more  reli- 
able military  commander  than  the  variable  and  influ- 
ential Sonoran". 

*The  capitulation,  so  called,  was  arranged  on  Nov.  4th.  The  indemnity 
VTBB  mainly  pressed  from  the  frightened  inhabitants  of  the  port.  Sonoreme, 
Nov.  12,  19,  Dec  10.  1852. 

^Figuring  in  Oct.  1853  as  president  of  the  council  of  generals  for  the 
pension  department.  Nacional,  Dec.  9,  1853. 

"  Divided  into  eight  districts,  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo  pueblos  beins  sub- 
jected to  Guaymas  and  Xlamos.  Nadonaly  Dec.  16,  23,  1853.  A  ninth  dis- 
trict was  added  in  1854. 

"Names,  etc.,  in  Pinari,  Doc.  Son.,  v.  172. 

*  Chosen  Dec.  1852  with  deputies;  names  in  Id.,  134-6,  140,  150-1,  15. 
'/he  governor  ad  int.  was  M.  Paredes  G&ndara  took  possession  on  Feb.  1, 
1853.  Odndara,  Marnf.,  17. 

'*Cubillas  was  in  April  selected  to  replace  him. 

'^Yafiez  took  possession  April  20th. 

"He  promptly  procured  a  formal  disavowal  of  Alvarez'  movement  in 
fjtbYOT  of  his  patron.  Pinnrt,  Doc.  Son.,  v.  228-31. 


682        FILIliUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

Walker  had  already  started  upon  his  expedition  to 
Lower  California  en  route  for  Sonora,  and  excitement 
here  was  wrought  to  a  high  pitch.  So  many  well-to- 
do  citizens  hastened  away  to  escape  the  storm  that 
restrictive  measures  were  issued."  Every  vessel 
arriving  was  regarded  with  a  suspicion  and  fear,  that 
led  to  more  than  one  infringement  of  international  law, 
with  consequent  reclamations.**  The  United  States 
consul  found  it  prudent  to  leave.**  Everywhere 
along  the  coast  and  frontier  preparations  were  pushed 
for  defence,  with  assistance  from  the  government 
toward  organizing  the  national  guard  and  friendly 
Indians  as  defensores.** 

The  name  of  Eaousset  de  Boulbon  was  coupled 
with  nearly  every  rumor  of  aggression,  partly  as 
associate  of  Walker;  but  this  connection  he  objected 
to,  and  had  indeed  declined.  He  had  aims  for  his 
own  aggrandizement,  which  were  hostile  to  the  United 
States  and  depended  on  the  good -will  of  the  Sonorans, 
who,  like  his  own  French  supporters,  disliked  Ameri- 
cans.*' After  his  recovery  in  Jalisco  from  the  Sono- 
ran  fever,  he  went  back  to  San  Francisco,  there  ta 
receive  the  flattering  consideration  evoked  by  the 
achievement  at  Hermosillo,  and  to  resume  his  plans 
for  the  apparently  easy  occupation  of  Sonora.  A 
landing  once  effected  with  the  aid  of  the  numbers 

"  Passports  were  enforced;  servants  had  to  be  returned,  and  funds  de- 
posited for  maintaining  a  private  soldier. 

s^In  Nov.  1853  the  Caroline,  and  in  Feb.  1854  the  bark  B.  Adams  were 
boarded;  also  the  Tryphenia,  with  some  Germans  on  board;  and  in  March  the 
two  score  of  passengers  by  the  Petrita  from  S.  F.  were  arrested  and  taken 
to  Mtusatlan  as  accomplices  of  Walker,  but  had  to  be  released  in  May. 
Several  obtained  heavy  damages.  AUa  Col,  March  31,  April  1,  May  25,  etc, 
1854,  Sac.  Union,  July  10,  1871.  The  interference  of  the  British  war  vessel 
Dido  raised  additional  trouble  Yafiez,  D^ense,  31-40;  Nadonal^  May  20^ 
1854.  Rivera's  version,  HiM,  JoL,  iv.  507-8,  differs  somewhat. 

"^J.  A.  Robinson  was  driven  to  Mazatlan.  AUa  Col,  Jan.  3,  April  1^ 
1854.     R.  Roman  succeeded  him. 

^Ot  whom  over  700  stood  armed  before  the  end  of  1853.  i^toero,  BkL 
JoL,  iy.  451.  In  Nov.  the  garrison  of  Guaymas  was  estimated  at  800l  For 
orders,  rumors,  and  measures  see  Nadonal  and  Sonorenae^  May,  June.  Oct, 
Dec,  1853. 

^  While  Walker  intended  a  repetition  of  the  Texan  faroe,  Raousset  openly 

S reclaimed  '  quil,  voulait  foire  venore  d^mocratique  et  nationals'  Vigneaax,. 
f«c.,  207,  212. 


FURTHER  MOVSMENTS.  683 

that  had  offered  themselves  at  the  first  news  of  his 
victory,  means  must  flow  from  the  Guaymas  custom- 
house and  auxiliaries  from  the  hberated  state,  ready 
for  wider  movements."  The  projectors  of  the  Com- 
pania  Restauradora  were  willing  to  avail  themselves 
of  services  such  as  he  could  render,  and  Levasseur, 
the  French  minister  at  Mexico,  had  undoubtedly 
political  reasons  for  an  enterprise  that  might,  if  suc- 
cessful, lead  to  great  ends,  with  fame  for  himself" 

The  strength  of  the  federalists  served  to  magnify 
to  Santa  Anna  the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from 
the  young  Frenchman,  and  when  Levasseur  sounded 
him  as  to  compensation  or  a  renewal  of  the  Sonoran 
mining  scheme,  he  was  urged  to  invite  his  protege  to 
Mexico,  through  the  equally  interested  Consul  Dillon 
of  San  Francisco.  Raousset  came  in  the  middle  of 
1853,  although  with  little  faith  in  government  assur- 
ances, and  after  being  kept  in  suspense  with  promises 
for  about  four  months,  received  instead  of  grants  and 
contracts  the  offer  of  a  colonelcy  in  the  army."  He 
hastened  back  to  California,  in  league  with  the  fed- 
eralist rebels  and  thirsting  now  also  for  revenge. 
After  chafing  for  awhile  under  the  lack  of  means,  he 
obtained  in  January,  1854,  liberal  offers  from  several 
capitalists,"  and  at  once  took  steps  to  carry  out  his 
plans,  by  enrolling  men,  buying  armament  and  secur- 
ing vessels."  Just  then  came  the  rumor  that  Sonora 
had  been  sold  to  the  United  States,  and  this,  together 
with  the  closer  watch  now  placed  by  California  au- 

"^Letters  in  Madeline,  200-1,  215.  A  few  promises  from  Sonoran 
schemers,  fts  glowing  as  they  were  unreliable,  made  tiim  forget  the  deception 
already  suffered  there;  and  the  va^e  offers  from  a  San  Francisco  capitalist 
and  from  needy  agents  sufficed  to  give  him  food  for  formidable  plans. 

■•  Withoat  risk  of  being  compromised.  Napoleon's  expeditions  to  China, 
and  later  to  Mexico,  and  his  operations  against  Russia  and  other  European 
powers,  afford  ground  for  belief  that  he  stood  prepared  at  least  to  profit  by 
movements  like  the  Sonoran. 

^  Vigneaux,  199,  and  Duvemois,  L^Interven,,  37,  sweUs  it  to  the  position 
of  general 

«^  Three  houses  offered  $300,005.  Madeline,  215. 

^^  Three  vessels  were  chartered  with  aid  of  French  merchants,  reported 
the  Mexican  consnl.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son,,  v.  223,  219;  Biverct,  HiaL  Jal,  W 
489. 


684        FILIBUSTERINO  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFOKKIA. 

thorities  upon  filibuster  preparations,  caused  the  with- 
drawal  of  timid  capital.  A  perfidious  agent  at  Mazat- 
Ian  having  moreover  disclosed  to  the  government  the 
correspondence  of  Raousset  with  its  enemies,  he  was 
placed  beyond  the  pale  of  Mexican  law,  and  even 
Consul  Dillon  now  turned  the  cold  shoulder.*' 

Before  Santa  Anna  became  aware  of  the  paralyz- 
ing effects  of  these  happenings,  he  resolved  to  counter- 
act Raousset's  manoeuvres  by  ordering  the  Mexican 
consul  at  San  Francisco  to  deprive  him  of  his  sup- 
port, by  enlisting  a  few  hundr^  of  the  aspiring  fili- 
busters for  Mexican  service,"  with  a  view  to  distribute 
them  in  small  and  easily  controlled  bodies  among  the 
coast  states.  Raousset  was  delighted.  He  saw  relief 
for  his  stranded  scheme  in  this  offer  of  free  passage 
and  maintenance  for  his  followers,  and  urged  as  many 
as  possible  to  avail  themselves  of  the  unexpected 
opportunity.  He  was  not  aware  of  the  distribution 
clause.  In  fact,  about  700  were  quickly  enrolled  and 
packed  on  board  the  Challenge  for  shipment.** 

This  being  a  movement  by  foreigners,  which,  more- 
over, threatened  the  pet  hero  Walker,  the  authorities 
suddenly  awoke  to  the  enormity  of  such  infringement 
of  neutrality  and  enlistment  laws,  and  arraigned  the 
Mexican  representative  as  well  as  his  abettor,  Consul 
Dillon.**  Nevertheless  the  Challenge  was  allowed  to 
depart,  on  April  2d,  after  a  reduction  of  the  passen- 
gers, under  a  resuscitated  tonnage  law,  to  barely  400, 

^The  correspondence  was  given  to  Mexican  journals.  See  Nadonal,  Mar. 
17,  1854. 

**  At  |1  a  day,  with  privilege  to  elect  their  own  officers.  Order  of  Jan. 
31,  1814.  Alter  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  service  they  were  to  receive 
aid  for  settling.  Americans  were  not  to  be  enrolled.  Diario  Ofic,  20,  Oct 
12,  1854. 

**  They  were  sent  in  small  detachments  by  successive  steamers  or  other 
vessels;  but  the  consul  overstepped  his  orders  in  the  eagerness  to  handle 
money.    Vigneattx,  Mex.,  20-1,  161. 

*«For  which  exciting  episode  I  refer  to  Hisi.  Col,  vi,  this  series.  Sec 
also  S.  F.  journals  of  Aprd-May,  1854.  The  persecution  was  favored  by 
supporters  of  Walker.  Lachapelle,  171,  assumes  that  the  U.  S.  opposed  the 
enlistment  chiefly  because  it  threatened  their  designs  on  Mexico.  O,  8.  Oov. 
Doc.,  cong.  35,  sess.  1,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  38,  x.;  I<L,  cong.  33,  sess.  2,  Sen.  Doc, 
16,  25,  VL  The  Mexican  consul  stupidly  misunderstood  orders.  Diario  0/e., 
3-6. 


yaSTez  and  BAOUssjBrr.  ess 

of  whom  fully  four  fifths  were  French,  the  rest  Irish 
and  Grermans.  Among  them  were  Laval  and  Le- 
bourgeois  Desmarais,  the  latter  an  ex-officer  of  the 
French  cavalry  of  little  value,  but  whose  pretensions 
and  imposing  military  bearing  led  to  his  election  as 
chief  of  the  party.  To  them  Kaousset  confided  his 
wishes  and  plans  to  hold  the  men  in  readiness  for 
sustaining  him,  when  he  should  appear  to  initiate  the 
revolution." 

The  increased  watch  upon  his  movements  and  the 
lack  of  means  prevented  Raousset  from  following  the 
expedition  as  soon  as  he  had  hoped.  The  discomfiture 
of  Walker  had  much  to  do  with  this,  and  his  ex- 
pected return  to  San  Francisco,  which  threatened  to 
involve  the  count  in  legal  toils,  hastened  his  departure. 
He  had  to  content  himself  with  buying  a  pilot-boat, 
the  Belle^  of  about  ten  tons  burden,  into  which  he 
stowed  himself  with  four  companions  and  two  sailors, 
180  rifled  carbines  with  sword-bayonets,  and  necessary 
stores."  After  a  vovage  of  35  days,  attended  by 
privations  and  partial  wrecking,  he  arrived  close  to 
Guaymas  toward  the  end  of  June.  Two  companions 
were  sent  to  find  Desmarais  and  instruct  him,  if  pos-^ 
sible,  to  carry  the  town  by  surprise,  disarm  the  Mex- 
icans, and  collect  resources.  The  messengers  were 
suspected  and  seized  before  entering  the  town ;  yet, 
by  concealing  their  identity,  they  managed  to  com- 
municate with  the  French  commander.  With  little 
taste  for  the  enterprise  proposed,  he  declared  that  a 
better  plan  might  be  formed  in  alliance  with  General 
Yafiez,  who  stood  ready  to  break  with  Santa  Anna.** 
Thus  assured,  Baousset  sailed  into  the  harbor  on  July 
1st,  transmitted  the  much  needed  armament  to  his 
party,  and  hastened  to  interview  Yanez. 

*''  According  to  Vimeaux,  Billon  became  friendly  again  and  an  agent  was 
sent  to  offer  Sstnta  Anna  peace  or  war,  when  all  seemed  ready  in  Sonora; 
else  to  arrange  with  Alvarez.  Mex.,  201. 

^•Vigneaux,  who  ioined,  describes  the  crew  and  the  trouble  with  sailors 
%nd  the  difficulty  in  crossing  the  bar.  Mex,^  25-6. 

^Seemingly  content  to  enjoy  his  pay  and  position.  Desmarais  had 
neglected  the  former  injunctions  of  B-aousset  to  prepare  his  men  for  a 
blow,  to  win  over  the  citizens. 


686        FILmUSTERIKG  mVASIOKS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

The  latter  had  been  instructed  to  break  up  the 
formidable  body  of  enrolled  adventurers  by  sending 
them  in  detachments  to  different  points,  and  so  rem- 
edy the  error  of  the  consul.  To  this  the  French 
naturally  objected.  They  recognized  that  their 
strength  and,  perhaps,  safety  lay  in  keeping  together; 
and  with  his  inferior  force  Yaiez  could  not  well  en- 
force compliance,  although  adding  as  little  as  possible 
to  their  armament.  He,  moreover,  felt  it  necessary 
for  the  sake  of  peace  and  harmony  to  propitiate  them 
by  prompt  attention  to  their  pay  and  comfort,  until 
the  government  at  Mexico  well  nigh  lost  patience.  He 
succeeded,  however,  in  fostering  a  local  antipathy  to- 
ward them  bv  insinuations  concerning  their  purposes, 
and  in  provoking  most  of  the  Irish  and  Grermans  to 
withdraw  and  form  a  separate  company.** 

The  suave  Yanez  received  Raousset's  overtures  for 
joint  action  in  the  same  spirit  as  Santa  Anna,  and 
kept  him  in  suspense  until  he  should  be  able  to  sum- 
mon help  against  the  outbreak  that  must  inevitably 
come.  Two  agents  were  placed  at  his  elbows  to  re- 
strain his  impatience  with  promises  of  Sonoran  coop- 
eration, and  to  keep  the  general  advised."  Had 
the  count  acted  promptly  he  would,  no  doubt,  have 
gained  possession  of  Guaymas  at  least,  for  his  op- 
ponent was  hardly  prepared.  Outwitted  by  the  Mex- 
ican, he  allowed  the  opportunity  to  slip  away.*'  The 
Sonoran  troops  were  daily  increasing  in  strength,  and 
busily  bringing  in  armament  to  strengthen  their  bar- 
racks. Made  confident  by  number,  they  naturally 
raised  their  tone  during  frequent  drunken  altercations, 

^  For  oorreapondence  between  Yafiez  and  the  authorities,  see  TafSo,  Dt- 
fenaoj  20  et  seq.;  Pifiart,  Doc,  Son.,  v.  228-35;  Nachnalaaid  Sonorenscj  April, 
1854,  et  se^. 

^^  Promises  were  also  received  from  princinals,  but  Raousset  should  have 
understood  their  value  by  this  time.  The  battalion  presented  him  at  this 
time  with  a  sword.  Guerefia  paints  Yafiez  at  iirmlv  opposed  from  the  be^- 
ning  to  the  count,  whom  he  warned  by  saying,  'al  lad  ode  su  espada  estauna 
tumba  y  al  lado  de  la  mia  esta  una  deber.*  PaginaSf  9. 

^'^  Vigneaux  attributes  the  delay  mainly  to  the  intrigue  of  the  Frendi 
officers  to  ^et  rid  of  one  who  threatened  to  assume  sole  command  and  to  ex- 
.obange  their  easy  life  for  one  of  danger  and  privation.  Mex,^  216-17. 


FRENCHMEN  OR  MEXICANS.  687 

one  of  which  led  to  a  serious  encounter  on  July  12th. 
Yafiez  appeared  upon  the  scene  and  managed  by  his 
conciliatory  language  and  influence  in  calming  the 
French.  Those  who  had  shared  in  the  triumph  at 
Hermosillo  were  eager  for  the  fray,  however,  and  the 
entry  shortly  after  of  large  Sonoran  reenforcements 
roused  the  alarm  of  the  others  and  impelled  Eaousset 
to  action.  *'  If  you  are  content  to  become  Mexican 
soldiers  without  pay  or  prospects,  subject  to  the  lash, 
then  lay  down  your  arms ;  but  if  you  desire  to  be 
worthy  of  the  glorious  appellation  of  Frenchmen,  to 
resist  oppression,  to  vindicate  your  rights,  to  uphold 
nationality,  then  raise  your  arms.  Decide  ;  there  is 
no  time  for  hesitation."  Marchonsl  March onsl  re- 
BcAinded  on  all  sides. 

Now  came  the  cry  that  he  should  assume  the  com- 
mand. "  No,"  he  replied,  ''you  have  worthy  officers. 
Let  me  not  be  the  cause  of  disagreement.  I  join  you 
AS  a  volunteer,  whose  sole  ambition  is  to  be  foremost 
in  danger."  It  proved  a  sadly  regretted  modesty. 
There  were  still  those  who  hesitated ;  and  in  obedience 
to  their  scruples  a  demand  was  sent  to  Yanez  for 
hostages  and  guns  as  guarantees  of  peace.  This  being 
refused,  the  French  made  their  dispositions,  and 
marched  from  their  quarters  against  the  Mexican  bar- 
racks in  four  companies  of  75  men  each.  The  barracks 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  town  formed  a  large  par- 
allelogram, three  sides  of  which  presented  one-story 
brick  and  adobe  buildings,  and  the  fourth  a  wall 
twelve  feet  high,  enclosing  the  usual  court-yard.  The 
flat  roofs  were  provided  with  sheltering  parapets. 
Facing  the  barracks  and  extending  to  the  bay-landing 
was  the  Hotel  de  Sonora,  one-storied  like  the  other 
dwellings. 

The  plan  was  for  companies  two  and  three  to  at- 
tack in  front  while  company  one  drew  attention  to 
the  rear,  and  company  four  occupied  the  hotel  and 
the  German  quarters  near  by,  whence  sharpshooters 
could  inflict  serious  damage  until  company  three  gave 


688        FnJBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CAUPORNIA. 

the  signal  for  a  general  assault.  It  was  declared  tha^ 
Mexicans  could  not  face  the  bayonet,  and  an  early 
charge  was  moreover  necessary,  owing  to  the  scanti* 
ness  of  the  ammunition.  The  garrison  was  known  to 
be  superior  to  the  attacking  body,  and  provided  with 
several  pieces  of  artillery  and  an  abundance  of  am- 
munition ;  but  Kaousset  spoke  cheerily  of  the  larger 
conquered  force  at  Hermosillo,  and  assured  his  men 
that  untrained  militia  and  Indians  need  give  no  con- 
cern. 

As  companies  two  and  three  approached,  the  Mex- 
icans opened  with  artillery  and  musketry  so  sudden 
and  galling  a  volley  that  a  number  were  mowed  down 
at  one  sweep,  including  some  of  the  bravest  officers. 
Desmarais  completely  lost  his  head  and  fell  back,  a  pro- 
portion fled,  and  the  rest  hied  into  gateways  and 
houses,  and  beneath  walls  for  shelter,  while  preparing 
each  for  himself  to  sustain  a  scattering  and  useless 
fire.  Company  one  shared  in  the  disorder,  and  n^- 
lected  to  follow  given  instructions ;  company  four 
obeyed  in  taking  possession  of  the  buildings  indicated, 
partly  because  these  afforded  a  retreat,  yet  its  r61e 
was  secondary.  Too  late  Raousset  assumed  com- 
mand, seeking  to  rally  the  men.  He  flew  hither  and 
thither  with  fearless  disregard  of  bullets,  and  imparted 
an  animation  that  roused  many  a  one  to  valiant  imi- 
tation ;  but  more  than  twenty  men  he  could  not  gather 
at  a  time. 

For  nearly  two  hours  the  desultory  warfare  had 
continued,  when  the  Mexican  artillery  grew  silent; 
Company  four  had  done  good  service  in  picking  off 
the  gunners.  "Ala  baionetter'  shouted  Raousset,. 
and  led  to  the  charge  with  a  handful  of  men.  A 
shower  of  bullets  met  him,  riddling  his  cap  and  cloth- 
ing, without  inflicting  a  wound.  "En  avantl"  he 
cheered,  rushing  forward ;  but  only  a  few  followed 
him,  and  none  seconded  the  movement.  "Had  only 
fifty  resolute  companions  sustained  him  the  barracks 
must  have  fallen,"  declared  Vigneaux.     As  it  was. 


DEI*  EAT  OF  THE  FRENCH.  689 

the  count  had  to  retire  bareheaded,  and  with  two 
bayonet  thrusts  through  his  sleeve ;  his  eyes  glisten- 
ing with  impotent  rage. 

These  raiders  were  not  the  men  of  1852.  Nor  was 
Yanez  a  Blanco ;  for  on  observing  the  silence  of  the 
guns  he  rushed  in  person  to  fill  the  posts  and  reani- 
mate the  artillerist  in  time  to  break  the  rally  about 
to  be  effected  by  Raousset.  With  ammunition  gone 
the  French  now  raised  the  cry,  •*  To  the  consulate," 
and  thither  their  dejected  leader  mechanically  fol- 
lowed, with  the  Mexicans  in  close  pursuit.  At  tha 
consulate  the  news  came  that  company  four  was  still 
holding  out  in  the  hotel.  Raousset  made  one  last 
appeal,  and  this  passing  unheeded,  he  sheathed  his 
sword,  and  withdrew  into  the  house.  Consul  Calvo 
then  hoisted  the  white  flag,  and  the  firing  ceased,  a 
circumstance  to  which  the  mutilated  remnants  of  the 
fourth  owed  their  escape.  As  for  the  BellSy  she  was 
already  under  sail,  crowded  with  the  earliest  fugi- 
tives, whose  shame  she  buried  in  the  waters  of  the 
gulf." 

It  was  now  past  six  o  olock,  about  three  hours  since 
the  fight  began,  and  the  troops  around  the  consulate 
were  clamoring  for  surrender.  '*  All  who  lay  down 
their  arms,"  said  the  consul,  "  shall  be  placed  under 
the  protection  of  the  flag,  with  life  assured."  "  Bat 
M.  de  Raousset?"  came  the  enquiry.  Calvo  hesi- 
tated. "  Unless  he  is  included  we  resume  the  fight," 
cried  several  voices.  "Well,  his  life  shall  also  be  as- 
sured," was  the  reply.  Yanez  declined  to  enter  into 
any  formal  or  written  capitulation  while  offering  life 
in  return  for  a  surrender  of  arms.  Within  an  hour 
the  defeated  participants  in  the  struggle  lay  secured 
w^ithin  the  two  prisons  of  Guaymas,  the  property  of 
residents  being  placed  under  confiscation.  The  vic- 
tory was  celebrated  throughout  the  state  in  the  usual 

'^  She  was  wrecked  in  the  northern  part,  and  all  on  board  perished.     Za- 
rhspellct  i.  97.     Fosaey,   Mex.,   201-2,  leaves  the  impression  that  Ra'ouBset 
sought  her,  to  escape;  bat  tliis  is  not  entertained  by  others. 
Hist.  Mex.  Btatbs,  Vol.  II.    44 


000         FIUBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FBOM  CALIFORNIA. 

Mexican  fashion,  and  the  supreme  government 
conferred  crosses  and  badges  in  commemoration.  It 
was  dearly  bought  glory,  however,  for  the  Mexicans 
lost  some  50  men,  with  twice  as  many  wounded,  while 
the  French  had  46  killed  and  three-score  wounded. 

During  August  the  prisoners  were  disposed  of.  A 
few  joined  the  army,  three-score  were  sent  to  San 
Francisco,  and  the  remainder  transmitted  to  San  Bias. 
The  government  showed  its  disapproval  of  the  leniency 
and  liberality  accorded  by  imposing  a  sentence  of 
years  in  presidio,  and  marching  them  under  great 
hardships  to  Perote.  At  the  intercession  of  the 
French  government,  however,  they  were  released  to- 
ward the  close  of  the  year.  The  large  forces  gath- 
ered by  Yafiez  against  the  French  made  the  govern- 
ment more  ready  to  listen  to  the  rumors  concerning 
his  loyalty,  and  he  was  not  alone  suddenly  replaced  in 
September  by  Greneral  Romeriz  de  Arellano,  but  an 
attack  was  made  upon  his  reputation  by  calling  him 
to  answer  charges  for  not  carrying  out  his  orders 
against  the  French  on  their  arrival,  for  subsequently 
neglecting  prompt  measures,  for  ignoring  the  decree  of 
August  1853,  which  condemned  rebels  to  death,  for 
usurping  the  pardoning  power  of  the  supreme  author- 
ity, and  for  extravagant  disposal  of  funds.  He  was  ab- 
solved, however,  and  the  indictment  only  served  to 
heighten  his  fame.** 

Ten  days  after  the  battle  Raousset's  fellow-prison- 
ers were  startled  by  his  arraignment  before  a  court- 
martial,  which  upon  the  inculpating  testimony  of  his 
own  officers,  who  sought  to  cover  themselves  at  his 
expense,  condemned  him  to  death  as  a  conspirator 
and  rebel.  Their  indignation  grew  on  finding  that 
the  consul  not  only  repudiated  his  promise  at  the 
time  of  the  surrender,  but  refused  even  to  join  the 

^The  French  addressed  a  letter  of  thanks  to  him  and  he  was  feted  aod 
honored  in  different  places.  C<yrrto,  E&p.,  Oct.  21,  Nov.  8,  1854.  Pmart^ 
Doc.  Son.,  y.  250-4.  Santa  Anna  was  driven  to  abuse  Yafiez  by  fear  and 
jealousv  of  his  popularity.  Santa  Anna  Rev.,  130-2.  His 
mended  Ya&ez'  conduct  Nasoarro^  Leifea,  1855,  507^ 


MEXICAN  TREACHERY.  601 

United  States  representative  in  pleading  for  the  pris- 
oner. The  latter  accepted  the  verdict  calmly,  and 
turned  his  attention  to  final  letters  and  dispositions, 
and  to  intercourse  with  the  broad-minded  curate  of 
the  place,  claiming  that  he  fell  for  loyalty  to  a  great 
cause,  untarnished  by  an  appeal  to  bad  passions, 
which  he  might  so  readily  and  successfully  [have  in- 
voked. On  the  last  morning,  August  12th,  he  gave 
special  care  to  his  person,  and  with  a  final  brush  to 
his  fine  hair,  and  a  twirl  to  the  mustache,  he  followed 
the  guard.  He  passed  with  dignified  step  through 
the  streets,  crowded  with  excited  citizens  and  visitors, 
and  took  position  before  the  squad  of  soldiers  at  eight 
paces,  his  back  to  the  bay.  The  sentence  being  read, 
he  embraced  the  curate,  and  said  to  the  men,  **  Aliens, 
mes  braves  1  Do  your  duty  ;  aim  well — ^at  the  heart  1 " 
The  next  moment  came  the  volley,  and  the  count  fell 
dead  upon  his  face. 

Raousset  de  Boulbon  was  a  man  in  whom  an  ex- 
alted temperament,  and  a  strong  family  pride  height- 
ened by  poverty,  had  fostered  a  bent  for  ambitious 
though  visionary  projects  which  belonged  to  another 
age.  Circumstances  presented  a  field,  however, 
wherein  enterprise  and  daring  procured  for  him  in 
1852  a  certain  degree  of  fame,  dimmed  by  an  unsus- 
tained  an*d  ill-applied  energy  and  a  lack  of  general- 
ship that  cost  him  many  followera  He  lacked  the 
clear,  steady  head  required  for  planning  and  executing 
a  great  undertaking,  and  his  positive  traits  were  not 
sufficiently  balanced  or  impressive  to  maintain  a  wide 
influence  over  followers  or  patrons.  Hence  his  com- 
parative failure  to  profit  by  the  ^clat  of  the  victory 
at  Hermosillo,  which  he  moreover  had  neglected  to 
follow  up;  hence  his  feeble  control  over  the  men  at 
Guaymas,  of  whom  even  the  proportion  that  favored 
his  assumption  of  the  command  held  aloof  when  he 
finally  called  upon  them.  His  prominent  qualities 
were  an  extreme  but  somewhat  shallow  courage,  and  a 
certain  fervor,  united  to  a  pleasing  personal  appear- 


692 '       FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

ance,  and  withal  an  indiflFerence  to  a  life,  being  now 
without  means  or  notoriety.  He  did  not  regard  his 
plans  as  wholly  frustrated.  Far  from  it.  He  by  no 
means  disdained  death  as  a  sequel  to  the  Guaymas 
episode,  and  passed  to  the  grave  with  the  firm  convic- 
tion that  he  had  embalmed  his  memory  with  glory,  if 
not  as  a  conqueror,  at  least  as  an  unfortunate  Sonoran 
liberator  and  martyr.  It  was  a  glory,  however,  which 
history  largely  dilutes  with  folly." 

"  Henrv  de  la  Madeline — Le  Comie  Cfaston  de  Raoune^BmtXbon^  tavieetf^ 
aioenhtrea  a'  apres  aes  jpapiers  et  m  eorrespondence.  Paris,  1876,  12  mo.,  pp., 
viL,  and  322,  is  the  title  of  the  first  editioii  of  a  work  published  in  1856, 
which  was  rapidly  disDoeed  of,  and  a  second,  issued  in  1859,  which  met  with 
a  smaller  sale.  Sudaenly  the  large  portion  of  it  remaining  disappeared. 
According  to  Madeline's  statement,  every  copy  had  been  bonght  np  oy  the 
banker  Jecker,  to  whom  the  Mexican  government  was  deeply  indebted,  and 
who  in  1861  went  to  Paris  and  was  endeavorins  to  move  the  hesitating  em- 
peror to  enforce  the  parent  of  French  claims  oy  the  military  oocapation  of 
Mexico,  with  the  additional  object  of  preventing  that  country  from  ab- 
sorption by  the  U.  S.  Jecker  distributea  the  copies  of  1859  edition,  and  its 
auwor  claims  that  its  influence  was  such  that  the  scruples  and  hesitation  of 
Napoleon  were  overcome,  and  the  expedition  against  Mexico  was  undertaken. 

Ernest  Viffneaux,  Souvenirs  cT  un  Friaonmer  de  Ouerrt  on  Mexique  1854-^. 
Paris,  1863,  8va,  1  vol.,  pp.  565,  was  secretary  to  Raousset  de  Boulbon,  and 
was  one  of  the  passengers  on  board  the  Belle,  which  carried  the  leader  of 
the  expedition  against  Sonora.  His  book  opens  with  some  description  of 
Cad.,  especially  S.  F.  Beins  intimate  with  Biaoasset  he  was  able  to  give  con- 
siderable information  about  nim. 

A,  de  LadiCBpelle—Le  Comte  de  Saaueset-Boulbon  et  V  JSxpedUion  de  la 
Simore,  Correspondence— Souvenirs  e^Owfres  InSdiUs.  Paris,  1859,  12  mo., 
pp.  318,  portrait  and  map.  The  author  of  this  work,  the  chief  editor  of  the 
Messager  de  San  FrandsoOf  was  yet  more  intimate  with  the  unfortunate 
count,  whose  history  is  the  subject  of  this  book — '  jusqu  au  point  de  con- 
n&itre  ses  projets  les  plus  secrets,'  as  he  informs  us — and  aided  him  in  the 
ereuiization  of  his  enterprises,  llie  work  opens  with  a  biographical  account 
of  Kaousset's  career  before  his  arrival  in  CaL,  after  which  his  history  is  con- 
tinued down  to  the  time  of  his  tragical  death.  While  engaged  in  his  wcn-k 
numerous  documents  were  sent  by  friends  of  the  count  to  Lacfaapelle,  who 

Sublishes  his  correspondence,   as  well  as  a  number  of  his  poetical  pro- 
notions. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

FRENCH  OPERATIONS  IN  SONORA  AND  SINALOA 

1854^1866. 

Emor  OF  the  Gadsden  Pukchase— Crabb's  Colony  ScHE]fE-~GANDAiu'8 
Revolt  aud  Defeat — Ckabb's  Defeat  at  Caborca— The  Whole 
Party  Shot— Jboker's  Survey  and  Troubles— Conservative  Reac- 
tion IN  SiNALOA — Frequent  Revolations — Triumph  of  Liberals  in 
SoNORA— The  French  Occupy  Ouayhas— Oandara's  Operations— 
SoNORA  Held  by  Imperialists — Struggles  of  the  Liberals— Depart- 
ure OF  THE  French- Tanori  Shot— Sonora  Free— Lozadu  Besieges 
Mazatlan— The  French  Capture  the  Port— Victory  of  Rosalbs— 
Castaony's  Operations — Alternate  Successes  of  Liberals  and  Im- 
perialists—Loz  Aids  the  Lattbb^-Ths  French  Re-embark  and 
Retire. 

The  rumored  sale  of  Sonora  to  the  United  States, 
•which  had  tended  to  frustrate  the  plans  of  Raousset, 
proved  not  altogether  unfounded ;  for  by  the  Gadsden 
treaty  of  1854  the  northern  part  of  the  state,  includ- 
ing Tucson,  was  transferred  to  the  neighbor  republic, 
and  the  boundary  pushed  back  from  the  natural  line 
of  the  Gila  to  between  parallels  31*"  and  32*".  The 
loss  of  this  fertile  strip  created  none  of  the  expected 
local  excitement,  owing  to  the  slight  value  placed  upon 
it  as  a  mere  Apache  haunt.  This  closer  approach  of 
the  United  States,  though  ultimately  proving  a  bless- 
ing to  the  state,  at  first  gave  rise  to  more  than  one 
complication,  such  as  the  Crabb  expedition  in  1855, 
of  which  more  anon. 

Yaiiez  had  been  succeeded  by  General  Arrellano, 
who,  being  summoned  to  Mexico  in  June  1855,  left 
Colonel  Espejo  in  charge,  the  latter  resigning  in  the 
following  September,  when  the  people  declared  for  the 
plan  of  Ayatla  against  Santa  Anna.     Gdndara  then 

(698) 


OM       FRENCH  OPERATIONS  IN  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

embraced  the  opportunity  to  seize  the  vacated  seats 
of  governor  and  commandante-general,  and  when  the 
administration  at  Me&ico  assigned  them  to  Jos^  de 
Aguilar  and  P.  Espeio  respectively,  proclaimed  a  rev- 
olution. Though  obliged  to  }  ield  to  Aguilar,  G4n- 
dara  succeeded  in  retaining  his  position  as  chief-com- 
mandant with  the  aid  of  Yanez. 

Shortly  after  Crabb'i  project  to  establish  »  froatier  colony  was  broudit 
forward,  being  favored  by  A.  Ainza,  with  whom  Crabb  was  conaected  l>y 
marriage.  Aguilar  opposed  tiie  scheme,  bat  becanse  as  governor  he  had  to 
oommmucate  with  the  projectors,  Gllndara  raised  the  cry  that  he  was  about 
to  sell  the  state  to  filibusters,  and  incited  one  D&vila  to  prononnoe  aninst 
him  at  Ores  July  15,  1866.  Aguilar  was  arrested  and  replaced  b^  R.  End- 
nas,  a  creature  of  G-indara.  Aguilar,  however,  f ouad  a  champion  in  Ignado 
Pesqueira,  colonel  and  inspector  of  the  national  jpiaids,  who  acting  with 
promptness  and  dash,  secured  a  foothold  in  Ures  Smy  17th,  and  on  Angust 
8th  compelled  the  garrison  to  surrender,  securing  the  person  of  the  rebel 

S^vemor,  Encinas.  On  the  same  day  Gdndara  was  routed;  Altar  fell, 
ermosiUo  was  evacuated,  and  Guaymas  had  to  yield.  Thus  within  a  few 
weeks  Otodara,  whose  power  had  seemed  absolute,  was  overthrown.  Ap- 
pealing in  person  to  the  Yaquis,  and  aided  by  the  clergy,  he  was  able  to  take 
the  field  anew,  but  defeat  following  defeat,  he  betook  mmself  to  Mexico  to 
appease  by  diplomacy  the  wrath  he  had  failed  to  avert  by  victory.  His 
brother  Jesus  continued  the  struggle,  chiefly  in  guerrilla  form,  till  in  Jan., 
1857,  he  surrendered  with  his  few  remaining  adherents. 

The  struggle  had  been  watched  with  great  interest  by  H.  A.  Crabb,  who 
during  its  progress  became  convinced  that  the  strife  between  the  two  great 
parties  presented  an  excellent  opportunity  not  only  for  carrying  out  the 
proposed  colony  project,  but  for  extending  it  to  an  actual  conquest  of  the 
state.  If  Walker  and  Raousset  had  so  nearly  achieved  their  object  against 
a  united  province,  how  much  easier  must  it  be  to  effect  it  against  one  so  torn 
by  factions. 

EnroUmentB  proceeded  well,  and  early  in  1857  Crabb,  as  general,  set  out 
with  an  advance  of  five  score  men,  in  three  companies,  by  way  cl  Loa 
Angoles  and  Yuma.  Although  well-armed,  their  scanty  means  did  not  per- 
mit the  purchase  of  sufficient  animals  to  mount  the  party.  Toward  the  end 
of  March  thev  appeared  at  Sonoita,  on  the  Sonoran  border,  and  learning 
that  the  people  were  making  formidable  preparations  for  ousting  them,  as 
filibusters,  Crabb  addressecTa  threatening  letter  to  the  prefect,  declaring 
that  he  had  entered  as  a  friendly  colonist,  and  would  continue  his  march 
notwithstanding  the  hostility.  'If  l^ood  is  shed,  on  your  head  be  iL' 
Leaving  20  men  to  follow  more  leisurely,  he  advanced  with  69  to  Caborca, 
near  the  port  of  Libertad;  where  the  main  party  of  900  men  ^onld  by  this 
time  have  arrived  by  sea;  but  the  lack  of  funds  and  the  measures  of  the 
authorities  in  California  prevented  their  departure.  In  addition  to  this  dis- 
appointment he  was  suddenly  attacked  on  entering  Caborca,  April  2d,  by  a 
company  of  troops,  which,  beins'repulsed,  took  refuge  in  the  convent  chuzich, 
and  there  held  out  together  with  the  frightened  inhabitants. 

BeSnforcements  soon  arrived,  increasing  the  Mexican  force  to  some  700 
men  with  field-pieces,  which  opened  wide  breaches  in  the  walla  and  made 
havoc  among  the  inmates.  The  oonflict  lasted  throughout  the  6lh  of  April, 
and  was  resumed  on  the  following  day  with  unabated  vigor.  The  xifies  of 
the  Americans  were  sparingly  used,  but  with  a  deadly  precision  that  ren- 
dered each  member  of  the  band  a  formidaLla  adveraary.  Toward  evening 
on  the  6Ui  the  latter  had  been  driven  into  the  wing  of  one  house,  the  toS 


WAKS  AND  REVOLUTIONa  696 

of  which  was  set  on  fire  with  burning  arrows.  The  stifline  garrison  en- 
deavored to  blow  o£f  the  superstructure,  only  to  cause  the  explosion  of  tlieii- 
powder  kegs  with  deplorable  reouUs.  Terms  were  hastily  demanded,  and 
none  beins  accorded,  they  marched  forth  and  laid  down  their  arms,  to  the 
number  of  59,  many  of  whom  were  disabled  by  wounds  and  bums.  The 
Mexicans  admitted  23  killed  and  as  many  severely  wounded. 

The  prijoners  were  tied,  and  early  the  following  morning  brought  out 
and  shot,  in  batches,  all  save  a  boy  of  16  years,  whose  youth  won  eyu;- 
paLhy.  Crabb  was  reserved  for  special  execution,  after  which  his  head  was 
cuu  off  and  preserved  in  mescaL  Crabb's  rear  guard  was  surrounded  and 
slaughtered,  and  a  reenforoement  of  about  30  men  from  Tucson  had  a  narrow 
escape.  As  it  was  they  lost  four  men  before  regaining  the  frontier.  Much 
ferment  was  caused  among  Americans  by  theje  events,  but  calmed  down 
upon  reflection.  The  Mexicans  showed  themselves  very  lenient  to  previous 
filibustering  parties,  and  clemency  being  found  to  be  only  an  encouragement 
to  fresh  undertakings,  self-preservation  demanded  a  severe  lesson. 

Like  schemes  were  promoted  by  rumors  of  United  States  designs  on  the 
Mexican  border  countxy  in  the  form  of  purchase,  which  naturally  caused  at- 
traction to  frontier  grants.  In  August,  18o6,  Jecker,  of  Raousset  fame, 
arranged  with  the  government  to  survey  the  public  domain  of  Sonoiu,  in 
oonsiileration  of  receiving  one-third  of  the  land.  A  surveying  expedition 
wad  organized,  nnder  0.  P.  Stone,  and  j»rooeeded  with  operations,  despite 
objections  on  the  part  of  the  state  authorities,  until  expelled  in  Oct.,  1859. 
Appeal  was  made  to  the  United  States  sloop  of  war  St  Afcay,  and  the  com- 
mander interfering,  sufiicient  satisfaction  was  offered  to  permit  the  matter 
to  drop,  thoueh  Jecker  maintained  his  claim  to  the  land  and  damages. 

The  growth  of  conservative  reaction  in  the  republic,  which  opened  the 
long  reform  war,  had  induced  the  Gtodarists  to  resume  the  struggle  in 
Sonora,  assisted  by  the  church.  The  Yaquis  were  again  stirred  in  June, 
1857;  troops  were  led  to  second  the  movement  in  Oct.,  and  the  war  again 
ra^red,  the  resqueira  side  meeting  with  reverses  early  in  December.  Recov- 
ermg  itself,  however,  the  movements  of  the  GiindariBtas  were  practically 

gut  to  an  end  in  May,  1858,  only  to  revive  soon  after  with  co-operation  from 
Inaloa,  whither  Pesqueira  carried  the  war. 

In  ihis  state  the  liberal-conservative  ferment  had  assumed  even  wider 
proportions,  owing  to  its  proximity  to  the  cradle  of  revolution,  in  Jalisco. 
Ihe  beginning  appeared  in  1852,  when  the  People  of  Mazatlan  were  roused 
by  tbe  heavy  contributions  levied  by  Gov.  F.  ae  la  Vega.  Protests  becom- 
ing demonstrative,  the  governor  marched  upon  the  town  with  troops  to  en- 
force obedience,  whereupon  the  people  mustered  under  Pedro  Valdez,  at- 
tacked and  captured  him,  and  took  back  the  extorted  money.  On  being 
liberated  he  retaliated  by  declaring  the  port  closed,  whereupon  Valdez,  be- 
ing well  suatained,  marched  inland,  captured  Culiacan,  the  capital,  on  Oct. 
IGuh,  plundered  it,  and  routed  Ve^^a's  forces.  In  Jan.,  1853,  however,  Vega 
again  obtained  possession  of  the  city,  only  to  be  driven  out  in  March  follow- 
ing, takinff  his  night  to  Sonora 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year  the  new  administration  thought  fit  to  en- 
trust the  civil  and  military  control  of  the  state  to  Yafiez,  who  proved  worthy 
of  the  charge.  By  his  energy  and  ability,  he  remedied  the  evih  cf  civil  war 
and  introduced  reforms  tending  to  general  prosperity.  As  these  measures 
were  beginning  to  bear  fruit  he  was  removed  in  March,  1854,  to  Sonora, 
leaving  Valdez  in  command. 

In  Jan.,  1856,  P.  Verdugo,  recently  appointed  governor,  proclaimed  in 
favor  of  the  liberaU,  and  though  opposed  by  counter-revolutions  prevailed 
with  the  assistance  of  Yafiez.  In  May,  1857.  the  federal  constitution  was 
sworn  to,  both  at  Culiacan  and  Mazatlan.  Early  in  1858.  however,  Yafiez 
proclaimed  his  adhesion  to  the  plan  of  Tacubaya,  which  proposed  a  consti- 
tution more  favorable  to  conser/atism.  Tliis  caused  a  rising  of  the  liberals, 
Pldcido  Vega  pronouncing  in  Aug.  At  the  close  of  Oct.  siege  was  laid  to 
Mazatlan,  which  was  raim  at  the  end  of  Jan.,  1859,  owing  to  the  approach 


096        FRENCH  OPERATIONS  IN  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

of  ooDiiervative  reenf  oroements  and  the  lack  of  ammtmition.  The  liberal^ 
however,  assiated  by  Pesqueira,  retrieved  themselves  by  a  brilliant  acliieve- 
ment  at  La  Noria»  resumed  the  siege  and  carried  the  place  by  aaaaolt  on. 
April,  3d,  capturing  300  prisoners^  six  vessels,  and  asreat  quantity  of  stores. 
Vega  was  now  installed  as  provisional  governor  by  reaqueira  who  then  re- 
turned to  Sonora.  Early  in  1860  the  state  was  invaded  bv  Lozada,  the  Ind- 
ian chief  of  Xepic,  but  the  Sinaloans  mustering  from  all  points  compelled 
h:m  to  retire.  Eight  months  later  Cajen  penetrated  dose  to  MazatUn,  where 
hij  force  was  completely  routed. 

For  some  time  men  attached  to  other  parties,  longing  for  participatioii 
in  oCice,  had  been  trying  to  set  aside  Vega's  authority,  and  t5e  conliimed 
threatening  attitude  of  Lozada  calling  for  operations  on  the  Jalisco  frontier 
under  charse  of  Corona,  Vega*s  lack  of  promptness  in  supplying  funds  led 
to  a  ouarrel  between  the  two.  The  French  intervention,  however,  pre- 
vented any  outbreak;  but  when  Vega  marched  early  in  1863  to  the  reLcif  of 
Mexico,  with  2,000  men,  the  plotters  took  advantage  of  his  abeence  to  re- 
new their  intrigues.  On  his  return  he  took  the  field  against  them,  but 
though  victorious  in  arms,  the  supreme  government  was  persuaded  to  inter- 
fere, and  during  18G4,  Morales  took  charge.  The  change  was  not  satisfac- 
tory; Culiacan  and  Cosali  rose,  and  at  Rosario,  in  Oct,  a  plan  was  formu- 
lated by  Corona  himself,  demanding  the  resignation  of  Morales,  who  refusing 
to  yield,  Mazatlan  was  besieged  and  taken  on  the  14th,  and  A.  Rosales 
appointed  provisional  governor.  The  president  sent  Ochoa  to  asf  ume  com- 
mand, who  induced  Morales  to  resign  and  so  allow  Resales  to  resume  the 
position. 

The  frequent  revolutions  in  Sinaloa  were  not  without  effect  in  Sonora. 
On  hij  return  Pesqueira  found  that  his  old  foe  Gdndara  had  roused  Lis  friends 
the  Opatas  under  their  chief  Tanori,  joined  by  the  Yaquis,  to  proclaim  him 
governor.  This  led  to  a  protracted  s&uggle,  during  which  Pesqueira  hac  to 
seek  aid  of  Vega  of  Sinaloa^  until  in  May,  1861,  the  Indians  were  compelled 
to  accept  peace. 

The  liberal  triumph  over  conservatism  in  the  republic  was  commemorated 
in  Sonora  by  the  adoption  of  a  constitution  conforming  to  the  general  one  oi 
1857,  which  survives  in  its  reconstructed  form  of  1872.  Ures  retained  the 
position  of  capitaL  Here  as  elsewhere,  the  church  party  accepted  its  def'eat 
for  a  time  at  least,  and  the  Gdndarists  subsided,  leaving  the  state  to  recover 
from  the  disastrous  effect  of  the  prolonged  civil  war.  The  outbreak  of  the 
confederates  in  the  adjoining  republic  caused  a  bubble  of  excitement  by 
reason  of  efforts  on  the  part  of  both  belliserente,  to  obtain  the  good  will  of 
the  state  for  the  transit  of  war  materiid.  William  M.  Gwin,  moreover, 
caused  commotion  by  attempting  to  form  an  independent  colony  in  Sonora, 
a  scheme  apparently  favorea  at  one  time  by  Napoleon,  with  designs  for  its 
annexation  to  France.  More  serious  was  the  apprehension  roused  by  the 
opening  of  the  French  intervention  in  1862,  and  when,  in  May  and  July 
18G4,  war  vessels  appeared  before  Guaymas,  a  patriotic  enthusiasm  prevailed, 
displayed  in  a  call  to  arms  and  levying  of  funds.  A  large  force  was  col- 
lected, but  when  in  March  18G5,  the  French  naval  squadron  arrived  before 
the  same  port  with  several  hundred  troops  and  a  section  of  artillery,  Pes- 
queira thought  it  would  be  %  useless  waste  of  blood  and  property  to  re3ist  at 
tnat  point,  and  after  sustaining  a  night  attack  upon  his  camp,  in  which  his 
force  was  dispersed  in  confusion,  retired  to  Hermosillo^  where  he  collected  a 
mere  remnant  of  his  forces. 

With  the  invaders  came  Gdndara,  who,  after  a  futile  effort  at  revolution 
in  Jan.  1862,  and  another  attempt  to  inaugurate  a  movement  in  b^aU  of 
the  empire  at  the  close  of  1864,  took  refuge  at  the  court  of  Maximilian,  to 
urge  the  occupation  of  Sonora.  He  now  again  appears  on  the  scene,  and 
powerfully  supported,  once  more  roused  his  party  and  Indian  allies,  per- 
suading them  that  the  time  had  come  for  a  successful  struggle.  Pesqueira 
retired  from  Hermosillo,  thereby  infusing  despondency  into  the  hearts  of 
the  liberals.     The  French  entered  the  place  July  29,  1865,  and  the  nativs 


g 


MISERABLE  DOINGS.  007 

imparialiats  extended  themaelves  in  all  directions.  Besieging  Ures,  they 
were  repulsed,  but  an  advance  by  their  foreign  allies  caused  its  evacuation. 
Peiqneira,  despairing  of  achieving  anything  for  the  time,  crossed  to  the 
United  States  to  seek  support,  leaving  Morales  to  maintain  alive  the  smould- 
ering spark  of  the  liberals  in  suerrilla  fashion.  The  imp^ialists  soon  over- 
ran the  central  and  northern  districts,  and  extended  themselves  as  far  south 
as  AlAmoa,  which  held  out  under  promise  of  aid  from  Sinaloa  under  the 
direction  of  Roaales.  This  leader  entered  with  500  men,  but  was  defeated 
by  the  superior  forces  of  Almada  September  4th,  being  slain  with  about  one 
third  of  his  troops.  By  this  time  the  French  began  to  concentrate  their 
force  J  against  the  possible  interference  of  the  United  States  now  freed  from 
civil  war,  and  the  force  in  Sonora  was  reduced  in  Oct.  to  a  scanty  battalion, 
with  instructions  to  limit  itself  to  the  occupation  of  Guaymas.  This  im- 
parted fre^h  courage  to  the  liberals,  who  pronounced  at  Hermosillo  in 
uctober.  The  movement  gained  strength  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  native 
imperialists,  who  were  directed  by  Comandante-General  Langberg,  a  Danish 
soldier  of  fortune.  With  the  aid  of  armament  supplied  by  the  Juarist  agent 
in  California^  Monies  in  December  captured  Arispe,  and  gained  a  victory  at 
Mitapa;  but  on  January  3,  1866,  he  met  with  a  disastrous  check,  near 
Nacori  at  the  handi  of  Gindara  and  Tanori.  On  the  7th,  however.  Alamos 
was  retaken  by  Corona's  forces  under  Martinez,  Patoni,  and  Correa.  In 
March,  Pasqueira  reentered  the  state,  and  on  May  4th  Hermosillo  was  cap- 
tured and  sacked  b^  Martinez  midst  great  slaughter.  While  the  liberals 
were  thus  occapiei  in  ruthless  destruction,  Langberg,  Tanori,  and  Vasques 
appeared  frona  tha  direction  of  Ures  with  about  800  men.  Martinez  sallied 
forth  to  m38b  them;  and  sustainhig  a  complete  defeat,  the  imperialists  re- 
~:aiaei  possession  of  Hermosillo.  Martinez  retired  to  San  Marcial,  where 
*e  jquaira  was  collecting  the  fugitives  from  the  battle-field.  Being  I'eenforced 
by  Morales,  after  some  fruitless  movements  between  Hermosillo  and  Ures, 
Peiqiieira  aai  Martinez  retreated  to  the  south  while  Morales  returned  north- 
ward for  recruits. 

In  the  mid  lie  of  Aug.  Martinez  again  gained  possession  of  Hermosillo, 
but  evacuated  it  a  few  days  later  on  the  approach  of  Langberg.  On  Sept. 
4th  ths  latter,  joined  by  Tanori,  offered  battle  to  the  liberals  at  Guadalupe, 
near  Ures,  and  a  bitter  contest  rased  for  several  hours.  Finally  Langberg 
fell  in  the  front  rank,  and  demoralization  seizing  his  men,  victory  remained 
with  the  liberals.  Tnis  was  the  turning  point  m  the  struggle.  Ures  sur- 
rendered two  daya  later,  Hermosillo  was  evacuated,  and  on  Sept  15th  the 
Freash  garrison  at  Guaymas  embarked,  abandoning  to  the  tender  mercies  of 
Mdirtinez'  followers  the  thousands  of  families  who  had  adopted  their  cause. 
Larare  numbers  had  hurried  away  before  the  impending  storm,  and  a  linger- 
ing few  now  joined  Tanori  and  Almada  in  escaping  across  the  gulf  in  two 
smtall  vessels.  They  were  overtaken,  brousht  back,  and  executed.  By  the 
end  of  Sept.,  1836,  the  whole  state  had  yielded,  save  the  Yaquis  and  Mayos. 
Their  subjection  was  accomplished  by  Morales  in  November,  after  a  rigorous 
campaiga.  Mirtinez  had  been  summoned  before  this  to  incorjiorate  with 
Corona,  amply  appeased  with  gifts,  and  soon  after  Sonoran  troops  were  sent 
to  assist  in  overthrowing  the  auandoned  Maximilian. 

Sinaloa  had  to  sustain  a  somewhat  longer  and  more  direct  struggle  with 
the  French,  who  were  assisted  by  the  notorious  chieftain  of  l^pic.  In 
March,  1861.  a  partial  blockade  of  Mazatlan  was  estabUshed  and  fire  opened 
by  the  invaders  on  a  portion  of  the  fortifications;  but  the  Mexicans  re- 
plied so  warmly  as  to  compel  them  to  retire.  At  the  close  of  Oct.  Lozada, 
now  an  imperialist  general,  entered  from  Jalisco,  and  laid  siege  to  the  port 
with  nearly  3,00)  men.  On  Nov.  12th  the  French  squadron  appeared  and 
offered  the  alternative  of  surrender  or  bombardment.  As  resistance  offered 
little  prospect  of  success,  the  garrison  managed  to  escape  during  the  night, 
and  on  the  following  morning  the  French  took  possession  of  the  place  after 
firing  a  few  shots.  V  asabilMso  was  appointed  prefect  and  assistea  to  install 
local  authorities. 


eOS        FRENCH  OPERATIONS  IN  80N0RA  AND  SINALOA. 

After  leaving  600  men  to  swell  the  imperialist  sarrison  of  the  place, 
Lozada  aeuc  the  rest  of  his  troops  home  to  agriciutaral  pnraaita.  The 
liberal i  pursued  them  for  awhile  and  inflicted  some  loss;  then«  with  their 
headquarters  at  San  Sebastian  presidio  mustering  2,000  men  under  Corona^ 
hara  >  >eii  the  port,  and  maintained  a  guerrilla  warfare  against  the  movements 
of  the  enemy.  Several  successes  ^aed  were  encouraging;  notal^-  one 
achieved  ly  Hoeales,  who  met  the  imperialists,  500  strong,  at  2San  redro, 
near  C'ul'.acaa,  and  after  a  contest  of  two  hoars  routed  them,  capturing  the 
French  kader,  Gazielle,  and  85  of  his  men.  This  victory,  which  gained 
Kooalej  ti.e  title  of  brigadier,  was  widely  celebrated  and  proved  a  severe 
blow  to  French  prestige,  in  this  region  at  least.  His  success  was  partly  ow- 
ing to  t-ie  activity  of  Fatoni,  who  had  shortly  before  captured  F.  de  la  Vega, 
the  fiTiuer  ruler,  and  now  entitled  iinperialist  ruler. 

Tae  French  havmg  now  overrun  nearly  the  whole  republic,  it  became 
necessary  for  them  to  extend  their  sway  on  the  west  coast,  and  Castagny 
wad  ordered  to  remove  his  headquarters  at  Durango  to  Mazatlan.  fie  set 
out  in  til e  latter  part  of  Dec,  18G4,  with  nearly  3,(XK)  men,  taking  the  direct 
but  rugged  route  by  way  of  Duiamito.  Corona  occupied  the  mountain 
pa^^e  -.  and  meetinff  with  a  defeat  at  E^pinazo  del  Diablo,  followed  in  the 
roar  ^  f  ^.o^Nigny.  At  Veranos  he  fell  upon  a  detachment  left  there,  capturing 
bo  uieu  aiid  killing  17,  but  being  severely  handled  by  reinforcements  of  the 
enemy  which  arrived,  he  imprudently,  under  excitement,  hanged  his  pnson- 
en  in  reprisal  for  the  execution  of  Lberals  elsewhere.  The  French  general, 
naturally  of  a  severe  disposition,  took  fuU  vengeance  in  retaliation  with 
torch  and  sword.  Thus  was  inaugurated  in  Sinaloa  a  warfare  vhich,  for 
the  time,  seemed  one  of  extermination. 

The  Mexicans  were  now  only  able  to  proeecnte  the  war  aronnd  MagatUa 
in  guerrilla  fashion,  and  though  two  flying  squadrons  were  onpuiized  against 
theui,  their  superior  knowledge  of  the  ground,  and  the  aid  afforded  thom  bj 
the  people,  enabled  them  toaj^roaohuptothevery  gates  of  the  town.  The 
French,  therefore,  carried  their  operations  into  districts  beyono,  and  burnt 
down  San  Sebastian,  Mazatlan,  Guacimas,  and  Copaltf,  the  estates  and 
ranches  of  known  adversaries  being  given  to  desornction.  This  only  in- 
creased exasperation,  wh  oh  was  severely  felt  by  outposts.  Greater  numbers 
were  needed  to  clear  the  country,  and  Lozada  was  again  invoked.  He 
brought  in  April  3,000  Indians,  and  from  Rio  de  las  Gaflas  to  San  Ignacio  the 
country  was  swept  of  liberab.  Corona  was  so  discouraged  that  he  departed 
to  join  the  campaign  in  Durango,  and  advibed  his  adherents  temporarily  to 
•ubmit. 

Meanwhile  the  liberals  weakened  themselves  by  partisan  quarrels.  A 
revolt  compelled  Governor  Bosales  to  resign  in  favor  of  Corona,  who  there- 
upon appomted  Dominso  Rubi,  who  was  confirmed  by  Juarez.  Then  com- 
menced hostile  proceeaings  between  Resales  and  Rubi,  which  were  termi- 
nated by  Rosale?  being  summoned  to  aid  the  Sononuu,  in  whose  cause  he  felL 

In  August  Corona  returned  and  the  struggle  was  resumed,  Correa,  Parra, 
and  Martinez  being  conspicuous  as  leaders.  In  the  north  the  town  of 
Fnerte  was  captur^  and  recaptured  several  times,  Martinez  finally  passing 
into  Sonora,  as  already  narrated.  Southward  Rubi  confined  himself  to 
raiding  the  Mazatlan  region,  while  Corona  gained  several  successes,  one  of 
which  was  the  taking  of  Acaponeta  with  much  booty.  Operations  were 
now  resumed  against  Mazatlan,  where  only  a  single  battalion  of  Frenchmsi 
had  becu  left,  and  as  heretofore  the  aid  of  Lozada  was  implored.  Cooperat- 
ing will  this  chieftain,  who  had  returned  to  Tepic  in  the  autumn  of  the 
prev  ou)  year,  the  French  with  about  1,000  men  captured  Presidio  de  Mazat- 
lan, March  19,  1886.  Corona,  with  over  2,000  men,  now  placed  himself  be- 
tween them  and  Mazatlan,  and  then  assaulted  the  enemy  with  such  perti- 
nacity that  he  finally  compelled  him  to  fight  his  way  back  with  heavy  losa 

Lozada,  who  had  occupied  Rosario  wiui  2,000  Indians,  now  hesitated  to 
advance,  but  induced  by  a  promise  of  a  simultaneous  advance  of  the  French, 
passed  onward.    When  near  Concord ia>  he  was  attacked  by  Corona  and^ 


CORONA  AT  MAZATLAN.  099 

though  yictorioiis,  Bostained  a  loss  of  200  men.  Similar  attacks,  bootless 
raids,  and  the  non-receipt  of  money  from  Mazatlan,  induced  him  to  retnin 
to  Tepic,  and  declare  his  neutrality,  with  an  aim  at  independence. 

Guzman  was  sent  to  watch  this  formidable  chieftain,  while  Corona  pressed 
closer  the  line  of  investment  round  Mazatlan.  The  aspect  of  affairs  im- 
proved; auxiliaries  poured  in;  American  sympathv  assisted,  and  a  goodly 
supply  of  arms  was  obtained.  The  United  Sinaloa  and  Jalisco  brigades 
were  transformed  and  organized  as  the  Army  of  the  West,  with  Corona  as 
general-in-chief,  to  whom  the  governor  of  Sinaloa,  Jalisco,  and  Colima  was 
subjected.  Several  engagements  followed  in  the  district  of  Mazatlan  with 
varying  success.  Mazatlaa  was  invested,  and  on  Sept.  12th  Corona  gained 
possession  of  the  fort  Palos  Prietos;  but  the  severity  of  the  conflict  and  the 
loss  incurred  made  hopeless  the  proepect  of  carrying  a  port  so  strongly  held 
and  supported  by  a  fleet.  After  a  snarp  attack,  on  Nov.  12th,  a  sutipension 
of  hostilities  was  arranged,  the  French  naving  announced  their  intention  to 
embark.  On  the  following  day  the  liberals  entered  Mazatlan  amid  enthusi- 
astic demonstrations.  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  were  now  forced  from  imperialist 
sway,  and  Corona,  now  a  general  of  division,  inarched  with  a  portion  of  hit 
troopa  to  aid  in.  the  overthrow  of  MaTimilian. 


CHAPTER  XXVIIL 

REVOLUTIONS    AND   COUNTERr-RKVOLUTIONa 

1867—1887 
Pabtt  Quarrkls — Uprisimo   or  thk   Yaqttis— Vbqa*8  PiitATicAii    Raid 

ON  GUATMAll  —  LKTVA'8  RbVOLUTION  AOAINSTT  JUABEZ  —  ItS  FAIL- 
URE—  Revolution  in  Sinaloa  and  Sequel — Contest  in  Sonoba 
Regarding  the  Constitution — Mariscal  Sent  to  Restore  Or- 
der—The Lerdo  Election  Troublba— Sinaloa  Yields  to  the 
Porpirists —  Marisoal  Governor  op  Sonora— Change  op  Govkr- 
NoRS  -Appearance  op  Yellow  Fever— Revolution  in  Sinaloa 
BY  Ramirez— His  Depeat  and  Death— Marque?,  db  Lbon  In- 
vades Sonora— Is  Compelled  to  Retire— Withdraws  to  Cau- 
pornia — Wars  with  the  Apaches— Their  Final  Subjugation. 

No  sooner  had  Corona  departed  than  dissension 
arose  among  his  lieutenants ;  and  though  Rubi  was 
declared  elected  governor,  Greneral  Martinez  on  Jan- 
uary 29,  1868,  denounced  the  election  as  fraudulent, 
and  proclaimed  himself  provisional  ruler.  Rubi,  sus- 
tained by  the  supreme  government,  resisted,  and  soon 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  2,000  men,  while  his 
opponent  could  muster  little  more  than  half  that  num- 
ber, and  on  April  8th  was  routed  at  Villa  Union.  The 
rebel  general  now  disbanded  the  remnant  of  his  force 
and  departed,  whereupon  order  was  restored. 

General  Vega,  who  had  returned  from  California 
in  June  1866,  was  an  accomplice  in  the  above  move- 
ment. His  real  scheme  was  to  form  a  coalition  which 
should  install  a  new  president,  or,  failing  this,  estab- 
lish a  new  republic  in  the  north-west.  He  assisted 
in  the  escape  from  prison  of  Palacio,  one  of  the  late 
rebel  leaders,  who,  on  March  13,  1869,  pronounced  at 
Culiacan  in  favor  of  Vega.     Finding  that  town  luke- 

700) 


VEGA  AND  PESQUEIBA.  701 

warm,  he  hastened  to  Fuerte,  but  a  month  later  he 
was  defeated  by  General  Parra  at  Los  Algodones, 
captured  with  most  of  his  men,  and  shot.  Vega  had 
meanwhile  been  abroad  to  purchase  arms,  and  now 
prepared,  with  the  assistance  of  Lozada,  to  invade 
Sinaloa  from  the  south.  In  February  1870  several 
pronunciamientos  were  effected,  and  a  number  of  petty 
raids  were  made  into  the  southern  districts.  Their 
insignificance  discouraged  Lozada  from  active  partici- 
pation, and  Vega  became  so  pressed  for  means  that 
he  descended  to  the  piratical  proceeding  of  sending  a 
steamer  to  rob  Guaymas,  availing  himself  of  the 
vagabond  element  left  over  from  the  war  of  invasion. 
With  this  he  continued  his  inroads  into  the  follow- 
ing year,  after  which  he  sank  out  of  sight  beneath 
the  movements  stirred  by  other  leaders. 

Pesqneira,  who  had  raled  Sonora  as  fforemor  almost  without  intemip- 
tion,  since  the  resignation  of  Aguilar  in  1856,  partly  bj  popular  vote  in  1857 
and  1861,  partly  by  appointment  under  Juarez,  was  again  in  1867  honored 
with  reflection  as  a  reward  for  his  brave  and  patriotic  conduct  during  the 
invasion.  There  was  need  also  for  a  man  of  his  tried  administrative  ability 
to  heal  the  ravages  of  war.  Nearly  all  the  revolts  of  the  Yaquis  and  Mayos 
had  arisen  from  encroachments  on  their  land,  and  after  every  victory  over 
them  the  infrinffemeut  was  affirmed.  So  it  happened  in  1867.  They  killed 
a  too  yielding  chief  in  June,  and  prepared  with  force  to  assert  their  rights, 
committing,  meanwhile,  a  number  of  outrages.  By  December  about  1,500 
troops  were  in  the  field  against  them;  severalbloody  engagements  took  place, 
and  it  was  not  until  Oct.  1868,  that  peace  was  restored. 

The  revolutionary  plans  of  General  Vega  against  Sinaloa  found  in  1870  an 
unpleasant  outcropping  in  Sonora.  The  general  had  obtained  possession  of 
the  steamer  Forward,  formerly  an  English  ^pmboat,  and  sent  her  on  a  pirati- 
cal expedition,  under  the  command  of  F.  Vizcaino.  During  the  night  of  May 
27th,  150  of  her  men  landed  near  Guaymas  and  carried  the  town  by  surorise, 
witJiout  bloodshed.  A  levy  was  then  made  upon  the  custom-house  and  mer- 
chants,  for  funds,  ^oods,  coal,  and  arms,  the  latter  embracing  4,000  muskets, 
and  the  former  rising  to  the  value  of  more  than  $150,000,  with  which  two 
seized  vessels  were  loaded.  The  Fononrd  thereupon  entered  under  a  Salva- 
dorean flaff  and  towed  them  away.  The  treasury  official  Mejia,  son  of  the 
minister  o{  war,  was  carried  away  as  hostage.  Commander  Low,  of  the 
U.  S.  war  steamer  Mohkan^  being  at  Mazatlan  when  the  news  came, 
decided,  at  the  instance  of  the  authorities  and  the  suffering  merchants, 
which  included  Americans,  to  check  this  piratical  raider  on  Pacific  coa^t 
trade.  After  a  lengthly  search  he  found  the  Forward  at  the  mouth  of  Rio 
de  las  Cofias,  under  cover  of  a  battery  which  opened  fire  on  the  cutting-out 
party.  The  steamer  bein^  a|^ound,  the  only  alternative  was  to  fire  her, 
whereupon  the  Mohkan  retired. 

Guaymas  was  exposed  to  another  infliction  in  Oct.  1871,  in  connection 
with  the  Porfirist  revolution  against  Juarez.  The  garrison  declared  for  it, 
under  Leyva,  and  made  themselves  master  of  the  port.  They  then  exacted 
money  from  the  wealthy  citizens  and  sailed  away  to  spread  the  movement  in 


702  REVOLUTIONS  AND  COUNTBRr-REVOLUTIOK& 

the  more  promuiikg  districta  to  the  sooth.  Pasqneira  wm  too  prompt^  how- 
ever. Hp  encountered  them  at  Potrerito  Seco  »nd  crushed  their  force  and 
hopes  at  one  blow,  after  which  he  p^fsed  on  to  aid  the  Juariat  CMue  in  Sina- 
loa.  Here  the  revolution  had  been  mitiated  b^  General  Parra  and  F.  C&fledo, 
in  Sept.  1871,  and  upon  their  failure  it  received  fresh  impulse  two  montlu 
later  at  Mazatlan,  under  Gen.  Marfjnes  de  Leon,  who  had  more  than  once 
been  in  charge  of  the  civil  and  military  government  of  the  state.  Got.  E. 
Buelna  fled  northward  to  seek  the  aid  of  Pesqueira,  who  after  a  temporary 
check  took  possession  of  Fuerte  and  Culiacan.  Here  he  was  beseiged  by 
Marquez,  but  a  federal  column  under  Bocha  relieved  the  place  in  April 
1872,  driving  back  Marques,  and  marching  into  Mazatlan.  Tne  followers  of 
the  latter  be^jan  to  desert  the  failing  cause,  and  it  was  virtually  abandoned 
in  the  foUowmg  months,  when  Diaz  submitted  to  the  supreme  ffovemment 
An  under>current  remained,  however,  which  was  agitated  by  Losada,  who 
had  chosen  to  favor  the  revolution.  A  crushing  death  at  Rosario  in  Jan. 
1873  waa  a  relief  to  the  state. 

The  reconstruction  of  the  oi*ganic  law  of  Sonora,  in  1872,  gave  rise  to 
hostility  between  the  legislature  and  executive,  which  manifested  itself  in 
appeals  to  arms  among  the  people.  The  |^ovemor  carried  his  point,  and 
introduced  a  constitution,  in  May  1873,  which  was  sustained  in  face  of  ser- 
eral  formidable  pronunciamientos  aaainst  it,  aa  in  the  autnnm  of  that  year 
at  idamos,  under  the  leadership  of  Connant,  who,  by  means  of  tiie  usual 
forced  levies,  swelled  his  command  to  400  men,  and  kept  that  region  in  agi- 
tation for  several  months.  Popular  feeling  became  more  roused  againat  the 
authorities  by  the  elections  of  1875,  wherein,  with  the  aid  of  troops  and  con- 
nivance of  the  presidential  pirty,  they  manipulated  the  polls  for  tlieir  own 
purposes,  choosing  as  ruler  JoU  J.  Pesquiera,  with  his  predeoeasor  for  vice- 

Sovemor.  This  mduoed  a  prominent  citizen,  F.  Sema,  to  pron€mnce  in 
Luffust  of  that  year  at  Altar.  Althoueh  at  first  defeated,  he  recovered  him- 
self by  several  effective  operations  in  Nov. -Dec,  and  gave  such  impulse  to 
the  movement,  extending  it  into  i^lamos  district,  that  the  fedeml  govern- 
ment, in  March  1876,  sent  Mariscal  to  interfere.  Seeing  that  Sema  had 
justice  on  his  side,  with  growiuff  popularitjr,  the  general  prudently  favored 
him,  and  managed  to  restore  order.  Pesquiera  departed,  leaving  Tones  as 
acting  governor. 

Mariscal  followed  up  the  advantage  gained  by  the  manoeuvre  to  obtain 
election  returns  in  favor  of  his  patron,  Lerdo.  Finding,  however,  tiiat  the 
Porfirist  revolution  against  the  president  was  gaining  ground,  his  foresight 
induced  him  to  waste  no  further  dSforts  upon  a  lost  cause.  Less  dear-aighted, 
the  Pesqueirans  pronounced  for  Lerdo,  only  to  discover  their  miat^e  at 
Matap^,  where  Mariscal  dispersed  their  forces,  and  compelled  the  leaders  to 
seek  refnge  in  Arizona,  whence  they  were  soon  Dermitteid  to  return. 

In  Sinaloa  the  Porfirist  revolution  found  its  beginning  in  local  outbreaks 
early  in  1876,  of  which  Donate  Guerra  soon  appeared  as  the  leader.  In 
August  he  took  possession  of  Culiacan,  and  imprisoned  Governor  J.  M. 
Gaxiola,  but  troops  from  Mazatlan  drove  him  out  shortly  after,  and  inflicted 
a  severe  defeat  upon  him  at  Tameaca.  Arce,  then  in  power,  thereupon  pro- 
claimed adhesion  to  Iglesias,  who  was  already  in  flight  for  the  U.  S.  In  the 
following  month,  Jan.  1877,  the  troops  of  Diaz  marched  into  Mazatlan  in  the 
most  peaceful  manner,  and  after  a  few  blows  the  remainder  of  the  state 
yieldea,  Cafiedo  being  chosen  governor.  The  election  in  Sonora  turned  in 
favor  of  Mariscal,  who  was  thus  rewarded  for  his  foresight  and  effort  to  pre- 
serve the  peace.  Sema  became  vice-governor,  and  was  permitted  to  issue 
under  his  own  auspices  the  long  suppressed  constitution  of  1872.  Qnoe  in 
possession,  Mariscal  appears  to  have  neglected  the  tact  that  had  so  far 
enabled  him  to  court  successfully  the  ruling  majority.  A  quarrel  soon  arose 
with  the  legislature,  which  finally  impeached  him  for  removing  local  author- 
ities, and  other  tyrannical  acts,  and  aeclared  him  leDlaced  by  Sema,  in  Feb. 
1879.  The  former  was  not  the  man  to  obey  the  aiotates  of  a  petty  state 
assembly.    He  cailed  upon  his  troops,  and  swelling  their  ranks  with  forosd 


MARQUEZ  DE  LBON.  708 

racroitfl,  prepared  to  march  apan  the  gathering  forces  of  Seraa.  A  bloody 
war  was  in  prospect,  when  the  federal  government  interfered  in  favor  of  the 
latter,  who  had  most  politioallv  appealed  to  it.  The  general  thereupon 
found  it  prudent  to  resign  into  the  hand«  of  his  lival,  who  soon  surrendered 
the  position  to  the  elected  Luis  Torres. 

ISot  unsimilar  was  the  fate  of  the  following  governor,  C.  R.  Ortiz,  who, 
invested  with  extraordinary  power  for  the  suppression  of  the  Yaqui  revolt, 
presumed  to  assume  a  hoetue  attitude  toward  the  federal  commanders. 
8ome  of  the  militia  pronounced  against  his  impressments,  and  the  people  at 
Hermonillo,  lately  made  the  capital,  lent  approval  by  attacking  his  homie  in 
Oct  1882,  whereupon  Ortiz  thought  it  prudent  to  take  flight,  leaving  the 
vice-governor,  Escalante,  as  ruler.  In  the  following  year  the  progressive 
administration  of  Torres  received  a  flatterinff  approval  in  his  reflection.  The 
successor  of  Cafledo,  in  Sinaloa,  was  M.  Martmez  de  Castro,  under  whom 
the  new  liberal  constitution  of  1880  came  in  force,  to  assist  during  the  ensu- 
ing peaceful  era  to  unfold  the  vast  mineral  and  ajpnicultural  resources  so  long 
neglected,  to  promote  trade  and  intercourse,  dimue  education,  and  elevate 
the  people  in  culture  and  affluence,  while  mitigating  the  occasional  evils  in- 
flicted by  failure  of  crops  and  epidemics,  such  as  the  recently  ruling  yellow 
fever. 

Among  the  active  partisans  of  Porfirio  Diaz  in  the  north-west  had  been 
Marquez  de  Leon.  Tne  reward  for  his  services  failing  to  satisfy  his  ambition, 
he  proposed,  in  1879,  to  wrest  it  for  himself  by  a  revolution  against  the  su- 
preme as  well  as  local  governments.  He  had  great  influence  in  Sinaloa, 
where  he  figured  during  the  early  part  of  this  year  as  gubernatorial  candi- 
date, owin^  to  the  suspension  of  the  incumlmit,  Cafiedo,  under  certain 
diarses  which  had  roused  the  people  against  him.  Believing,  nevertheless, 
that  ne  could  sive  great  impulse  to  the  movement  by  a  simultaneous  outbreak 
in  his  native  Lower  California,  he  took  this  task  upon  himself,  leaving  the 
popular  Je3us  Ramirez  to  direct  the  operations  in  Sinaloa.  The  latter  made 
a  not  very  successful  attack  on  the  garrison  at  Mazatlan  Oct.  25,  1879,  after 
which  he  took  to  the  country,  supported  by  several  pronunciamientos,  from 
Roeario  to  Cosata,  and  by  opportune  seizures  of  funds.  Although  his  fol- 
lowers were  defeated  in  several  minor  engagements,  he  sustained  the  cause, 
and  in  June  and  July  1880  managed,  with  the  aid  of  a  portion  of  the  garrison, 
to  obtain  temporary  possession  of  Mazatlan  and  of  the  capital;  but  in  Sept. 
he  was  routed,  overtaken,  and  killed.  In  Lower  California  the  revolution 
had  run  a  still  briefer  course.  With  the  remnant  of  the  forces  there  routed 
by  federal  troops,  and  driven  northward,  Marquez  crossed  to  Sonora.  He 
entered  by  way  of  Sonoita  early  in  May  1880,  gained  jK)ssession  of  Magda- 
lena  on  the  31st,  and  advanced  to  Ures.  Unsuccessful  in  obtaining  recruits, 
he  had  to  retire  before  a  superior  column,  whereupon  he  disbandeu  his  men, 
departing  for  California  to  seek  resources  and  form  alliances  for  a  more  fa- 
vorable opportunity.     This,  however,  failed  to  present  itself. 

That  standing  scourge  of  Sonora,  the  Apaches,  had  all  this  while  been 
swelling  its  long  record  of  desolating  raids,  although  in  a  gradually  lessen- 
ing degree,  owing  to  the  measures  taken  in  Arizona  to  check  the  roaming  of 
Indians  and  to  cooperate  with  Mexico  in  punishing  marauders.  Before  the 
influx  of  settlers  into  Arizona  the  Apaches  had  a  free  field.  They  attacked 
emigrant  parties  for  Cal.,  and  opened  trade  with  the  miners,  who  scrupled 
not,  in  exchange  for  stolen  cattle  and  beasts  of  burden,  to  provide  them 
with  ammunition  and  armament  of  the  latest  pattern,  thus  giving  them  decided 
advantages  over  the  inefiiciently  armed  frontier  troops.  The  year  1851  w-  ^ 
fraught  with  particular  disaster  to  this  unfortunate  state,  which  the  Apache^ 
grimly  alluded  to  as  their  rancho  and  depot  for  supplies.  In  Feb.  they  de- 
stroyed Mazatlan,  inflicting  a  loss  of  40  lives;  in  Aug.  they  added  59  to  the 
list  of  victims,  bringins  the  total  sacrifices  of  life  for  the  vear  to  200,  while 
carrying  off  nearly  2,000  head  of  stock,  besides  other  booty.  Pe^queira, 
then  riding  into  orominence,  was  defeated  with  heavy  loss,  in  pursuing  them. 
Subsequent  costlier  expeditions  managed  to  inflict  only  trimng  retaliation 


704  REVOLUTIONS  AND  COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS. 

o&  the  dupenins  bands;  neverihelaM  the  morement  senred  to  leseen  the 
irruptions  tor  awhile.  In  18d3,  however,  they  were  reenmed  with  intensified 
rigor,  and  in  July  alone  they  were  marked  by  the  blood  of  170  victims. 
Again  the  authorities  awoke  to  the  necessity  for  armed  demonatFatiotuh 
which  procured  a  momentary  respite;  then  both  troops  and  settlers  agatn 
sunk  into  negligent  indolence.  Later  the  destruction  of  Chinapa  and  Santa 
Cru2y  and  by  raids  also  in  Arizona,  caused  United  States  troops  to  join  the 
Mexicans  in  pursuit.  Once  more  a  quieter  period  was  followed  by  a  viru- 
lent inroad  in  18dO,  when  over  50  persons  were  reported  killed  in  February 
alone.  Pesqueira  then  revived  Galvez'  system  of  warfare,  with  only  partial 
success,  for  thepeace  treaties  made  under  pressure  were  broken  at  the  first 
opportunity,  xhree  years  later  the  savages  penetrated  to  the  very  suburbs 
of  Ures  and  Alamos.  A  prise  of  $100  was  now  offered  for  each  soalp,  and 
with  this  inducement  the  expeditions  of  the  ensuing  spring  reported  the 
slaying  and  capture  of  200  Apaches.  These  measures  tended  to  restrain  the 
bands  for  some  years.  In  1870,  however,  their  audacity  increased,  amd  the 
exasperated  authorities  now  raised  the  price  upon  scalps  to  $300.  The 
Apaches  became  more  wary,  or  the  Mexicans  indifferent,  for  the  fund  was 
exposed  to  no  great  drain,  and  during  the  years  immediately  following  1872 
an  average  of  two  score  murders  was  reported.  The  Mexican  government 
not  unjustly  chared  much  of  this  evil  to  the  defective  Indian  policy  of  the 
United  States,  with  its  loose  reservation  system  and  injudicious  leniency, 
and  asked  for  compensation  to  cover  damages  committed  by  these  wild 
wards  as  well  as  bv  lawless  American  citizens.  Of  late  years  the  danger 
has  greatly  abated,  especially  since  the  administrations  of  Diaz,  which 
strengthened  the  militanr  colonies  of  the  frontier.  The  growth  of  popula- 
tion m  Arizona,  with  the  extension  of  railways  and  trade,  added  to  the 
security,  and  although  raids  continued  to  some  extent  for  several  years,  was 
only  occasional.  The  once  deserted  border  quickly  filled  with  flourishing 
settlements  and  mining  camps,  among  which  the  cruel  Apache  wars  aooa 
became  a  mere  tradition. 

During  the  second  administration  of  Diaz  the  troublesome  Yaquis,  who 
had  hitherto  maintained  their  local  independence,  were  finally  snbdueil, 
after  a  war  of  several  vears.  Their  territory  was  invested  on  all  sides,  and 
their  chief  Cajenie,  a  leader  of  considerable  political  and  military  ability, 
wad  captured.  In  April,  1887,  he  was  executed,  without  trial  it  is  aaid,  m 
the  pre^euce  of  his  people. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 
18:<X-1848. 

fikPARATIOK  nOM  AXTA  CALIFORNIA  DeCRKEIV— FoBEION  TkaDB— VI88BLS- 
VlBTTINO  THE  COAST— COCHRANS'S    RaID    ON    LOBXTO^MOBB    LiBBBTT 

Granted  to  Indians — Federal  System  Established — Poutioal 
Divisions — Missions  Secularized-- Party  Factions — The  Califor- 
NiAs  Reunited^Frontier  Quarrels— Hardy's  Pearl-Fishino 
Scheme— United  States  Designs — ^Americans  Occupy  La  Paz — 
Selfridgb  Takes  Moleoe— Patriotic  Rising  at  San  Jos£  del 
Cabo — Californians  Attack  La  Paz— The  American  Garrison  Re- 
lieybd — San  JosA  Besieged— Retreat  or  the  Caufornians— Bat- 
tle OF  San  Vicente — Burton's  Operations — Expedition  to  Todos 
Santos— End  of  the  War— Lower  California  Restored  to 
Mexico. 

In  1804  the  political  separation  of  the  peninsula 
fix)m  Alta  California  was  decreed/  and  Arillaga  be- 
ing promoted  to  the  upper  province,  Captain  Felipe 
de  Goycoechea  was  appointed  governor  of  Lower 
CaUfornia."  The  frontier  district,  which  stretched 
from  San  Fernando  to  the  northern  border,  was  now 
more  directly  connected  with  the  peninsula  govern- 
ment, and  promised  atone  time  to  grow  in  importance 
through  the  desire  of  the  Dominicans  to  extend  their 
missions  eastward  and  northward.  Their  zeal  soon 
sla<;kened,  however,  before  the  intractable  nature  of 
the  Indians  and  the  soil,  and  the  discouraging  eflfect  of 

*By  order  of  Map.  26,  1804,  the  old  boundary  along  Rio  Rosario,  or  Bar- 
rabas,  to  remain.  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  Bee,  ix.  95. 

''  This  officer  had  served  in  both  Califomias  and  was  at  the  time  habilitado 
general  at  Mexico.  He  did  not  arrive  till  July  1806,  and  Arrillaga  ruled  ad 
mterim.  Id.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xviii.  175-7;  xix.  60-76;  Id,,  Prov.  Rec,  vi.  21^ 
iz.  56,  95. 

HlBT.  MKX  .  STATES,  VOL.  II.     45  (  706  ) 


706  LOWBR  CAUFORNIA. 

poverty  and  discord  in  their  immediate  surroundings.' 
Indeed,  several  of  them  became  in  some  instances  so 
tyrannical  as  to  rouse  the  Indians  to  desertion,  in- 
subordination, and,  in  the  north,  to  open  revolt  di- 
rected often  against  well-meaning  padres.  Thus  the  two 
missionaries  at  Santo  Tomis  were  slain  in  1803/ 

The  separation  from  California  resulted  in  an  ever- 
growing neglect  for  the  peninsula,  and  the  upper 
sister  province  henceforth  absorbed  the  greater  pro- 
portion of  the  slight  attention  bestowed  by  the  gov- 
ernment. The  idea  of  fostering  development  in  the 
far-west  never  occurred,  although  the  longing  for  ter- 
ritorial extension  remained  unabated.  Isolation  was 
deemed  security  enough,  and  when,  with  the  opening 
of  the  century,  English  and  American  otter-hunting 
and  trading  vessels  began  to  frequent  the  California 
coasts,  the  old  dog-in-the-manger  policy  was  more 
strictly  extended  also  in  this  direction,  for  maintaining 
the  isolation.  The  harshness  of  such  orders  becomes 
evident  when  it  is  considered  that  not  only  were  the 
visits  of  supply  vessels  from  the  Mexican  ports  rare 
and  irregular,  but  the  effects  brought  were  insufficient 
in  quantity  and  variety,  and  little  encouragement  was 
given  for  enabling  the  inhabitants  to  exchange  their 

'The  snccessor  of  P.  Belda  in  1802,  as  president  of  the  miaaions,  was  P. 
Rafael  Arvifia,  who  so  roused  the  friars  by  hb  scandalous  conduct  that  h« 
was  removed  b^  general  request,  P.  Miguel  Gallego  succeeding  in  18(M. 
Arch.  Arzobi8p.t  li.  13-35.  P.  Gabriel  of  Loreto  was  some  years  later  exiled 
for  abducting  Indian  wives,  and  P.  CabaUero,  still  Utter,  disgraced  the  robe 
in  a  similar  manner.  VaUejo,  Hiet.  Col.,  ii.  255-8;  Ahcanado^  li  172-^;  VegcL, 
Vida  Col,  43.  Several  other  friars  revealed  looseness  of  conduct,  bnt  were 
more  prudent  and  escaped  punishment.  The  poverty  of  the  province  did  not 
tend  to  strengthen  their  zeal;  as  a  rule  they  only  longed  to  retom  to  tbe 
more  comforUible  cloisters  of  the  mainland,  and  obtained  leave  of  absence  eo 
frequently  that  orders  came  to  restrict  this  privilege.  The  result  was  an 
angry  correspondence  with  the  viceroy.  ArtA.  OoL,  Prov.  8L  PiqK^  zviiL 
120-i,  84;  xxi.  54,  lOO-l,  286,  372;  xxi.  43-5,  etc.;  /d.,  Pnw.  Rec,  vi  9-13; 
viii.  63;  ix.  24,  37,  60.  Concerning  existing  friars  till  1827,  I  refer  to  Sia 
Barb.  Arch.,  x.  279;  xi.  160;  xii.  168,  273,  359;  S.  Diego  JIm.»  H  91;  Oac 
Mex.,  XX.  600;  xxiv.  1049;  Arch.  Arzobia.,  ii.  50,  80,  146;  Si.  Pap,  Sac,  ix. 
15,  78;  XV.  4;  Id.,  Miss.,  iii.  34;  Loreto,  Miss.  Rec,  MS.,  72  et  aeq. 

*  In  May.  They  were  Ednardo  Surroco  and  Miguel  Lopea;  a  woman  con- 
fessed to  the  deed  under  torture,  and  was  executed,  togetiier  with  two  ac- 
complices. Arch  OaL,  Prw.  Rec,  viu.  241;  ix.  27-8,  33,  43;  x.  1-2;  IcL,  SL 
Pop.,  xiT.  75-6.  At  San  Borja  there  was  trouble  in  1806.  ArdL  Arwbis.^  iL 
43. 


ADMIRAL  COCHRANE.  707 

l)eef,  hides,  grain,  and  fruit  for  commodities  which 
the  foreign  vessels  temptingly  displayed.  They  were, 
in  other  words,  bidden  to  sacrifice,  to  throw  awav, 
their  surplus  produce  and  be  content  with  a  few  crudfe 
staple  articles/ 

Lower  California  escaped  the  horrors  of  civil  war 
ravaging  the  mainland  during  the  decade  following 
1810,  yet  it  was  not  wholly  exempt  from  hostile  visi- 
tation. At  the  close  of  this  revolutionary  struggle 
the  fleet  of  Admiral  Cochrane  entered  the  contest 
against  Spain,  and  two  of  its  vessels,  the  Indeperideticia 
and  Arav/cano,  were  despatched  in  the  guise  of  whalers 
to  make  observations  along  the  northern  coast  of 
Mexico,  and  sound  the  people  while  peaceably  making 
purchases  of  provisions.  The  commanders  of  the 
cruisers  disregarded  these  instructions  under  the  in- 
centive of  spoils.  On  February  17,  1822,  the  Inde- 
pendenda  entered  the  harbor  of  San  Jos^  del  Cabo, 
sacked  the  mission  and  church,  and  made  a  prize  of 

^  At  first  the  goyemor  and  his  troops  had  not  mnch  difficulty  in  enforcing 
non-intercourse  with  hated  and  feared  forei^ers,  bnt  the  latter,  failing  to 
barter,  be^n  to  plnndor  their  water  of  its  nches  by  hanting  for  themselves 
the  fur  animals.  To  sacrifice  their  property  was  bad  enough,  but  to  behold 
it  carried  away  by  strangers  was  worse.  Obedience  ceased  to  be  a  virtue; 
illicit  trade  began,  and  expanded  rapidly,  until  it  affected  even  padres  and 
soldiers.  For  a  while  a  decent  pretext  of  secrecy  was  maintained,  but  soon 
the  governor  himself,  with  pay  as  well  as  supplies  long  in  arrears,  gave  open 
countenance  to  the  traffic. 

The  result  proved  advantageous  on  all  sides,  for  many  wants  were  sup- 
plied, and  a  certain  incentive  was  given  to  pursuits,  in  huntine  otters  and 
raising  produce  for  barter.  Among  vessels  which  took  advantage  of  this 
intercourse  were,  first  the  American  brig  Betsey^  Captain  J.  Winship,  late  in 
1800,  followed  by  several  others  shortly  after,  notably  the  O'Cain,  Captain 
O'Cajn,  the  Alexander,  Captain  Brown,  Lelia  Byixi,  Captain  Shaler,  and  the 
Catherine,  Captain  Roberts.  O'Cain  is  claimed  to  have  discovered  San  Quen- 
tin  bay.  Letkt  Byrd  and  O'Cain  returned  during  the  following  years,  the 
latter  frequently,  and  in  1806  the  Peacock,  Captain  Kimball,  and  the  Rebo9 
visited  the  coast.  In  1808  and  1809  the  Mercury,  Captain  Ayers,  and  the 
Jhvmo  made  their  appearance,  followed  in  1810  by  the  Albatross,  Captain  N. 
Winship,  Several  other  vessels  touched  without  leaving  a  record.  The 
Traveller,  Captain  Wilcox,  in  1817,  rendered  great  service  to  the  peninsula 
by  relieving  the  sufiering  people  at  Loreto,  and  in  making  a  special  trip  to 
Alta  California  for  further  supplies.  The  chief  resort  of  the  vessels  was  San 
Quentin  bay,  within  range  of  several  missions,  where' otters  were  plentiful, 
and  salt  could  be  had  in  abundance.  And  many  a  fSte  champdtre  was  held 
npon  this  far-away  beaoh,  and  the  strange  company  that  assembled  made  a 
smking  picture,  black-robed  friars,  sailors,  and  swarthy  natives,  with  occa- 
Eionally  a  sprinkling  of  Aleuts  from  Alaska,  forming  a  heterogeneous  crowd 
•of  festive  traders. 


706  LOWER  CALTFORIOA. 

the  brig  Aldon,  laden  with  tallow,  and  en  route  from 
Alta  California  to  the  mainland  southward/ 

Long  continued  neglect  naturally  predisposed  the 
inhabitants  of  the  peninsula  to  favor  the  revolution- 
ary cause;  yet  they  were  content  to  abide  the 
decision  of  events.  In  the  early  part  of  1822  their 
suspense  was  terminated  by  the  arrival  of  the  can- 
onigo,  Agustin  Fernandez  de  San  Vincente,  imperial 
commissioner,  to  proclaim  the  elevation  of  Iturbide 
to  the  throne  of  Mexico  and  inaugurate  reform.  The 
people  yielded  to  every  disposition  made  by  him,  and 
his  steps  were  facilitated  by  the  resignation  of  the 
governor,  Jos^  Argtiello,  who  had  succeeded  Groy- 
coechea  in  1814,  and  was  replaced  in  October  1822 
by  Jos^  Manuel  Kuiz,  commandant  at  the  frontier, 
under  the  title  of  jefe  politico/ 

*'A  lieutenant  and  eisht  men  were  next  vent  to  the  mission  of  Todos  San- 
toe,  with  orders  to  plunder  the  church,  take  the  padrepnsoner,  and  bam  or 
gink  a  schooner  which  had  lately  been  built  there,  lliese  orders  were  car- 
ried out  on  tJie  19th,  but  the  lieutenant  and  two  of  his  men  attempted  to  lay 
hands  on  the  women.  The  people  had  been  unresisting  spectators  while 
their  vessel  was  destroyed  and  their  church  desecrated,  but  their  pent-up 
feelings  now  burst  forth.  Moved  by  a  single  impulse,  they  attacked  the 
party— which  was  on  the  beach — ^with  stones  ana  other  readv  means,  and 
killed  the  trio.  Made  fearless  bv  this  achievement,  the  assailants  hnrried 
off  to  the  mission  and  fell  suddenly  upon  the  remaining  six  men  of  the  party, 
two  of  whom  were  quickly  despatched  and  three  grievously  wounded,  while 
the  sixth  surrendered  at  discretion.  The  captives,  swelled  by  three  messen- 
gers from  the  hostile  ship,  were  carried  northward  to  San  Antonio,  but  were 
surrendered  on  the  captain  of  the  Independenda  threateninff  to  destroy  both 
Todos  Santos  and  San  Antonio.  Meanwhile  the  Araucanohtkd  gone  np  the 
gulf  to  Guaymas,  and  then  to  Loreto,  whence  the  people,  warned  by  the 
occurrence  farther  soutl),  had  tied,  leaving  the  enemy  to  plunder  the  town 
and  church,  Governor  ArgUello  losing  his  silver  plate  and  other  property. 

^The  most  important  change  by  the  canon  appeared  in  a  provisional 
resUmento  for  administration  of  missions,  whereby  the  Indians,  tnom^h  still 
len  under  supervision  of  the  padres,  were  given  greater  freedom,  with  the 
right  to  demand  rations  and  pay  for  their  labor,  and  to  elect  the  hitherto 
autocratic  priest  instrument,  the  mayordomo,  from  among  themselves.  The 
fathc  s  were,  moreover,  required  to  furnish  inventories,  as  a  check  upon  their 
m&najcmont  of  mission  property.  Great  was  their  indignation  at  this  en- 
croachment upon  their  time-nonored  paternal  rights — that  is,  to  compel  the 
Indians  to  work  for  a  scanty  allowance  of  poor  food  and  poonr  dothing;  to 
submit  to  any  chastisement  the  padres  saw  fit  to  inflict,  and  to  have  no 
thought  for  anything  in  life  except  the  repetition  of  a  few  prayers  parrot- 
wise,  o*:\d  the  enrichment  of  the  mission.  Tney  predicted  disaster  both  to  the 
mission  establishments  and  to  the  Indians  from  such  extension  of  liberty  to 
bein^^  unfit  for  its  enjoyment,  and  events  justified  the  assertion,  moderate 
and  just  as  were  the  privileges  granted.  The  neophytes  anirendered  them- 
selves to  dissipation  and  idleness,  allowed  themselves  to  be  guided  by  inter^ 


DEMORALIZATION  OF  THE  NATIVES.  709 

The  change  from  colonial  regime  had  been  gratsped 
at  mainly  in  the  vain  hope  of  some  relief  from  long 
neglect  and  distress,  and  the  establishment  of  a  re- 
public was  additionally  welcome  from  its  conferment 
of  local  self-rule.  The  new  era  was  inaugurated  by 
Lieutenant-colonel  Jose  Maria  de  Echeandia,  ap- 
pointed to  the  civil  and  military  command  of  the  two 
Californias,  who  presented  himself  at  Loreto  in  June 
1825,  accompanied  by  several  officers  and  nine  Domin- 
ican friars.  On  July  10th  he  installed  the  territorial 
deputation,  with  the  aid  of  which  several  progressive 
measures  were  taken,  notably  to  raise  funds  for  open- 
ing primary  schools  at  Loreto  and  San  Antonio.  The 
peninsula  was  divided  into  four  districts,  Cabo  de  San 
Lucas,  Loreto,  Santa  Gertrudis,  and  San  Pedro  Mar- 
tir,  each  with  an  ayuntamiento,  or  municipal  council, 
at  its  head  town,  composed  of  an  alcalde,  two  regi- 
dores,  a  sindico,  and  a  secretary,  and  with  auxiliary 
alcaldes  at  the  missions,  appointed  by  the  jefe  po- 
Iftico.' 

«8ted  Bchemen,  and  declined  rapidly  in  condition  and  number.  Their 
decadence  would  probably  have  been  more  rapid  but  for  the  united  efforts  of 
padres  and  settlers,  for  their  own  advantage,  to  maintain  the  former  domi- 
nation, and  to  ignore  the  reglamento. 

"  The  condition  of  the  aborigines  conmianded  his  special  attention,  and  ha 
issued,  Au^^t  19,  1825,  a  reglamento  aiming  to  practically  secularize  most 
of  the  missions.  A  sufficient  proportion  of  mission  land  was  to  be  distributed 
Among  the  Indians  as  community  property,  under  the  direction  of  mayor* 
domes  elected  from  among  themselves  for  a  period  of  years.  They  were 
also  to  receive  the  necessary  grain  and  implements  for  establishing  farms, 
and  half  of  the  live  stock,  the  other  half  remaining  for  support  of  churches 
«nd  padres.  The  latter  were  reduced  to  the  condition  of  parish  priests, 
under  the  surveillance  of  alcaldes  and  mayordomos.  By  decrees  of  1830,  all  but 
three  of  the  missions  were  added  to  the  secularization  list.  This  system 
aimed  to  elevate  the  Indians  almost  to  the  dignity  of  independent  citizenship, 
but  unfortunately  the  reglamento  was  disregarded  like  the  others  by  ne;;;u- 
gent  officials,  influenced  also  by  interested  parties.  The  unhappy  natives 
gradually  deserted  the  now  inhospitable  missions,  wanderins  about  the  hills 
and  beaches  looking  for  food.  Occasionally  thev  would  work  for  the  recom- 
pense of  a  little  watered  atole  twice  a  day,  and  a  breech-clout  and  blanket 
•everv  two  years,  being  withal  badly  treated  everywhere.  Epidemics  and 
local  diseases,  moreover,  combined  to  ravage  their  enfeebled  ranks.  The 
govt  recognized  17  missions  in  1826.  As  for  their  property,  it  was  to  be  ab- 
sorbed partly  by  the  settlers,  partly  by  favored  inoividuals,  who  obtained  it 
as  grants,  or  against  nominal  purchase  money.  The  secularization  decree 
had  already  declared  such  unoccupied  lands  national,  and  open  to  rental. 
Tlie  padres  vigorously  opposed  this  attempt  at  final  spoliation,  assisted  by 
Bsophytes,  and  took  to  arms  at  Todos  Santos.    The  result  was  an  order  \^ 


710  LOWER  CAUFOKOTA. 

The  change  of  political  system  did  not  bring  the 
expected  amelioration  to  the  settlers.  They  remain- 
ed neglected  as  ever,  and  so  stricken  became  their 
condition  that  petitions  were  presented  in  1827  for 
the  remission  of  tithes  and  other  imposts,  except 
municipal  taxes,  for  fifteen  years.  Misgovemment  at 
home  assisted  to  retard  improvement.  Echeandia 
was  supposed  to  rule  the  peninsula  from  his  seat  in 
Alta  California,  but  he  did  not  trouble  himself,  and 
his  functions  were  preformed  by  a  deputy,  who  was 
sometimes  appointed  by  the  governor  and  sometimes 
by  the  territorial  debutation.  The  ayuntamientos  of 
the  districts  sought,  moreover,  to  assert  themselves  aft 
much  as  possible,  and  so  matters  drifted  into  a  nam* 
ber  of  irregular  channels,  with  arbitrary  action  in  each. 

On  leaving  for  the  north  in  October  1825,  Echean* 
dia  installed  as  his  deputy  at  Loreto  Lieutenant  J. 
M.  Padres,  a  member  of  the  territorial  deputation, 
whose  Hberal  ideas  brought  the  Dominicans  into 
opposition  with  him.  Elected  deputy  to  the  congress 
in  the  following  year,  he  departed  for  Mexico,  leav- 
ing the  gubernatorial  office  to  the  alcade  of  Loreto^ 
Miguel  Mesa.* 

Micheltorena,  in  1843,  to  restore  ail  property  taken,  except  lands  alreadj 
occupied,  for  which  titles  must  be  obtained  from  the  government.  This  dd 
not  interfere,  however,  with  the  progress  of  spoliation*  and  ^u  frontier  mia- 
sions  were  nearly  all  disposed  of  m  1846  by  the  nnscrupnlons  Governor  Picow 
*In  1829,  however,  the  territorial  deputation  took  upon  itself  to  reverse 
this  order  by  selecting  its  first  member,  ^Iferez  Mata,  of  the  ffaniaon,  as 
sub-gefe  politico.  Thu  independent  action  roused  Echeandia,  who  hitherto 
had  allowed  the  people  to  manage  their  own  aflhirs.  His  representations  led 
the  supreme  government  to  appoint  Lieutenant-colonel  M.  V  ictorus  and  to 
separate  the  peninsula  from  Alta  California,  while  subordinating  it  in  mili- 
tary and  judicial  matters  to  the  comandante-general  of  Sonora.  Victoria 
being  transferred  to  the  northern  province  in  1830,  he  was  succeeded  hy  M. 
Monterde,  who,  upon  his  election  to  congress  in  1831,  surrendered  the  office 
to  the  deputation,  and  its  members  now  rotated  monthly  as  jefe  politioo. 
The  consequent  confusion  caused  Monterde  to  be  sent  back  as  raler  two 
years  later,  but  he  being  a^ain  elected  deputy,  a  Peruvian  member  of  the 
deputation  took  change  until  the  arrival,  in  April  1835,  of  the  government 
appointee.  Colonel  M.  Martinez;  but  so  intense  was  the  opposition  of  the 
legislative  body  to  this  mainland  intruder  that  he  resigned.  Then  came  a 
contest  between  the  deputation  members  for  control,  leading  to  virulent 
party  spirit  and  bloodshed.  The  government  thereupon  order«wl  the  admin- 
istration to  rest  with  the  alcalde  of  La  Paz,  to  which  place  the  capital  had 
been  transferred  in  1830,  owins  to  the  destitution  of  Loreto  in  nat«<ral  re. 
pooroes,  aggravated  by  an  inun&tion,  which  in  the  preceding  year  had  swqpl 


POLITICAL  CHANGES.  711 

At  the  fall  of  the  federal  system  in  Mexico  the 
Califomians  were  united  into  a  single  department 
under  this  name,  and  Luis  del  Castillo  Negrete,  an 
ex-judge  from  the  northern  province,  was  appointed 
suh-jefe  under  the  governor  residing  in  Alta  Cali- 
fornia, yet  really  with  greater  power  than  his  prede- 
cessors, owing  to  the  abolition  of  the  deputation,  and 
the  distance  fro.n  his  superiors.  He  ruled  with  great 
energy  and  prudence  till  1842,  and  introduced  most 
commendable  land  reforms  and  colonization  measures. 
After  this  came  a  rapid  succession  of  military  ap- 
pointees, with  symptoms  of  former  disquietude.  The 
two  districts  of  the  Califomias  quarrelled  also  con- 
cerning the  frontier  jurisdiction,  and  the  disorder  was 
aggravated  by  the  government's  neglect  to  properly 
sustain  the  garrison,  which  thus  became  a  party  to 
strife.  Indians  took  advantage  of  the  discord  to 
carry  matters  with  a  high  hand.** 

Troubles  also  threatened  to  arise  from  the  decree 
in  1828  and  following  years,  for  the  expulsion  of  Span- 
iards, to  which  nationality  the  friars  belonged,  besides 
a  few  of  the  settlers;  but  as  no  serious  attempt  was 
made  to  enforce  the  law  here  the  affair  subsided," 

Now  comes  a  more  stirring  period,  the  war  with 

away  a  large  portion  of  the  town.  This  action  served  only  to  unite  the  fac- 
tions against  the  common  enemy.  The  alcalde,  M.  Canseco,  was  cast  into 
prison,  and  the  deputation  renewed  the  rotation  in  office.  The  government 
imperatively  repeated  its  former  order,  and  Conseco  declining,  the  second 
alcalde,  Captain  F.  de  la  Toba  was  installed  as  jefe  in  January  1837. 

Inconstant  raids  occurred;  in  October  1839,  the  mission  of  Guadalupe  waa 
sacked,  three  of  the  defenders  beinff  killed;  and  in  1840  Santa  Catalina  mis- 
sion was  burned,  and  16  of  its  neophytes  were  slain. 

^  After  the  independence,  intercourse  with  foreigners  was  no  longer  too- 
bibited,  and  both  La  Paz  and  Loreto  were  for  a  time  opened  to  trade.  The 
permission  availed  little,  owing  to  the  lack  of  resources  to  attract  vessels. 
Amonff  visitors  were  Lieut  Hardy  of  the  British  navy,  commissioner  for  a 
pearl  fishery  association  of  London,  who  spent  much  time  and  money  in  1826 
m  a  visionary  scheme  to  obtain  pearls  by  means  of  diving-bells;  in  the  same 
year  Dnhaut-Cilly,  in  the  French  trading  ship  Hiros^  and  four  years  later 
came  Combier  in  La  FilicU,  In  the  same  vear,  1830,  James  0.  Pattie 
strayed  with  a  party  of  starving  trappers  to  the  frontier  missions.  An  in- 
voluntary stay  was  abo  made  in  1832  by  Governor  Figueroa,  on  the  way 
from  Acapulco  to  Alta  California.  While  halting  at  Cape  San  Lucas  part  of 
his  troops  mutinied,  and  sailed  away  to  San  BUm  with  the  transport  vessel, 
and  he  had  to  take  refuge  at  La  Paz  until  the  vessel  was  restored  by  th» 
anthorities  of  Jalisca 


712  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

the  United  States,  the  general  aspect  of  which  I  have 
considered  elsewhere.  It  has  been  shown  that  Cali- 
fornia, in  its  wide  extent,  was  the  chief  aim  of  the 
invaders,  who  were  stimulated  by  the  behef  that  Eng- 
land had  designs  upon  the  coast.  Geographically  by 
name,  and  for  the  time  politically,  the  peninsula 
seemed  to  be  part  of  Alta  California.  It  was,  more- 
over, regarded  as  a  desirable  acquisition,  partly  from 
a  strategic  point  of  view,  and  from  the  first  the  im- 
pression came  from  official  sources  that  Lower  Cali- 
fornia would  be  retained  by  the  United  States.  This 
was  communicated  to  its  inhabitants,  with  the  assur- 
ance of  protection  to  all  who  should  espouse  the 
American  cause.  Yet  it  was  not  until  the  conquest 
of  the  upper  coast  had  been  achieved  that  the  in- 
vaders turned  against  its  southern  extension." 

^  Their    war    vessels    had  appeared    in    these  waters  in   the    aatomn 
•of    1816,    to  give    notice   of    a    blockade    which  could   not   then   be    en- 
forced, and  at  the  first  intimation  Colonel  Miranda,   jefe  politico,  offered 
•neutrality  if  the  persons  and  property  of  the  people  were  respected,  for  they 
were  defencele^^.     This  step,  although   widely  countenanced  or  tacitly  ap- 
proved, sufficsd  to  raise  an  outcry  among  a  set  of  true  patriots,  as  well  as 
among  purely  political  opponents,  who,  profiting  by  Miranda's  lack  of  drm- 
ne33,  m  Feb.  1847,  set  up  as  jefe  politico  Mauricio  Castro,  a  prominent  and 
energetic  man.     He  lost  no  time  in  summoning  the  members  of  the  coiincil 
to  meet  at  Santa  Anita  to  device  measures  for  defence.    Orders  had  been  issued 
early  in  1846  for  raisine  a  company  of  defensores  under  the  command  of  J.  M. 
Moreno,  styled  jefe  de  Guerilla  de  Defensores,  and  Castro  sought  to  organize  a 
body  of  volunteers;  but  it  was  impossible  at  the  time  for  him  to  collect  suffi- 
cient means  or  men.     The  invaders  found  no  obstacle  therefore  to  takhiff 
formal  possession.     They  be^an  by  entering  the  porta,  capturing  a  few  small 
vessels,  and  sounding  the  disposition    of  the  people.     On  March  29,    1847, 
Commander  Montgomery,  of  the   Portsmouth,  naving  summoned  the  authori- 
ties of  Sm  Jose  del  Cabo  to  surrender   the  town  and  all  public  i)roperty  to 
the  United  States,  was  promised  striot   neutrality.     He  hoisted  his  fla^  and 
in  a  proclamation  admonished  the  inhabitants  to  pursue  peaceably  their  avo- 
oations,  inviting  all  who  should    submit  to  participate  in  the  privileges  of 
American  citizens. 

On  April  13th  the  PfjftrnnmUffi  appeared  at  La  Paz,  which  soirendered 
with  rather  more  elaborate  formaUties.  Colonel  Miranda,  who  still  held 
away  here,  made  no  opposition,  but  he  requested  that  commiasioners  fram 
both  sidds  might  meet  to  arrange  the  terms  after  poeseasion  had  been  taken. 
This  was  ff  ran  ted,  and  fifteen  articles  were  arranged,  by  which  aU  puhKc 
property  should  be  given  up.  The  municipal  officers  were  to  continae  their 
functions  under  promise  of  neutrality,  and  military  officers,  if  they  remained 
in  the  country,  were  to  be  paroled.  The  authorities  of  Loreto,  were  to  be 
notified  that  they  were  under  the  same  obligations  of  neutrality  as  thoae  ol 
La  Paz.  Oitizena  of  the  Peninsula  were  to  enjov  the  same  rights  and  prir- 
ilegea  as  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Yeaaela  belonging  to  inhabitants  of 
the  country  would  be  returned  to  their  owners,  for  the  present,  and  allowed 
to  trade  legally  in  all  directions  except  on  the  coast  of  Mexico. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  713 

After  the  surrender  of  La  Paz  the  country  was  for 
some  time  as  undisturbed  as  in  time  of  peace,  although 
the  people  of  the  interior  were  known  to  be  in  any- 
thing but  a  submissive  mood.  Trusting  to  this  quiet 
surrender,  and  to  the  weakness  of  the  province,  the 
American  commanders  neglected  to  leave  an  adequate 
force  to  complete  the  conquest,"  and  secure  perma- 
nent tranquility.  This  error  subsequently  nearly 
brought  disgrace  upon  the  flag  which  they  had  hoisted. 

'*The  authorities  in  Alta  California  were  more  observant,  and  resolved  to 
remedy  the  neglect.  The  N.  Y.  volunteers  had  reached  that  coast  after  its 
subjugation  aud  two  of  its  companies,  A  and  B,  numl^ering  115  men, 
under  Col.  Burton,  were  embarkea  for  Lower  California,  at  Santa  Barbara, 
on  July  3,  1847,  with  prov^isions  for  six  months,  on  board  the  store-ship 
Jjextni/torif  which  had  to  remain  with  them.  On  the  20th  they  were  wel- 
•comed  at  La  Paz,  and  fitted  up  barracks  on  an  elevated  plateau  overlooking 
the  town.  On  July  29th  Burton  issued  a  proclamation  oi  the  same  tenor  as 
that  alrea<ly  promulgated  by  Commander  Montgomery,  and  sent  copies  of  it 
to  all  the  principal  towns.  No  opposition  was  raised  to  this  except  at  San 
Antonio,  where  two  citizens,  Hidalgo  by  name,  had  sought  to  rouse  the  in- 
habitants, but  were  promptly  made  prisoners  by  Burton.  Meanwhile  news 
•came  that  a  Mexican  force  had  landed  at  Mulege,  and  the  U.  S.  sloop  of  war 
Daie,  Commander  T.  O.  Self  ridge,  happening  to  arrive  just  then  at  La  Paz, 
she  set  out  in  company  of  the  schooner  JMertad  to  investigate.  Sel fridge 
reached  the  port  on  Sept.  30th,  and  promptly  cut  out  a  smsSl  schooner,  the 
MctgdcUenOy  which  had  brought  the  Mexican  soldiers,  without  meeting  oppo- 
^tion.  The  following  morning  he  sent  a  proposal  to  the  authorities  to  pre- 
rserve  neutrality,  to  surrender  the  arms  brought  from  Guaymas,  and  to  ab- 
stain from  all  intercourse  with  Mexico.  Captain  Manuel  Pineda,  chief  of 
^he  Mexican  troops,  and  newly  appointed  comandante  principal  of  the  penin- 
sula, in  reply,  indignantly  protested  against  the  injustice  of  the  American 
cause  and  the  treachery  of  Miranda.  La  Paz,  he  declared,  would  soon  be 
retaken.  As  for  Mulege,  he  would  defend  it  to  the  last.  Selfridge  promptly 
landed  a  force  under  cover  of  his  guns,  and  after  a  brief  skirmish,  mvolving 
some  well-directed  broadsides  from  the  vessel,  and  firing  from  the  boats,  the 
town,  already  evacuated  by  the  inhabitants,  was  cleared  of  soldiers.  The 
J>(dey  having  nothing  more  to  do,  stood  out  to  sea  on  the  2d  of  October,  leav- 
ing the  lAb?riad  to  cruise  off  the  harbor  to  prevent  communication  with 
.JSonora.  The  force  under  Pineda  had  been  placed  by  rumor  at  200  men,  but 
it  soon  transpired  that  little  more  than  some  arms  and  a  few  officers 
bad  been  brought  from  Guaymas.  These  officers,  however,  had  authority  to 
obtain,  and  even  pres8  into  service,  such  men,  arms,  and  supplies  as  might 
be  needed  for  the  defense  of  the  country.  This  they  did,  and  on  the  strength 
of  their  claimed  victory  over  the  Dak  expedition,  they  now  succeeded  very 
^ell,  first  round  Mulege  and  Loreto,  and  then  south  and  westward.  The 
-effects  of  Miranda  and  other  wealthy  supporters  of  the  hostile  cause  were 
Tuthlessly  confiscated,  and  with  lukewarm  contributors  coercion  was  em- 
ployed; but  this  gave  rise  to  so  many  abuses  that  the  political  chief,  Mauri- 
eio  Castro,  at  length  ordered  Pineda  to  restrain  his  soldiers  from  seizing 
-prirate  property. 

The  growing  enthusiasm  was  greatly  due  to  the  exhortations  of  the 
-padres,  notably  P.  Soto- Mayor,  of  San  Iffnacio,  who  is  said  to  have  been 
the  first  to  excite  the  people  against  the  Americans,  and  who  accompanied 
^e  pfttriots.     It  WM  rarther  stimulated  by  the  occasional  receipt  of  arms 


714  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

and  supplies  from  the  Mexican  coast  in  spite  of  Selfridse's  precautions,  bo 
that  speedily  a  respectable  guerrilla  force  stood  equipped.  La  Paz  was  the 
main  objective  point,  but  it  was  decided  to  delay  attack  unttl  the  formidable 
war  vessels  haa  left  the  coast.  Nevertheless,  as  the  strength  of  the  Uherat- 
ing  army  increased,  the  courage  of  the  patriots  rose,  until  on  October  23, 
ISS?,  the  people  of  San  Jos^  del  Cabo,  where  no  American  force  existed, 
could  restrain  their  impatience  no  longer.  They  took  arms,  drove  out  the 
few  foreign  settlers  there,  and  proclaimed  the  rule  of  the  United  States  at 
an  end.  They  had  been  too  haHty,  however,  for  the  Pacific  squadron,  under 
Commodore  Shubrick,  happened  to  touch  at  this  point  shortly  after,  en  route- 
to  blockade  the  mainland  ports.  The  people  at  San  Jose  at  once  changed 
tone,  but  those  further  removed  from  the  scene  still  maintained  a  pronounced 
attitude,  especially  at  Todos  Santos,  till  the  appearance  there  of  a  small 
force  of  marines  produced  a  similar  change.  The  commodore  now  issued  a 
proclamation,  wherein  he  declared  that  tne  United  States  had  no  intenticBL 
to  ever  surrender  the  Califomias,  and  invited  those  who  were  well  disposed 
toward  that  government  to  stand  fast  in  their  fidelity,  at  the  same  time 
threatening  the  disaffected  with  severe  punishment.  As  a  further  assurance 
he  left,  on  Nov.  8th,  a  party  of  24  men  under  Lieutenant  Ueywood,  with 

Erovisions  for  thirty  days,  a  nine-pounder  carronade,  and  seventy-five  car- 
ines  for  distribution  in  case  of  need  among  loyal  and  trustworthy  natives. 
The  news  of  approaching  suerillas,  and  the  occurrence  at  San  Joe^,  placed 
the  American  garrison  at  La  raz  upon  its  gxiard;  and  as  the  people  seemed 
friendly  a  municipal  guard  of  natives  was  appointed  to  protect  the  town, 
though  the  Americans  took  care  to  patrol  the  environs  and  keep  strict  con- 
trol in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  their  quarters.  Martial  law  was  proclaimed, 
and  all  persons  known  to  be  disaffected  were  ordered  to  leave.  The  camp 
was  moreover  fortified  on  the  north  side  with  a  semi-circular  breastwork  <2f 
palm  lo^s,  enclosinff  the  two  field-pieces  which  constituted  the  artillery. 
The  position  was  well  chosen  and  dominated  the  town.  The  adobe  barracks 
occupied  hy  the  men  fronted  toward  the  south,  a  row  of  three  buildings,  about 
75  yards  distant,  church,  officers'  quarters,  and  store-house,  which  together 
formed  the  main  position.  The  last  two  edifices  possessed  court-yards  with 
adobe  walls;  on  the  east,  open  toward  the  distant  hills,  was  added  a  trench 
and  a  chain  cable  supported  by  posts  for  resisting  cavalry,  and  ditches  were 
cut  at  different  points.  These  preparations  were  accelerated  by  the  approach 
of  the  Califomians,  with  a  fiffhting  force  of  about  600  or  700  men,  sweUed 
by  an  additional  number  of  irregular  followers  of  less  value.  Captain 
Manuel  Pineda,  as  comandante  principal  of  the  peninsula,  was  commander- 
in-chief,  and  under  Iiim  ranked  as  the  principal  leaders  Antonio  Mijares,  a 
brave  officer  of  the  Mexican  army,  Jose  Matias  Moreno,  and  Vicente  Mejla, 
captains  of  militia,  and  P.  Gabriel  Gonzalez,  who  never  flagged  in  his  efforts 
to  stir  up  the  people  against  the  gringos.  See  particularly  Arch.  CaL  Mac^ 
Arch,  L.  Calf  torn.  i.  passim;  and  Moreno  in  Hayeis^  Doc  HiU.  L.  CaL, 
passim. 

The  war  vessels  having  all  left,  these  forces  hastened  to  carry  out  their 

£lan,  with  this  difference,  that  a  portion  was  detached,  under  Mijares, 
loreno,  and  Mejia,  to  harass  the  small  garrison  at  San  Jose  while  Pineda 
led  the  main  body  aeainst  La  Paz.  He  made  his  first  attack  at  two  oVlodL 
in  the  morning  of  Nov.  16th,  by  opening  a  heavy  musketry  fire  upon  ^e 
American  quarters  from  the  northern  side  of  the  arroyo.  His  cavalry  was 
stationed  on  the  east  and  south,  with  orders  to  charge  if  the  Americans  at- 
tempted to  cross.  As  a  reconnoitring  party  had  failed  to  see  anjrthing  of 
the  opponents  the  evening  before,  Burton  s  men  were  somewhat  surprised, 
and  had  the  Califomians  taken  advantage  of  the  confusion  caused  by  Aeir 
first  volley  to  advance  with  the  bayonet,  they  might  have  won  the  position. 
As  it  was  they  continued  to  blaze  away  in  the  dark  for  an  hour  or  more,  the 
Americans,  on  account  of  scarcity  of  ammunition,  only  throwing  a  shell  or 
two  Tn  the  direction  of  the  enemy.  When  morning  broke,  the  Califomian 
force  had  disapperred,  and  the  few  inhabitants  remaining  in  the  town  ' 


WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


715 


•een  to  be  leaying  it  with  all  possible  dispatch.  About  9  A.  m.  Pineda's 
cavalry  suddenly  came  pouring  over  the  opposite  side  of  the  arroyo,  but 
after  receiving  a  few  well-directed  shots  from  the  field-pieces,  retired. 
Three  hours  later  the  Calif omians  renewed  the  attack  on  foot,  extending 
their  front  so  that  the  field-pieces  could  not  be  used  against  them.  Goucea- 
trating  their  fire  upon  the  comparatively  contracted  space  occupied  by  the 
Americans,  they  gradually  advanced  their  wings,  until  they  had  penetrated 
into  the  town  on  one  side,  and  into  the  thick  cactus  to  the  east  of  the  Ameri- 
can position  on  the  other.  Burton's  men  were  then  exposed  to  a  danserous 
cross-fire,  which  they  could  only  return  by  an  occasional  shot.  At  length 
the  Americans  ran  out  the  field-pieces  to  the  brow  of  the  hill,  and  directed  a 
heavy  fire  of  grape  and  canister  upon  the  town  and  cuartel,  which  soon 
drove  the  Californians  from  both  positions  with  loss.     Firing  being  resumed 


Plan  of  the  Positions  Occupied  by  Troops  at  La  Pas  During  the  At- 
tacks IN  November  and  December,  1847. 

1— Main  position  of  Americans.  2— Church.  3— Storehouse.  4— Miranda's  house. 
5— Fortification  on  the  hill.  6— Mill.  7— Corner  of  Belloe's  house.  8— Nearest  point 
of  Mexican  advance.  9— Portugese  house.  lO—Old  cuartel.  11-12— Capt.  Steele's 
partv  taking:  the  old  cuartel.  l^^Graveyard.  14— Miranda's  town  house,  destroyed 
by  Mexicans.  16— Arroyo,  from  4  to  6  feet  deep.  16— American  Barracks.  Prop- 
erty destroyed  by  Americans. 


early  on  the  17th,  the  Americans  sallied  and  destroyed  all  buildings  which 
could  afford  shelter  to  asssilants,  so  that  they  soon  had  a  fairly  clear  view 
within  musket  ranse.  They  moreover  hastened  to  throw  up  additional  in- 
trenchments,  with  oreastwork  and  ditches;  and  to  fortify  the  roofs  of  their 
buildiuffs  with  cotton  bales  and  other  suitable  materials. 

On  the  27th  the  Californians  were  unexpectedly  reenforced  by  the  division 
from  San  Jos£,  which  had  been  repulsed  there,  and  encouraged  moreover  by 
the  possession  of  a  four-pounder  which  the  new-comers  brought  with  them, 
they  began  a  desperate  attack  about  3  o'clock  p.  m.,  advancing  to  within  lOO" 
feet  of  the  entrenchments,  and  continuing  the  fight  until  after  dark.     On 


716  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

the  following  day  the  Amerioaiis  retaliated  by  Btormiiiff  the  old  cuartel 
which  formed  the  opposite  centre.  They  abo  strengthenea  their  po«itiaa  by 
demolishing  their  own  northern  barrack  and  conoentrating  behind  the  log 
barricade.  Pineda  remained  inactive  for  some  days,  and  then  fell  back  to 
San  Antonio.  Meanwhile  the  besieged  having  sent  a  laonch  to  Ma^jUian  for 
aid,  tlie  Cyane  entered  the  harbor  Dec.  8th,  followed  on  the  11th  by  the 
Southampton  with  orders  for  the  relief  of  San  Jos^. 

While  these  operations  took  place  at  La  Paz  a  similar  siege  was  laid  to 
San  Jose,  held  by  Lieut  Heywood  with  24  men  and  a  nine-pounder.  He 
had  taken  possession  of  the  barrack  or  cuartel,  a  dilapidated,  square  adobe 
building.  This  was  repaired  and  fortified  as  far  as  possible,  by  walling  up 
all  unnecessary  windows  and  doors,  and  leaving  only  loopholes.  The  roof, 
also,  with  its  low  parapet  was  arranged  for  sharpshooters.  Some  twenty 
friendly  CaUfomians  with  their  families  were  received,  and  a  portion  placed 
with  three  Americans  in  an  adjoining  building  known  as  Mott's.  On  Nov. 
19th,  the  force  under  Mijares  and  companions,  estimated  at  about  200 
mounted  men,  summoned  the  invaders  to  surrender,  which  d«nand  having 
been  rejected,  a  desultory  fire  wats  opened  toward  sunset,  ammunition  being 
scarce  on  both  sides,  and  when  darkness  set  in  the  Califomians  crept  up, 

Eushing  themselves  behind  comers  and  walla  and  at  the  windows  of  the 
uildings  adjacent  to  the  barracks.     By  ten  o'clock  they  resumed  the  firing, 
this  time  with  murderous  intensity,  so  much  so  that  many  of  their  baUs 

fassed  through  the  loopholes  in  the  cuarteL  Meanwhile  a  party,  led  by  the 
rave  Mijares,  made  an  attack  upon  the  rear  of  Mott's  house,  but  were  re- 
pulsed by  the  volunteer  Califomians,  who  under  the  able  leadership  of  Mid- 
ahipman  McLanahan  and  Gillespie  defended  the  building  with  great  deter- 
mination. Before  daybreak  the  Califomians  retired,  carrying  with  them 
two  killed  and  several  wounded.  The  Americans  had  three  wounded  in 
this  night's  engagement.  The  next  day  passed  in  mere  investment  opera- 
tions until  night,  when  a  forlorn  hope,  led  by  Mijares,  made  a  tierce  charge 
upon  the  cuartel  to  capture  the  nine-pounder.  It  had  been  intended  that 
the  whole  force  should  storm  the  cuartel  on  all  sides  during  the  confusion 
which  this  charge  would  create,  but  at  the  first  fire,  Mijares  and  several 
others  fell  and  the  rest  abandoned  the  movement.  On  the  2l8t  the  Califor- 
nians,  alarmed  by  the  appearance  of  two  vessels,  retired.  The  arrivals 
proved  to  be  New  Bedford  whalers,  the  MagnoUa  and  Edward,  whose  com- 
manders, Simmons  and  Barker,  had  learned  of  the  siege  and  hastened  to 
succor  the  garrison.  They  offered  supplies  and  ammunition,  and  landed 
about  60  men,  armed  with  harpoons,  lances,  and  other  implements  of  their 
calling,  with  here  and  there  a  venerable  musket.  They  were  soon  relieved 
by  the  arrival  of  the  Southampton,  followed  by  the  Portsmouth,  and  during 
the  presence  of  these  warships  everything  remained  quiet.  After  a  few 
weeks  stay  they  set  sail,  leaving  with  Heywood  a  force  increased  to  30 
marines  and  16  seamen,  with  abundant  ammunition  and  two  additional 
carronades.  The  departure  of  these  vessels  was  a  signal  for  the  Califomians 
to  renew  operations,  and  about  the  middle  of  Jan.,  1848,  reinforced  by 
Pineda,  they  encamped  within  a  league  of  the  village  to  the  number  of  300 
mounted  men,  driving  off  the  cattle  and  horses,  destroying  the  crope,  and 
cutting  off  all  communication  with  the  interior.  They  moreover  captured  a 
party  of  five  men  under  the  midshipmen  Duncan  ana  Warley,  who  sousht 
to  reach  a  schooner  which  had  arrived  on  the  2l8t  with  supplies.  Emb^d- 
ened  by  this  success,  they  contracted  their  lines  and  drew  oailv  nearer  the 
town.  As  Heywood  had  to  support  some  fifty  women  and  children  who  had 
sought  his  protection,  provisions  soon  ran  short.  At  great  risk  foraging 
parties  were  sent  out,  but  only  three  cows  could  be  obtained.  These  con- 
sumed, everybody  was  put  on  half  allowance  of  salt  provisionB  withoai 
l>read.  The  Cali^>mians  drew  doser,  and  strengthened  by  a  body  of  Yaqnis 
from  Sonora  they  maintained  an  harassing  fire,  yielding  only  momentarily 
beiore  occasional  sallies.  They  also  frustrated  an  attempt  to  oommnnicate 
^tfa  a  schooner  bringing  supplies  from  La  Paa.    By  the  10th  of  Feb.  tliey 


BATTLE  OF  SAN  VICENTE.  717 

bad  gained  entire  posseBsion  of  the  town,  and  had  approached  close  to  the 
barrack,  their  iia^  flyiiig  within  90  yards  of  it,  from  a  strong  building  in  a 
commanding  position.  Henceforth  the  Americans  were  subjected  to  an 
almost  incessant  fire  from  all  quarters.  One  of  these  stray  missiles  carried 
off  the  brave  and  competent  midshipman  McLeanahan,  Heywood's  ri^ht-hand 
man;  and  by  the  12th  the  Calif  ornians  had  cut  off  access  to  the  watermg  place 
by  breastworks.  The  situation  of  the  besieged  was  now  very  critical,  and  the 
suffering  of  the  women  and  children  made  it  seem  almost  inhuman  to  hold 
out;  yet  so  far  the  Americans  were  as  determined  as  ever.  In  the  afternoon 
of  the  14th  a  large  sail  was  reporttjd,  which  greatly  cheered  the  Americans, 
while  the  Californians  redoubled  their  efforts  and  revealed  such  epirit  that 
Heywood,  aware  of  their  increased  number,  feared  succor  might  not  reach 
him.  The  vessel  proved  to  be  the  Oyane,  commander  Dupont,  who  had  re- 
ceived orders  while  at  La  Paz  to  proceed  to  San  Jos^,  news  of  the  situation 
of  the  garrison  having  reached  Commodore  Shubrick  at  Mazatlan.  Deem- 
ing it  imprudent  to  land  during  the  Qight,  Dupont  waited  until  daylight, 
when  he  landed  with  a  force  of  seven  officers,  five  marines,  and  eiffhty-nine 
seamen.  He  had  also  a  3-pounder  field -piece,  dragged  by  hand.  The  Cali- 
fornians in  the  meantime  had  concentrated  alonghis  path,  leaving  only  a 
small  party  in  the  town  to  hold  Heywood  in  check.  As  soon  as  Dupont's 
men  began  to  advance,  an  annoying  fire  was  opened  upon  them  from  the  dif- 
ferent covers  all  along  the  road,  nearly  two  miles  long,  and  notably  fr(<m 
the  hamlet  of  San  Vicente,  situated  upon  a  knoll  where  the  Californians 
were  gathered  in  force.  The  steady  nre  and  advance  of  the  Americans, 
however,  compelled  them  to  give  way,  though  they  continued  to  harass  the 
invaders  on  flank  and  rear.  Meanwhile  those  in  the  cuartel  had  anxiously 
followed  the  movements  of  both  sides,  till  finally  Heywood,  no  longer  able 
to  bear  the  suspense  and  inaction,  at  the  head  of  thirty  picked  men  sallied 
forth,  drove  back  the  band  in  observation,  and  joined  Dupont  just  outside 
the  town.  The  united  parties  then  dispersed  the  Californians,  and  marched 
triumphantly  to  the  cuartel,  communication  between  the  beach  and  cuartel 
being  reestablished.  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  San  Vicente,  a  celebrated  en- 
counter for  Lower  California.  The  siege  of  San  Jose  reflects  credit  on  both 
sides,  on  the  one  for  staunch  endurance  and  considerate  regard  for  fugitive 
families;  on  the  ol^er  for  considerable  skill  in  siege  operations,  and  a  dash, 
illustrated  by  leaders  like  Mijares  and  Navarrete.  If  the  Californians  failed 
in  their  aim,  it  must  be  attributed  greatly  to  the  superior  discipline  and  mili- 
tary resources  of  their  opponents.  The  reenforcements  sent  them  from  the 
mainland  proved  not  only  of  little  value,  but  positively  pernicious  to  the 
cause  of  defence,  from  the  lack  of  sympathy  and  principle  among  these  hire- 
lings. Moreover,  the  treatment  to  which  the  Californians  were  submitted 
aroused  disgust.  Loyal  citizens  were  ground  down  by  forced  contributions, 
and  those  who  were  regarded  as  traitors  were  robl^ed  of  their  property,  and 
subjected  to  outrages  of  every  description.  Pineda  might  have  checked 
these  abuses,  but  paid  no  heed  either  to  remonstrances,  or  even  the  com- 
mands of  his  superior  in  Sonora.  Thus  thte  unfortunate  Californians  were 
placed  between  two  fires,  and  it  is  no  wondor  that  many  of  tliem  openly 
went  over  to  the  side  of  the  Americans  for  self -protection.  This  was  done 
by  considerable  numbers  of  inhabitants  who  had  otherwise  been  true  patriots. 
Nearly  every  place  of  importance  was  in  constant  ferment  and  intrigue;  con- 
flicting pronunciamentos  followed  each  otlier  in  quick  succession;  juntas 
were  peremptorily  summoned  to  meet  in  this  town,  and  that  by  rival  chiefs; 
no  party  could  distinguish  its  friends  from  its  foes;  distrust,  jealousy,  and 
treachery  pervaded  every  council  and  frustrated  every  plan.  And  all 
this  naturally  assisted  the  invaders  to  hold  their  own  and  push  the  conquest. 
La  Paz  having  been  unmolested  since  November,  Burton  was  encouraged 
to  organize  several  small  expeditions,  which  during  February  succeeded  in 
capturing  a  few  prisoners,  but  more  extensive  operations  were  deferred  till 
the  arrival  of  reenforcements  expected  from  Alta  California.  Urged,  how- 
ever, by  a  spirit  of  friendly  rivalry  which  existed  between  Burton's  volun- 


718  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

teen  and  the  naval  forces,  the  former  determined  to  attempt  the  reeene  of 
the  prisoners  that  had  been  captured  from  Heywood's  command.  Accord- 
ingly, on  March  15th,  34  mounted  men  and  officers,  under  Captain  Steele, 
Barton's  second  in  command,  proceeded  to  San  Antonio,  where  the  captiyes 
were  lodged,  arriving  close  to  the  town  at  daylight  on  the  following  morning. 
Having  captured  a  picket,  they  charged  at  full  speed  into  the  place,  and  dis- 
persed the  Californians  after  a  brief  skirmish,  killinff  three,  and  capturing 
Captain  Calderon,  Lieutenant  Arce,  and  a  soldier.  The  American  prisoners 
were  found  and  rescued,  and  after  destroying  some  arms  and  ammunition, 
the  expedition  returned  to  La  Paz,  which  was  reached  on  the  17th.  The 
arrival,  on  March  22d,  of  the  store-ship  Imbella,  with  over  150  additional 
volunteers,  under  Captain  H.  M.  Nafflee,  enabled  Colonel  Burton  to  give 
wider  scope  to  his  operations.  Four  days  later  he  set  out  from  La  Fas  with 
217  men,  and  on  the  next  day  a  detachment  of  15  surprised  and  captured  at 
San  Antonio  the  comandante  principal,  Pineda.  Learning  that  the  Califor- 
nians were  concentrating  at  Todos  Santos  for  retreating  toward  Magda- 
lena  bay,  Burton  hastened  in  pursuit  with  the  main  body,  while  Naglee 
sought  to  gain  their  rear  with  45  mounted  men.  Timely  warned  that  the 
Californians  were  lying  in  ambush  in  some  dense  chaparral  through  which  the 
road  ran.  Burton  directed  his  course  along  a  ridge  of  high  tabk  land,  from 
which  a  full  view  of  the  enemy  was  obtained,  whereupon  the  latter  fell  back  to 
a  hill  commanding  his,  advanced  and  received  him  with  mat  spirit;  the  en- 
gagement was  cut  short,  however,  by  the  appearance  of  liaglee  to  the  rear, 
and  the  CaUfomians  dispersed  in  all  directions.  Naglee  continued  the  pur- 
suit, and  captured  several  Mexican  soldiers;  he  also  surprised  a  camp  of 
sleeping  Yaquis,  two  of  whom  were  secured,  and  by  Naglee's  order  brutally 
butchered.  He  then  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  authorities  and  rancheros, 
directing  them  to  arrest  all  Yaquis  wherever  found,  intimating  very  plainly 
that  the  lives  of  the  outlaws  were  of  no  value.  Such  acts  and  words  could 
not  fail  to  give  strength  to  the  rumors  industriously  spread  of  American 
outrages. 

Meanwhile  other  officers  from  naval  and  volunteer  corps  had  bnnight  in 
a  number  of  prisonera,  akmon^  them  Mauricio  Castro^  wno  since  Pinedas 
capture  had  combined  the  military  and  political  commands,  and  the  shrewd 
and  energetic  P.  Gronzalez,  as  well  as  his  two  sons,  who  were  serving  as  offi- 
cers in  the  army,  from  whose  influence  the  Americans  had  more  to  fear  than 
from  all  the  military  leaders.  The  principal  prisoners  were  sent  to  Mamtlan 
and  released  on  parole,  several  returning  after^nELrdiS.  The  volunteers  con- 
tinued to  garrison  the  peninsula  unmolested  till  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo  restored  it  to  Mexico,  after  which  they  went  back  to  Alta  Califor- 
nia to  1)0  disbanded.  As  the  American  commanders  had  repeatedly  declared 
that  Lower  California  would  be  permanently  annexed  to  the  United  States, 
and  had  thus  induced  many  of  the  inhabitants  to  compromise  themselves  with 
their  countrymen,  by  espousing  the  invader's  cause,  the  course  of  the  United 
States  government  in  surrendering  the  peninsula  was  subjected  to  severe 
criticism  in  many  quarters.  The  reasons  were  its  poverty  and  awkward 
position  for  communication  and  defence.  True,  certain  amends  were  made 
by  offering  those  afraid  of  remaining  the  opportunity  to  leave  the  oountiy 
and  settle  in  Alta  California,  together  with  a  certain  indemnity  for  losses; 
but  this  breaking  up  of  homes  and  families  was  not  possible  to  alL  Those 
who  had  sufferea  from  the  invasion  as  loyal  adherents  to  Mexico,  Wttre  ac- 
corded grants  of  land. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

1848-1888. 

l^KW  PounoAL  Division— A  Milttart  Ck>LoirT  Estabijshsd— FiLiBnsmt- 
IKO  Designs — Walkea — Uis  Plans  Against  Sonora  Thwabtbd — 
Enrolment  of  Men  in  California— Descent  on  Lower  California — 
Progliahs  a  Rbpublio  at  La  Paz — Walker  Retires  to  Todos  Santos 
Bat — Arrival  of  Re-enforoements — Capture  of  Santo  Tomas — ^The 
Refublio  of  Sonora  Proclaimed — Dissension  Among  the  Filibus- 
ters— The  March  into  Sonora — Collapse  of  the  flxPEDrnoN — ^Fo- 
utigal  Matters — Convict  Uprising — Strife  for  Power — Frontbdl 
Troubles — Arrival  of  French  Vessels — Colonization  Plans — 
Orchilla  Gathering— Revolt  Against  Governor  Davilos — Chanob 
OF  Governors — Marquez'  Revolt — Prospects  of  Progress. 

Mexico  seemed  somewhat  indifferent  about  receiv- 
ing back  the  peninsula,  although  its  possession  by  an 
opponent  must  have  proved  a  decided  menace  to  her 
north-west  territory.  A  portion  of  the  ephemeral  re- 
form measures  which  sprung  up  after  every  political 
convulsion  was  accorded  to  it,  but  with  even  more 
than  the  usual  lack  of  enforcement.  The  province 
was  divided  into  two  partidos,*  each  with  its  court  of 
justice,'  and  a  diputacion  or  legislature  of  seven 
members  was  confirmed  to  it,  with  instructions  to  pre- 
pare the  draft  of  a  constitution  for  internal  adminis- 

^The  northern  paitido  composed  Santo  TomAa,  San  I^piacio,  Malejg^, 
Comondd,  Loreto,  I^a  Junta,  San  Luis,  Los  Dolores,  and  their  dependencies. 
The  southern  included  La  Paz,  Los  Reyes,  San  Antonio,  la  Frinchera,  Todos, 
Santos,  San  Bartolo,  Santiago,  Miraflores,  Santa  Anita,  San  Jose  del  Cabo, 
and  San  Lticas.     Decree  of  April  12,  1849.  ArriUaga,  Recop.,  1849,  118. 

2  Subject  to  Sonora  and  composed  of  juez  de  letras,  pay  $2,400,  with 
notary,  clerk,  and  sheriff,  at  from  $1,200  to  $200  per  annum.  Mex.  Mem. 
Jugt,,  1860,  Doc.  20,  1851;  i>oc.  20;  Id.  Hoc.,  1850-4.  In  small  places  lack- 
ing alcaldesjucus  auxiliaries  take  cognizance  in  cases  involving  amounts  not 
over  $15.  There  were  eight  constitutional  alcaldes,  two  in  the  capital  and 
one  in  each  municipality,  with  33  alcaldes  de  cuartel,  21  being  in  tne  south. 
An  Indian  ruled  at  S.  aarm. 


720  LOWER  CALIFORNIA 

tration.*  The  jefe  politico  should  be  appointed  bjr 
the  supreme  government,  after  consulting  the  legis- 
lature.* 

'Decree  of  April  25,  1850.  The  members  were  to  be  elected  by  the  col- 
lege choosing  the  congressional  deputy,  for  four  years,  renewable  by  halyes. 
Navarro,  Leuea,  1860,  104-7;  Mex,  CoL  Leyes,  1860-1,  71-3.  For  deputy 
election  see  Universal  2\,  Nov.  1849. 

^  With  f3,000  pay;  the  eldest  legislative  member  succeeded  temporarily. 
Pinart,  Doc,  Son,,  iv,  33.  A  most  important  measure  was  to  aasign  to  the 
peninsula  one  of  the  several  military  colonies  decreed  for  the  protection  of 
the  northern  frontier  against  Americans  as  well  as  Indians.  The  nuuoner  of 
carrying  out  the  scheme  made  it  useless  as  regards  the  former,  for  it  was 
easier  to  enter  by  sea  than  across  the  northern  wastes,  and  it  brousht  no  im- 
provement on  previous  methods  of  dealing  with  the  aborigines,  whDe  the  dis- 
trict itself  lost  rather  than  gained  by  this  accession  of  colonistn.  The  order 
to  establish  the  colony  widi  100  men  was  issued  in  July  20,  184^  and 
preparations  to  that  end  were  begun  in  the  following  year  by  Col  Espinoea,  who, 
as  jefe  politico  and  comandante  militar  of  the  peninsula,  was  also  appointed  in- 
spector of  the  projected  settlement.  Accoraing  to  his  regulations  recruits 
were  to  be  attracted  by  bounties,  advance  of  pay,  land  grants,  and  aid  to 
found  homes  and  farms,  and  ordinary  settlers  were  to  be  invited  on  condi- 
tion of  lending  armed  assistance  in  case  of  need;  but  the  pay  of  $18  per 
month  was  subject  to  many  deductions;  the  frontier  lay  remote  and  isolated, 
and  the  illusiveness  of  government  promises  was  too  well  known  to  attract 
many  volunteers,  in  the  southern  district  at  least;  and  Captain  Manuel 
Castro,  who  nad  been  appointed  to  the  command,  had  to  start  Augost  1849* 
with  only  15  men  and  scanty  means,  leaving  his  second,  Lieut  Oiaves,  to- 
follow  with  more  supplies.  iHiring  the  march  through  the  poorer  north, 
people  showed  less  hesitation,  and  when  the  party  in  March  1850  reached. 
Rosario,  the  designated  site,  it  had  trebled  in  strength.  Toward  the  end  of 
the  year,  however,  the  settlement  was  removed  to  the  mission  Santo  Tomia, 
in  a  fertile  and  well-watered  valley,  35  leagues  from  the  border  and  9  from 
Todos  Santos  harbor.  Here  the  l>i^inning  was  made,  yet  under  such  diffi- 
culties, chiefly  from  lack  of  proper  and  sufficient  means,  that  Castro  had  re- 
course to  frequent  and  protracted  sojoumings  in  Alta  California,  leaving  to 
Chaves  the  task  of  appeasing  the  suffering  and  discontented  soldiers,  who 
waAdered  about  in  quest  of  sustenance  or  deserted  to  the  glittering  placers  of 
the  gold  region.  Nevertheless,  the  population  of  the  colony  was  in  June 
1851  reported  to  be  191,  of  whom  42  were  Indians,  and  Castro  enjoyed  the 
dignity  of  his  position,  poor  though  it  was.  Great  was  his  indignatian, 
tiierefore,  on  learning  that  a  superior  had  been  appointed  for  the  colony  in&e 
person  of  Lieutenant-colonel  ^cgrete,  as  deputy  inspector.  Brave  and  loyal, 
Chaves  shared  his  feelings,  and  promised  to  check  the  aspirations  of  the  in- 
terloper. While  his  chief  took  refuse  across  the  border,  he  boldly  arrested 
the  inspector  and  sent  him  back  to  La  Paz  under  certain  invented  accusa- 
tions, after  dissimulating  long  enough  to  secure  all  the  supplies  brought  by 
him.  This  proceeding  opened  a  reign  of  disorder  among  the  factiona  now 
arising,  rival  leaders  striving  for  supremacy  midst  conflict^  pillage,  and  out- 
rages which  interfered  with  agriculture  and  other  industrial  developments, 
and  so  increased  the  misery  that  desertion  became  the  rule,  and  the  colony 
wasted  slowly  away.  This  anarchic  condition  not  only  encouraged  the 
roaming  tribes  in  their  raids,  but  struck  the  wayward  fancy  of  foreign  ad- 
venturers. The  success  of  Austin  and  his  companions  in  building  up  a  rich 
republic  in  Texas  excited  to  emulation,  and  the  comparative  neglect  of  the 
Mexican  government  for  the  northwestern  provinces  fostered  it,  the  more  so 
as  these  territories  were  rich  in  mines  of  gold  and  silver.  1  he  discovery  of 
gold  in  Alta  California  had  filled  that  state  with  a  class  of  men  eminently  fitted- 


Fn.IBU8TERIN0.  721 

As  early  as  1851  hostile  projects  assumed  a  threat- 
ening aspect,*  and  the  operations  of  Raousset  de 
Boulbon  in  Sonora  in  1852  revealed  the  determina- 
tion with  which  such  men  could  follow  flimsy  pre- 
texts, while  his  short-lived  victory  at  Hermosillo 
served  to  inflame  the  minds  of  a  large  number  of  men 
in  Alta  California.  Among  them  a  certain  little 
wiry,  plain- faced  Tennessean,  some  thirty  years  of 
age  ;  a  reserved  man,  slow  of  speech,  swift  and  noise- 
less as  a  snake  in  action,  with  the  seal  of  an  indomita- 
ble will  set  upon  his  firm  lips,  and  a  relentless  soul 
looking  out  through  his  steel-gray  eyes — eyes  so 
peculiar  in  shade  and  expression  that  they  fascinated 
while  they  repelled,  and  seemed  to  subordinate  the 
will  and  read  the  thoughts  of  him  upon  whom  their 
steady  gaze  was  bent.  Such  was  the  appearance  of 
William  Walker,  editor,  lawyer,  filibuster,  whose  pen 
was  as  sharp  as  his  sword,  and  as  ready  for  attack. 
Brave,  energetic,  resolute,  ambitious,  and  unscrupu- 
lous far  beyond  ordinary  men,  he  appeared  to  have 
been  created  for  the  desperate  work  before  him,  save 
that  he  was  called  to  play  his  part  some  centuries  too 
late/ 

for  making  encroachments  upon  their  neighbors'  property.  As  gold  be- 
came scarcer,  the  more  restless  of  these  adventurers  began  to  look  about 
them  for  a  new  harveit  field.  It  mattered  not  who  misht  own  the  imaginary 
Eldorado;  if  thev  were  only  strong  enough  to  take  ana  hold  it,  it  was  theirs 
by  the  only  code  they  recognized,  and  they  turned  their  eyes  to  Mexico; 
for  had  not  their  own  government  pointed  to  her  as  fair  game  ? 

A  In  June  200  men  came  to  La  Paz,  ostensibly  to  trade,  and  400  more 
were  expected.  Univermly  July  18,  1851.  For  Sonora  expeditions,  see  under 
that  province.  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1852,  17-19.  Preparations  for  defense  were 
made  in  Feb.  1852.  Doc.  HiAt.,  Baja  Cal,  ii.  253-61,  536-60,  passim.  These 
threats  and  the  consequent  arming  and  irritation  led  to  the  murder  in  that 
month  of  two  American  miners,  Isaac  Kanes  and  Van  Ness,  near  Guadalupe, 
by  greedy  soldiers.     Evidence  in  /rf.,  ii.  266-683,  passim. 

*  He  and  his  companions  contemplated  a  scheme  similar  to  that  of  the 
French  count,  and  two  agents  had  been  sent  to  Sonora  to  obtain  as  a  foot- 
hold a  grant  of  land  near  Arispe,  in  return  for  an  ofifer  to  protect  the  frontier 
against  the  savages;  but  warned  by  Raousset's  action,  the  government 
would  not  listen  to  the  proposal.  Walker,  therefore,  decided  to  renew  the 
application  in  person,  and  in  June  1853,  accompanied  by  Henry  P.  Watkins, 
he  sailed  from  San  Francisco  forGuaymas.  The  authorities,  however,  treated 
him  with  suspicion,  and  the  two  sheep-faced  wolves  were  forbidden  to  pro- 
ceed into  the  interior.  At  this  point  of  afifair^i,  as  Walker  relates,  news 
came  of  fresh  Apache  outrages,  threatening  Guaymas  itself,  and  '  several 
Hut.  Mix.  States,  Vol.  II.   46 


722  LOWER  CAUFOKNIA. 

The  acquisition  from  Mexico  of  the  Mesilla  tract 
of  northern  Sonora,  in  1854,  set  on  foot  certain  rumors 
that  Lower  California  and  even  Sonora  were  to  be 
sold.  This  led  to  indignant  protestations,  and  to  ap- 
peals to  the  authorities  at  Mexico,  which  served  at 

women  of  the  place  '  urged  him  to  become  their  champion.  This  was  a  snffi- 
cient  pretext,  and  he  reaolved  that  not  only  Guaymas,  but  the  whole  people 
of  Sonora,  should  have  protection,  and  fortiiwith  returned  to  San  Francisco 
to  prepare  for  his  chivalrous  undertaking. 

little  time  was  lost  on  his  arrival  there.  A  recruiting  office  was  opeiied, 
and  volunteers  were  rapidly  enlisted;  bonds  of  the  projected  repablic  of 
Sonora  were  printed,  and  as  money  was  plentiful  and  speculation  rife  in 
those  days,  they  were  sold  to  some  extent.  With  the  proceeds,  and  subscrip- 
tions from  interested  parties,  arms  and  munitions  were  provided,  and  the 
brig  Arrow  was  chartered.  General  Hitchcock,  however,  commander  off  tiie 
United  States  forces  in  California,  took  upon  himself  to  interfere  with  tiiis 
breach  of  neutrality  toward  a  friendly  power,  and  seized  the  Arrow  Septem- 
ber  30,  1853.  Impatient  at  delay,  the  filibusters  chartered  the  Caro&te, 
transferred  their  stores  and  three  guns  to  her,  and  silentlv  departed  during 
the  night  of  October  16th,  with  46  men  on  board,  with  Walker  at  their  head. 
So  sanffuine  were  the  adventurers,  that  a  full-fledged  administration  had  bc«u 
mapped  out,  and  a  full  corps  of  army  and  navy  officers  appointed.  Although 
Guaymas  was  the  understood  destination  of  the  expedition,  it  was  decided 
to  make  the  first  descent  on  Lower  California,  and  after  touching  at  Cape 
San  Lucas,  the  Caroline  anchored  at  La  Paz  November  3d,  under  a  Mexican 
flag.  Confident  that  he  was  not  expected.  Walker,  with  two  of  his  oflloers, 
went  on  shore  and  called  on  Governor  Espinosa.  After  having  satisfied 
himself  of  the  defenceless  condition  of  the  place,  he  caused  his  men  to  land 
in  force,  and  before  the  inhabitants  had  thought  of  dan^r,  the  town  wai  in 
possession  of  the  filibusters,  and  the  governor  a  captive.  Forthwith  the 
new  republic  was  proclaimed,  with  WaUcer  as  president;  an  appropriate  flag 
was  hoisted,  composed  of  two  red  stripes,  with  a  white  one  between,  which 
bore  two  red  stars  representing  Lower  California  and  Sonora;  and  the  code 
of  Louisiana  was  declared  to  be  the  law  of  the  land.  To  please  the  natives, 
all  custom-house  duties  were  abolished.  Walker,  however,  did  not  deem  it 
safe  to  remain  long  at  La  Paz  with  his  small  force,  as  troops  might  be  ex- 
pected from  the  mainland,  and  on  the  6th  he  re^mbarked  his  men  for  the 
purpose  of  removing  to  Cape  San  Lucas.  At  this  juncture  a  strange  vessel 
entered  port,  which  was  boarded,  and  proved  to  be  carrying  Colonel  Rebol- 
ledo,  the  newly  appointed  governor,  who  was  at  once  transferrnl  to  the 
Caro&ne, 

The  approaching  departure  of  the  filibusters  seems  to  have  infused  courage 
into  the  men  of  La  Paz,  for  a  party  of  six  Americans,  while  eatherins  wood 
ashore,  were  fired  upon,  soon  after  the  capture  of  Bebolledo.  Walker  landed 
with  thirty  men  to  the  rescue,  while  the  Caro&ne  opened  fire  on  the  town.  A 
lively  skirmish  took  place,  in  which  the  Califomians  were  routed,  with  the 
loss  of  six  or  seven  men,  according  to  the  account  of  the  Americans.  The 
Caroline  non  sailed  for  San  Lucas,  but  a  Mexican  cutter  cruising  off  the  cape 
BO  wroujzht  upon  Walker's  apprehensions  that  he  continued  his  voyage  to  toe 
bay  of  Todos  Santos,  or  Enseuada,  as  it  was  frequently  called.  Here  he  was 
safe  from  any  Mexican  land  force,  and  if  attacKed  by  sea  was  within  easy 
retreating  distance  from  the  United  States'  boundary.  Accordingly,  he  es- 
tablished his  headquarters  in  a  one-story  adobe  building  near  the  bay.  In 
this  isolated  place  he  remained  till  the  latter  part  of  December,  during  which 
time  the  filibusters  were  engaged  in  several  skirmisher  with  the  military 
oolonists  of  Santo  Tom^,  who  on  one  occasion  laid  siege  to  their  boHdini^ 


PRBSIDIO  AND  BISHOPRIC.  723 

least,  in  connection  with  the  late  attack  on  La  Paz, 
to  obtain  for  the  peninsula  greater  consideration,  in- 
volving the  establishment  of  a  presidio,  with  a  force 
of  about  600  men,  brought  by  Colonel  Ochoa,  360 
men    being    there    three    years    later.      Steps   also 

which  had  been  dignified  by  the  name  of  Fort  McKibbin.  The  assailants 
were,  however,  driven  off,  and  shortly  afterward  surprised  and  ronted,  with 
the  loss  of  a  gun  and  camp  equipage.  The  exultation  of  the  Americans  at 
this  success  was  ereatly  damped,  however,  by  discovering  one  morning  that 
the  Caroline  had  disappeared  with  a  large  proportion  of  the  stores.  The  fact 
Li,  that  the  fears  of  the  captain  had  been  so  wrought  upon  by  the  representa- 
tions of  the  two  captives,  that  he  agreed  to  carry  them  down  to  San  Lucas. 
Walker  now  found  himself  in  a  predicament,  but  help  unexpectedly  arrived 
before  lon^.  Exaggerated  accounts  of  the  '  battle  of  La  Paz '  had  reached 
San  Francisco,  creating  great  enthusiasm.  Again  the  recruiting  office  was 
opened,  to  which  repaired  the  driftinff  vaffabonds  of  the  city  in  such  numbers 
ai  to  exceed  transportation  means.  The  bark  Anita  was  chartered,  and  well 
stored  with  arms  and  provisions.  There  was  no  attempt  at  <ioncealment, 
and  the  authorities  looked  passively  on  the  flagrant  violation  of  law  and 
honor.  On  December  13th  the  Anita  sailed  with  230  men  on  board,  followed 
by  others  on  the  coast  steamers,  while  man^  more,  in  the  madness  of  their 
excitement  and  lust  of  gain,  left  San  Francisco  on  foot  for  the  new  land  of 
promise.  On  December  20th  the  vessel  entered  the  Ensenada,  and  Walker's 
first  act  was  to  send  65  men  to  take  Santo  Tomis,  which  was  accomplished 
without  a  blow  lieing  struck.  He  organized  a  government,  and  began  drill- 
ing his  men.  On  Januarv  18,  18*54,  he  issued  a  decree  proclaiming  the  union 
of  that  province  with  Lower  California,  under  the  title  of  Republic  of 
Sonora. 

But  among  the  late  comers  there  soon  arose  a  great  deal  of  grumbling. 
They  had  expected  to  find  a  Canaan,  and  not  a  wilderness.  They  had  dreamed 
of  rich  plunder  and  sumptuous  fare,  instead  of  a  few  hungry  cattle  to  raid, 
and  jerked  beef  with  boiled  com  to  eat.  An  opportunity  for  secession  was 
afforded  in  the  distribution  of  animals  for  transportation  stolen  from  the 
settlers.  The  original  thieves  claimed  more  than  was  their  share,  and 
threatened  to  wiwdraw.  Walker  assembled  his  men  and  made  a  spirit- 
stirring  address,  then  called  upon  all  who  would  stand  by  the  cause  to  hold 
up  their  right  hands  and  swear  to  do  so.  Most  of  the  men  took  the  oath,  but 
about  50  declared  thev  had  enough  of  filibustering,  and  were  allowed  to  de- 
part But  this  first  break  proved  contagious,  and  desertion  set  in  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  exceed  the  reenforcements,  which  continued  to  arrive.  As 
the  example  of  a  few  executions  and  floggings  failed  to  make  an  impression, 
Walker  hastened  his  departure,  and  on  Ahirch  20th  set  out  from  San  Vi- 
cente. After  leaving  a  small  detachment  to  'hold  the  country,'  he  had  only 
100  men,  less  than  one  third  of  the  force  he  at  one  time  counted.  After  a 
week's  toilsome  march  the  Colorado  was  reached,  the  number  of  his  followers 
continually  decreasing.  It  was  decided  to  cross  six  miles  above  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  which  was  400  yards  wide  and  very  deep  at  that  point.  In  at- 
tempting to  swim  across  the  river  most  of  the  remaining  few  of  the  cattle 
which  they  had  brought  were  drowned  or  escaped.  The  men  passed  over  on 
rafts,  and  the  entry  into  the  promised  land  was  celebrated  by  a  cold-blooded 
murder.  Captain  Douglass,  an  officer  who  had  already  shown  himself  a 
brutal  tyrant,  shot  dead  an  EInglishman,  named  Smith,  who  in  his  hunger 
had  filched  a  little  boiled  com  belonging  to  the  captain.  Walker  remained 
encamped  on  the  Sonora  bank  of  the  river  for  three  days,  during  which  de- 
sertion reduced  his  force  to  35  men.  The  indomitable  determination  of  the 
filibustiiT  leader  was  forced  to  yield.     It  would  have  been  madness  to  pro- 


724  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

were  taken  to  form  a  bishphoric  in  the  peninsula, 
to  which  end  Escalante,  bishop  in  partibus  de  anos- 
tasiopolis,  arrived  in  1855  with  three  clergymen.  The 
Dominicans  abandoned  the  secularized  missions,  and 
orders  were  issued  to  restore  all  their  unsold  lands 
for  support  of  ministers/ 

ceed;  but  he  woald  not  yet  give  up  Lower  California;  and  on  April  6th  he 
recrossed  the  Colorado  and  led  the  ragged,  dejected  band  of  the  faithful  few 
who  still  followed  his  misfortunes  toward  San  Vicente.  Before  the  depart- 
ure of  the  Sonoran  expedition  the  frontier  settlers,  driven  to  the  verm  of 
despair  by  the  desolating  exactions  and  ravages  of  the  filibusters,  had  al- 
ready combined  against  them,  and  when  the  main  body  departed,  the  small 
detachment  left  behind  was  soon  captured  in  detail  or  driven  across  the 
bomiilary.  The  Califomians  next  attacked  Walker  on  his  return,  who  al- 
though he  reached  San  Vicente,  found  it  imp<)S8ible  to  sustain  himself  there. 
He  therefore  turned  toward  the  frontier,  hotly  pursued  by  the  enemy,  with 
who'n  he  maintained  a  running  fight  till  near  tne  border,  where  he  and  his 
party  surrendered  themselves  to  some  American  officers,  who  had  approached 
a)  msdiatorj.  They  were  allowed  to  give  their  parole  to  report  tnemselves 
to  General  Wool  at  San  Francisco,  to  answer  the  charge  of  violating  the 
neutrality  laws.  To  this  end  they  were  accorded  free  passage  by  steamer  to 
their  destination.  W.  P.  Watkins,  the  vice-president  of  the  visionary  repub- 
lic, and  F.  Enory,  secretary  of  state,  had  been  arrested  while  on  arecmitmg 
tour  in  California,  for  inMnginff  neutrality  laws,  and  fined  ^1,500  each. 
Neither  of  them  were  ever  pressed  to  conform  to  the  judgment,  and  the  pris- 
oners sent  to  San  Francisco  had  nothing  to  fear.  Indeed,  Walker  alone  was 
held  to  answer  before  the  courts.  He  was  tried  and  acquitted!  It  is  un- 
nece  jsary  to  enter  into  the  details  of  this  judicial  farce  further  than  to  re- 
m^^k  that  the  judge  declared  that  from  his  heart  he  sympathized  with  the 
accused.  If  such  were  the  sentiments  of  the  judge,  what  most  have  been 
the  sentiments  of  the  people?  To  most  of  them  the  filibusters  were  venture- 
some heroes,  fresh  from  aoughty  enterprise,  pioneers  of  *  manifest  destiny,* 
who,  if  checked  by  failure,  had,  nevertheless,  effected  a  step  onward  in  the 
march  of  progress,  and  toward  the  realization  of  that  dream  which  pictures 
the  entire  northern  continent  under  the  stars  and  stripes.  To  right-minded 
men  the  expedition  will  ever  appear  as  an  impudent  crime. 

^  The  man  charged  to  carry  out  the  paternal  intentions  of  the  government 
wa?  General  J.  M.  Blancarte  of  Jalisco,  sent  by  Santa  Anna  in  1854  to  replace 
Rebslledo.  He  ha<l  rendered  great  service  to  the  dictator,  and  disappointed 
with  this  petty  appointment,  turned  against  his  patron,  toward  the  end  of 
the  year,  by  pronouncing  for  the  plan  of  Ayutla,  and  issuing  a  provi-^ional 
couititutiou  in  accordance  therewith.  In  December  1885,  the  legislative 
deputacion,  su'spended  during  Santa  Anna's  rule,  was  reinstalled,  J.  M. 
GoaiQi  being  electei  jefe  politico.  During  his  administration  Blancarte  had 
shawaa  diipoiition  to  act  in  an  independent  manner.  In  the  preceding 
m:>ath  Captain  Zerman  presented  himself  in  the  name  of  Alvarez,  with  two 
ves^ehaiil  15 J  meu  to  form  settlements.  As  the  men  were  all  foreigner  f 
Blincarts  cho^a  t.i  regard  them  as  filibusters,  caused  them  to  be arreated,  and 
sent  the  n  under  guard  to  Mazatlan.  Early  in  1857,  rumors  of  another  ex- 
pedition from  San  Francisco  were  seized  upon  by  him  as  a  pretext  to  leave 
th3  country — he  had  again  been  reappointed  governor,  owing  to  the  resigna- 
tion of  Gomez  August  1,  1856— to  procure  pay  and  resources.  In  reality  he 
abandoned  it  to  join  a  revolutionary  movement,  and  not  only  took  with  him 
all  his  own  men.  to  the  number  of  300,  but  seized  three  vessels  with  tmops 
accompanving  Oeneral  Noriej^,  who  had  touched  at  La  Paz  on  his  way  to 
Sonora.    This  proceeding  exposed  the  peninsula  to  great  danger.     In 


REVIVAL  OF  INDUSTRIES.  725 

The  entry  of  troops  from  the  mainland  secured 
peace  hi  the  south  as  well  as  in  the  north.  Long 
repressed  industries,  notably  agriculture,  soon  revived, 
with  a  consequent  hicrease  of  prosperity.  Foreign- 
ers felt  encouraged  to  work ;  and  by  opening  mines  so 
increased  trade  that  a  San  Francisco  steamer  was  in- 
duced to  touch  monthly  at  San  Jose  and  La  Paz, 

nection  with  the  presidio  the  sovemment  had  established  penal  settlements 
at  La  Paz  and  Carmen  i-dand  for  convicts  from  all  the  M'estern  states.  Those 
at  the  latter  place  seized  a  vessel  and  escaped;  the  convicts  at  the  capital 
broke  out  in  open  revolt  but  were  checked  by  the  aid  of  Sinaloa  troops  sent 
to  replace  those  taken  away  by  Blancarte. 

Another  deplorable  result  was  the  revival  of  the  former  strife  for  power, 
now  that  the  governorship  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  legislature,  and  as 
heretofore  the  members  held  office  in  rotation  for  brief  periods.  During  the 
period  of  the  reform  war  in  the  repubhc,  it  was  natural  that  the  remote 
provinces  not  involved  in  it,  should  nevertheless  adopt  therallyin^  cries  of  the 
conservative  and  liberal  factions,  to  give  color  to  the  strife  m  behalf  of 
favorites.  In  Lower  California,  during  the  early  part  of  1858,  the  conser>'a- 
tives  were  in  the  ascendant,  but  in  August  the  liberals  concentrating  in  La 
Paz  elected  Ramon  Navarro  governor,  and  in  March  1859  a  legislative  quo- 
rum proclaimed  that  the  peninsula,  while  adhering  to  the  federal  constitu- 
tion of  1857,  assumed  independent  rule  until  peace  was  restored,  and  threw 
oi>en  her  ports  to  foreign  trade  and  intercourse.  A  year  later,  in  February, 
13o0,  the  ambitious  Calif ornians  went  further,  and  ignoring  her  position  as 
a  territory,  passed  an  organic  law,  establishing  a  superior  tribunal,  and 
ordering  the  election  of  governors  by  the  people.  Durins  the  same  month, 
however.  Governor  Amador,  the  Juarist  appointee,  arrived  and  was  submitted 
in,  as  he  had  sufficient  support  to  assert  himself;  but  no  sooner  did  he  depart 
on  a  visit  to  Sinaloa  in  July,  then  the  storm  broke  out.  The  legislature  re- 
instated the  popular  Navarro;  the  opposing  faction,  centered  at  San  Jose, 
headed  by  the  Castros,  and  reenforceu  by  Amador,  who  sent  Araua  to  aid 
them,  fell  suddenly  upon  La  Paz,  dispersed  the  nationalists  with  loss,  and 
exacted  a  heavy  contribution  upon  tlie  rival  town.  The  discomfited  liberals 
sent  to  Sinaloa  for  aid,  and  having  obtained  200  men,  swept  down  in  turn  upon 
San  Jose,  and  took  their  revenge  by  sacking  and  confiscating  until  misery 
reigned.  Then  they  restored  the  former  order  of  things.  Worse  still  was 
the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  frontier  district,  which  had  become  the  resort 
of  criminals  and  fugitives.  Melendez,  who  had  taken  a  brave  stand  against 
Walker,  had  been  made  provisional  commandant;  but  in  June,  1855,  Lieu- 
tenant Pujol  arrived  to  ciaim  the  post,  and  when  Melendez  objected,  caused 
him  to  be  treacherously  seized  and  shot.  In  September  of  the  following 
year  Jose  Castro,  former  comandante  general  of  Alta  California,  removed 
l*ujol  and  took  some  admirable  steps  to  secure  order  and  better  government, 
but  which,  as  usual,  were  not  carried  out  in  any  efficient  or  lastmg  manner. 
During  Castro's  absence  in  1859  his  lieutenants  Saeuz  and  £s|)arza  became 
engaged  in  hostilities  against  each  other,  and  Castro  having  returned  fell  by 
the  hand  of  a  murderer  during  a  melee.  A  number  of  innocent  partisans 
on  l)oth  sides  met  with  a  similar  fate.  This  reign  of  terror  was  put  an  end 
to  by  the  arrival  in  March,  1861,  of  the  war  vessel  Rt/orma,  when  the  lead- 
ing insurgents  were  driven  out,  and  J.  M.  Moreno  was  installed  as  sub-jefe. 
By  this  time  nearly  all  the  better  class  of  people  had  departed,  trade  had 
disappeared,  agriculture  lay  neglected,  and  the  poverty-stricken  people  who 
remained  lived  on  little  else  than  beef.  Moreno  convoked  the  ajruntamiento 
once  more,  after  a  long  interval,  and  appointed  local  judges  to  assist  in  the 
taek  of  reconstruction. 


72S  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

while  the  custom-house  revenue  rose  for  the  two  pros- 
perous years  to  about  $100,000.  Unfortunately,  the 
winter  of  1863-4  proved  so  extremely  dry  as  to  pro- 
duce great  loss  in  live-stock  and  crops ;  and  the  mining 
excitement  abated,  owing  in  a  great  measure  to  the 
lack  of  capital  among  most  of  the  miners,  who  had 
rushed  in*  to  speculate  rather  than  develop  their 
claims. 

*In  1862  the  war  of  intenre&tion  in  Mexico  began,  and,  as  before,  r»- 

moteneas  saved  the  peninsula  from  being  locally  affected  by  its  deTastationa. 
A  demand  was  made,  however,  for  a  contingent  of  200  men  to  aaaiBt  the  re- 
publican cause;  the  salt-fields  of  Carmen  were  leased,  and  an  immense 
colonization  grant  was  made  to  American  capitalists  in  the  central  part  of 
the  territory,  to  obtain  funds  for  the  general  govemmenl  Pedro  Navarette, 
who  had  succeeded  as  jefe  politico  in  1863,  showed  himself  rather  lukewarm 
toward  the  government.  When,  in  the  course  of  1864,  French  war  vessels 
touched  at  La  Paz,  the  lefe  received  the  <^oer8  in  a  polite  manner, 
though  refusinar  to  accept  the  empire,  and  allowed  them  to  seek  what  sup- 
plies they  could  obtain,  powerless  as  he  was  to  resist.  In  the  following  year 
his  successor,  Felix  Gilbert,  a  progressive  member  of  the  deputacion,  was 
called  upon  to  accept  an  imperial  commissioner  in  the  person  of  Espinosa,  or 
take  the  consequences  of  a  loroed  installation.  The  jefe  convokea  the  leg- 
islature, and  this  body  decided  in  November  that  it  would  be  prudent  to 
yield.  The  French  thereupon  departed.  This  encouraged  the  patriots  and 
others  to  rise  under  Navarrete  and  Cota,  and  drive  out  both  the  commis- 
sioner and  the  obsequious  jefe,  who  was  suspected  of  imperialist  sympathy. 
Antonio  Pedrin,  senior  member  of  the  assembly,  assumed  control  until 
the  election  in  June.  The  choice  fell  on  Kavarrete.  Pedrin  refused  to  sor- 
render  the  office,  but  Navarrete,  sustained  by  San  Jos^  and  other  districts, 
marched  upon  the  capital,  gained  control,  and  banished  his  opponents  But 
he  soon  angered  both  natives  and  foreigners  bv  maintaining  a  costly  armed 
force  and  levying  contributions,  although  the  latter  were  due  partly  to  the 
drain  caused  by  Tranco- Mexican  war  continffenti,  snd  to  the  dechne  in  cus- 
tom-house receipts.  The  confirmation  of  Pedrin  as  jefe  by  Juarez  was 
therefore  well  received,  and  he  obtained  armed  support  even  from  late  ad- 
versaries to  oust  Navarrete  in  the  following  September.  Pedrin  displayed  a 
commendable  zeal  for  peace  and  progress.  He  ordered  an  enrollment  for  a 
militia,  and  the  formation  of  a  flying^  rural  guard  of  25  men  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  order;  moreover,  the  advisory  council,  which  of  late  fignr^  in 
lieu  of  the  legislature,  wss  replaced  by  a  regular  elected  assembly,  which 
met  on  December  10,  1867.  Among  its  measures  was  the  lessenii^  of  neon- 
age  misery  by  placing  debt  contracts  under  le^  supervision,  ana  the  draft- 
ing, for  congressional  consideration,  of  territorial  constitutional  amendments 
to  embrace  an  elected  senate  and  lieutenant-governor,  as  well  as  governor. 
Congress  ignored  both  the  legislature  and  its  constitution,  as  partaking  of 
features  claimable  oiUy  by  states.  The  election  of  a  jefe  was  ordered  for  1§58, 
by  the  legislature,  in  accordance  with  the  local  law,  and  as  the  northern  mem- 
bers failed  to  present  themselves,  the  eldest,  Carlos  F.  Galan,  assumed  the 
position  provisionally.  He  soon  save  {>roof  of  his  intentions  in  a  number 
of  local  measures,  but  an  excess  of  zeal  in  behalf  of  an  exhausted  exchequer 
and  clamorous  territory  induced  him  to  permit  the  landing  of  a  foreymc^ip^ 
at  La  Paz.  The  result  was  the  arrival  of  a  government  force  of  §00  men 
under  General  Ddvalos.  He  assumed  control  m  May  1868,  arrested  the  jeft, 
and  introduced  reform  into  the  much  neglected  federal  departments,  while 
defeating  the  efforts  of  the  assembly  to  install  a  locally-elected  ruler. 


COLONIZATION  ENTERPRISBS.  727 

The  occupation  of  the  penmsula  by  the  United 
States  in  1847-8  left  agreeable  impressions  among 
the  invading  soldiers,  and  many  of  them  returned  to 
settle  as  farmers,  miners,  and  traders.  The  mani- 
fest destiny  idea  also  was  strong  among  the  Americans, 
with  the  belief  that  Lower  California  would  be  among 
the  first  provinces  to  be  ceded,  and  speculators  be- 
came eager  to  secure  an  early  interest  in  the  prize. 
Several  parties  accordingly  sought  land  grants,  with 
the  condition  of  introducing  colonists,  for  the  govern- 
ment had  long  recognized  the  value  of  foreign  immi- 
gration for  unfolding  natural  resources. 

An  important  grant  was  made  to  the  Lower  Cali- 
fornia Colonization  and  Mining  Company*  in  1864, 
embracing  the  vast  tract  lying  between  latitudes  24* 
20'  and  31**,  or  nearly  47,000  square  miles,  on  condi- 
tion of  reserving  one-fourth  of  the  land  for  Mexicans, 
of  introducing  at  least  200  families  within  five 
years,  and  of  paying  to  the  Juarist  government 
$100,000   on  account  of  the  land  to  be  occupied. '* 

There  were  several  other  colonization  enterprises 

•Incorporated  at  S.  F.  in  Oct.  1862,  with  a  capital  of  |40,000,  by  Jacob 
P.  Leese.  Prosnectas,  etc.,  published  in  a  series  of  pamphlets  under  the 
name  of  the  L.  CaL  Co.  from  1862  to  1866. 

^  As  there  appeared  little  prospect  to  carry  out  the  contract  from  Cal.,  it 
was  transferred  in  1866  to  capitalists  of  the  eastern  U.  S.,  who  at  once  sent 
a  party  to  make  the  first  scientific  exploration  of  the  territory.  The  report 
was  unfavorable  as  regards  the  resources  of  the  tract  concerned,  especially 
its  soil  and  water  supply.  This  clouded  the  enterprise  for  awhile;  but  the 
contract  term  being  extended,  the  shareholders  resolved  to  seek  some  profit 
from  the  transaction,  by  fair  means  or  foul.  An  advance  party  was  sent 
from  S.  F.  in  Aug.  1870  to  make  a  beginning  by  constructinff  roads,  clearinff 
land,  and  opening  wells.  The  artesian  sinkings  proved  a  failure,  and 
doomed  the  colony.  It  so  happened,  however,  that  the  coast  was  found  rich 
in  orchil  dye,  and  heedless  of  the  lack  of  resources  for  a  settlement,  about 
300  persons  were  sent  out  from  New  York  under  contract  to  ffather  moss, 
and  to  become  colonists.  Lack  of  houses  and  other  accommooations,  poor 
food  and  insufficient  water,  together  with  a  desert-like  surroundinff  and  a 
torrid  heat,  frightened  the  greater  portion  of  them  into  promptly  abandon- 
ing the  supposed  paradise,  and  gaunt,  ragged,  and  penniless,  they  souffht 
refuge  in  Aita  Galifomia,  while  others  struggled  across  to  La  Paz  and  other 
towns,  only  a  handful  being  persuaded  after  this  relief  from  pressure  to  re- 
main. Meanwhile  the  government  annulled  the  grant,  whereupon  the  jeal- 
ous officials  of  La  Paz  made  a  descent  upon  the  lingering  remnants  of  the 
colony,  and  dispossessed  the  company's  agent.  This  gave  a  much  desired 
pretext  for  a  $10,000,000  claim  upon  Mexico,  which  was  compromised  by  al- 
lowing the  company  the  privilege  to  gather  orchilla  for  six  years. 


728  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

during  these  two  decades,  with  merely  an  occasional 
faint  success  to  sustain  lingering  hope ; "  yet  some- 
thing must  in  time  result  from  these  several  efforts. 
The  suspicion  of  United  States  designs  upon  the  ter- 
ritory "  tended  to  sustain  a  not  very  friendly  feeling 
of  the  inhabitants  toward  foreigners,  as  well  as  a 
cautious  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  authorities.  Nev- 
ertheless the  value  of  immigration  is  understood,  and 
recognized  in  the  great  impulse  imparted  during  the 
last  decades  to  mining  and  trade  at  least.  If  agri- 
culture failed  to  keep  pace,  it  must  be  attributed 
greatly  to  the  insecurity  not  only  of  life  and  property, 
but  of  land  titles,  a  state  of  affiiirs  which  is  rapidly 
changing  under  the  late  firm  administrations. 

The  fact  is  that  the  immense  agricultural  and  min- 
eral resources  of  Lower  California  need  only  be  thor- 

^^Mex.  Dktr.  Ofic,  March  7, 1870.  At  the  time  Leese  obtained  his  grant*  Go- 
chicoa  received  45  sitios  for  colonization,  toward  which  no  attempt  was  made. 
Mex.  Mem.  Fom.,  1866,  103.  Milatovich's  grant  of  193  sitios  failed  throDfffa 
infringement  of  land  laws.  Mex,  Mem,  ai  Entp.,  1865,  567-8.  The  Peninsiua 
Plantation  and  Homestead  Association  obtained  a  large,  fertile  tract  al<»ig 
the  Mulege  bay,  and  a  city  was  to  be  located  70  miles  s.  w.  of  Gnaymaa. 
Thirty  thousand  shares  were  offered  to  actual  settlers  at  $16.  Broume*s  L. 
CaL,  175-6.  The  gov.  granted  in  1870,  $3,000  to  aid  two  colonies,  one  near 
the  frontier,  the  other  on  Guadalupe  island,  where  the  Comp.  de  Gnad. 
bought  Castro  and  Serrano's  title  of  1839,  and  engaged  in  raising  Angora 

foats  and  sheep.  Mex,  Mem.  Hoc.,  1873,  ap.  i.,  ^10;  Eatrella  Orcid.,  July  1, 
870.  Shortly  before  some  Americans  descended  on  the  island  and  slaugh- 
tered  the  wild  goats,  to  the  number  of  25,000,  it  is  'said,  carrying  off  the 
skins  and  fat.  The  Gulf  of  Cal.  Commercial  Co.  was  the  title  of  a  second 
Mulege  colony  association,  formed  at  S.  F.  in  1871.  AUaCaL,  Dec.  28,  1871. 
Official  examination  of  Colorado  river  lands  was  made  in  1866;  Voz  Mcj.^ 
Feb.  1,  1866,  and  in  1874  the  Colorado  Hemp  Co.  sent  a  party  down  to  cul- 
tivate hemp,  with  the  aid  of  Indians.  L.  Cat.  Scrms,  185.  Hyde,  once  al- 
calde of  S.  F.,  planned  a  town  8  miles  from  San  Quentin  salt-fields,  which 
took  no  embodiment.  Browne* s  L.  CoL^  110.  At  Scammon*s  bay  two-score 
men  were  introduced  in  1870  by  Jansen  togather  salt.  His  right  wa«  con- 
tested. Mex.  Diar.  OJic.,  June  9,  1870.  The  Cdrmen  island  salt-field  was 
conferred  upon  the  Cal.,  Oregon,  and  Mex.  Steamship  Co.  in  1867  for  $75,000. 
Baja  Cal,  Nov.  16,  1967.  Cliinese  have  long  been  occupied  on  the  western 
coast  in  gathering  abalone  shells  and  other  products.  S.  F.  Ookien  Era^  Mar. 
6,  1869;  Arch.  Mex.,  Col  Ley.  v.  568-9;  Voz.  Mtj.,  Dec.  30,  1862,  with  alio- 
sions  to  lapsed  srants.  In  1880  the  Guaymas  and  Mulege  Trust  Co.  formed 
at  S.  F.  to  cultivate  sugar,  and  36,000  hectares  were  granted  to  Kelly  k  Co. 
Mex.  Duir.  Ofic,  June  17,  30,  1880.  For  the  concession  to  Andrade  in  1S78 
see  Mex.  Ramp.  Ley.,  xxviii.,  148-54. 

^-Su])pnrted  by  the  acquisition  of  a  coaling  station  on  Pichilingue  island, 
in  front  of  Ta  Paz.  AUa  Cal,  April  20,  May  27,  1870;  by  the  minute  explora- 
tions of  the  coast  in  1873  and  1876  by  the  U.  S.  steamers  Hauler  and  A'fir- 
rayaweU,  Id,,  Mar.  27,  1873,  June  16,  1876;  and  by  congressional  inquiries. 


THB  INTERNATIONAL  COMPANY.  729 

ougly  understood  to  engage  capital  for  their  develop- 
ment ;  while  the  conditions  of  life  in  this  region, 
among  which  its  soft  and  healthful  climate  is  a  most 
noteworthy  feature,  are  such  as  to  strongly  induce 
thrifty  laborers  and  home-builders  to  settle  there.  The 
republic  of  Mexico  has  been  enjoying  for  some  years 
the  benefits  of  peace  and  an  enlightened  administra- 
tion of  affairs.  It  has  been  doing  much  to  encourage 
industry  and  to  promote  modern  improvements  on  a 
large  scale.  Under  the  new  regime  railways  have 
been  constructed,  telegraph  lines  have  become  fairly 
numerous,  mountains  and  uninhabited  regions  being 
spanned  to  bring  distant  border  colonies  into  ready 
communication  with  the  commercial  world,  and  postal 
facilities  have  been  much  enlarged. 

The  government  has  appreciated  the  importance  of 
an  increase  of  population,  and  to  this  end  has  awarded 
to  colonizing  companies  subsidies,  most  of  them  in 
the  form  of  grants  of  large  tracts  of  land,  accompan- 
ied with  exemptions,  to  induce  the  coming  of  a  de- 
sirable class  of  foreigners."  The  colonization  act  of 
December  15,  1883,  is  an  invitation  to  the  citizens  of 
friendly  nations  to  settle  in  Mexico,  and  share  in  the 
advantages  of  a  new  country  rich  in  every  element 
conducive  to  the  comfort  and  happiness  of  man.  This 
law  also  provides  for  the  partition  and  distribution  of 
the  public  lands  on  a  most  liberal  scale.  Under  it 
several  projects  of  colonization  have  been  entertained, 
abroad  as  well  as  at  home,  and  a  number  of  colonies 
have  been  established  in  different  states.  The  na- 
tional constitution  bestows  the  rights  of  Mexican  cit- 
izenship upon  all  foreigners  owning  real  estate  or 
having  Mexican-bom  children,  a  privilege  which  the 
present  administration  has  rendered  quite  acceptable 
to  foreign  settlers.  The  renouncement  of  his  former 
nationality  is,  however,  a  matter  of  choice  with  the 
settler.  He  is  given,  furthermore,  for  twenty  years 
the  right  of  importing  free  of  duty,  for  his  personal 

^Bancroft,  Vida  de  Porjirio  Diaz,  574-6. 


730  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

use,  household  and  personal  effects,  farming  imple- 
ments, seeds,  horses  and  cattle  for  use  and  for  breed- 
ing, tools  of  trade  or  instruments  of  profession, 
building  material,  and  machinery  of  any  kind  for 
manufaxituring  purposes. 

The  elements  of  wealth  possessed  by  Lower  Cali- 
fornia have  not  passed  unperceived-  Taking  advan- 
tage of  the  liberal  laws  and  favorable  conditions,  the 
International  Company  of  Mexico,  a  corporation  ex- 
isting under  a  charter  of  the  state  of  Connecticut,  and 
having  its  headquarters  at  Hartford,  has  virtually  be- 
come a  distributing  agent  of  the  Mexican  government, 
by  acquiring  a  complete  and  perfect  title  to  eighteen 
million  acres  of  land  in  Lower  California,  all  of  which 
have  been  duly  surveyed  by  the  company.  For  this 
service  it  obtained  oae-third  of  the  tract  without  fur- 
ther cost ;  the  other  two-thirds,  it  is  understood,  were 
acquired  by  actual  purchase  from  the  national  govern- 
ment." 

The  climate  of  the  northern  portion  of  the  penin- 
sula, where  the  company's  lands  are  situated,  is  all 
that  could  be  desired.  If  not  superior  to  the  climate 
anj^where  else,  it  is  certainly  as  good  as  any  along  the 
coast.  The  same  may  be  said  fairly  of  its  soil,  for 
the  production  of  fruits  and  grain.  The  extreme 
temperature  at  Ensenada  in  summer  is  placed  at  97^ 
and  the  coldest  about  40"*  Fahr."  It  is  related  that  a 
tomato  plant  grew  in  a  garden  continuously  for  four 
years,  with  no  signs  of  trost.  Garden  vegetables  are 
sown  and  gathered  every  month  of  the  year. 

The  country  is  also  excellent  for  stock-raising  ;  the 
varieties  of  grass  being  wild  oats,  wild  clover,  alfileria, 
and  bunch-grass,  besides  numberless  shrubs  abounding 
in  the  mountains  and  foothills.  Neat  cattle  enjoy 
great  advantages  of  climate,  shelter,  food,and  water; 
while  the  conditions  are  excellent  for  the  breeding  of 

i*L.  Cat,  D&icrip.  of  Lands,  5-9. 

^Observations  taken  by  U.  S.  officers  m  June,  July,  and  Angosl  ahofwed 
an  ayerage  of  76'',  and  through  the  winter  months  of  SS"" 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  COMPANY.  731 

horses,  mules,  sheep,  and  goats.  The  horses  raised 
in  this  region  are  noted  for  endurance.  Mules  of 
extraordinary  size  are  bred;  and  there  is  a  large 
demand  for  them  at  remunerative  prices.  Sheep, 
owing  to  the  uniformity  of  climate,  yield  a  wool  of 
remarkable  evenness.  Even  goat-raising  here  be- 
comes a  profitable  industry.  Under  the  protective 
system  of  Mexico,  manufacturing  interests,  such  as 
woolen-mills,  tanneries,  etc.,  have  opened  to  the  pro- 
duce of  this  favored  region  the  large  demand  of  a 
whole  nation. 

Another  source  of  wealth,  subordinate,  perhaps,  to 
that  of  agriculture,  is  mining.  Copper  mining  has 
been  carried  on  for  a  decade  or  so  in  some  localities, 
while  other  places  known  to  contain  rich  deposits 
have  remained  almost  unnoticed.  Little  has  been 
done  even  in  the  richest  fields,  owing  to  lack  of  capi- 
tal and  other  obstacles,  which  intelligent  energy  can 
easily  remove.  There  are  extensive  ledges  of  gold- 
bearing  quartz  in  many  places.  Coal,  sulphur,  alum, 
nitre,  soda,  borax,  talc,  kaoline,  quicksilver,  tin,  nickel, 
antimony,  iron,  zinc,  and  lead  abound.  Salt  and  guano 
deposits  and  a  variety  of  valuable  stones  are  also  to  be 
found.  All  these  elements  of  wealth  are  calUng  for 
the  industrial  hand  to  bring  them  into  commercial 
existence.  A  large  extent  of  the  company's  southern 
land  is  covered  with  precious  woods,  such  as  rose, 
ebony,  mahogany,  and  cedar,  various  gums,  and  dye- 
woods,  on  which  the  natives  placed  so  little  store  as 
to  make  charcoal  of  ebony.  There  are  also  many 
thousand  acres  of  pine  and  live-oak. 

The  lands  of  the  International  Company  comprise 
the  northern  or  upper  portion  of  the  peninsula.  Their 
property  commences  at  the  line  fifteen  miles  south  of 
San  Diego,  near  the  32d  parallel,  extending  south- 
ward a  distance  of  about  300  miles,  with  an  average 
of  100  miles  in  width,  having  the  Pacific  ocean  on 
one  side  and  the  gulf  of  California  on  the  other. 
Until  lately  the  population  of  the  whole  region  did 


732  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

not  exceed  500,  Mexicans,  Americans,  and  other  na- 
tionalities. It  was  a  peaceful  community,  where  life 
and  property  were  safe.**  It  seems  evident  that,  this 
being  an  agricultural  region,  the  condition  of  society 
on  the  lowlands  will  be  permanent ;  while,  when  the 
mines  on  the  mountain  chain  shall  be  opened,  the 
people  occupied  in  working  them  will  form  a  commu- 
nity by  themselves,  relying  for  food  staples  and  other 
supplies  on  the  surrounding  districts." 

The  officers  of  the  International  Company  have 
been  offering  their  lands  to  the  public.  Under  the 
terms  of  their  contract  they  are  bound  to  settle  a  num- 
ber of  colonies  within  a  given  time.  It  is  understood 
that  seventy  per  cent  of  the  settlers  may  be  foreign- 
ers. The  Mexican  government  has  incurred  no  obli- 
gation to  aid  in  forwarding  the  operations  of  the 
company,  either  with  subsidies  or  privileges,  other 
than  those  set  forth  in  the  revised  colonization  law  of 
1883.  Money  expenditures  must  be  defrayed  by  the 
company,  or  the  settlers,  as  the  case  may  be."  There 
is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  efforts  of  the  com- 
pany will  result  in  developing  this  interesting  countrj% 
whose  wealth  has  hitherto  lain  dormant  and  useless 
to  civilization."  There  is  a  part  of  the  native  popula- 
tion who,  from  race  prejudice,  oppose  the  enterprise, 
although  in  common  with  the  rest  of  mankind  they 

^'George  Ryerson,  the  commandant  of  the  northern  district  daring  the 
last  six  or  seven  years,  speaking  on  the  advantages  of  his  district,  says  Uiat 
a  few  acres  sufficed  for  support;  that  the  earth  and  sea  teemed  with  food;  and 
that  he  lived  in  the  district  al>out  23  years  without  a  lock  to  any  door  of  his 
house.  Ryerson  was  bom  in  Texas  in  1830,  when  the  country  was  a  part  of 
Mexico.  Though  he  has  lived  in  the  U.  S.,  he  has  ever  remained  a  Mexican 
citizen,  serving  m  the  Mexican  army  in  1847,  in  the  campaign  against  William 
Walker  in  Lower  Cal.  and  Sonora,  and  lastly  during  the  trench  war  in  Mex- 
ico, with  the  rank  of  major,  which  he  now  holds.  He  owns  a  tract  of  land 
eiyen  him  by  the  Mexican  government  in  the  northern  district  of  L  CaL 
His  last  commission  as  chief  executive  officer  of  that  district  was  issued  in 
1885,  and  is  still  in  force.  Rgersnns  Expeiiences,  MS.,  1-13. 

*^Thu8  the  agriculturists  will  have  the  mines  of  the  interior  as  well  as  the 
markets  of  the  seaboard  to  depend  upon,  being  able  profitably  to  compete  in 
the  latter  instance  by  reason  of  the  superior  quality  of  their  produce, 

**'The  lands,  as  advertised,  may  be  purchased  either  for  ca.*5h  or  on  time- 

*'In  December  1886  a  large  number  of  families  selected  tracts,  where 
they  proposed  to  cultivate  grapes  and  olives,  and  a  steamer  was  placed  upon 
the  route  between  San  Diego  and  Ensenada. 


THE  INTEEWATIOXAL  COMPANY.  733 

confess  that  the  best  interests  of  the  country  will  be 
served  thereby ,  the  undertaking  being  managed  as  it 
is  by  highly  honorable  and  able  men.  Yet  generations 
must  pass  before  the  vast  resources  of  the  company 
can  be  fully  developed,  covering  as  they  do  immense 
tracts  of  land  in  several  states  and  territories  of  the 
Mexican  republic,  besides  large  railway  and  telegraph 
contracts,  and  other  franchises  of  a  commercial  as  well 
as  agricultural  nature."  As  to  the  Ensenada  grant, 
it  is  understood  that  its  development  will  be  confined 
to  the  bay  of  Todos  Santos,  which,  for  climatic  rea- 
sons, will  be  the  base  of  the  company's  operations,  as 
well  as  the  headquarters  of  its  peninsular  railroad,  and 
of  its  steamship  lines.  Of  the  latter,  it  seems  that 
there  will  be  two :  one  from  San  Diego  to  Ensenada 
and  San  Quentin,  and  the  other  to  San  Josd  de  Gua- 

^  *  In  Sonora  they  are  said  to  have,  nncler  three  grants,  the  public  lands 
existing  in  seven  oi  her  nine  districts;  in  Sinaloa,  under  two  grants,  one- 
third  of  all  the  public  lands  in  seven  of  her  nine  districts;  in  Guerrero,  one- 
third  of  all  the  public  lands;  and  in  Chiapas,  under  two  concessions  by  one 
of  them  one-third  of  the  public  lands,  aud  by  the  other  75  per  cent  of  the 
remaining  two-thirds.  In  railroads  they  have  a  concession  carrying  with  it 
a  subsidy  from  the  Mexican  government  of  f  12,000  per  mile,  to  build  from 
San  Diego,  or  any  point  near  there,  to  Ensenada,  and  other  lines  from  En- 
senada to  Yuma,  with  a  branch  running  across  to  the  head  of  the  navigable 
waters  of  the  gulf,  eastward  to  Chihuahua.  Another  franchise  gives  a  sub- 
sidy of  $12,000  per  mile  to  build  a  railway  from  the  Pacific  port  of  San  Be- 
nito across  the  headwaters  of  the  Grijalva  river,  which  makes,  in  a  distance 
of  180  miles  of  railroad,  a  complete  transcontinental  line  1,250  miles  shorter 
than  any  other  line  between  New  York  and  the  Pacific  coast.  This  line  pre- 
sents advantage!  over  any  other  route.  The  distance  is  shorter  than  the 
northern  lines,  and  healthier  than  the  southern;  after  leaving  the  sea-coait 
it  will  traverse  a  salubrious  table-land,  where  a  valuable  trade  can  be  built 
up.     The  line  aho  passes  through  the  finest  co£fee  region. 

Another  franchise  is  to  run  a  steamship  line  from  San  Diego,  or  any  other 
U.  S.  port,  down  the  Mexican  Pacific  coast,  stopping  at  twenty  Mexican 
ports,  and  terminating  at  San  Jos6  de  Guatemala.  This  franchise  carries 
with  it  a  subsidy  of  $8,000  for  the  round  trip,  in  addition  of  $63  per  head  for 
every  foreign  immigrant  over  seven  years  of  age,  without  restriction  as  to 
number.  The  proprietors  of  the  International  Company  have  also  three 
grants  giving  them  for  an  extended  tcrVn  tlie  right  of  working  all  the  guano 
beds  on  the  Pacific  coast  belonging  to  Mexico.  They  also  have  the  right  to 
work  all  the  deposits  in  the  gulf  of  CaKfomia.  They  have  been  employing 
300  men  for  two  years,  and  shipped  guano  to  the  value  of  about  $1,000,000. 
They  have  several  other  grants,  namely,  the  ownership  of  the  islands  of 
Cedros,  Guadalupe,  Socorro,  and  Coronado  group. 

In  Sonora  they  have  a  grant  conveying  the  exclusive  right  of  canalizing 
the  river  Yaqui,  and  using  its  waters  <luring  55  years  to  ir/igate  millions  of 
acre?!.  The  c<»inpany  has  been  engaged  in  developing  its  grants  in  four 
different  states;  buil<  ing  railways,  canals,  and  piers;  and  exnects  to  build 
piers  in  twenty-two  ports.     Slssj/is  DictiUhn^  M.S.,  1-4. 


734  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

temala.'^  In  anticipation  of  the  railway  from  San 
Diego,  a  telegraph  line  to  Ensenada  has  been  built, 
and  many  other  improvements,  including  extensive 
irrigation  works,  have  been  begun,  thus  preparing  for 
the  large  immigration  setting  in  from  Europe  and 
elsewhere.  The  associates  having  the  ownership  of 
this  imperial  domain  incorporated  with  a  capital  stock 
of  $20,000,000.  They  are  men  of  large  wealth,  far- 
seeing  intelligence,  and  irresistible  energy,  for  which 
reasons  the  Mexican  government  was  led  to  make 
these  liberal  and  unusual  franchises,  being  prompted 
by  a  conviction  that  such  a  course  would  conduce  to 
the  general  well-being  of  the  several  states. 

But  although  several  persons  are  now  interested 
in  the  vast  plans  of  the  International  Company  of 
Mexico,  its  founding  was  due  to  the  genius,  industry, 
capital,  and  foresight  of  one  man,  Greorge  H.  Sisson, 
the  vice-president  and  manager."     It  came  about  in 

'^  The  steamers  to  be  constructed  were  one  of  1,000  tons,  another  of  500  for 
the  local  trade,  and  live  more  boats  for  the  Central  American  trade.  Id,^  MS.  4. 

^  Major  George  H.  Sisson  was  bom  in  Cass  countv,  Michigan,  in  1844. 
After  receiving  a  common  school  education,  he  attended  Ashbury  Unirersity 
for  two  years,  Ann  Harbor  Law  University  for  two  years,  and  Albany  Law 
School  one  year,  where  he  graduated  at  the  age  of  twenty-three.  In  1867 
he  married  Miss  Sarah  Sccneld,  daughter  of  Edward  Scofield,  D.  D.,  who  was 
a  bosom  friend  of  €ren.  Harrison,  president  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
Greek  tutor  of  Henry  Ward  Beecher  and  Harriet  Beecher.  Sisson  practised 
law  several  years,  and  transacted  other  business,  accumulating  a  considerable 
fortune.  Having  suffered  heavy  losses  durins  the  financisJ  depreanon  of 
1873,  he  turned  his  attention  to  mining  in  Colorado  and  Arizona,  availing 
himself  of  the  knowledge  he  had  aoquured  of  the  business  from  his  father, 
who  had  been  a  metallurgist.  This  knowledge  materially  aided  him  in  his 
investments.  Among  the  mines  he  became  interested  in  were  the  Old  Globe 
of  Arizona,  which  has  yielded  from  $600,000  to  $1,000,000  per  year  for  the 
past  six  years,  and  the  copper  mines  of  Clifton,  Arizona.  In  acknowledg- 
ment of  his  superior  ability  in  that  direction,  the  university  of  Tennessee 
cooferred  on  him  the  diploma  of  mining  engineer. 

It  was  a  grand  idea  which  led  Major  Sisson  to  apply  his  large  means,  his 
almost  unlimited  mental  and  material  resources,  to  tne  development  of  thij 
great  colonization  enterprise.  With  the  influence  of  Luis  Holler,  himself 
a  man  of  great  genius  and  practical  ability,  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  by 
purchase  several  private  grants  in  Sonora,  agsregating  750,000  acres,  ^eie 
the  two  men  as  partners  operated  several  gohfand  silver  mines,  the  manage- 
ment of  which  Huller  still  retains.  They  subsequently  obtained  from 'Uie 
Mexican  government  a  grant  of  land  on  the  Yaqui  river  valley;  and  later 
petitioned  for  the  right  to  acc^uire  the  entire  valley  by  survey  and  colonia- 
tion  under  the  revised  la'v^  of  Mexico  of  1883.  They  were  granted  the  right 
to  acquire,  under  the  colonial  law,  hy  purchase  and  survey,  much  more  ter- 
ritory than  they  had  asked  for.  Tins  grant  was  followed  by  the  others  of 
which  I  have  eUewhere  made  mention.  Sia^otCs  Bioj,,  MS.,  l->5. 


GEORGE  H.   SISSON.  735 

this  way :  After  the  acquisition  of  immense  tracts  of 
land  in  several  states  and  numerous  franchises,  Major 
Sisson  thought  that  the  interests  of  his  enterprise 
would  be  best  served  by  securing  the  aid  and  counsel 
of  other  men  of  broad  minds  and  large  pecuniary 
means  to  carry  it  out  to  successful  results.  Calling 
at  New  York  city  upon  his  friends,  who  at  once  saw 
the  possibilities  of  grand  returns,  articles  of  incorpo- 
ration were  drawn  up  in  March,  1885,  and  a  charter 
was  granted  to  the  association  by  the  legislature  of 
Connecticut,  incorporating  it  with  a  capital  stock  of 
$1,000,000;  the  stock,  under  subsequent  legislation, 
was  raised  to  $20,000,000.  Sisson  and  Luis  HuUer 
deeded  to  the  company  all  lands  held  under  their 
grants.  The  company  then  went  on  to  make  further 
acquisitions,  as  I  have  narrated. 

The  general  officers  of  the  International  Company 
of  Mexico  are :  Edgar  T.  Welles  of  Hartford,"  at  one 
time  acting  secretary  of  the  navy,  president ;  Major 
George  H.  Sisson  of  Ensenada,  vice-president  and 
general  manager;  Colonel  Thomas  G.  Welles  of 
Hartford,  assistant  general  manager ;  Hon.  R,  A.Elmer 
of  New  York,  treasurer ;  W.  E.  Webb,  general  land 
commissioner ;  Charles  B.  Turrill  of  San  Francisco, 
assistant  land  commissioner;  Lyman  R.  Ingraham 
of  Hartford,  secretary;  Captain  Francis  Pavy  of 
the  queen's  household  guards,  London,  European 
representative ; "  Luis  Huller  of  Mexico  city,  resident 

^  Mr  Welles  is  a  graduate  of  Yale  college,  and  though  a  member  of  the 
legal  profession,  has  devoted  his  energies  to  other  parsuits.  He  is  now  giv- 
ing a  great  part  of  his  time  to  the  affairs  of  the  International  Comj)any  of 
Mexico,  ana  the  subsidiary  organizations  connected  therewith.  He  is  also 
treasurer  of  the  Gatling  Gun  Company  of  Hartford,  vice-president  of  the 
Wa3l)ash  Railway  Company,  and  president  of  the  Oranby  Mining  and  Smelt- 
ing Company  of  St  Louis,  one  of  the  largest  lead  and  zino  companies  in 
the  country. 

^*  Captain  Pavy  was  a  commissioned  officer  of  the  74th  Highlanders  in 
India  during  the  great  revolt,  seeing  much  service  and  undergoing  many 
hardships.  He  was  subsequently  given  a  permanent  appointment  on  the 
staff  in  civil  service  in  the  Madras  revenue  survey  department,  for  which 
he  was  eminently  fitted  by  his  knowledge  of  mathematics  and  surveying,  as 
well  as  of  the  Hindoostanee  language.  In  1866  he  was  promoted  to  the 
captaincy,  but  weary  of  the  inaction  of  home  service,  he  retired  on  lialf-pay. 
Ho  soon  after  revisited  India  on  buaineas,  and  later  travelled  in  the  West 


736  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

director;  William  Hamersley  of  Hartford,  solicitor 
and  general  counsel  of  the  company.  Max  Bernstein 
is  resident  agent  at  Ensenada. 

Other  persons  are  also  entitled  to  special  notice  in 
connection  with  this  vast  enterprise  for  the  valuable 
services  they  are  rendering  toward  the  accomplish- 
ment of  its  great  purposes.  Among  them  I  must 
mention  George  C.  Cheape,  of  Scotland,  and  Charles 
Scofield,  late  of  Arizona.  A  few  biographical  remarks 
on  these  representative  men  will  not  be  out  of  place.** 

In  honor  of  the  Mexican  statesmen,  Cdrlos  Pacheco 
and  Manuel  Romero  Rubio,  they  gave  their  first  two 
colonies  their  names,  calling  the  one  at  Ensenada, 
Colonia  Cirlos  Pacheco,  and  the  one  at  San  Quentin, 
Colonia  Manuel  Romero  Rubio. 

Indies  and  Canada  on  important  missions.  He  was  pretty  constantly  in 
France  daring  the  Franco-German  war,  having  meantime  retired  altogether 
from  the  army,  on  his  appointment  to  the  honorable  corps  of  Gentlemen- 
at- Arms  (Queen's  Royal  Boldy  Guard).  In  1873  he  awumea  the  management 
of  the  Railway  Debenture  Trust  and  the  Railway  Share  Trust  companies  of 
London.  He  became  also  a  director  of  the  Blaenaven  Iron  and  Steel  Com- 
pany, the  Westinghouse  Air-Brake  Company  in  Europe,  and  of  several  other 
important  undertakings. 

'^  Captain  Georee  C.  Cheape  has  served  in  the  British  regular  army  sev- 
eral years  both  at  home  and  in  India,  and  as  many  more  in  the  reserve.  He 
commanded  the  same  troop  of  Fifeshire  Light  Horse  that  his  father  was 
commander  of  sixty  years  aga  He  is  also  a  magistrate  of  the  county  of 
Fife  in  Scotland.  Cheape  has  been  a  great  traveller  in  Europe  and  America, 
with  an  observing  eye,  paying  particular  attention  to  the  agricultural  advan- 
taged of  the  countries  he  has  visited,  being  a  practical  farmer  and  breeder  of 
good  horses  at  home.  In  1886  he  visited  Lower  California,  which  oountry 
pleased  him  so  much  that  he  has  since  taken  a  deep  interest  in  promoting 
the.  enterprise  of  the  International  Company  of  Mexico,  though  he  has  like- 
wise interests  in  Texas,  Colorado,  Arizona,  and  California. 

Charles  Scofield  is  a  native  of  Hamilton  county  in  Ohio,  and  was  bom  in 
1856.  After  completing  a  collegiate  term  of  three  years  in  Illinois  at  the 
age  of  20,  he  wai  two  years  engaged  in  copper  and  lead  mining  in  Missouri. 
He  was  next  employed  in  the  lumber  and  millinff  business  by  a  laive  firm, 
until  1881.  He  then  took  charge  of  the  Old  Globe  copper  mine  of  Arlsona, 
and  made  it  develop  very  extensively.  This  mine  had  been  purchased  by 
Major  Sisson,  who  organized  the  Old  Globe  Copper  Company  under  the  law's 
of  Connecticut.  Tlie  mine  being  now  placed  in  charge  of  an  expert  engi- 
neer, Scofield  became  the  superintendent  of  the  reduction  works  and  fur- 
naces, holding  this  position  till  April,  1884.  Early  in  1886  he  joinetl  Major 
Sisson  at  Guaymas,  and  together  they  made  a  twci  months'  tour  of  the  ffuano 
deposits  in  the  Gulf  of  California.  Since  that  time  Scofield  has  attended  to 
the  lading  and  shipment  of  the  company's  guano,  and  has  been  Sisson *s  con- 
fidential adviser  in  all  his  vast  work.  He  had  charge  of  that  business  until 
July,  1886.  After  the  surveys  were  completed  in  Lower  California  for  the 
International  Company  of  Mexico,  Scofield  was  given  full  charge  of  the  San 
Diego  office  of  that  company,  with  the  handling  of  their  finances. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  COMPANY.  737 

The  future  of  these  vast  plans  it  is  impossible  to 
foreshadow;  but  we  know  that  the  impulse  which 
prompts  them  is  good,  and  the  result  should  certainly 
be  beneficial,  not  only  for  the  broad-minded  and  ener- 
getic promoters  of  the  enterprise,  but  also  for  a  mul- 
titude of  others,  for  whom  happy  homes  are  held  in 
prospect.  The  undertaking  ought  to  be  a  magnificent 
success,  and  that  it  will  be  so  there  seems  no  doubt. 
In  the  olden  times,  the  founder  of  a  colony  was  re- 
garded as  akin  to  the  gods ;  surely  he  is  entitled  to 
at  least  as  much  credit  now,  for  as  mankind  swarms 
over  the  available  parts  of  the  earth,  he  is  substan- 
tially a  benefactor  who  finds  fresh  soil  and  healthful 
air,  and  makes  it  practicable  for  thousands  to  enter 
upon  another  and  better  life — ^to  build  new  and  per- 
manent habitations  for  themselves  and  their  children. 

Greneral  Bibiano  DAvalos  held  control  for  several 
years,  chiefly  owin^  to  the  federal  force  at  his  com- 
mand, for  the  people  did  not  forget  the  long-enjoyed 
privilege  of  electing  their  own  governor.  DAvalos 
proved,  moreover,  so  arbitrary,  by  interfering  in  local 
elections  in  behalf  of  favorites  and  adherents,  and 
making  himself  obnoxious  in  other  respects,  that 
more  than  one  uprising  was  attempted,  although  in 
combination  with  unworthy  elements.  In  October 
1874  a  party  in  the  south  proclaimed  Toledo  jefe,  and 
levied  contributions  on  wealthy  citizens,  besides  com- 
mitting some  unwarranted  outrages,  which  only  with- 
drew support  and  hastened  the  collapse  of  the 
conspiracy."* 

^In  the  following  Jnne  a  more  organized  pronunciamiento  took  place, 
under  Emilio  Ibarra  and  others,  who,  with  a  party  of  200  men,  snrprised  La 
Paz,  captured  Ddvalos,  sent  the  federal  officials  out  of  the  country,  and  be- 
^an  the  usual  levy  of  funds.  The  governor  seems  to  have  been  intimidated 
into  concessions,  and  agreed  to  resign;  but  a  detachment  of  federal  troops 
held  out  until  their  comrades  came  up  from  San  Jose.  Ibarra  then  took  to 
flight,  and  escaped  by  seizing  an  orchella  schooner  at  Magdalena,  but  the 
pursuers  were  so  close  upon  his  heels  that  most  of  his  followers  fell  captive. 
One  result  of  the  outbreak  was  a  change  of  governor,  in  the  person  of  Colonel 
Vclaico,  and  he  dying  soon  after,  Miranda  y  Castro  was  appointed.  The 
latter  showed  his  mettle  in  suppressing  a  mutiny  among  his  soldieis  by  shoot- 
Hist.  Mex.  Statbs,  Vol.  II.  47 


738  LOWER  CAUTORNIA. 

Remotene&s  from  the  center  of  authority,  which 
for  a  time  exempted  the  peninsula  from  the  political 
turmoils  of  the  mainland,  at  length  seemed  to  in- 
crease the  evil.  Marquez  de  Leon,  a  Lower  Califor- 
nian  who  had  formerly  mixed  greatly  in  local  politics, 
and  whose  services  during  the  French  war  of  inter- 
vention, and  subsequently,  had  gained  for  him  the 
rank  of  general,  became  dissatisfied  with  the  lack  of 
recognition  of  his  aid  during  the  revolution  which 
placed  Diaz  in  power." 

ing  the  ringleader  and  disarming  his  followers,  with  the  aid  of  citixens;  and 
he  displayed  his  poHtioal  zeal  by  strictly  enforcing  the  late  constitntioiial 
amendments  for  the  separation  of  church  and  state,  with  civil  marriage,  and 
other  features.  The  CarmeUte  monk  bishop,  Moreno  y  Castafieda,  who 
naturally  sought  to  uphold  the  ecclesiastical  privileges,  was  expelled  from 
the  terntory  after  suffering  persecution.  Miranda's  zeal  led  him  too  far, 
however,  in  levyine  a  war  tax  of  from  six  to  ten  per  cent  in  aid  of  his  patron. 
President  Lerdo,  n>r  the  latter  bein^  overthrown  by  Porfirio  Diaz,  A.  L. 
Tapia  was  sent  to  replace  him  as  political  and  military  chiel  Tapia  showed 
himself  fully  imbuea  with  the  policy  of  the  new  administration,  to  insure 
peace  and  order,  so  as  to  permit  the  development  of  resources  and  the  increase 
of  prosperity.  To  this  end  was  instituted  here  as  elsewhere  a  vigorous  per- 
secution of  bandits,  and  an  improved  administration  of  justice  under  Uie 
code  lately  introduced,  enforced  by  the  creation  of  a  judge  of  first  instance 
in  each  of  the  three  districts.  Trade  was  fostered  by  granting  a  subsidy,  in 
I877j  to  a  steamship  line  from  San  Bias  to  the  gulf  ports,  in  Mcition  to  the 
California-Mexico  Ime,  and  industries  were  stimulated  by  liberal  ccmcesncos 
for  opening  guano  and  pearl  beds,  mines,  and  other  branches,  while  the  reve- 
nue was  protected  by  more  severe  measures  against  smuggling  and  pecula- 
tion, to  the  benefit,  also,  of  the  people,  since  extra  taxes  were  obviated  by 
the  saving.  The  greatest  need  for  restoration  of  order  was  on  the  frontier, 
so  long  the  roaming  place  for  adventurers,  refugees,  and  criminals,  to  the 
discouragement  of  settlers.  The  discovery,  in  1870,  of  gold  placers  in  San 
Rafael  valley  had  resulted  in  an  excitement  which  brought  many  immigrants 
and  started  a  regular  stace  line  from  San  Diego;  but  it  added,  also,  to  mcen- 
tives  for  marauding  by  Indians  and  bandits,  who  kept  the  authorities  in 
activity.  In  Nov.  1876,  political  aspirants  joined  in  the  troubles,  and  drove 
out  the  sub-prefect,  Villagrana.  Jefe  Tapia  came  up  in  November  1977, 
and  arrested  Moreno,  who  had  usurped  the  prefecture.  Eventually  Villa- 
grana was  reinstalled  and  sustained  by  a  guard  of  25  dragoons. 

"  The  strength  of  the  government  gave  little  hope  of  starting  a  revolutioD 
on  the  continent,  and  so  Marquez  Mthought  himself  of  the  more  distant 
peninsula,  where  he,  moreover,  counted  many  warm  friends.  Failing  to 
mveigle  the  troops  at  La  Paz  on  October  31,  1879,  he  rallied  the  people  of 
his  native  district,  and  laid  siege  to  Uie  capital  on  November  12,  with  200 
men.  The  military  authorities  at  Mazatlan  being  warned,  General  Carbd 
appeared  to  the  aid  of  Governor  Tapia  with  126  troops,  Marouez  there- 
fore retreating,  pursued  by  the  combined  federal  forces.  Blinded  by  suc- 
cess, the  latter  allowed  themselves  to  be  entrapped  in  a  cafton,  near  Todos 
Santos,  and  were  compelleed  to  surrender  with  some  loss,  Csrbd  and  I^Jj^ 
escaping  with  a  few  followers  and  seeking  refuge  across  the  gulf.  Th^ 
victors  at  once  marched  Iwck  to  La  Paz,  where  their  control  over  the  tern- 
tory was  merely  nommally  disputed  by  the  war  sloop  Mexko,  which  main* 
tained  a  blockade  and  bombarded  a  porbon  of  the  town.    Marquez  installed 


POLITICS  AND  REVOLUTION.  ^ 

as  jefe  iM>lftioOy  his  lieutenant^  Colonel  Cota,  and  prepared  to  extend  over  { 

the  territory  an  organic  •tatnte,   which,   he  claimed,    would  advance  itj  ' 

welfare  in  a  marked  desree.     But  means  were  required  for  the  sustenance  { 

of  his  rapidly  growing  forces — at  one  time  reaching  nearly  600  men — which  I 

were  required  to  meet  the  expected  troops  from  Mexico,  as  well  as  to  sup-  j 

port  the   contemplated  seneral  uprising    on   the   continent.      And  these  ! 

means  had  to  be  sought  uy  levies  of  funds  and  provisions^  which  fdl  with 
great  severity  upon  the  small  and  not  very  affluent  population.  A  reaction 
speedily  set  m,  and  the  arrival,  at  the  close  of  January  1880,  of  more  than 
400  men  under  Col  J.  M.  Ransel,  lent  wings  to  the  desertion  that  had 
already  set  in.  Only  a  few  bands  remained  to  face  the  federals,  who,  rein- 
forced by  citizens,  pursued  them  with  relentless  fierceness.  Meanwhile 
Marquez  had  hastened  to  California  to  seek  aid,  and  although  practically 
failing  in  the  attempt,  he  returned  across  the  border  early  in  April  to  join 
the  remnant  which,  under  Cota,  had  traversed  the  length  of  the  peninsula. 
This  force  also  melted  under  fear,  hardships,  and  pursuit;  and  after  a  futile 
inroad  into  Sonora,  the  lea  lers  took  refuge  in  United  States'  territory, 
wnence  they  were  finally  permitted  to  return  to  their  homes. 

Bangel  remained  as  governor  to  heal  the  ravages  of  this  unfortunate  up- 
rising, as  well  as  those  committed  shortly  before  by  an  earthquake  at  Loreto, 
and  to  continue  the  task  of  development,  which  promises  to  realize  the 
brightest  hopes  of  the  people.  Even  railway  commissions  have  been  made, 
to  the  S.  Luis  Pot.  ana  Aguascal  line,  and  to  Alaa  and  Rogers  for  a  road 
from  Tiguana  to  Punta  Isabel.  Mtx,  Reeop.,  Ley.,  xxxvi.  3S-7;  Mex,  Diar. 
Ojic.,  Dec.  16,  1881.  A  commission  was  appointed  in  1874  to  survey  lands 
and  issue  titles.  ManeroDoe,  Interes,,  84-7.  in  1881  appeared  a  new  revenue 
law.  Mfx,  Diar.  Ofic,  June  11,  1881.  San  Jos^  was  opened  to  foreign  trade 
in  1884 — a  good  sign  of  increasing  traffic.  Croniata,  April  19,  1884.  A  terri- 
ble hurricane  and  fiood  occurred  close  to  this  spot  in  Oct.  1884.  /c/.«  Nov.  8, 
1884.  Concerning  some  notable  marine  disasters  on  the  coast,  see  Hayes* 
Scraps,  Baja  Cal,  ix.  4^-9,  etc.;  AUa  CaL,  March  2,  Oct.  15,  24,  1870;  S.  P, 
BuH,  Oct.  27,  1871,  Capt.  Caleb's  arrest.    Voz.  Mfj.,  July  23,  1884. 


CHAPTER  XXXL 

INSTITUTIONAL. 

1800-1838. 

Fbontder  Milttart  Forcks  in  Colonial  Timis— Wab  tor  Iniikfknd- 

BNC£ — GOVERNMBNT — OFFICERS      AND    DISTRICTS — ReVBNUS — ChIHCA- 

hua,  Duranoo,  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  Lower  California — Crime 
AND  Punishment — Fcsion  or  Races — Aboriginal  Pboplbs — Jubi- 
ciART  AND  Codes — Colonization — Education. 

Afl  a  part  of  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain,  f  or  a  time  a  semi-independeni 
appendage,  and  subsequently  as  border  reffion  of  a  republic,  the  Provincias 
Intemas  present  a  reflex  of  the  southern  districts  in  their  political  and  ciTil 
institutions.  Moulded  in  the  same  form,  the  ^aws  of  the  Spanish  Indies 
have  left  their  impress  here  as  below,  through  the  agency  oi  officials  and 
priests  from  the  Iberian  peninsula,  yet  a  certain  distinctiveness  was  imparted 
by  the  greater  isolation  of  this  remote  interior,  by  its  conditicm  as  a  frontier 
extending  into  the  domains  of  hostile  tribes  under  the  combined  aoapioet 
of  soldiers  and  missionaries,  and  its  ruder  aspects  of  life  also  in  being  pri- 
marily a  mining  and  cattle  country.  It  was  in  a  sense  the  colony  of  a 
colony.  Yet  the  contrast  to  be  expected  between  the  people  of  an  exposed 
border,  devoted  to  the  hazards  and  hardships  of  exploiting  for  metal  and 
herding,  and  that  of  the  more  settled  south  is  not  so  marked.  What  differ- 
ence there  is  lies  rather  in  the  characteristics  of  race,  which  here  present  a 
less  degree  of  direct  intermixture,  owing  to  the  relatively  lower  positiofn  of 
the  aborigines  and  the  later  entiy  of  the  other  castes.  In  Duningo,  Sinaloa, 
and  Lower  California  the  absorption  of  natives  was  favored  to  a  greater  ex- 
tent by  the  conditions  of  settlement,  but  in  the  adjoining  northern  states 
we  find  the  natives  separated  from  the  rest  by  sharper  geographic  and  social 
lines.  On  the  other  hand,  the  constant  influx  of  mestizo,  uid  even  southem 
Indian,  elements  has  assisted  to  leaven  the  dominant  mass  into  a  truly  Mexi- 
can composition,  in  sympathy  with  the  feeling  and  aspirations  of  the  nation. 

This  homogeneity  is  above  all  conspicuous  in  political  aims.  Doomed  to 
subordination  by  paucity  of  population,  and  by  dependence  for  protection 
and  higher  comu)rts  of  life  on  the  central  sections  of  the  country,  the  cn# 
for  action  in  these  respects  came  almost  invariably  from  the  same  quarter. 
\VhiIe  partizan  cry  and  strife  here  rose  equally  high,  they  followed  rather  in 
the  wake  of  southern  leaders,  varying  between  liberal  and  conservative  ideas. 
The  latter  found  support  in  a  large  landed  proprietary,  as  indicated  by 
cattle  interests,  which  naturally  objected  to  the  aspirations  of  the  fnaj^w^^ 
yet  the  federal  element  was  undoubtedly  in  the  majority,  based  on  the 
greater  independence  of  spirit  fostered  amonjz  the  masses  by  pursmits  con- 
nected with  mines  and  horses,  while  the  influence  of  the  dergy,  althoagh 
augmented  in  a  sense  by  mission  establishments,  was  counteracted  bv  the 
paucity  and  semi-nomadic  habits  of  the  population,  which  prevented  close  or 
f requen  t  contact  with  spiritual  things  or  clerical  champions.  The  distance  from 
Mexico  made  a  central  regime  also  less  palatable.  XJrrea  well  understood 
thift  tendency  when  he  sought  to  start  the  reaction  agaiost  eeatraliam,  at  the 
(740) 


NORTHERN  AND  SOUTHERN  REGIONS.  741 

beginning  of  its  career.  Even  Dnrango,  the  seat  of  a  bishop,  protested  at 
the  outset  against  a  domination  by  distant  Mexico  that  was  sustained  chiefly 
by  the  soldiery.  Otherwise  the  national  bond  remained  strong,  as  evinced 
by  the  brave  straggle  under  Frias  and  his  companions  against  United  States 
invasion,  and  asitinst  French  intervention  by  northwestern  leaders  under 
the  distinguished  Corona. 

'ihe  strong  military  fovtes  of  the  frontier  in  colonial  times  prevented  any 
noteworthy  participation  in  the  war  for  independence;  but  the  people  lidopted 
with  eajgerness  the  new  order,  and  adopted  constitutions,  which,  despite  the 
disturbing  effect  of  subsequent  divisions  of  territory  and  temporary  changes 
of  system,  have  practically  survived  in  the  latest  reformed  issues.  Their 
main  features  may  be  found  in  the  general  organic  laws,  considered  in  my 
history  of  the  republic.  In  respect  to  state  specialities,  tiiat  of  Sonora,  the 
centre  of  the  present  Hispano-American  group,  affords  a  fair  average  repre- 
sentation, although  stamped  by  greater  democratic  deference  to  popular  will, 
as  manifested  in  the  election  of  most  governing  bodies.  The  legislative 
power  is  wielded  by  one  chamber  of  deputies,  chosen  every  two  years  in  to- 
tality, meeting  twice  a  year,  and  consistmg  of  one  member  for  every  10,000  in- 
habitants. The  governor,  chosen  by  similar  popular  vote,  holds  office,  also, 
for  two  years,  in  the  other  states  for  four  years,  and  is  not  eligible  for  ecu- 
secutive  reelection.  He  possesses  wide  power  in  appointing  subordinate 
officials,  including  the  one  secretary  of  state;  the  other  ^enenu  state  officer, 
the  treasurer,  is  selected  with  legislative  intervention.  Districts  are  ruled  by 
prefects  elected  like  the  governor;  munici^lities  with  over  500  souls  by 
aynntamientos  elected  for  one  year,  and  consisting  usually  of  from  four  to  nine 
members;  smaller  settlements  and  ranches  have  police  officers,  elected  for  a 
similar  term.  In  the  other  states  municipal  bodies  are  more  restricted,  and 
whoUy  or  partly  replaced  by  elected  or  appointed  jefes.  Municipal  officers  be- 
ing unpaia,  and  in  many  ffrades  unprofitable  and  thankless  as  m  ell  as  onerous, 
candidates  seek  frequenuy  to  avoid  election  or  subsequently  to  shirk  their 
duties,  to  the  detriment  of  local  welfare.  Direct  election  is  as  yet  in  its  in- 
fancy, awaiting  educational  development  throughout  the  republic.  Mean- 
while indirect  voting  prevails,  with  two  or  three  grades.  Finances,  the  main 
care  and  instrument  of  the  government,  have  been  fully  considered  in  con- 
nection with  the  country  in  general,  to  which  I  refer  in  connection  with  the 
appended  note,  for  comparison.  The  revenue  of  Chihuahua  is  derived  from 
7  per  mille  on  real  estate,  valued  at  $7,000,000;  2  per  cent  on  all  business 
capital  above  $50;  IJ  per  cent  on  salaries,  fees  and  personal  property;  2  per 
cent  on  bullion  and  minerals  extracted;  4  per  cent  on  transfers  and  legacies; 
37  cents  per  quintal  on  cotton,  etc.  From  this  is  derived  an  income  of  $120,- 
634,  the  expenditure  being  $119,253.  The  federal  contribution  of  25  per 
cent  amounts  to  $45,472;  revenue  stamps  yield  $18,830. 

Durango  imposes  10  per  cent  on  the  revenue  of  city  property  and  6 J  per 
cent  on  that  of  rural  estates  below  the  value  of  $10,000;  auove  this  6^  per 
cent  is  added  for  every  additional  $10,000,  $20,000,  and  $40,000;  the  tax  on 
estates  exceeding  $100,000  in  value  l^ing  37^  percent  on  the  yield.  The 
real  estate  is  vtuued  at  over  $14,000,000.  Twenty  per  cent  on  industrial 
products,  25  per  cent  on  capital  employed  in  other  branches,  and  5  per  cent 
on  salaries  and  fees.  A  few  other  taxes  assist  to  swell  the  receipts  to  $159,- 
717.     The  federal  25  per  cent  amounts  to  $45,475;  stamps  $12,799. 

Sinaloa  levies  on  real  estate  $9,500,000  in  value,  at  the  rate  of  6  per 
mille  for  property  worth  over  $500,  and  $3  to  $1^  annually  on  values  above 
$300  and  $100,  respectively;  $25  to  $300  monthly  on  industrial  and  mercantile 
establishments,  10  per  cent  on  foreign  goods,  half  the  money  derived  from  the 
sale  of  vacant  land;  also  fees  for  professional  titles,  legacies,  etc.  This  pro- 
duces $184,976,  with  an  estimated  surplus  of  $2,000.  The  federal  25  per  cent 
yields  $56,325;  stamps  $19,305. 

Sonora  relies  greatly  on  excise  and  on  direct  contributions,  distributed  in 
quotas  among  the  districts  and  municipalities;  5  per  cent  on  forciirn  nation- 
alized goods,  $10  to  $250  on  commercial  houses,  1 S  per  cent  on  bullion,  $200 


742  INSTITUnOKAL. 

for  lioenae  to  manafactiire  bnndv,  $5  for  regiatratioii  of  miiiea,  half  the  pro- 
ceedfl  of  vacant  laud  salad,  also  trom  legacies,  etc.  The  value  of  real  escate 
exceeds  $7,000,000.  The  revenue  of  $13<>,d4>5,  leaves  a  prospective  surplus  of 
nearly  $3,000.     The  federal  25  Dor  cent  brings  $28,644;  stamps  $U,35d. 

The  finances  of  Lower  Caluornia,  aa  a  territory,  fall  under  care  of  the 
federal  government,  which  derives  |89,106  a  year  from  it;  the  25  per  cent 
amounti  to  only  $136,  while  stamps  yield  $8,246»  Municipal,  oonsiunption, 
and  storage  taxes  are  levied.  Bwiio,  EdtadisL  Mex,,  L  p.  xi,  et  seq. 

Bsiides  the  federal  tribunals  of  different  degrees,  each  state  has  its  cor- 
responding supreme  court  of  usually  three  judges,  and  a  final  court  of  fir«t  in- 
sbaace  for  the  districts,  and  the  lo<»l  justices  or  alcaldes,  the  first  elected  for 
four  years,  and  the  other  nearly  always  for  two  years  and  one  year,  re- 
spectively. New  civil  and  penal  codes  have  recently  been  adopted  in  conso- 
nance with  the  federal  issue,  and  the  ju^  system  is  gradually  being  estab- 
lished. But  the  lack  of  uprisht  and  efficient  judges,  so  general  in  the 
repablio,  is  even  more  markel  in  these  less  cultured  frontier  states.  One 
cause  is  the  frequent  want  of  funds,  with  irregular  and  reduced  saiariea, 
which  prevents  also  the  employment  of  advisory  asesores  assigned  by  law. 
This  aadd  to  the  incentive  for  crime,  particularly  robbery,  which  has  become 
so  prevalent  in  this  country  under  the  fostering  auspices  of  race  prejudioesy 
and  constant  revolutionary  disorders.  It  was  hard  for  disbanded  guerillas 
to  return  to  honest  labor,  and  so  easy  and  alluring  to  continue  as  marauders, 
perhaps  under  the  specious  cover  of  avenging  an  injured  church  or  circum- 
scribed liberty.  The  north,  moreover,  as  a  border  country  had  grown  more 
and  more  the  resort  of  fugitives  from  justice,  with  smugglers  in  large  num* 
bers.  Cattte-stealing  and  kidnapping  for  extorting  ransom,  were  common 
features  to  be  expected  from  a  country  long  ravaged  by  Indians,  and  it  is 
not  astonishing  that  so  wide-spread  an  ailment  should  have  affected,  also, 
many  a  judge  and  official,  to  whom  had  been  confided  means  for  aid  and 
panidhment,  since  these  could  be  manipulated  with  great  profit.  With  the 
exceptions  mentioned,  criminal  statistics  a^pree  with  those  for  the  republic  in 
geaeraL  Stringent  steps  were  taken  at  different  times  to  check  law-br^ik- 
mg,  latterly  by  an  increased  frontier  guard,  which,  with  the  aid  of  railroads 
aud  telegraphs,  and  the  decrease  of  Indian  inroads,  is  doing  good  work.  The 
effect  of  the  gradual  abolition  of  capital  punishment  has  not  yet  been  au- 
thoritatively reported  upon,  but  it  is  evident  that  greater  attention  must  be 
paid  to  enforcing  upright  administration  of  justice,  and  to  providing  more 
guardians  of  the  peace  and  better  prisons. 

The  absorption  or  merging  of  tne  aboriginal  race  into  the  new  nation  un- 
folding in  Mexico  has  been  mlly  considered  in  special  chapters  elsewhere. 
In  the  north  its  condition  was  affected  bv  certain  features,  such  as  a  lower 
aboriginal  culture  and  stronger  tribal  combination.  Distance  from  the  centre 
of  authority  seemed  to  offer  the  domineering  enoomendero  of  eady  colonial 
days  greater  advantage  for  oppression,  but  the  more  independent  and  self- 
asserting  character  of  the  tribes,  and  the  interposition  of  zealous  missiona- 
ries, served  as  a  check  until  later  beneficent  laws  drew  their  protectin|^  circles. 
The  privileges  tendered  by  the  new  republic,  in  equality  and  cituoenship, 
proved  equally  delusive  to  the  race  in  all  parts,  and  the  subtle  bond  of  peon- 
age enfolded  even  growing  numbers,  llie  maintenance  in  the  north  of  the 
mission  system  proved  no  longer  of  benefit,  save  in  isolated  instances,  inas- 
much as  it  tended  to  restrain  development  and  intercourse.  The  Latter  was, 
moreover,  confined  by  race  prejudice,  by  galling  assumption  and  strivings 
for  advantages,  which  confirmed  the  natives  in  their  long  practised  seclusion, 
as  well  as  in  tribal  unity,  which  served  them  as  a  bulwark  against  ever  ready 
aggression  and  encroachment. 

Many  of  the  tribes  live,  indeed,  in  a  state  of  nominal  subjection  to 
the  republic,  governed  by  their  own  unwritten  laws,  and  retaining,  io 
a  great  extent  both  aboriginal  language  and  customs.  The  latter  no 
less  than  their  mountainous  nomes,  have  helped  to  preserve  a  naturally  hardy 
constitution  from  the  indolence  permeating  all  Creole  affinities.     There  is 


NATIVE  CHARACTERISTICS.  743 

alflo  less  of  the  ttolid  indiffi^nce  so  m&rked  among  southern  savages,  and 
the  so  commendable  energy  and  perseverance  is  stamped  by  a  vivaciCy  that 
promoted  their  value  as  workers.  In  Sonora  the  Yaquis  and  Opata^  are 
justly  esteemed  as  the  most  desirable  laborers  in  almost  every  branch  of  in- 
dustry, and  good  pay  draws  thousands  £rom  tbeir  pueblod  every  season.  If 
on  returning  home  they  bring  many  vices,  they  also  foster  advancement,  and 
clear  the  way  for  a  more  harmonious  feeling  between  the  races.  The 
common  cause  which  occasionally  brought  them  to  the  side  of  political  par- 
ties, or  arrayed  them  against  the  Apaches,  also  served  to  strengthen  the  na- 
tional bond.  The  aboriginal  communal  system  encouraged  by  the  Spanish 
crown  has  been  widely  sustained,  in  manv  instnnces  by  republican  decrees, 
although  the  tendency  is  growing  to  break  it  up  as  a  dangerous  tribal  insti- 
tution. While  proviBional  partition  is  made  of  land  for  private  cultivation, 
|>articularly  at  time  of  marriage,  when  a  fauuly  is  to  be  founded,  a  propor- 
tion is  also  set  aside  for  communal  crops  with  which  to  support  churches, 
widows  and  orphans  and  schools,  to  pay  taxes  and  other  general  require- 
ments. The  enforcement  of  labor  to  this  end  and  order  generally  is  en- 
trusted to  elected  governors  or  alcaldes  at  the  resoective  pueulos  or  villages, 
who  again  are  subordinate  to  captains  general.  These  officers  were  formerly 
appointed  from  amouff  noble  or  influential  families  by  the  Spanish  authon- 
tiea,  and  often  secured  by  pay  or  other  rewards,  but  with  the  example  set 
by  republican  schemers,  ambitious  and  able  men  of  lower  grade  have, 
throuffh  election,  sprung  into  prominence,  and  direct  the  voice  of  the  tribe 
both  tor  personal  benefit  and  for  its  advancement,  by  offering  votes  or  arms 
to  the  most  promising  side.  The  curates  now  in  charge  of  their  spiritual 
welfare  have  much  less  influence  than  the  missionaries,  who,  as  a  rule,  exer- 
cijed  almost  exclusive  control  over  governors  or  alcaldes,  as  well  as  people. 
This  decline  is  due  mainly  to  the  intrigue  of  liberal  partisans,  and  partlv  to 
the  less  guarded  conduct  of  the  class  of  priests  usuaUy  assigned  to  Indian 


ihe  natives  of  Sinaloa,  Durango,  and  Lower  California  form  no  united  or 
powerful  iMxiies,  and  may  be  regarded  as  merged  in  the  general  population. 
The  Tepehuane  nation,  which  at  one  time  held  Durango  in  terror  with  its  re- 
volts, has  almost  disappeared.  In  Chihuahua,  however,  the  rancherfas  of 
Apaches  and  Comanches  extend  along  the  eastern  border  into  Bobon  de 
Mapimi,  and  the  ranges  to  the  west  are  occupied  by  the  numerous  Tarahu- 
maras,  ever  gentle,  though  retiring,  and  rapidly  disappearing.  Sonora's  popu- 
lation is  still  chiefly  pure  Indian,  including  the  orderly,  yet  brave  and  resolute 
Opatas,  who  occupy  the  fertile  centre  and  east  of  the  state,  and  have  as  en- 
listed soldiers  or  as  volunteers  formed  one  of  the  most  reliable  of  bulwarks 
asainst  Apache  inroads.  They  have  yielded  greatly  to  absorption, 
although  not  in  so  marked  a  degree  as  the  wide-spread  and  docile  Pimas  to 
the  north-west  of  them.  The  once  feared  robber  horde  of  Seris,  on  and  near 
Tiburon  island,  has  been  almost  exterminated  in  just  warfare,  and  the  Papa- 
^os  of  the  extreme  north-west  are  as  yet  secure  in  their  isolation.  The  only 
eared  nations  are  the  allied  Yaquis  and  Mayos,  who,  occupying  the  fertile 
banks  of  the  rivers  named  after  them,  are  exposed  to  constant  elbowing  and 
intrusion  from  the  crowding  Mexicans  on  either  side.  The  consequence  has 
been  a  series  of  bloody  wars  until  the  present  day,  not  always  for  pure  de- 
fence, but  for  robbery,  to  which  successes  and  impunitv  gave  incentive. 
While  mingling  freely  among  the  whites  as  esteemed  workers,  yet,  the  sea- 
son over,  they  generallv  return  home  and  repulse  every  effort  at  social  inter- 
course. The  process  of  absorption  cannot  be  resisted,  however,  aided  as  it 
is  by  diseases  of  encroaching  civilization,  especially  virulent  among  the 
aborigines. 

The  intermixture  of  races  in  colonial  days,  was  much  slower  in  the  north, 
owing  to  the  inferior  culture  of  the  Indian?  and  the  later  entry  of  settlers. 
For  a  long  time  after  the  independence,  creole  families  sought  to  resist  the 
inevitable,  but  the  rapid  influx  of  mestizos,  owing  to  pressure  in  the  more 
crowded  south,  and  the  allurement  of  mineral  wealth,  tended  to  overcome 


f; 


7M  INSnTUnONAL. 

hesitation,  partly  by  bridging  the  chasm.  Nerertheleas,  the  Spanish  element 
remains  strong,  and  the  mixture  has  been  little  varied  by  the  admiiiaion  of 
negro  blood.  The  indolence  and  unsustained  uupuLuveness  of  the  nauun  is 
less  marked  in  the  border  states,  settled,  as  they  were,  chiefly  by  enterpria- 
ing  and  energetic  emigrants  from  Biscay,  Navarre,  and  Catalonia.  Their 
comparative  isolation  has  tended  to  pre^ierve  a  tincture  of  the  superstition 
brought  from  the  original  mountain  homes.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are 
widely  praised  for  hospitality  and  as  dashing  riders,  w^hoee  caralry  has 
earned  deserved  laurels  in  the  wars.  As  may  be  supposed,  the  jarocho  or 
petty  farmer  element  of  Mexico,  is  widely  represented  here  in  fcmall  scattered 
ranches,  with  their  airy,  shed-like  dwellmgs,  their  enclosed  patches  for 
maize,  beans,  yams,  and  other  succulents,  shaued  by  occasional  bananas,  or 
other  palms,  and  near  by  the  heads  of  live  stock,  that  form  the  main  reliance 
of  the  settler.  The  influence  of  £urope  which  made  itself  felt  from  the  open- 
ing of  the  century  throughout  the  central  provinces,  filtered  more  &lcwly  into 
these  remote  regions,  although  aided  on  the  coast  by  trading  vessels,  and 
later,  by  intercourse  with  the  United  States,  by  means  of  prairie  caravans, 
and  simple  customs  long  prevailed  in  dress,  entertainnients,  and  mode  of 
life  generally,  all  of  which  present  the  same  features  as  described  elsewhere 
under  Mexico.  Perhaps  the  love  of  motion  and  excitement,  on  horseback,  in 
ball-room,  and  at  the  gambling-table,  is  more  pronounced,  and  naturally  so 
with  the  narrow  ranse  of  amusement  offered  on  the  frontier. 

Ihe  growth  of  the  United  States  border  settlements,  and  the  fast  in- 
creasing communication,  facilitated  by  railroads,  cannot  fail  to  greatly  aficct 
tone  and  habits.  While  the  elements  at  present  operating  to  this  end  are 
none  of  the  best^  yet  the  intercourse  must  in  the  main  prove  elevating,  if 
only  in  fostering  better  industrial  methods,  and  an  increased  demand  frr 
varied  comforts  of  life,  which  in  itself  forms  so  desirable  a  stimnlant.  TLe 
value  of  foreign  immigration  has  ever  been  recrgnized  in  Mexico,  partly  to 
obtain  training  for  the  people,  partly  to  promote  settlement  on  the  north 
frontier,  threatened  by  Indians  as  well  as  a  suspected  neighbor.  A  lack  of 
judicious  liberality,  and  above  all  the  long  reicning  insecurity  in  the  re|mbl:c, 
counteracted  the  efforts  to  found  colonies.  Even  those  established  in  cim- 
nection  with  the  ephemeral  military  colonies  did  not  flourith,  and  the  few 
trans-oceanic  ffroups  introduced  failed  to  show  any  vigor.  The  effort  to 
draw  from  the  United  States  the  patriotic  Mexicans  transferred  to  a  foreien 
flag  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  succeeded  very  poorly.  In  fact  the  geld 
excitement  in  California,  by  revealing  mineral  and  agricultnral  wealth,  and 
protection  from  raids  and  nial administration,  served  to  draw  away  far  more 
people,  and  from  the  then  border  re^on  which  least  could  &}are  the  loes. 
Lately  schemes  have  been  started  for  introducing  Chinese  and  Moi-mons,  al- 
though their  arrival  is  sure  to  rouse  hostility.  Notwithttandin|r  the  restric- 
tive measures  of  the  government,  not  wholly  unjustifiable  in  its  sn&picions 
fears,  the  force  of  circumstances  is  tending  to  a  growing  influx  of  Americans 
into  the  scantily  settled  and  inviting  border  states;  an  influx  favored  by 
ready  acclimatization,  which  has  not  attended  sudden  transitions  from  the 
differently  situated  Europe,  and  by  the  growing  security. 

The  gradual  suppression  of  Indian  raida  in  the  north,  and  the  increased 
stability  of  government,  promises  decided  increase  in  population^  for  ihe 
race  is  fecund  and  environment  favorable.  In  the  northern  part  of  Cliihua- 
hua  and  Sonora  ague  prevails  to  some  extent;  on  the  west  coast  bilious 
fevers  are  common,  and  the  inferior  quality  of  water  along  the  frontier  con- 
duces to  several  ailments,  such  as  goitre,  which  afflicts  the  central  districts  of 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa.  In  other  respects  the  health  statistics  compare  well 
with  other  parts  of  the  republic,  with  which  the  north  shares  such  epidemics 
as  cholera,  small-pox,  yellow  fever,  and  famine,  with  attendant  train  of 
disorders.  Cholera  was  particularly  severe  in  1841  and  1849-51.  Small- 
pox attacks  chiefly  the  aborigines,  among  whom  vaccination  and  mod- 
ern treatment  are  less  in  vogue,  and  the  yellow  fever,  which  las  on  a  few 
occasions  ravaged  the  coast  as  far  inland  as  Hermosillo  and  Culiacan.  is  da- 


SOaAL  CONDITION.  745 

dared  to  be  not  of  the  extreme  type  prevalent  on  the  gnlf  of  Mexica  Ihe 
soaroity  of  doctors,  apothecaries,  and  hoepitab  was  a  drawback  which  gave 
prominence  to  mummery  and  aboriginal  arts,  but  during  epidemics  the  au- 
thorities have  ever  shown  a  commeadable  zeal  for  covering  the  deficiency  by 
erecting  temporary  shelter,  and  distributing  drugs  and  directions,  while 
private  benevolence  stepped  forward  to  lend  a  helping  hand. 

Although  the  chief  mroads  of  diseases  have  evidently  been  among  the 
aborigines,  upon  whom  also  the  mere  approach  of  European  culture  exerts 
iti  withering  induence,  yet  the  decreasing  estimates  of  their  numbers  is  due 
mainly  to  absorption,  either  bv  blood  mixture,  or  by  assimilation  in  settlmg 
with  the  regular  Mexicans  and  adopting  their  customs,  and  participating  m 
all  the  privde^es  of  citizens.  This  is  especially  the  case  in  Sinaloa  and 
Durango,  and  it  is  only  in  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  that  the  voluntary  isola- 
tioQ  of  certain  tribes,  or  portions  of  tribe^  subject  them  to  classification  as 
Indians,  with  partial  exclusion  from  political  and  social  rights.  In  Sonora 
thii  number  is  placed  at  about  22,000,  mostly  Yaquis  and  May os,  who  Ions 
msiutained  a  hostile  attitude  by  resisting  encroachment  on  their  lands  and 
seclusion.  In  Chihuahua  are  nearly  equal  numbers  of  gentle  Tarahumaras. 
No  thorough  census  ha3  been  taken  in  the  republic,  so  that  the  more  or  less 
de:iailed  d.ita  for  different  states  can  be  regarded  as  little  better  than  esti- 
mated. The  popuUtion  may  according  to  these  be  placed  at  185,000  for 
Chihuahua,  195.OJ0  for  Durango,  142,000  for  Sonora,  205,000  forSmaloa,  and 
25,000  for  Lower  Cilifornia;  which  shows  an  increase  for  the  peninsula  of 
about  150  par  ceab  for  the  century,  for  Sinaloa  100  per  cent,  tor  Darango 
8J  per  cent,  and  for  Chihuahua  75  per  cent,  while  Sonora  has  gained 
only  one  half  a 3  much  as  these  last  states.  These  proportions  correspond 
to  the  relative  security  enjoyed  by  the  states,  b$onora  having  suflered 
longer  and  more  severely  from  Indian  ravages.  Cliihuahua  comes  next  in 
the  list  of  exposed  regions  a^  well  ai  in  popuSition,  and  then  Durango,  while 
Sinaloa  and  Lower  California  have  been  almost  entirely  exempt.  The 
eieobs  of  civil  warj,  frequent  enough,  cannot  be  regarded  as  nearly  so  de- 
preiiing,  for  the  bloodshed  and  ravage  are  not  equal  to  the  number  of  revo- 
luliionary  movements.  Yet  the  fast  growth  of  the  peninsula  is  no  doubt 
attributable  to  the  greater  quiet  enjoyed  there,  thanks  to  its  secluded  situa- 
tion. Its  estimated  value  of  real  estate  per  head  of  population  is  also  much 
larger  than  in  the  northern  states,  where  the  average  is  placed  at  about  $50,  a 
hgure  which  varies  very  nearly  in  proportion  to  the  Indian  or  peon  po}>ula- 
tion  of  the  different  districts,  whose  poverty  tends  to  lower  the  general  rate. 
Wars  do  not  appear  to  have  caused  any  extra  reduction  among  males;  indeed, 
Durango,  less  exposed,  exhibits  the  least  preponderance  on  their  side.  On  the 
other  hand  the  size  of  families  is  not  as  a  rule  so  large  as  might  be  expected, 
Ski  indicated  also  by  the  slow  growth  of  population  for  countries  so  scantily 
occupied.  And  there  is  rooim  for  expansion,  since  Sonora  and  Chihuahua 
poisess  only  one  inhabitant  to  one  and  a  half  square  kilometre.  Sinaloa  and 
Durango  have  four  and  a  half  and  two  and  a  half  more  people  to  that  space, 
while  the  peninsula  has  only  one  inhabitant  to  seven  kilometres.  I  append 
data  to  support  these  observations  and  give  opportunity  for  additional 
speculations. 

In  education  the  northern  states  stand  somewhat  behind  the  mean  aver- 
age for  the  republic,  as  may  be  expected  from  scanty  settled  frontiers.  The 
wave  of  revival  in  learning  struck  the  Spanish  colonies  at  the  close  of  the 
la^t  century,  only  to  be  broken  by  the  war  of  independence  and  succeeding 
disorders,  yet  hardly  a  ripple  of  it  penetrated  to  this  region.  Wealthy  people 
sent  their  sons  to  southern  states  or  abroad,  and  their  girls  occasionally  to 
some  convent;  a  small  proportion  of  other  children  received  a  meagre  train- 
ing at  the  rare  schools  to  be  found  in  a  few  leading  towns  or  at  the  hands  of 
missionaries,  and  the  great  mass  remained  steeped  in  ignorance,  learning  like 
the  savages  only  to  recite  a  few  passages  from  the  catechism.  Although  the 
Lancasterian  system  was  introduced  into  Mexico  shortly  after  the  independ- 
ence, yet  it  obtained  no  real  footing  in  the  north  tiU  after  the  energetio 


746  INSTITUTIONAL. 

measnres  undertaken  by  the  general  government  in  1842.  PriTate  indiTid- 
naU  now  began  to  dUpUy  a  gratifying  zeal  in  aiwtiiting  the  movement,  and 
soon  came  tbe  compuiAory  system  to  give  beneficial  inpuUe,  as  manifested  in 
the  increased  school  attendance  from  less  than  two  per  cent  of  popnlation 
still  prevailing  in  Chihuahua,  without  compulsion,  to  between  three  and  five 
per  cent  in  the  other  four  provinces. 

In  addition  to  scanty  settlement,  isolated  tribes  presented  in  Sonora  and 
Chihuahua  an  obstacle  to  rapid  diminution  of  illiteracy.  There  was  a  draw- 
back also  in  the  separation  of  the  sexes,  due  to  climatic  and  social  consido^ 
ations.  As  a  consequence,  only  a  small  proportion  of  the  schools  were 
mixed,  and  owing  to  the  chronic  lack  of  funds  the  establishments  for  nrU 
were  so  few  as  to  allow  the  attendance  of  merely  one-fifth  to  one-half  of  the 
male  number.  In  private  institutions  the  sexes  were  nearly  equaL  Another 
disadvantage,  now  rapidly  lessened,  was  the  lack  of  teachen,  partly  due  to 
small  and  irreffular  pay;  but  normal  schools  are  receiving  support^  and 
women,  so  well  fittea  for  teaching,  are  rapidly  supplying  the  debciency.  A 
cause  for  the  irregularity  lies  also  in  the  fact  that  so  Urge  a  proportion  of 
the  free  public  schools  are  sustained  by  private  liberality,  which  often  varies. 
Ihe  educational  system  was  defective  m  several  respects,  such  as  the  ap- 
peal b^  teachers  to  the  ear,  by  memorizing,  rather  than  to  the  perceptive 
faculties;  and  the  ambitious  ranee  of  the  curriculum^  even  in  schools  known  as 
primary,  beyond  the  piower  of  we  pupil,  so  that  he  was  left  glaringly  super- 
ficial. This  imperfection  was  carried  to  even  greater  excess  in  the  8econ<ury 
or  high  schools  and  colleees,  in  which  the  course  varied  from  a  few  element- 
ary branches  to  the  professional  and  philosophic  range,  but  with  startling 
gaps  and  irregularities  in  method,  means,  and  teachers.  Nevertheless,  the 
secondaries  have  ever  enjoyed  greater  attention,  especially  from  the  deigy. 
owing  to  their  policy  to  restrict  education  to  the  wealthy  classes,  and  to  the 
national  love  for  gloss.  Although  driven  from  control  in  these  matters,  the 
church  strives  to  retain  a  certain  hold,  especially  by  offerine  in  the  seminar- 
ies a  higher  grade  of  instruction  than  is  generslly  obtained  in  the  secular 
colleges.  Tlie  spread  of  journalism  is  an  encouraging  feature,  and  another 
the  establishment  of  literary  societies,  which  promote  also  the  formation  of 
libraries,  museums,  and  art  collections.  Seciuar  education  is  sreatly  sup- 
planting the  religious  teaching  to  which  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  people 
nas  been  almost  exclusively  confined.  This  is  a  natural  outcome  of  the  loiiff 
struggle  against  clerical  supremacy,  which  has  ended  in  the  acquisition  ol 
intellectual  freedom,  and  in  assigning  to  the  church  its  due  subordinate  po- 
sition. The  history  of  this  struggle  and  the  present  condition  of  eccleaiaa- 
tical  affairs  has  been  fully  and  specially  consiciered  elsewhere. 

TSe  report  of  the  governor  of  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Ocv.,  1881,  83-92,  annoonoes 
221  primarv  schools,  with  an  attendance  of  7,662  pupils,  the  larser  propor- 
tion being  boys.  The  attendance  in  Mazatlan  district  is  by  far  tne  laigest, 
2,266  pupils  in  40  schools,  while  the  41  establishments  of  Cnliacan  had  only 
1,275  children.  Ihe  report  sent  in  to  Covamibias  in  1874  gave  281  prima- 
ries, with  9,272  pupils.  There  were  5  secondary  and  professional  colleges, 
one  l>eing  a  private  institution  for  girls,  another  a  nautical  and  mercantile 
eitablishment,  and  a  third  the  philosophic  seminario  under  the  der^,  with 
a  total  attendance  of  over  170.  InHrue.  Pub.,  138-43.  The  seminario  at 
Culiacan  is  the  only  classic  college  for  Sinaloa  and  Sonora.  It  dates  since 
1838,  Semin,  dt  Son.y  in  Pap.  Var.,  cliii.,  pt  13,  although  Bishop  Rouset 
sought  in  the  previous  decade  to  establish  a  chair  of  philosophy.  Monien*, 
Son.f  33-4.  Its  progress  is  depictod  in  Oarvi,  Premiofi,  1-8;  Mex,  Jtfipm. 
IwUic.,  1844,  doc.  71;  Velasco,  Son.,  37-8.  Concerning  the  later  fonndin^  of 
the  other  coUefijes,  see  CnstaHedcu,  Ahrueitm,  1-4;  Arch.  Mex.  CoL  Lry.^  ui, 
639^7;  S'm.  Retjl  CoL  RomU'A,  1-14.  In  1854  Mazatlan  had  two  primary  and 
two  private  schools,  with  250  pupih.  Soc.  Mfx.  Oeog.  BoL  vii.,  JCI6.  In  1867 
the  attendance  here  had  rii*en  to  700  out  of  2,700  children;  only  2,800  per- 
sons could  write,  against  7,900  who  could  not.  /rf.,  ep.  2,  iv.,  91-3.  See 
also  Oamboi,  AUaa,  2;  Eubi,  Mem.  Gov.,  15;  Buduei,  ComjK,  51-2. 


EDUCATION.  747 

Sonora  is  striTing  to  redeem  herself  under  the  compulsory  system.  She  had, 
according  to  Cai«m(6ia«,  Inatruc  Pub.,  175-8,  128  primary  schools,  with  3,840 
pupiU,  of  whom  640  were  girls,  and  6  secondai^  colleges,  with  425  pupils;  4 
we.^  private  establishments.  The  public  college  for  boys  costs  the  state  |1 2,000 
a  year.  A  normal  school  also  exists.  Rie^o,  Mem,,  28-30,  paints  the  condi- 
tion in  1828  extremely  black.  Semanario,  PoliL,  ii.,  394-6;  not  till  the  middle 
of  the  following  decade  were  any  effective  steps  taken  to  improve  it,  by  es- 
tablishing a  secondary  ecclesiastic  college  at  Arizpe,  and  increasing  the 
primaries.  Oarza,  Pastoral,  7;  Pinari,  Doc  Son,,  ii  62,  66,  80.  Ten  years 
later  the  Lancasterian  aocietv  beffan  to  push  their  system,  and  the  normal 
school  opened  in  1847.  In  the  6  leading  towns  between  Banamichi  and  Her- 
mosillo  the  primaiy  attendance  was  only  400.  Id,,  iii.,  132-3,  321,  iv.,  40,  86. 
Only  one  of  the  schools  was  passable.  MotUeverde,  Mem.,  MS.,  62,  111-18, 
125;  VeUuco,  Son.,  37-8,  64.  In  1858  the  civil  institute  opened  at  Alamos. 
The  Sonortnse,  EstreUa  Ocdd.,  and  Fob.  MeJ.  have  items  for  these  and  follow- 
ing years,  showing  in  1863-4  four  schools  m  Guaymas  district,  19  in  Alamos, 
12  in  Ures,  etc.  see  also  IJemandez,  Cfeog,  Son.,  69-60;  Mex.  Scrape,  i.,  296; 
L/oneasteriana  Hegl ,  1-12. 

For  Duranffo,  Covarrubias  reports,  under  a  non- compulsory  svstem,  174 
primaries,  with  an  average  attendance  of  4,440,  about  three  fourths  boys;  4 
secondary  establishments,  half  of  them  under  clerical  care,  two  being  for 
girls,  with  nearly  650  pupils.  The  institute  for  males  and  the  seminario  gave 
professional  courses.  There  was  no  normal  training-school.  During  the 
closing  yean  of  the  colonial  r^ffime  Bishop  Costafiiza  gave  a  decided  impulse 
to  secondary  education,  and  left  a  bequest  for  the  seminario,  but  retrogres- 
sion set  in  for  about  40  years.  lylewu,  Rel,  319-20.  This  college  had  in 
1827  over  170  pupils,  and  a  fund  of  |350,000.  There  were  then  34  primaries, 
Dur.,  Mem,  Hamoe,  1827,  6-7;  but  4  years  later  Ihir.,  Mem.  Oob.,  1831,  7-9, 
reports  only  54  pupils  at  the  seminario,  and  26  badly  endowed  primaries. 
In  1842  a  Lancasterian  society  was  established,  Bustamante,  Mex.,  MS.,  xiv. 
277;  and  shortly  after  67  primaries,  with  1,592  pupils,  were  announced. 
Mex.,  Mem,  Indie,  1844,  No.  20.  Escudero,  Dttr.,  45-9,  has  62  schools,  with 
3,055  pupils,  for  1848,  and  Ramirez,  Dur.,  45-51,  claimed  11  free  schools, 
with  1,437  scholars,  for  the  capital  district  in  1850.  Soc.  Mex.  Oew/.,  BoL,  v. 
61-71.  The  seminario  was  soon  aiter  transferred  to  the  state.  Mex.  Legia.^ 
1856, 129.  In  and  after  1856  the  literary  institute  was  endowed.  Arch.  Mex., 
C'L  Ley.,  v.  668-9,  partly  with  church  property.  Mex.  Codiga  Bffom.a,  345; 
Mex.,  CoL  Ley.,  1863-7,  lii.  147-S.  In  1873  a  school  of  arts  was  projected. 
Diario  Debates,  cong.  6,  iv.  302;  Cambas,  Atlas,  17;  article  in  Dur.,  Aim., 
1885,  69-73,  is  very  faulty. 

Chihuahua  stands  low  on  the  list,  with  only  39  primaries  and  somewhat 
over  2,200  pupils,  according  to  Chih.  Period.  Ojic,  iJov.  13,  1874,  and  Covar- 
mhitu,  Instruc.  Pub.,  25-8,  an  assumed  decline  from  former  years.  The  two 
secondaries  are  the  institute  and  seminario,  with  250  students  and  superior 
pretensions. 

Lower  California  has  adopted  the  federal  district  regulations,  although 
they  are  evidently  not  applicable  to  her  condition.  In  1882  there  were  27 
schools,  with  1,174  pupils,  out  of  an  assumed  school  population  of  8,000;  of 
these  La  Paz  had  7  schools,  with  an  attendance  of  490  out  of  1,330  children; 
the  two  private  schools  claiming  nearly  half  the  number.  The  20  national 
establishments  receive  $15,400  tor  their  700  children.  Governor's  report,  in 
Brtja  CaL,  BoL  Ofic.,  Aug.  30,  1882.  This  shows  an  increase  upon  the  state- 
ment in  Mex,  Mem,  Oob.,  1878,  98,  doc.  96,  wherein  two  of  the  institutions 
at  La  Paz  are  classed  as  normal,  and  two  as  secondaries,  the  latter  at  La 
Paz  and  Miraflores,  with  60  students.  The  centre  district  has  four  of  the 
schools,  and  the  frontier  two.  For  1872  Hernandez,  Oeog.,  Baja  Cal.^  50- 1, 
allows  only  8  elementary  schools,  with  300  pupils,  and  although  this  seems 
unreliable,  the  compulsory  system  has  undoubtedly  given  a  great  impulse. 
8ee,  also,  Cambas,  Atlas,  29;  Tavnr,  HiH.  Pari,  iv.  771;  Hayes'  Sn-njuf,  Baja 
Cil ,  ix.  63-4.  Rule^  issued  in  1873.  Bnja  Col.,  Regl  Inslrtir.,  1-10;  Diario 
Debates,  cong.  8,  ii  608,  722,  765-80,  916;  Baja  CaL,  BoL  Ofic,,  187& 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

RESOURCES   AND  COMMERCE 

Obstacles  to  Progress  of  Agriculture — Productions  Ain)  Crops — Stock- 
raising — Mining — EFPsar  of  Indians  on  Deyblofment — Distk,tc»  in 
Different  States — Metals,  Minerals,  and  Precious  Stones — Pearl 
Fishing — Manufactures — Cotton  Mills — Trade — Imports  and  Ex- 
ports—Smuggling—Coast  Trade— Steamer  Linxs — Roads  and 
Canals — Railways. 

The  northwestern  states  being  essentially  mining  territory,  their  agricol- 
tural  capabilities  have  not  been  widely  probed,  partly  owing  to  their  compara- 
tive aridity.  Water  is  the  great  want.  Chihuahua  and  Durango  form  the 
top  of  a  table  which  rises  in  gentle  ascent  from  the  sulf  of  Mexico  to  aa  al.i- 
tude  of  3,800  feet  at  £1  Paso,  and  thence  lifts  itself  southward  to  the  h-gh 
pUteau  of  Anihuac,  while  forming  a  more  abrupt  slope  toward  the  Pacitic 
The  eastern  part  of  Chihuahua  presents  an  almost  deserted  sand  and  alkali 
plain,  with  numerous  dry  depressions,  known  as  Bolson  de  Mapini,  exten.l- 
mg  into  Coahuila,  and  for  some  distance  into  Durango.  Similar  land,  aL 
though  more  broken  by  hiUs  as  well  as  shifting  sand  dunes,  and  relieved  by  oc- 
casional river  bottoms,  stretches  from  Rio  Bravo  westward  to  the  monntalna. 
Even  south  of  the  state  capital  the  soil  is  patchy,  and  on  the  whole,  induce- 
ments for  tillaffe  are  small  as  compared  with  stock-raising,  which  ranks  as 
the  second  leading  occupation.  Durango  approaches  in  its  general  character 
to  the  southeastern  portions  of  the  neigh1>or  state,  and  regular  farming  vies 
with  stock-raising  and  mining  as  staple  industries.  As  may  be  judged  from 
the  altitude,  the  climate  is  comparatively  cool  on  this  table-land;  anow  falls 
in  Chiiiuahua  to  the  depth  of  two  feet^  Rio  Bravo  is  obstructed  by  ice,  and 
vines  at  the  somewhat  warmer  £1  Paso  require  protection.  The  suDuner 
temperature  averages  85  degrees.  West  of  the  Sierra  Madre  the  zones 
range  from  the  cold  of  the  mountains  to  the  temperate  of  the  foothills  and 
the  torrid  of  the  coast  line.  In  SInaloa  the  hot  Del t  is  40  miles  in  width, 
and  extends  for  some  distance  into  the  tributary  valleys,  with  a  sandy  soil 
that  is  productive  only  near  the  river  courses.  In  Sonora  sand  plains  of 
vast  expanse  cover  nearly  all  the  region  north  of  Guajrmas,  with  frequent 
dreaded  simoons;  but  the  east  and  northeast  is  a  delightful,  well-watered 
region,  oRpecially  attractive  to  emi^nts.  The  Yaqui  valley  is  Egyptian  in 
temperature,  and  in  the  Nile-like  inundation  of  its  fertile  bottoms.  With 
irrigation,  practicable  from  rivers  and  wells,  nature  yields  her  tre&mres  in 
such  lavish  abundance  and  variety  as  to  mark  Sonora  as  one  of  the  richest 
spots  on  earth.  Sinaloa  has  less  adaptability,  and  arid  Lower  California 
possesses  only  small  and  scattered  tracts  available  for  plantations. 

An  obstacle  to  farming  has  been  on  one  side  the  indolence  fostered  by  a 
bountiful  soil,  on  the  other,  the  illiberal  land  policy  of  the  government^  de- 
rived from  Spanish  times,  and  confusion  involving  titles.  Until  lately 
the  control  of  vacant  land  was  in  dispute  between  the  municipal,  state,  and 
general  governments,  and  there  was  the  insecurity  spread  by  the  fre- 
quent and  sweeping  annulling  of  grants,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  been 

(748) 


LAND  TITLES.  749 

made  by  rebellious  or  illegal  autborities,  or  with  nndae  obsenrance  of  con- 
stantly changing  regulations.  In  the  north  the  miBaion  lands,  secularized  in 
course  of  time,  aided  the  fraudulent  acquirements  of  estate,  as  did  stock- 
raising  leases  and  frontier  troubles,  whereby  influential  men  were  able  to  ob- 
tain possession  of  large  tracts,  to  tJie  check  of  development,  and  to  the  prej- 
udice of  the  Indians  and  poor  people,  the  true  settlers,  who  were  so 
frequently  deprived  of  the  small  lots  charity  bestowed  upon  them.  This 
tended,  likewise,  to  prevent  surveys  so  necessary  for  promoting  settlement 
as  well  as  knowledge  of  resources. 

The  missions  checked  colonization  to  a  great  extent,  for  a  kind  colonial 
government  reserved  the  best  lands  for  the  neophytes  and  kept  white  men  at 
a  distance  from  them.  In  Lower  CaL  no  land  was  assigned  in  proprietorship 
to  settlers  till  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  For  a  history  of 
land  titles  in  the  peninsula,  see  LassepeSf  Baja  CaL,  passim.  The  owner- 
ship of  land,  with  the  restrictions  soveming  communal  tracts  of  towns,  mis- 
sions, and  Indians,  has  been  considered  elsewhere,  notably  in  Hist,  CaL,  vi., 
this  series.  Instance  of  rules  concerning  mission  holdings,  in  Son.,  Leyes 
Varias,  33.  One  of  the  most  startling  shocks  to  titles  was  the  decree  by 
Juarez  in  1862,  annulling  state  concessions  so  far  made,  and  requiring 
a  revision  by  the  federal  authority.  Arch.  Mex.,  CaL  Ley.,  v,  679-^3, 
659-61;  Buenrostro,  HU.  Prim,  y  Secund.  Cong.,  338;  Bandini,  doc.,  141, 
with  allusions  to  previous  steps  of  the  kind.  The  tax  on  land  sales  is  heavy, 
and  to  perfect  titles  is  costly. 

Large  ranchos  are  not  without  their  value,  however,  by  promoting  more 
perfect  cultivation  with  improved  machinery,  by  introducing  new  ideas 
and  spreading  better  methods,  and  by  bringing  under  tillage  much  land 
otherwise  intractable.  The  value  of  example  is  recognized  in  the  efforts  of 
the  government  to  promote  immigration  of  farmers  from  abroad,  a  main  ob- 
ject beine,  also,  by  this,  as  well  as  by  new  land  laws,  to  encourage  the 
growth  of  petty  peasantry,  as  a  part  of  a  much  needed  middle  class.  Not 
that  many  of  the  laree  estates  confer  the  benefits  which  seem  alone  to  justify 
their  extent;  most  of  them  are  far  behind  what  even  a  neglif^ent  American 
would  endure.  They  drift  with  the  current  of  improvident  mdolence,  fos- 
tered by  an  indul^ng  soil,  yielding  readily  two  crops  a  year  with  slight 
labor,  and  retummg  the  seed  a  hundredfold.  Much  of  the  neglect  is 
due  to  the  employment  for  farm  work  of  Indians,  who  are  permitted  to  follow 
their  more  primitive  methods  and  unambitious  ideas.  Tarahumaras  live  on 
maize  and  a  little  milk;  a  family  possessing  twenty  head  of  cattle  is  regarded 
ai  well  off.  Soc.  Mex,  Cfeog.,  BoL,  ii.  45;  Tarayre,  Explor.,  269-71.  Yaquis 
and  Mayos  raise  so  little  produce  as  to  frequently  suffer,  despite  the  fertility 
of  their  soil  They  subsist  greatlv  on  fish  and  wild  fruit.  Velaaco,  Son., 
71-9.  They  plant  seed  without  plowing.  Soc.  Mex.  Oeoy.,  BoL,  ^p.  2,  ii. 
209-10.  Their  wages  as  laborers  between  1834-^9  ranged  from  $4  to  $6 
monthly,  with  rations.  Stone,  in  Pap.  Var.,  cxii. 

Here,  as  elsewhere  in  the  republic,  maize  forms  the  staple  product,  Du- 
rango  leading  with  over  a  hundred  million  kilograms.  Chihuahua  and 
Smaloa  following  close  behind,  and  Sonora  showing  somewhat  over  sixty  mil- 
lions. Wheat  is  comparatively  little  raised  in  proportion,  on  the  coast,  al- 
though that  of  Sonora  ranks  high  in  quality;  in  Durango  it  rises  to  one  tenth 
of  the  maize  figure,  and  in  Chihuahua  to  fully  40  per  cent.  Barley  is  in  small 
demand,  but  frizoles,  which  constitute  the  national  bean  dish,  hold  the  aver- 
age proportion  in  kilograms  to  the  maize  crop,  of  al>out  one  twenty-sixth, 
and  the  accompanying  chile  condiment,  which  replaces  meat  to  a  great  ex- 
tent, figures  at  the  usual  one  per  cent^  Rice  culture  is  creeping  into  favor, 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa  producing  each  about  600,000  kilograms,  and  Durango 
somewhat  over  half  that  amount.  Nearly  all  of  the  preceding  primary  arti- 
cles may  be  regarded  as  intended  solely  for  home  consumption,  and  the  hopes 
of  enterprising  men  and  prospective  colonists  are  turned  rather  to  semi-tropic 
products,  such  as  cotton,  sugar,  and  figs.  Cotton  appears  to  have  been 
known  to  some  of  the  northern  tribes  before  the  conquest,  by  introduction 


760  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCB. 

from  central  Mexico,  and  the  culture  fioarished  daring  colonial  tames  to  soma 
extent.  Hardy  found  it  a  leading  industry  on  the  Nazas  in  1827.  TVtBB., 
485-6.  It  was  introduced  at  Hermosillo  in  1811,  but  failed.  In  1842  the 
culture  was  resumed,  supplying  Ifliffo's  mill  in  part,  and  efforts  were  made 
to  extend  the  cultivation  on  Kioe  Yaqui  and  Mayo.  In  1843-^  it  nearly 
failed  at  both  places,  through  frost  and  disorders.  Mtx.  Mtm.  A</ric.,  18421, 
1845,  p.  12;  VeUMsm,  S<m„  61-3.  Chihuahua  in  1879  produced  566,600 
kilogs.,  and  Sinaloa  1,500,000,  whUe  Duranffo  yielded  2,928,000.  See  also 
Ard.  OtwiM.  Sden.,  L  446-51;  Haifa  Son,,  MS.,  77-8;  Mex.  Serapt,  i  147-8; 
Pap,  Var»,  xi.  15  et  seq.  Worms  have  proved  a  series  annoyance  in  Sinaloa. 
Later  it  received  a  decided  impulse,  and  while  Durango,  m  1886,  led  with 
about  three  million  kilograms,  the  sister  states  are  striving  to  rival  her. 
In  this  connection  dyes  were  beginning  to  obtain  attention,  when  mineral 
substances  came  to  discourage  the  effort,  as  they  have  done  in  ^e  eoathem 
indigo  and  cochineal  centres. 

Another  prominent  article,  su^^ar  cane,  is  steadily  increasing  in  favor 
among  planters,  Sinaloa  producing  over  three  million  kilograms,  and 
Sonora  following  close  behind.     Much  of  this  is  converted  into  brandy, 

S&rtly  as  a  rival  of  mescal,  which  also  finds  its  producers.  Viniculture 
ourishes  in  the  central  part  of  Sonora,  and  Chihuahua  has  achieved  a  rep> 
utation  for  its  wines.  Olives,  figs,  oranges  and  kindred  fruit  are  gaining 
attention,  and  also  coffee  and  silk.  Olive  groves  existed  early  in  San  Bar- 
tolome  valley  of  Chihuahua  and  in  the  peninsula,  planted  by  the  mission- 
aries. Exemptions  were  granted  in  the  third  decade  of  l^is  centarj'  to 
planters  of  coffee  and  cacao.  PinaH,  Die.  Son. ,  ii  19-20.  The  ranges  con- 
tain many  medicinal  plants  and  valuable  forests,  chiefly  of  cedar  and  oak. 
The  value  of  trees  is  uecomin^  more  impressed  upon  the  ffovemment.  and 
efforts  are  being  made  to  reclaim  some  of  the  arid  lands  to  tne  north  west  by 
planting  groves.  Eicudero,  (Jhik,  90-1,  Sonora,  desoribes  the  trees  to  be  found 
m  the  states.  In  the  estimate  of  products  from  the  soil  Chihuahua  leads 
with  $4,283,561,  followed  bv  Durango  with  $3,873,526,  Sinaloa  $3,093,415, 
Sonora  $1,886,030,  Lower  California  $163,778,  lowest  of  all  Mexican  terri- 
tories; while  Chihuahua  stands  twelfth  in  ^e  list,  which  is  headed  by  Jalisco 
with  $20,862,066;  Vera  Cruz  and  Guanajuato  coming  next  with  $13,000»000; 
then  Puebla,  Mexico,  Michoacan,  and  Oajaca.  Busio,  EstadisL 

So  far  stock-raising  has  sustained  the  preeminence  apparently  assigned 
to  it  by  the  northern  soil  and  sanctioned  by  national  mdolence.  Bell, 
New  Tradea,  385-7,  discourses  on  the  natural  advantages,  and  ^urtlet^  Narr.^ 
ii.  439,  relates  that  a  settler  near  Casas  Grandes  river,  in  1785,  obtained  by 
1829  a  herd  of  40,000  out  of  four  cows  and  one  bulL  Previous  to  tbie  Indian 
outbreak  of  1832  there  was  nothing  to  disturb  the  peaceful  growth  of  herds 
and  flocks  to  the  very  frontier,  untu  missions  and  private  individuals  counted 
their  possessions  by  the  thousands.  A  mission  on  the  Yaqui  had  over 
40,000  sheep  and  goats.  Pap.  Var.,  cxiL  At  Tumacacosi  4,000  cattle  were 
sold  in  1821  at  $3  per  head.  Pmart,  Doc  i9an.,i.  no.  71.  The  ranches  round 
Babispe  had  60,000  or  80,000  head.  Vekuco,  Son.,  103-4,  121.  Uniformity 
of  color  was  much  affected,  and  one  partido  sent  800  white  bulls  to  Mexico, 
Monteros,  Eapoa.  28;  and  Durango  sent  1,000  white  horses  from  one  estate. 
KendaWs  Santa  F4  Exped.,  ii.  HI.  In  Amlegm,  142-4,  allusion  is  made  to 
tamed  buffaloes  and  to  their  breeding  with  cattle.  Nacori  found  here  900 
horses  insufficient  for  complete  branding.  Id.,  in  Pap.  Var.,  cxL  In  1827  at 
the  hacienda  de  Ensenillas  of  Chihuahua  47,000  sheep  lambed.  Hardj^s  TVor., 
473.  Conde  estimates  the  stock  of  this  state  in  1833  at  235,884  head  of 
cattle,  350,000  head  of  small  stock,  128,371  horses,  and  35,727  mules  and 
asses.  Snc  Mac  Oeog.,  Bol,  v.  285,  324..  Durango  district  daimed  upward 
of  200,000  mares  and  kine  previous  to  the  great  revolt  of  1616.  UUiL  Huem. 
Viae.,  MS.,  6;  Doe,  Mex,,  ser.  iii.  12;  IMa,  PadiOa,  3ia  Velasoo,  8oil^ 
73,  is  full  of  praise  for  the  '  sabrosisimos  cameroe.'  In  1826  Ward,  Ife., 
ii.  560,  ascribed  200,000  sheep  and  40,000  horses  and  mules  to  tiie  Tarea 
hacienda,  80,000  sheep  to  Ramos,  and  40,000  cattle  to  Gnatimape.    The 


CATTLE  AND  MINES.  751 

sparsely  settled  peninflula  counted  in  1800, 7,900  cattle,  4, 600 horses,  nmle8,aiid 
assies,  and  17,000  small  stock.  ArriUwja,  ESstad.,  in  Bandird,  Doc  CaL,  3. 
But  after  a  time  they  melted  away  in  all  exposed  districts,  under  constant 
raids  into  Sonora,  Chihuahua,  and  Durango,  and  even  adjacent  regions  suf- 
fered from  the  ever  pendinjg;  danger  and  discouragement.  This  evil  being 
now  happily  reducea,  the  industry  is  recoverinff  and  promises  to  assume 
vaster  proportions  than  ever.  Inoeed,  rapid  settling  of  the  adjoining  border 
country  and  the  rapid  increase  of  communication,  fostered  especially  by 
railroads,  are  giving  a  great  impetus  to  the  frontier  states,  and  offering  in- 
ducements to  agriculturists  by  opening  markets  in  more  than  one  direction, 
and  for  a  wide  range  of  articles.  Intercourse  with  Americans  will  serve  to 
rouse  a  brisht  and  attractive  population,  which  has  partly  by  lack  of  oppor- 
tunity sunk  into  non-progressive  apathy  and  improvidence,  content  with 
bare  sustenance  for  the  da^.  Rich  rancheros  lived  in  bare  and  dilapitated 
houses,  although  dressing  m  semi-barbaric  flitter,  and  their  retainers  have 
Ijeen  content  witii  mere  sheds.  See  admissions  in  Dice.  Univ,,  viii.  339. 
Indians  especially  lack  enterprise.  Soc,  Mex.  Oeog.,  BoL^  iu  45. 

Gx)ld,  the  chief  incentive  for  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  continued  to  at- 
tract the  Spanish  adventurers,  especially  towai*d  the  north.  Intent  upon 
this,  it  took  some  years  before  the  discovery  of  the  deposits  in  Zacatecas,  in 
1546-8,  changed  the  current  of  their  ideas  by  the  recognition  that  New  Spain 
was  essentiaUy  a  silver  country.  Then  the  fever  started  anew,  and  onward 
passed  the  rush,  first  alous  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Sierra  Madre.  In  1852 
Durau^o  was  entered,  although  the  rumored  silver  mountain  here  proved 
to  be  iron,  and  was  left  to  the  appreciation  of  a  later  generation.  One 
precious  deposit  after  another  unfolded  before  the  advancing  explorers,  who 
reached  Chihuahua  a  decade  later  and  thence  continued  their  successful 
quest  into  the  Occidente  provinces.  Here  gold  cropped  out  in  such  a  way 
as  to  encourage  tha  poorer  prospector,  and  to  cast  an  mterest  over  the  region 
beyond,  from  which  they  were  debarred  by  aridity  and  savages.  The  Sierra 
Madre  became  more  clearly  marked  as  the  source  of  wealth,  and  in 
course  of  time  the  western  slopes  proved  to  contain  the  richest  mmes  located  at 
fram  3,009  to  8,009  feet  above  the  sea.  The  distribution  is  uneven,  in  pockets, 
bunches,  flat- veins,  aad  chimneys,  depressions  formed  by  ravines,  scattered 
among  immense  bodies  of  low-grade  ores,  usually  in  one  principal  vein,  with 
perhaps  smaller  parallel  branches,  which  class  really  forms  the  most  valuable 
part  of  the  deposits,  so  far  but  little  touched.  They  are  usually  found  in 
primitive  and  transition  rocks, 'as  slate  and  graywacke,  and  especially  por- 
phyry and  idpine  limestone,  the  latter  containing  most  of  the  early  and 
rich  mines.  The  main  low-grade  ore  is  below  60  ounces  to  the  ton,  and  oon- 
sists  for  the  first  300  feet  of  decomposed  coloradoa,  thence  below  the  *  water 
line,*  or  other  disturbing  element,  they  run  into  sulphides,  the  nejros,  both 
treated  by  amalgamation;  then  follow  the  harder  Uya  and  pyrites,  subjected 
to  smelting. 

While  rich  in  promise,  with  many  a  glowing  record,  yet  the  frontier 
region  stands  secondary  to  the  north-central  crescent  of  the  republic,  which 
passes  through  San  Luis  Potosf ,  Guanajuato,  and  Zacatecas.  Owinff  to  dis- 
tance from  ports  and  other  available  supply  stations,  and  increased  dangers, 
exploitation  was  conducted  with  even  less  thoroughness  than  usual  in  Mexico. 
The  proscription  of  Spaniards  added  to  the  adverse  influence  of  the  repub- 
lican strife;  many  mines  were  abandoned  for  lack  of  capital  and  enterprising 
men  after  the  rich  pockets  had  been  exhausted,  and  others  fell  into  the 
hands  of  gambusinos,  or  straggling  workers,  whose  shiftless  methods,  aim- 
ing chiefly  at  immediate  and  easy  returns,  caused  the  ruin  of  well  preserved 
mines.  The  protective  measures  of  colonial  days  received  little  attention, 
partly  from  the  overthrow  of  Spanish  reticulations  and  authorities  in  such 
matters.  The  destruction  of  walls  and  pillars  used  to  be  severely  punished, 
and  reasons  for  abandonment  had  to  be  given,  together  with  plans  for  the 
workings.  For  complaints  and  suggestion "«,  see  Doc.  Mex.^  ser.  3,  iv.  658-60; 
PinarU  OolL,  uoe.  669-76;  N,  Meas,  Cedulas,  MS.,  265-8.    Hardy,  Trav.. 


762  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE. 

427-<34,  speaks  of  placers  worked  by  the  mdest  of  tools,  mere  sticks;  and 
Combier,  Vop.,  213-14,  describes  the  manner  of  cnuhingqaartz,  with  boulders 
drawn  by  animals,  and  the  amalgamation  process.  Details  are  otherwije 
given  in  the  mining  chapters  of  HigL  Mex.,  iii.-vl,  this  series.  Snrreptitioas 
working  of  closed  mines  by  gambusinos  aho  had  ruinous  efiecta  in  cavings, 
etc.  In  rich  mines  the  steaUngs  by  operatives  were  enormous.  As  flail  in- 
stances, Sm.,  MS.,  50,  91,  190-1.  The  hostility  of  the  Apaches  obliged  the 
evacuation  of  entire  districts  even  far  from  the  frontier,  especially  in  sSonora. 
Among  the  remedies  presented  to  revive  the  flagging  industry  was  exemp- 
tion from  taxes.  Foreigners  began  to  pour  in  after  the  independence,  and 
although  at  first  meeting  with  poor  puccess  from  lack  of  prudence  and  ex- 
perience, superior  machmery  and  scientific  methods  prevailed,  until  a  large 
number  of  rich  deposits  fell  into  their  hands.  They  developed  compara- 
tively few  new  mines,  preferring  to  reopen  the  many  abandoned  mines,  which 
as  a  rule  have  been  worked  omy  near  the  surface  and  in  patches.  With 
their  effective  machinery  and  expedients,  the  Uck  or  excess  of  water,  trans- 
portation, and  other  early  obstacles  are  readily  overcome,  and  the  masses  oi 
Ignored  low-grade  ore,  and  even  tailing,  yield  fortunes.  The  result  has 
been  a  ^ratifying  emulation  among  Mexicans,  participated  in  also  by  poor 
men,  wno  receive  advances  from  capitalists,  tne  Utter  stipulating  for  the 
purchase  of  their  ore  at,  say,  16  per  cent  below  mint  rates,  which  again 
were  some  20  per  cent  below  real  value,  according  to  Froebel,  CenL  Am.,  iL 
257-8.  Formerly  bancos  de  plata  afforded  similar  aid  to  miners  generally. 
LaatKUfci,  15-19.  A  stimulant  exists  also  in  a  law  which  permits  a  speculator 
to  take  the  working  of  a  mine  from  incompetent  men  by  paying  them  a  rent 
equivalent  to  their  average  extraction.  Friehel,  ii.  231-2.  For  mining  laws, 
surpervising  boards,  minmg  college,  etc.,  I  refer  to  Hiti,  Mex.,  iiL-vL,  this 
series. 

The  development  of  the  frontier  region  under  colonial  regime,  since  the 
discovery  of  Santa  Barbara  lodes  in  alx>ut  1563,  has  been  noticed  in  the  pre- 
ceding volume,  and  it  is  here  necessary  only  to  introduce  its  most  striking 
features  in  connection  with  a  general  account  of  each  state.  ^ 

No  very  reliable  data  can  be  obtained  for  the  total  periodic  or  relative 
production  of  the  different  sections,  owing  to  the  secrecy  observed  by  own- 
erj,  especially  foreigners,  for  obvious  reasons,  and  to  the  neglect  of  officials 
to  collect  information.  This  applies  especially  to  the  distant  frontier,  with 
its  many  facilities  for  escaping  supervision.  The  statistics  of  mintsi,  of 
which  Sonora  possesses  two  and  the  other  three  states  one  each,  afford  the 
most  acceptable  figures,  and  according  to  these,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  1879,  Sonora  headed  the  four  states  concerned  with  a  total  of  32,917 
kilograms  worth  fl, 287,352;  Durango  follows  with  28,535  kilograms 
worth  $1,115,964,  then  Chihuahua  with  27,926  kilograms  worth  $1,092,- 
157;  and  lait,  Sinaloa  with  11,705  kilofframs  worth  ^7,771.  The  prooev 
of  reduction  in  three  of  the  states  is  divided  between  amalgamation  and 
smelting,  the  latter  preponderating,  while  in  Sonora  lixiviation  predominates. 
The  four  states  stand  credited  also  with  a  gold  yield  of  f24,8G7,  $20,552, 
$46,443,  and  $12,256,  respectively,  which  places  Chihuahua  first  here,  but 
fourth  in  the  order  of  the  Mexican  states  generallv.  In  silver  production 
Sonora,  as  the  first,  stands  sixth  in  the  republic,  with  little  more  than  one- 
fourth  the  yield  of  Zacatecas;  the  sister  states  follow,  while  Mexico  and 
and  Michoacan  succeed  Sinaloa.  The  geologic  formation  of  Chihuahua  is 
cretaceous  fossiliferous  limestone,  resting  on  primary  strata,  which  presents 
three  classes  of  mines:  in  transition  porphyry,  with  feldspat^  baw  and 
quartz  matrix,  ai  at  Parral,  Jesus  Marfa,  Guadalupe  v  Calvo,  and  Cuisihuir- 
iachic;  in  alpine  limestone,  with  large  formations  of  lead  ores,  as  at  Sfaanta 
Eulalia  and  Urique;  and  those  with  native  silver  beneath  a  sulphide  belt, 
covtsred  by  chlorides,  bromides,  and  eml>olite,  as  at  Batepilas,  Morelos, 
Cueros,  and  Tubores.  The  state  has  revealed  fully  100  distinct  minerales  or 
districts,  all  with  silver,  sometimes  in  immense  lumps,  while  gold  has  been 
successfully  sought  in  several,  even  recently  in  placers.    One  at  Quvreai^ 


MINES  AND  MINING.  703 

45  leAgaes  m.  s,  of  Ghihnahuft,  yielded  half  a  million  between  1867-70;  an- 
other  at  Guadalupe  in  1869  gave  $20,000  monthly    Soc  Mex.  Oeog,,  BoL,  6p. 
2»  iL,  719-20.    Later  discoveries  noticed  in  Mex.  Dior.  Qfic,  Jan.  23,  1871;  . 
Monitor,  and  others.     Gold  is  fonnd  in  ten  of  the  cantones. 

The  first  mines  discovered  in  the  state  lie  in  the  same  canton  as  ParnJ,. 
which  is  famed  for  the  regular  yield  of  its  easily  reduced  though  low-grade 
ore.  It  still  holds  the  second  rank,  and  exhibits  about  400  locations,  from 
which  $60,000,000  are  said  to  have  been  obtained.  The  vein  is  among  the 
widest,  and  so  far  not  worked  below  300  feet.  The  leading  mines  are  the  Veta 
Grande,  34  metres  wide,  yielding  4-8  marcos  per  12  arrobas,  and  the  Jesus 
Maria,  whose  ore  sells  at  $35  to  $60  per  ton.  The  district  was  discovered 
in  1600  by  a  fugitive  miner,  and  rose  rapidly,  being  the  seat  of  the  territo- 
rial deputation  till  the  transfer  to  Chihuahua  in  the  18th  century.  Hamirez, 
Riqutza  Mm.,  389-90;  Esendero,  Chih,,  137-42;  Alefrre,  ii.,  190.  So  far  Avfi' 
sixths  of  the  ore  is  treated  bv  amalgamation.  This  district  was  eclipsed  by 
the  development  in  1703  of  the  Santa  Eulalia,  which  gave  importance  to  Chi- 
huahua city.  The  ore  here  occurs  in  enormous  irregular  bodies,  some  large 
enough  to  hold  a  cathedral,  and  with  an  average  yield  of  6  or  8  ounces  per 
carga,  up  to  32  ounces.  The  total  out-turn  so  far  is  estimated  at  fmly 
$1S3,000,000,  according  to  the  fisures  of  Bamirez,  supported  by  Conde 
and  Wizlizenus,  Tour.,  57;  yet  Dahlgren  gives  the  production  by  1844  alone 
at  over  $360,000,000,  or  $2,646,000  a  year  since  1704,  the  average  value  of 
the  ore  being  placed  at  from  $26  to  $103  per  ton.  The  lack  of  water  has 
offset  the  ease  with  which  the  ore  can  be  treated.  The  richest  mines  were 
£1  Caballo,  San  Matlas,  La  Virja,  Dolores,  and  San  Jos^.  The  discovery 
was  made  by  fugitive  malefactors,  whose  camp-fire  revealed  the  outcropping, 
when  they  sued  successfully  for  pardon.  Sucn  is  a  popular  version.  Arle- 
ffin,  Chron.,  99,  ascribes  the  discovery  to  the  Franciscans,  to  whom  the 
Juliemes  disclosed  the  deposit.  From  a  tax  of  one  real  per  marco  on  the 
yield  of  one  bonanza  alone,  as  Ward  puts  it,  the  cathedral  of  Chihuahua 
was  built,  besides  another  structure,  etc.  Froebel,  CetU.  Am.,  359,  esti- 
mates the  bonanza  at  14,500,000  marcos.  According  to  the  In/onm  Dispul 
TerriL  of  1825  the  district  had  '63  haciendas  groun£,  188  homos  de  fundi- 
cion  (smelting  fnmaees),  112  cendradaa,'and  a  mass  of  amalgamation  works. 
Mota  Padilla,  HitA.,  316,  Soc,  Mex.  Oeog.,  BoL,  v.,  281,  et  se^.;  Pap.  Var., 
cxli.  pt  5,  refer  to  early  condition.  It  declined  with  the  openmg  of  the  cen- 
tury, and  in  1825  came  an  appeal  for  aid.  Santa  Eulalia,  Mines,  5-11;  Ob- 
serv.  Rep.  Mex.,  iii.,  174-80.  Of  late  it  has  shared  in 'the  revival  produced 
by  foreign  enterprise.  The  richest  ore,  however,  has  been  that  of  San  Pedro 
Batopilas,  remarkable  for  the  calc-spar  matrix  veins  carrying  native  silver 
which  yielded  as  much  as  820,000  per  ton,  with  a  total  production  of,  say^ 
$100,000,000.  Ramirez  puts  it  at  only  $60,000,000,  but  he  belies  himself,, 
while  some  accounts  raise  it  to  $300,000,000.  '  Las  mas  ricas  que  se  ban 
labrado  en  el  Regno,*  says  Gamboa  in  his  Comentarios.  The  belt  is  4  miles 
by  i,  and  extends  along  the  western  slope  of  the  Sierra  Madre.  The  veins 
are  narrow  and  hard,  and  but  little  exploitation  is  required.  The  richest  mines 
were  Pastrefia,  the  deepest  somewhat  over  120  metres,  which  is  supposed  to 
have  yielded  $48,000,000  between  1730-50;  San  Antonio,  $10-16,000,000; 
Carmen,  $25-30,000,000;  Los  Tajos,  $20,000,000.  Since  the  independence 
Ramirez  allows  only  $6,000,000,  but  the  revival  experienced  since  1849,  and 
especially  of  late  by  Americans,  indicates  more.  Of  the  1,400  or  more 
mines,  72  have  been  noted  for  their  yield.  Biqti^za  Min.,  386-7.  Most  of  the 
mining  records  of  the  state  allude  more  or  less  to  the  district.  Next  in  or- 
der to  these  three  leading  and  representative  districts  follows  Jesus  Maria, 
the  proper  opening  of  which  in  1821  save  a  perceptible  impulse  generally  to 
mining  affiiirs  in  the  state.  The  yield  of  its  principal  mine  was  $35,000,000. 
Ouishniriachic  has  probably  equalled  the  preceding  district  in  production. 
Moreloe  is  a  new  district  of  high  rank,  but  less  known  than  Guadalupe  y 
Calvo,  which  opened  only  in  1835  has  nevertheless  approached  some  of  the 
heaviest  totals  in  its  yield,  largely  gold.  The  old  region  of  Urique  contains  . 
HiOT.  Mix.  States,  Vol.  II.  48 


784  RESOUROBS  AKD  OOMMESRCK 

lioh  ore,  mostly  requiring  smelting.  The  districto  of  Uniachic,  ComUitoa, 
ZApjui,  Topago,  Uraapa,  and  others,  some  in  activity,  others  practieaDy 
■abandoned,  are  waiting  like  several  of  the  revived  mines  for  the  cwital  and 
skill  that  shall,  with  deeper  and  more  thorough  exploitation,  unfold  their 
treasures.  Busto,  Estadist.,  ii.,  57-60,  of  1880,  recognizes  only  21  mines  as 
in  operation  in  the  12  active  districts,  with  a  yield  for  the  year  1878-79  of 
146,818  marcos  silver  and  7  marcos  gold,  according  to  mint  coinage;  yet  he 
admits  the  unsatisfactory  nature  of  the  reports.  Americans  own  large  in- 
terests in  Batopilas,  Pinos  Altos,  and  Guadalupe,  the  latter  bought  from 
En^ishmen,  who  still  hold  claims  at  Pinos  Altos. 

Sonora  is  generally  regarded  as  among  the  richest  of  Mexican  states,  yet 
greatly  neglected,  owing  to  lack  of  water,  capital,  and  security,  and  to  an 
irregular  geologic  formation  that  has  led  to  many  disappointments,  especially 
to  foreign  firms.  Poorer  men,  adapting  themselves  to  changing  ciicam- 
stances,  succeed  better.  They  have  been  favored  also  by  the  greater  propor- 
tion of  gold  here  presented,  notably  in  the  many  placers  of  the  northern 
parts,  discovered  at  different  times  and  places  in  course  of  the  last  hundred 
years,  and  sustained  in  interest  by  such  remarkable  yields  as  that  of  the 
•early  Cieneguilla,  estimated  as  high  as  $100,000,  and  by  the  mystery  shnnid- 
ing  the  arid  border  region  and  the  forbidden  haunts  of  the  Aptaches,  guarded 
b^  gold  and  silver  bullets.  The  report  of  rich  finds  in  Arizona  in  1769, 
with  silver  lumps  of  20,  and  even  140,  arrobas  in  weight  Apogtol  A/amg, 
lib.  it,  cap.  ii.  232-7.  Some  of  the  lumps  were  presented  to  the  kinx,  who 
declared  tne  mines  crown  property,  and  so  stop^d  further  search,  ^ilosoo. 
Son.,  190-2.  One  mass  weighed  3,500  pounds.  Stone,  25S,  in  Pc^k  Var„ 
cxiL  The  subsequent  silver  placer  of  this  name  was  in  1855  declared  gov- 
emmentproperty.  Navarro,  Leytn^  321-2.  Big  lumps  were  affain  reported. 
Corres.  ESo.,  May  30,  1855.  The  San  Ildefonso  de  la  Cienegoilm  placera  were 
discovered  about  1769  during  a  pursuit  of  marauding  Seris,  and  revealed 
pure  grains  and  nuggets,  some  from  1  to  27  marcos  in  weighty  much  upon 
the  surface.  At  SauFrancisco,  near  by,  opened  in  1803,  pieces  of  28  marcos 
were  found.  They  continued  to  be  workea  for  several  decades  in  the  preaent 
century,  yielding  $45,000,000  annually  for  many  years.  Vehsco,  Son.,  194- 
203.  Busto,  ii.  328,  quotes  an  account  which  estimates  the  total  yield  at 
over  $100,000,000.  Alcedo,  iv.  575;  Arc^^  Diarh,  of  1776,  228-9.  Pmart,  Doe. 
Son.,  MS.,  L,  no.  19,  reports  the  condition  in  1800  as  poor,  yet  Dior.  Mac, 
1810,  xiii.  71-2,  speaks  of  untold  prospects.  In  1837  the  Quitovac  placera 
were  disclosed,  with  nuggets  up  to  30  marcos,  but  less  extensive.  Soc  Mex. 
Cfeog.,  BoL,  xi.  63-5. 

Twenty-one  placers  have  so  far  been  recognized,  one  being  of  silver. 
Gold  exists  in  all  the  mining  districts,  of  which  only  a  few  are  now  daesed 
as  active.  Reports  from  the  seven  leading  groups  eliow  that  75  firms,  with 
a  capital  of  $10,000,000,  are  operating  somewhat  over  200  mines  and  three 
dozen  reduction  works,  yielding  fully  $1,200,000  annually.  In  the  famous 
Alamos  district  are  immense  deposits  of  ore  at  from  20  to  50  ounces,  while 
the  higher  grade  yields  from  $250  to  $500  per  ton.  Elsewhere,  as  at  Babi- 
canora,  two  mines  alone  are  said  to  have  yielded  over  $50,000,000  within  a 
few  years,  so  that  the  prospects  are  most  encouraging.  According  to  Rami- 
rez' reports  of  1884,  Alamos  district  has  13  mining  firms,  with  a  capital  of 
$1,365,000,  operating  15  mines,  of  which  7  are  yielding  an  average  of  $345,- 
000  a  year  from  as  many  reduction  works,  with  730  workmen.  Moctesuma, 
8  firms,  capital  $167,500,  17  mines  and  1  work,  yielding  ^2,700,  140  men. 
Sahnaripa,  25  firms,  capital  $4,295,000,  34  mines,  of  which  only  4  ytM 
$254,000,  5  works,  and  434  men.  Guaymas,  12  firms,  $106,500  capital,  33 
mines,  including  copper,  of  which  one  only  yields  $4,000,  174  men.  Ari^M, 
7  firms,  $1,868,600  capital,  52  mines,  includmff  copper,  yielding  $300,000,  5 
works,  and  500  men.  Magdalena,  7  firms,  $41^000  capital,  19  mines,  of 
which  only  one  yields  $16,800,  5  works,  and  225  men.  Altar,  I?  ferns, 
$1,547,000  capital,  45  mines,  including  antimony,  whereof  7  yield  $182,400, 
.9  works,  and  165  men.    Busto  assumes  for  1879  only  11  woru  of  any  in 


MINEB  AND  MININa.  756 

tance,  in  16  active  diBtricts  oat  of  34.  Dahl^ren  raises  the  production  of  the 
famous  Alamos  group  to  $500,000.  The  rich  deposits  occur  in  hig  bunches^ 
sometimes  50  feet  wide,  the  first  class,  of  copper  glance  with  silver  sulphide, 
yielding  25  to  50  per  cent  copper  and  $250  to  $500  silver  per  ton;  the  second 
class  is  smelting  ore,  the  third  class  brings  50  ounces  with  milling,  and  the 
fourth  dass,  with  immense  reserves,  20  to  25  ounces.  The  Quintera  mine  is 
800  feet  deep.  In  1870  the  active  mines  were  estimated  at  144,  and  the 
abondoned  at  583.  Twenty  years  earlier  the  yield  of  the  leading  districts 
was  placed  between  100,000  and  120,000  marcos  of  silver.  Manteverde,  in 
Dice.  Univ.,  iii.  413  et  seq. 

In  Sinaloa  the  lodes  consist  greatly  of  quartz  matrix  marked  by  oxide  of 
iron,  and  holding  minute  partides  and  threads  of  gold.  The  principal  de< 
posits,  the  argentine,  which  reveals  also  native  silver,  is  here  laively  connected 
with  lead,  and  to  some  extent  with  copper.  The  average  yield  is  estimated 
at  one  marco  per  carga  of  12  arrobas,  or  an  annual  production  of  11,706  kilo- 
grams of  silver.  The  mineral  wealth  is  widely  distributed,  and  each  of  the 
nine  political  divisions  contains  a  number  of  mming  districts,  of  which  Cosala 
is  the  largest,  and  Rosario  among  the  richest.  The  mines  are  placed  at  more 
than  400,  including  copper,  with  over  50  reduction  works  and  39  steam  en- 
gines. Ramirez  estimated  the  circulating  capital  at  $2,560,000  and  the  men 
employed  at  5,300.     Garcia  Oubas  assumes  445  mines  at  an  earlier  period. 

The  most  important  mine  in  Cosala  district,  Guadalupe  de  los  Reyes,  has 
since  1800  produced  $85,000,000,  it  is  said,  the  ore  still  averaging  $100  per 
ton.  The  second  best  mine  is  £1  Tajo  of  Rosario,  with  even  better  average 
ore  at  present,  and  in  bonanza.  It  supports  a  population  of  6,000,  according 
to  Hamilton.  Border  States,  118.  Dahlgren  places  its  production  at  $12,000,- 
000,  while  according  $90,000,000  to  Rosario.  The  district  was  discovered  in 
16a5  by  a  peasant,  who  here  broke  his  rosary,  whence  the  name.  The  ad- 
joining Plomosas  district  has  ore  valued  at  12  ounces  per  caz^^a.  The  ore  of 
Jocuistila,  in  San  lenacio,  is  very  rebellious,  yet  the  yield  is  placed  at 
$50-60,000  per  month.  Americana  are  largely  interested  in  different  dis- 
tricts, and  iilthough  meeting  with  obstacles,  are  paving  their  way  with  enter- 
prising zeal,  as  Vega,  Doc.,  i.  260-4,  has  already  pointed  out.  The  revival  of 
Cosala  is  due  to  them.  Gold  placers  are  found  even  to-day,  notably  in  the 
rugged  Fuerte  region. 

Among  the  prmcipal  of  the  35  mining  districts  in  Durango  is  San  Dimas, 
to  which  a  production  of  over  $100,000,000  is  attributed.  The  Candelaria 
mine,  which  early  in  this  century  yielded  $250,000  per  month,  still  averages 
from  $70  to  $140  to  the  ton  from  argentite,  stephanite  ore,  with  galena  and 
iron  and  copper  pyrites  and  native  gold.  The  Bolafios  mine,  at  the  rear  of 
the  mountam,  produces  an  average  of  $140  to  the  ton.  Coneto  has  remark- 
ably rich  ore  in  veins  of  three  ^et,  with  much  tin.  The  rebellious  ores  of 
IndiS  and  Guanacroi  average  from  $125  to  $300  per  ton.  Del  Oro  has  been 
remarkable  for  its  gold  placers,  and  yielded  at  one  period  $1,000,000  an- 
nually. Not  far  eastward  of  Inde  are  the  shallow  deposits  of  Los  Fresnos, 
and  the  net-like  veins  of  Yerba  Buena.  The  district  of  Gabilanes  produced 
$300,000  annually  during  the  early  part  of  the  century.  Cuencame  abounds 
in  low-grade  ore.  South  of  Durango  are  eight  groups  marked  by  chlorides 
and  bromides,  which  cover  argentiferous  galena.  Mapimf ,  Norias,  Pinuco, 
and  San  Lticas  figure  as  noteworthy  districts.  In  1831  the  yield  for  the 
state  was  reported  at  78,693  marcos.  Escudero  enumerates  80  mines  in  1848. 
Americans  are  gaining  a  decided  footing. 

In  Lower  California  the  mining  wealth  is  small  in  comparison  with  the 
sister  regions,  yet  each  of  its  eight  municipalities  contains  one  or  more  gold 
and  silver  mines,  the  former  metal  assuming  greater  proportion  in  the  north, 
where  even  now  such  placers  as  Japa,  San  Rafael,  and  Calamahf ,  are  attract- 
ing attention.  The  richest  district  is  in  the  south,  the  San  Antonia,  with 
over  40  silver  and  a  score  of  sold  mines,  including  three  placers.  Next 
oome  Santiago  and  La  Paz,  with  11  and  10  mines,  respectively,  of  which  six  are 
gold.  The  first  named  includes  the  Triunf  o  mines,  the  foremost  in  the  territory. 


766  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE. 

The  average  yield  is  from  3  to  12  oanoes  of  silver  per  carga»  with  gold  ad- 
mixture. The  Virgenes  and  Cocachilas  deposits  are  richer  in  qoaHty,  Imt 
with  narrower  veins,  yielding  from  8^  marcos  per  cai^,  downward.  The 
formation  is  ^pranitic.  There  are  three  principal  veins,  while  the  other  re- 
veals six,  with  many  intermediate  streaks.  The  districts  of  Mulece  and 
Comondd  have  each  two  gold  and  three  silver  mines,  Todos  Santos  and  Santo 
Tomlis  one  gold  mine  apiece,  and  San  Jos^  one  silver  mine.  Ramirez  speaks 
promisingly  of  San  Jose  island,  of  the  region  between  Valle  Perdido  anaCer- 
ralvo  island,  Cerro  del  Giffante  near  Loreto,  and  from  Cirmen  island  to  £b- 
pfritu  Santo.     The  first  silver  mine  was  opened  about  1750,  and  worked  for 

fovemment  account,  CaL  Prov.  Rec.y  i.  151-2,  at  Santa  Ana,  and  from  it 
408  marcos  were  shipped  in  1770.  Heavy  taxes  and  bubble  schemes  have 
counteracted  the  revival  promised  by  the  large  influx  of  American  min^s. 
Leading  authorities  on  gold  and  silver  mining  in  the  north  are  the  reports  in 
McL,  Mem.  Fom.,  1884  and  earlier  dates;  Id.,  Hoc,  id.;  Bugto,  EstaaisL,  ii- 
iii.;  U.  S.  Com.  Rel,  for  different  years;  the  special  mining  histories  of 
Dahl^ren,  Historic  Mines  of  Mexico,  and  Hcanira,  liiqueza  Mineral  de  Mexico, 
both  mcomplete  in  range  and  detail,  and  imperfect  in  method  and  data,  yet 
of  undeniable  value.  A  mass  of  information  is  also  presented  in  Pmaot, 
Cal.,  Id.,  Doc  Son.,  Mex.  Scraps.,  i-ii.  Taraifre,  £aplor.  Min,,  Soc  Mex, 
Otog.,  v-vi.,  viii-xi.,  ep.  2,  i.,  iii.;  P<xp.  Var.,  different  numbers;  &endero^ 
cm,;  Id.,  Dur.;  Id.,  Son.  y  Sin.;  Velasoo,  Son,,  Hardy's  Trav.;  WarcTs  Mex,, 
i.,  ii.;  HumhokU,  Essai  Pci.  The  main  object  of  Jacob  P.  Leese,  Historical 
Outline  of  Lotoer  GaU/omia,  New  York,  1865.  8vo.,  pp.  46,  was  to  lay  before 
the  world  the  organization  of  the  Mexican  Mining  and  Colonization  Co.  of 
New  York,  under  grants  to  the  author  and  his  aHsociates  by  the  Mexican 
government  of  46,800  square  miles  of  land  between  24"  20"  and  31"  for  col- 
onization and  industrial  purposes.  A  few  pages  are  devoted  to  the  early 
history  of  Lower  California,  and  a  brief  account  of  the  missions.  Hie 
rest  of  the  publication  is  taken  up  with  a  description  of  the  mineral  ressoar- 
ces  of  that  countiy,  of  the  pearl  fisheries,  and  of  the  capabilities  of  Lower 
California  generally. 

The  frontier  states  are  rich  also  in  baser  metals  and  minerals.  Copper 
abounds  in  nearly  all  of  them,  and  has  been  worked  in  different  places,  but 
with  little  application,  as  in  Sonora,  in  Chihuahua,  with  her  famed  Ccmper 
Mountain,  and  in  Lower  California,  where  a  number  of  mines  are  worked. 

Iron  has  been  found  in  several  places  in  Sonora  and  Chihuahua,  and 
close  to  Durango  city  lies  that  curious  deposit  known  as  the  Cerro  del  Mer- 
cado,  after  its  discoverer.  This  reported  silver  mountain,  which  first  at- 
tracted the  Spaniards  to  this  region,  proved  to  be  a  mass  of  iron  a  mile  in 
length  by  nearly  half  a  mile  in  width,  and  686  feet  high,  calculated  to  con- 
tain 460,000,000  tons,  the  specific  weight  beins  4.658,  and  assaving  from  70^ 
to  75  per  cent,  of  pure  iron.  Attempts  to  work  it,  since  1828,  have  only  of 
late  begtm  to  give  promising  results. 

Lead  exists  in  most  of  the  states,  and  that  from  a  mine  in  the  center  of 
the  Santa  Eulalia  silver  district  of  Oiihuahua  is  used  to  assist  the  smelting 
process. 

Tin  has  been  noticed  in  Sonora,  and  Durango  contains  several  immense 
fields,  worked  to  some  extent  in  the  preceding  century,  and  lately  promia- 
ing  to  rovive. 

Nickel  ha.<i  been  discovered  at  San  Rafael,  Lower  California,  and  anti- 
mony in  Sonora. 

Quicksilver  has  long  been  sought  for  to  promote  the  reduction  of  precious 
metals,  and  indications  have  been  found,  but  not  sufficiently  satisiactQiy. 
In  Lower  California  are  three;  in  Sonora  two,  from  one  of  which  a  number  of 
flasks  were  obtained.  Los  Union,  Dec.  16,  1860;  Dos.  Repuh.  3vXj  6,  187& 
Chihuahua  has  it  in  two  cantons  and  Durango  in  boneto,  where  it  extends 
for  two  leagues,  assaying  60-70  per  cent.,  the  result  of  special  exploration 
urg^ed  in  1844.  Mex.  E»pos.  Tom.,,  1845.  53-4;  Pap.  Var.  xL,  pt.  iv.,  53-4. 
This  is  perhaps  the  most  promising  deposit.     Later  the  search  for   coal 


METALS  AND  MINERALS.  757 

excited  meet  interest,  in  connection  with  railroad  bnildixuK.  The  value  of 
the  indications  along  the  Rio  Grande  is  not  yet  certain.  Aat  at  Topia  in 
Durando  is  satisfactory;  and  eqnal  assurance  is  made  for  a  deposit  75  miles 
east  of  Mazatlan,  but  they  are  not  likely  to  be  worked  for  a  long  time.  In 
Sonora,  however,  there  are  some  fine  fields,  especially  in  Surramas  on  Rio 
Yaquin,  not  far  from  Ures.  It  is  said  to  be  36  square  kilom.  in  superficies. 
Cost  of  transportation  b  the  chief  obstacle.  Bamerez,  192,  577;  Hamilton  8 
Border  States,  98-101;  Mcx.  Scrape.,  i.,  281,  ii.,  18.  Baruche,  Brouces,  and 
San  Maroial  contain  large  fields.  Chihuahua  claims  deposits  for  four  can- 
tons, and  the  peninsula  nas  one  at  least. 

Graphite  has  been  found  in  Lower  California,  at  San  Javier,  and  from 
San  Marcial,  in  Sonora  shipments  have  been  made  to  Germany  and  New 
York  without  obtainin£|  remunerative  results.  The  peninsula  has  also  indi- 
cations of  asphaltum,  oil  and  petroleum,  the  latter  likewise  in  Durango,  at 
Sierra  de  Gamon.  Sulphur  exists  in  both  regions:  in  Durango  at  Mepimi, 
whence  shipments  were  made  to  the  mint  at  Mexico  in  early  days,  and  in 
Lower  Camomia  at  the  Virgenes  volcano,  which  has  of  late  years  been 
worked. 

Saltpeter  has  been  found  in  Sonora  and  Lower  California.  Salt  abounds 
in  the  coast  regions,  and  in  Chihuahua  deposits  have  been  worked  at  Santa 
Eduvige.  Sinaloa  claims  nine  fields  and  Sonora  several,  from  which  even 
the  colonial  treasury  received  revenue.  Those  of  the  peninsula  are 
more  important,  however,  notably  C^men  island,  off  Loreto,  and  at  San 
Quentin,  from  which  a  number  of  cargoes  are  shipped  annually,  from 
C^urmen  during  colonial  times.  GaL  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MiL,  xvi.  3.,  xviii. 
4.  By  1856-7  the  export  had  risen  to  over  1,100  tons,  on  which  the  gov- 
ernment exacted  $4  per  ton.  Assepoe  Baja  CaL,  58-60.  Guillemin  reduces 
the  export,  and  add?  that  a  field  at  San  Gonzalo  point  was  opening.  Arch. 
de  Comia.  Scien.,  ii.  417.  San  Quentin  has  since  early  days  proved  more 
remunerative  than  the  boasted  copper  mines  near  by.  In  1855-^66  the  yield 
was  $8,085  and  $#,633.  For  other  fields  see  Taylor's  L.  Cat,,  110,  123-31; 
iyayea'  Doc  L.  CaL,  63-5;  Bamiren,  291-3,  575,  580-1. 

There  are  also  deposits  of  guano,  alum,  gypsum,  lime,  marble  and  even 
precious  stones,  such  as  the  ruby,  beryl,  topaz,  garnet,  the  latter,  however, 
insufficient  to  prove  an  allurement.  ^ 

Pearls  exist,  however,  and  have  until  late  years  been  the  chief  attraction 
of  Lower  California.  Although  discovered  in  the  days  of  Cutic  it  was  not 
until  the  opening  of  the  17th  century  that  they  became  an  object  of  special 
search .  The  private  expeditions  found  record  through  the  fame  of  their  suc- 
cess. Soon  after  the  nusaionaries  entered,  and  regarding  the  promiscuous 
<x>ntact  with  adventurers  demoralizing  to  the  Indians  they  secured  restric- 
tion, under  which  fishing  could  be  followed  only  by  licensed  parties. 

Among  the  most  fortunate  of  early  adventurers  are  mentioned  Castillo,  of 
Chiametla,  Ortego,  and  Carbonei.  The  first  systematic  workers  of  the  beds 
were  Cordova  and  Iturbe,  1615.  Clavigero  StoriaCal.,  i.,  161;  Pacheco,  Cal 
Doc.,  ix.,  21-2,  33-4;  Venfjaa,  Not.,  x.,  204-5.  Subsequently  a  soldier  named 
Osio  created  great  stir  bv  his  success.  In  1743  he  ootained  127  pounds  of 
pearls,  and  in  the  following  year  275,  chiefly  above  Mulege.  It  is  said  that 
he  filled  cellars  with  oysters  cast  up  by  the  waves,  and  after  letting  them 
rot  the  pearls  were  gathered.  Estiva  in  Soc.  Mcx.  Oeog. ,  Bol ,  x. ,  673-97,  adds 
that  he  presented  the  queen  with  a  necklace  of  alternate  round  and  pear- 
shaped  pearls.  About  this  time  the  royal  fifth  is  said  to  have  been  rented 
for  $12,000  a  year.  Aharado  Hist.  Cal.,  i.,  10.  Boegert,  Nackrkhtm,  330, 
doubts  this.  Toward  the  close  of  the  last  century  the  fifth  was  placed  at 
2  lbs.  3  ozs.,  fr.  1792-96;  other  accounts  reduced  this  to  3  lbs.  9  ozs.  fr. 
1788-97;  an  amount  assigned  by  some  to  1797  alone.  Arch.  GaL  Prov.  St.  P. 
xvi.  123,  119;  Ben,  MU.,  xvii..  4-5,  28;  xvi.,  4-5;  xviii.,  5. 

This  sjTstem  continued  till  republican  times,  when  with  lessened  super- 
vision the  influx  and  irregularities  threatened  to  exhaust  the  beds.     By  de- 


1S8 


RESOURCES   AND  COMMERCE 


cree  of  1857  regulations  were  acoordin^ly  iasaed  for  protecting  them,  sach  aa 
dividing  them  into  four  sections,  of  which  only  one  could  be  worked  annually, 
in  lots  rented  for  the  season  to  the  highest  bidders.  The  first  sections  ex- 
tended from  Cabo  Palmo  to  San  Lorenzo  channel,  the  second  embraced  La 
Paz  bay  and  the  islands  of  San  Jose  and  Espiritu  Santo,  the  third  covered 
the  space  from  the  north  end  of  La  Paz  bay  to  Coronados  island,  the  fourth 
from  San  Marcos  island  to  San  Bruno  bay,  beyond  Malege.  Details  and 
rules,  in  Soc,  Mex,  Oeog.,  BoL,  x.  681-4.  Observance  has  as  usual  been 
neglected,  but  stricter  supervision  begins  to  prevail 

Expeditions  have  till  late  years  been  fitted  out  at  Guaymas,  each  veaa^, 
of  from  15  to  30  tons  burden,  carrying  from  30  to  50  divers,  usually  Yaqui 
Indians,  in  chaise  of  an  armador.  Ihey  are,  as  a  rule,  paid  a  certain  share 
of  the  catch,  and  frequently  kept  in  debt-bondage  by  means  of  advances  and 
supplies.  The  regular  season  lasts  from  July  to  September.  As  soon  as  the 
vessel  had  been  brought  to  anchor  over  an  oyster-bed,  the  divers  began  their 
work,  which  they  kept  up  for  two  hours  in  the  forenoon  and  three  in  the 
afternoon.  Each  had  a  net  fastened  to  his  waist  for  the  reception  of  the 
oysters,  and  carried  in  his  hand  a  short  stick,  pointed  at  each  end,  with 
which  to  dislodge  his  prey  from  the  rocks,  and  to  defend  himself  from  his 
dreaded  enemies,  the  shark  and  devil-fish.  After  the  division  the  oysters 
were  opened  to  look  for  pearls,  beginning  with  the  owners*  share.  The  camps 
on  shore  were  the  scene  of  drunkenness,  debauchery,  and  strife,  as  miffht  be 
expected  from  a  multitude  of  savages  suddenly  freed  from  restraint,  and  sap- 
plied  with  everything  they  desired  and  could  pay  for  by  the  unscrupulous 
traders  who  attended.  The  colonial  government  issued  regulations  for 
checking  such  disorder,  and  appointed  officers  to  enforce  them.  Arch. 
Cal.f  Frav.  Bee.,  viii.  135-7.  They  have  served  as  a  base  for  later 
rules. 

Season  of  1855. 


La  Paz.. 

Loreto. . 
Muleg^  . 


Total.... 


"  ■*» 

i 

s 

1 

3 

1 

1 

^ 

■^ 

Z 

m 

3i 

1 

c 
a} 

> 

1 

a 

B 

B 

b 

. 

«- 

'^ 

d 

^ 

-5 

14 

206 

31 

12; 

4 

7 

44fl0 

^ 

> 

§14,000 

$8,000 

$22,500 

1 

50 

2 

0 

2 

tm 

2,300 

1/200 

3,500 

10 

112 

16 

5 

i 

VM} 

7,500 

4.S00 

ll.SOO 

25 

368 

49 

9 

1) 

mm 

$23,300 

113,500 

$37,800 

> 

5.38 
6.2S 


Expenses  of  Outfit 


Cost  of  Craft I  4,900 

Feeding  368  divers  at  12^  cts. 

per  diem  3J  months 6,210 

Aavances  to  divers  \  .  (w^q 

Averaging  116  each  r ^'^ 


$16,998 


Proceeds  op  Year's  Businkss 


Sale  of  Pearls $83,800 

Sale  of  SheU 14,000 

Return  of  Craft  with  value,  re- 
duced 25  per  cent 3,675 

$41,475 
Net  Profit $24,475 


PSARL  FlSBmO. 
In  1856  the  buameBs  wm  less,  as  follows : 


769 


EXPXNSSS  OF  OVTFIT 


Coet  of  VeaselB I  5,000 

Sopport  of  906  Divers 4,003 

AdVaooes  to  Divers 4,880 


$13,883 


Pboobids  voB  YmAji 

Sale  of  Pearls $21,750 

Sale  of  SheU 7, 937 

Return  of  Vessels,  rednoed  in 
value  25  per  cent 3,750 


$33,437 

Net  Profit 19,554 


Ko  mention  is  made  of  any  of  the  money  advanced  to  divers  boins 
covered,   but  as  a  rule  about  one-half  was  saved.     The  other  half 


reckoned  as  a  loes  in  order  to  secure  the  diver's  services  for  the  next 
Therefore  the  profits  may  be  said  to  have  been: 

In  1855 $27,421— Capital  invested $16,998 

In  1856 21,994—     "  "       13,883 

MOeva,  MemMia  8ahre  la  Pesea  de  Perla,  in  Soc  Jiex.  Oeog.  Bol,  x.,  687-8. 
Lassepas  gives  from  unofficial  souroes  the  yield  of  pearls  dnring  the  follow- 
ing years: 

In  1854 $17,000  I  In  1856 $22,600 

In  1855 23,800  I  In  1857 21,750 

The  same  writer  estimates  that  durinir  the  277  years,  from  lf)80  to  1857 
inclusive,  there  were  taken  from  the  California  waters  1,911,300  quintals  of 
shells,  containing  2,770  lbs.  of  pearls,  valued  at  $5,540,000.  B(ya  CaL  65. 
See  also  OuUlemin,  MSmoriOf  in  Arch,  de  Com,  Sden,  du  Mex,,  ii.  417-19.  The 
season  of  1867  was  an  unusually  poor  one,  only  about  $15,000  of  pearls  and 
$10,000  of  shells  being  taken.  La  Pea  Bcna  CaL,  Nov.  23,  1867.  In  1868 
the  pearls  taken  amounted  to  $49,800,  shell,  $9,600,  without  counting  the 
yield  of  the  second  season,  or  conchada,  when  the  divers  fish  on  their  own  ac- 
count, after  being  freed  from  the  regular  contracts.  This  work  they  keep 
up  till  it  becomes  too  cold,  and  generally  obtain  about  10  per  cent,  of  the 
yield  of  the  regular  season. 

T.F.Pujol,in  an  article  entitled  Estudio  Bidhgicowbre  laogtroaircula  Margar- 
iii/erua,  which  not  only  gives  much  scientific  information  covering  the  pearl 
oyster,  but  is  also  as  exhaustive  an  account  of  the  pearl-fishery  as  that  by 
&teva,  places  the  yield  of  pearls  in  1869  at  $62,000,  and  of  shells  at  $25,000. 
Soe.  If  ex.  Oeog.  Bol.  Epoc.  2,  iii.,  139. 

Recent  imormation  concerning  the  yield  is  less  satisfactory  than  that, 
furnished  in  the  6th  decade,  from  which  it  appears  that  the  average  catch 
in  a  season  returned  a  net  profit  of  somewhat  over  $20,000,  obtained  with  an 
invested  capital  of  about  $16,000,  and  a  force  of  400  divers  divided  among  two 
dozen  vessels.  Traders  at  La  Paz  offered  about  $17.00  per  oz.  for  seed  pearls 
and  $1,200  for  choice  pearls,  according  to  their  size,  regularity  of  shape  and 
brilliancy.  To  improve  those  which  are  defective  in  the  latter  respects,  the 
Califomians  caused  them  to  be  swallowed  by  hens,  which  they  kill  when 
BofFcient  time  has  elapsed  to  allow  the  surface  of  the  pearl  to  be  cleaned  and 
smoothened. 

It  is  only  since  the  middle  of  the  present  century  that  the  shells  materi- 
ally swelled  the  fishing  profits,  by  finding  a  wider  market  for  the  mother-of- 
pearl.  Their  proportion  of  the  yield,  somewhat  over  one-half,  gave  a  fresh 
impulse  to  the  fishery,  as  it  presented  an  assured  profit,  which  was  even  cal- 
culated to  cover  all  expenses. 

Lassepas  says  that  the  true  nicar  or  mother-of-pearl  is  taken  from  a  shell 
of  different  form,  size,  color  and  fineness  from  the  ordinary  pearl-oyeter.  It 
is  found  on  the  coast  above  Cape  de  las  Vir^enes,  and  the  remains  scattered 
about  the  beach  at  the  ensenaua  of  San  Felipe  de  Jesus  show  that  in  former 


760  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE. 

times  this  shell  was  collected.  Baja  CctL,  65.  This  stfttement  seems  bonie 
oat  l^  a  letter  from  Anillaga  to  the  viceroy,  dated  Oct.  9,  1797,  wherein 
the  former  annomices  that  in  addition  to  certain  pearls  he  sends  '  tbe  shell 
asked  for.'  ArdL  Cal  Prov.  St.  Pap.  xvii.,  11.  Whatever  may  have  been 
tlone  in  early  days,  however,  it  was  the  shell  of  the  ordinary  pearl-oyster 
which  was  mainly  exported  after  the  trade  was  revived.  This  was  really 
About  1830 ;  but  it  was  not  until  after  1850  that  the  industry  began  to  assume 
much  importance.  The  shell  exports  from  1853  to  1856  are  given  by  Esteva 
AS  follows: 

1853,  14,000  quintals,  sold  on  land  at |1.33i  per  qnintaL 

1854,  21,971        *'  *'  1.874 

1865,25,200       '*  "  1.68f  " 

1856,    0,350       "  "  1.25 

Cost  of  placing  the  shells  on  board 25  " 

Export  duty  by  decree  of  April  27,  1856 26  " 

— Memoria  in  8oc  Mex.  Qtog.  BoL,  686. 

Lassepas  sives  figures  for  the  last  three  of  these  years  which  differ 
slightly  from  the  above,  and  adds  the  export  for  1857,  4,957  quintals,  making 
the  toUl  export  of  shells  from  1854  to  1857,  58,948  quintals,  valued  at  $120,- 
402.  Bcna  Gal,  64. 

On  the  west  cost  the  abalones  attract  Chinese  fishermen. 

The  other  fisheries  of  the  peninsula,  whale  and  seal,  did  at  one  time 
deserve  some  attention,  but  are  no  longer  of  any  importance.  The  seal  and 
other  catch  is  almost  a  feature  of  tiie  past,  and  the  occasional  visits  of 
whalers  are  growing  rarer. 

About  1854  settlements  were  formed  alons  the  west  coast,  chiefly  by 
Portuguese,  who  sought  blabber,  whalebone,  and  seal  skins,  usually  for  the 
San  francisco  market.  According  to  Taylor,  L.  Cal,  60,  there  were  at  one 
time  30  camps,  employing  2,000  men. 

Scammon,  writmg  about  1867,  says  that  between  1858  and  1861  many 
whalers  visited  Scammon *s  lasoon,  in  28**,  getting  there  22,250  pounds  of  oil, 
worth  $333,750.  Now  it  is  abandoned.  The  same  fate  has  befallen  Ballenaa 
bay,  where  one  year  eight  vessels  took  3,500  pounds,  and  the  next  year  four 
vessels  took  4,700  pounds,  worth  altogether  $123,000.  From  1856  to  1861 
Magdalena  bay  yielded  34,425  pounds,  worth  $516,375,  but  now  it  is  very 
poor.  The  whaUng  and  peltry  resources  are  almost  exhausted.  Sccanmon  t 
nepL  (m  W.  Goant  of  L.  OaL  in  Broume'a  L.  Cat,  123-31. 

Notwithstanding  the  heavy  restrictions  on  foreign  soods,  in  the  shape  of 
duty,  cost  of  transport  aiid  the  profits  of  numerous  middlemen,  manufacturer 
are  not  flourishing  in  Mexico.  From  the  northern  states  less  is  to  be 
expected,  with  their  scanty  population  and  absorbing  mining  and  agricul- 
tural interests;  yet  even  here  the  apathy  is  striking,  which  has  neglected 
such  ready  resources  as  are  offered;  for  instance,  by  the  iron  mountains  of  Du- 
rango,  and  continued  to  seek  rails  from  distant  and  costly  sources.  For- 
eigners have  appreciated  many  of  the  opportunities  thus  presented,  but  the 
insecurity  and  unreliability  prevalent  until  late  have  checked  enterprise. 
As  it  is,  manufacturers  are  confined  to  a  few  articles  of  primarr  nece^ty, 
and  such  as  are  easily  obtained  from  rough  material  at  hand,  such  as  powder, 
sugar,  leather,  cordage,  and  wagons;  articles  for  dress  extending  from  coarse 
cloth  to  crudely  embroidered  shawls  and  hats  of  felt  and  straw,  soap^  com- 
mon pottery,  ajid  cigars.  Mazatlan  boasts  of  two  iron  foundries  of  recent 
date,  and  Durango  of  one.  The  Arizona  mines  and  the  completion  of  tlie 
Sonora  railroad  have  greatly  increased  the  outlet  along  the  line  of  GuajrmaA 
for  flour,  wine,  and  spirits;  otherwise  none  of  the  articles  named  axe  intended 
for  other  than  local  consumption,  even  the  skins  exported  being  sent  in  on- 
finished  form. 

The  only  manufacture  of  importance  is  that  of  textible  fabrics,  notably 
cotton.  Yet  even  this  is  not  sufficient  in  quantity  or  quality  to  prevent  the 
introduction  of  foreign  goods,  the  duty  on  which  forms  the  leading  revenue. 
"•Cotton  cloth  being  made  in  Mexico  by  the  aborigines,  their  art  readily  spread 


MILLS  AND  MINES.  761 

outward  among  thoee  natives,  who,  before  the  conquest,  plaited  fabrics  from 
coarser  fibres.  Nevertheless,  the  establishment  of  larse  factories  has  been 
slow,  mainly  retarded  by  competition  from  abroad  and  from  the  southern 
states,  and  partly  by  political  disorders  and  causes  affecting  other  sections. 

Pike,  EjupLor,  35^-4,  alludes,  in  1807,  to  blankets  and  coarse  cloth  made 
in  Chihuahua.  The  manufacture  of  mantas  declined  after  the  republic 
gave  freer  access  to  foreign  goods.  Pa:p,  Var.^  cxiv.  pt.  v.,  12. 

Thus  Sonora  has  only  one  cotton  mill,  near  Hermosillo,  the  Angeles,  of 
64  looms.  U.S.  Com.  Bel,  1878,  952.  In  1843,  shortly  after  its  establish- 
ment,  it  had  54  looms  and  2,198  spindles,  nsine  71  quintals  of  cotton 
weekly,  and  producing  57  pieces  of  cloth.  Meoc  Mem.  Irut.^  1844,  ap.  5-7. 
Operations  were  stopped  by  war  between  1853-63,  after  which  they  revived. 
/ro^tfiSon.  MS.,  54.  Later  300  persons  were  employed,  producing  1,000 
nieces  of  cloth  per  month.  Velasco,  Son.t  83,  praises  the  tine  zarapes  woven 
oy  Yaquis. 

Chihuahua  boasts  of  three,  which  yield  monthly  some  7,500  pieces  of 
cloth.     They  are  La  Industria,  Talamantes  and  Dolores. 

Duranffo  has  eight,  producing  some  20,000  pieces,  besides  thread.  Thev 
are  located,  the  largest  at  Durango,  two  at  Nombre  de  Dios,  one  at  Tumaf, 
two  at  Cuencamf,  one  at  Papasquiaro,  and  one  at  Mapime.  Garemba  Mer- 
chant, 58.  A  mill  was  proposed  already  in  colonial  days,  and  in  1847  there 
were  five,  with  188  looms  and  6,362  spindles,  producing  more  than  1,600,000 
varas  of  cloth,  and  using  75,923  arrobas  of  cotton  and  4,699  of  wooL  De- 
tails in  Esendero  Diir.,  62-3;  Dur.  Mem,  Gob.,  1831,  11-14;  Pap.  Var.,  xl, 
pti.,  22,  43-6;  Ramirez,  Hist.  Dur.,  54-5. 

Sinaloa  has  three,  yielding  about  15,000  pieces  They  are  at  Mazatlan, 
Villa  Union  and  Culiacan,  the  latter  the  largest,  'que  poco  mas  6  menos 
cubren  las  necessidades,'  says  BucJma.  Comp.Sin.,  43.  With  400  looms  and 
over  6,000  spindles,  using  12,000  quintals  of  raw  material.  Other  details  in 
JSusto.  &tadi8t.,  i.,  pt*  ii.;  U.  8.  Com,  Rel.,  1879  and  other  years;  Hernandez 
Sin.,  65;  Baja  Cat.,  49-50;  Mex.  Mem.  Fonu,  Id.  Hac.,  fr.  different  years. 

With  the  rapid  opening  of  new  outlets  and  markets,  the  entry  of  enter- 
prising colonists  and  the  existence  of  cheap  and  intelligent  labor,  with  un* 
surpassed  natural  resources,  it  is  evident  that  the  growth  of  manufact* 
uxes  is  but  a  question  of  time. 

As  a  rich  mining  country  Mexico  has  ever  been  a  tempting  field  for  com- 
merce. Recognizing  this,  and  jealous  concerning  so  valuable  a  possession, 
Spain  kept  it  wholly  to  herself,  isolated  from  the  world.  Toward  the  close 
of  the  last  century  she  relaxed  slightly  in  permitting  foreign  vessels  to  tiude, 
yet  only  to  a  very  limited  extent. 

The  war  of  independence,  in  severing  communication  with  southern 
depots,  obliged  the  frontier  states  to  welcome  the  forbidden  visitors,  one  re- 
auft  of  which  was  to  partially  change  the  centres  of  distribution  along  the 
coast,  from  inland  towns  like  Hermosillo,  Xlamos,  Culiaccan,  to  sea-ports  like 
Guaymas  and  Mazatlan.  Tiic  latter  became  known  in  1818,  and  was  opened 
to  trade  by  decree  of  1821;  tiic  former  being  opened  in  1813  as  a  more  dis- 
tant and  needed  harbor,  the  only  really  ^ood  one  in  the  gulf.  Mazatlan  is 
i>nly  partially  sheltered.  CorteA^  DitoHOt  xviii.,419;ifcic.  Col.  Dec.  y  Ord.,  115; 
History  of  Maztlan  in  Soc.  Mex.  Ocor/.,  BoL,  ep.  2,  iv.,  66  et  seq. 

Under  the  republic  freedom  of  trade  and  use  of  water  routes  were 
limited  only  by  the  convenience  of  tlie  treasury  department.  All  nations 
were  received  in  intercourse;  and  although  established  usage  and  climatic 
considerations  still  maintained  the  standing  of  inland  towns,  the  costly 
mule-trains,  which  had  so  far  carried  freight  at  immense  cost  from  the  in- 
teri((r,  had  to  vield  greatly  to  the  increasms  traffic  by  vessels,  for  foreign 
.  captains  absorbed  also  most  of  the  coast  trade.  In  upland  territories  like 
Durango  they  still  sustained  themselves,  but  Chihuahua  soon  changed  her 
sources  in  part  from  Tampico  and  the  south,  and  notably  from  Matamoros, 
and  openea  traffic  with  the  United  States  in  1824  by  means  of  caravans  of 
wagons,  known  as  prairie  schooners,  which  for  many  years  followed  the 


762  RE80UROB8   AND  COMMERCE. 

Saata  ¥6  roate,  and  subsequently  pMsed  through  San  Antonio  and  Preddi<^ 
Del  Norte. 

This  prairie  coouneroe  or  Santa  Fe  trade  had  begun  more  than  a  dosen 
years  before  with  New  Mexico,  to  which  history,  of  my  series,  I  refer  the 
reader.  See  b  je  also  Chtgg's  Com.  Praines,  iL,  etc.  The  caravans  increased 
in  size  after  1831,  forming  usually  two  score  wagons,  yet  Gregg  assumes, 
1843,  that  only  one-tenSi  of  the  total  Chihuahua  imports,  "^000,000  to 
$3,000,000  in  value,'  came  from  the  north.  Pike,  Mxphr,  353,  alludes  to  the 
heavy  cost  of  overland  carriage.  Bartlett's  Narr.,  ii,  435;  NUes*  Beg.,  Ivi, 
404,  etc. 

With  greater  opportunities  for  discing  of  surplus  products  came  in- 
creased demamd  for  comforts  and  luxuries,  and  so  the  trade  increased  until 
the  custom  house  record  of  Guaymas,  for  the  year  ending  September,  1879, 
showed  imports  to  the  amount  of  $366,373,  of  which  $127,121  were  from  the 
United  States,  besides  some  $60,000  worth  of  machinery,  and  f239,2SKS 
from  Europe.  The  latter  embraces  chiefly  fabrics  of  cotton,  wool, 
and  linen,  groceries  and  provisions,  hardware,  cutlery,  crockery,  and 
fancy  goods.  The  imports  from  the  United  States  share  in  all  of 
these  articles,  equalling  the  European  in  groceries  and  proviaioas, 
but  falling  a  little  more  than  half  in  the  other  branches,  while  ex- 
celling greatly  in  mining  and  a^cultnral  implements  and  drugs.  The  gro- 
ceries and  provisions  amount  m,  all  to  about  1,300,000  pounds,  hardware 
and  crockery  to  616,000  pounds,  implements  207,000  pounds,  machinery 
1,500,000  pounds,  iron  94,000  pounds,  drugs  94,000  pounds,  purfumery  4,400 
pounds,  fabrics  760,000  so.  m.,  fancy  go<Ms  $33,000,  besides  some  lamber, 
coal,  silk,  clothing,  etc.  See  coQsular  documents  in  U,  S.  Com.  JieL,  1879, 
439.  For  the  preceding  year  the  imports  were  $564,799  from  the  United 
States,  and  $390,701  from  Europe;  of  which  $288,000  were  in  fabrics,  $275,000 
in  provisions,  $162,000  in  hardware,  $117,000  in  lumber  and  machinery.  In 
1855  the  imports  were  assumed  to  be  $1,1.50,000,  of  which  $150,000  national- 
ized goods  uom  Sinoloa  contributed  to  yield  a  total  of  $176,000  to  the  cus- 
tom house,  and  in  1849  $173,000,  while  the  receipts  from  imports  alone  in 
1879  were  $283,962,  and  in  1878  $312,000.  In  1825,  1827,  and  1828  the  im- 
ports were  $56,280  $103,948,  and  $83,251,  respectively.  Prieto,  SaOoB.,  306, 
docs  2-3,  7-10;  Mex.  Mem,  Hoc,  for  the  dififerent  years;  Lerdo^  Mem.,  108, 
558,  etc.;  Busto,  EstaCUgl,  i.,  43-7. 

The  receipts  at  Mazatlan  for  the  year  ending  June,  j879,  were  much 
larger,  $2,732,500;  $1,170,000  being  for  fabrics,  $167,000  for  grocerieo, 
$136,000  for  hardware  and  $98,000  for  machinery,  an  excess  dae  partly  to 
Mazatlan  being  the  entrepot  for  several  adjoining  sections  of  the  repnblic,  es- 
pecially Durango,  and  to  the  fewer  opportunities  for  smuggiling  nere  pre- 
sented as  compared  with  those  offered  upon  the  frontier. 

In  the  other  maritime  province,  Lower  California,  the  imports  at  La  Paz 
for  the  same  period  amounted  to  $151,950,  while  those  of  Chihuahua  are 
but  faintly  represented  by  the  records  of  its  frontier  custom  houses,  as  most 
of  the  goods  consumed  are  still  obtained  from  Matamoros  and  other  Mexican 
points  BiuUa^  EstadisU  46,  places  the  revenue  of  the  custom  houses  at  Pre- 
sidio del  Norte,  El  Paso,  and  Janos  for  the  year  ending  June,  1878^  at 
$52,899,  $42,237  and  $787,  respectively. 

Exports  consist  chiefly  of  silver  and  gold,  Sonora  sending  in  1879  $625,- 
067,  nearly  half  of  it  coined,  and  $82,262  in  gold,  while  other  articles 
amounted  only  to  $18,000,  two- thirds  in  hides.  At  Mazatlan  also  the  export 
figures  of  1879  for  $3,370,000  embraced  $3,207,000  in  silver  and  gold,  while  the 
remainder  consisted  of  ores  for  $118,680,  brazilwood  for  $19,500  aad  hides 
$16,280.  The  peninsula  shows  a  proportionate  gain  in  the  range  of  her 
shipments,  valued  in  1879  at  $533,220,  whereof  $442,924  represent  bullion 
and  ore,  $5,9704  pearl  oyster  shells,  $23,208  hides,  $2,670  orchillaand  $1,20? 
oranges,  besides  some  salt,  deer-skin,  etc.  The  salt  values  are  not  entered  at 
La  Paz;  the  $2,202  assigned  to  pearls  is  evidently  unreliable.  Tlie  $750,094 
worth  of  exports  for  the  preceding  year,  1878,  ending  also  in  Jnne.  emhnea 


MPORTS  AND  EXPORTS.  7«8 

1607,425  gold  and  silver,  $23,745  hides,  $18,212  pearl  oyster  sheila,  $11,309 
orchil,  $2,d25  salt,  $1,500  pearU,  $1,232  oranges,  $362  gypsnm,  $317  deer- 
skins, etc.,  mostly  for  the  U.  S.  U.  8.  Com,  BeL  and  other  authorities,  ubi 
mp.  The  totals  for  the  years  1869-76  range  from  $274,000  to  $760,000. 

The  exports  from  Chihuahua  are  placed  for  the  preceding  year  at  $220,- 
860,  including  a  smaJl  amount  of  produce,  chiefly  live  stock  and  hides,  val- 
ued in  1879  at  $23,506.  U.  8.  (hm.  Rel,  1879, 429.  Of  the  total  in  the  text, 
Btuto,  E-itadUt.,  43,  assigns  $218,251  to  Presidio  del  Norte,  $2,597  to  Janos, 
and  only  $13  to  £1  Paso.  Compare  with  records  for  Durango  in  Encudero, 
Dur.,  64-5;  Randra,  Hist,  Dur,,  56-7. 

Tlie  figures  given  are  not  only  unsatisfactory  from  the  lack  of  careful 
statistics,  l>ut  from  the  prevalence  of  smuggling,  fostered  originally  by  the 
illiberal  policy  of  Spain,  and  subsequently  by  political  disorders  and  the 
semi-independent  attitude  of  distant  states  toward  a  weak  and  constantly 
changing  administration.  Revolutions  were  frequently  started,  especially 
in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  i»ith  the  sole  object  of  introducing  cargoes  of  mer- 
chandise at  diflferent  rates  from  those  fixed  by  the  tarifif,  tne  receipts,  more- 
over, being  absorbed  by  the  rebels,  sometimes  under  the  guise  of  arrears.  A 
more  common  practice  was  for  the  consisnees  or  captains  to  bribe  the  cus- 
tom house  officials  for  reductions,  or  for  overlooking  irregularities.  Even 
honest  administrators  were  induced  to  close  their  eyes  before  the  threat  to 
withdraw  expected  cargoes  to  other  ports,  where  better  arrangements  could 
be  efifected,  perhaps,  for  clandestinely  landing  the  goods  at  some  remote 
point,  and  so  deprive  a  languishing  town  and  state  of  much-needed  funds. 
The  contrabana  trade  between  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  and  the  United 
States,  enormous  in  extent,  is  carried  on  by  rich  and  ^influential  firms  and 
by  large  bands  of  organized  men. 

In  addition  to  the  imports  of  1879  at  Guaymas  from  the  United  States, 
amounting  to  $127, 121,  the  introduction  across  the  border  was  estimated  at 
$600,000,  mostly  smujggled.  The  facilities  in  Chihuahua,  with  its  convenient 
rivers  and  adjoming  T^xan  border,  are  even  greater. 

In  addition  to  the  transit  of  merchandise  noted  through  the  leadingports, 
a  proportion  has  found  its  way  through  minor  harbors,  opened  at  different 
times  to  foreign  as  well  as  coast  trade,  the  latter  carried  greatly  in  foreign 
bottoms,  under  certain  restrictions. 

Owing  to  the  inconvenience  of  sending  certain  effects  direct  from  abroad  to 
minor  ports,  many  are  transmitted  from  Mazatlan,  after  naturalization,  to 
Sonora  and  the  peninsula.  In  Sonora,  La  Libertad  is  a  promising  harbor 
north  of  Gnaymas.  Report  in  8oc  Meju.  Oeog.,  Boly  x.,  263-70, 
with  plans.  At  Rio  Yacui  and  below  are  landing  places.  Sinaloa 
boasts  of  Topolobampo,  a  prospective  terminus;  Aliata,  the  port  for 
Cnliacan;  also,  Navachisti,  Tamazula,  Angeles,  and  Bacorehuis.  Lower 
Cal.  has  Todos  Santos,  Santa  Rosalia,  San  Quentin,  San  Jose,  Loreto  and 
Mnlege,  besides  La  Paz.  The  movement  of  shipping  at  Guaymas,  from 
abroad,  in  1879,  embraced  the  arrival  and  departure  of  38  vessels,  measur- 
ing 17,600  tons,  of  which  13  were  steamers,  with  a  tonnage  of  10,500,  trad- 
ing with  California.  In  the  preceding  year  there  came  12  steamers  and  20 
sailing  vessels  from  San  Francisco  and  5  vessels  from  Europe,  while  170 
coasters,  with  a  tonnage  of  C,187,  entered.  At  Mazatlan  arrived  in  1879 
97  sailins  vessels,  with  a  tonnage  of  104,934,  and  63  steamers.  For  the  vear 
ending  June,  1870,  while  the  Guaymas  year  counts  till  September,  of  the 
Mazatlan  steamers,  25  appear  to  be  coasters,  and  a  few  of  the  vessels  per- 
formed coasting  tours.  In  1878,  the  arrivals  and  departures  embraced  40 
steamers  and  32  sailing  vessels,  all  from  abroad,  except  9  steamers.  At  La 
Paz  arrived  23  steamers,  of  21,000  tons,  and  13  sailing  vessels  from  San 
Francisco,  and  2  vessels  from  Europe,  in  1879,  with  a  tonnase  of  2,487 
tons.  For  the  year  ending  in  June,  in  the  preceding  year,  the  sailing  vessels 
numbered  22,  with  a  tonnage  of  5,851,  17  being  from  S.  F. 

Steam  communication  between  California  and  Mazatlan  was  beffuu  with 
the  opening  of  the  Panama  route  in  1849,  and  in  the  second  decade  Allowing 


754  RESOURCES   AND  OOMMERCE. 

a  California  coast  line  was  extended  to  La  Paz  and  Guaymas,  although  both 

E roved  irregular  and  with  long  interruptions.  The  subndy  grapted  in  1872, 
owever,  brought  the  shorter  line  into  regular  connection  with  Mazatlan 
and  Cape  Lucas  until  1875,  when  the  Panami  steamers  assumed  the  grant 
for  a  monthly  communication. 

New  contracts  of  1877  arranged  for  a  special  line  between  Calif oniia^ 
Mazatlan,  Guaymas,  and  the  Lower  California  ports,  and  another  from  San 
Bias  to  the  head  of  the  ffulf  of  California — the  latter  somewhat  irregular, 
despite  the  subvention  of  $1,500  per  trip,  every  18  days,  and  exemption  of  5 
per  cent  export  duty  on  $30,000.  The  coast  line  agreed  to  make  ten  trips  a 
year  for  $20,000,  with  exemption  of  duty  for  $20,(MO.  The  Panama  line  was 
allowed  $25,000  a  month.  Mex,  Mem,  Hoc,,  1880,  435-6.  In  1885  the  new 
railroad  terminating  at  Guaymas  started  a  new  steamer.  Jfesc  /'momcmt, 
Mar.  7,  1885.  See  also  Diaz,  In  forme,  13-15.. 

Under  the  later  energetic  administration  efiforts  were  made  to  increase 
not  only  the  native  coast  shipping,  which  was  so  largely  absorbed  by  for- 
eign vessels,  but  to  extend  Mexican  maritime  interests  to  wider  spheres.  In 
1853-4,  Servo  claimed  for  Mazatlan  49  coasting  vessels,  with  a  tonnage  of 
4,534,  and  115  boats.  Soc,  Mex,  Oeog.,  BoL,  vii,  330-^. 

Such  had  been  the  neglect  hitherto  that  the  first  lighthouse  on  the  Pacific 
coast  was  not  erected  until  1880,  at  Mazatlan. 

River  navigation  is  receiving  attention,  along  Rio  Bravo,  and  Rio 
Yaqni  is  developing  interests  that  must  require  a  water  route.  Roads 
called  for  larger  appropriations  so  as  to  permit  the  extensicm  of  wagon  traffic, 
although'  Mexicans  seemed  contented  with  the  time-honored  mule-trains, 
which  adapted  themselves  to  any  locality.  In  1863  a  stage  line  was  opened 
in  Sinaloa  oy  Americans,  and  since  then  several  have  followed,  so  that  more 
rapid  connection  can  be  had  during  the  summer,  even  between  Guajrmas  and 
Mazatlan.  In  1819  a  monthly  mail  was  ordained  for  Sonora,  and  in  18:^ 
the  weekly  mail  between  Durango  and  Chihuahua  was  increased  to  a  semi- 
weekly.  Oac.  Mex,,  1820,  xi.,  128-9;  ArriUaga,  Jiecop,,  1829,  15,  96;  Mfx, 
Mem.  Hoc.,  1848,  130,  1849,  no.  15,  wherein  the  Sonora  mail  expenses  are 
ffiven  at  $10,204  and  the  receipts  at  $12,338.  Routes  in  Soc.  Mtx,  Oeog., 
BoL,  V.  293-4.  Great  hopes  now  center  in  the  different  railroad  projects 
which  embrace  not  only  trunk  lines,  but  a  series  of  branches  by  which  to 
develop  hitherto  neglected  resources.  So  far,  tw'O  international  lines  ar« 
com^^eted,  the  Mexico  Central,  running  from  £1  Paso  through  Chihuahua 
and  Durango  to  Mexico,  and  the  Sonora,  running  from  Guaymas  through 
Uermosillo  and  Magdalena  to  Nogales  on  the  Arizona  frontier.  The  Sonora 
railroad  was  suggested  in  1850,  Monleverde  Mem.  Sofu^  MS.,  118-24,  and  con- 
cessions sought  m  1861,  Pinart,  Doc,  Son.,  vi.«  185,  and  in  1869,  when  a 
Chihuahua  connection  was  proposed.  In  1872  the  Sonora  R.  R.  Co.,  Con- 
tracts, 1-30,  was  seeking  grants  and  taking  other  steps.  Ferrocarrii  de  Lorn., 
1-lG;  Ramirez,  Id.,  1-8;  Ariz.,  Jour,  Legis.,  1876,  31.  In  1877  a  change  cf 
holders  took  place.  Mex.  Recop.  Leyes,  xxvi.,  996-7.  1048-9,  xxvii.,  600-22, 
XXXV.,  161-209,  1.057-83;  SonoraR.  R,  RepL,  1-10;  Pap.  Var.,  cv.  In  18W 
Chihuahua  took  up  tiie  agitation  for  a  line  from  Presidio  Bel  Norte  to  Guay- 
mas, and  grants  were  made  to  this  effect.  Mex.  Legis.,  1854,  100-6.  Further 
steps  in  Mex.  Col  Leyes,  1863-67,  ii.,  203-12;  Ferrocarrii,  hasta  Gdfo,  19-36. 
Even  Lower  California  has  thought  of  a  line  near  La  Paz,  and  one  in  the 
north  from  S.  Diego  or  Tijuana  eastward  into  Sonora.  While  many  projects 
are  long  delayed,  they  cannot  fail  to  serve,  in  connection  with  the  lines  in 
operation,  as  a  healthy  stimulant  to  the  people  so  far  kej^tby  indolence  from 
a  proper  enjoyment  of  the  wealth  provided  by  a  bountiful  nature.  Rapid 
locomotion  in  itself  is  an  invigorating  incentive  to  enterprise,  as  in  a  meas- 
ure is  the  rapidly  extending  telegraph,  especially  when  attended  along  the 
railroad  line  oy  such  striking  results  as  the  sprin|(ing  u^  of  settlements,  the 
opening  of  markets,  and  the  budding  and  blooming  of  industries  and  oom- 
meree. 

Concerning  trade  in  the  republic  generally,  with  aeooont  of  method*. 


BIOGRAPHICAL.  766- 

baakfl,  custom-houses,  tariffs,  mails,  traffic,  canals,  roads,  railroads,  etc.,  I 
refer  to  my  chapterB  in  Hlit,  Mex.,  iii.,  vi.,  this  series,  which  apply  equally 
to  the  northern  states. 

James  W.  Throckmorton,  a  native  of  Tennessee,  wliere  he  was  bom  in 
1825,  began  life  as  a  physician,  and  for  many  years  won  repute  in  this  call- 
ing, unt3  incliaation  prompted  him  to  adopt  the  profession  of  law.  Remov- 
ing to  what  is  now  G>llin  county,  Texas,  m  1841,  he  was  elected  10  years 
later  to  the  state  legislature,  being  reelected  in  1853  and  1855,  and  in  1857 
was  chosen  for  the  senate.  During  all  these  years  the  legislation  of  the  state 
bears  the  impress  of  his  tireless  efforts,  and  to  none  are  the  people  more  in- 
debted for  the  development  of  her  resources.  Though  a  democrat  in  politics 
he  was  opposed  to  secession,  but  after  the  outbreak  of  the  war  joined  the 
ranks  of  the  confederates,  in  which  he  remained  until  its  close,  though  at 
intervals  disabled  by  sickness  from  active  service.  In  1866  he  was  elected 
governor  of  the  state  by  a  vote  of  nearly  four  to  one,  but  though  his  admin- 
istration was  most  satisfactory  to  the  people  of  the  state,  he  was  deposed  in 
the  following  year.  In  1874,  and  again  in  1876,  he  was  chosen  for  congress, 
where  he  served  with  distinction  until  March  1879,  when  he  retired  into  pri- 
vate life.  Early  in  his  professional  career  he  was  married  to  Miss  Ann 
Ratten,  a  native  of  Illinois,  and  of  their  nine  children  seven  still  survive. 

General  lliomas  Neville  Waul,  whose  ancestors  on  both  sides  took  part 
in  the  revolutionary  struggle,  is  a  native  of  Statesburg,  South  Carolina, 
where  he  was  bom  in  1813.  After  receiving  his  education  at  one  of  the  best 
colleges  in  South  Carolina,  and  studying  law  at  Vicksburg  in  the  office  of  S. 
S.  Prentiss,  he  was  admitted  to  practice  in  the  supreme  court  of  Mississippi 
in  1835,  and  was  soon  afterward  appointed  district  attorney.  Removing 
later  to  New  Orleans  he  took  an  active  part  in  politics,  being  a  thorough 
democrat  of  the  states'  rights  school,  and  winning  for  himself  a  high  reputa- 
tion amons  his  party.  After  the  war  broke  out  he  organized  what  was 
known  as  WauVs  legion,  which  he  commanded  in  many  hotly  contested  en- 
gagements. At  its  close  he  settled  in  Galveston,  where  he  resumed  his  pro- 
fession, and  was  elected  president  of  the  bar  association.  In  1837  the  general 
married  Miss  Mary  Simmons,  a  native  of  Georgia,  and  in  November  1887 
celebrated  his  golden  wedding. 

One  of  the  most  prominent  lawyers  in  Galveston  is  M.  E.  Kleberg,  a 
native  of  De  Witt  county,  whither  his  parents  removed  in  1847,  and  a  grad- 
uate in  law  of  Washington  university,  Virginia,  of  the  year  1873.  Soon 
afterward  he  was  elected  to  the  legislature,  his  district  representing  nine 
counties,  and  at  the  expiration  of  his  term  removed  to  Austin  county,  and 
thence  in  1875  to  Galveston,  where  he  has  ever  since  enjoyed  a  larse  and 
lucrative  practice.  Robert  Justus  Klebers,  the  father  of  this  genUeman, 
was  a  native  of  Herstelle,  Prussia,  where  tie  was  bom  in  1803,  and  after 
flpraduatingatthe  university  of  Goetingen,  filled  several  judicial  appointments. 
In  1834  he  removed  to  Texas,  and  after  suffering  shipwreck  on  the  island  of 
Galveston,  reached  the  settlement  of  Harrisburg.  During  Santa  Anna's  in- 
vasion of  this  country  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  straggle  for  Texan  inde- 
pendence, and  was  present  at  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto. 

Worthy  of  mention,  also,  among  the  legal  fraternity  of  Galveston  is  W. 
F.  Mott,  a  native  of  Louisiana,  where  he  was  bom  in  1837,  his  ancestors  be- 
longing to  one  of  the  oldest  southern  families.  When  15  years  of  age  he 
obtained  employment  as  a  clerk,  saving  money  while  in  this  position  to  edu- 
cate himself  for  his  profession.  In  1859  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and 
since  that  date  has  enjoyed  an  extensive  practice. 

R.  S.  Willis,  a  native  of  Maryland,  came  to  Texas  in  1837,  being  then 
sixteen  years  of  ase.  After  farming,  and  engaging  in  mercantile  pur- 
suits in  various  localities,  he  finally  established  himself  in  Galveston  in  1867, 
and  there  he  has  ever  since  remained,  his  business  expanding  with  the 
growth  of  the  city,  until  his  firm  is  now  able  to  compete  with  the  merchant 
princes  of  New  Orleans  for  a  share  in  the  trade  of  the  southwest.  He  is  also 
president  of  the  Texas  bank,  with  which  institution  he  has  been  for  many 


7i6  RESOUBCBS  AND  OOMMSROK. 

vean  identified.  In  1847  he  married  Miss  Woraham,  a  native  of  Alabama, 
by  whom  he  has  several  children.  In  the  business  circles  of  the  Texan 
capital  no  man  is  more  highly  respected. 

Isadore  Oyer,  a  native  of  Baltimore,  where  he  was  bom  in  1814,  and  ed- 
ucated at  St  Mary's  collese  in  that  city,  besan  life  as  a  watchmaker  when 
fourteen  years  of  age.  Alter  being  employed  as  a  boatman  on  the  Tennes- 
see river,  and  later  in  a  store,  he  came,  in  1840,  to  Galveston,  where,  after 
serving  for  three  years  as  a  clerk,  he  established  the  business  which  he  still 
conducts,  and  which  has  grown  with  the  growth  of  the  city.  He  is  also  a 
director  and  ex-president  of  the  national  bank,  and  is  identified  with  tiie 
wharf  and  gas  company,  and  with  other  enterprises  having  in  view  the  pros- 
perity of  Galveston.  In  1842  he  married  Miss  £.  Loms,  and  of  their  three 
children  two  survive. 

Gus  Reymershofifer,  a  native  of  Austria,  where  he  was  bom  in  1860,  is 
well  known  to  the  citizens  of  Galveston  in  connection  with  the  Texas  Star 
flour-mill,  established  by  himself  and  his  brother  in  1878.  During  the  first 
^ear  the  output  of  the  mill  amounted  to  20,000  barrels,  and  in  18S8  it  had 
mcreased  to  180,000  barrels  per  annum,  most  of  the  product  finding  a  home 
market,  thoush  a  considerable  quantity  was  shipped  to  Louisiana,  Mexico, 
and  Central  America.  Mr  Reymershoffer  came  to  Galveston  in  1866,  and 
there  he  has  ever  since  resided.  He  is  also  a  director  of  the  Lone  Star 
cracker  factory,  recently  organized  in  that  city. 

John  D.  Rogers  is  a  native  of  Dallas  county,  Alabama,  where  his  father 
was  a  planter.  After  graduating  at  a  medical  college  in  New  Orleans,  he 
began  to  practise  his  profession,  out  removed  to  Viiginia  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  war,  and  there  remained  until  its  conclusion.  He  then  came  to  Texas, 
and  in  1868  commenced  business  in  Galveston,  where  he  has  remained  ever 
since.  At  present  he  is  largely  engaged  in  farming,  and  is  the  owner  of 
5,400  acres  of  rich  land  on  the  river  bank,  the  prmlucts  being  cotton  and 
com.  He  has  been  twice  married,  and  has  two  sons,  one  of  whom  is  prac- 
tising law  at  Fort  Worth,  and  the  other  attending  the  university  at  Austin. 

Among  the  leading  physicians  in  Galveston  is  Dr  J.  F.  Y.  Paine,  a  native 
of  Louisiana  and  a  graduate  of  a  medical  college  in  New  Orleans.  At  the 
outbreak  of  the  war  he  joined  the  confederate  army  as  a  surgeon  and  re- 
mained until  its  close,  when  he  began  the  practice  of  his  profession,  first  at 
Mobile,  then  at  Bhinis,  Texas,  and  finally  at  Galveston,  whither  he  removed 
in  1875,  being  appointed  a  professor  and  afterward  dean  of  the  Texas  modi- 
oal  college,  which  position  he  held  until  1881.  In  1870  the  doctor  was  mar- 
ried to  Miss  Estes,  a  native  of  Alabama,  by  whom  he  has  ftve  children. 

A.  W.  Fly,  a  native  of  Mississippi,  and  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  oldest 
southern  families,  also  ranks  among  the  prominent  physicians  of  Galveston. 
A  graduate  of  the  year  1875  at  the  medical  college  at  Louisville,  he  began 
his  professional  career  at  Hrian,  Texas,  removing  tiience  to  Galveston,  where 
he  has  ever  since  resided. 

To  the  lawyers  of  Texas  and  especially  of  Houston,  the  name  of  James 
A.  Baker  is  familiar  as  that  of  the  local  attorney  for  the  Grould  system  of 
railroads.  For  the  past  sixteen  years  he  has  made  corporate  law  a  specialty, 
and  is  now  the  legal  representative  of  companies  owning  3^600  miles  of  road 
in  Texas,  besides  being  himself  largely  interested  in  rauways.  A  native  of 
Alabama,  where  he  received  his  education,  Mr  Baker  came  to  this  state  in 
1852.  Though  now  a  widower,  he  has  been  twice  married,  has  five  children 
and  seven  grandchildren,  and  considers  himself  a  permanent  resident  of 
Houston. 

In  1870  James  Roane  Masterson  was  appointed  judge  of  the  seventh,  or 
as  it  is  now  classed,  the  eleventh  judicial  district,  and  to  that  position  he  has 
been  four  times  reelected.  A  native  of  Tennessee,  his  parents  being  among 
the  oldest  residents  of  Nashville,  he  came  to  Texas  wiu  his  family  in  18391 
while  still  in  his  infancy.  After  receiving  his  education  and  being  trained 
for  the  bar,  he  began  the  practice  of  his  pifofession  at  Houston  in  1B58.     Hs 


BIOGRAPHICAL.  767 

•eerred  throughout  the  civil  war,  being  appointed  to  Gen.  Hood's  brigade, 
though  never  ordered  for  service  beyond  the  limits  of  his  adopted  state. 

Another  prominent  Uwyer  in  Houston  is  W.  P.  Hamblen,  a  native  of 
New  Albany,  Indiana,  where  he  was  bom  in  1835.  Four  years  later  his 
father  removed  to  Houston,  and  there  the  familv  has  ever  since  resided. 
Meanwhile  Mr  Hamblen  has  seen  his  adopted  town  develop  from  a  mere  village 
into  a  thriving  city.  Admitted  to  the  bar  in  1855  he  has  good  reason  to  be 
proud  of  his  professional  career,  of  his  various  business  interests,  and  of  his 
eleven  children,  all  of  whom,  except  two  married  daughters,  still  remain  at 
his  home. 

Between  1875  and  1885,  at  which  latter  date  its  proprietor  retired  from 
active  business,  the  banking  house  of  Henry  S.  Fox  was  regarded  as  one  of 
the  soundest  financial  institutions  in  Houston.  A  native  of  Prussia,  where 
he  was  bom  in  1834,  Mr  Fox  came  to  the  United  States  at  the  age  of  sixteen, 
first  to  New  York,  and  two  vears  later  to  Texas.  Here  he  engaged  in  busi- 
ness at  Waco,  Corsicana,  and  other  small  towns,  until  1857,  when  he  removed 
to  Houston,  and  there  established  himself  as  a  merchant,  and  concentrated 
all  his  interests.  Mr  Fox  is  a  widower,  and  the  father  of  two  children  who 
are  now  beins  educated  in  the  state  of  New  York.  Though  now  a  retired 
merchant  and  banker,  the  care  of  his  ample  possessions,  which  include  a 
large  amount  of  real  estate,  is  sufficient  to  occupy  his  leisure. 

Samuel  Allen,  a  native  of  Houston,  where  he  was  bom  in  1843,  is  nephew 
to  the  two  brothers  of  that  name  who  organized  and  laid  out  the  town  of 
Houston  in  1837.  Here  or  in  this  neighborhood  he  remained  until  the  war 
broke  out,  when  he  enlisted  in  the  confederate  army  and  served  until  its 
close.  Returning  to  his  native  city,  he  worked  for  a  salary  until  1869,  when 
he  engaged  in  the  lumber  business  in  a  small  way,  his  capital  being  less  than 
$1,000.  His  business  now  exceeds  $1,000,000  a  year,  and  with  two  others 
he  is  the  owner  of  60,000  acres  of  Texan  timber  lands. 

Prominent  among  the  merchants  of  Houston,  as  a  self-made  and  most 
reliable  business  man  is  Adam  Clay,  a  German  by  birth,  who  came  with  his 
parents  to  Houston  in  1851.  When  nine  years  of  age  he  earned  his  own 
livelihood  by  selling  newspapers  on  the  streets,  and  at  fourteen  had  attained  to 
the  dignity  of  a  railroad  news-vendor.  In  this  occupation  he  remained  until 
he  was  twenty,  when,  having  saved  a  few  hundred  dollars,  he  opened  a  small 
dry-goods  and  notion  store.  From  this  slender  beginning  he  has  gradually 
built  up  his  present  business,  which  now  ranks  among  the  first  in  the  city. 

Among  other  leading  citizens  in  Houston  may  be  mentioned  Samuel  M.  Mc- 
Ashan,  who,  since  the  organization  of  T.  W.  House's  bank  in  1867,  has  been^ts 
cashier.  A  Virginian  by  birth,  though  his  ancestors  on  his  father's  side  were 
of  Scotch  descent,  and  on  the  mother's  French,  he  came  to  Texas  in  1844, 
living  on  a  farm  in  Fayette  county  until  nineteen  years  of  age,  when  he  ob- 
tained employment  as  a  clerk  m  a  mercantile  house.  In  1856  he  mar- 
ried Miss  Eames,  a  native  of  his  own  state  and  county,  by  whom  he  has 
two  sons  and  two  daughters,  his  eldest  son,  now  over  thirty  years  of  age  be- 
ing assistant  cashier  in  the  bank. 

One  of  the  earliest  settlers  at  Houston  was  Col  W.  R.  Baker,  a  native  of 
New  York  state,  where  he  was  burn  in  1820.  When  eight  years  of  age  he 
was  put  to  woi;k  on  a  farm  and  since  that  time,  as  he  relates,  has  al^rays 
earned  his  own  living.  In  1837  he  removed  to  Texas,  reaching;  Houston  in 
August  of  that  year,  when  the  town  contained  but  fifty  families.  Here  he 
quickly  found  employment  and  soon  afterward  began  business  for  himself. 
In  1841  he  was  elected  clerk  of  Harris  county,  which  position  he  retained 
for  seventeen  years.  He  was  a  member  of  the  first  board  of  directors,  the 
first  secretary,  and  later  the  president  of  the  Houston  and  Texas  Central 
railroad.  In  1870  he  was  chosen  state  senator  for  Harris  county,  and  in 
1880  mayor  of  Houston,  being  twice  reelected  to  the  latter  office. 

Dr  D.  F.  Stuart,  a  Virgiman  by  birth,  came  to  Texas  in  1850,  and  after 
working  for  several  years  on  a  farm,  attended  the  medical  college  in  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  graduated  in  1859.     At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  he  entered 


798  RESOURCES  AND  OOMMERCK 

the  confederate  army  as  a  surgeoo,  and  served  until  its  concliuion.  In  186& 
he  established  himself  in  Houston,  where  he  is  still  engaged  in  the  practice 
of  his  profession. 

One  of  the  oldest  residents  of  Fort  Worth  is  J.  F.  Ellis,  a  native  of  Mis- 
souri, who  after  the  death  of  his  father  in  1847,  came  to  that  settlement 
while  still  a  young  lad,  when,  as  he  relates,  there  were  but  five  white  fami- 
lies within  a  mile  of  the  spot  where  the  city  now  stands.  When  fifteen 
years  of  age  he  found  employment  as  a  teamster,  and  soon  afterward  had 
teams  of  his  own,  remaining  m  this  business  until  the  outbreak  of  the  war, 
when  he  joined  the  confederate  service,  and  remained  until  its  close.  In 
1865  he  returned  to  Fort  Worth,  and  engaged  in  ranching,  merchandising, 
banking,  Land-speculations,  etc.,  until  his  possessions  are  now  valued  at 
more  than  $300,000,  mo3t  of  them  in  real  estate,  including  the  Ellis  hotel, 
built  in  1885  at  a  cost  of  160,000. 

John  D.  Templeton,  a  native  of  Tennessee,  where  he  was  bom  in  1845, 
came  with  his  parents  to  Texas  in  1850,  and  there  received  his  education. 
In  1862  he  entered  the  confederate  army,  and  served  until  the  end  of  the 
war.  He  then  studied  law  under  Judge  Roberts,  formerly  chief  justice  of 
the  state,  and  was  admitted  to  j^ractice  in  1871,  commencing  his  career  at 
Fort  Worth,  where,  in  1887  he  still  resided.  In  1880  he  was  apoointed  sec- 
retary of  state,  and  two  years  later  elected  attorney -general  for  Texas,  being 
reelected  for  the  ensuing  term. 

Dr  W.  A.  Adam?  is  a  native  of  Georgia,  where  he  was  bom  in  1853, 
sraduatinff  in  1876  at  a  medical  college  in  that  state.  Removing  to  Teza.« 
immediately  afterward,  he  began  to  practice  at  Bryan,  where  he  remained 
for  five  years.  In  188 1  he  was  offered  a  partnership  by  Dr  £.  J.  Beall  of  Port 
Worth,  one  of  the  moat  prominent  physicians  in  the  state.  This  he  accepted 
and  has  ever  since  resided  in  that  city,  where  he  still  follows  his  profession. 
The  success  of  the  firm  may  be  judged  from  the  fact  that  their  income  for 
the  year  1886  exceeded  $34,000 

In  Dallas,  Galveston,  and,  in  fact,  throughout  the  state  of  Texas,  the 
name  of  Gen.  George  F.  Alf ord  is  familiar,  not  only  as  tiiat  of  a  sallant  sqI- 
dier,  but  of  an  upright  and  honorable  man  of  business.  A  native  of  Missoori, 
where  he  was  bom  in  1837,  he  ran  away  from  home  when  thirteen  years  of 
age,  and  after  living  for  two  years  among  the  Indians,  set  forth  for  Gslifomia, 
whence  he  returned  in  1856  with  $35,0%  in  gold,  and  in  the  following  year 
married  and  settled  in  Texas.  At  the  beginning  of  the  civil  war  he  joined 
the  confederate  army,  and  at  its  close  was  mustered  out  with  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general.  After  serving  in  the  state  legislature  he  besan  business 
in  Galveston,  and  soon  accumulated  a  larve  fortune,  which  he  afterward  lost 
through  the  dishonesty  of  his  oartner.  Assuming  the  liabilities  of  the  firm, 
which  amounted  in  1875  to  $321,000,  in  less  than  ten  years  he  paid  off  the 
entire  amount  with  one  per  cent,  interest  per  month.  He  is  now  a  perma- 
nent resident  of  Dallas,  and  president  of  the  Dallas,  Archer,  and  l^acific 
railway. 

Among  other  prominent  citizens  of  Dallas  may  be  mentioned  J,  K  Hen- 
derson, a  native  of  North  Carolina,  who  arrived  in  1872,  and,  as  he  relates, 
has  witnessed  its  growth  from  a  village  into  a  thriving  city.  Ever  since  tiiat 
date  he  has  there  been  engaged  in  uusiness  as  a  contractor,  builder,  and 
land  speculator.  In  his  adopted  town  he  has  an  abiding  faith,  believinir  that 
with  its  railroad  facilities  and  its  situation  in  the  midst  of  a  rich  agricaltural 
district,  its  future  is  fully  assured. 

One  of  the  leading  medical  practitioners  in  Dallas  is  Dr  R.  W.  Allen,  a 
Ken  tuck  ian  by  birth  and  a  graduate  of  the  New  York  Medical  college. 
Coming  to  Dallas  in  1872,  when  it  contained  only  4,000  inhabitants,  he  has 
remained  there  ever  since,  practising  his  profession  and  investing  his  snrplas 
means  in  real  estate,  which  he  believes  to  be  the  soundest  and  most  prohta- 
ble  of  ail  investments. 

Col  J.  Gunter,  a  Georgian  by  birth,  his  ancestors  on  both  sides  bein^ 
southerners,  came  to  Texas  with  his  fatiier  in  1853.     At  the  outbreak  of  the 


BIOGRAPHICAL.  769 

eivil  war  he  left  his  brother's  store,  where  he  was  employed  as  a  clerk,  and 
enlUted  in  the  confederate  army,  serving  until  its  close.  Between  18<3<3  and 
1869  be  received  his  education,  at  the  same  time  studying  law,  and  was  ad- 
mitted to  practice  in  the  latter  year.  At  Sherman  he  commenced  his  profes- 
sional career  with  a  capital  of  |65;  but  thoneh  very  successful,  soon  found 
more  lucrative  employment  in  surveying  and  land  speculations,  whereby  he 
made  money  rapidly,  becoming  the  owner  of  200,000  acres  and  13,000 
head  of  cattle.  He  is  also  a  director  and  one  of  the  largest  stockholders  in 
the  City  bank  of  Sherman,  and  colonel  of  the  6th  regiment  of  Texas  state 
guards. 

Prominent  among  the  lawyers  of  Sherman  is  Capt.  T.  J.  Brown,  who  in 
1888  was  attorney  for  the  Merchants  and  Planters'  bank  of  that  city,  and  for 
the  Texas  Pacific  railroad.  A  native  of  Georgia,  where  he  was  born  in  1826, 
all  of  his  ancestors  being  southerners,  he  came  to  Texas  in  18-16,  and  by  hard 
study  and  close  economy,  acquired  the  training  and  the  means  to  start  in  his 

frofes.sion  when  twenty-seven  years  of  age.  He  began  his  practice  at  Mc- 
Linoey  in  1858,  and  there  remained  for  fourteen  years,  except  for  a  brief 
period,  when  he  served  in  the  confederate  ranks,  though  disabled  by  sickness 
from  protracted  service. 

One  of  the  foremost  citizens  of  Bosque  county.  Judge  L.  H.  Scrutchfield, 
settled  there  in  1851  and  wai  the  firjt  county  judge,  also  holding  the 
offices  of  county-surveyor,  justice  of  the  peace,  and  notary  public.  Qn  many 
occasions  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  defending  the  settlers  against  the  dep- 
redations of  Indians,  and  later  of  the  bands  of  white  marauders  who  infested 
the  state.  In  1865  he  was  pres<int  at  the  engagement  at  Double  creek,  in 
which  a  body  of  Texans  attacked  the  stronghold  of  the  Kickapoos,  and  drove 
them  across  the  Mexican  border.  In  1851  the  judge  married  Miss  Profitt, 
by  whom  he  had  five  children,  two  of  his  widowed  daughters  residing  with 
him  at  his  home  at  Valley  Mills. 

Well  known  among  literary  circles  in  Texas  is  Mrs  C.  A.  Westbrook,  a 
resident  of  Lorena,  and  the  author  of  several  works  that  have  won  more 
than  a  local  reputation.  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  her  Pilgrim^  a 
poetical  adaptation  of  Bunyan's  famous  allegory.  To  it  is  appended,  under 
the  title  of  Fragments,  a  number  of  shorter  poems,  most  of  them  of  a  religious 
character. 

Worthy  of  note  as  among  the  most  prominent  men  in  San  Antonio  is  CoL 
Geo.  W.  Brackenridge,  who  became  a  resident  of  that  city  in  1851,  and  has 
ever  since  been  identified  with  its  leading  interests.  In  1866  he  organized 
the  San  Antonio  National  Bank,  of  which  he  was  elected  the  first  president 
and  still  held  that  position  in  1889.  He  is  also  the  president  and  one  of  the 
largest  stockholders  in  the  city  water-works  and  in  its  gas  company,  and  is 
largely  interested  in  lands  and  cattle. 

John  Darragh,  a  native  Texan,  ranks  among  the  largest  owners  of  real 
estate  in  San  Antonio,  which  city  he  has  made  his  permanent  home  since 
1880,  being  then  in  possession  of  a  considerable  fortune  acquired  by  inherit- 
ance. With  the  result  of  his  investments  he  is  fully  satisfied,  and  has  the 
utmost  confidence  in  the  future  of  his  adopted  city. 

Charles  Hummel,  to  whom  belongs  the  distinction  of  being  the  oldest  mer- 
chant of  San  Antonio,  where  he  arrived  in  1847,  when  there  were  but  fifty 
livhite  people  in  the  settlement,  is  also  a  large  owner  of  city  property. 
Among  his  transactions  may  be  mentioned  the  purchase  of  a  lot  in  1819  for 
$325,  which  he  afterward  sold  for  $21,000. 

By  the  late  John  H.  Kampmann,  a  Prussian  by  birth,  and  by  profession 
an  architect,  who  came  to  San  Antonio  in  1 848,  were  planned  and  built  nearly 
all  the  large  residences  and  stores  erected  in  that  city  between  1849  and  1880. 
A  man  of  eminent  business  ability,  he  was  closely  identified  with  a  number 
of  enterprises  tending  to  the  development  of  western  Texas,  where  h^hwas 
also  a  large  land-owner  and  stock-raiser,  and  at  the  time  of  his  decease,  in 
1885,  the  possessor  of  a  handsome  fortune.  His  wife,  Mrs.  Caroline  Kamp- 
mann, to  whom  he  was  married  in  1850,  is  still  a  resident  of  San  Antonio, 
Hist.  Mex.  States,  Vol.  II.    49 


770  BIOGRAPHICAL. 

where  her  eldest  son,  H.  D.  Kampmann  has  succeeded  to  his  father's  business 
and  is  esteemed  as  a  young  man  of  remarkable  promise. 

One  of  the  lax^est  lumber  merchants  in  southwestern  Texas  is  A.  C. 
Schry  ver,  president  of  the  San  Antonio  Fair  Association.  ArriTing  in  that 
city  from  Chicago  in  1877,  his  first  year's  transactions  amounted  to  $50,000. 
In  1888  they  were  considerably  over  $500,000. 

Among  the  railroad  men  of  Texas  should  be  mentioned  the  treasurer  of 
the  San  Antonio  and  Aransas  Pass  R.  R.  Co.,  A.  Hansl,  a  Viennese  by  birth, 
who  came  to  the  United  States  in  1875  and  in  the  following  year  settled  in 
western  Texas,  where  he  engaged  in  banking  and  farming,  accepting  his 
presentpositionin  June,  1888. 

At  the  head  of  the  street  railroad  system  of  San  Antonio  is  Col.  Augustus 
Belkuap,  by  whom  was  built,  at  the  request  of  the  citizens,  the  first  street-car 
line  in  that  city.  In  1882  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  city  council,  and 
has  since  been  re-elected  in  each  succeeding  year.  In  1888,  when  republican 
nominee  for  congress,  he  reduced  by  more  than  one-half  the  democratic 
majority  returned  at  tiie  previous  election. 

Prominent  among  the  sugar-planters  of  western  Texas  is  CoL  Edward  H. 
Cunningham,  the  owner  of  a  tract  of  3,300  acres  on  Oyster  creek,  the  crop 
from  which  sold  in  1888  for  $280,000.  Between  1878  and  1883  he  held  a 
contract  for  tlie  labor  of  the  prisoners  at  the  stat«  penitentiary,  whereby  he 
relieved  the  burden  of  taxation  to  the  extent  of  $85,000  a  year.  Coming  to 
Texas  for  hia  health's  sake  in  1855,  he  is  now  a  permanent  resident  of  San 
Antonio,  in  the  future  of  which  city  and  of  western  Texas  he  has  the  greatest 
confidence. 

Among  the  many  eminent  lawyers  of  San  Antonio  is  Charles  W.  Ogden, 
whose  father  was  formerly  chief  justice  of  the  supreme  court  of  Texas. 
A  'iexan  by  birth,  and  educated  at  the  military  institute  at  Austin,  be  b^an 
the  practice  of  his  profession  in  1 875.  He  is  now  largely  interefted  in  an  enter- 
prise for  dcet>enine  the  water  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazo3  river,  a  project  which 
will  materially  add  to  the  prosperity  of  the  southern  portion  of  the  8t?.te. 

Edward  Dwyer  is  also  one  of  the  most  prominent  lawyers  in  San  Antonio, 
though  since  the  decease  of  his  father,  in  1884,  his  time  has  been  largely 
occupied  in  the  management  of  his  estate.  Mr.  Dwyer  is  descended  from  one 
of  the  oldest  families  in  western  Texas,  his  grandfather  being  a  resident  of 
San  Antonio  prior  to  18-iO,  and  in  1844  was  elected  its  mayor.  His  father  was 
a  native  of  the  same  city,  in  the  politics  of  which  he  played  a  leuling  part 

In  the  ranks  of  the  medical  proiession  at  San  Antonio  none  are  more  nighly 
esteemed  than  Dr.  Amos  Graves,  the  medical  director  for  Texas  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  &  San  Antonio  &  Aransas  Pass  railroads.  He  came  to  Texas  in  1878, 
on  account  of  a  pulmonary  affection,  which  was  cured  by  a  two  years'  re  iidence 
on  a  sheep  ranch  in  western  Texas.  For  such  ailments  he  believes  that  this 
section  will  eventually  rank  amous  the  leading  health  resorts  of  the  world. 

In  this  opinion  he  is  indorsed  by  Dr.  F.  Herflf,  also  a  resident  of  San 
Antonio,  ana  whose  experience  as  a  medical  practitioner  in  western  Texas 
date-)  from  1846.  Here,  as  he  relates,  all  diseases  appear  to  assume  their 
mildest  form,  and  in  no  other  atmosphere  do  wounds  heal  so  rapidly. 

In  Liaredo,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  one  of  the  leading  physicians  is  A.  W. 
Wilcox,  M.  D.,  who,  after  taking  his  degree  at  Galveston,  was  appointed,  in 
1874,  surgeon  of  the  Mexican  National  railroad  at  the  former  point. 

For  the  same  railroad  J.  P.  Flynn  was  selected  as  general  asent  at  Laredo 
in  1 884,  and  in  the  following  year  was  chosen  by  President  CleveUnd  as  United 
States  consular  agent  at  the  town  of  the  same  name  on  the  Mexican  side  of 
the  Rio  Grande.  In  April,  1887,  Mr.  Fl}nin  resigned  both  these  positioos, 
devoting  himself  to  the  organization  of  the  Liaredo  Improvement  Company, 
of  which  he  was  elected  and  is  still  the  president. 

The  preiident  of  the  Laredo  Water  Company  is  A.  L.  McLane,  a  native  of 
Texas  and  a  lawyer  by  occupation,  who  came  to  that  town  in  1873,  and  has 
ever  since  engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  profession. 


INDEX. 


Ab  InitioB,  party,  ii.  495;  protest 
against  constitution,   1868,  ii.  49<5. 

'  Aberdeen,  Lord,  mention  of/  ii.   338. 

Abolitionists,  Texas,  ii.  420. 

Acapuko,  Spilberg  touches  at,  1615, 
i.  166. 

Acaxees,  revolt  of,  1601-2,  L  31^-15. 

Acebedo,  P.  A.  de,  the  Tepehuane 
revolt,  1616-17,  i.  325;  in  charge  at 
San  Jose  del  Gabo.  1737,  i.  461. 

Acklin,  Kit,  mention  of,  ii.  397. 

Adaei,  Texan  tribe,  Aguayo,  among, 
1721,  L  625-6. 

Ada-na,  Father  L.,  the  Tehuecos'  re- 
vol,  1611-12,  i.  220. 

Adams.  Dr  W.  A.,  biog.  of,  ii.  768. 

Agriculture,  Texas,  ii.  557-8;  cotton, 
ii.  557;  cereals,  ii.  557-8;  farms,  ii. 
558-9;  droughts,  floods,  etc.,  ii. 
559;  L.  Cal.  drought,  etc.,  1863-4, 
ii.  726;  N.  Mex.  states,  ii.  748,  et 
seq. ;  soils,  ii.  748;  land  titles,  ii. 
748-9;  products,  ii.  749-50. 

Agricultural  and  Mechanical  coUege, 
Texai,  ii.  546. 

Aiuayo,  Marques  de  S.  M. ,  gov.  of 
Naeva  Vizcaya,  1687,  i.  338;  gov. 
of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  1719-22,  i. 
60 1;  exped.  to  Texas,  1720-2,  i. 
622-9. 

Agiiifo,  J.  C.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya, 1768,  i  582. 

Aguila,  Father,  death  of,  1641,  i. 
231. 

Affuilanin,  A.  M.  M.  de,  bishop  of 
Durango,  etc..  1774-81,  i.  684. 

Aguilar,  Villa  de,  location,  etc.,  of,  i. 
355,  fight  with  Indians  near,  1650, 
i.  356-7;  Spaniards  massacred  at, 
1652,  L  358. 

Aguilar,  A.  M.,  with  Vizcaino's  ex- 
ped., 1602-3,  i.  153;  death  of,  i.  159. 

Aguilar,  Gov.  Jose,  reaignation,  etc., 
1851,  ii.  672;  appointment  of,  ii.  694. 

Aguirre,  Father  M.,  mission  affairs  in 
JEHmerfa,  i.  562. 


Agairre,  Capt.  M.  R.  de,  mention  of, 

i.  159. 
Aguirre,  Brother  T.  de,  dispute  with 

Jesuits,  1673,  i.  243-i. 
Ahomes,    Sinaloan    tribe,    Hurdaide 

protects,   1601,   i.    211-12;    alleged 

conversion  of,  i,  212,  214. 
Ai vinos,   exped.  against  the  1622,  i. 

226. 
Alabamas,    Indians,    docility  of,   IL 

442. 
Alamo,  description  of,  ii.  205;  ground 

plan  of,  ii.   206;  battle  of,  ii.   207; 

massacre  at,  iL  211  et  seq.. 
Alaman,  Lucas,   measures  suggested 

by,  1830,  ii.  113. 
Alarcon,  Capt.  F.,  works  of,  i.  93. 
Alaroon,  H.  de,  exped.  of,  1540,  i.  90- 

8;  meeting  with   Alvarado,    i.   93; 

Mendoza  displeased   with,   etc.,  i. 

94. 
Alarcon,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Coahuila  and 

Texas,  1716,  i.  604;  rule,  i.  617-18. 
Alarcon,  P.  de,  exped.  of,  1540,  i.  83, 

88. 
Alberoni,    Minister,   mention    of,    i, 

443^. 
Albieuri,  Father  J.,  'Historia,*i.  12. 
Albury,  Mrs,  at  Alamo  massacre,  ii. 

213. 
Alcantro,  battle  of,  ii.  327-8. 
Alcarez,    D.  de,    in    charge    at  San 

Gerdnimo,   i.    88-9;   meeting   with 

Vaca's  party,  etc.,  L  69;  death  of, 

i.  90. 
Aldai,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 

1720,  i.  581,  583. 
Aldama,  Envoy,  executed,  ii.   18-19. 
Alemy,  Leon,  artesian  well  privileges, 

ii.  97. 
Alford,  Gen.  G.   F.,  biog.  of,  ii.   768. 
Allen,  Ebenezer,  mention  of,  ii    571. 
Allen,  Dr  R.  W.,  biog.  of,  ii.  768. 
Allen,  S.  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Allen,  Samuel,  biog.  of,  ii.  767. 
Alley,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  ii.  185. 
(771) 


772 


INDEX. 


Almazan,  F.  P.  de,  gov.  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas,  1722-<>,  i.  604;  with 
Aguayo's  exped.,    1720-2,    i.    623; 

fov.  of  Texas,  i  628,  630;  rule, 
722-6,  i.  630-2. 

Almonte,  Gen.,  'Noticia  sobre  Tejas,' 
ii.  148;  surrender  of.  ii.  262;  pro- 
test against  Tex.  annexation,  ii. 
394. 

Alonso,  Father,  protest  against  the 
Jesuits,  1677,  i.  367. 

Altamira,  Marqu^  de,  rept  of,  1744, 
i.  641. 

Alvarado,  Capt,  exped.  to  New  Mex., 
1540,  i.  85. 

Alvarado,  P.  de,  exped.  of,  1523,  i. 
17-18;  meeting  with  Alarcon,  1540, 
i.  93;  northern  exped.  of,  L  96; 
death,  1541,  i.  96. 

Alvarez,  Seflora,  humanity  of,  ii.  237. 

Alvarez,  Friar  R.,  murder  of,  1702,  i. 
590. 

Alvear,  Alcalde  J.,  theTepehuane  re- 
volt, 1616-17,  i.  323. 

Alvear  y  Salazar,  G.  de,  gov.  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  1615-18,  i.  306; 
subdues  the  Tepehuanes,  1617,  i. 
325^;  quarrel  with  Jesuits,  i.  342. 

Amador,  Gen.  J.  V.,  courage  of,  ii. 
211;  appointed  gov.,  1700,  iL  725. 

Amat,  Col,  FilisoWs  commissioner,  ii 
270. 

America,  early  discoveries  in,  i.  2-5. 

Americans,  first  in  Texas,  ii.  5; 
attacked  by  Sj^aniards,  iL  6-7; 
Mex.  dislike  of,  ii.  88. 

Ampudia,  Gen.,  mention  of,  ii.  203; 
defeats  Texans,  ii.  361;  treatment 
of  prisoners,  ii.  365;  capitulation  of, 
ii.  396. 

Amusements,  Texas,  ii.  392. 

An^huac,  Tenorio  attacked  at,  ii  156. 

Amayr,  Gen.,  mention  of,  ii.  827. 

Anderson,  K.  L.,   elected  vice-pres., 

1844,  ii.  378. 

Andrade,  Gen.,  disobedience  of  or- 
ders, ii.  281. 

Andrews,  John  S.,  mention  of,  ii. 
561. 

Annexation,  Texans,  desire  for,  ii, 
284;  agitation  for,  ii.  382;  U.  S. 
rejects,  1837,  ii.  342;  admission  of, 

1845,  ii.  382. 

Anson,  Capt.  G.,  voyage  of,  1740-2, 

i.  201. 
Anthony,  D.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 
Antonio,  Jos^,  Ind.  chief,  ii.  595. 
Anza,  Col  J.  A.,  exped.  of,  1774-6,  i. 

716-18, 


Anza,  Capt.  J.  B.,  exped.  againsl 
Apachej,  1758.  i.  558;  1766,  i,  559; 
mention  of,  i.  699-700;  in  Alta  CaL, 
1776,  i.  768. 

Apaches,  Indians,  raids,  etc,  of  the, 
1696-^,  i.  272-4;  1724,  L  516-17; 
1730,  i.  635;  1734,  i.  636;  1760-1,  I 
650,  raids  in  Sonora,  i.  702;  1834, 
iL  653;  1846-7,  670;  18ol-«7,  iL 
703-4;  Gallardo  8  orders  concerning 
the,  1750,  L  534;  war  with,  1754- 
66,  L  557-9;  defeat  of,  L  635;  efforts 
to  convert,  1757,  L  644;  war  with 
Comanches,  i.  644-5;  policy  in 
dealing  with,  1786,  L  682-3;  defeat 
of,  1790,  L  669;  operations,  etc., 
against,  1774^97,  L  714-15;  hostae 
tactics  of,  iL  597. 

'  Apostolicos  Afanes  de  la  CampaAia 
de  Jesus,"  L  253. 

Aquino,  Father  X.  de,  with  Vizcaino's 
exped.,  1602-3,  L  154. 

Aragon,  Don  P.  G.  de,  mention  of,  L 
567. 

*  Araucano,'  war  vessel,  iL  707. 

Arbucke,  Brig. -gen.,  succeeds  Gaines, 
iL  288. 

Arce,  Gov.  J.  A.,  succeeds  Gonzalez, 
etc.,  1825,  ii.  590. 

Arce  y  Arroyo,  P.  de,  gov.  of  Sinaloa 
and  Sonora,  i.  554;  rule,  1753-5,  L 
554. 

Archer,  B.  T.,  member  state  codt., 
1833,  iL  133;  pres.  S.  Felipe  coun- 
cil, iL  171-2;  apptil  embassador,  ii. 
173;  appeals  for  Texas  aid,  284; 
mention  of,  ii.  290. 

Archive  war,  1842,  ii.  353. 

Arellano,  F.  R.  de,  project  of,  L  168. 

Arellano,  Capt.  T.  de,  with  Corona- 
do's  eimed.,  1540-2,  L  84-8. 

*Argo,'  U.  S.  prize  brig,  iL  667. 

Arguelles  y  Miranda,  Dofia,  bequest 
of,  i.  476. 

Argiiello,  Gov.  Jos^,  lesignatioii  of, 
ii.  708. 

Arispe,  deputy,  mention  of,  iL  79. 

Arista,  General,  force  of,  iL  328; 
defeats  centralists,  iL  329;  procla- 
mation of,  iL  347. 

Arista,  Father  F.,  succeeds  Espinoaa, 
1602,  L  311. 

Arizona,  name,  L  526-6;  real  de,  L 
526. 

Arizpe,  Intendencia,  organized,  1786, 
L712.       ^ 

Arizpe,  town,  capitol  agitation  of,  iL 
644;  revolt  of,  1833,  iL  655;  cap- 
ture of,  1838,  ii.  659. 

Arleguiy   Father  J.     'Chr^ca,'   L 


INDEX. 


773 


119;  mention  of,  i.  334;  chronicles 

of,  i.  690-1. 
Armesto,  Father,  mention  of,  i.  469. 
Armizo,  Gov.  M.,  TeY.  Santa  F^  ex- 

ped.,  ii.  336^7. 
Annona,  M.   de,  gov.   of  Baja  Cal., 

1770,  i.  728-9. 
Amea,  Father  V.,  in  Baja  Cal.,  1764- 

6,  i.  473-4. 
Arnold,  guide,  battle  of  S.  Antonio, 

ii.  182. 
Arredondo,   Col,   defeats  Toledo,  ii. 

27  et  seq. 
Arriaga,  J.  H.   de,   gov.    of    Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1600,  i.  300. 
Arredondo,  Col,  appt'd  gov.    Orient 

division,  ii.  582. 
Arregui,  Gov.,  removal  of,  1833,  ii. 

655. 
Arrellano,  General,  sacceeils'Yaflez, 

ii.  693. 
Arrieta,  J.  M.,  mention  of,  ii.  584. 
Arrillaga,  Capt.,  lieut  gov.  of  Baja 

Cal.,  1783, 1.   747;  tour  of,  1785,  i. 

748;  gov.  of  Baja  Cal,  i.  753-9. 
Arrillaga,  J.  J.,  gov.  ad  int.  of  Alta 

CaL.  1792-3,  i.  772. 
Arrington,  William  W.,  mention  of, 

ii.  172. 
Arricivita,  Father  J.  D.,  works  of,  i. 

720. 
Arroyo  Hondo,  boundary  line,  ii.  10. 
Arvina,   P.    Rafael,    pros,    missions. 

etc.,  1802-4,  ii.  706. 
Ascension,  Father  A.  de  la,  with  Viz- 
caino's exped..  1602-3,  i.   154,  160; 

•  Relacion  Breve,'  i.  154,  167-8. 
Asvlnms,  Texas,  ii.  637-9. 
AtKinson,    J.   G.,   execution    of,   ii. 

620-1. 
Atotonilco,  Spaniards  massacred  at, 

1616,  i.  322. 
Augustin,  Major,  mention  of,  ii.  321, 
Aury,    Luis  ae,   appt'd  commodore, 

etc.,  1816,  ii.   34-6;  abandons  Gal- 
veston, ii.  39. 
'Austin,'  sloop  of  war,  ii.  351. 
Austin,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  300. 
Austin,  John,  joins  insuraents,  1832, 

ii.     120;    attacks  on     Velasco,   ii. 
121-3;  reply  to  Mejfa,  ii.  125. 
Austin,  Moses,  biog.,  colony,  etc.,  ii. 

56  et  seq. ;  death  of,  ii.  58. 
Austin,    S.    F.,   mention    of,    ii.   57; 
founds  Austin  colony,  ii.  59  et  seq. ; 

grant  confirmed,  ii.  63;  additional 
grant,  ii.  69;  additional  grant, 
1827,  ii.  74;  opposes  Edwards 
revolt,  1826,  ii.  107;  commended 
by  Mex.   govt,  ii.    110;   member 


state  conv.,  1833,  ii.  133-4;  before 
Mex.  congress,  ii.  136;  arrest,  etc., 
of,  ii.  138-42;  Texan  council,  18:^4, 
ii.  146;  return  and  advice  of,  1836, 
ii.  162-4;  com'd'r  in  chief  of 
Texans,  ii.  168;  embassador  to  the 
U.  S.,  ii.  173;  battle  cf  Concej)- 
cion,  ii.  175-7;  siege  of  Bojar,  li. 
177  et  seq.;  resigns  command,  ii. 
178;  favors  independence,  ii.  215; 
appeal  of  in  aid  of  Texas,  iL  2S4; 
deleat,  etc,  of,  ii.  290-2;  app't'd 
sec.  of  state,  ii.  294;  death  and 
biog.  of,  ii.  298-COO. 

Austin,  San  Felipe  de,  named,  ii.  64, 
capital  at,  1839,  ii.  337-8;  archive 
war  at,  ii.  353. 

Austin,  Col  W.  J.,  battle  of  S.  Anto- 
nio, ii.  182. 

Austin,  -W.  T.,  Houston's  aid-de- 
camp, ii.  238. 

Austin  colony,  ^ant,  ii.  56  et  seq.; 
settlement  of,  li.  59  et  se^.;  grant 
confirmed,  ii.  63;  gov't,  li.  63-6; 
additional  grants,  ii.  69 

Austin  party,  mention  of,  ii.  291. 

Austin's  map  of  1835,  ii.  75. 

Avalos,  exped.  of,  i.  14-15. 

Avalos,  Province,  subjugation,  etc., 
of,  i.  14-15. 

Ayestaran,  Genl  J.  J.,  removal  of,  ii. 
589. 

Ayutla,  plan  of,  in  Chih.  and  Duran- 
go,  1855,  ii.  617. 

Azpilcueto,  Father  M.,  missionary 
labors,  etc.,  of,  1630,  i.  228-9. 

Aztatlan,  Guzman  at,  1530,  i  29 


B 


Bacoburitos,  Sinaloan  tribe,  revolt  of, 
1604,  i.  213. 

Baegert,  Father  J.,  mention  of,  i. 
469. 

Baegert,  Father,  biog.,  i.  478;  works 
ot,  i.  478;  map  of,  1757,  i.  479; 
the  Jesuit  expulsion,  1767-8,  i. 
479-81. 

Bahfa,  presidio,  establ'd  1722,  i.  628; 
site  of  changed,  i.  631 ;  removal  of, 
1749,  i.  642;  descript.  of,  1778,  i. 
659. 

Baines,  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 

Baines,  J.  W.,  biog.  of,  ii.  578. 

Baja  California,  see  California,  Baja. 

Baker,  arrest  ordered,  ii.  161 ;  execu- 
tion of,  ii.  334-5. 

Baker,  B.  F.,  biog.,  etc.,  ii.  544. 

BakePi  James  A.,  biog.  of,  ii.  766. 


774 


INDEX. 


Baker,  Capt.  M.,  co.  of,  at  San 
Felipe,  11.  24(5;  burns  San  Felipe, 
ii.  247;  rejoiu*  Houston,  iL  253. 

Bikap,  Col  VV.  K.,  biog.  of,  ii.  767. 

BaWiwin,  N.  C,  mention  of,  ii    661. 

Balmfcra,  Father  A.,  retirement  of, 
1644,  L  234. 

Binilerai,  Ind.  chief,  revolt  and 
djith  of,  1825-1832.  ii.  652. 

Bsiruiitti,  Texas,  ii.  443; 

Biasihmeat  law,  Texas,  1862,  iL  458. 

Biaking.  Tex.  R.  R.  Navig.  A  Bank- 
ing CO. ,  ii.  296-7. 

Biiiks,  General,  expedition  ag*8t 
Sabine  City,  ii.  459-61;  other  ez- 
peds  ag*st  iexas   ii.  466-7. 

B^pbiiti,  Texas,  first  church,  iL  547. 

Barela,  Chico,  leader  Salt  lakes  riot, 
iL  521. 

Bar'cor,  Stephen,   mention  of,   ii.  48. 

Bamird,  Doctor,  mention  of,  ii. 
231-2. 

Birragin,  Col,  mention  of,  iL  254-5; 
humanity  of,  iL  365. 

Barratarian  freebooters,  doings  of,  iL 
3o. 

Barraza,  Cipt.  J.,  erped.  of,  1630,  i. 
33H-4;  defeats  the  Tobosoa,  1644,  i. 
348;  supjrse.led,  L  349;  the  Tara- 
humare  revolt,   1649-51,   L    354  8. 

Barrera,  I.  D.  de  la,  bishop  of  Du- 
rango,  1705-9,  i.  593-4. 

Barrett,  Judge  D.  C,  mention  of,  ii. 
160,  172,  174;  elected  judge  advo- 
cate geni,  ii.  193-4. 

Barrett,  C  )1  T.  fl.,  battle  and  retreat 
Palmetto  rancho,  ii.  475. 

Barri,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
1783,  L  676;  gov.  of  BajaCaL,  etc., 
1771-5,  L  7:30-9. 

Barriga,  A.  G.,  cruise,  etc.,  of,  1644, 
L   181-2. 

Barrionuevo,  Father,  mission  to  Tar- 
ahumara,  1673^,  L  362-3. 

Barrios  y  Jiuregui,  J.  de,  gov.  of 
Ooahuila,  1760,  L  694;  gov.  of 
Texas,  1751-60,  i.  C39,  643. 

Barrota.  J.  K,  expedj  of,  1686-7,  L 
413. 

Barrutia,  T.  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 
•    caya.  1728,  L  581. 

Birtiett,  Jesse,  mention  of,  iL  160. 

Basaldua,  Father  J.  M.,  mention  of, 
i.  426-7;  mission  to  Mex.,  1704,  i. 
428-9;  in  charge  of  Guaymas  mis- 
sion, 1709,  L  511. 

Basilio,  Father,  death  of,  1652,  L 
358. 

Bastan,  Capt.  A.,  project  of,  i.   170. 

Bastrop,  Baron  de,  app't'd,  iL  64. 


Battle  creek,  battle  of,  ii.  311. 
Baylor,  Lteut-col  J.  K.,  exped.  ag'st 

Indiana,    1859,     ii.   411;    captures 

Forts  Bltss  and  Fillmore,  iL  451 . 
Bays,  Eider  Joseph,  mention  of,  iL 

547. 
Bazan,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nneva  Vizcaya, 

1584-5,  L   113;  exped.  to  Sinaioa, 

1585,  L  114. 
Beall,  Dr  Elias,  mention  of,  iL  577. 
Bean,  K  P.,  bioc.  of,  i.  7-S. 
Beaujeu,  Capt.  Xa  SaUe's  exped.,  i. 

397-401. 
Beaumont,  F.  deG.,  1662-^,  L  337. 
Becerra,  D.,  exped.  of,  1533,  L  45-6; 

murder  of,  L  46. 
Beckham,  Mayor  R.  K,  mention  of, 

ii.  674. 
Bee,  B.  R,  commis.  to  Mex.,  ii.  340. 
Bee,  Gen'l,  proclaims  martial  law,  iL 

457. 
Bejar,  San  Antonio  de,  (see  also  San 

Antonio);  mission  of  founded,  1718, 

i.  618;  Aguayo  at,  1721,  L   623-4; 

1722,  L  627-8;  descript.  of  natives 

at,    L   663;    siege   of,    iL  177    et 

seq.;  captured  by  Vaaquez,   1842; 

ii.  348. 
Beiar,    San   Fernando    de,   villa   of 

fonnded,  1730.  L  632;  memorial  of, 

1770,  L  652-3;  condition  of,  L  653- 

4;  garrison   of  increased,    1772,  L 

656. 
Belaunzaran,  J.  B.  de,  gov.  of  Xueva 

Vizcaya.  1738-48,  L  582. 
Belen,  presidio  of,  founded,  1760,  L 

585. 
Beleila,  Licentiate  E.  V.,  mention  of, 

L  711. 
Belgium,  recognizes  Texas'  independ- 
ence, ii.  340. 
Bell,  J.  H.,  mention  of,  ii.  160. 
Bell,  Gov.  P.  H.,  election  of,  1849.  iL 

398;  vetoes  Texas  debt  bUl,   1852, 

ii.  404;  elected  to  U.  S.   congress, 

ii.  405. 
Bellislc,  S.  de,  adventures  of,  171 S- 

21,  L  620. 
Benevolent    irnvtitutiona,    Texas,    iL 

537. 
Benitez,  Father  £.,  murder  of,  1686, 

L  36.3. 
Bennett,  lient-col,  at  council  of  war, 

ii.  258. 
Beranffer,  exped.  of,  1720.  L  619. 
Bemal,  Lieut  CM.,  exped.  of,  1697, 

L  264-5. 
Bernstein,  Max.  mention  of,  ii.  736. 
Berrotaran,  Capt.   J.   de,   report  ts 

viceroy,  etc,  1748,  L  684. 


INDEX. 


775 


Berry,  Capt.,  death  of,  ii.  363. 
Bevily  Jolin,  meucion  of,  ii.  172. 
Bibliography,  Texas,  ii.  383  et  seq. 
Bickley,  Geo.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  434. 
Biglow,  Horatio,  mention  of,  ii.  48. 
Biography,  ii.  676-^,  765-9. 
Bischotf,   Father    J.    J.,  at  Loreto, 

1752,  i.  469. 
Blancarte,  Gen.   J.   M.,  revolt,  etc., 

of,  ii.  724. 
Blanco,   General,  succeeds  Carrasco, 

ii.  672;  ultimatum  to  filibusters,  ii. 

677-8;  defeat  of,  ii.  679;  recall  of, 

ii.  681. 
Blanco,  Victor,  elected  vice  gov.,  ii. 

86. 
Bledsoe,   A.,    comptroller,    1869,   ii. 

498. 
Blind  asylum,  Texas,  ii.  5.37-8. 
Blount,  Col  S.  M.,  biog.,  ii.  576. 
Bogarro,  Anselmo,  escape  of,  ii.  213; 

caiualty  report  of,  ii.  215. 
Bohorquea,  Adjutant  N.,  with  Salva- 

tierra's  exped.,  1701,  L  494. 
Bolas  de   Plata  mines,  discovery  of, 

1736,    i.    525;    richness  of,    i.  526; 

claimed  for  the  crown,  i.  527. 
Bonavia  y  Zapata,  B.,  gov.  intendent 

of  I>urango,   1796.  i.  678;  zealousy 

in  royal  cause,  ii.  584. 
Boneo  y  Morales,  J.,  gov.  of  Texas, 

1743,  i.  639. 
Bonham,  death  of,  ii.  212. 
Bonifacio,  Father  L.,  death  of,  1644, 

i.  234;  biog.,  i.  234. 
Bonilla,  exped.  of,  1595,  i.  128-9. 
Bonnell,  (Jeo.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 
Bonner,  Judge  M.  U.,  associate  jus- 
tice, 1878,  ii.  522. 
B(K)ne,  H.  H.,  mention  of,  ii.  518. 
Borden,  Gail,  mention  of,  ii.  170,  549. 
Borden,  T.  H.,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 
Borica,  D.  de,  gov.   of  Cal.,   1794,  L 

751;  1800,  i.  /59,  772. 
Borrego,  T.,  arrest  of,  ii.  623. 
Botello  y  Serrano,  Capt.  A.,  report, 

etc.,    of,     1636,    i.     177-8;    license 

granted  to,  i.  178. 
Boulbon,   Raousset  de,  early  career 

of,    ii.    674;    schemes     of,   ii.   676; 

ultimatum  to,   ii.   677-8;  captures 

Hcrmoaillo,   ii.  679;  illness  of,   ii. 

680;  return  to  S.   F.,  etc.,  ii.  682; 

Santa  Annaappts  a  colonel,  ii.  683; 

interference  of  Cal.  authorities,  ii. 

684;     second   exped.    of,    ii.    685; 

Yaftez  outwits,  ii.  686;  defeat  and 

capture  of,  ii.  687-9;  execution  of, 

ii.  690-1. 
Boundary,  Loaiedana  possessions,  ii 


45-7;  Texas,  defined,  ii.  297;  New 

Mex.  and  Tex.,   1848,  u.  398;  Red 

river,   ii.    525-6;    bill,    for  Texas, 

synopsis,  ii  400. 
Bourne,  Col,  explor.  of,  ii.  644. 
Bowie,  Col    James,    mention    of,  iL 

128;  biog.,  etc.,  175-7;  grass  fight, 

ii.  178-9;  Alamo  massacre,  ii.  201 

et  seq. ;  death  of,  ii.  212. 
Bowles,  Cherokee  chief,  ii.  321. 
Bradburn,  Davis,  tyranny  of,  ii.  115- 

17;  proclaims  martial  law,  ii  119; 

mention  of,  ii.  215. 
Bradburn,  John  D.,  mention  of,  ii.  97. 
Bradley,  Capt.  J.,  biog.,  ii.  578. 
Brambila,  Lieut-col,  surrenders  com- 
mand, 1844. 
Branciforte,   mission,   fonnded,   etc., 

1797,  i.  772. 
Bravo,   Father  J.,   expedt.,  etc.,  of, 

1718-21,  i  444r-9;  death  of,  1744,  i 

462. 
Bravo,  J.  V.  D.,  bishop  of  Durango^ 

etc.,  1769,  i  684. 
Bravo,  NicoUs,  mention  of,  373. 
Braw,  A.  L.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 
Brazitos,  battle  at,  ii.  606-7. 
Brazoria,    founded,    ii    110;    angry 

meeting,  etc.,  at,  ii.  117. 
'  Brazoria, '  schooner,  ii  121. 
Brazos,  Indian  agency,  formation  of, 

ii.  40G-7. 
Breece,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  179. 
Bremond,  raul,  mention  of,  ii.  574. 
Brenham,  Dr,  death,  etc.,  of,  ii  366. 
Brenham,   R.    F.,   Texas    Santa  V6 

exped.,  ii  334. 
Brincourt,  captures  Chihuahua,  etc., 

1864,  ii  621. 
Bringas,   Col    Juan,  mention  of,   ii 

263. 
Bronson,  Lieut-col,  victory  of  at  Pal- 
metto rancho,  ii  475. 
Brotherton,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  524. 
Brown,  Capt.  J.,  capt.  schooner  In- 
vincible,   ii.     271;     captures     the 

*  Pocket,' ii  272. 
Brown,  Mayor  J.  T.,  mention  of,  ii 

574. 
Brown,   P     R.,   escape,   etc.,  of,  ii 

219-20. 
Brown,  Capt.  T.  J.,  biog.,  of,  ii  769. 
Brown,    Capt.   Wm,   capt.   schooner 

Liberty,  ii  271. 
Brownsville,   Cortina's  raids  on,   ii. 

444;  captures  and  recaptures  of,  ii 

466-8. 
'Brutus,'  schooner,    mention   of,    ii 

272;  loss,  etc.,  of,  ii.  283-4. 
Bryan,  G.  M.,  mention  of,  ii  296. 


77« 


INDEX. 


Bryan,  William,  mention  of,  u.  362. 

Bacareli,  Nuetftra  Seflora  del  Pilar  de 
pueblo  of  edtabld,  1774,  i.  056;  site 
of  removed,  1779,  i.  656-7. 

Buckley,  defeat  of,  1858,  ii.  427. 

Buckley,  8.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  553. 

Buena  y  Alcalde,  Father  M.  A.,  men- 
tion of,  i.  706. 

Buffaloes,  Texas,  ii.  559. 

Buford,  M.  N.,  mention  of,  iL  554. 

BuUock,  James  W.,  defeat  of  Piedras, 
ii.  127. 

Burleston,  Col  £. ,  sncceeds  Austin,  ii. 
178;  at  council  of  war,  ii.  258;  bat- 
tle of  San  Jacinto,  ii.  260-1 ;  Cher- 
okee battle,  ii.  323;  ^ected  vice 
pres.,  1841,  ii.  342;  defeat  of,  elec- 
tion, 1844,  iL  378. 

Burman,  Jesse,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Burnett,  Pres.  David  G.,  eolony 
grant)  ii.  74,  110;  member  state 
conv.,  1833,  ii.  133;  election  of, 
1836,  ii.  218;  proclamation,  March 
1836,  ii.  246;  at  Camp  San  Jacinto, 
ii.  268;  army  officers  letter  to,  ii. 
273;  charged  with  treason,  ii.  274; 
message  of,  Oct.  1836,  iL  292;  res- 
ignation of,  ii.  293;  elected  vice 
pres.,  1838,  iL  313;  defeat,  election, 
1841,  ii.  341. 

Burnley,  mediation  of  Mex.  &  Texas, 
ii.  340. 

Burr,  Robert,  app't'd  postmaster  gen- 
eral, ii.  294. 

Bnrriel,  Padre  A  M.,  'Noticia  de  la 
California,' L  281-2. 

Burton,  Col,  campaign,  etc.,  of  L. 
Cal.,  iL  713etseq. 

Burton,  Major  I.,  achievements  of, 
iL  282. 

Burts,  WmP.,  mayor  Fort  Worth, 
u.  574. 

Bustamante,  Capt.  K,  exped.  against 
Apaches,  1756,  L  557. 

Bustamante,  Capt  F.,  with  Figueroa's 
exped.,  1636,  i.  174;  alcalde  mayor 
of  San  Felipe,  1636,  i.  207;  lieut- 
gov.  of  San  Felipe,  1636,  i.  231-2. 

Bustamante  y  Velasco,  election  orders 
of  1821,  ii.  635. 

Buster,  Capt.,  writing  of,  ii.  360. 

Budtillo  y  Cevallos,  J.,  gov.  of  Texas, 
L  634;  rule,  1730-3,  i.  634-6. 

Byrom,  John  S.  D.,  mention  of,  ii. 
172. 


Caballero  y  Carranco,  Friar  J.,  with 
Lucuailla's  exped.,  1668,  L  184. 


Caballero  y  Oslo,  J.,  aidsSalvatiem^ 
1697,  L  280. 

Caborca,  attacked  by  Pimas,  1541,  i 
544. 

Cabelio,  D.,  go?,  of  Tens,  1778-81, 
L  660,  668. 

Gabezas,  raids  of  the,  164i--5,  i. 
348-9. 

Oabildos,  Coah.,  decree  orderiiig, 
1812,  ii.  79. 

Cabrera,  bandit,  capture  and  execu- 
tion of,  iL  445. 

Cabrillo,  J.  R.,  exped.  of,  1542-3»  L 
133-5;  *Relacion,'L  133;  discovers 
upper  Cal.,  1542,  L  135;  death  of, 
L  135-6. 

Caderita,  Viceroy,  decree  of,  1636^  L 
178. 

Cadillac,  M.,  gov.  of  Louisiana,  etc., 
1713,  L  610. 

Cajen,  Gov.,  captures  Duranso,  1859, 
ii.  618;  defeat  and  death,  ii,  619. 

Cajenie,  Ind.  chief,  execution  of,  iL 
704. 

Calahorra,  Father,  exped.  of,  1760,  L 
649-60. 

Calder,  Capt.  R.  J.,  mentioa  of,  iL 
260-1. 

Calderon,  M.,  alcalde  mayor  at  San 
Felipe,  1671.  L  237. 

CaldweU,  Col  M.,  battle  with  WoU. 
ii.  357-8. 

California,  name,  i.  82. 

California  (Alta  or  upper),  discovered 
by  Cabrillo,  1542,  L  135-6;  Fer- 
relos  voyage,  1543,  L  136;  Vix- 
cainos  exped.,  1602-3,  L  158-^; 
Vizcaino's  scheme  for  colonizing, 
1620,  L  107-8;  expeds  to,  1769, 
i.  489-90;  Anzas  exped.,  1774-6, 
i.  717-18;  occupation,  etc.,  of, 
1 769-;  1800,  L  765-73;  Franci:»cans 
in,  L  767-70;  exploration  of, 
1775-6,  L  768;  nusaion  afi^irs 
in,  1781-90.  L  769-73;  industries, 
etc.,  in,  L  771;  filibustering  expeds 
from,  1852-4,  ii.  673  et  soq. 

California  (Baja  or  lower),  Ulloa*s  ex- 
ped., 1539,  L  7^-82;  Alarcon's, 
1540,  L  90-5;  CabrilWs,  151 2,  L 
133-4;  Vizcaino's  exped.,  lo9r.  i. 
147-51;  1602-3,  i.  153-60;  Canlonas 
exped.,  1615,  L  164;  Vizcaino's 
scheme  for  colonizing,  1620,  i.  167- 
8;  regarded  a?  an  i..dand,  L  IGS-9; 
map  of,  1624-5,  i.  169;  Oriega\;  ex- 
petis,  1632-6,  L  171-5;  Caiias'  ex- 
ped.,  1642,  L  181;  Barriga's,  1G44. 
1.  182;  Casanate's,  1648,  L  18:V-4; 
Lucenilla'B,1668,  L  184-5;  Otondo'% 


INDEX. 


777 


1683-5,  i.  187-93;  Itamarra's,  1604, 
L  194  5;  Dainpier'8,  etc.,  1704r-10, 
L  196-200;  Frondac'a,  1709,  i.  200; 
Shelvock'a,  1721,  i.  200-1;  effect  of 
failures  to  colonize,  i.  276-7;  Sal- 
valierra  8  exped.  to,  1697-1700,  i. 
2Sl-30i;  Lorebo  founded  in,  1697, 
i.  28^6;  mapi  of,  i.  427,  447,  464, 
471,  479,  743;  mission  affairs,  etc., 
in,  1701-17.  i.  421-438;  1769-74,  i. 
726;  178J-1800.  i.  745;  mission  sys- 
tem, L  439-41;  miasion  funds,  L 
441-2;  mUsiou  affairs,  etc.,  in, 
1717-69,  i.  443-91;  Jesuits  in,  1717 
-68,  i.  443-82;  Ugarte*a  explor.  of, 

1721,  i.   450-2;  locuit   plague    in, 

1722,  L  453;  Taraval^  explor., 
1732,  i.  456;  Inliaa  outbreaks  in, 
i  457-62;  epidemic  in,  1742-8,  i. 
462;  Con^ag^s  explora,  1746,  i.  463- 
4;  1753,  L  470;  Escobars  rept, 
1745,  i.  485;  indujtriei  of,  i.  467-8, 
488;  native  diplomacy  in,  i.  474-  5; 
Jesuits  expelled  from,  1767-8,  i. 
477-82;  Franciscans  in,  1767-9,  i. 
482-90;  Salvatierra's  exped.,  1701, 
i  493^;  Kino's,  1701-6,  i.  495^ 
602;  Dominicans  in  (1777)  i.  742; 
pestilence,  etc.,  in,  1781,  i.  745;  ex- 
plorations of,  1794-7,  i.  752-4;  set- 
tlements, etc.,  of,  1768-1800,  i. 
760-3;  population,  i.  762;  indus- 
tries, i.  762-3;  progreisand  ezents, 
180J-1888,  ii.  70j-69;  separation 
from  Alta  Cal.,  ii.  705;  neglect  of, 
ii.  706;  foreign  intercourse,  1826- 
32,  ii.  711;  war  with  U.  S.,  ii.  712; 
U.  3.  restoration  of,  etc.,  ii.  719; 
Walker's  filibustering  exped.,  1851, 
ii.  720  et  seq. ;  French  intervention 
in,  ii.  726;  revenue  of,  ii.  742;  edu- 
cation in,  ii.  742;  ii.  755-6;  iron, 
lead,  tin,  quicksilver,  etc.,  ii.  756; 
graphite  and  saltpetre,  757-8, 
pearli,  ii.  757-60;  mills,   ii.   760-1. 

Cfilleja,  Felix,  mention  of,  ii.  581. 
Calbzontzin,  King,  murder  of,   i.  28. 
Oalvo,  Consul,  surrenders  filibusters, 

ii.  689. 
Galvo,   J.   J.,    Commandante    genl, 

18:U,  ii.  590,  593. 
Canibon,    Father,   in  charge  at  San 

Fernando,  1773,  i.  737. 
Camea,    J  nan     M.    I.,   Yaqui  genl, 

death  of,  ii.  659. 
Cameron,  Cap!^.,   diiobedience  of,  ii. 

330;  b\ttleof  Mier,  ii.  303;  escape, 

etc.,    of,,ii.   365;  execution   of,  ii. 

3as. 

Cameron,  John,  colony  grant,  ii.  74; 


mention  of,  ii.  97*  155;  apptd  Ind. 
commission,  ii.  199. 

Campos,  Father,  escape  of,  1695,  L 
261;  the  death  of  Kmo,  1711,  i.  505 
~6;  labors  in  Pimeria,  L  607;  ex- 
plor. of,  1715,  i.  507-^. 

Cauipuzano,  Commandant,  surrender 
of  (Tuaymas,  ii.  i)65,  667. 

Canales,   Col,  mili.   disaster,  ii.  361. 

Canales,  Genl  Antonio,  battle  of  Al- 
cantro,  ii.  327-8;  inaction  of,  ii. 
328;  Arista  defeats,  ii.  329;  Davis' 
defeat  of,  ii.  357. 

Canalize,  Gen'l,  incites  Ind.  hostili- 
ties, ii.  321;  capture  of  correspon- 
dence, IL  322;  torce  at  Matamoras, 
1840,  u.  326. 

Cafias,  L.  C.  do.,  exped.  of,  1642,  i. 
181;  alcalde  mayor  of  San  Felipe, 
1641^,  i.  207;  comnuindante  of 
Sinaloa,  1641,  i.  232. 

Canby,  Genl,  defeat  in  battle  of  Val- 
ocide,  ii.  452;  battle  at  Peralta,  ii. 
453;  surrender  of  Kirby  Smith,  iL 
475;  letter  on  Texas  affairs  in 
Texas,  1868,  u.  497. 

Cancio,  Capt.  L.,  letters  to  viceroy, 
etc.,  1766-7,  i.  567-71;  the  Jeimit 
expulsion,  1767,  i.  575-7,  704;  men- 
tion of,  i.  696,  699. 

Candelaria  mission,  establd  1744,  i. 
641;  founding  of,  1761-2,  i.  650. 

Cafied,  Gov.,  election  of,  1877,  iL 
702. 

Cafiedo,  D.  de,  at  La  Paz,  1633,  i. 
172. 

Canto,  Genl,  murders  Pantoni,  ii. 
623. 

Caravajal,  Genl,  mention  of,  ii.  445. 

Carhajal,  J.  S.  L.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  1723,  i.  581. 

Carbonel,  £.,  exped.,  etc.,  of,  1636, 
i.  175-6. 

Cardelle,  Cara,  *  W.  B.  Dewees'  Let- 
ters,'ii.  385. 

Cardenas,  Capt.,  exped.  to  the  Col- 
orado, 1540,  i.  85. 

Cardenas,  Jose  S.  de,  councillor,  ii. 
86. 

Cardenas,  Father  L.,  hostility  to,  i. 
228. 

Cardis,  Louis,  death  of,  etc.,  ii.  519 

Cardona,  N.,  voyages  of,  1613-15,  i. 
163-5. 

Carilona,  Capt.  S.,  voyages  of,  1613- 
15,  i.  16.3-7;  memorial  of,  i.   178. 

Carnes,  Capt.,  scouting  exploit.)  of, 
ii.  244;  commis.  to  Mex.,  li.  281-2. 

Cams,  Henry,  at  battle  S.  Antonio, 
ii.  184. 


778 


INDEX. 


Cora,  Ramon  M.,  estimates  of  Alamo 
casual  ties,  ii.  214. 

Carranco,  Padre,  murder  of,  1734,  i. 
458. 

Carrasco,  Capt.  D.,  with  Kino's  ex- 
ped.,  1698.  L  266. 

Carrasco,  Col  J.  M. ,  death  of,  ii.  672. 

Carrera,  Father  A.,  mention  of,  i. 
378. 

Carrillo,  Gov.,  proclaims  Iglesias 
pre  J.,  etc.,  1876,  ii.  624. 

Carrion,  Capt.  J.  F.,  the  Tarahumare 
revolts,  1649-62,  i.  354,  359. 

Cariton,  S.  P.,  Letter  to  Bunnett,  ii. 
246;  retired,  ii.  269. 

'Cart,*  war,  Texas,  1857,  ii  417-19. 

Casa  Grande,  rains  of  explored,  1697. 
i.  265. 

Casanate,  Admiral,  oomandante  of 
Sinaloa,  i.  233. 

Casanate,  Capt.  P.  Portery,  snrvcy 
proposed  by,  1635,  i.  177;  report, 
etc.,  of,  1636,  i.  177-8;  license 
granted  to,  i.  178;  revoked,  i.  178; 
captured  by  pirates,  1637,  i.  178-9: 
memorial  of,  1638,  i.  179;  commis- 
sion, 1640,  i.  179-80;  at  Santa  Cruz, 

1643,  i.  181;  ship  building  projects, 
i.    181-2;  cruise  of  the  *Kosario,' 

1644,  i.  182;  vesseh,  etc.,  of  burned, 
i.  182-3;  royal  favor  to,  i.  183;  voy- 
age of,  1648.  i,   183-4. 

Ca.iavantes,  G.,  revolt  of,    1829,  ii. 

625. 
Cash,  John  S.,  execution  of,  ii.  367. 
CastaAeda,  Lieut  F.,  Texans   defeat 

of,  ii.  165-6. 
Castaniza,  Bishop,  mention  of,  ii.  584 . 
Castano,  Father  B.,  missionary  labors 

of,  1638-9,  i.  230. 
Castilla,  P.   H.   de,   captain  at  San 

Felipe,  1680,  i.  237. 
Castillo,  Capt.  D.  del,  map  of,  i.  80-1 ; 

exped.  of,  IGijO,  i.  385-6. 
Castillo,  G.  del,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 

caya,  1695,  i.  338. 
Castini,    Father  P.,    retirement    of, 

1644,  i.  234. 
Castini,    Padre    P.    J.,     missionary 

labors  of,  1621,  i.  225. 
Castleman,  S.,  mention  of,  ii.  30O. 
Castrillon,  Gen*l,  courage  of,  ii.  262. 
Castro,  G^v.  A.  M.  de,  installation  of, 

ii.  649. 
Castro,  Brother  F.,  death  of,  1527,  L 

230. 
Castro,  Jos^,  murder  of,  ii.  725. 
Castro,  Gov.  M.  M.,  succeeds  Cafieda, 

ii.  703. 
Castro,  Capt.  Mauricio,  defense  prep. 


of,  1847,  ii.  712;  orders  to  Pineda, 

ii.   713;   capture  of,   1847,   u.  718; 

suspended,  etc.,  ii.  720. 
Cave,  £.  W.,  refusal  to  take  oonfed. 

oath,  ii.  440. 
Cavelier,   priest,  with  La  Salle's  ex- 
ped., i.  406-11. 
Cavendish,  SirT.,  voyage  of,  1588,  L 

144. 
Ceballos,  Gov.  Rafael,  appointment 

of,  ii.  663. 
Cepeda,  Father,  remarks  on  Ind.  out- 
break of  1644-5,  i.  351-2. 
Cereals,  Texas,  ii  557-8. 
Cermefion,  S.  B.,  voyage  of,  1S9&,  i 

147. 
Cerralvo,  Viceroy,  grants  license,  etc, 

to  Ort^a,   1631,   i  171;  to  Casa- 

mate,  1636,  i  177-8. 
Cerro  Gordo,  fortified  camp  at,  1645, 

i   351;    presidio  site  removed,    i 

680. 
Cervantes,  Father  B.,  death  of,  1649, 

i.  234. 
Cervantes,  G.  G.  de,  gov.  of  Kueva 

Vizcaya,  1631-3,  i  306. 
Cespedes,  Col,  battle  San  Jacinto,  ii 

263. 
Chalmers,  W.  L.,  sec.  state  conven- 
tion, ii.  482. 
Chambers,  A.  J.,  biog.  mention,  ii 

544. 
Chambers,  Judge  Thomas,  biog.  ci, 

ii.  144. 
Chaml^ers,  T.  J.,  defeat  of  election, 

1853,  ii  405;  1861,  ii  451;  1863,  ii 

466;  treason  of,  ii.  425. 
Cliambers,    William,  defeat  election, 

1876,  ii  515. 
Chametla,   Port,  Cortes'    exped.   at, 

1535,   i  49-50;    Guzman's,   i   58; 

name,  i.  203. 
Chamella,  Province,  Guzman  in,  1530, 

i.    30-2;    Ibarras     occupation  of, 

1565,  i  110. 
'Champion,'  capture  of,  ii  284. 
Chandler,  Capt.,  party  of,  ii  371. 
Chapman,  Rev.  K.  M.,  mention  o^ 

ii648. 
Chaves,    Lieut,   arrests  Negrete,   n. 

720. 
Cheape,  Geo.  C,  biog.  of,  ii.  736. 
Cherokees,  Inds.,  petition   for  land- 
grant,  ii  103;  battle  with,  1839,  ii 

Chevalie,  Major  M.,  mention  of,  ii 

397. 
Chichimecs,  country  of  the,  i.  12-13. 
Chicuris,  Sinaloan  tribe,    converstoo 

of.  1671,  i  239. 


INDEX* 


779 


C!hihaaliaa,  see  also  Nneva  Vizcaya; 
name,  i.  600;  Iturbide  revolt  in,  ii. 
6SG;  admitted  as  a  state,  ii.  587; 
political  events,  1825-43,  ii.  58^)- 
603;  events  in  1843-88,  ii.  604  et 
seq.;  invasion  threatened,  1843,  ii. 
604-5;  map  of,  ii.  606;  Doniphan  s 
capture  of,  ii.  608-9;  retreat  of 
French  from,  1866,  ii.  622;  revolt 
1871-2, 1876,  ii.  624;  boundary  with 
Duranco,  ii.  626;  revenue  of,  ii. 
741;  education  in,  ii.  746. 

Cliihuahua,  town,  previa,  capitol, 
1864,  ii.  620. 

Chinipa,  Hurdaide's  exped.  to,  1601, 
L  211. 

Chinipas,  missionaries  among,  1620, 
i.  224-5;  missions  founded  among, 
1526-7,  i.  227;  revolt,  etc.,  of,  1631- 
2,  i.  229-30. 

Chirrine3  conservatives,  party,  ii.  588. 

Chirinos,  P.,  with  Guzman  s  exped., 
1529,  i.  28. 

Chivington,  Maj.,  battle  with  confed- 
erates, ii.  452. 

Cibola,  province,  Coronado's  exped. 
in,  1540,  i.  86. 

Ciguatan,  province,  Guzman  in,  1831, 
I.  33-5. 

Cinco  Sefiores,  Pueblo,  founding  of, 
1728,  i.  584. 

Cisneros,  Father  B.,  death  of,  1616,  i. 
323. 

*  City  of  Monterey,*  plan,  ii.  395. 

Civil  war,  Texas,  ii.  450  et  seq. 

Clark,  Gov.  Edward,  succeeds  Hous- 
ton, ii.  410;  proclamation,  June 
1861,  ii.  451;  defeat  election,  1861, 
iL  451. 

Clark,  Judge  Geo.,  state  attomey- 
gen*I,  ii.  518;  biog.  of,  ii.  578. 

Clark,  W.  T.,  representative,  1869, 
ii.  498. 

Clark,  James  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  546. 

Clay,  Adam,  biog.  of,  ii.  767. 

Clay,  Sen.  Henry,  boundary  and  debt 
of  Texas,  ii.  399. 

aavigero,  F.  S.,  *Storia  della  Cali- 
fornia,'!. 282. 

Clements,  J.  D.,  mention  of,  ii.  172, 
174. 

Climate,  Texas,  ii.  556-7;  L.  Cal.,  ii. 
730. 

Clingman,  Senator,  mention  of,  ii. 
435. 

Clough,  Col  J.  M.,  mention  of,  ii.  577. 

Coahuila,  annals  of,  1582-1600,  i.  126. 

Coapa,  the  Tepehuane  revolt,  161&- 
17,  i.  324. 

Coahuila,    limits  of,    L  375;  church 


afiPairs  in,  L  375-6;  map  of,  i.  377; 
boundaries  of,  i.  60^^-4;  govs,  of, 
1702-89,  i.  604;  condition  of,  1701- 
1800,  i.  605;  ^pnlation,  i.  605-6; 
settlements,  i.  606-7;  missions 
affairs,  etc.,  in  L  607-8;  despotism 
in,  1824,  ii.  77;  population,  1803- 
10,  ii  78;  gov't  ol  towns,  ii.  78-9; 
resources,  li.  80;  independence  in, 
ii.  82;  state  fonued  with  Texas,  ii. 
83;  constitution  of,  ii.  83;  election, 
1827,  ii.  86;  finances  of,  1827,  ii. 
86-7;  administ.  of  justice,  1827-9, 
ii.  94-5;  education,  1811-^,  ii.  95- 
6;  separation  of  Coah.  k  Tex.  dis- 
cussed, ii.  130  et  seq.;  factional 
fight  in,  ii.  143  etseq.;  state  auth- 
orities deposed,  ii.  154-5. 

Cocke,  J.  D,,  execution  of,  ii.  367. 

Codallos  y  Rabal,  Dr  J.,  vicar-gen.  of 
Texas,  1721,  i.  625. 

Coe,  Philip,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Coke,  Gov.  Richard,  election  of  1872, 
ii.  510-11;  message,  1875,  ii.  612; 
reflection  of,  18/6,  ii.  515;  pro- 
poses constitutional  changes,  ii. 
516-18;  elected  U.  S.  senator,  1876, 
ii.  518. 

Coker,  John,  mention  of,  ii.  260. 

Coleto,  battle  of  the,  ii.  227-33. 

Collantes,  Father  J.,  retirement  of, 
1644,  i.  234. 

Collard,  E.,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Colleges,  Texas,  list  of,  ii.  546. 

CoUinesworth,  Capt.  George,  capture 
of  Goliad,  ii.  169. 

Collingsworth,  J.,  sec.  of  state,  1836, 
ii.  269;  commis.  to  Washington,  ii. 
284;  suicide,  etc.,  of,  ii.  313. 

Collins,  L.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  r61. 

Colombo,  town,  Guzman  at,  1531,  L 
35. 

Colonization  in  Tex.,  Spanish,  ii.  54- 
5;  Austin  8,  ii.  56  et  seq.,  other  colo- 
nies, ii.  73  et  seq.;  L.  Cal.,  1864, 
ii.  727;  act  of,  1883,  ii.  729;  N. 
Mex.  states,  ii.  744. 

Colonization  law,  Texas  k  Coah., 
1825,  ii.  70.    . 

*  Colorado,'  war  brig,  ii.  361. 

Colorado  river,  Diaz  on  the,  1640,  i. 
88;  Alarcon,  i.  91-3;  Sedelmairs 
explor.,  1744,  i.  537;  1748-50,  L 
540-1. 

Columbia,  revolutionary  meeting  at, 
1835,  ii.  162. 

Columbus,  theory,  etc.,  of,  i.  2-3. 

Comanches,  war  with  Apacties,  i. 
644-5;  massacre  at  San  Sab6,  1768, 
i.  645-8;  exped.  against,   1759,   i 


780 


INDEX. 


649;  farther  raid?  of,  i.  649;  defeat 

of,  1790.  i.  669;  hodtilities  of.  1»W, 

ii.  324;  troubles  with,  ii  4Ud;  res- 
ervation for,  ii.  407. 
Commerce,    Texas,  imports   and  ex- 
ports,   1834,   ii    148;    1838-40,    ii. 

\4*2;  1870-^2,  ii.  5(57;  shipping,  ii. 

568;  L.  Cal.     1800-17.  ii.  707;  N. 

Mex.  states,  import?  and  exports, 

ii.  762;  porta,  ii.  763. 
Co-npoitela,  capital  of  Nueva  Galicia, 

I5.n.  i.  39. 
Comtiripa,    Sinaloa,    alleged    miracle 

at,  i.  243. 
Conecpciou,  battle  of,  ii.  175-7. 
Cloncepeion  de  Alamos,  declared  capi- 

tol  1827,  ii.  6i4. 
Conch(5,   native   name  for  Loreto,   i 

286. 
Conciios,  revolt  of  the,   1645,  i.  349- 

50. 
CoQ  le,  brig  ,  A   Garcia,  gov   Sonora 

&  Sinaloa,   ii     582;  capture  of,  ii. 

630. 
CoTide,  Garcfa,  mention  of,  ii.  586. 
Condor,  Max.  war  briff,  ii.  665. 
Confederates.  Texas.  Twiggd' surrend- 
er to,  etc..   ii.  437  et  seq;  capture 

of   Forts  Arbuckle    &    Brown,    ii. 

450;  of  Forts  Bliss  &  Fillmore,   ii 

451;  New  Mexico  invasion,  ii  45l 

et  seq. 
Confederate  congress,  act  of  oonscrip* 

tiori,  ii.  471 
Confeierate  currency    worthlessness 

of,  1864,  ii.  469. 
Congress,  Texas,  session  1836,  ii.  295; 

1837,  ii.  303. 
Congress  of  U.   S.,   act  for  gov't  of 

rebel  states,  1867,  ii.  487. 
'Congress,*  U.  S.  frigate,  ii.  667- 
Congressman,  Texas,  list  of,  1845-61, 

ii.  449. 
Conner,  J.   C,   representative,   1869, 

ii.  498." 
Consag,  Father  F.,  biog.,  i.  457;  ex- 

ped.  of,     1746,  i.    463-^;    1751,    i. 

469;  1753,  i.  470;  map,  i.  464;  death, 

1759,  i,  470. 
Conservatives,  Durango,  ii.  588. 
Constitution,    Texas  state,    1876,   ii. 

515-16. 
Constitutional    legislature,     Sin.     & 

Sonora,  -1824,  ii,  637. 
Cook,  guide,  battle  of  S.  Antonio»  ii. 

182,  18.>. 
Cook,  Major  Hamlin,  mention  o^  iL 

4S  TK). 
Cook,  I)r  T.  C,  biog,  of,  ii.  577. 
Cooke,  Col,  surrender  of,  ii.  335. 


Cooke,  Capt.  P.  St  G.,  disanns 
S. lively,  u.  371. 

Cooke,  W.  G.,  commia.  Tex.  Sant» 
Fe  exped.,  iL  334. 

Copala,  province,  location,  etc.,  of,  L 
203, 

Copart,  Father  J.  B.,  with  Otondo's 
exped.,  1683,  L  187,  192, 

Corbalan,  P.  de,  gov.  ad  int^  ci 
Sonora  &  Sinaloa,  1769-72,  1777,  L 
711. 

Cordero,  Gov.,  deposed,  ii.  617. 

Cordero,  Ant.,  com.  genl  Occidente 
section,  etc.,  ii.  586. 

Cordova,  Vicente,  Nacogdoches  re- 
bellion, ii.  320. 

Cordova,  Vicente,  death  of,  it  358. 

Com,  Texas,  ii.  657. 

Coro,  Cacique,  vii:tory  over  Apaches, 
1698,  i.  274. 

Coronado,  £.,  captures  Durango,  1858, 
ii.  618. 

Coronado,  F.  V.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva 
Galicia,  1538,  i.  71-2;  expod.  of, 
1539,  i.  72-7;  1540-2,  L  83-7;  ex- 
ped. of,  i.  381. 

Coronados  island,  pearl  fishing  at^ 
1698,  i.  294. 

Corona,  harrassee  imperialists,  1866, 
ii.  622. 

Corona,  Gov.,  succeeds  Resales,  ii. 
698. 

Corpus  Christi,  capture  of,  iL  454. 

Corral,  Brig.  L  del,  resignation  of, 
ii.  586. 

Correro,  Mex.  schooner,  ii.  161. 

Cortes,H.,expeds,etc.,of,i  4-25;  Guz- 
man's hostility  to,  i  2C-7,  42-50; 
expeds  despatched  by,  1532-3,  i. 
40-7;  appeal  to  the  audiencia,  i. 
48;  exped.  of,  1535,  i.  49-52;  rup- 
ture with  Mendoza,  L  95;  return  to 
Spain,  1540,  i.  95. 

Cortes,  Father  J.,  with  Cafiaa  exped., 
1642,  L  181. 

Cortina,  J.  N.,  depredations,  etc,  of, 
ii.  443;  victory  of,  ii,  446;  def??.t 
of,  ii.  448;  capture  of  Brownsville, 
etc.,  ii.  468. 

Corvan,  T.  G.  de,  with  Vizcaino's  ex- 
ped., 1602A  i.  153,  159. 

Cos,  Genl  M.  Prefecto  de,  action  in 
Coah.  affairs,  ii.  153-^;  conciliatoir 
circular  of,  ii.  156;  proclamation  oU 
A.  157;  mention  of,  ii.  161;  march 
to  Tex.,  Oct  1835.  ii.  165;  siege  of 
B.»jar,  ii,  177  etseq.;  capitulation 
of,  ii.  187;  capture  of,  ii.  26.5. 

Casa^,  Juan  B.,  seizej  governor,  1811, 
u.  17. 


INDEX. 


781 


Coflliattaj,    IndianBy  dociliiy  of,  iL 

442. 
CosHin,  Father  B.  de,  martyrdom  of, 

i.  116. 
Cotten,  G.  R,  mention  of,  iL  548. 
CottoQf   confed.    restrictions    on,    ii. 

457;  demands  for,  ii.  457;  caltiya- 

tion  of,  iL  557. 
Crabb,  H.  A.,  colony  scheme  of,  iL 

694;  execution  of,  li.  695. 
Crane,  Capt.,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  iL 

183. 
Crawford,  M.  L.,  mention  of,  ii.  546. 
Crespo,     B.,     bishop    of    I>urango, 

1723-34,  i.  594. 
Crespo,  F.,  gov.  of  Sonora  and  Sina- 

loa,  1774.  L  711. 
Crime,  Texas,  ii.  391 ;   1864,  iL  472; 

1865-6,    iL  480;    1850-80,   iL  530; 

penitentiaries,  iL  534-6. 
Cr'st6bal,*C.  de,  alcalde  mayor  of  San 

Miguel,  1534,  L  59. 
Croix,  Gen.  T.  de,  commandante-gen. 

of  Provincial  Intemas,  1777,  L  671, 

681;  tour  of,  L  671;  powers,  etc., 

of,  L  671-2;   recommendations  of, 

i.  672-3;  viceroy  of  Peru,   1783,  i. 

673;  reforms,  etc.,  of,  1779,  L  714- 

15.      • 
Crocker,    Frances,   captures    Sabine 

City,   iL  455. 
Crocker,  Lieut  Fred,    defeat  of,  ii. 

460. 
Crockett,  David,  death  of,  ii.  212. 
Crockett,  Lieut-gov.  J.   M.,  election 

of,  1861,  ii.  451. 
Croix,  Commander  C.  de,  visits  Coa« 

huila,    1777-8,   L   608;    arrival   at 

Bejar,  1778,  L  660;  regulations  of, 

L  662-5. 
Crosby,    S ,   elected    commis.    land- 

office,  iL  483. 
Crozat,  A.,  charter  granted  to,  1712, 

i.  609-10. 
Cruger,  J.  W.,  mention  of,  iL  550. 
Cruz,  General,  surrender  of,  1821,  ii. 

585. 
Cuchas  (liberals)  party,  iL  588. 
Cuemavaca,  plan  of,  Durango  adopts, 

ii.  592;  Chihuahua  adopts,   ii.  593. 
Cuesta,     Gov.,     removes    Gandara, 

1841,  iL  660;  installation  of,  1845, 

ii.  663. 
Cuervo,  J.  T.  de,  gov.  of  Sinaloa  and 

Sonora,  1760-2,  i.  564-5. 
Cuevas,   Col,  pronunciamento,  1838, 

ii.  657-8. 
Cueto,  Padre,  mission  to  Hina,  1630- 

1,L330. 


Cailiaoan,     Coronado^s     exped.    at, 

1542,  L  86;  capital  Sinaloa,  iL  650. 
Guiliacan,     province,     Gusman    in, 

1531,  L  35-8;  location,  etc.,  of,  L 

203. 
Cunningham,  B.  H.,  mention  of,  ii. 

535. 
'Cyane/  U.  S.  war  vessel,  iL  666. 


Dale,  U.  S.,  warsloop,  ii.  665,  668. 
Dampier,  W.,  map  of,   1699,  L   195; 

voyages,  etc.,  of,   1704-10,  L   196- 

200. 
Daney,  J.  W.,  vote  of,  election  1853, 

405. 
Darden,  S.  H.,  Texas  comptroller,  ii 

518;  reflection  of,  1878,  iL  522. 
D'Auteroche,  M.  C,  *  Voyage,'  etc., 

i.  727-8. 
Davalos,  Gen.  B.,  gov.  L.  Cal ,  1868. 

ii.  726;  revolt  against,  iL  737. 
Davenport^  Samuel,  mention  of,   ii 

48. 
D6vila  y  Pacheco,  E.,  sov.  of  Nneva 

Vizcaya,  1654-61,  i.  337. 
Davis,  Gen.,  defeats  Canales,  ii.  357. 
Davis,  Gov.  E.  J.,  pres.  state  conven- 
tion, 1868,  iL  495;  election  of,  1869, 

ii.  498;  inaugural  address,   ii.    502; 

message  April   1870,   ii.   503;  pro- 
clamations of  martial  law,  1871,  iL 

507;  Am.   message,    1873,    ii.   509; 

proclamation,  etc.,  Jan.    1873,   ii. 

510. 
Davis,  George  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Davis,  Pres.   J.,  presents  medal  to 

Texans,  ii.  461. 
Dawson,  Frederick,  navy  contract  of, 

ii.  350. 
Dawson,  Nicolas,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  iL 

358. 
Day,  G.  H.,  mayor  Fort  Worth,   ii 

574. 
Deaf  and   Dumb  asylum,  Texas,  IL 

537. 
De  Berry,  A.  W.,  Texas  sec.  of  state, 

iL  518. 
Degener,     Edward,     representative, 

1869,  iL  498. 
Delgado,    Col,   capture,    etc.,-  of,   iL 

262-3. 
Democrats,  party,  victory  of,  1855,  iL 

420;  1857,  iL  423;  state  convention, 

1858,  ii.  424,  427;  defeat  election, 

1859;  iL    426;  victory  of,   ii.   508; 

successful  scheme   of,   ii.    509-10; 

victory  of,  1876,  ii.  515. 
'  Descripcion  Topografica, '  i.  687. 


782 


INDEX. 


Beyine,  T.  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  437. 
Dewees,  \V.  B.,   *  Letters,'  u.  385. 
Dewitt,  Green,  colony  of,  ii.  73. 
Dexter,  P.  B.,  sec  S.  felipe  council, 

ii.  172. 
Diaz,  Father  G.,  ionnds  San  Gabriel, 

1631.  i.  334. 
•Diaz,    Capt.    H.,   the  Tepehnane  re- 
volt, 1616-17,  L  327. 
Diaz,  M.,  alcalde  mayor  of  San  Mi- 

ffuel,   1636-7,    L   69;  meeting  with 

Vaca'a  party,  etc,,  i.  69;  explora- 
tion, etc.,  of,  1540,  i.  83;  exped.  of. 

1540-1,  i.  88-9;  death,   1541,  i.   89. 
Diaz,  Gen.  Porfirio,  revolt  of,  ii.  624; 

defeats  Fuero,  ii.  624-5. 
Dickinson,  Mrs  Lieut,  at  maasacre  of 

the  Alamo,  ii.  212-13. 
Dickson,  Lieut-gov.  D.  C.,  election  of, 

1853,   iL    404;  defeat  of,   1855,   ii. 

420. 
Diez,    Father  J.   J.,    in  Baja  Cal., 

1766,  i.  473-4. 
Dillon,  Consul,  advises  R.  de  Boulbon 

ii.  676. 
Dunit,    Capt.    P.,    in    command    at 

Goliad,  li.    188;  urges    Matamoras 

exped.,  ii.  195. 
Diouiaio,  Cacique,  mention  of,  i.  287. 
DiTon,    Hepworth,    mention    of,    ii. 

531. 
Dodge  City,  a  cattle  mart,  ii.  561. 
Dolores,  Mange  s  exped.  at,   1694,  i. 

256-8;    fiesta    at,    1698,   i.    263-4; 

niission  founded,  1698,  i.  379;  1716, 

i.  615;  ma6sacre  at,  1734,  i.  459. 
'Dolphin,'  see  *  Wharton.* 
Dom'nicans.  in  Baja  Cal.,  1768-74,  i. 

733-9;  1777,  i.  742-4;  1783,  i.  747; 

1780-1800,   i.   749^64,  zeal  of,   ii. 

705;  in  Alta  Cal.  i.  767. 
Donaldson,  Maj.,  evacuates  Santa  F^, 

ii.  452. 
Doniphan,   Col.,    defeats    Vidal,    ii. 

606-7;  captures  Chihuhua,  ii.  608- 

9;  Joma  wool,  ii.  610. 
Doraine,  Ind.,  execution  of,  ii.  634. 
Dorantes,    A.,   with  Vaca's   exped., 

etc.,  i.  61,  66,  70. 
Dorn,  A.  J,,  Texas  treasurer,  ii.  518. 
Douay,   Father  A.,   with  La  Salle's 

exped.,  i.  40^10, 
Douglass,  Senator,   amendment  Mis- 
souri compromise,  1854,   ii.  423-4. 
Douglas,  Gen.,  defeats  Cherokees,  iL 

323. 
Dover,    Capt.    T.,   voyage,   etc.,   of 

1708-10,  1.  197-200. 
Doyle,    Percy,   mediation  Mex.    and 

Texas,  ii.  734.  _ 


Drake,  Sir  F.,  expeds  of,  L  140-3. 

Duarte,  M.,  'Testimonio  juridico.'L 
123-4.  ^         ^ 

Ducrue,  Father,  the  Jesoit  expulsion, 
1767-8,  L  478;  biog.,  L  478;  works 
of,  i.  478-9. 

Duhaut,  with  La  Salle's  exped..  L 
403-17. 

Duncan,  at  Inttle  S.  Antonio,  ii.  185. 

Dunham,  Maj.  K,  execution  oL  iL 
367-8. 

Dupont,  Comn'der,  blockades  Gnay- 
ma3,  1847,  ii.  665,  667. 

Dupuy,  R.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 

Duque,  F.,  succeeds  BrambiU,  1844. 
u.  662. 

Du  range,  see  also  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
mining  explorations  in,  1554-62,  L 
100;  Jesuits  in,  1593-1600,  i.  124- 
5;  the  Tepehnane  revolt,  1616-17, 
i  324,  327;  Iturbide  revolt  in,  ii 
686;  revolt,  1871-2,  ii.  023-4;  1875, 
ii.  624;  affairs  of  the  diocese,  IG20- 
1800,  i.  307-^,  338-9,  593-5,  684-7; 
Intendencia,  established,  1786,  i. 
676-8;  govs  intendent,  1785-1800, 
L  678;  population,  1790-1800,  i 
691;  epidemics,  etc.,  in,  1784-98,  i 
693;  boundary  with  Chih.,  iL  626; 
and  Chihuahua,  map  of,  ii.  583:  de- 
clared a  state,  ii.  5&7;  and  Sinaloa, 
map  of,  ii.  591;  favors  constitution 
of,  1824,  iL  601-2;  events  in,  1843- 
88,  ii.  604  et  seq. ;  invasion  threat- 
ened, 1843,  iL  604-^;  revenue  of, 
ii.  741 ;  education  in,  iL  747. 

Dnrango  City,  founding  of,  1663;  i 
103-4;  progress  of,  1663-1600,  i 
111-12;  Jesuit  college  founded  at, 
159.3-4,  L  124;  capital  of  Kueva 
Vizcaya,  i.  305-6:  declared  a  citv, 
1621,  L  306;  Jesuit  collece  at,  1742 
-5J,  L  586-7;  descript.  of,  1780,  L 
692;  surrender  of,  1821,  iL  585; 
capture  of,  1858-9.  ii.  618;  French 
evacuate,  1866,  ii.  623. 

Duval,   Robert,  Indian  massacre  of. 

Dyer,  C.  C,  mention  of,  iL  171. 

£ 

Eagle,  Commodore,   Bunender  to^  of 

Galveston. 
Eastland,   Capt.  W.  M.,  mutiny  o^ 

ii.  360;  execution  of,  iL  368. 
Ecafiuela,  B.  de,  bishop  of  Guadiao. 

1676-84,  i.  339. 
Education,    Coah.  and  Texas,  1811- 

30,    ii.    95-6;   Texas,   1830-85,   iL 

6C9-47;  N.  Mex.  states,  iL  745-7. 


INDEX. 


783 


Kdwards,  at  battle  S.   Antonio,  ii. 

186. 
Edwards,    Benjamin,  letter  to  Ahu- 

mada.  ii.  109-10. 
Echeand'a,  Lieut- col,  appt  comd'r  of 

the  Californiaa,  1825,  li.  709. 
Eclieverria,    Procurador,    exped.   of, 

1729,  i.  455. 
Edwards,  Hay  den,   colony  of,  ii.  73; 

grant  to,  iL   98;   difficultiej  of,   ii. 

99;  measures  adopted  by,   ii.   100; 

alcalde  election,   li.   100-1;  annul- 
ment of  title,  ii.    102-8;  revolt  of, 

ii.  105  et  seq. ;  biog.  and  death,  ii. 

109. 
Egidiano,  Father  A.,  death  of,  1677, 

i.  239. 
Election!,  Texas,  1836,  ii.  291;  1838, 

ii.  313;  1841,  ii.  341;  1844,  ii.  378; 

1849,  ii.  398;  1853,  ii.  404;  1857.  ii. 

4-23;    18i>6.    ii.    482;  1869.   ii.    498; 

1872.   ii.  508;  1876,   u.   615;  Chih. 

and  Durango,  1875,  ii.  624. 
Elgiiezabal,  Juan  J.,   appt  gov.,    ii. 

145. 
Elizacoechea,  M.  de,   bishop  of  Du- 
rango, 1736-47,  i.  594. 
Elizondo,  Col  D.,   exped.    of,   i.   667, 

672;  campaigns  of,  1768-71,  i.   695 

-701. 
Elizondo,  Dionicio,  councillor,  ii.  86. 
Elizondo,  Col  Iffnacio,  defeat  of.  1813, 

ii.  25-*?;  deatti  of,  ii.  32. 
Elliot.  Charles,  British  chaige  d'  af- 
faire), ii.  374. 
EUia,  J.  P..  biog.  of,  ii.  768. 
Elmer,  Hon.  R.    A.,   mention  of,  ii. 

735. 
Elozua.  Col  Ant.,  mention  of,  ii.  128. 
El  Paso,  Spaniards  at.  168^,  i.  388. 
El  Paso  county.  Salt  lakes  riot  in,  ii. 

619. 
*E.npresario  system  *  of  colonization, 

ii.  70;  terms  of,  ii.  71-2. 
Encinal  del  Perdido,  battle  of,  ii.  227 

-33. 
England,  (see  also  Great  Britain)  en- 
croachments   in     Texas,     i.    662; 

threatened  seizure  of  Cal.,   1797-9, 

i.  754-8;  relations  with  Texas,    ii. 

338-40. 
English,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  179;  at 

battle  S.  Antonio,  ii.  184. 
En3ena<la,    see   also    Todos    Santos. 

Walker  8  occupation  of,  ii.  722. 
Eic-il'inte,      Col,     position   of,    etc., 

18'>9,  ii.  645-6. 
Eicalante,  Capt,  mention  of.  i.  431.  j 
Escalante,  J.    B. ,    ezpeds   of,    1697-  j 

1700,  i.  264,  276.  I 


Eflcalante,  Goy.  L.,  promotes  divis. 
of  Son.  and  Sinaloa,  ii.  647;  defeats 
Yaquis,  1832,  ii.  654  vice  gov., 
1838.  ii.  656;  capture  of,  ii.  659. 

Escalante,  M.  de,  bishop  of  Durango, 
1701-4.  i.  693. 

Escalante,  P.  J.,  surrender  of  office, 
ii.  592. 

Escalante  y  Arviga,  Gov.  M.,  instal- 
lation of,  ii.  649. 

Escalona,  Viceroy,  exped.  ordered 
by,  1642,  L  181. 

Escanjeques,  defeat  of  the,  1601,  i. 
383;  1662.  i.  387. 

Eicaray,  Fattier,  in  Coahuila,  i.  377. 

Esool)ar,  provincial,  rept  of,  1745,  i. 
466,  538. 

Escocea'  party,  Durango,  ii.  588. 

Esparza,  Capt.  A.  C,  corresp.  with 
Gov.  Pineda,  1767.  i.  670-1. 

E^pejo,  Col,  resignation  of,  ii.  693. 

Espejo,  A.,  exped.  of,  1682-3,  i. 
127-8. 

Espinosa,  Col,  jefe  politico,  1849,  ii. 
720. 

Espinosa,  Father,  death  of,  1602,  i. 
311. 

Espinosa,  Father  A.,  mission  to  Pi- 
merfa,  i.  561. 

Espinosa,  Friar  I.  F.,  president  of 
'lexan  missions,  1721,  i.  625. 

Espiritu,  Ind.  leader,  execution  of, 
11.  634. 

Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  exped s  to,  1720- 
1,  i.  619-22;  presidio  establd  at, 
1722,  i.  628;  site  of,  removed,  i. 
631,  642. 

Espiritu  Santo,  port,  named  by  Or- 
tega, 1632,  i.  172. 

E&piritti  Santo  de  Zdfiiga  mission, 
founded,  1722,  i.  628;  site  of, 
changed,  i.  631;  descript.  of,  1778, 
i.  659. 

E^tado  Intemo  de  Occidente,  constit. 
conff^  of,  1824,  ii.  637. 

Este,  E.  E.,  execution  of,  ii.  368. 

Estevan,  Miguel,  Indian,  ii.  640. 

Eitevanico,  with  Vaca's  exped.,  etc., 
i.  61,  66,  70. 

E^terez,  Father  F.,  in  Coahuila,  i.  377. 

Estrada,  B.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya,  1682,  i.  338. 

Evans,  L.  D.,  defeat  of  election, 
1853,  ii.  405;  election  of,  1855,  ii. 
420. 

Everitt,  S.  H.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Evia  y  Valdes,  F.  D.  de,  bishop  of 
Guadiana,  1639-40,  i.  30S,  .338;  ef- 
forts at  secularization,  1045,  i.  351; 
1652,  i.  300-1. 


784 


INDEX. 


Evia,  D.,  murder  o^  1702,  i  500. 
Exports,  TexaB,  1&J8-40,  it  342. 


Fages,  P.,  gov.  of  Cal.,  1782-90,   i. 

747,   769-70;  in  command  at  San 

Carlos,  1770,  i.  767. 
Fajartlo,  D.,  gov.  of  Nneva  Vizoaya, 

1648-51,  i.    3.37;   the  Tarahumare 

revolts,  1649-52,  i.  354-9. 
Falcon,  Gov.  Jos6  M.,  appointments, 

etc.,  of,  ii.  155. 
Fannin,  Col.   J.   W.,  battle  of  Con- 

cepcion,  ii.  175-7;  at  S.  Felipe,  ii. 

195;  apptd  milit.   asent,  ii.  198-9; 

force,  etc.,  at  Goliad,  ii.  219;  fatal 

mistake  of,  ii.   226;  defeat  of,  ii. 

227-33;  surrender  of,  ii.  233;  death 

of,  ii.  285. 
Faqua,  Benjamiu,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Farias,    Gomez,   vice-prea.    of  Mex., 

ii.  1^-5. 
Federalists,  overtures  to  Texas,   ii. 

327;  victory  of,  battle  of  Alcantro, 

ii.  327-8;  Aresta's  defeat  of,  ii.329; 

system  overthrown,  ii.  601. 
Femaudinos,  Cal.    missions  granted 

to,  etc.,  1767,  i.  482-3. 
Fernando,    IV.,   cedula  of,    1747,  i. 

539. 
Ferrelo,   Pilot  K,  on  coast  of  CaL, 

184.3,  i.  136. 
Field,  Dr,  mention  of,  ii.  237. 
Fields,  Ind.  chief,   ii.   103-5;  murder 

of,  ii.  109. 
Figueroa,  B.  deR.,  with  Salvatierra's 

exped.,  1697-8,  i.  284,  288,  293. 
Figueroa,  G.,  with   Ortega's  exped., 

1636.  i.  174;  exped.  of,  1639,  i.  346. 
Figueroa,  Capt.  I.  de,  in  command  at 

San  Javier,  1701,  i.   423;  removal 

of.  i.  423. 
Figueroa,  GenlJos^,  com.genl,  1826, 

li,    638;  victory  of,   u.  641;    ineffi- 
ciency of,  ii.  642. 
Filibusters,  Sonora,  1852-4,  ii.  673  et 

scq.;   Walker's  L.    Cal.,    1851,   ii. 

720  et  seq. 
Filisola,  Gen.  V.,  colony  grant  to,  ii. 

75:    in  Santa  Anna's  invasion,  ii. 

203;  retreat,    etc.,  of,   ii.    265;  in- 
structions of,  May  1836,  ii.  279-81; 

succeeded  by  Urrea,  ii.  281. 
Finances    (see  also    revenue);   Ooah. 

and   Tex  ,    1827,   ii.    86-7;    Texas 

bonds    issued  Nov.    1^36,   ii.  294; 

May   1837,   ii.    303;   indebtedness, 

notes,  etc.,  1837-8,   ii.  312;  »ecuri- 

ties,  etc.,  1838-9,  ii.    318-19;  ex- 


chequer  bills,  etc,,  1842,  ii.  345-6; 

debt.,  1850,  ii.  401-3;  1864,  iL  469; 

1870,  ii.  505;  1874,  ii.  613;  1879.  iL 

522;  Uxation,  etc.,  1852-61,  iL  415- 

16. 
Fireash,  K,  Indian  massacre  of,  ii 

410. 
Fisher,  secretary  Tampico  exped.,  iL 

190. 
Fisher,  S.  R.,  app't'd  sec.  of  navy,  iL 

294. 
Fisher,  Col  Wm  S.,  mention  of,  iL 

172;  elected  commander,  iL  361. 
Fitzgerald,  Capt.,  death  of,  ii.  366. 
Fitzgerald,  W.,  mention  of,  iL  410. 
Flag,   of   Texas,    descript.,    iL   295; 

iirst  exhibit  of,  ii.  296. 
Flanagan,  Lieut,  gov.  J.  W.,  electian 

of,  1869,  iL  498. 
Flores,  Viceroy,  consolidates  Provin- 

cias  Intemas,  1787,  L   674;  Indian 

policy  of,  i.  683. 
Flores,  Pilot  A.,  with  Vizcaino^s  ex- 
ped.,   160S^-^,  L  154;   death  of,  L 

159. 
Flores,  Gasper,  mention  of.  iL  65. 
Flores,  J.  de,   conquest  of  Nayarit, 

1721-2,  i.  618-19. 
Flores,   Gov.    J.   M.,   election  of,  iL 

625;  succeeds  Carrasco,  ii.  672. 
Flores,    Manual,   death  of,   etc,   iL 

322. 
Fly,  Dr  A.  W.,  biog.  of,  ii.  766. 
Foncubierta,  Father,  president  of  San 

Francisco    mission,    1690,    L  415; 

death  of,  i.  417. 
'  Fondo  piadoeo  de  Calif omiaa,'  ongia 

of,  1697,  L  280. 
Fonte,  B.  de,  voyage  of.  1640,  L  180. 
Fonte,  Father  J.  de,  labors  in  Tara- 

humara.  1607-11,  L  124-5,  333. 
Foote,  U.  S.,  *  Texas  and  the  Texana,* 

ii.  384. 
Forbes,  app't'd  Indian  commiss.,  iL 

199. 
Forbes,  John,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 
Ford,  Col,  captures  Fort  Brown,  iL 

450;  Cortina's  defeat  of,  ii.  468. 
Ford,  John  S.,  report,  etc.,    of,   iL 

537. 
Foreign  relations,  Texas,  1838-^42,  iL 

338^40. 
Fort  Arbuckle,  confederate  capture 

of,  ii.  460. 
Fort  McKibbin,  siege  of,  iL  722-3. 
Fort  Ringgold,  Cortina's  capture  o^ 

iL448. 
Fox,  Henry  S.,  biog.  of,  ii.  767. 
France,    claims  on    Texas,    1712,   L 

^09-10;   war  with  Spain,  1719,   L 


INDEX. 


7S& 


'  618;  relatuns  with  Texas,  1838^42, 
ii  838-9;  mediation  of  requested, 
1842,  ii  376. 

Vranctscans,  in  Kneva  Galioia,  L  97; 
in  Dnrangoand  Zacatecas,  i.  100-8; 
in  Nneva  Vizcaya,  1664-90,  i  116- 
19,  311;  1600-46,  i.  334-6;  1640- 
1700,  i.  363-8;  1702-67,  i  690- 
601;  1768-1800,  i.  688-91;  in  Coah- 
nila,  1682-1600,  i.  126;  1711-72,  i. 
607-8;  1781-7,  i.  607-8;  in  Sono- 
ra,  i.  232-3;  Queretaro  in,  i. 
704-6;  Sonora  k  iSinaloa,  1767- 
1800,  i.  704-10,  716-26;  list  of,  i. 
726;  Jaliscan,  in  Sonora,  1768,  i. 
710;  in  Baja  Cal.,  1767-9,  i  482- 
90;  1769-74,  i.  726-33;  inAlta  Gal., 
1769,  i.  489-90,  767-70;  Quer^taro 
friars,  missions  of  removed,  1731, 
L  635;  in  Texas,  i.  639-42;  secular- 
ization of  Texas  missions,  1794^  i. 
669. 

Franco,  Father  J.,  mention  of,  i.  473. 

Franco  y  Luna,  Don  A.,  bishop  of 
G<iadiana,  1632-9,  i.  308. 

Franklin,  Genl,  Sabine  City  exped., 
ii.  460. 

Franklin,  Judge  B.  G.,  dist.  judge,  it 
295. 

Franks,  Col  Nidland,  battle  of  San 
Antonio,  ii.  182. 

Franquis,  Col  C.  de,  gov.  of  Texas, 
i.  637;  rule,  1736-7,1  637-8. 

Fredomans,  revolt  of,  ii.  107  et  seq. 

Freedman,  1866-6,  Texas,  ii  479. 

French  refugees,  coloniz.  of,  Texas, 
1818,  ii  44^. 

French,  army  of,  rebel  alliance  and 
defeat  of,  ii.  468;  intervention,  ii 
619  et  seq.;  fears  of  U.  S.  troops, 
ii  621;  intervention  in  SonQra,  ii. 
696;  in  Sinaloa,  ii.  697. 

Freytas,  Father  N.  de,  with  Pefialo- 
sa's  exped.,  1662,  i  386;  'Rela- 
cion,*  i.  387. 

Frondac,  Capt,  voyage  of,  1709,  i. 
200. 

Fuca,  J.  de,  voyage,  etc.  of,  1592,  i. 
146-7. 

Fnente,  Gen.,  campaigns  of,  1696-6, 
i  272-4. 

Fuero,  Genl,  Diaz  defeats,  ii.  624-6; 
election  of,  1884,  ii.  626. 

Fueros,  P.,  gov.  of  Coahuila,  1783-9, 
i.  604-6. 

Fuerte,  Rio  del,  Guzman's  exped.  on 
the,  i.  66. 

Fuerte,   town,  legislature  at,  ii.  644. 

TZXAB.     60 


Gadsden  pv-chase,  ii  608  et  seq. 

Gaines^  General  E.,  mention  of,  ii 
286;  occupies  Texas  territory,  ii 
287;  succeeded  by  Arbuckle,  ii 
288. 

Galan,  C.  F.,  arrest,  etc.,  of,  ii.  726. 

Gall,  F.  de,  voyage  of,  1682^  i  14^ 

Galicia,    Professor,    '  Expedicion,'  i 

103. 
Galinzoga,  D.  M.  de,  bishop  of  Sono- 
ra, lf94r^,  i  713. 
Gallardi,  Father  L.  M.,  at  Caboroa, 

1720,  i  607. 
Gallardo,  J.    R.   R.,  visitador-ffen., 

1748,  i.  631;  instructions  to  Gov. 

Parrilla,  1749-60,  i.  631-.6. 
Gallego,  Capt ,  meeting  with  Ccxrona* 

do,  etc.,  1642,  i  86. 
Gallego,   P.   Miguel,  pros.  missionsL 

1804,  ii  706. 
Galveston,    sale   of    island,  ii  309; 

U.  S.  capture  of,  1862,  ii.  464;  con- 

federate  recapture  of,  ii  466-6. 
Galveston  k  Brazos  Navigation  co., 

ii668. 
Galvez,  Gen.  J.  de,  visitador-gen.,  i. 

485;  measures,  etc.,  in  Baja  Cai, 

1768,  i  486-9;  exped's  to  AlUCal., 

1769,  i.  489-90;  correspond,  with 
Cancio,  1766,  i.  668-9;  campaigns 
of,  1768-71,  i  695-701. 

Galvez,  Viceroy,  author.,  etc,  over 
Provincias  Intemas,  i  673-4;  '  In- 
struccion,'  i  682;  Indian  policy  of, 
i  682-5. 

Gamboa,  Father  J.  M.,  mission  to 
Tarahumans  1673,  i  363. 

Gamon,  M.,  Ibarra's  mastie  de 
campo,  i.  103;  execution  of,  i  103. 

Gandara,  Gov.  M.  M.,  provis.  gov., 
etc.,  1837-8,  ii.  656;  counter  revo- 
lution of  1837-8,  ii.  668;  defeats  of, 
etc.,  ii  669;  removal  of,  ii  660; 
revolt  of,  1843,  ii  661;  plots  against 
Urrea,  1846,  ii.  662-8;  reinstalla- 
tion of,  1847,  ii  664;  plot  against, 
etc.,  1848,  ii.  671-2;  appointment 
of,  etc.,  1863,  ii  681;  revolt,  etc., 
of,  1866,  ii.  694. 

GandaresUs,  revolts,  etc.,  of  the, 
1846,  ii  662. 

Gandfa,  Duchess,  bequest  of,  i  470. 

Gaona,  General,  mention  of,  ii.  203^ 
ordered  to  support  Sesma,  ii.  247; 

I     failure  to  arrive,  ii.  248. 
Garavito,  Bishop  L.,  visits  Coahuila,. 
1682,  i.  376. 


INDBX. 


Ckray,  ^^  humaiiitj  dt,  iL  2S7. 
Gitray,  F-  ^  mantioii  of,  L  11. 
OarciSB,  Father,   exped.  of,  1774-«,  i 

Oarcla.  Capt,  m  command  »*  B^J«» 

1721,  i  &3;  exped.  of,  l  624. 
Oarcia,  Father  J-  A.,  labors  m  Nueva 

Viasaya.  1716-26.  i.  fi91 -2. 
OarlancC    Peter,    Indian    masBacre, 

1858,  ii  410. 
Garner,  John,  mention  of,  ii.  280. 
Gamett,  M.  W.,  mention  of,  ii  646. 
Garrett,  Jacob,  mention  of,  ii  170. 
Garza,   G.   de  k,   gov.   of  Goahuila, 

1736,1604. 
Gasteei,  A.,  gov.  of  Nneva  Visoaya, 

1762-4,  i  &2. 
Gato,  Port,  named  by  Ortega,  1632, 

i.  172. 
Gaziola,  Gov.  J.  M.,    impriaonment 

of,  1876,  ii  702. 
Garay,  Ool,  occnpies  Fort  Defiance, 

ii229. 
«Gaxiola,  Gov.  N.  M.,  sncceeds  Iriarte, 

1827,  ii  638,  646;    resignation    of 

requested,  ii  646. 
Oibbs,  lient-gov.   B.,  biog.,  etc,  ii 

636. 
Gil  y  Barbo,  A.,    alcalde  of  Bncareli, 

etc.,  i  656. 
Gila  river,  Dias  on  the,  1640,  i  88-9; 

Kino  reaches,    1604,   i   269;    Bor- 

nars    ezped.   to,    1697,    i.    264r^; 

Kino's,  1698-1700,  i  266-71;  Sedel- 

mair's  exfOor.,  1744,  i  637;  1748-«), 

i  640-1. 
Gilbert^  Felix,  jefe  politico,  1864,  ii 

726. 
Gillespie,  Capt.,  death  of,  ii  306. 
Glasscock  k  Miller,   oontraotort,   ii 

638. 
Goliad,  named,  etc.,  ii  110;  oaptues 

of,  ii.  169,  348;  defense  prep,  at,  ii 

219. 
Godinez,  Father  0.,  mention   of,  i 

363;  the  Tarahnmare  revolt,  1649- 

61,  i  366-6;  mnrder  of,  i  366. 
€k>dinez.  Padre  M.,  missionary  labors 

of,    1620-1,  i    226;  retirement  of, 

1644,  i  234;  biog.,  etc.,  i.  234. 
Gome^  Father  A.,   with   Urdifida's 

exped.,     1610,    i     318;  death   of, 

1652  i  311. 
Gofli,  Father  P.  M.,  mention  of,  1683, 

i.  187;  with  Otondo's exped.,  i.  192. 
Gonzales,    town,    founded,    1826,   ii 

110;    attack  threatened,    1836,   ii. 

165;  burned,  1836,  ii  226. 
Gonzalez,    Father    F.,   with    Kino's 

exped.,  1699,  i  209;  1702,  i  500. 


Gonaaec,Gov.  J.  M.,  battle  of  AIomi- 

tio,  ii  327-8;  revolt  of,  ii  688-9; 

installation  of,  1833,  ii  655. 
Gonxalez,  P.,  capture  of,  ii  718. 
Gonzales,  Gov.  8.  K,  election  of,  etc., 

ii  590,  638;  nomination,  etc,  o^ 

1834-7,  ii  593. 
Goodbread,  Joseph,  death,   etc,  o^ 

ii  355. 
Goodnight,  Chaa,  mention  of,  ii  660. 
Gordejuela,   Capt,    the    Tepehnaae 

revolt,  1616-17,  i  323,  326. 
Goribar,  Jose  M.,  app't'd  militb  gov., 

a.  144-^. 
Gorospe  y  Aguirre,  J.  de,  bishop  of 

Guadiana,  1660-71,  i  338-9. 
Gorostiza,  Mex.  minister,  complaints, 

protest  of,  etc,  ii.  285-8. 
Goyooechea,   Gov.   F.,    appointment 

of,  1804,  ii  706. 
Granados,  J.   J.,  bishop  of  Duimngo^ 

1794,  i  685;  works  of,  i  685;  bishop 

of  Sonora,  etc.,  1787-94,  i  713. 
Grande,  Rio,  exploration  of,  1729,  i 

607. 
Granger,   Geni,  in  command  TexasL 

18^,  ii  476. 
Grant,  Doctor,  scheme  of,  ii  194. 
Grant,    Col  James,  battle  of  &  An- 
tonio, ii  182. 
Grant,  Pres.  U.  S.,  Davis'  appeal  to^ 

1873,  ii  610. 
Grant  and   Johnson,  defeat    of,  ii 

220-2. 
Grass  fight,  ii  178-9. 
Grashotter,  Father  J.  R,  miasioo  to 

Pimerfa,  1731-3,  i  623^ 
Gray,  F.  C,  biog.,  of,  ii.  549. 
Grayson,  P.  W.,  atty-senl,   1836,  ii 

269;    oommis.   to  Washington,  ii 

284;  suicide,  etc.,  of,  ii  313. 
Great  Britain    (see   also    En^^and), 

builds  war  vessel  for  Mex.,  ii.  356; 

mediation  Mex.  k  Texas,  etc,  1842, 

ii  374. 
Green,  Genl  T.  J.,  advice  of,  ii  273- 

4;  mention  of,  ii.  358;  Mier  exped., 

ii.  361;  quarrel   with  Houston,  ii 

369-70. 
Griffin,  Genl,  app't'd  milit  com'd'r, 

dept  of  Texas,  ii.  488;  registrars, 

etc,  app't'd  by,  ii  490;  death  o^ 

ii  494. 
Grijalva,   H.  de,  exped.  of,   1533,  i 

46-6;  with  Cortes'  exped.,  1535,  i, 

4^-62. 
Grimarest,  E.,  iniendente  gobeniador 

of  Arizpe,  1789-92,  i  712. 
Grimarest^  Col  Pedro,  mention  o^  iL 

682. 


INDEX. 


7S7 


Orimes,  Jeam,  mention  of,  iL  171, 

174. 
Oritton,  Edwnzd,  app't'd  revenue  col- 
lector, ii.  194. 
Crroos,  J.  J.,  land conunieaioner,  i  518. 
Ground  plan  of  the  Alamo,  i.  206. 
'  Gnadauipe,'  Mex.  war  ship,  ii.  366. 
Gnadalape  miision,  founded,  1716,  L 

614. 
Guadalajara,   dty,  site  of  removed, 

1561,  L  97;  seat  of  audiencia  at,  i. 

97. 
Guadalajara,  D.  de,  ezped.  of,  1654, 

i  386. 
Guadalajara,  Father  T.  de,  mention 

of,  L  36^7. 
Guadiana,  Btahoprio  of  (see  also  Du- 

rango,  diocese  of);  establ'd,  i.  307; 

bishop,  1620-40,  i.  307-«. 
GuajuguiUa,    TOresidio    founded    at, 

1752,  i.  586. 
Guanecevi,  attacked  by  Tepehuanes, 

1616,  i.  323. 
-Guatimape,  Spaniards    besieged    at, 

1616,1.322-3. 
-Guayabal,  Port,   Cort^'  exped.   at, 

1535,  L  51;  Alarcon's,  1540,  i.  90. 
Guaymas,  U.  S.  blockade  of,    1847, 

ii.  665;  surrender  of,  ii.  667;  French, 

capture  of,  1864,  ii.  696;    capture 

of,  1870,  ii.  701, 
■Guazdpares,   Sinaloan  tribe,   submis- 
sion, etc.,  of,  i.  248,  250. 
Ouazaves,  Sinaloan  tribe,  subjugation 

of,  1600,  L  209-10,  235. 
Ouerra,  Donate,  rival  leader,  1871-2, 

and  1876,  ii.  624;  Porfirist  leader, 

Sinaloa,  1876,  ii.  702. 
Ouevara,  Father  M.  de,  with  Pefialo- 

sa's  exped.,  1662,  i.  386. 
Ouijosa,    Father  J.,   with    Otondo's 

exped.,  1683,  i.  187. 
Guillen,  Father,  mention  of,  L  435-6; 

exped.  of,  i.  449. 
Ouillen,   Visitador  G.,  measures    of 

1734^,  i  458-9;  death  of,  1748,  i. 

462. 
Gunter,  Col  J.,  biog.  of,  il  768-9. 
Gutierrez,  Col  J.  L,  intrigue  of,  1834, 

ii.  592. 
Gutierrez,  Father  P.,  death  of,  1616, 

i.  322. 
Guzman,  D.  de,  hears  of  Hurtado's 

fate,    1533,  i.   45;  exrod.  of,  1533, 

i  55-6;  '  Relacion,'  i.  55. 
Guzman,   Padre  D.    de,    missionary 

tour  of,  1618-19,  i.  224. 
4}uzman,  N.  de,  rule,  etc.,  of,  i.  11- 

12;  hatred,  etc.,  of,  i.  26-7;  hostil- 

i^  to  Cortes,  i  26-7, 42-^;  plans 


of  oonqiiest,  i  27;  exped.  of,  1629- 
31,  i  ^-S9i  map  of  expod.,  L  81; 

gov.  of  Nueva  Galida,  i.  39;  aogres- 

sions  of,  i.  47-8;  death  of,  i.  ^. 
Guzman,  P.  de,  exped.    to   Sinaloa, 

1529,  i,  28. 
Guzman  y  Cdrdoba,  Capt.  B.  de,  with 

(Hondo's  exped.,  1683,  L  187. 
Gwin,  Wm  M.,  colony  soheme  of,  iL 


Hadra,  B.,  mention  d,  ii  546. 
Hacerly ,  John,  death  of,  iL  366. 
Hall,  Dr,  mention  of,  ii.  237. 
HaU,  C.  A.,  KR.  strike  1886,  iL  676. 
Hamblen,  W.  P.,  bioc.  of,  iL  767. 
Hamilton,  A.  J.,  app  t'd  provis.  gov. 

Texas,   ii.  476;    sufiErage  in    state 

oonven.,  1868,  iL  496. 
Hainilton,    Genl     James,    c<mtraot 

with,    iL   317;     representative    to 

England,  iL  339;  prqxMaU  to  Santa 

Anna,   iL    349;    purchase    of   the 

'Zavala,'  iL  351;  death  of,  u.  421; 

bioff.,  422. 
Hamilton,  W.  O.,  biog.,  iL  530. 
Hammendey,   Wm,   mention    of,   iL 

736. 
Hancock,  Mier  prisoner,  ii.  366. 
Hancock,   Gen%  succeeds  Sheridan, 

ii.  493;  removal  of,  ii.  494. 
Handy,  K.  E.,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 
Hanks,  Elder  Thomas,  mention  of,  iL 

547. 
Hanks,   Wyatt,  mention  of,  iL  172; 

174. 
Harden,  George,  mention  of,  iL  410. 
Hardiman,    Bailey,   elected    sec.   of 

treasury,  iL  218. 
Hardin,  A.  B.,  mention  of,  iL  172. 
Hardy,   Lieut,    explor.  of,    1826,   iL 

644,  647-8. 
Harris,  J.  P.,  mention  of,  iL  410. 
Harris,  William  P.,  mention  of,   ii. 

172.  174. 
Harrisburg,   Santa  Anna    bums,  IL 

251. 
Harvey,  Mier  prisoner,  iL  366. 
Harwood,  T.  M.,  mention  of,  ii.  545-6. 
Hatch,  Col  Edward,  quells  Salt  Lakes 

riot,  iL  521. 
Hawkins,  Capt.,  defeats  the  'Monte- 
zuma,' ii.  z72. 
Hayes,  Col  John  C,  ruse,  etc.,  of,  at 

Bejar,  iL  357;  battle  of  Monterey, 

ii.  395-6. 
Health  and  disease,  N.  Mex.  States, 

ii.  744. 


788 


DfDBZ. 


Heard,  Oipt,  mention  of,  u.  2U-6, 
Heintaelmani  Major,  defeats  Cortina, 

ii  447-8. 
Henderson,  J.  £.,  biog.  of,  iL  768. 
Henderson,  Qenl  J.  P.,  mention  of, 

iL   273;   app't'd  attomey-geni,  ii. 

2M;   commis.  to  Lond.  and  Paris, 

ii.  338;  biog.  and  inangnration  of, 

ii.   393;    battle    of   Monterey,    ii 

395-6. 
Herbert,  Qenl,   superseded,   ii  455; 

proclaims  martial  law,  ii  457. 
Heredia,   Geni,  mention  of,  ii  605; 

defeats  of,  il  608-9,  618. 
Heredia,  Father  J.,  exped.  of,  1630, 

L333^. 
Heredia,  J.  A.,  Gov.  Dnrango,  1841, 

ii.  602. 
Herera,  Jos^  M.  de,  revoL  doings  of, 

ii34r^. 
H^riller,  Geni  L.,  victory  of,  1864, 

ii  620. 
Hermosillo,  French  capture  of,  1865, 

u.  606. 
Hermosillo,   Bishop  G.   de,   visit  to 

Sinaloa,    1631,  i  230;  death,  etc., 

of,  i   230-1;  bishop  of  Guadiana, 

1620-31,  i.  307-8. 
HermosiUo,  J.  M.  G.,  revoL  exped. 

of,  1810,ii 630-1;  captures  Bosario, 

ii  631;  defeat  of,  ii  632. 
Herrera,  M.  de,  bishop  of  Guadiana, 

1686-9,  i  339. 
Herrera,  Simon,  death  of,  ii  582. 
Herring,  Cant.  M.  D.,  bio^.,  ii  577. 
Heywood,  Lieut,  occupation  of   La 

Pas,  etc.,  1847,  ii  716. 
Hidalgo,  see  also  Parral;  founding  of 

mission,  i.  377. 
Hidalgo,  President,  'Informe,'i  749. 
Hidalgo,   Father  F.,  in  Goahuila,  i 

377. 
Hiens,   Buccaneer,    with    La  Salle's 

exped.,  i  406-11. 
Highsaw,  H.,  mention  of,  ii.,410. 
Hightower,  T.  J.,  Indian  massacre, 

1858,  ii  410. 
Hill,  Capt,  evacuates  Fort  Brown,  ii 

450. 
Hinas,   missions,    etc,    among   the, 

1630-2,    i     330;    subjugation    of, 

1633,  i.  330. 
Hitchcock,    €ren*l,    seizure    of    the 
•Arrow,'  ii.  722. 

Hockley,  Geo.  W.,  app't'd  commis- 
sioner, ii.  375. 
Hodges,  James,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Holland,  recognition  of  Texas  inde- 
pendence, ii  339. 


Holley,   Mary    Austin,    'Texas,'  ii, 

385. 
HoUingsworth,  O.  N.,  mention  of.  ii 

5ia 

Holmes,  mention  o^  ii  180. 

HoUin^er,  Lieut-col,  sunender  of 
Fannm,  ii  233. 

Honey,  G.  W.,  state  treasurer,  1869, 
ii498. 

Hood,  J.  L.,  pub.  money  committee^ 
ii.  170. 

Hopkins,  M.,  mention  of,  ii  550. 

Horse  marines,  achievements  of,  ii 
282-3. 

Horton,  A.,  mention  of,  ii  172. 

Horton,  Col  A.  C,  arrives  at  Goliad, 
ii  226;  charge  on  Mex.  forces,  ii. 
227;  at  battle  of  Goleto,  ii  229. 
capital  commis.,  1839,  ii.  337. 

Hospitality,  Texas,  ii  533-^4. 

Houston,  town,  capital  removed  from, 
1839,  ii  337;  aR.K  centze,  ii  572L 

Houston,  A.,  mention  of,  ii  I72L 174^ 
192. 

Houston,  C^l  Felix,  arrival  of,  ii 
290;  defeats  Oomanches,  ii  3^. 

Houston,  Genl  Sam,  member  state 
conv.,  1833,  ii  133;  mention  of,  ii 
167,  170;  elected  oom'd'r  in  chief, 
ii.  173;  milit.  measures  of,  ii.  192- 
3;  delegate  to  conv.,  etc.,  ii  199; 
speech  to  volunteers,  ii  219. ;  proc- 
lamation of,  ii  224-5;  1842, 
ii  348;  of  blockade,  1912,  ii 
350;  stfainst  Com.  Moore,  ii  352; 
for  vomnteers,  1842,  ii  358;  retreat 
to  Colorado  river,  ii  225,  238; 
biog.  of,  ii.  239  et  seq.,  380;, 
461;  plans  of,  ii.  244r5;  inaubonii- 
nation  of  troops,  ii  246;  impatience 
at  ^lioy  of,  ii.  251;  supposed  plan 
of,  li  252;  speech  of,  ii  253;  march 
of,  ii  253-4;  battle  of  San  Jadnto, 
ii.  255  et  seq.;  council  of  war,  ii 
258;  outline  of  policy,  ii  299; 
wound  of,  ii.  263;  succeeded  by 
Rusk,  ii  269;  release  of  Santa 
Anna,  ii.  275-6;  letters  to  Gen. 
Gaines,  ii  289;  elected  pree.,  ii 
291;  inaugural  address  of,  ii  293; 
reflection  of,  1841,  ii  341;  defeat 
election,  1857,  ii  423;  elected  gov., 
1859,  ii  426;  messages  May,  1837, 
ii.  303;  Dec  1841,  ii  344;  June 
1842,  ii  357;  farewell  messa^ 
1844,  on  S.  Carolina  resolutions,  li 
429;  letter  to  Ssnta  Anna,  ii.  348- 
50;  archive  removal,  ii  353;  de- 
nounces Green,  ii  369-70;  invokes 
interposition  Mez.  and  Texas,  1842; 


INDEX. 


780 


ii  878^  Ntiremeat  of,  iL  380; 
oppodtum  to  aeoesuon  it  434-5; 
speech  on,  ii.  438;  removal,  of  etc., 
ii.  440;  death  of,  ii  461^. 

Howard,  Oapt.,  mention  of,  ii  324. 

Howard,  C.  H.,  salt  lakes  riot,  U. 
619;  execution  of,  ii  521. 

Howland,  execution  of,  ii  334--5. 

Hoxey,  Asa,  mention  of.  ii  171. 

Hubbard,  Gov.,  succeeds  Ooke,  ii. 
518;  biog.,  ii  518-19;  message, 
1879,  a.  522. 

Huajuguilla,  presidio^  site  of  re- 
moved, i  680. 

Hnidrobo,  Gov.  M.  B.,  exped.  of, 
1736,  i  460;  gov.  of  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora,  1734-41,  i  520-1. 

HuUer,  Luis,  colony  project  o(  ii 
734. 

Hnmafia,  exped..  etc.,  ot,  1595,  i 
12a-9;  death  oi  i  383. 

Humes,  missions  among  the,  1683-5, 
i  330-1. 

Hunt,  General  M.,  mention  of,  ii. 
273;  defeat  of,  ii  841;  envoy  to 
a.  S.,  ii  342. 

Hunter,  John  D.,  efforts  in  behalf  of 
the  Ciherokees,  ii.  103-5;  biog.,  et&, 
of,  ii  104  et  seq.;  mmrder  of,  ii. 
109. 

Hurd,  Capt.,  defeats  Thompson^  ii 
161-2;  mention  of,  ii.  272. 

Hurdaide,  Capt.  D.  M.  de,  in  com- 
mand at  San  Felipe,  1599,  i  16-26, 
123,  207,  209;  subdues  the  Guaza- 
ves,  i.  209-10;  the  Suaquis,  i.  210- 
12;  exped.  to  Chinipa,  1601,  i  211; 
protects  the  Ahomes,  i  211-12; 
subdues  the  Tehuecos,  i  211-13; 
visit  to  Max.,  1603-4,  i  212;  de- 
feats the  Bacoburitos,  1604,  i.  213; 
the  Ocorones,  i.  213,  216;  subdues 
the  Yaquis,  1610,  i.  216-19;  exped. 
to  Tepahue,  1612-13,  i.  220-1; 
against  the  Aivinoa,  1622,  i.  226; 
death  of,  1626,  i  227. 


Ibarra,  Emilio,  revolt  of,  ii.  737. 
Ibarra,  F.  de,  mining  explorations  of, 

1554,  i  100;  assists  Franciscanq,  i. 

101;  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1561, 

i  102;  exped.  of,  1562-6,  i  103-10; 

death,   1675,  i  111;  gov.  of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1.^76,  i.  112. 
Imperialists,   menace    of  the    U.  S. 

towards,  etc.,  1866,  ii  622, 
Imports  (see  also  commerce),  prohibit. 


of  Coah.  and  Tex.,  1829,  ii  87| 
Texas,  1838^iO,  ij.  342. 

Ind^,  mining  camp,  Toboeos  attack* 
etc,  1644,  i  348-50. 

Independence,  Texas,  dedaratidi  of, 
ii  215-17;  signers  of  list,  ii  216; 
recognition  oC  ii  801»  238-40. 

'Independence,'  schooner,  defeats  the 
Monjezuma,  ii  272;  capture  of,  ii 
284. 

'Independencia,'  war  vessel,  ii.  707. 

Independents,  revolt  of,  1811-14,  ii 
17  et  se<|.;  defeat  royalists  on  Salt- 
tre  pnorie,  1812,  ii.  20;  siege  oi 
La  Bahf  a,  ii  21-2;  batUe  of  Rosillo, 
1813,  ii.  23;  assassination  of  royal- 
ists, 1813,  ii.  24;  victory  over  Eli- 
zondo,  ii  25-6;  defeat  of,  ii.  26-32. 

Indians  (sea  also  tribal  names);  hos- 
tile incurswns  of,  ii.  286;  attack  on 
Fort  Parker,  ii.  287;  hostilities  at 
Austin,  ii.  337-8;  hostilities  of 
1837-8,  ii  310-11;  1838-9, ii  319- 
26;  Cherokee  battie,  ii.  323;  depre- 
dations of,  ii  405;  colonization  of, 
ii  406;  extermiaation  council,  1858, 
ii.  409;  massacre  of,  ii.  410;  Texas, 
removal  of,  ii  411-12;  affairs  of 
1859-82,  ii.  524-5;  hostilities,  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  etc.,  1771-1845,  u.  593- 
601;  Viceroy  Galves'war  against, 
ii  594;  Apache  murders,  Durango, 
ii   695;  uprising  of    Sonora,   etc., 

1831,  ii  596;  systematic  raids  of, 
ii.  597;  Galves*  retaliation  system, 
597-8;  head  premiums  on,  ii.  599; 
American  aid  to,  ii.  599-60;  Gov. 
Conde*s  method,  ii  600;  hostili- 
ties, 1850-6,  Chih.  and  Duran- 
go, ii  614-16;  robbers,  disguised 
as,  ii.  616:  joint  action  agsfc  by 
Mex.  &  U.  S.,  ii  626^7;  Apache 
campaign,  1813-14,  ii  633;  Opata 
outbrejOc,  Sonora,  1820,  ii.  633-4; 
Yaqui    revolt,     1825,     ii.   639^3; 

1832,  ii.  652;  outbreaks  in  Sonora, 
1842,  ii  660;  Apache  raids,  1834-6, 
ii.  653-4;  1846-7,  ii.  670;  1851-87, 
ii  703-4;  L.  Cal.,  condition,  1S25- 
6,  ii.  709;  tribes  of,  treatment,  etc, 
N.  Mex.  states,  ii.  742-3;  pop.  oL 
ii.  745. 

Indian  war  debt  of  Texas,  ii  413. 
Ingraham,  L.  R. ,  mention  of,  ii  735. 
Intendencias,  establd.,  1786,   i  676; 

officials,  i  676;  working  of  system, 

i  678-9. 
International  company  of  Mexico,  ii 

730  et  seq. 


TtX) 


INDEX. 


Interao  del  Norte,  formation  of,  ii 

687. 
Invincible, '  Texasschooner,  ii.  271-2; 

capture  of  'Aviapa,'  etc.,  ii.  283. 
Iriarte,  Gov.  F.,  Buoceeds  Qonzalez, 

ii.  638;  removal  of,  ii.  644-^. 
Iriarte  y  LAumaga,    Father   J.   P., 

mission  to  Baja  Cal.,  etc.,  1768-72, 

L  733-6. 
Irigoyen,  Gov.,  resignation  of,  ii.  605. 
'Isabella,'  U.  S.  store  ship,  iL  718. 
Itamarra,  F.  de,  voyage  of,  1694,  i. 

194-5. 
Itorbe,  J.  de,  voyage  of,   1614-15,  L 

164-6. 
Ives,  Rev.  C.  S.,  church  of,  ii.  548. 
Learzabal,  Brother  L,  mention  of,  L 

488. 


Jackson,  Pres.  Andrew,  message  of, 
ii  301-2;  letter  on  Tex.  Santa  Fe 
exped.,  ii.  336. 

Jackson,  C.  W.,  organizes  'Regula- 
tors,'etc.,  ii.  355. 

Jalisco,  Guzman's  exped.,  1530,  i.  28. 

Jaunegui,  Mex.  commissioner,  1842, 
ii.  376. 

Jinrequi  y  Uirrutia,  Visitador  J.,  de, 
investigations  of,  1737,  i.  638. 

Jarvis,  J.  J.,  mention  of,  iL  677. 

Jecker,  surveying  exped.  of,  ii.  695. 

Jefe  Politico,  L.  Cal.,  mode  of  app't- 
ment,  1849,  ii  720. 

Jefferson,  Thos,  mention  of,  ii  167. 

Jesuits,  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1590,  i. 
119;  1602-40,  i  311-34;  1641-1700, 
i.  340-63,  366-72;  1701^7.  i.  685- 
9;  list  of,  i  589-90;  expulsion  of, 
1767,  i.  688-91;  in  Sinaloa,  1591- 
1600,  i  119-23;  1600-9,  i.  207-15; 
1650-1700,  i  238-40,  572-6;  expul- 
sion of,  1767,  i.  575-8;  list  ot,  i. 
678-80;  in  Durango,  159a-1600,  i. 
124r^;  annals  of  the,  i  207-8;  in 
Sonora,  i  232-3;  1660-1700,  i.  242- 
50,  572-6;  expulsion,  etc.,  of,  1767, 
i  575-8,  704;  Ust  of,  i  578-80;  in 
Baja  Cal,  1697-1700,  i  284-304; 
1701-67,  i  421-74;  expulsion  of, 
1767-8,  i  476-82;  list  of,  1697-1768, 
i  482;  in  Pimeria,  1750,  i.  543-4; 
1751-67,  i  560-4;  quarrel  with 
Governor  Parrilla,  1752,  i.  648-54; 
secularization  of  missions,  i  704. 

Jesus  Maria  y  Jos^,  mission,  mention 
of,  i  417;  location,  i  418;  aban- 
doned, i  419. 


Jimenn^  F.,  pilot  to  Beoerra*s  exped*^ 
1533,  i  45,  murder  of,  i  47. 

Jirouza,  D.,  gov.  of  Sonora,  1693,  i 
255;  campaigns  of,  i.  255-6;  in 
Pimeria,  1695,  i  262,  272-4. 

Johnson,  Pres  ,  leniency  of,  ii  479. 

Johnson,  jailer,  murder  of,  ii  444. 

Johnson,  A.  £.  C,  mention  of,  ii 
172. 

Johnson,  A.  R.,  biog.  of,  ii  569. 

Johnson,  Col  F.  W.,  revolt  of,  1832, 
ii  119;  arrest  ordered,  ii  161;  bat- 
tle of  San  Antonio,  ii.  182;  succeeds 
Milam,  ii  184;  favors  Grants  plan, 
ii  196;  defeat,  etc.,  of,  ii.  220-2. 

Johnson,  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  564. 

Jones,  Pres.  Anson,  mention  of,  ii 
244,  297;  opposition  to  Island  land 
sale,  ii.  30^;  election  of,  1844,  ii 
378;  inaa|raral  address,  ii  3&2; 
proclamation  for  annexation,  ii 
382;  'Memoranda,'  etc.,  ii  386; 
opposition  to  Know-nothing  party, 
ii:420. 

Jones,  lient-gov.  G.  W.,  election  dp 
ii.  483. 

Jones,  J.  R.,  mention  of,  ii  160. 

Jones,  Maj.  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii  311, 
520. 

Jones,  R.,  mention  of,  ii  171. 

Jones,  T.  L.,  execution  of,  ii  368. 

Jordan,  Col  S.  W.,  battle  of  Akan* 
tro,  ii.  327-8;  return  to  Texas,  ii 
329;  defeats  Centralists,  ii  330  et 
sea.;  retreats  to  Texas,  ii  331.^ 

'  Josiah  Bell,'  victory  of,  ii  469. 

Joutel,  with  La  Salle's  exped.,  i  400- 
11. 

Juarez,  Capt,  exped.  of,  1633,  i.  330l 

Juarez,  Pres.,  reception  of,  at  Chih.» 
1864,  ii  620;  at  El  Paso»  1865,  ii 
622;  revolt  against,  death,  etc.,  of, 
1868-72,  ii  623-4. 

'Julius  CsBsar,'  capture  of,  ii.  284. 

Junco  y  Espriella,  P.  del  K,  gov.  of 
Texas,  1748-«),  i  639. 

Justice,  administ.  of  in  Tex.,  ii  4; 
1876,  ii.  531;  Coah.  k  Texas,  ii 
94-^;  N.  Mex.  states,  ii  742. 

Juzucanea,  Juan  P.  (see  also  *Beii#^ 
deras ');  revolt  of,  ii  638-43. 


Kantww,  agitation  over  admimrion,  ii 
424-5;  poUt.  strife  in,  ii  428. 

Kappus,  Father  A.,  joins  Mange's 
exped.,  1694,  i  257. 

Kearny,  Genl,  mention  of,  ii  398. 

Keenan,  C.  G.,  mention  o^  ii  538. 


INDEX. 


791 


Kelleri  Father,  mission  to  Pimeria, 
1731-7,  i  523-5;  Gov.  VUdorola's 
hostili^  to,  i.  530;  exped.  of,  1743, 
L  536;  charges  against  Parrilla, 
1762,  i  548-9. 

KeUog,  A.  G.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Kemper,  Major,  mention  of,  ii  21-2. 

Ken<£iU,  *  Texas  Santa  F^  Bxped.,*  ii. 
334etseq. 

Kennedy,  William,  'Texas  Rise, 
Pro^^ess,'  etc.,  ii  383. 

Kerr,  Peter,  news  of  Fannin's  massa- 
cre, ii.  246. 

Kickapooe,  Indians,  troubles  with,  ii 
406. 

King,  Capt.,  defeat  and  death  o^  ii 
222-3. 

King,  V.  O.,  mention  of,  ii  262. 

Kino,  Father  K,  with  Otondo's  ex- 
ped.,  1683,  i  187;  diary  of,  i  190- 

Kino,  Father  R  F.,  biog.,  i  250-1; 
labors,  etc.,  of,  i  250-4;  expeds., 
etc.,  of,  1694-1700,  i  257-71;  1701- 
6,  i  495-602;  enthusiasm  of ,  i  277- 
8;  meeting  with  Salvatierra,  i  278- 
9;  exploration  of,  1701,  i  421;  in- 
tercourse with  Salvatierra,  i.  421-2; 
labors  in  Pimeria,  i.  492-3,  602-6; 
map  of,  1701,  i.  498-9;  death  of, 
1711,  i  605;  life  and  character,  i. 
506-6. 

Kirker,  James,  scalp  hunter,  ii.  599- 
601. 

Kittredge,  Lieut  J.  W.,  captures 
Corpus  Christi,  ii.  454. 

Kleberg,  M.  E.,  biog.  of.  ii.  766. 

Knechler,  Jacob,  land-office  commis., 
1869,  ii.  498. 

Knight,  James,  delegate  to  council, 
1835,  u.  160. 

Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  objects, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  433;  murders  of,  ii.  435. 

Know-nothing  party,  defeat  of,  1855, 
ii  420. 

Koogle,  W.  C,  mention  of,  ii.  559. 


L'Archv^ue,  murder  of  La  Salle,  i 
408. 

LaBahia,  siege  of,  1813,  ii.  21-2. 

La  Ha™,  exped.  of,  1721,  i,  619-21. 

La  Pax,  Lower  Cai,  Vizcaino's  exped. 
at,  1597,  i  149-50;  colony  establd. 
at,  1633,  i  172-4;  settlement, 
founding,  etc.,  of,  '1633,  i.  172-5; 
abandoned,  i.  174-5;  reestabl'd, 
1683,  i  187-8;  hostility  of  natives, 


i  188*9;  again  abandoned,  i  190; 
surrender  of,  1847,  ii  712;  U.  S. 
occupation  of,  1847,  ii.  713  et  se<].; 

?lan  of,  position  of  troops,  etc.,  li 
15;  siege  of,  ii.  714-16;  filibuster 

capture  of,  ii.  722. 
La  Salle,  R.  C,  de,  exped.,  etc.,  o^ 

1678,   i   393;    1684r-7,   i   396-406; 

death  of,  1687,  i  408-9;  character^ 

i409. 
Laba,  Friar  I.  M.,  'Informe.' 
Labado,  Father  F.,  murder  of,  1645, 

i  349. 
Labranche,  Alcee,  oharg^  d'  affiures  ta 

Texas,  ii.  301. 
Lafitte,  Jean,  bioff.,  etc.,  of,  ii  39-43. 
Laguna,  region,  Jesuits  in,  i  311-12. 
Lallemand,  colony  of,  1818,  ii  44-^. 
Lamar,   M.   B.,   appt'd  sec.  of  war, 

1836,  a.  269;  opposition  to  Santa 
Anna's  treaty,  ii.  271;  app't'd 
major-seneral,  etc.,  ii.  289-90; 
electea  vice-pres.,  ii  292;  inaugu- 
ral address  of,  ii  2S93;  elected 
president,  1838,  ii  313;  inauff. 
address,  ii.  314;  message,  ii.  315; 
Ind.  policy  of,  ii.  322;  encourages 
Santa  Fe  exped.,  ii.  333;  message 
of,  Nov.  1841,  ii  341;  extravagance 
of,  ii.  345-7. 

Landeras,  Mex.  commissioner,   1842, 

ii.  375. 
Land-grants,  to  Texan  volunteers,  ii 

217;  frauds  in,    1835,   ii.    171;   L. 

Cal.,  ii.  727  et  seq. 
Land-office,  Texas,  certificates  issued, 

u.  311. 
Landrun,    Col,  at  battle  S.  Antonio, 

ii  184;  battle  with  Cherokees,  ii 

323. 
Lands,  Texas,  bills  to  sectionize,  etc., 

1835-7,  ii  306;  general  law  adopted, 

1837,  ii  308. 

Land  titles,  N.  Mex.  states,  ii.  749. 
Lane,  Gov.,  mention  of,  ii  617. 
Lapham,  Moses,  mention  of,  ii.  260. 
Lara,  K  G.  de,  revoL  movements  of, 

ii  lOetseq.;  appointed  gov.  1813, 

ii  24. 
Lara,  D.  de,  the  Tarahumare  revolt, 

1649-51,  i.  356. 
Larios,  F.  G.,  gov.  ad  int.  of  Texas, 

1743-8,  i  639. 
Larios,  Father  J.,  visits    Coahuila, 

1670,  i.  375. 
Larrea,  J.  B.,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 

1700,  i  338,  581. 
Las  Palmas  bay  mission,  founding  of^ 

1733.  i  457. 
Lavalette,  Capt,  captures  Guaymas^ 


792 


mDBX. 


1847,  ii.  667-9;  oftptOM  of  MftttfcUn, 
iL670. 

Jamb,  Tezu  leguL,  1867.  it  485-6. 

Ija%  Lieat-oommAnder,  death  of,  iL 
466. 

Leal,  Vuitadiv  A.,  with  Kino's  ex- 
ped.,  1699,  L  269. 

Leftwich,  Robert,  colony  of,  ii.  73. 

Leger,  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  649. 

liBgislatare,  Texas,  Kanias  resolution 
of,  ii.  425;  extra  session,  1861,  u. 
434;  session,  1867,  ii  486;  I4th  ses- 
sion, ii  611-12;  Dnrango,  suspen- 
sion of  members,  ii  wO;  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  1826,  ii.  638. 

lioon,  Gapt  A.  de,  comandante  of 
Santiago  de  Monclova,  i  376;  ex- 
peds  of,  1689-90,  i  414-16. 

Leon,  Brig.  F.  Pcmoe  de,  gov.  and 
com. -gen.,  1844,  ii  661. 

Leon,  Gin.  M.  de,  revolt  o(  1879,  ii. 
703,  738-9. 

Leon,  Martin  de,  colony  of,  ii  73. 

Lester,  J.  S.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Letona,  Jos<  M.,  elected  gov.  Tex., 
1831,  ii.  116. 

Lewis,  Gapt.,  Tex.  San^  F^  exped., 
ii.  334-7;  treachery  of,  ii  335. 

Lewis,  Gapt.  M.  B.,  recaptures  ar- 
chives, ii.  354. 

LesanuK  Gontador  M.  de,  project  of, 
i  170. 

Liberals,  Durango,  ii  588. 

'Libertador/  capture  of  the  'Inde- 
pendence,' ii.  284. 

Libertjr,  town,  establishment,  etc., 
of,  ii.  116;  milit.  aid  from,  ii.  170. 

'Liberty,*  Texas  schooner,  ii.  271; 
sale  of,  ii.  283. 

Liqui  mission,  founding,  etc.,  of,  1705, 
1.  432. 

Linares,  Viceroy,  aids  the  Jesuits,  i. 
436. 

Lincoln,  Pres.  A.,  election  of,  1860, 
ii.  433;  rebellion  proclamation,  ii. 
449. 

Link,  Father  W. ,  in  charge  at  Borja, 
1762,  i  472;  expeds  of,  1766-6,  i 
473. 

Linn,  B.  D.,  biog.  of,  ii.  677. 

Linn,  J.  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  577. 

Lipans,  raids  of  the,  1722-6,  i.  631; 
subjugation  of  the,  i.  640;  Quintero 
defeats,  1813,  ii  32. 

Lipantitlan,  town,  surrender,  etc.,  of, 
li.  188-9. 

Littlefield,  G.  W.,  mention  of,  ii. 
560. 

Littleton,  Lieut,  defeat  of,  ii  446. 

Lizazoin,  Father  T.  L,  refounds  Saa 


Josj  mission,  1751,  i  554;  rroort^ 
etc.,  of,  1763,  i  565-6. 

lieweUyn,  Gapt,  at  battle  &  An- 
tonio, ii  184. 

Lok,  M.,  map  of,  1582,  i  151. 

Lomelin,  P.  B.,  bishop  of  Gnadiana^ 
1666-8,  i  338. 

Londo,  Gafiada  de,  Salvatierra's  ex- 
neds  to,  1698-1700,  i  294^  29% 

Long,  Oen.,  mention  of,  ii  548. 

Long,  David,  mention  of. 

Long,  James,  exped.  into  Tex.,  1819, 

ii.  47-51;  death  of,  ii  51. 
Lopez,  with  Guzman's  exped.,  1530-1, 

i  30,  36-7. 
Lopez,  Gol,  treachery  of,  ii  S29  et 

seq. 
Lopez,  A.,  exped.  of,  1654^  i  386. 
Lopez,    Padre    D.,    the    Tepehnane 

revolt,  1616-17,  i  329;  mission  to 

the  Jumanas,  1629,  i  385. 
Lopez,  J.  A.,  revd.  exped.,  1810. 
Lopez,  Father  J.  F.,  rept  on  Texan 

missions,  1785,  i  664-8. 
Lopez,  Father  N.,  exped.  of,  1684,  i 

Loranco,  Col,  Gortina's  defeat  of,  ii 

446. 
Lorenzo,   G.,  with  Ortega's  exped., 

1636,  i  174. 
Lorenzo,  Gapt.  E.  R.,  in  command  at 

San  Javier,  1701,  i.  423;  death  oi^ 

1746,  i  462;  bioo.,  i.  462-3. 
Lorenzo  y  la  Rea,  B.  R.,  in  charge  at 

San  Jos^  del  Gabo,  1736,  i.  461. 
Loreto    mission,    founded  by  Salva- 

tierra,  1697,  i  284-6,  290-1;  map 

of,    and    vicinity,    1700,    i    285; 

troubles    with    natives,    i    287-8, 

292-^,  298-9;  reinforcements,  etc., 

for,  i  293-4,  298;  prosperity  of,  i 

296;  Salvatierra   leaves,    i   303-4; 

distress  at,    1701-2,  i  422-6,  429; 

outbreak  at,  i.  424-5;  Franciscans 

at,  1768,  i.  484;  Galvez'  measures, 

etc.,  1769,  i  726-7. 
Los  Angeles,  founded,  1781,  i  770. 
Louisiana  boundary  dispute,  ii  9-11; 

treaty,  1819,  ii  45-7. 
Love,  Gapt.  Wm  M.,  mention  of,  ii 

311. 
Loving,  Geo.  B.,  mention  of,  ii  560. 
Lewder,   W.  J.   F.,  mention  of,  ii 

410. 
Lower  Galifomia,  see  Galifonua,6aja. 
Lower  Gal.  Golonization  and  Mining 

CO.,  ii  727. 
Lozada,  lad.  dua^  invaaiim  oL  1860^ 

ii696. 


INDEX. 


703 


Xoado,  General,  captures  Mamtlan, 

ii  697;  defeats  Gorona,  iL  608. 
Lubbock^  Gov.   F.  R,  eleotioii  of, 

1861,  ii   461;    suggestions    of,   ii. 

457;  state  treasurer,  1878,  ii.  622. 
Xucenilla  ▼  Torres,  Gapt.  F.,  Yoyage 

of,  1668,  i  184-5. 
Lnckett,  P.  N.,  mention  of,  ii.  437. 
Xuis,  Cacique,  the  Pima  revolt^  1751- 

2,  i.  544-5. 
Xuna,  Father,  with  Barriga's  exped., 

1644,  i.  182. 
Lunatic  asvlum,  Texas,  ii.  537-8. 
Xuyando,  Father  J.  K,  in  Baja  Cal., 

1727-8,  i  464. 
Lyons,  Patrick,  death  of,  iL  366. 

M 

'McAshan,  S.  M.,  biog.  of;  iL  767. 
HcBride,  Sergeant,  execution  of,  ii. 

521. 
JtlcGormick,  Geo.,  state  atty-gen.,  iL 

522. 
McCoy,  Col  J.  C,  biog.  of,  iL  577. 
JtlcCalloch,  B.,  mention  of,  iL  397. 
JlcCullough,  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  434; 

captures  San  Antonio,  iL  437. 
^fcDermott,  Lieut-com.,  death  of,  ii. 

460. 
McDonald,  Lieut  Wm,  at  battle  S. 

Antonio,  iL  183. 
McGowan,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  iL  397. 
McKinney,  equips  Texas  schooners, 

iL  271. 
McKinney,  A.  T.,  biog.,  etc.,  iL  543. 
McLanahan,    Midshipman,   bravery, 

etc,  of,  iL  716;  death  of,  iL  717. 
McLeod,  Gen.  H.  D.,  mention  of,  ii. 

296;    Comanche  council,   1840,   ii. 

324. 
McLeod,  Gen.  Hugh,  Tex.  Santa  Fe 

exped.,  ii.  334;  surrender  of,  iL  336. 
McMullen,  mention  of,  ii.  397. 
McNeal,  W.  W.,  Indian  massacre  of, 

ii.  410. 
McNeil,  Stirling,  delegate  to  council, 

1836,  ii.  160. 
Mackay,  T.  J.,  testimony  of,  iL  482. 
Macomb,   David  B.,  mention  of,  ii. 

172. 
Madero,  Francisco,  arrest  of,  ii.  116. 
Madero,  Gov.    J.  I.,  mention   of,  ii. 

590. 
Madison,    Pres.,   proclamation  ag'st 

filibusters,  1815,  ii.  34. 
Magee,  Lieut  August,  revol.   move- 
ments of,  ii.  19  et  seq.;  elected  col 

of  revolutionists,  iL  21;  death  of, 

IL  22. 


Magmder,  Gen.,  recaptures  Galves- 
ton, ii.  455-6;  diuigreement  with 
state  authorities,  iL  472. 

Mahan,  Patrick,  execution  of,  ii.  368. 

Mail  service,  Texas,  ii.  569-70. 

Maillazd,  N.  D.,  'History  of  Texas,' 
ii.  141;  misrepresentations  of,  iL 
214. 

Maldonado,  Capt.,  exped.  of,  1540,  L 
87-8. 

Maldonado,  A.  del  C,  with  Vasca's 
exped.,  etc.,  L  61,  66,  70. 

Maldonado,  L.  F.  de,  voyage  of,  1588, 
L  144^. 

Malhado  island,  Spaniards  wrecked 
on,  1528,  L  61;  location  of,  i.  63. 

Mange,  Capt.  J.  M.,  'Historia  de  la 
Pimeria  Alta,'  i.  256;  expeds  of, 
1694-9,  i.  256-70;  with  Salvatierra's 
exped.,  1701-2,  L  494-^00. 

Manufactures,  Texas,  iL  566;  Sonoora 
and  Sinaloa,  ii.  760. 

Mapimi,  presidio  of,  reoccnpied,  1711, 
L  583. 

Maps  and  plans,  re^on  north  and 
west  of  Mexico,  i.  11;  Guzman's 
expedition,  1531,  i.  31;  explora- 
tions, 1532-6,  L  43;  Cabeza  de 
Vaca's  route,  i.  67;  explorations  of, 
1639-42,  L  73;  Castillo's,  1541,  i. 
81;  Nueva  Vizcaya,  L  101,  592, 
677;  Lok's,  1582,  L  151;  Wytfliet- 
Ptolemy*s,  1597,  i.  162;  Vizcaino's 
1603,  L  156;  Dutch  map,  1624-5,  i- 
169;  D'Avitty's,  1637,  i.  176;  Dam. 
pier's,  1699,  i.  195;  Harris,  1705,  L 
196;  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  i.  208; 
Pimerfa,  L  251;  Loreto  and  vicin- 
ity, 1700,  i.  286;  Orozco  y  Berra's, 
i.  310;  southern  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
1700,  L  312;  northern  Nueva  Viz- 
caya,  1700,  L  347;  Coahuila,  L  377; 
Texas,  L  .381,  615;  peninsular  mis- 
sions, i.  427;  California  missions,  L 
447;  Consag's,  1746,  L  464;  Vene- 
cas,  1757,  L  471;  Baegert's,  1757, 
1.  479;  Kino's,  1701,  i.  499;  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  i.  555;  Sonora  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  i.  703;  Palou's, 
L  771;  Austin's  map  of  1835,  iL  75; 
San  Antonio  and  environs,  ii.  181; 
Santa  Anna's  march,  ii.  203;  ground 
plan  of  the  Alamo,  ii.  206;  sectional 
map  of  1835,  ii.  249;  fortress  of 
Perote,  ii.  368;  city  of  Monterey, 
ii.  395;  Durango  and  Chihuahua,  iL 
683;  Durango  and  Sinaloa,  ii.  591; 
Chihuahua,  ii.  606;  Sonora  and 
Sinaloa,  iL  629;  Sinaloa,  iL  667;  new 
map  of  Sonora,  ii.  666;  positions  of 


794 


INDEX. 


troop,  La  Paz,  1847,  ii.  716;  Urrea's 

CMnpaign,  ii.  228;  routes  of  armies, 

Santa  Anna  and  Houston,  ii.  252; 

plan  of  battle-field,   San  Jacinto, 

ii266. 
Mariscal,   Grov.,    election,    removal, 

etc.,  of,  ii.  702. 
Marjiano,  Father  L.  M.,  at  San  Ig- 

nacio,  1722-3,  i.  607. 
Marie,  Sieur  de,  with  La  Salle's  ex- 

ped.,  i.  406^. 
Marras,  Rector  D.  A.,  dispute  with 

Aguirre,  1673,  i.  24»-4. 
Martial  law,  Texas,  proclaimed,  1832, 

ii.   119;  1862,  ii.  466-7;  proclama- 
tions of,    1871,   ii.  607;  Chih.  and 

Duranffo,  1864,  ii.  619-20. 
Martin,  Gapt.  H.,  exped.  of,  1650,  i. 

386-6. 
Martin,  WyUe,   polit.  chief,  ii.  160; 

mention  of,  ii.  171;  company  of,  at 

S.  Felipe,  IL  246;  rejoins  Houston, 

il  250,  253. 
Martinez,  Gen.,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  1868, 

ii.  697,  700. 
Martinez,  Capt.  F.,  with  Teran's  ex- 
ped., 1691-2,  L  416-17. 
Martinez,  Father  G.,  mention  of,  L 

365. 
Martinez,  Padre  M.,  death  of,  1632, 

i.  229. 
Martinez,  Col  M.,  resignation,  etc., 

1836,  ii.  710. 
Martos  y  Nararette,   A.  de,  gov.  of 

Texas,  1760-7,  i.  643,  649,  652. 
Masanet,  Father  D.,  with  Leon's  ex- 

peds,  i  414-15;  with Teran's  exped., 

1691-2,  i.  416-17. 
Mascarenas,  Gov.,  proclaims  martial 

law,  ii.  620. 
Mason,  General,  mention  of,  ii.  286-7. 
Masterson,  Judge  J.  R.,  biog.  of,  ii. 

766-7. 
Matagorda,  municipality  created,  ii. 

144. 
Matamoros,   exped.    against,  ii    194 

et  seq.;    federalists    siege    of,   ii. 

328. 
Maverick,  at  siege  of  Bejar,  ii.  180; 

guide,  battle  ofS.  Antonio,  ii.  182. 
Maverick,  S.  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  437. 
Maxey,  Senator  S.  B.,  biog.  of,  ii. 

678. 
Mayorga,  Father,  mention  of,  i.  434. 
MayoB,  Sinaloan  tribe,  mission  found- 
ed among,  1613,  i.  2i22;  conversions 

among,  i.  226;  revolt  of,  1826,  ii. 

640;  1867,  ii  701. 
Mazatlan,  founding  of,  i.  206;  name, 

i.  206;  hist,  of,  ii.  660;   captured 


by  Paredes,  etc.,  1838,  ii  658;  sor- 
render  to  the  (J.  S.,  ii  669-70; 
blockade  of,  etc.,  1864,  ii.  697; 
French  evacuate,  ii  699. 

Mediavilla  y  Ascona,  M.  de,  gov.  of 
Texas,  1726-30,  i  632-4. 

Medina,  Father  P.  I.  de,  mention  of, 
i  340. 

Mejia,  Gen.  Jose  A.,  Texas  exped., 
ii.  125;  Tampioo  attack,  etc,  ii 
189-90. 

Melendez,  commandant,  murder  of, 
ii.  725. 

'  Memorias  para  la  Historias  de  la 
Provincia  de  Sinaloa,*MS.,  120L 

Menard,  P.  J.,  mention  of,  ii  170l 

Mendarozqueta,  Gov.  K,  gov.  Du- 
ranffo, 1833,  ii  591;  removal  and 
repuioement  of,  ii  592;  succeeds 
Heredia.  li.  602. 

Mendez,  Father  P.,  mission  to  Sina- 
loa,  1600-6,  i  209-14;  theTehuecoe' 
revolt,  etc.,  1611,  i  219-20;  labors 
amons  the  Mayoe,  i  222;  mission- 
ary labors  of,  1621,  i  225-6;  1^8, 
i  228;  retirement  of,  1635,  i  231. 

Mendigutia,  Father  A.,  mention  of,  i. 
591. 

Mendoza,  Viceroy,  designs  of,  i  72; 
Coronado's  expied.,  i.  83;  rupture 
with  Cortes,  i.  95;  contract  with 
Alvarado,  1540,  i  96;  exped.  to 
Kueva  Galicia,  i  97. 

Mendoza,  Capt.  A.  G.,  de,  with  Sal- 
vatierra's  exped.,  1699,  i  5S7-9; 
complaint,  etc.,  of,  i  302-3;  resig- 
nation of,  1701,  i.  423. 

Mendoza,  D.  H.  de,  Cortes'  instrec- 
tions  to,  i  41;  exped.  of,  1532,  i. 
41-5. 

Mendoza,  Friar  G.  de,  miaaioD  to 
Durango,  i.  100-1. 

Mendoza,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Sinaloa,  i 
556;  rule,  1756h^,  i  556;  death  of, 
1760,  i.  556. 

Mendoza,  J.  D.,  de,  menticn  o^  L 
388-9. 

Menifee,  WiUiam,  menti<»i  of,  ii.  171* 

Mercado,  G.  V.  de,  exped.  to  Zacate- 
cas,  1552,  i  100. 

Mexico,  Texan  affairs,  1716,  i  61&-17, 
622;  action  in  Santa  Anna  trea^, 
ii.  279-80;  Texas  peace  proposala, 
1839,  ii.  340;  ports  of  Texas  block- 
aded, 1842,  ii  360  et  seq.;  threat 
against  the  U.  S.,  1842,  ii  376. 

Mexican  border,  troubles  of,  1876,  nL 
518. 

Mexicans,  race  troubles  with  Texaa^ 
1867,  ii  416  et  seq. 


INDEX. 


795 


Men^res,  Lieut  A.  de»  rept  on  Texan 
aSaiTd,    1778,   i.   660-2;  expeds  of, 
1778-9,  i.  663-4. 
Michoacan,  subjagation  of,  i.  13-14. 
Middendorf,    FaUier  B.,  miaaioa   to 
the  Papagoe,  1756,  i.  561. 

Mier  dinuter,  ii.  361  et  se^.;  at- 
tempted escape  and  execution  of 
priaonen,  ii  365;  foreign  corres- 
pondence on,  ii.  369. 
Mier  y  Teran,  Manuel,  Kpp*t'd  com'd 
sen  1,  ii.  115;  tyranny  of,  ii  116-17. 

Mflan,  Benj.  R.,  colony  of,  ii  74; 
arrest  and  escape  of,  ii  154,  169; 
batUe  of  San  Antonio,  ii.  180  et 
seq;  death  and  biog.  of,  ii  184. 

Miles,  capture  of  Santa  Anna,  ii  264. 

Military  movements  of  U.  S.  and 
Mex.,  1805,  ii  11;  army,  ordinance, 
Texas,  1835,  ii.  173;  appropriations 
for,  ii  305;  protection  of  frontier, 
1839,  ii  317;  posts,  list  1861,  ii 
437;  movements,  1861-5,  ii  450  et 
seq;  withdrawal  of,  ii  502;  militia 
organization  of,  1870,  ii  506;  milit. 
colonies,  Mex.  frontier,  decree, 
1848,  ii.  612;  militia  Mex.  frontier, 
ii  613;  force  inSonora  k  Sinaloa, 
1826,  ii.  638;  frontier  force,  Sonora^ 
1848-50,  ii  671;  milit.  colony,  L. 
CaL,  1850,  ii  720. 

Millard,  Lieut-col  H.,  mention  of,  ii 
172,  174;  at  council  of  war,  ii.  258; 
battle  San  Jacinto,  ii.  260. 

Miller,  Major,  capture  of,  ii.  233-4. 

Miller,  J.  B.,  member  state  conv., 
1833,  ii  133-4. 

Mina,  Javier,  movements  of,  1816-17, 
ii.  36-7. 

Miller,  John  F.,  quarantine  bill  of, 
ii.  562. 

Miller,  S.  A.,  'Journal,'  ii.  372. 

Mines  and  minerals,  Texas,  ii.  564-6; 
N.  Mex.  states,  ii  751;  sold,  ii. 
751;  statistics,  ii  752;  suver,  ii. 
752;  leading  mines,  ii  753;  Sonora, 
ii.  754;  placers,  ii  754;  Sinaloa, 
Durango,  k  L.  CaL,  ii.  755;  miscei 
minerfds,  ii  756. 

Minon,  Col  Jos^,  at  battle  of  the 
Alamo,  ii  210. 

Minutili,  Father  G.,  at  LoreU,  1702, 
i.  426-7. 

Miramon,  Lieut-col  A.,  Paredes  ap- 
points gov.,  etc.,  ii.  669. 

Miranda,  Col,  neutrality,  1847,  ii.7l2. 

Miranda y  Castro,  Gov.,  appointment, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  737-8. 

Missions,  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  decline 
of,  1833,  ii  651. 


Missouri  compromise,  ii  423. 
Mitchell,  Asa,  mention  of,  ii  171. 
Mixton  war,  1540-2,  i  96-7. 
Moctezuma,  Viceroy,  mention  oL  L 

280. 
Moderators  and  regulators,  war  cL  ii 

354. 
Molano,  CoL,  treachery  of,  ii  329  et 

seij. 
Molina,   Father,    massacre    at    San 

SaU,  1758,  i.  646-8. 
Mondova,    Presidio,   site    of   trans- 
ferred, 1772,  i  608. 
Mondragon,  B.,  comandante  of  Sinft> 

loa,  1589,  i  115. 
Monroy,  A.  de,  gov.  of  Kueva  Via- 

caya,  158&-9.  i  US. 
Monsalve,  L.  de,  gov.  of  Nneva  Via* 

caya,  1639,  i.  306. 
Montalvo,  O.  de,  '  Sergas  de  Esplan* 

dian,'i  82. 
Montaflo,   Capt.  F.,  the  Tepehuane 

revolt,  1616-17,  i.  326;  the  Toboso 

outbreak,  etc.,  1644-^,  i  349-50. 
Monterde,  J.  M.,  gov.-genl  Chih.,  ii 

602. 
Monterde,  M.,  appointment,  etc.,  o^ 

1830,  u.  710. 
Monterey,  Cal.,  Vizcaino  discovers, 

1603,  i  159-60;  mission  founded  at, 

1770,  i  767;  capital  of  CaL,  i  768; 

plan  of,  ii.  395. 
Monteros,   deputy,  reforms  and  ob- 
jections of,  li.  636. 
Montesclaros,   Fuerte    de,  build  iuff, 

etc.,  of  1610,  i  215-16;  garrison  of, 

i220. 
'Montezuma,'  Mex.  war  ship,  ii.  356. 
Montoya,  Genl,  defeat  of,  ii.  331. 
Montoya,  P.   de,  exped.  to  Sinaloa, 

1583,  i  113-14;  death  of,  i  114. 
Moore,  J.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 
Moore,  Commodore,  disobedience  of, 

1842,  ii.  352;  defeats  '  Montezuma,' 

and  'Guadalupe,'  ii.  356. 
Moore,  congressman,  mention  of,  ii 

401. 
Moore,  Chief  Justice  G.  F.,  election 

of,  1878,  ii.  522. 
Moore  Col  John  H.,  defeats  Casta- 

neda,  ii.  166;  defeats  Comanchea, 

1840,  ii.  326. 
Moore,  R.  F.,  mention  of,  ii.  545. 
Moquis,  requests  of  for  missionaries, 

1711-23,  1.  509-10;  proposed  subju- 
gation of,    1742-4,  i    536;  exped. 

against,  1747,  i  539-40;  independ* 

ence  of,  i.  603. 
Mora,    Comandante,   peace    negotia* 

tions  of,  1834,  ii  664. 


796 


IKDEX. 


Monies,  Col,  »l  b«feUo  oi  tfao  Aliu&o^ 
ii  210;  advanoe  apon  Ckiliad,  ii 
226-7;  bftttieof  Go&to,  ii  229. 

Monlesy  Gov.,  resignation  of,  etc, 
1864.  H  696;  batUes  with  the 
French,  1866,  iL  697. 

Morales,  J.  F.  de,  comandante  of 
Sonora,  1650,  i  233. 

Morales,  Capt  M.  G.,  the  Tarahn- 
mere  revolt,  1649-61,  L  856-7; 
comisaiio  in  Baja  Gal.,  1678,  L  488. 

Moranset,  with  La  Salle's  ezped., 
i  400-7;  murder  of,  i  408. 

Moreno,  J.  M.,  sab  jefe  politico,  ii 
725. 

Moret,  M.,  ffOT.  'Dnrango,  1862;  E 
617. 

Mor6,  Father  J.  A.,  death  o^  1783^  L 
664;  works  of,  L  664. 

Morfii  Henry  M.,  report  oa  Texas, 
ii.  285. 

Morsan,  Col,  assent  to  Moore's  oper- 
ations, ii.  352-3. 

'Morning  Light,'  snrrender  o(  ii 
459. 

M  or  fell.  Rev.  Z.  N.,  mention  of,  ii 
547. 

Morris,  constable,  mnrder  of,  ii  444. 

Morris,  Capt.  K.  C,  mention  of,  ii 
179. 

Morris,  Major,  battie  of  San  Antonio, 
ii.  182. 

Morrison,  Lient-coL,  battie  at  Pal- 
metto rancho,  ii.  475. 

Mortimer,  Serg.  £.  C,  death  of,  ii 
520. 

Mota,  Bishop,  the  Aoazoe  reyolt, 
1601-  2,  i  315. 

Motheral,  W.  K,  Indian  massacre  of, 
ii.  410. 

Mott,  W.  F.,  biog.  of.  ii.  765. 

Mugazabal,  Brother,  death  of,  1761, 
i.  472. 

Mulege  mission,  founding,  etc.,  of, 
1705,  i.  432-3. 

Murrah,  Gov.,  Pendleton,  inaugura- 
tion of,  1863,  ii  465-6;  message, 
etc.,  1864,  ii  468-73;  flight  of,  ii. 
478. 

Musqaiz,  Ramon,  polit  chief,  ii  116; 
vice-governor,  1836,.  ii  146;  propo- 
sals of,  ii  157. 

Mussina,  '^Simon,  mention  of,  ii  550. 

N 

Kachitoches,  Fort,  Ramon's  visit  to, 
1716,  i.  615-16;  site  of  transferred, 
1735,  i.  636. 

Nacogdoches,  resolutions  of,  1835,  il 
167;  rebellion,  1838,  ii  S2a 


Nadee,  Capt  H.  M., 
LT CaL,  1847,  ii  718. 
NApoli,  Father  L  M.,  mention  of.  L 

Karvaez,   P.   de,  ezped.,   etc,  oi,  i 

11-12;  1527-8,   i  60-1,  380;   gor. 

of  LasPalmas,  i60;fateof,  i61-2. 
Narvona,  Capt,  sov.  Sonora  and  Sin., 

1821,  ii  630;  Apache  campaigns  o^ 

1813-14,  ii  633. 
Nava,  replaced,  ii  582. 
Nava,  Gen.  P.  de,  comandante  gai. 

of  Provincias  Intemas,  1790,  i  676w 
Nava,  Priest   D.  de,  witii  Ortega's 

ezped.,  1632,  i  171-^ 
Nayarette,  A.  M.,  gov.  of  CoalmiIa» 

1756,  i  604. 
Navarette,  Pedro,  jefe  politico^  1868, 

ii  726. 
Navarro,  Ant.,  signs  dedaration  m* 

dependence,  ii.  216. 
Navarro,  J.  A.,  Tex.  SsntaF^  ezped., 

ii  334;  escape  and  biog.  o^  ii  337. 
Navarro,  Juan,  sncoeeiU  CacxaL  ii 

586. 
Navarro,    Don   P.    G.,    auditor    de 

guerraof  Provincias  Inteniaa,  1777, 

L672. 
Navarro,   Gov.  R.,   election  of,  etc, 

1866-60,  ii  725. 
Navigation,   Texas,  ii  668;  N.  Mex. 

states,  ii  763-4. 
Navy,   Texas,    battles,    etc,   of,  ii 

283-4;  appropriations  for,  1839^  n. 

317;  operations  of,  1842,  ii  350  et 

seq.;    authorized  sale  of,    ii.   352; 

repeal  of  act,  ii  353. 
Mayarit,  location,  i  518;  conquest  ol 

1721-2,  i  518-19. 
Neal,  murder  of,  ii  444. 
Negrcte,  L.  del  C.,  captures  Dnrango^ 

1821,  ii   5S5-6;  sub  jefe  politico, 

1842,  ii.  711;  arrest  of,  ii  720. 
Negroes  (see    also  Freedmen);    con- 
spiracy of,  Texas,  185C,  ii  416-17. 
Neighbors,  R.  S.,  Ind.  agent,  ii  411; 

death  of,  ii  412. 
Neill,  Col  J.  C,  battle  of  San  Anto- 
nio, ii.   182;  Alamo  commander,  ii 

196;  latter  to  Houston,  ii  201. 
'Nelson,'  schooner,  ii  118. 
Nentvig,  Father,  escapes  £romPima% 

1751,  i  544. 
Neve,  F.  de,  comandante-gen.,  etc, 

of  Provincias  Intemas,  17^  i  IS73; 

gov.  of  Cal.,  1774-9,  i  738-42,  745; 

m  Alta  Cal.,  1777,  i  768-9. 
Neville,  Capt  C.  L.,  bio^.,  ii  578. 
Nevome  mission,  description  of,  1668^ 

i242-3L 


INDEX. 


7W 


NevomeB,  Sinaloan  tribe,  minioiiary 
Ubora  among,  1615,  i  2SE8-4;  oon- 
vernons  among,  i.  226;  revolt  of, 
1626-7,  L  227. 

Kew  map  of  Sooora,  ii.  666. 

New  Mexico,  annals  of,  1640-1600,  i. 
127-9;  ohnroh  affairs  in,  1601-30,  l 
374;  levolti  in,  1680-96,  i.  874; 
bonndary  with  Texas,  iL  398; 
Texas  bouidary  bill,  ii.  400-1. 

Kew  Orleans  Grays,  organization  of, 
ii  170-1;  arrival  at  S.  Antonio,  ii. 
179. 

New  York  Tolnnteer  campaign  in  L. 
CaL,  iL  713. 

Newoomb,  J.,  mention  of,  iL  427-8. 

Newspapers,  Texas,  ii.  548-60;  The 
Cotton  Plant,  iL  648;  The  Texas 
Rennblican,  ii.  649;  Texas  Gazette 
and  Brazoria,  ii.  649;  Constitational 
Advocate  and  Texas  Public  Adver- 
tiser, ii.  649;  Texas  Bepnblican,  iL 
549;  Telegraph,  iL  649;  Houston, 
Telegraph,  ii.  649;  Texas  Planter, 
iL  649;  Civilian,  iL  649:  Austin 
City  Gazette,  iL  649;  Morning 
Star,  ii.  660;  Texas  Sentinel,  ii. 
660;  Times,  iL  660;  Advocate,  iL 
660;  Gazette,  ii.  660. 

Nieto,  Miguel,  capture  of,  eta,  iL 
120. 

Nira  y  Quiroga,  O.,  gov.  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  1686,  L  338. 

Niza,  Friar  M.  de,  exped.  o^  1639,  L 
74-7. 

Nolan,  Philip,  exped.  of,  iL  6;  death 
of,  iL  7. 

Nombre  de  Dios,  Durango,  founding 
of,  1663,  i.  101-2,  104;  progress  o^ 
1663-1600,  L  111-12. 

Nombre  de  Jesus,  mission,  founded, 
1688,  L  878;  refounded,  1698,  L 
879. 

Noriega,  Genl,  vessels  of,  seized,  iL 
724. 

Norris,  Nathaniel,  Nacogdoches  re- 
bellion, ii.  320. 

Nueces,  river,  name,  L  386. 

Nuestra  Sefiora  de  los  Dolores  mis- 
sion, founding  of,  1687,  L  252;  1721, 
L452. 

Nuestra  Sefiora  de  los  Dolores  de  los 
Tejas,  presidio,  founded,  1716,  i. 
614-15;  retetabrd,  1721,  L  626; 
suppressed,  1729,  L  638-4. 

Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Guadalupe  Mis- 
sion, founding  of,  1719,  i.  449; 
location,  i.  449-60. 

Nuestra  Sefiora  del  Pilar  de  la  Paz 
Mission,  founded,  1720,  L  449. 


Nneva  Galicia,  name,  L  89;  oonj^uest 
of,  1642,  L  97;  bldiomrio  of,  L  97; 
Franeisoans  in,  L  97;  industrial 
progress,  L  97. 

Nueva  Tlascala,  founding  o(  i  126. 

Nueva  Vizcaya,  (see  also  Durango), 
maps  of,  L  101,  312,  347,  592,  677; 
name,  L  102;  Ibarra's  province, 
1661,  L  102;  location,  L  102;  Ibarra's 
exped.  L  103-10;  settlements  found- 
ed in,  1663,  L  103-4;  1664r^,  L  108- 
10;  1669-1600,  L  12;  1664-67,  L 
695-601;  industries  of,  iL  112;  gov- 
ernors of,  L  112-13;  gov's  1600-40, 
L  306;  1640-1700,  L  ^7-8;  170O-4», 
L  580-1;  1768-1800,  L  676-«;  Fran- 
ciscans in,  1654-90,  L  116-19;  1600- 
45,  L  834r^;  1640-1700,  L  863; 
Jesuits  in,  1690,  L  110;  1602-40,  L 
311-^;  1641-1700,  L  840-68,  366- 
72;  expulsion  of,  1767,  L  688-91; 
name,  etc.,  L  205;  extent  of,  L  305; 
government  of,  i.  806-7;  church 
affairs  in,  1600-40,  L  807-«;  1640^ 
1700,  L  338-9;  1769-1800,  L  684-7; 
mission  districts  of,  309-11;  1641- 
1700,  i.  340;  subjusatian  of  natives 
in,  1601-14,  L  313-19;  the  Tepe- 
huane  revolt,  1616-17,  L  820-9; 
tribes,  etc.,  of  upper  Vizcaya,  i. 
832;  scant  annals  of,  L  339-40; 
Indian  outbreaks  in,  1644-90,  L 
348-872;  presidios,  etc.,  i.  682-5, 
680;  mission  affiurs  in,  1701-67,  L 
586-601;  1768-1800,  L  687-911; 
aProvincia  Interna,  1776,  L  670; 
Indian  raids,  etc.,  in,  L  679-81; 
Indian  policy  in  1786-8,  L  682-3; 
division  of,  ii.  686;  reunited,  ii.  587. 

Nuri,  Sinaloa,  alleged  mizada  at,  L 
243. 


Oats,  Texas,  cultivation  of,  iL  557. 
'  Ocean,'  steamer,  mention  of,  iL  278. 
Och,  Father,  at  San  Ignacio,  etc.,  L 

661. 
Ochiltree,  W.  R,  defeat  election  1858, 

iL406. 
Ochoa,  Gov.  A.,   succeeds  Terraaw, 

1872,  iL  624. 
Ochoa,  Col  G.  de,  revolt  of,  1828^  iL 

689. 
Oconor,  Col  H.,  provis.  gov.  of  Texas, 

1767-70,  L  662;  mention  of,  i.  714. 
Ocorinis,    Sinaloan  tribe,   revolt  of, 

1604,  L  213,  216. 
Officials,  Texas,  salaries  of,  iL  295; 

1841,  iL  346. 


796 


INDEX. 


Ogden,  JamM,  ezeoation  of,  u.  966. 

Ojuukga,  Genl,  death  of,  ii.  621. 

Ojaela,  Father  M.,  with  Kino's  ez- 
ped.,  1706,  L  601-2. 

Olid,  G.  de,  ezpeds  of,  i  6-8,  1S>14. 

Oliva,  Padre  A.,  founds  conyenl, 
1604,  i.  336;  labors,  etc.,  of,  i.  336. 

Oli^ares  y  Benito,  G.  de,  bishop  of 
Dnranffo^  ete.,  1796-1812,  L  686. 

Oliyas,  OtupL  M.,  the  Tepehoane  re- 
volt, 161&-17,  i.  323. 

Omitlan,  Qnsman  at,  1630,  i.  29. 

Onabas,  Sinaloa,  alleged  miracle  ui,  i 
243. 

Oflate,  Gapt.-gen.,  policy  of,  i  378. 

Oftate,  C.  de,  with  Gazman's  exped., 
1629,  L  28,  30;  acting  eov.  of 
Naeva  Galicia,  1638,  L  71;  ez- 
of,    1606,  i.   163;  1601-1611,  L 


OOate,  J.  de,  oonqaest  of  New  Mez., 

1696-9,  i.  129. 
Opatas,  missionaries,  etc,  among  the, 

1630-9,   i    230;  outbreak  of,  1820, 

ii.  633-4. 
'  Origin  and  Tme  Oanse,  Tezas  In- 
surrection,' ii.  169. 
Orobato,  Father,  mission  to  Sinaloa, 

1600,  L  209,  212. 
Orobio  J  Basterra,  P.  de,  gov.  ad  int. 

of  Texas,  1737-40,  1^9. 
Orozco,  Oidor,   dispute  with  Ibarra, 

1663,  i.  104-6. 
Orozco,  Father  D.,  death  of,  1616,  i. 

323. 
Orozco  y  Berra,  map  of,  L  310. 
Orrantia,  Gov.,  actmg  goT.,  1838,  ii. 

668. 
Ortega,  arrest  of,  ii.  623. 
Orbega,  Genl,  defeat  of,  1809,  ii.  618; 

1864,  iL  620. 
Ortega,  Friar  D.,  visits  the  Jumanas, 

1632,  L  386. 
Ortega,  F.   de,  expeds.  of,  1632-6,  i. 

171-6;     'Primera  Demerccion,'    i 

172;  protest,  etc.,  of,  1636,  i.  178. 
Ortega,  F.  D^  de,  gov. -intendent  of 

Durango,  1786-92,  i.  678. 
Ortega,  H.,  at  La  Paz,  1634,  i.  173. 
Ortiz,   Gov.    C.    R.,   flight,   etc,  of, 

1882,  ii.  703. 
0.iorio,  Father  G.,  labors  in  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1716-26,  i.  691-2. 
Ostimuri,  Province,  location,  etc,  i. 

204;  mission  afiairs  in,  1701-30,  i. 

512-13. 
Otermin,  Gov.,  rule  in  New  Hex.,  i. 

374. 
Otondo  y  Antillon,  I.,  contract  with 

viceroy,  etc.,  1678,  i.  186;  fleet,  eto., 


of,  i.  187;  expeds  of,  1683-^,  L  167- 

93;  in  charge  at  San  Felipe,  1684, 

L  237. 
Ouervoy  Valdes, F.,  gov.  of  Coahuila 

and  Texas;  L  376. 
Oviedo,  with  Vaca's  exped.,  1528,  L 

61,66. 
Owen,  lieut,  Comanche  defeat,  iL 


Owens,  Dr  S.  A.,  bicg.,  iL  676. 
Oyanabal,  Oapt.  ti.,  the  Tepehi 
levolt,  161&-17,  L  327. 


Pacheco,  Oapt  R.  M.,  qnanrel  with 

Martos,  1767,  L  662;  gov.  ol  Texas, 

1789-90,  I  669. 
Packenham,  mediation  Mex.  ft  Texas, 

ii.  340. 
Padres,  Lieut  J.  M.,  deputy  gov.  L. 

Cal.,  1825,  iL  710. 
Paddock,  R  F.,  mention  of,  iL  574 
Padilla,  J.  A.,  mention  of,  iL  174. 
Paez,  Father  M.,  death  of,  1676,  L 

239. 
Paine,  Dr  J.  F.  Y.,  bic^.  of,  iL  76a 
Palacio,  Gov.  R.,  mention  of,  i.  664. 
Palmerston,   Lord,  mediation  Texas 

ft  Mez.,  iL  340. 
Palou,  Father,  rept,  etc,  of,  L  729- 

33;  feud  with  Barri,  1772,  L  735^ 
Papagos,  mention  of,  L  608;  removal 

of,  ordered,  1750,  L  533;  the  Pima 

revolt,  1751-2,  L  544;  missionaries 

among,  L  561-2. 
Parades,  revolt  of,  1844,  iL  662. 
Pardillaa,  J.   L    de,  gov.   of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1690,  L  338. 
Paredes,  Gen.,  captures  Maiatlan,  iL 

658. 
Paredes,  Father  A.,  report  of,  L  38^ 

01. 
Paredes,  Friar  M.  S.  de,  protest  o^ 

1729,  i.  634. 
Parker,  Daniel,  mention  of,  iL   171, 

174. 
Parker,  James  W.,   mentioa  of,  iL 

172. 
Parmer,  Martin,  mention  o^  iL  172, 

174. 
Parra,  F.  de  la,  exped.  to  Sinaloa, 

18)0,  u.    630-1;    capture    of,    iL 

632. 
Parral,  settlement  of,  founded,  1681, 

L  334;  a  presidio,   L   336;  Frenoh 

defeat  at,  1866,  iL  622. 
Parras  district,  Jesuit  missions  seon- 

larized  in,  1645-6,  L  342;  effect  ol 

aeonlarifationi    L    343-4;    alleged 


INDSX. 


799 


miracle  in,  1669,  L  344;  small-pox 
in,  1682,  i.  344;  tranaferred  to  Coa- 
hnila,  1785,  L  604. 

Parras  nuBdon,  location,  etc.,  of,  i. 
311. 

Parrilla,  Col  D.  O.,  gov.  of  Sinaloa 
and  Sonora,  L  631;  rule,  1749-53, 
i  631-^;  quarrel  with  Jesuits, 
1752,  L  548-54;  ezped.  of,  1757-8, 
L  644;  the  masaaisre  at  San  S^ba, 
1758,  i.  64S-9;  rept  of,  L  648-9; 
ezped.  against  Comanches,  1759,  i. 
649. 

Pascnal,  Padre  J.,  missionary  labors 
of,  1627,  i.  225;  missions  founded 
by,  152^7,  i  227:  death  of,  1632, 
i.  229;  mention  of,  i  353-4. 

Paso  del  Korte,  presidio,  site  of,  re- 
moved, L  680. 

Patoni,  Gen.,  defeat  of,  1859,  ii  618; 
ffov.  Durango,  1861,  defeat  of, 
1864,  iL  620;  harasses  the  French, 
1866,  ii.  622;  murder  of,  etc,  ii. 
623. 

Patrick,  C^orge  M.,  mention  of,  ii. 
172. 

Patton,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  ii.  186. 

Patton,  Gapt.,  mention  of,  ii.  244. 

Pavon,  General,  defeat  of,  ii.  327-8. 

Payy,  Capt.  F.,  mention  of,  ii  735. 

Peacock,  Gapt.,  mention  of,  iL  179. 

Pearce,  Senator  J.  A.,  boundary  and 
debt  of  Texas,  bill  to  solve,  ii.  399. 

Pease,  Gov.  E.  M.,  election  of,  1853, 
ii  404;  rejection,  1855,  ii  405; 
defeat)  1866,  ii.  483;  messaffe  Nov. 
1857,  ii  414;  Sheridan  app^  gov., 
ii  491,  493;  resignation  of,  ii.  498. 

Pecoro,  Father  F.,  labors,  etc.,  of,  i 
248. 

Pedrin,  Antonio,  jefe  politico,  1864, 
ii.726. 

Pefia,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  330. 

Pefialosa,  Gov.  D.  de,  with  Foute's 
exped.,  1640,  i  180;  exped.  of, 
1662,  i  38&^;  quarrel  with  the  in- 
quisition, i  369;  proposaLs  to  French 
ffovt,  i  393-6;  death  of,  1687,   i 

Penasoo,   Father  F.,   mention  of,  i 

378. 
Pendleton,  W.  S.,  biog.  of,  ii  578. 
Penitentiaries,  Texas,  ii.  534. 
Peons,  Mex.,  position  of,  ii  91. 
Peralta,  batUe  at,  u.  453. 
Peralta  y  Mendoza,  J.,  alcalde  mayor 

of  San  Felipe,  1644,  i.  207;  coman- 

dante  of  Sonora,  i.  234. 
Perea,  Father  K,  mission  to  the  Jn- 

numas,  1629,  i  385. 


Perea,  Capt  P.  de,  alcalde  mayor  of 

San  Felipe,  1626-41,  i  207;  coman- 

dante  of  Sinaloa,   162&-40,  i  227- 

31;   province  of,   divided,   i   232; 

rule  of,  i  232-3;  death  of,  1644,  i 

233. 
Pereda  y  Arce,  Capt.  F.,  with  Oton- 

da's  exped.,  1683,  i  187. 
Perez,  Col.,  enters  Purango,  1866,  ii 

625. 
Perez,  A.,  expeds  of,  1686-7,  i  413. 
Perez,  J.,  exped.  to  Alta  CaL,  1769, 

i489. 
Perez,  Capt.     J.    A.,    defeated    by 

Apaches,  1730,  i  635. 
Perez,  Father  M.,  mission  to  Sinaloa, 

1600^,    i    209,    213;    missionary 

labors  of,    1617,   i  224;  death  of, 

1626,  i  227. 
Perry,  Col,  defeats  Elizondo,  1813,  ii 

25-6;  proclamation  of,  1815,  ii.  34; 

defeat  and  death  of,  ii.  37-8. 
Perry,  A.  G.,  mention  of,  ii.  172,  174. 
Perry,  J.  F.,  deleaate  conv.,  1835,  ii 

160;  mention  o^  ii.  300. 
Pescador,  J.  A.,  mention  of,  ii  689. 
Pesqueira,  Gov.,  reflection  of,  1867, 

ii.  701;  defeats  Porfirists,  etc.,  ii 

702. 
Pfe£ferkom,  I.,  mission  to  Pimeria,  i 

661-2. 
Phelps,  Orlandoy  release  of,  ii.  370. 
Philippine  islands,  Urdaneta's  exped. 

to,  1564-5,  i.  137-9;  course,  i  138- 

40. 
Physical  divisions,  Texas,  description 

of,  ii.  551-6. 
Piastla,  province,  Guzman  in,  1531, 

i  33. 
Piatos,  campaigns  against  the,  1768- 

71,  i  695-701. 
Piccolo,  Father  F.  M.,  plot  to  murder, 

1701,  i  423;  at  Loreto,  i  425;  re- 
port of,  i.  425-6;  exped.  of,  1702,  i. 

426-7;  explors  of,  1703,  i  427-8; 

1716,   i.   437;    death    of,    1729,   i. 

464^. 
Piccolo,  Father  M.,  Sidvatierra's  ex- 
ped.   to  CaL,    1697-1700,   i   283, 

289-301. 
Piedras,   CoL,   mention    of,   ii.    116; 

releases  citizens,   ii.    123;  settlers' 

defeat  of,  ii.  127-8. 
Pierson,  Capt.,  mutiny  of,  iL  360. 
Pierson,   J.   G.  W.,  mention  of,   iL 

172. 
Pike,  Maj.  Z.  M.,  explor.  of,  iL  8. 
Pilar,  presidio,  founded,  1721,  i,  ( 

7;  abandoned,  1772,  L  655-6. 


800 


INDEX. 


Pflftr,  G.  del,  with  Gmmui's  ezped., 
1630>1,  i.  30,  37. 

Punas,  alleged  outrages  of,  L  253-4; 
aid  the  Spaniards,  i.  265-6;  reyolt» 
etc.,  of,  1695,  L  200-3;  Apache 
raids  on,  etc.,  1698-9,  i.  274;  cam- 
paigns against  the,  1768-71,  i.  096- 
701. 

Pimerla,  map  of,  i  251 ;  Kino's  labors 
in,  i.  492-3,  502-^;  Campo's  labors 
in,  i  507-6;  mission  afiiurs  in, 
.1723^30,  i.  610-11;  1731-51,  i. 
623^;  1761-67,  i.  5004;  mining 
a&irs,  1736-41,  L  626-8;  treatment 
of  natives,  i  633;  Jesuits  in,  1760, 
i.  643-4;  revolt  in,  1761-2,  i.  644-5. 

Pifiadero,  B.  B.,  alcalde  mayor  of 
San  Felipe,  1674,  i  237. 

Pifiadero,  B.  P.  de,  exped.,  etc.,  of, 
i.  184-6;  petition  of,  1671,  L  186. 

Pindray,  Charles  de,  death  of,  etc., 
ii.  676-6. 

Pineda,  A.  A.,  voyage  of,  1519,  L  380. 

Pineda,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Sonora  and 
Sinaloa,  1763-9,  i.  710-11. 

Pineda,  J.  0.  de,  gov.  of  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora,  i.  664;  mle,  1763-9,  L  564- 
78,  694-7n. 

Pineda,  Capt.  M.,  campaign  of,  L. 
Cal.,  1847,  ii.  713  et  seq. 

Pinilla  y  Perec,  Angel,  aealonsy  in 
royal  cause,  ii.  684. 

Pinkard,  Ferdinand,  mention  of,  ii. 
660. 

Pitic,  presidio  founded  at,  etc.,  1741- 
4,  i.  628-30;  removed,  1760,  i.  536. 

Pitic  (see  also  HermosiUo),  improve- 
ments, etc.,  at»  i.  669-70;  made 
capital,  ii.  660. 

'PUn  of  battle-field,'  San  Jacinto,  ii. 
266. 

'Plan  San  Antonio  and  environs,'  ii. 
181. 

Pleasant  Orove,  federal  victory  at,  ii 
467. 

Pleasant  Hill,  federal  victory  at»  ii. 
467. 

Plemons,  Judge  W.  B.,  first  judge 
new  constitution,  ii.  678. 

Plum  creek,  Comanches'  defeat  at, 
1840,  ii.  326. 

Plummer,  Capt.,  warning  to  Baylor, 
ii.  411. 

Population,  Texas,  ii.  2;  increase  of, 
1830,  ii.  76;  Coahuik,  1803-10,  ii 
78;  Texas,  1834,  ii.  148;  1836.  ii 
286;  ]841,  ii  346;  1844-7,  ii  360- 
1;  1860-88,  ii.  629;  Sonora  and 
Sinaloa,  1831-9,  ii  647;  N.  Mex. 
states,  ii.  746. 


PorfirutM,  reroltof,  1871-2aiid  1875„. 
ii  024,  701. 

Politics  (see  also  Slections  and  party 
names);  Texas,  1825,  ii  190 et  seq.;. 
election  Jul^  1836,  ii  291;  1857,  n. 
423;  1861,  ii.  461;  first  organisation 
of,  ii  419;  know-nothing  party,  ii 
420;  abolitionists,  ii  420;  civil  war, 
ii  427;  antagonism  in  1870-1,  ii 
507;  democratic  scheme,  1872,  ii 
609-10;  Durango,   1824,  ii  587-9. 

Porter  y  Casanate,  alcalde  mayor  of 
San  Felipe,  1650,  i  207. 

Portilla,  Col  N.  de  la,  butchery  of 
Texans,  ii.  234-5;  disgust,  etc,  of, 
ii  236-7;  battie  San  Jacinto,  ii 
263. 

PortoU,  Gov.,  exped.  to  Alta  OaL, 
1769,  i  489-90,  766. 

Portoli,  Don  G.  de,  the  Jesuit  expul- 
sion, 1767-8,  i.  477-81. 

Portsmouth,  U.  8.,  sloop  of  war,  ii 
667-8;  captures  La  Paz,  ii  712. 

Potter,  Robert,  elected  sec  of  navy, 
ii  218;  opposition  to  Suita  Anna's  • 
treaty,  ii  270-1. 

Portugal,  F.  J.  P.  de,  gov.-intendent 
of  Durango,  1792,  i  678. 

Portugal,  Gomez,  plans  exped.  to 
Sinaloa,  1810,  ii.  630. 

Powers,  James,  colony  grant,  ii  74. 

Prado,  Father  N.,  labors,  etc,  of,  i 
247-8. 

Prairie  View  school,  ii  547. 

Presidios,  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  1826,. 
ii  638;  decline  of,  1833,  ii  651. 

Price,  Gen.,  Trias'  surrender  to,  ii 
611-12. 

Printing,  Texas,  first  press,  ii  548. 

Proafio,  Capt.  D.  de,  alcalde  mayor 
of  San  Miguel,  1531, 1  37-«;  trud, 
etc.,  of,  i  59. 

Protestant  episcopal  church,  Texas, 
first,  ii.  548. 

Provincias  intemas,  organization, 
etc.,  of,  1776-7,  i  670-2;  name,  i 
670-1;  divisicm  of  provinces,  1786, 
i.  673-4;  consolidation  of  provinces, 
1787,  1793,  i  674-5;  del  OrienfeD,  i 
674-5;  del  Ooddente,  i  674-5;  re- 
division  of,  ii  681. 

Pujol,  lieut,  murders  Melendez,  ii 
725. 

Purfsima  mission,  founded,  1787,  i 
770. 

Purfsima  Conoepcion  misnon  founded, . 
1718,  i  438;  battle  at,  ii  175-7. 


Quer^taro,  conquest  o(  i  I8w 


INDEX. 


801 


QnezaU,  province,  Gumian  in,  1531, 

i.  32-3. 
Quihue,  P.,  revolt  of,  1696,  i.  273. 
Quijada,  J.  L.  de,  ezped.  to  Sintloa, 

1584.  I  114. 
Quintero,  Col  Cayetano,  defeats  the 

Lipana,  ii.  32. 
Quivira,    city,    discovery,    etc.,   of, 

1662,  L  386-7. 
Quivira,  province,  Coronado'a  «xped. 

in,  1541,  i.  85-6. 
Quiviras,    Spaniards     defend,     etc., 

1601,  i  3&^. 


Rabago  y  Teran,  F.  de,  capt.  of  San 

Javier  mission,  1751,  L  642. 
R6bago  y  Teran,  P.,  gov.  of  Coahaila 

and  Texas,  i.  376,  604. 
Races,  N.  Mex.  states,  ii.  743-4. 
Rafael,  Ind.  chief,  ii.  595. 
Railroads,  Texas,  ii.  670-6;  state  aid 

to,  ii.  575;  strike,   1886,  ii.  675-6. 
Rainwater,   E.    R.,    mention    of,    ii. 

260. 
Ramirez,    Father    G.,   labors    of,   i. 

124-5. 
Ramirez,  Friar  J.  B.,  with  Lucenilla*s 

exped.,  1668,  i.  184. 
Ramirez,  Jesus,  defeat  and  death  of, 

ii.  703. 
Ramon,  Capt.,  murder  of,  i.  631. 
Ramon,  Capt.  D.,  exped.  of,  1716,  L 

612-16. 
Ramon,  Capt.  J.,  exped.  of,  1721,  i. 

623-4. 
Rangel,  Col  J.  M.,  quells  revolt,  1880, 

ii.  739. 
Rebollar,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 

caya,  1674-6,  i.  338. 
Reconstruction,  Texas,  ii.  476,  et  seq. 
Reddick,  J.  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  658. 
Redondo,     Gov.,   elected    sub. -gov., 

1848,  ii.  671-2. 
Reese,  Capt.,  mutiny  of,  ii  360. 
Reeve,  Col,  capture  of,  ii.  437. 
Reeves,  Denmore,  mention  of,  ii.  260. 
Refugio,  Naestra  Seflora  del,  mission, 

founded,  1791,  i.  668;  attack  on,  ii. 

222-4;  capture  of,  1842,  ii.  348. 
Regulators  and  moderators,   war  of, 

ii.  .354. 
Religion,  Texas,  ii.  96,  547-8. 
Remedios,  town,  founding  of,  i.  253. 
Rengel,  J.,  comandante  gen.  ad  int. 

of   Provincias  Intemas,   1784-5,   i. 

673;  comandante  inspector,  i.  674. 
Renshaw,  Commander,  surrender  of 

Galveston  to,  ii.454;  death  of,  ii.466. 
Texas.    51 


Renterfa,  M.  de,  with  Ibarra's  exped., 
1563,  i.  105. 

Representatives,  Texas,  list  of,  1846- 
61,  ii.  449. 

Republic  of  the  Rio  Grande,  organi- 
zation and  defeat  of,  ii.  329  et  seq. 

Republic  of  Sonora,  Walker  s,  iL  723. 

Republicans, Texas,  defeat  of,  election, 
1872  and  1873,  iL  508^  1876,  ii.  515. 

Retz,  Father  J.,  mention  of,  i.  469; 
labors,  etc.,  of,  i.  470-2;  the  Jesuit 
expulsion,  1767-8,  i.  479. 

Revenue  (see  also  finance),  Texas, 
collection  of  customs,  1831,  ii.  117; 
1852-58,  ii.  415;  N.  Mex.  states,  ii. 
741-2. 

Revolution  against  royalty,  1811,  ii. 
17  et  8e<}.;  of  Texas,  events  lead- 
ing to,  iL  152  et  seq.;  peace  and 
war  parties,  ii.  160;  ol  Diaz,  1871- 
2  and  1876-7,  ii.  623-^;  federalists 
Sonork  and  Sinaloa,  1837-8,  ii.  656; 
Gandara's  revolt,  1843,  ii.  661; 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  1852-8,  ii.  695; 
Sonora  Porfirists,  1871,  ii.  701;  Por- 
firists,  Sinaloa,  1876,  ii.  702;  of 
Marquez  de  Leon,  1879,  ii.  703,  738. 

Reyes,  Father  A.  de  los,  repb.  of, 
1772,  i.  709;  bishop  of  Sonora,  etc., 
1782-7,  i.  712-13. 

Reymershoffer,  G.,  biog.  of,  ii.  766. 

Rejmolds,  Genl,  sacoeeds  Hancock,  ii. 
494. 

Rezabal,  Capt  A.,  comandante  at 
San  Felipe,  1701,  i  516. 

Rhuen,  Father  E.,  at  Sonoita,  1750, 
i.  543;  murder  of,  1751,  L  544. 

Ribas,  Father  A.  P.  de,  mission  to 
Sinaloa,  1604,  i.  212-15;  provincial 
of  Mex.,  1620,  i.  225;  'Triumphs 
of  the  Faith,' i.  535-6. 

Rickett,  Capt,  operations  againct 
Cortina,  ii.  447. 

Rio,  Father  M.  del,  labors  of,  i.  242. 

Rio  Grande  City,  Cortina  captures, 
ii.  448. 

Rio  y  Loza,  Capt.  R.  del,  mining  ex- 
peds  of,  1563,  i.  106;  gov.  of  Nue/a 
Vizcaya,  1589-90,  i.  113;  gov.  of 
Sinaloa,  1591,  i.  115. 

Ripperd^,  Baron  de,  gov.  of  Texas,  i. 
652;  rule,  1767-78,  i.  652-60. 

Rivera,  Capt,  with  Consag's  exped., 
1753,  i.  470;  exped.  to  Alta  Cal., 
1769,  i.  489;  death  of,  i.  1781. 

Rivera,  Visitakdor-general  P.,  de,  rept 
of,  1730,  i.  612-13;  'Diario,' etc,, 
i.  583-4;  rept.  on  Texan  affairs, 
1729,  i.  633-4. 

Rivera  y  Monoada,  Don  F.,  in  charge 


802 


INDE3L. 


at  Loreto,   1752,  L  469-70;  lieut- 

gov.  of  Baia  CaL,  etc.,  1776,  L  742; 

in  Alta  CaL,  1774,  L  768: 
Robards,  W.  L.,  Texas  comptroller, 

1866,  iL  483. 
Roberto,  C.  M.,  execution  of,  iL  368. 
Roberts,   Gov.   0.    M.,    election    of, 

1878,  ii.  522;  inaugural  address,  iL 

523;  special  message,  ii.  523-4. 
Robertson,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  518. 
Robinson,   Capt   A.,  mention  of,  ii. 

296. 
Robinson,  James  W.,  mention  of,  iL 

171,  197;  appVd  Ueut^ov.,  iL  173; 

ruse  of,  iL  372-3. 
Robinson,   Joel  K.,   captures  Santa, 

Anna,  ii.  264. 
Robinson,  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 
Rodriguez,  Father  A.,  exped.  of,  1581, 

Rodriguez,   lieut  N.,   defeat  of,  iL 

188-9. 
Rogers,  C.  H.,>mention  of,  iL  563. 
Rogers,  John  D.,  biog.  of,  ii.  766. 
Rogers,  Capt.  W.,  voyage,  etc.,  of, 

1708-10,1.  197-200. 
Romano,  Father,  mention  of,  L  444. 
Romero^  Capt.,    with    Salvatierra's 

exped.,  1697,  L  284. 
Romero,  T.,  Tellei  defeats,  1846,  iL 

669. 
Romeu,  J.  A.,  gov.  of  Alta  CaL,  1791, 

L  760,  772. 
Roods,  'Texas,*  iL  668-9. 
Resales,  surrender  of,  iL  611-12. 
Rosales,   Gov.   A.,   appointment    of, 

1864,  ii.  696;  resignation  of,  ii.  698. 
Rosales,  P.    A.   de,   with  Cardona*s 

exped.,  1614,  L  164. 
Rosenburg,  mention  of,  ii.  334;  death 

of,  ii.  335. 
Rosillo,  battle  of,  1813,  ii.  22-^. 
Ross,  Col  Reuben,  battle  of  Alcantro, 

ii.    327-8;  abandons  federalists,  ii. 

328. 
Rouset,  F.  de  J.,  bishop  of  Sonora, 

1796,  L  713. 
'Routes  of  armies,'  Houston  and  Santa 

Anna's,  plan,  iL  252. 
Rowan,  Wm,  execution  of,  iL  368. 
Royalists,  revolt  against,  1811-14,  ii. 

17  et  seq.;  defeat  on  Salitre  prairie, 

1812,  iL  20;  siege  at  La  Babla,  ii. 

21-2;  battle  of  Rosillo,  1813,  ii,  23; 

assassination  of,   1813,  iL  24;  de- 
feat of  Elizondo,  ii.  25-6;  victory 
'    of,  ii.   26  et  seq.;  surrender  of  at 

Rosario,  1810,  iL  631. 
Roy  all,  R.  R.,  pres.  San  Felipe  coun- 
cil, iL  168;  meation  of,  iL  170. 


Royston,   Treaa,  M.  H.,  election  of, 

1866,  ii.  483. 
Rubi,   Gov.,   election  of  denounoed, 

1868,  ii.  700. 
Rub(,  Marques  de,  tour  of,  1766-7,  L 

585,  651;  rept  of,  L  651-2. 
Ruiz,  Alcalde,  mention  of.  ii.  214. 
Ruiz,  Father  A.,  labors  in  Topia,   L 

313,  317;   revolt  of  the  Acaxees, 

1601-2,  L  314. 
Ruiz,  F.,  si^ns  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, iL  216. 
Ruiz,  J.  M.,  jefe  politico,   succeeds 

Aigttello,  1822,  ii.  708. 
Runnels,  Gov.   H.  R.,   election    of, 

1857,  ii.   423;    secession  message, 

1858,  iL  424;  defeat  election,  1859, 
ii.  426. 

Rusk,  Gen.  T.  J.,  biog.  of,  iL  167, 
421;  elected  sec  of  war,  iL  218; 
arrival  at  Houston's  camp,  iL  251; 
speech  of,  iL  253;  at  battle  San 
Jacinto,  ii.  258;  appt'd  commander- 
in-chief,  iL  269;  mention  of,  iL 
272;  force  of,  July  1836,  iL  289; 
reapp't'd  sec  of  war,  iL  294;  Cher- 
okee battle,  1839,  iL  323;  Indian 
war  debt,  ii.  413;  death  of,  iL  421. 

Ryan,  Capt.,  mutiny  of,  iL  3(50. 

Ryan,  A.  F.,  biog.,  iL  574-5. 

Ryerson,  Gov.  G^.,  biog.  o^  iL  732. 


Saavedra,  A.  de,  vojrage  of,  1527,  i 
23. 

Sabaibos,  revolt  of  the,  1602,  L  316. 

'Sabine,' schooner,  iL  118; 

Sabine  City,  union  capture  of,  ii 
454-5. 

Sabine  cross-roads,  confederate  vic- 
tory at,  iL  467. 

Sacramento,  presidio  Coahuila  found- 
ed, 1736,  L  607. 

Sacta,  Father  F.  J.,  mission  to 
Pimerla,  1695,  L  259;  martyrdom 
of,  L  260. 

Salado  creek,  battle  at,  1813,  iL  22-3L 

Salas,  Father  J.  de,  exped.  of,  etc.,  L 
384-5. 

Salazar,  Texans  surrender  to,  iL  335. 

Salazar,  Friar  D.  de,  mention  of,  L 
379. 

Salcedo,  F.,  voyage  of,  1665,  L  138. 

Salcedo,  J.  G.,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya,  1670-3,  L  337-8. 

Salcedo,  Manuel  de,  gov.  of  Texas, 
1810,  iL  17;  siege  of  La  Bahfa, 
1812-13,  iL  21-2;  battle  at  Salado 
creekf  ii.  22-3. 


INDEX. 


808 


Sftlcedo  y  Salced,  Brig.  Nemeflio,  re- 
call of,  ii  682;  eze«.ate8  Hidalgo, 
ii.  584. 

Salduendo,  Friar  A.,  labors  in  Ooa- 
holla,  160B-«,  i  336,  375. 

Sales,  Father  L.,  'Noticias,'  i.  750. 

Salgado,  Father,  mention  of,  i.  566. 

Salineros,  raids  of  the,  1645,  i  350-1. 

Salitre  prairie,  battle  at,  1812,  ii  20. 

Salt  war,  Texas,  ii.  519-22. 

Saltillo,  revolt  -at,  i.  126;  villa  of, 
founded,  1586,  i.  126;  faction  fisht 
at,  1832,  ii.  143;  centralLsts  defeat 
at,  IL  330^1. 

Saltillo  district,  transferred  to  Coa- 
huUa,  1785,  i.  604. 

Salvador,  Capt  F.  S.,  representations 
to  the  kine,  1751,  I  541-3. 

Salvatierra,  Father  J.  M.,  labors,  etc., 
of,  i  248-50,  254,  286-91,  372,  611; 
biog.,  etc.,  i.  278;  proposed  mission 
to  Cal.,  i.  278;  discouragements  of, 
i.  278-9;  aid,  etc.,  to,  i.  279-80; 
license  granted  to,  1697,  L  280; 
preparations,  etc.,  of,  i.  281-3;  voy. 
of,  1.  284;  founds  Loreto,  i.  284-6; 
works  of,  i.  289-90;  expeds  of,  i. 
294-5,  299,  301,  433,  437,  493-8; 
appeals  of,  rejected,  i.  301-'-2;  com- 
plaints  against,  L  302-3;  removal 
of,  L  303-4;  explor.  of,  1701,  i.  421; 
1703,  i.  427;  intercourse  with  Kino, 
i  421-2;  at  I^reto,  i.  422-4,  429- 
32;  provincial,  L  430;  report  of,  i. 
430-1;  death  of,  1717,  i.  438, 

Sam  Houston  Normal  institute,  ii.545. 

Samaniegp,  L.  de,  with  Guzman's  ex- 
ped.,  1530,  i  30,  36;  death  of,  i.  83. 

San  Affustin  de  Ahumada,  presidio, 
establ'd,  1755,  L  643;  presidio, 
abandoned,  1772,  i.  655-6. 

San  Andres,  attacked  by  Acaxees, 
1601-2,  i  314. 

San  Antonio  mission,  founded,  1771, 
i.  767. 

*  San  Antonio,'  war  schooner,  mutiny 
on,  ii.  351. 

'  San  Antonio  and  environs,*  map,  ii 
181. 

San  Antonio  de  Be  jar  (see  also  Bejar); 
society  of,  ii.  3;  siege  of,  ii.  177  et 
seq. ;  capitulation  of,  ii  188;  cap- 
tured by  Vasquez,  1842,  ii.  348. 

San  Antonio  del  Parral,  custodia  of, 
created,  1714,  i  591. 

San  Antonio  de  Velero  mission, 
founded,  1718,  i  618. 

San  Augustin,  municipality  created, 
iil44. 

8«a  Beroab^,  nusBion  of,  founded, 


1674,  i  363;  the  Manila  galleon  at» 
1734,  i  457;  1735,  i  460. 

'San  Bernard,'  war  schooner,  ii  361. 

San  Bernardo,  Bahia  de,  opened  as  a 
port,  ii.  2. 

San  Bernardino  de  Candela  mission, 
founding  of,  1690,  i.  378. 

San  Bruno,  settlement,  founding  of, 
1683,  i  190;  affairs  at,  i  190-3; 
abandoned,  1685,  i  193. 

San  Buenaventura,  founded,  1782,  i 
770. 

San  Buenaventura,  mission,  re^tab- 
lished,  1692,  i  378;  presidio,  site 
removed,  i  680. 

San  Ciurlos,  custodia  of,  organized, 
1783,  i  719;  mission  of,  founded, 
1770,  i  767. 

San  Carlos  de  Buenavista,  presidio 
establ'd  at,  i  667. 

San  Dieffo,  Cal.,  Cabrillo  at,  1542,  i. 
136;  Vizcaino's  exped.  at,  1602,  i. 
158;  Arilhiga  at,  1796,  i  753;  first 
mission  founded  at,  1769,  i  766; 
destruction  of  1775,  i  768. 

'San  Felipe'  war  vessel, defeats  Correo, 
ii  161-2. 

San  Felipe,  missions,  etc.,  of,  1645,  i 
236;  burning  of,  1836,  ii.  247. 

San  Felipe  de  Real  de  Chihuahua, 
founding  of,  i.  599-600;  declared  a 
villa,  1718,  i  600;  prosperity  of,  i 
600-1. 

San  Felipe  y  Santiago  de  Carapoa, 
villa,  founded,  1583,  i.  113;  aban- 
doned, i  114;  re^tablished,  1584, 
i  114;  presidio  estabfd  at,  1596,  i 
116;  missionaries  at,  i  122-3;  gar- 
rison of,  i  207;  alcalde  may  ores, 
1600-50,  i  207;  population,  l  207; 
Jesuits  at,  i.  207;  population  of, 
1678,  i  238. 

San  Fernando,  name  changed,  ii.  110- 
11. 

San  Fernando  mission,  founded,  1797, 
i  771. 

San  Fernando  de  Velicat^  mission, 
founding  of,  1769,  i.  490-1. 

San  Franci&co  bay,  discovery,  etc.,  of, 
1769,  i.  766-7. 

San  Francisco  mission,  founded,  1776, 
i.  788. 

San  Francisco  Borja  mission,  mention 
of,  i.  244-5;  Spaniards  massacred 
at,  1648,  i.  353-4;  mission,  found- 
ing, etc.,  of,  1769-62,  i.  471-2. 

San  Francisco  de  Comayaus,  convent 
founded  at,  1604,  i  336. 

San  Francisco  de  la  Espada  mission, 
descript.  of,  1778,  i  658-9. 


80i 


INDEX 


San  Franciaoo  Javier,  mission  district, 
founding  of,  1639,  i.  230;  mission, 
etc.,  of,  1(>46,  i.  23&-6;  towns,  etc, 
of,  1653,  L  242. 

San  Francisco  Javier  de  N^jera  mis- 
sion, founded,  1722,  i.  627. 

San  Francisco  Javier  de  Sonora  mis- 
sion, mention  of,  i  244-5. 

San  Francisco  de  lo3  Tejas  mission, 
founded,  1690,  i.  415;  1716,  i  614; 
sickneas  at,  i  417;  location,  i  418; 
abandoned,  L  419. 

Sui  Gabriel  mission,  foonded,  1771, 
L767. 

San  Gabriel,  pueblo,  founding  of, 
1631,  i.  334. 

San  Gerdnimo,  settlement,  founding 
of,  1540,  i.  87;  hostility  of  natives, 
L  89;  site  of,  changed,  L  89;  de- 
serted, 1542,  L  89-90. 

San  Ignacio,  missions  of,  1645,  L  236; 
1728,  i.  454. 

San  Ignacio,  town,  founding  o^  i 
253. 

San  Ignacio  de  Piastla,  Hermosillo's 
defeat  at,  1811,  ii.  631-2. 

San  Ignacio  de  Yaqui  mifwion,  men- 
tion of,  i  244. 

San  Isnacio  Zape,  see  Zape. 

San  Ildefonso  mission,  establ'd,  1744, 
i.  641. 

San  Jacinto,  battle  of,  ii  2S5  et  seq. 

'  San  Jacinto,'  war  schooner,  ii.  350. 

San  Javier  mission,  founding  of,  1699. 
i  299;  outbreak  at,  1701,  i.  423; 
Ugarte  at»  L  423-4;  prosperity  of, 
L  423-4;  revolt  at,  1703,  i.  428; 
prosperity  of,  1705,  i.  433;  mission, 
transferred,  1719,  i  450;  Francis- 
cans at,  1768,  i.  484-^5;  establ'd, 
1744,  i.  641;  desertion  of,  i.  642. 

San  Javier  del  Bac,  Kino's  exped.  to, 
1700,  i.  270. 

San  Jos^,  pueblo,  founding  of,  1777, 
i.  768. 

San  Jos^y  miswian,  foonded,  1797,  L 
771. 

San  Jos^  de  Ag^ayo  mission,  descript. 
of,  1778,  i.  657-^. 

San  Jose  mission,  Texas,  founded, 
1716,  i.  614. 

San  Jose  del  Cabo,  mission  founded 
at,  1730,  i  455;  presidio  establ'd  at, 
1736,  L  461;  miss,  and  church  pil- 
laged, 1822,  iL  707;  U.  S.  occupa- 
tion of,  1S47,  iL  714;  siege  of,  iu 
716-17. 

San  Jose  de  Guaymas,  mission,  men- 
tion of,  L  511;  refounded,  1751,  i. 
554;  attacked  by  Sens,  i.  554. 


San  Jo«^  Imuris,  town,  foanding  oL 

i.  253. 
San  Jos^  Tizonazo  mission,  mention 

of,  i.  344>^. 
San  Jose  y  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo 

mission,  estab^c^  1720,  L  619. 
San  Juan  Bautista,  Alta  CaL,  found- 
ing of,  1797,  i.  771. 
San  Juan  Bautista  mission,  founding 

of,  1699,  i.  379;  1705,  L  432;  avisH 

ta,  1721,  i.  453. 
San  Juan  Capistrano  mission,  mention 

of,  i.  658;  founded,   1776-7, 1  768. 
San  Juan  de  loi  Caballeros,  capital  of 

NewMex.,  1599,  i.  129. 
San  Juan  de  Mazatlan,  see  Mazatlan. 
San  Juan  de   Sinaloa,  founding  of, 

1563,  i  lOS;  Indian  outbreak  at,  i. 

113;  abandoned,  i.  113. 
San  Juan  valley,  Ibarra's  exped.  in, 

1562-3,  L  103-7. 
San  Juan  y  Santa  Cruz,  M.  de,  gov. 

of  Nueva  Vizcaya,    1714,   L   581; 

measures,  i.  583. 
San  Lorenzo    mission,   founding  of, 

1761-2,  L  660. 
San  Luis  presidio,  site  of,  transferred, 

1772,  I  608. 
San  Luis  de  las  Amarillas  presidio^ 

founding  of,  1757,  i.  644. 
San  Luis  Gonzaga  mission,  founded, 

1737,  I  461. 
San  Luis  Obispo  mission,  founded, 

1771,  i.  767. 
San  Luis  Bey  misaion,  founded,  1796^ 

i.  771. 
San  Mi^el,  villa  de,    founding  o^ 

1531,  L  37-8;  site  of,  removed,  L 

38;  condition  of,   1620-5,  i.  206-7. 
San  Miguel  mission,  rebuilt,  1721,  L 

626,  founded,  1787,  i.  748;  founded, 

1797,  i.  771. 
San  Miguel  de  los  Adeas,  French  oc- 
cupation of,  1719,  i.  718-19. 
San    Miguel    de    A^ayo,    mission, 

founding  of,  1675,  i.  375. 
San  Miguel  de  CueUar  mission,  found- 
ed, 1716,  L  615. 
San  Miguel  Horeasitas,  presidio  aa- 

tabl'd  at,  1650,  i.  538. 
San  Miguel  port,  Guzman's  exped.  a^ 

1533,  i  67-S. 
San  Miguel,  river,  Guzman's  exped. 

on  the,  1533,  i.  57-8. 
San  Patricio,  surrender  of,  iL  221-2. 
San  Pedro,  flood  at,  1612,  i  3ia 
San  Pedro  Martyr  de  Verona  mission^ 

founded,  1794,  i.  751. 
San  Sab4  mission,  founding  of,  17«7i*, 

i.  644;  massacre  at,  175^  i.  645-& 


INDEX. 


80i 


San  Sebastian,  villa,  founding  of, 
1565,  i  110;  mining  at,  i.  110;  Viz- 
caino*8  ezjped.  at,  1597,  L  148;  min- 
ing, etc.,  in,  i.  205-6. 

San  Vicente  Ferrer  mission,  founded, 
1780.  i.  745. 

Sanchez,  Jose  J.,  at  battle  S.  Antonio, 
ii.  186. 

Sanchez,  Pres.  P.,  address  to  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  1831,  ii.  647. 

Sandoval,  Lieut-col,  capture  of,  ii. 
169. 

Sandoval,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Texas,  i. 
636;  rule,  1734-6,  i.  636-7;  residen- 
cia,  etc.,  of,  i.  638. 

Sanger  Brothers,  success  of,  iL  568. 

Sansbury,  mention  of,  ii.  366. 

Santa  Anna,  Genl,  intrigues  of,  n. 
134  et  seq.;  tenders  resignation,  ii. 
143;  arbitration  in  Coah.,  iL  145; 
acts  of,  condemned,  July,  1835,  ii. 
160;  decision  on  Texas  separation, 
1834,  ii.  146-7;  letters  of  inter- 
cepted, ii.  192;  invasion  of,  ii.  202; 
plan  of  march,  ii.  203;  forces  of, 
li.  204;  battle  and  massacre  of  the 
Alamo,  ii.  204  et  seq. ;  false  reports 
of,  ii.  214;  butchery  of  Texans, 
Goliad,  ii.  234;  pursuit  of  Houston, 
ii.  247;  orders  to  Urrea,  ii  248; 
movements  of,  ii.  249-51;  bums 
Harrisburff,  ii.  251 ;  wild  actions  of, 
ii.  254-5;  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  ii. 
255  et  seq. ;  flight  and  cap|ture  of, 
ii.  263-4;  despatch  to  Filisola,  ii. 
265;  treaty  with  Texas,  ii.  269; 
opposition  to  release  of,  ii.  273; 
terror  of,  ii.  274;  attempted  assas- 
sination, etc.,  of,  ii.  275;  media- 
tion of  Houston,  ii.  275-6;  inter- 
views with  Pres.  Jackson,  ii.  277; 
Filisola's  instructions  concerning, 
ii.  279;  releases  Texas  Santa  Fe 
prisoners,  ii.  336;  Hamilton's  pro- 
posal to,  ii.  349;  Houston's  letter 
to,  ii.  348-50;  Robinson's  ruse,  ii. 
372-3;  revolt,  1852,  ii.  617;  pronun- 
ciamento,  18*22,  effect  in  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  ii.  6.36. 

Santa  Bdrbara,  mission  founded,  1786, 
i.  770;  presidio  founded,  1782,  i. 
770. 

Santa  Catalina,  Indian  outbreak  at, 
1616,  i.  322. 

Santa  Catalina  Martyr,  mission, 
founded  1797,  L  754;  progress  of, 
L  756. 

Santa  Clara,  mission,  founded,  1776- 
7,  i.  7e8. 

Santa  Cruz,  founding  of,  1791,  i.  771. 


Santa  Cruz  bay.Cortes  at,  1535  ,L50-I. 
Santa  Cruz  del  Ciboio,    fort    built, 

1771,  i.  650. 
Santa  Eulalia,  cathedral,  etc.,  of,  L 

601. 
Santa  Fe,  founding  of.  L  374;  canital 

of  New  Mex.,  i.  374;  captured  by 

confederates,  ii.  452. 
Santa  Fe  Expedition,  Texas,  1841,  iL 

333. 
Santa  Gertmdis  mission,    foundings 

etc.,  of,  1751-2,  i.  469. 
Santa  Marfa  mission,  founding,  etc., 

of,  176d-7,  L  473-4. 
Santa  Rosa  presidio,   site  of    tran»> 

ferred,  1772,  i.  608. 
Santa  Rosalia  mission,  founding  d( 

1705,  L  43a 
Santaella,  T.  G.  de,  uda  Salvatierrs 

1696,  L  279. 
Santarem,  Father  H.,  labors  in  Topii^ 

1599-1600,   L   123;  later  labors  ja 

Topia,  L  313;  revolt  of  the  Acaxee«y 

1601-2,  L  314-16;  death  of,  1616,  L 

323-4. 
Santiago  de  Monclova,  villa,  found* 

ing,  etc.,  of,  1687,  i.  376. 
Santiago  Papasc^uiaro,  Spaniards  maa* 

sacred  at,  1G16,  L  323. 
Santo  Mdrtires    de    Japon    mission, 

mention  of,  i.  245. 
Santo    Tomis    de    Aquino    mission, 

founded,  1791,  i.  751. 
Sarmiento,  A.  de  0.,  gov.   of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1665-70,  L  337. 
Sarrabia,  Prefecto  B.,  gov.  Durango, 

1864,  iL  620. 
Sastre,  M.,  gov.  of  Sonora  and  Sina- 
loa, 1772,  1.  711. 
Savarieso,   Capt.,  mention  of,  ii  237. 
Sayers,  Lieot-gov.  J.  D.,  election  of, 

1878,  iL  522. 
Schofield,  Charles,  biog.  of,  iL  736. 
School  fund,  Texas,  1852-61,  ii.  416. 
Scrutchfield,   Judge  L.  H.,  biog.  qf^ 

ii.  769. 
Scurry,  Col,  defeat  of,  ii.  452. 
Seal,  of  Texas,  18.36,  ii.  295. 
Securities,  Texas,  1838-9,  iL  318. 
Secession,  Texas,   ordinance  for,   iJu 

436;  popular  vote  on,  ii.  439. 
Sedelmair,    Father    J.,    mission     t* 

Pimerfa,    1736-7,  L   524-5;  exped. 

of,    1744,  L   636-7;    1748,   L    540; 

1750,   L  540-1;  •  Relacion,*  etc.,  L 

538-9;  escape  from  Pimas,  1751,  L 

544;    refutes     Parrilla's     charges, 

1752,  i.  549-51. 
Segesser,  Father  F. ,  mission  to  Pirn- 

eria,  1731-6,  L  523-4* 


806 


INDEX. 


Selfridge,  Commander  F.  0.,  repalses 
Mexicans  at  Goaymas,  ii.  668; 
campaign  of,  L.  CaL,  ii.  713  et  Beq. 

Senators,  Texas,  list  of,  1845-61,  ii. 

Seris,  expeds.   acrainst^  1800,  L  275, 

535-6;  1761-2, *'L  666;    176^-71,   i. 

695-701;  Jesuite  among,  1690-1709, 

i.    511;    subjugation    of    ordered, 

1750,    i.    533;    demands,    etc.,   of, 

1754,  i.    554;  war  with,   i   654-6; 

mention  of,  ii.  628. 
Sema,   F.   B.   de  la,  gov.   of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1640-2,  i.  337. 
8ema,   Gov.,  appointment,   etc.,  of, 

1874,  ii.  702-3. 
Serra,  Father  J.,  mention  of,  i.  766; 

in  Alta  Cal.,  L   767-8;   death  of, 

1784,  i.  770. 
Sesma.  General,   to  relieve  Cos,  iL 

203;  force,  etc.,  of,  ii.  244. 
:^acleford,  Dr,  mention  of,  ii  .237. 
Sharpe,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  244. 
Shaw,  James  B.,  Texas  comptroller, 

ii.  403. 
Shelby  connty,  Tex.,  vendetta  in,  iL 

355. 
Shelvocke,  Capt.  G.,  voyage,  etc.,  of, 

1719-21,  i.  200-1. 
Shepherd,  James  L.,  execution  of,  iL 

308. 
Sheridan,  Gen.,  removal  of,  1867,  iL 

493. 
Sherman,  Col  S.,  mention  of,  iL  244; 

at  council  of  war,  ii.   558;  battle 

San  Jacinto,  iL  260-1. 
Shubrick,  Commodore,  captures  Ma- 

zatlan,    1846,  iL    669-70:   L.    CaL 

campaign,  1847,  iL  714. 
Sibley,  John,  mention  of,  iL  48. 
Sibley,  Gen.,  capture  of,  iL  437;  joins 

confederates,     ii.     451-2;     defeats 
f    Canby,  ii.  452;    retreat  to  Texas, 

iL  453. 
Sibubapas,    campaigns    against  the, 

1768-71,  L  695-701. 
Sierpe,  P.  G.  de  la,  aids  Salvatierra, 

1697-8,  L  280,  293-4. 
Sierra,  Father  A.  F.  de  la,  labors,  etc., 

of,  1670-3,  i.  247. 
Sierra,  L.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 

1677,  L  338. 
Sigler,  William  N.,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 
Simkins,  £.  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  546. 
Sinaloa,  N.  de  Guzman's  exped.  in, 

1530,  i.  30;  1533,  L  56-7;  annals  of, 

1664- f  6,  L  113-16;  Jesuits  in,  1591- 

ICOO,  L  119-23;  location  of,  i.  203; 

name,   L  *^3;  territory,   L    204-6; 

map  of,  i.  208,  555,  657;  and  Du- 


rango,  map  of,  iL  591;  floods,  ete*, 
in,  1639-il,  i.  231;  missions  of, 
1645,  L  236;  1650-1700,  L  238-40; 
settlements,  etc,  in,  1747-9,  L  546- 
7;  progress  and  events,  1800-1830, 
iL  628;  revoL  exped.  to,  1810,  iL 
630-2;  and  Sonora,  new  constitu- 
tion, 1820,  ii.  635;  separation  from 
Sonora,  1823,  iL  637;  1827-SO,  iL 
644-6;  revenue  of,  ii.  741;  educatioa 
in,  iL  746. 

Sinaloa  y  Sonora,  gobemacion  of, 
establ'd,  1734,  i.  520. 

Sinnickson,  Dr,  battle  of  Mier,  iL 
363-4. 

Sis8(Mi,  Maj.  G.  H.,  biog.,  etc,  and 
project  of,  ii.  734. 

Sistiaga,  Father  S.,  with  Brave's  ex- 
ped., 1718,  L  445. 

Slavery,  decree  of  emancipation,  1827, 
ii.  90;  decree  of,  1829,  li.  92;  excep- 
tion favor  of  Texas,  ii.  93;  Qexas 
constitution,  1836,  ii.  305;  English 
interference,  ii.  377;  legislation  in 
cong.,  ii.  423  et  seq.;  legislation  in 
Texas,  ii.  423,  428;  agitations  in 
congress,  1860,  iL  430-3. 

Slauffhter,   Col  C.   C,   biog.   of,   iL 

Slaughter,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  561. 

Slough,  Col,  defeats  confederates^ 
Apache  cafion,  ii.  452. 

Smith,  at  siege  of  San  Antonio^  iL 
180. 

Smith,  Deaf,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  iL 
182;  important  capture  of,  iL  253; 
destroys  Vince's  oridge,  ii.  259; 
bearer  Santa  Anna's  despatches,  iL 
266. 

Smith,  Ashbel,  minister  to  England, 
iL  338;  Eng.  evasion  of  neutrality, 
ii.  356;  pres.  university  regents,  iL 
545. 

Smith,  Col  B.  F.,  commissioner  to 
Filisola,  iL  270. 

Smith,  Gov.  Henry,  mention  of,  iL 
172;  appointment  of,  ii.  173;  rup- 
ture with  council,  iL  190  et  seq.; 
defeat  of,  ii.  291 ;  app't'd  sec  of  the 
treasury,  iL  294. 

Smith,  Gen.  Kirby,  suppresses  insur- 
rection, iL  355;  surrender  of,  iL 
475. 

Smith,  Mayor  J.  P.,  biog.  of,  ii.  574. 

Smith,  Capt.  J.  W.,  at  battle  S.  An- 
tonio, iL  182;  enters  the  Alamo,  iL 
209. 

Smith,  M.  W.,  mention  of,  iL  171. 

Smith,  Capt.  T.  I.,  'Archive  war,'  ii. 
354.      . 


INDEX 


807 


Smuggling,  Texas,  1831,  n.  117-18; 
Anahnac,  guard  attacked,  ii.  156. 

Snively,  ColJacob,  disaster  of,  ii.  371. 

Sobaipuris,  uprising  of,  1701,  i.  504. 

Society,  Texas,  pop.,  1844-7,  IL  390; 
crime,  ii.  391;  amusements,  etc.,  ii. 
392;  ^literacy,  etc,  ii.  303;  condi- 
tion of,  1864-6,  ii.  472;  1865-6,  ii. 
4S0;  1866-88,  iL  530  et  seq. :  hospi- 
tality, ii  533;  benevolent  institu- 
tions, iL  637. 

Soils,  eastern  Texas,  ii.  651;  south,  ii. 
552;  central,  ii.  553;  north,  ii.  553; 
-western,  ii.  554;  'panhandle'  of 
Texas,  ii.  555. 

Soldiers,  land  grants  to,  iL  217. 

Soledad,  founding  of,  1791,  L  771. 

Solis,  Lieut  A.,  outrages  of,  1696»  L 
260-1;  ezped.  of,  1696,  L  272. 

Somerville,  A.,  mention  of,  iL  160. 

Somerville,  murder  of,  iL  443. 

Somerville,  Gen.,  mention  of,  iL  263; 
at  council  of  war,  ii.  258;  operations, 
etc.,  of,  iL  359;  biog.  and  death  of, 
ii.  361. 

Sonoita,  Sedelmair  visits,  1743,  i.  636; 
attacked  by  Pimas,  1751,  L  544. 

Sonora,  name,  L  204-6,  241;  map  of, 
L  208,  600,  703;  new  map  of,  ii.  600; 
missions  of,  1645,  L  236;  Jesuits  in, 
1650-1700,  i.  242-50;  scpar.  from 
Sinaloa,  1693,  i.  255;  Ind.  revolt  in, 
i  255-6;  mission  affairs  in,  1701-30, 
i  512-16;  1767-1800,  i.  704-10; 
Indian  raids,  etc.,  in,  i.  694-702, 
714-18;  govs,  etc.,  of,  1763-1800,  L 
710-12;  see  of,  establ'd,  1781,  i  712; 
church  affairs  in,  1770-1800,  L  712- 
13;  progress  and  events,  1800-1830, 
ii.  628  et  seq.;  new  constitution, 
1820,  ii.  635;  Bei)aration  from  Sina- 
loa, etc,  1823,  iL  637;  division  of, 
boundaries,  etc,  1827-30,  iL  644-6. 
made  a  sub.  dept,  1853,  iL  681;  rev- 
enue of,  iL  741;  education  in,  iL 
747;  mininff  riches  of,  ii.  754. 

Sosa,  G.  O.  ae,  exped.  of,  1590-1,  L 
128;  arrest  of,  L  128. 

Sotelo  y  Figueroa,  Father  M.  M., 
mention  o^  L  472. 

Soto,  H.  de,  exped.  of,  i  382. 

Soto,  P.  de,  with  Barriga's  exped., 
1644,  i.  182. 

Soto  La  Marina,  capture  of,  1817,  iL 
37. 

South  Carolina,  secession  resolutions, 
ii.  4£9. 

Spain,  war  with  France,  1719,  L  618; 
hostility  to  Americans,  iL  1 1  et  seq. ; 
loyalty  to,  iL  585. 


Spaniards,  laws  against,  1827-9,  iL 
93;  edict  expellmg,  Son.  and  Sin., 
1828,  ii.  643. 

Sparks,  John,  biog.  of,  iL  661. 

Spilberg,  G.,  voyage  of,  1615,  L  166- 
7. 

Staples,  Stephen,  mention  of,  ii  97. 

Stapp,  W.  P.,  release  of,  iL  370. 

State    convention,    Texas,    1868,   ii 

494r^. 

State  troops,  Texas,  conscription  dL 
iL  470-1. 

St  Denis.  L.,  exped.  of,  1705,  L  609; 
1713»  1.  610-16;  charges  against, 
etc.,  L  616-17;  in  command  at 
Natchitoches,  1721,  i.  625;  meeting 
with  Aguayo,  L  626;  correspond, 
with  Sandoval,  1736,  L  636-7. 

Steele,  William,  mention  of,  ii.  618. 

Steiger,  Father  P.  G.,  mission  to  Pi- 
merla,  1733,  L  524. 

Steiner,  Dr,  mention  of,  iL  638. 

Stephens,  Samuel,  death  of,  iL  410L 

Stewart,  C.  B.,  mention  of,  iL  160. 

Stiles,  Washington,  testimony  of,  ii 

161.         7^ 

Stockdale,  Lieut-gov.  F.  S.,  inauga- 
ration  of,  1863,  li.  466. 

Stock-raising,  Texas,  ii.  669-64;  cat- 
tle, ii.  560;  diseases,  ii.  562;  quar- 
antines, ii.  562-^;  sheep,  horses, 
etc.,  663-4;  N.  Mex.  states,  ii 
750-1. 

Stone,  C.  P.,  organizes  Jecker's  mir» 
veying  exped.,  iL  695. 

Street,  J.  Kt,  biog.  of,  iL  578. 

Stuart,  Dr  D.  F.,  biog.  of,  ii.  767-8. 

Stuart,  Hamilton,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 

Suaquis,  Sinaloan  tribe,  subjugation 
of,  1600-1,  L  210-12;  outbreak,  etc, 
1766,  L  667-8. 

Suarez,  Oapt.,  the  Tepehuane  revolt^ 
1615-17,  L  324. 

Supreme  court,  Sonora,  and  Sinaloa. 
1826,  iL  638. 

Surveys,  geol.  and  agric,  ii.  664. 

Swain,  J.  VV.,  biog.  of,  ii.  677. 

Swan,  Capt,  voyage  of,  1686,  i  194. 

Sweitzer's  regiment^  annihilation  of, 
ii467. 

Swisher,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  iL  186. 

Swisher,  John  M.,  Texas  auditor,  iL 
403. 

Sylvester,  capture  of  Santa  Anna,  ii 
264. 

T 

Tabasco,  revolt  of,  ii.  351. 
Tagle,  P.  A.  S.  de,  bishop  of  Duxaqgow 
1749-67,  i  694. 


808 


INDEX. 


Tajo  mine,  discovery  of,  1655,  i.  238. 
Tauiarad,  Father  K.,  mention  of,   i. 

437-8;  labors  in  Baja  Cal.,  1718,  L 

446;  murder  of,  1734,  i.  458. 
Tamaron,  Biahop  P.,  report,  eto.,  of, 

L  562-4;  bishop  of  Durango,  1758- 

68,  L   594r-6;  report  of,  I  695-8; 

correspondence,  etc.,  of,  1767-8,  i. 

704-5. 
Tamotchala,  town,  capture  of,  1535, 

i.  56. 
Tampico,  tragedy  at,  ii  189. 
Tapaoohores,    church  disaster  at,  ii. 


Tapia,  Father,  missionary  labors  of, 

1592-4,  L  121;  martyrdcHn  of,  1594^ 

i  121-2. 
Tapia,  denl  A.  L.,  sucoeeds  Miranda, 

etc.,  ii  738. 
Tapiz,  P.,  bishop  of  Dnrango,  1713- 

22,  i.  594. 
Taraiiumara,  missionary  labors,  etc., 

in,    1607-30,   i    333-4;  1639-48,   i. 

346-8;  revolt  in,  1649-51,  i.  352-8; 

1652,  i  358-60;  mission  aflGura  in, 

L  361-3. 
Taraval,  Father  S.,  works  of,  i.  455; 

in  charge  at  Purfsima,  1730,  i.  455; 

at  San  Ignacio,  1732,  L  456;  ezplor. 

of,  1732-3,  L  456;  founds  Las  Pal- 

mas  mission.  L  457;  escape  of,  1734, 

i.  458-9. 
Tarda,  Father,  mention  of,  i.  366-7. 
Tarlton,  Col,  mention  of,  ii.  244. 
Taxicora,  Cacique,  capture,  etc,  of, 

1601,  i.  211;  execution  of,  212. 
Taylor,  Gen'l,  movements  of,  iL  394; 

battle  of  Monterey,  ii.  395-6. 
Tays,  Lieut  J.  B.,  battle  against  riot- 
ers, ii.  520. 
Teal,   Capt  Henry,  commissioner  to 

Filiaola,  ii.  270;  commiB.  to  Mexico, 

ii.  282. 
Tecuchuapa,  disturbance  in,  i.  316. 
Tehuecos,   Sinaloan  tribe,  revolt  of, 

1611-12,  i.  219-20. 
Tello,  Father  T.,  at  Caborca,  1750,  i. 

543;  murder  of,  1751,  i.  544. 
Tellez,  Col,   defeats    Romero,    etc., 

1846,  ii  669. 
Tellez,  M.,  comandante  at  San  Felipe, 

1585,  i.  114. 
Temoris,   Sinaloan  tribe,  submission 

of,  i.  248. 
Tempis,  Father  A.,  death  of,  1746,  i. 

462;  biog.,  i.  462. 
Templeton,  J.  D.,  biog.  of,  ii.  768. 
Tenerapa,   Tepehuanes    defeated  at, 

1617,  i.  326. 
Tenorio,  Capt.,  mention  of,  uL  156. 


Tenorio,  A.  de  C,  with  Ortega's  ex- 
ped.,  1632,  L  171. 

Tepahue,  Uurdaide's  ezped.  to^  1612- 
13,  i.  220-1. 

Tepehnane,  district^  extent  o^  L 
309;  descript.  of,  L  319-20;  revolt 
in,  1616-17,  i.  320-9;  1638,  L  331-2; 
missionary  labors  in,  i  331;  mi»- 
sionmattersin,  1644-68,  L  344-^. 

Tepocas,  Jesuits  among,  1709,  i.  51 1. 

Teporaca,  Cacique,  the  Tarahumare 
revolts,  1649-52,  iL  356-8;  execu- 
tion of,  1652,  i.  360. 

Teran,  Gien.,  campaign,  etc.,  of,  1695, 
i.  272. 

Teran,  D.,  comandante  of  Santiago 
de  Monclova,  etc.,  L  376;  expcS. 
of,  1691-2,  i  416-18;  <  Descripcion 
y  Diaria/  L  416. 

Terrazas,  Genl  Luis,  gov.  Chih,  1861, 
xL  619;  reinstated,  1864,  iL  621; 
rule  of,  1879-84,  ii  625. 

Terrenate,  presidio  founded  at,  etc., 
1741^,  i  528-^3a 

Teirerofi,  Father  A.  C,  exped.  of, 
1757,  i  644;  the  massacre  at  San 
Sab4,  1758,  i  645-8. 

Terreros,  P.  B%  de,  contributions  oi^ 
1756,  i  644. 

Terrill,  Prof.  L  M.,  biog.  of,  ii  545. 

Texas,  explorations,  etc,  of,  1528- 
1693,  i  380-419;  maps  of,  i  381, 
615;  name,  i  392;  gov^sof,  1702-26, 
i  604;  French  claims  to,  1712,  i 
609-10;  St  Denis'  exped.,  1705,  i 
609;  Ramon's,  1716,  i  612-16; 
French  invasion  of,  1719-20,  i  618- 
22;  Aguayo's  exped.,  1720-2,  622-9; 
Gov.  Almazan's  rule,  1722-6,  i 
630-2;  Mediavilla's,  1726-30,  i 
632-4;  Rivera's  rept.  on,  1729,  i. 
63a-4;  Gov.  Bustillo's  rule.  1730-3, 
i.  634^;  Sandoval's,  1734-6,  i  636- 
7;  Apache  raids,  etc,  in  1730-4,  i 
635-6;  1760-1,  i  650;  Gov.  Fran- 
quis*  rule,  1736-7,  i  637-8;  Oro- 
bio's,  1737-40,  i  638-9;  Wintuisen's, 
T.  F.,  1741-3,  i  639;  Bonco's  1743, 
i  639;  Lario's.  1743-8,  i  639; 
Junco's,  1748-50,  i  639;  Barrios', 
1751-60,  i  639,  643;  mission  a&irs 
in,  i  639-42,  653-69;  the  boundary 
question,  i.  636-7,  643^;  contra- 
band trade  in,  i  643;  the  Comanche 
outbreak,  etc,  1758,  i  645-9;  Gov. 
Martos*  rule,  1760-7,  i  649,  652; 
Oconnor's  1767-70,  i  652;  popula- 
tion, i  657,  1805-7,  ii  2;  1830,  ii 
76;  1860-88,  ii.  529;  Gov.  Cabel- 
lo's  rule,  1778-81,  i.  660,  668;  Pa- 


INDEX. 


809 


checo's,  1789-90,  i.  669;  claimed 
by  the  U.  S.,  ii.  1-16;  LoaieUna 
boundary  dispute,  ii.  9-11;  treaty, 
1819,  ii.  45-7;  military  force  in- 
creased, 180u,  iL  11;  Salcedo  made 
gov.  of,  1810,  il  17;  condition  of, 
1821,  iL  52;  foreign  ooloniste,  1819, 
ii.  55;  Austin's  colony,  ii  56  et 
seq.;  colonization  law,  1825,  ii.  70; 
slavery  decrees,  1827-9,  ii  90-3; 
agitatioD  on,  ii.  423  et  seq. ;  admin- 
ist.  of  justice,  1827-9,  ii  94-5;  ed- 
ucation, 1811-30,  ii  95-6;  religion, 
1831,  ii.  98;  revolt,  1826,  ii  106  et 
■eq.;  Mexican  oppression,  ii  111 
et  seq. ;  changes  m  laws  for  1830, 
ii  114;  military  despotism,  1830, 
ii  115;  martial  law,  1832,  ii  119; 
Coah.  separation  discussed,  ii  130 
et  seq.;  colonization  decree,  1832, 
ii  132;  state  convention,  1832-3, 
ii  132-3;  constitution,  ii  133;  gov't 
measures  for,  1833,  ii  137;  decree 
for 'supreme  court,  etc.,  1834,  ii 
144;  land  frauds,  1835,  ii  149; 
Coah.  state  authorities  deposed,  ii. 
154-5;  committees  of  vig.  and 
safety  formed,  ii.  155;  bill  of  rights, 
ii  172;  provis.  gov't,  1835,  ii  173; 
polit.  affairs  of,  1835,  ii  190  et  seq. ; 
public  domain,  ii  191;  breach  be- 
tween coimcil  and  gov.,  ii  193; 
apathy  of,  1836,  ii.  201;  finances  of, 
ii  202;  1870,  ii  505;  1874-5,  u. 
513;  1879,  ii  522;  debt  of,  ii  399; 
debt,  1850,  ii  401-2;  liquidation 
of  debt,  ii.  412  et  seq. ;  school  fund, 
1852-61,  ii  416;  revenue,  1852-8, 
ii.  415;  independence  declared,  ii. 
215  etseq.;  signers  of  Ust,  ii  216; 
recognized,  ii  301,  338-40;  con- 
stitution adopted,  1836,  ii.  218; 
seat  of  gov't  at  Harrisburg,  ii.  238; 
at  Galveston,  ii.  268;  statistics  of 
1836,  ii.  285;  elections,  1836,  ii.  291; 
1841,  ii.  341;  1844,  ii  378;  1849,  ii 
398;  prospects  of,  1838,  ii.  310; 
boundary  with  N,  Mex.,  ii.  332, 
398;  capital  moved  to  Austin,  1839, 
ii  337;  foreign  relations,  1838-42, 
ii  338-40;  navy  operations,  1842, 
ii  350  et  seq.;  second  invasion  of, 
ii  357  et  seq.;  annexation  to  U.  S., 
ii.  382;  volunteers  of,  in  Mex.  war, 
ii.  394  et  seq.;  Santa  F^  exped., 
1841,  ii  333  etseq.;  claims  against, 
1847-51,  ii  403;  aeceaaion,  424  et 
seq.;  prosperity  of,  18i58-9,  ii.  426; 
adopts  confederate  constitution,  ii. 
439;  reconstruction,  1865-6,  ii  478 


et  seq.;  state  constitution,  1866,  ii 
482;  restoration  to  statehood,  ii  501- 
2;  political  vicissitudes  of,  ii  526-7; 
progress  of,  ii  528-9;  editorial  and 
press  association,  ii  550. 

Texas  K  R.  Navig.  &  Bankixig  Co., 
act  to  incorporate,  ii.  296. 

Thompson,  capture  of  Santa  Anna, 
ii.  264. 

Thompson,  Capt,  desertion,  etc.,  of, 
ii.  303. 

Thompson,  A.  P.,  mention  of,  ii  549. 

Thompson,  Alexander,  mention  of, 
ii.  172. 

Thompson,  J.  M.  K.,  execution  of,  ii. 
368. 

Thompson,  Capt.  T.  M.,  outrages,  etc., 
of,  li  161-2. 

Thrali  H.  S.,  'A  Pictorial  History 
of  Texas,' ii.  386. 

Throckmorton,  Gor.  J.  W.,  pres. 
state  conven.,  ii  482;  elected  gov., 
biog.,  etc.,  ii  483;  message  of, 
1866,  ii.  483  et  seq.;  disagreement 
with  Gen.  Griffin,  ii.  490;  removal 
of,  ii.  491;  final  report,  ii.  491; 
biog.  of,  ii.  765. 

'  Ticson, '  schooner,  ii.  118. 

Tiguex,  Province,  Coronado's  exped., 
m,  1540-1,  i  85. 

Tobar,  Capt.,  exped.  to  Tusayan, 
1540,  i  85;  at  San  Gerdnimo,  etc., 
i  89. 

Tobar,  Father  H.  de,  murder  of,  1616, 
i  322. 

Tobar,  P.,  comandante  at  San  Felipe, 
i  115. 

Tobin,  Capt.,  mention  of,  445;  opera- 
tions against  Cortina,  ii.  447-8. 

Tobosoe,  raids  of  the,  1644-5,  i  348- 
51. 

Todd,  Geo.  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  565. 

Todos  Santos,  see  Knsenada. 

Toledo,  JoB^  A.  de,  biog.,  etc.,  of,  ii 
26;  defeat  of,  1813,  ii  28-9. 

Tolosa,  J.  de,  exped.  to  Zacatecas, 
1546-8,  i  99. 

Tolsa,  General,  mention  of,  ii  203; 
reenforees  Sesma,  ii.  247;  ratifies 
Texas  treaty,  ii.  270. 

Tonty,  H.  de,  exped.  of,  1688-9,  i 
412. 

Topia,  Province,  Ibarra  in,  156.^4,  i. 
105-7;  extent  of,  i.  309;  subjuga- 
tion of,  1601-14.  i.  313-19;  extent 
of,  i  316;  conversions  in,  i  316; 
missions,  etc.,  io,  i  340-1. 

Tomel,  Mex.  sec.  of  war,  orders  to 
Filisola,  ii.  279-80. 

Torre,  D.  P.   de  la,   gov.    of  Nueva 


810 


INDEX. 


Galicia,  etc,  1536^  i  71;  death  of, 

1538,  L  71. 
Torre,  J.    de  la,  ezped.  to  Nayarit^ 

1721,  i.  618. 
Torres,  J.  A.,  leader  of  aprising,  1810, 

u.  630. 
Torres,    Gov.  LuIb,   saooeeda  Seroa, 

etc.,  ii.  703. 
Torrey,  James  N.,   execution  of,  ii. 

368. 
Tortolero^     Capt.     L.,    Salvatierra's 

exped.  to  CaL,  1607-9,  L  284,  288- 

97. 
Townley,  Capt.,  voyage  of,  1685,  i 

194. 
Towns,    Coah.   and    Tex.,  gov't  of, 

1810,  u.  78-9. 
Trade,  see  Commerce. 
Trahem,  mention  of,  iL  366, 
Travis,  Col  W.  B.,  cai)ture  of,  1832, 

ii.   119;  release   of,    ii.    124;  arrest 

ordered,  July,   1885,  iL  161;  at  S. 

Felipe,  ii.  195;    reinforcement  of, 

ii  202;  carelessness  o^ii  207;  ap- 
peal of,  ii.  208;  death  of,  ii.  211. 
Treasurer,  Texas,  deficit  of,  ii.  509. 
Treaty  of  peace,  Mex.  and  U.  S.,  ii. 

612. 
Trejo,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Kneva  Vizcaya, 

1577-83,  i.  112-13. 
*  Tremont,*  Amer.  brig.,  ii.  161. 
Tresierra  y  Cano,  A.,  intendente  go- 

bemador  of  Anzpe,  1793,  i  712. 
Tresino,   Manuel,  mention  of,  ii  445. 
Trias,  Gov.  Angel,  installation  of,  ii. 

602;    succeed    Irigoyen,    ii    605; 

surrender  of,   ii    611-12;   deposes 

Cordero,  ii.  617;  remoiva],  etc,  of, 

ii.  625. 
Tristan,  Provincial  A.  F.,  'Informe,' 

i.  687. 
Tristan,  £.  L.  de,  bishop  of  Durango, 

etc.,  1786,  i  684-5. 
Troutman,  Miss,  mention  of,  ii.  296. 
Tubao,  presidio  of  founded,   1752,  i 

554. 
Tubares,  Sinaloan  tribe,  revolt,  etc, 

of,  1681-4,  i  248  9. 
Tubutama,  Indian  outbreak  at,  1695, 

i  260-1. 
Tuiion  y  Quires,  Capt.  G.  A.,  coman- 

dante  at  San  Felipe,  1712-24,  i  516- 

17;  charges  against,  i.  516;  Apache 

raids,  i  516-17. 
Tunstall,    W.   V.,   sec.   state  con  v., 

1868,  ii  495. 
Turnbull,    James,  exeontion   of,   ii 

368. 
Turner,  Col  Amasa,   mention  o^  ii 

244. 


Turrill,  C.  B.,  mention  of,  ii  735. 
Tiirsch,  Father  I.,  mention  of,  i  473L 
Tatije,  Apache  chief,  execution  of,  ii 

654. 
Tutifio,  Padre  A.,  mission  to  Topi% 

1602,  i  316. 
Twiggs,  General,  mureadat,  eto.,  ci, 

ii  437. 


U^lde,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Coahuila,  1778^ 
1.  604;  comandante  genlof  Provin- 
cias  Intemas  del  Oriente,  etc, 
1787,  i  674;  defeats  Apaches,  etc, 
1790,  i  669. 

(Tgarte,  Commandant^  removes  Man- 
terde,  ii.  602. 

Ugarte,  Father,  explor.  of,  1521,  i. 
508-9;  labors  of,  i  511. 

Ugarte,  Father  J.  de,  aids  Salvatiena, 
1697-8,  i  279-80,  298;  labors,  etc, 
in  Baja  CaL,  1701-9,  i  422-35; 
biog.,  i  422;  exped.  of,  1721,  i 
450-1;  death,  1730,  i  456;  charac- 
ter, i  456. 

Ugarte  y  Loyola,  J.,  gov.  of  Coahuila, 
1.  604;  comandante  gen.  of  Provin- 
cias  Intemas,  1785,  i.  673-4. 

Ugartechea,  Col,  mention  of,  ii  116; 
tMbttle  at  Velasco,  ii  122;  address 
to  Texans,  1835,  ii  157;  order  to 
alcaldes,  1835,  ii  161;  demand  for 
cannon,  ii  165;  orders  to  polite 
chief,  ii  171;  at  battle  S.  Antonio^ 
iil85. 

Ulloa,  F.  de,  exped.  of,  1539,  i  7a 

UUoa,  P.  de,  mission  to  Corti^^  1538^ 
149-50. 

*  Uncle  Ben,'  victory  of,  ii  459. 

Unionists,  Texas,  victory  of,  1859,  ii 
426-7;  murders  of,  m  Texas,  ii 
458;  maltreatment  of  1865-^  ii 
480. 

United  States,  claims  to  Texas,  ii  1- 
16;  boundary  troubles  with  Spain, 
1805,  ii.  10  et  seq.;  boundary  in> 
trigues  of,  ii  88;  influence  in  Texas 
affairs,  1835,  ii  158-9;  aid  to  Texas, 
1835,  ii  170-1;  neutrality,  etc.,  of, 
ii.  285;  occupation  of  Texas  terri- 
tory, ii  286;  recognizes  independ- 
ence of  Texas,  ii  301;  annexation 
of  Texas  rejected,  ii  342;  annexa- 
tion, ii  382-3;  jealousy  of  Great 
Britain,  etc,  184^  ii  374;  threat  of 
Mex.,  etc.,  1842,  ii  376;  purch&« 
of  Texas  Santa  Fe  dairn,  n.  400-3; 
menaces  the  French,  1864,  ii.  622. 

United  States  volunteers,  in  Texan 


INDEX. 


811 


war,  disgast  at  inaction,  at  S.  An- 
tonio,  ii.  179;  restlessness  o^  iL 
195;  indaoements  to,  ii.  294-5. 

Universities,  Texas,  list  of,  ii.  546; 
Texas  state  university,  ii  545. 

Urdaneta^  A.  de,  exped.  to  the  Phil- 
ippines, 1564r-5y  i.  137-9;  death  of, 
lo68,  i.  139. 

Urdifiola,  Gov.  P.,  gov.  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  1602-11,  L  906;  revolt  of 
the  Acaxees,  1601-2,  i.  314-16;  sub- 
dues the  Xiximes,  1610,  i.  318-19. 

Ures,  French  capture  of,  ii  697. 

Urrea*8  campaign,  map,  iL  228. 

Urrea,  B.  de,  correap.  with  Gov. 
Pineda,  1767,  i.  669. 

Urrea,  Gen.  Jose,  mention  of,  ii.  204; 
defeats  Grant  and  Johnson,  ii.  220- 
2;  defeats  Fannin,  ii.  227-33;  Santa 
Anna's  orders  to,  ii.  248;  succeeds 
Filisola,  ii.  281;  supports  Pedraza, 
1832,  ii.  590;  nromotion  of,  ii.  593; 

froclaims    feaeral    system,     etc., 
837-8,  ii.  656;  defeat  at  Mazatlan, 
ii.  658;  defeats  Gandara,   ii.  659; 
reappointment  of,  1842;  ii.  660;  de- 
feat of,  ii.  662-3. 
Urrea,  M.,  gefe  politico,  iL  586. 


Vaca,  Gapt.  A.,  exped.  of,  1634^  L 
385. 

Vaca,  A.  N.  C.  de,  treasurer,  etc.,  of 
Narvaez'  exped.,  1528,  i.  60;  ad- 
ventures of,  L  60-70;  'Relacion,' 
L  62;  map  of  route,  L  67;  further 
career,  L  70. 

Vaca,  C.  de,  crosses  Texas,  1535,  i. 
380-1. 

Vacapa,  town,  Niza's  exped.  at,  1539, 
L  75-6. 

Valdes,  J.,  revolt  of  suppressed,  1880, 
iL  625-6. 

Valdes,  L.,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
1639-40,  L  306;  1642-8,  L  337;  the 
Toboso  outbreak,  etc,  1644-5,  L 
350. 

Valdez,  Pedro,  defeats  Vega,  iL  695. 

Valdivar,  exploration,  etc.,  of,  1540, 
i.  83-4. 

Valle,  Father  A.  del,  the  Tepehuane 
revolt,  1616-17,  L  327. 

Valle,  Bishop  J.  del,  visit  to  Sinaloa, 
1610,  L  219. 

Valle,  Santiago  de,  councillor,  ii.  86. 

Valle  de  Banderas,  name,  i.  15. 

Valenzuela,  E.  C.  de,  with  Ortega's 
exped.,  1632,  L  171. 

Valverde,  battle  of,  iL  452. 


Vancouver,  G.,  voyages  of,  1792-4,  L 

772. 
Vandersipe,  Father,  death  of,  1651, 

L242. 
Van  Dom,  Maj.  Earle,  capture  of 

Sibley,  etc.,  ii.  437. 
Van  Nostrand,  J.,  mention  of,  iL  537. 
Van  Zandt,  Texas  charg^  d*  a£faires, 

ii.  374. 
Van  Zandt,  Isaac,  biog.  of,  ii.  576-7. 
Van  Zandt,   K.   M.,  mention  of,  iL 

677. 
Van  Zandt,  Dr  L,  mention  of,  ii.  577. 
Vara,  Col,   captures  Miller's  volun- 
teers, iL  233-4. 
Varohios,  Sinaloan  tribe,  submission 

of,  L  248. 
Varona,  Capt  G.  S.,  exped.  of,  1691. 

L417. 
Vasquez,  Genl  R.,  defeat  of,  ii.  331; 

capture   of    S.   Antonio,    1842,   iL 

348. 
Vega,    Genl,    schemes  of,   1868,  iL 

700-1. 
Vega,  Gov.  F.  de  la,  Valdez  defeats, 

ii.  695. 
Vega,   Father  R.  de,   with  Ortega's 

exped.,  1636,  L  174-5. 
Vega,    S.   L.    de  la,   comandante    of 

Sonora,  1644,   i.   233;  death  of,  L 

233. 
Vehlein,  Joseph,  colony  grant,  iL  74, 

110. 
Velarde,  Father  L.,  eulogy  of  Kino, 

L  505-6;  Campos'  explor.,  1715,  L 

607. 
Velasco,  Viceroy,  contract  with  Viz- 
caino, 1594,  L  147. 
Velasco,  D.  F.  de,  ffov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 

caya»  1596,  L  113. 
Velasco,    Fiscal,    report  on    Texan 

affairs,  1716,  L  616-17. 
Velasco,  H.   de,  gov.   of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya, 1630,  i.  306. 
Velasco,  Father,  mission  to  Sinaloa, 

1600-9,  i.  209-15. 
Velasco,  Father  J.   B.,  labors  of,  L 

222;  death  of,  1612,  L  222;  biog.,  L 

222. 
Velasco,  Father  P.,  death  of,  1649,  L 

234. 
Velasco  y  Altamirano,  G.  de  L.,  bish- 
op of  Guadiana,  1692-1700,  i.   339. 
Velasquez,   F.,  captures  Tamotchala, 

1533,  L  66. 
Velasquez,  J.,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 

1784-6,  i.  676-8. 
'Velocity,*  surrender  of,  ii.  459. 
*  Vencedor  del  Alamo, '  cai)ture  of  the 
*  Independence,'  ii.  284. 


812 


INDEX. 


Venegas,  Viceroy,   aid    to   Saloedo, 

1813,  ii.  22. 
Veuegas,   Father,   map  d,   1757,   L 

471. 
Venegas,  M.,  'Notida  de  la  Califor- 
nia,' i.  281-2. 
Ventura,  Father  L.,  at  Loreto,  1757, 

i.  470;  mention  of,  i.  473. 
Vera,  Father  F.,  with  Urdinola*B  ex- 

ped.,  1610,  i.  318. 
VertUtegui,  A-  M.  de,  with  Otcmdo  s 

exped.,  1683,  i.  187. 
Verdugo,  Gov,  P.,  proclaims  for  lib- 

eraU,  1856,  ii.  695. 
Vermillion,  capture  of  Santa  Anna, 

ii.  264. 
Vertiz  y  Ontafion,  J.   F.   de,  gov,  of 

Nueva  Vizcaya,  1737,  i.  581. 
Veterans,  Texas,  pensions  to,  ii.  614. 
Victoria,     town,     founded,     ii.    110; 

Comanche  attack  on,  iL  325. 
Victoria,  Tam.,  state  ^ov*t  at,  ii.  330. 
Victoria,  Oen'l,  mention  of,  ii.  340. 
Victoria,    Lieut-col  M.,  app't'd  sub. 

jefe  politico,  1829,  ii.  710. 
Vidal,  Lieut-col,  defeat  of,  ii.  606-7. 
Vidaurri,    Francisco,     decreed    gov- 
ernor,  1834,   il    143;  overtures  to 

Texas,  ii.  327. 
Viesca,    Gov.    Agnstin,    election    of, 

1835,    iL    146;  arrest,   etc.,   of,   ii 

154-5;  address  to  Texans,  ii.  158. 
Viesca,  Jos^  M.,  elected  gov.,  ii.  86. 
Vda,  v.,  exped.  toAltaCal.,  1769,  L 

489. 
Vildosola,   Don  A.,   gov.   of  Sinaloa 

and  Sonora,  I  628;  rule,  IHIS.  I 

528-31. 
Vildosola,   Capt.   G.,  expeds.  against 

Apaches,  1756,  L  557;  1758,  L  558; 

1766,  i.  559. 
Villaescusa,Col.,  surrender  at  Rosario, 

1810,  ii.    631;  defeats  Hermosiilo, 

1811,  ii.  6.32. 

Villafafle,  Father,  death  of,  1634,  L 
231;  biog.,  i.  231. 

Villagian,  victory  at  Parral,  1864,  ii. 
622;  sub.  prefect,  driven  out,  etc., 
ii.  738. 

Villalobos,  R.  L.  de,  exped.  of,  1542, 
i  137. 

\illalta.  Father  C.  de,  mission  to  Sin- 
aloa, 1604,  L  212-14;  labors  of, 
1612,  L  221;  missionary  labors  of, 
1621,  i.  225-^;  death  of,  1623,  i. 
226. 

Villapuente,  Marquis,  donations  of, 
1702,  i.  426. 

Villa  Seftor  y  Sanchez,  works  cf,  i. 
466,  530-L 


Villavicencio,  J.  J.,  wrrks  of,  i.  46& 
Vmce  o  briuge.  Deal  buubh  diestrova. 

u.  259. 
Viticulture,  Texas,  ii.  558. 
Vivero,  R.  de,  gov.  of  ^ueva  Vizcaya, 

1601-2;  i  300. 
Vizcaino,   S.,  exped.  to  Lower  CaL, 

1597,  i.   147-51;  1602-^3,  L   153-4iO; 

map  of,    1603,    i    156;    voyage  to 

Japan,  L  162^ 

W 

Wagner,  Father  J.,  attempted  mur- 
der of.  i.  461;  death  of,  1744,  i.  462. 

Wainwright,  Commander,  death  ol, 
ii.  466. 

Walker,  .Senator,  resolution  of,  ii. 
302. 

Walker,  S.  A.,  battle  of  Monterey, 
ii.  396-7. 

Walker,  S.  H.,  escape  of.  etc.,  iL  366. 

Walker,  W.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  4a 

Walker,  William,  filibustenng  exped. 
to  L.  Cal.,  iL  682,  720  et  aeq.; 
appearance  of,  ii.  721;  operations 
in  S.  F.,  ii.  722,  724;  reenfozt»- 
ments  of  and  defeat,  etc.,  iL  723. 

Wallace,  Lieut-coL  J.  W.  £.,  election 
of,  ii.  166. 

Waller,  Edwin,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Waller,  J.  R.,  mention  of,  ii.  4ia 

Wal^h,  W.  C.,  land  commissioner, 
1878,  ii.  622. 

War  party,  Texas,  agitations  of, 
1835,  iL  156-9. 

War  of  the  Regulators  and  Modera- 
tors, 1842,  iL  354. 

Ward,  Major,  elected  lieut-ool,  iL 
219;  with  King,  etc,  iL  222-4; 
death  of,  iL  235. 

AVard,  Col  T.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  554. 

Ward,  Genl  T.  N.,  biog.  of,  iL  765. 

Ward,  Dewey  &  Co  ,  mention  of,  iL 
535. 

Washington,  Lewis,  mention  of,  iL 
296. 

Webb,  James,  commiss.  to  Mex.,  iL 
340. 

Webb,  W.  K,  mention  of,  iL  735. 

Welle?,  E.  T.,  pres.  LandCa,  ii,  735. 

Welles,  Col  T.  G.,  mention  of,  iL  735. 

Wells,  Major,  battle  San  Jacinto,  iL 
258. 

West,  Claiborne,  mention  of,  iL  172, 
174. 

Westbrook,  C.  A.,  mention  of,  iL  551. 

Westbrook,  MrsC.  A.,  biog.  of,  ii.7G9. 

Westover,  Capt.,  defeats  Rodriguo^ 
iL  188-9. 


INDEX* 


813 


Whaling,   Henry,   execution  o^  ii 

368. 
*  Wharton, '  on  ooaat  of  Yooatan,  1842, 
iL352. 

Wharton  party,  mention  of,  ii  291. 

Wharton,  J.  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  160, 
162;  draughta  'bill  of  righta,*  u.  172; 
Texas  miiit.  agent,  ii.  192;  men- 
tion of,  ii.  294;  capture  and  escape 
of,  ii.  303;  death  of,  ii.  313. 

Wharton,  W.  H.,  chairman  state 
con  v.,  1833,  ii.  133-4;  app't'd  em- 
bassador to  the  U.  S..  u.  ,173-4; 
appeal  of  in  aid  of  Texas,  ii.  284; 
return  of,  ii.  299;  ministef  to  the 
U.  S.,  ii.  294;  capture  and  escape 
of,  ii.  303. 

Wheat,  Texas,  ii.  557. 

Whistler,  GoL,  occupies  Nacogdoches, 
ii.  287. 

Whitaker,  William,  mention  of,  ii. 
171. 

Whiting,  Samuel,  mention  of,  ii.  S50. 

Whitmore,  G.  W.,  representative 
1869,  ii.  498. 

Wilie,  T.,  Indian  massacre  of,  ii.  410. 

Williams,  arrest  ordered,  ii.  161. 

Williams,  equips  Texas  schooners,  ii. 
271. 

Williams,  S.  M.,  oommis.  to  Mex., 
1842,  ii.  375. 

Williamson,  R.  M.,  arrest  ordered,  ii. 
161;  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Willis,  R.  S.,  biog.  of,  ii.  765-6. 

Wilson,  Charles,  mention  of,  ii.  172, 
174. 

Wilson,  Robert,  defeat  of,  il  313. 

Wing,  M.  C,  execution  of,  ii  868. 

Wintuisen,  T.  F.,  gov.  of  Texas, 
1741-3,  i.  639. 

Woll,  General,  force,  etc.,  of.  ii.  244; 
despatch  to  Houston,  ii.  267;  cap- 1 
tures  S.    Antonio,    ii.   357;  media-  . 
tion  Mex.   &  Texas,  1842,  ii   375; 
manifesto  of,  ii.  378. 

Wood,  Gov.  Geo.  T.,  inauguration  of, 
ii  397;  threat  against  New  Mex., 
1848,  ii.  398;  defeat  of  election, 
18o3,  ii  405. 

Wood,  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 
•  Woodbury,  John  L.,  coal  mine  priv- 
ileges of,  ii.  97. 

Wondridge,  A.  P.,  mention  of,  ii. 
546. 

Woods,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Wooten,  T.  D.,  mention  of,  ii  546. 

Worth,  Genl,  battle  of  Monterey,  ii. 
395-6. 

Wytaiet-Ptolemy,  map,   1597,  i  152. 


Xizimes,  submiasioa  of  the,  1607,  i 
317;  uprising  of,  1610,  i  317-18; 
1616.  1.  324;  subjugation  of,  1610- 
11,  i  318-19;  conversion^  eto.»  of, 
1611-14,  i  319. 


Tafies,  Gov.,  appointment  of,  1854, 
ii  681,  696;  outwits  Boulbon,  ii 
686;  victory  of,  ii  688-9;  removal, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  690. 

Yaqui  river,  Guzman's  exped.  on  the, 
1533,  i  67;  Vaca's,  i.  6^-8. 

Yaqnis,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  1533,  i  67; 
war  with  the,  1609,  i  217-18;  sub- 
mission of,  i  213-19;  treaty  with, 
1610,  i  219;  missionaries  among, 
1617-19,  i  224;  conversions  among, 
i  226;  troubles  with,  1764-7,  i. 
666-71;  revolt  of  the,  1740-1,  i 
621-3;  1825,  ii.  639-*3;  1832,  ii 
652;  1867,  ii  701;  1887,  ii  704. 

Yellowstone,  steamboat,  ii.  252. 

Yoakum,  H.,  '  History  of  Texas,*  ii 
384. 

Yorkino  party,  Durango,  ii.  688; 
arrest  of  prom,  members,  ii.  589. 

Young,  Col  Hugh  F.,  mention  of,  ii 
372. 

Young,  Col  W.  C,  capture  of  Fort 
Arbnckle,  ii.  450;  biog.  of,  ii.  661. 

Yucatan,  revolt,  etc.,  of,  ii.  351. 

Yuma,  Kino's  exped.  to,  1700,  i  270- 

Yumas,  Sedelmair  among  the,  1748. 
i  640;  1750,  i  541. 


Zacatecas,  mining  in,  i  97-100;  re- 
bellion of,  ii  163. 

Zacatecas,  City,  founded  1548,  i  97. 

Zacatula,  founding  of,  i.  19. 

Zambrano,  Juan  M.,  counter  revolu- 
tion of,  1812,  ii.  18-19;  mention  of, 
ii.  29. 

21apata,  Col  Antonio,  battle  of  Alcan- 
tro,  ii.  .327-8. 

Zapata,  Father  J.  O.,  report  of,  1678, 
i.  239-40. 

Zapata,  Father  0.,  report  of,  1678,  i 
244-5. 

Zape,  the  Tepehnane  revolt,  1616-17, 
i.  322;  massacre  at,  i.  323. 

Zappa,  Father  J.  B.,  mention  of,  i 
279. 

Zarate,  Padre  G.,  '  Relaciones. ' 


814 


INDEX. 


ii  317;  mention  of,  il  SSl 
Zavtla,    Gov.    Lorenzo    de,    colony 

ffrant  to,  ii  75;  mention  of,  ii.  146; 

biog.,  etc.,  ii.  168;  arrest  ordered, 

ii.  160,  164;  Austin's  reception  of, 

iL  167-8;  mention  of,  ii.  171;  signs 

independence  declaration,   ii.  216; 

elected  vice-pres.    Texas,  ii   218; 

resignation  of,  ii.  292-3;  death  of, 

ii298. 
Zavaleta,    plan    of,    revolt    against 

Sonora,  1833,  ii  665. 


Zayma,  A.  da  Us  C,  intendentegobe^ 

nador  of  Arizpe,  1786-9,  i  712. 
Zerman,  Capt,  seizure  of,  ii.  724. 
Zigarran,  Father  T.,  mnrder  of,  1645, 

1.  349. 
Znbira,  Bishop,  banishment  of,  ii.  592. 
Zulvaga,   Gov  Lnis,  app'tment    and 

removal  of,  ii  602;  night,  etc.,  o^ 

ii  618. 
ZtLfiiga,  Brother  J.   de,  at  La  Paa, 

1633,  i  172. 
Zuz^Lraqoi,  Father,  mention  of,  i  484. 


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